YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 3 9002 06422 8548 '"' ' ''" i ' %ETVE^^ YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY From the Fund Established in Memory of THERON ROCKWELL FIELD 1889 S. Member of the Yak Alumni Board From 1922 until his death in 1940 HISTORY OF TUB Ikklliott m Ijrafotog fat% EAST TENNESSEE. By J. S. HURLBURT. INDIANAPOLIS: 1866. ENTHUSIASTICALLY DEDICATED TO THE UNION PEOPLE OF TENNESSEE AND THEIR POSTEHITY, BY THE AUTHOH. Cc-i.7 Entered accdrding to act of Congress, in the year A. D. 1S66, by J. S. HURLBURT, in the Clerk's Office of the District Conrt of the Uuited States for the District of Indiana. PEEFAOE. The following work, like many other books is forced into existence by circumstances. Regardless of the previous plans, previous and present wishes or present fears of the author, it arbitrarily assumes its present form. A believer in special Providence, he is compelled to accept it as one of the Providential tasks, if not one of the Provi dential afflictions of his life. Having prepared to publish the history of the 9th Indiana, under the present high rates of printing, it was found that upwards of §4,000 were necessary to issue 2,000 copies — a book to be properly illustrated and finished, and to contain 600 pages. Only $1,900 had been con tributed for this purpose. The scheme must therefore be abandoned, ' or some method invented to save it from an entire failure. If the sale of the present work doc.-> not obviate the difficulty, the enterprise will be relinquished aud the subscriptions refunded to all who desire them. The long and heart-rending delay of this work, in ore heart rending to the writer than to all others concerned, is as unavoidable on his part as it is afflicting', and the only present consolation is the hope that the sequel may yet be to some extent an atonement for past disappointment. ********* In regard to the present work, many things suggest themselves that might be said ; but in any case, it is bad taste, bad economy, and in principle very suspicious to re-write a book in its preface. The principles entertained aud views expressed in the following pages, morally, politically and socially, as general laws, are principles and views for which our only regret is that circumstances have militated against their being expressed more pungently and more at length. No person is fit to write upon the subject of- our great rebellion who does not feel that it was at war with every principle of justice, every principle sacred to God and humanity, and that his pen is a two- edged sword put into his hand to wield in defense of his own life and of the life of posterity, as the sword and the musket were wielded at Shiloh and other battle-fields of the war — wielded to the death — by the friends of God and of human rights. The mournful and costly victory in the field has been obtained, but the triumph is lost if the principles for which the bloody ordeal was endured are not, hence forward, unequivocally made the basis of our national action ; and the unequivocal and unobstructed triumph of iy. PREFACE. these principles in the nation cannot be maintained, only as writers and speakers upon the subject write and speak from a corresponding sense of the moral obligation divinely lain upon us as a people, and from an undying sympathy with, and an agonizing remembrance of, the bloody sacrifices which, in the Providence of God, was willingly poured out upon the field in defense of universal liberty and universal justice. The only argument we have for those who think that we have been too severe with rebels, is to ask them to become intimately acquainted with the feelings of those Union people in East Tennessee who were the greatest sufferers — whose bereavements were the most terrible from the rebellion. The trials, sufferings and insults endured, for instance, by the families of Drs. J. G. Brown and Wm. Hunt of Cleve land, and the persecutions and abuses, for instance, heaped upon the family of Gov. Brownlow of Knoxville, would not be accepted the second time by these families for the treasures of the State. These, with hundreds and thousands of other and similar cases in Tennessee. with very many still more disastrous and terrible, are the only argu ments which we care to offer in justification of the severity that, by some, will be complained of as attaching to this volume. To ignore such a state of things in any country, and especially iu our country. would be as false to the legitimate and vital objects of history as the rebellion itself was monstrous and cruel; and we feel that the spirit in which rebels are dealt with in the following pages, will be sus tained by those who, from bitter experience or from theory alone, are able to comprehend the depths of the malignancy of the spirit that originated and sustained the rebellion. Much of the valuable and interesting matter that was obtained and prepared for this work, and that many readers in Bradley will expect it to contain, we have been compelled to lay aside for want of space. The Gatewood raid through Polk county, and the raids into Bradley from Georgia, in the winter of '64-"C5 we have had to abridge to infinitesimal statements, while many other very interesting and im portant incidents, with historic matter relating to the movements of the two armies in and about Bradley, have necessarily but very reluctantly, and with deep mortification to the author, been omitted altogether. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. rSTRODrCTORT. Braflley County— Boundaries— latitude— Area— Soil— Stone for the -Wash ington Monument — Climate — Prod notions— Rivers — Streams— Cleveland- Charleston — Georgetown— Minerals — Rolling Mill — Zniaski — His Torpedoes — Col. Pete— Burning of the Torpedoes — Col. Lon? Attaek»d hv the Rebels — Torpedoes on the Railroad Track— Cherokee Indians— Slaves— Slave-trade in Bradley— Rebel Cruelties— Class that inaugurated the Rebellion 8 CHAPTER II. PRETENSIONS OF THE EEBELS TO DIVINE FAVOR. Remarks — Moral Position assumed by the leaders of the Rebellion — Their infatuation — Southern Divines in the condition of the Prophets of Baal— As & worldly scheme the Rebellion possessed elements of success— England, France— Recognition— The Spirit, of the Rebellion— Our Esthers 20 CHAPTER III. ELEC HON FOR CONVENTION AND SO CONVENTION. Rebels assume to be the Loyal Partv— Union men the Loyal Partv— Ten nessee Rebels Dual Traitors and Tripple-stained Criminals— Thomas Payne — The Election forConventionandNoConvention— Majoritvlbr No Conven tion—Rebels admit the Fairness of the Election— The Election a verdict of the People against Secession— Office-holders and Politicians mostly among the Minority — Steps immediately taken bv those to resist the Will of the peo ple — Governor Harris calls an extra session of the .Legislature— Message of Governor Harris — Ordinance of Secession S9 CHAPTER IV. THE ELECTION FOB SEPARATION AXD NO SEPARATION. Extract from the Address of the Greenfield Convention— Extractfrom Par son Brownlow's Experience among the Rebels— R. G. Payne — Louisville Journal— Election Keturns^Extract from an Address of Bx-Gov. Neil S. Brown and others —Rebel forces distributed throughout Tennessee pre vious to the election— Extract from the Cleveland Banner .46 CHAPTER V. CXION FLAG RAISED AXD LOWOERED. Vnion Pole and Flag Raising— Mississippi Rebel Regiment— Flag Dis lodged— Flag Concealed three years— Gen. Grose— Col. Watters— Flag Re-in stated— False Alarm— Extracts from Rebel Editorials— Property destroyed in Bradlevbv Rebels 59 VI. CONTENTS. CHAPTER VI. FIRST CLIFT WAR. First Clift War— Refugees— Cliffs Headquarters— Rebels sent to Attack Clift — LT nion Citizens Advise with Clift — His. Camp Vacated — Gen. Galispie —The Cross Roads Treaty— Second Clift War— Clift re-establishes his Camp on Sails Creek — Capt. Snow— Clift invents his own Artillery — Rebel Force sent to Dislodge Clift — Clift Vacates his Camp — Col. Wood — Rebels fight among themselves — Col. Clift'a Escape— Rebels Scour the Country — Col. Clift at Washington— Obtains authority to Recruit a Regiment— His Fight at Huntsville— His Regiment attempts to join Gen. Morgan at Cumberland Gap — Attempt to join Gen. Thomas at McMinnvillc — Col. Hoagland Captured — The Regiment finally joins Gen. Morgan — Cliffs Regiment Merged Avith the 8th Tennessee— Characteristics of Col. Clift 66 CHAPTER VIII. CAPT. WM. L. BROWN AND THE FIFTH DISTRICT ELECTION. Rebel Regiments raised in Bradley and adjoining Counties— Capt. Brown —His Character— Shaving Notes— The Fifth District Election— Mr. Donahoo President— Capt. Brown Rebel Candidate tor Justice of the Peace — Mr. Hiram Smith the Union Candidate— Capt. Brown Elected— Dr. Sugart— Maj. McCullcy— Commendable Conduct of two Rebel Guards— Brown supplies his Rebel Friends with whisky— Brown attempts to Purchase Union Votes — Brown's Election-Confirmed by Gov. Harris— Brown's Robbery of Mr. Wy- rick 83 CHAPTER IX. UNION PEOPLE ROBBED OF THEIR PRIVATE ARMS. Extract from the. Cleveland Banner — Number of Guns Collected— Union People alone Victimized— Disposition made of the Guns— Order from Gov. Harris — Character of the Transaction — Assault of Hawkins and Brown upon the family of Mr. Harle MS CHAPTER X. MONEY EXTORTED FROM UNION PEOPLE UNDER THE PRETENSE OF PROVIDING FOR THE FAMILIES OF REBEL SOLDIERS. Case of old Mr. Hendricks— Letter from Mr. T. H. Calloway— Mr. Calloway approaches Brown in the presence of Rebel Officers — Brown's Hypocrisy to Escape their Censure— Lawyer Gaut— Men whom Brown Robbed— Amount of Money and Goods Extorted— Brown's propensity to Steal— Steals from his Friends— His House the Depot of Stolen Goods 105 CHAPTER XI. THE TUSCALOOSA PRISONERS. Esq. Trewhitt Arrested— Esq. Trewhitt and others sent to Knoxville— Arrest of Esq. Beene— Prisoners sent to Tuscaloosa— Death of Mr. Spurgen —Ladies of Mobile— Death of Esq. Trewhitt— Mr. Birch of Chattanooga- Position of Judge Campoell— Appeal made to the Rebel Authorities at Knoxville— Tibbs and other Bradley liebels Fight the Application— Mr. Birch goes to Richmond— Rebel Secretary of War— Return of the Prisoners —Persecuted the Second time— Flee from the State— Most of them enter the Federal Service— Law Enforced against Rebels 113 CHAPTER XII. CAPT. BROWN'S WHIPPING OF THE CAMP WOMEN. Arrest of Brown— Petition— Mr. John Craigmiles Refuses to Sign the Peti tion—His Release— Names of Petitioners— Statements of a Cleveland Lady — Summary of Brown's Career 119 CONTENTS. Vll. CHAPTER XIII. THE CLEVELAND BANNER. Judge Rowles— Hand-cuffs— Extracts from the Cleveland Banner— Editor of the Banner taking the Oath— Illumination— Slavery a Bible Institution. . 13o CHAPTER XIV. THE STONECYPHER FAMILY. Mr. Bryant — Arrest of Mr. Stonecypher— His Son Volunteers to take his Place— Son Dies at Kuoxville — Bryant offers $2,500 for a Substitute for his Son— Absalom Stonecypher Kidnapped— Is Delivered to Bryant — Bryant allows him to Visit his Home— Does not Return— Mrs. Stonecypher Belore Esq. Dean— Efforts to Recapture Absalom— False Accusation— Rebel Officer Jones— Absalom Enlists in the Federal Army— Serves during the War- Death of old Mr. Stonecypher— Sufferings of the Family 14S CHAPTER XV. CASE OF ME. WILLIAM HUMBERT. Character of Mr. Humbert— Capt. Brown's Attempt to Arrest Mr. Hum bert; — Mr. Richmond — Mr. Humbert's Daughters Robbed by Brown — Mr. Humbert Flees to North Carolina— Returns — Flees the Second time — Mr. Humbert and his Family all Live to see the Rebellion Crushed— The Hollow Log 165 CHAPTER XVI. CASE OF LAWYER A. J. TREWHITT. Mr. Trewhitfs Airest — Sent to Knoxville— In Jail— Released — Reaches Home — Arrested the Second time — Sent Again to Knoxville — In Camp of Instruction— Sent South— Escapes with Two Others— Twenty-three Days in the Forests— Reaches Bradley— Mr. Trewhitfs Wife— Reaches Home 11% CHAPTER XVII. TRIALS AND DEATH OF S. D. RICHMOND. Mr. Richmond's Arrest— Is sent to Tuscaloosa— His Four Sons— His Prop erty Stolen by Gregory— Arbitration— Mr. Richmond is Visited by Three Rebels pretending to be Rebel Deserters— His Murder— His Remains Dis covered—Capture and Death of one of his Murderers — Isaac Richmond and William Fisher 185 CHAPTER XVIII. REV. ELI H. SOUTHERLAND. Mr. Southerland's Father— Mr. Southerland Proscribed by his Brethren- Rebels Compel him to Cease Preaching— Disposition of Mr. Southerland— Wm. H. Tibbs— Public Speaking— Mr. Southerland's Property Destroyed— Escape of the Perpetrators— Shooting of Dr. Griffin 191 CHAPTER XIX. BRADLEY COUNTY COURT. Action of the Court— Rage of the Rebels— Editor of the Banner— Tax finally applied to the Relief of Rebel Women Only— Hanging of Mr. Grubb —Mr. Lusk— Death of Amos Manes— Imprisonment of Mr. McDowell— Six Soldiers 1« Vlll. CONTENTS. CHAPTER XX. RED FOX. Mr. Spurgen's Marriage— Constitutional Temperament— In the Mexican War— His Skill at Strategy— Joins Col. Cliffs Regiment— His great Success as a Pilot— Once Captured— Escapes — Joins Col. Bird's Command — Attached to Scofield's Corps— Is on the Atlanta Campaign— Is Wounded — Attends the 23d Corps to the Eastern Army— Returns—Is Discharged— Mrs. Spurgen— Death of Mr. Baugh 213 CHAPTER XXI. WM. LOW. Arrest of Mr. Low— Sent to Knoxville— Secesh Ladies— In Jail— Released —His Son, Powell H. Low— Mr. Low Flees from Cleveland— Supping with Mr. Wise— Mr. O'Neil and Mr. Potts Captured— Mr. Low Escapes— Mrs. Low, Miss Mattie Low, Miss Rebecca Wise— Misses McPhersons— C. L. Hardwick. 224 CHAPTER XXII. MURDER OF FANTROY CARTER. His Arrest— In the Rebel Army— Resigns— Enlists in the Federal Army- Is Murdered— Mrs. Carter and her Two Sisters Compelled to take the Rebel Oath— W. M. Willhoit 236 CHAPTER XXIII. MURDER OF THE TWO CARTERS. Character of the Carters— Their Capture— Old Mr. Carter Wounded by James Roberts— The Two Reported to Gen, Wheeler— Affidavits— Horrid Cruelty to Robert Carter— Savage Treatment of Mr. Duncan by James Rob erts—James Roberts' Shot at the House of Mr. McNeil— Escapes to Dalton — Accidentally Shot at the House of Mr. Renfrow — George Roberts — Purvlnes, Runnions 245 CHAPTER XXIV. ARTIFICIAL CAVES. Faith and Hope of the People of East Tennessee— Buell's Retreat from Battle Creek— Consequences to East Tennessee— Union People Equal to the Emergency — Artificial Caves 251 CHAPTER XXV. MR. AMOS POTTS. Characteristics of Mr.aud Mrs. Potts— Albert—Mr.Langston-- Convalescents — Rebel Cavalry at Mr. Potts' house — McDaniels — The Winkler boys — Rebel Col. Hunley— Hunley chokes Mr. Potts^Hunley robbs Mr. Potts of his Horse — Horse turned loose — Horse stolen second time by McGriff— Remarks on Character of McGriff's offense— Shooting of Mr. Thomas— Ministers in Bradley— Murder of Mr. Cooper 264 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION LN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTORY. . Bradley is one of the most southern counties of East Tennessee, bordering upon the State of Georgia. It is bounded north by McMinn county, east by Polk, south by Georgia, and west by the counties of Hamilton and Meigs. From Cleveland, the county seat, which is in north latitude, thirty-five, it is by rail, twenty-eight miles west to Chattanooga, one hundred and twenty-eight south to Atlanta, and eighty-two east to Knoxville. The county is twenty-three miles north and south, by nineteen east and west, consequently, it has an area of about four hun dred and forty square miles. The whole surface of the county is decidedly broken and uneven, being thrown into ridges and valleys running. generally north and south, consequently, it Is very favor able for military operations in those directions. The soil in the valleys is a dark yellow clay with a mixture of loam, having a sub-stratum mostly of red clay and slate formations. The soil of the ridges is substantially the same, but of course more gravelly, with slight scattering ledges of flint, and layers of imperfectly formed slate and sand rock. About two miles east of Cleveland, or not far from the center of the county, are extensive beds of marble. The 10 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION product of these quarries, when hewn and chiseled to a polish, present a surface of beautifully variegated colors, denoting the presence of different minerals. A finely worked . specimen of this marble is lying within . sight while we write, in one of the streets of Cleveland. It is a block or slab about four and a half feet long, by two wide, and from eight to ten inches in thickness. One side is polished, and on the polished surface is beautifully car ved, an ellipse, or flattened circle, the arc or belt of which is three inches wide, the ellipse itself being as large as the surface of the stone will permit. The upper half of this circle is under, arched with thirty-two stars, signify ing the number of States in the Union at the time this specimen of art was manufactured. Under these stars is cut the following inscription : " Contributed by the citi zens of Bradley County, Tennessee, 1860." Mounting the under half of the ellipse, is carved in very expressive characters the following motto : " United we stand, divided we fall !" Thus nationalized^ this production was intended by the people of Bradley, to be forwarded and placed in the " Washington Monument," as a token of their fidelity to the Union. But alas ! while the loyalty and patriotism of the county were here engraven upon rock, and that rock just ready to occupy an appropriate niche in the most sacred temple of our national liberties, as an evi dence that her citizens still loved those principles of National and individual freedom, bequeathed to them by the " Father of his Country," the whirlwind of rebellion, the maddened defection of a traitorous few came upon them, and came just in time to prevent the transportation of this stone to the place for which it was designed. Traitors and treason did not like the devotion to the Union which it announced as existing in the people of Bradley, consequently, they declared that this stone, though admitted to be an expression of the views and feelings of a majority of ths people, should never be sent to the Monument. Accordingly, this little enterprize of marble presentation, as well as all other expressions of IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. " 11 national, affection by the people here, was, as by mob violence, strangled in an hour; and the neglected- and1 insulted stone now lies as cast-off rubbish in one of the by-ways of Cleveland. i The unimproved portions of Bradley are thinly covered with a medium growth of timber, principally the different kinds of oak, some hickory, a kind of sour wood, the sas- • safras, a scattering of sugar maple on the creek bottoms, a few other common varieties, with a general interspers ing of the yellow pine. The coldest weather here is seldom severer than three degrees below zero, and the warmest is generally from ninety-six to one hundred above it. The seasons, we are informed, are sufficiently uniform that a failure of crops is very rare ; and spring and autumn storms and high winds nothing like as vigorous,- nor climate changes, it appears, anyUhing like as sudden and disagreeable as with us in the North, nor even as much so here as at an earlier period. Cotton and tobacco are raised in this county very spar ingly. Corn and wheat are now the principal crops. The black oats, however, here a winter grain, produce finely. The seed is sown about the middle of October, the crop being harvested the following June. They usually yield a very solid and heavy berry. The grass of these oats makes, especially for young stock, the finest winter pas ture of any grown in the country. The red and the white wheat are the principal varities raised. The red is sometimes affected with what they call the "wheat sick." About the time of the Chickamauga battles, a rebel regiment of cavalry was for a short time posted in the vicinity of Cleveland, commanded by Colonel Dibble. Immediately after its arrival the officers as well as the privates spread themselves over the country in quest of supplies. Wheat was to them .a desirable commodity1; and the farmers — and probably the millers als*b, as far as possible — secreted their white wheat, turning out the -other article to the hungry soldiers, who were, perhaps, 12 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION ignorant of the difference ; at least did not suppose that they were being supplied with a regimental emetic in con nection with theirs. After collecting what they thought a supply for the time, Colonel Dibble sent the whole to the mills to be made into flour ; after which it was rationed out to the men. The whole regiment partaking pretty heartily of its new bread, it was not long before it found that " death was in the pot "—a strange trouble was in the camp. The men began to sicken at the stomach, and everywhere fell to vomiting as though they had been dosed with arsenic. The Bradley County wheat was at once charged with being the evil demon ; and Colonel Dibble forthwith arrested all the millers concerned in making his flour, with as many others as his indignation suggested were accessory in thus poisoning his men. The investigation, however, failed to criminate either any of the millers or of the farmers, it being difficult to prove that these parties knew that the wheat was diseased, even if any such knowledge existed ; and Colonel Dibble was compelled to pocket the insult, if such it was, and make the best of the difficulty in applying himself, as soon as possible, to recuperate his men by administering all the anti-arsenicals and gastric disinfectants that his hospital stores contained or "his surgeons could manufacture. The difficulty, although it created considerable excitement, did not after all prove to be very serious ; yet, serious enough we presume, ever after to impart to Colonel Dib ble's men a knowledge of the cssible difference between the red and the white wheat of Bradley. The sweet potato, also the Irish potato if cultivated with care, with almost all other vegetables peculiar to our Northern climate, as well as almost every kind of gar den fruit, grow here in abundance. As is the case, per haps, with the most of East Tennessee, the people of this county have not given that attention to the cultivation of the choice varieties of fruits which their soil and climate as well as past experience, appear to justify. Peaches and we believe pears, seldom fail, while plums and cherries are equally sure; and a few years of experienced cultiva- IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 13 tion of the best varieties in this section, would fill the country with these delicious fruits. Bradley is emphatically an inland county, no part of it being nearer than sixteen miles to the Tennessee River.. The Hiwassee, however, which heads among the mountains of North Carolina, bounds part of it on the north; and, some seasons, is navigable for small boats, twenty or thirty miles from its mouth. The country is meandered by numerous small streams, affording a profusion of water privileges, most of which are improved by the^ erection upon them, of flouring and lumber mills, on a scale sufficient for the accommodation of the present inhabitants. In regard to water for all the purposes of life, nature has been lavish in her gifts to East Tennessee. Deep, blue springs, and crystal fountains are everywhere bursting out along the base of the ridges, forming the sources of the numerous silver streams that dance along over their rocky or pebbly bottoms, till lost in the stronger currents of the Tennessee, or the Hiwassee. Had we some of these boiling, gravelly fountains, and leaping, crystal streams, upon the rich and extensive prai ries of Indiana and Illinois, we then, most emphatically, might consider ourselves in possession of the gardens of "the world. Cleveland, the county seat, is the principal town of Bradley, is desirably located on slightly elevated ground, is pleasantly arranged as to streets and dwellings, with a suitable central square on which stands the Court House, a respectable brick building surmounted with a dome and spire,, which together with its own proportions cause it to loom up in the distance, the most sightly edifice of the place. . At the commencement of the rebellion, Cleveland numbered two thousand inhabitants. It contains four churches, New School and Cumberland Presbyterian, Methodist and Baptist. It also contains an Academy. This, before the war, was under the supervision, as Prin- pal, of ,Mr. -. — -Blunt, who, at the opening of the rebel lion, Went North and- joined the Federal army. , Before 14 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION the expiration of his enlistment he obtained a Captain's commission, and did good service in the work of putting down the rebellion. Since the war Mr. Blunt has resusci tated his school, and is again at his post as the principal instructor in the county. Charleston is in the eastern part of the county upon the Hiwassee, and at the point where the East Tennessee and Georgia Railroad crosses that river. It contains about four hundred inhabitants. Georgetown is a small village located in the north-west part of the county, a portion of it being in Meigs. Sulphur, coal, iron and leaden ore, exist in some parts of the county, and mines of the latter, containing a signifi cant percentage of silver, were being worked in the east ern portions of it at the commencement of the rebellion. Rich beds of copper have been discovered and opened in the mountains of Polk County, about forty miles from Cleveland. In 1861, an extensive copper foundry or roll ing mill was erected in Cleveland by Southern capitalists, their concern being supplied with copper slabs from these Polk County mines. Some time after the commencement of the RebeFenter- prize, a foreigner, probably a Hungarian, an iron monger by profession, and possessed of a good degree of skill in the work of infernalism, had, somewhere, manufactured a large quantity of infernal machines, or as they were famil- liarly called by the Union people of Cleveland, " Rebel torpedoes." Without the knowledge of Union men, or at least without a general knowledge on their part, of the fact, this Rebel foreigner had brought these destructive missiles and concealed them in a small brick house in the heart of Cleveland. Immediately after the battle of Missionary Ridge, Col onel Long, with his cavalry, was sent to take possession of Cleveland, and to tear up and destroy the railroad in its vicinity, in order to prevent supplies coming to the rebel army which was then in the vicinity of Dalton. At the news that Long's men were approaching the place, this rebel Zulaski, with six or eight lebel woikmenL, IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 15 engaged as his "assistants in his peculiar craft, fled in great haste, leaving his black satanic monsters to take care of themselves. Simultaneous with the flight of Zulaski, a nominal rebel Colonel, by the name of Pete, one of the proprietors of the concern, and at that time its manager, threw his books and business documents into a wagon, and hastily fled for Dixie. Colonel Long's men, however, were close upon him, and, although he succeeded in mak ing his own escape, his wagon load of books and papers were captured, Among these papers was found a written contract for the concern to furnish the Southern Confed eracy with large quantities of sheet copper, preparatory to being worked into thin plates suitable for gun caps. Also were found among these papers extensive contracts for the concern to furnish the Rebel Government with other ordnance materials. Acting, perhaps, under orders, and possibly knowing that it was not the intention of our authorities to make an effort then permanently to hold the place, as soxm as he had completed the work of demolishing the railroad, Colonel Long, though against the entreaties of some Union men, burned this rebel establishment to the ground. Previously, however, to applying the torch, Colonel Long, at the suggestion of Union citizens, made search for the torpedoes left behind by the defunct Zulaski, and found them in the brick building already alluded to. With a view, doubtless, to destroy them,' though possibly not knowing their exact nature, he caused these strange mis siles to be placed in this rebel rolling mill, which was sit uated in the edge of the village about half a mile from its center. This occurred just before the mill was fired. The torch having been applied, as soon as the flames reached the huge pile of these engines, they began to shoot them selves off, leaping about the burning building and darting over the premises, while some went whirling and hissing through the air in the most dangerous and terrific manner conceivable. In the space of half an hour, upwards of sixteen hundred of these nameless, nondescript, rebel inventions burnt themselves loose from the fiery mass, 16 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION going off with a successive, rattling, crashing noise, and with thundering, cannon-like explosions, enough to make the uninitiated in the vicinity think that a battle decisive of the great contest was being inaugurated in the little village of Cleveland. These ugly looking projectiles, doubtless of foreign invention, and, in this case, probably, of foreign manu facture also, are malleable cast-iron elongated shells of different sizes, from ten to eighteen inches in length, from two to four in diameter, and when charged and ready for use must weigh from ten to fifteen pounds. Some days after this mill was destroyed, one of these torpedoes was found, torn to pieces with its own explosive force, full three-fourths of a mile from the mill, having passed nearly over the town. Another, at the time, went smashing through the roof of the dwelling of Mr. W. Cre- ver, at least.a quarter of a mile distant. In regard to the latter case, one is reminded that it might possibly have been a providential rebuke to Mr. Crever; for it is a fact, we believe/ not only that his was the only dwelling injured by these shells, but that he was the only rebel inhabitant left in Cleveland who sustained any pecuniary relation whatever to this copperhead estab lishment. There is, however, still another circumstance connected with this torpedo affair, which reminds one that good sometimes comes out of evil, and which also indicates that Providence was determined that this violent torpedo dealing of the rebels, should, on the whole, be turned against themselves. Colonel Long, after destroying the railroads, in obedi ence to previous orders, was preparing to evacuate Cleve land when he set fire to the mill, and accordingly, com menced to leave while the mill was burning, being at the same time irresolutely attacked by a body of rebel cav alry, assisted with two pieces of artillery. This cav alry came from Charleston on the Hiwassee, consequently approached Cleveland from the east, while the burning mill stood in the south-west part of the town. When IN BRADLEY cfiuNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 17 near to the place they saw the volumes of smoke ascend ing from the mill ; but as burning dwellings were scenes with which the war had already made both Federals and rebels perfectly familiar, they moved up without suspect ing that this conflagration portended anything unusual, and proceeded to distribute and arrange their forces on the east and the south-east of the town, preparatory to an attack. It so happened, however, that by the time they were ready to charge into the place, the fire in the mill had reached the pile of torpedoes, and to the utter bewil derment of the rebels, this torpedo eruption commenced vomiting itself into the sky, and letting off battery after battery in quick succession, so much so, that, not knowing what to make of the strange phenomenon, they came to a halt, held a parley, and as they could account for it in no other way, supposed that Long possibly had artillery and might be using it against some of their own forces unknown to themselves attacking him from the west. This delay of the rebels was time gained to Long, and he doubtless evacuated the place with less fighting and with less loss of life than he otherwise would have done. Not entirely satisfied with their success, thus far, at tor pedo fighting, the rebels of this vicinity concluded to make another attempt, which took place about the first of April, 1864. From a thorough investigation of the case by our military authorities in Cleveland, it appeared that some two or three rebel soldiers stole into the Federal' lines, selecting a secesh. neighborhood about four miles east of Cleveland as the locality of their operations, and succeeded in placing under the railroad track a torpedo of considerable dimensions, intending, no doubt, to des troy the morning train from Chattanooga, which at that time generally went up heavily loaded with Federal sol diers. Providence, however, again favoring the cause of the just, early the next morning, some two hours before the time for the Chattanooga train, a locomotive and tender ran out of: Cleveland to go a few miles east for water. The locomotive passed the torpedo without injury, but the tender was thrown from the track. This, however, was 18 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION about the extent of the accident, no harm to life or limb occurring to any. A number of rebel citizens fell under suspicion, especially one Mr. Joseph McMillen, and were forthwith arrested, but the inquiry eliciting nothing posi tive as to their guilt, they were all finally released. Thus ended the history of rebel torpedoism, at least for a time, in the county of Bradley ; and thus ended, in this region, rebel success in this line of warfare. Bringing to their aid the skill and ingenuity of Europe in concocting rebel schemes and in manufacturing infernal machines, with which to blow up Brother Jonathan, establish a ne gro Confederacy, promising to pay their foreign help with King Cotton, they succeeded in frightening a miserable gang of their own cowards, and in lifting four wheels, loaded with wood, from the track of a Federal railroad. The settlement of Bradley commenced as early as 1830, with emigrants from North Carolina and Upper East Ten nessee. The Cherokee Indians were removed from this and adjoining counties in 1838. Many of the present in habitants can remember the portly forms of Generals Scott and Wool in the accomplishment, of that work. At the opening of the rebellion Bradley contained about twelve hundred slaves, owned by about one hundred and seventy masters. The free blacks numbered a little more than fifty, and the total inhabitants about fifteen thou sand. ' The slave trade existed in Bradley to a limited extent The notorious Wm. L. Brown, of whom we shall speak more hereafter, rebel Congressman Tibbs, John Osment, John Craigmiles, Jacob Tibbs, and Wm. B. Graddy, were, perhaps, the only persons in the county who made the traffic a regular business. Most of these would bring into the county from Richmond, Va., or from some other slave mart, ten or fifteen negroes in a gang, and sometimes more, and dispose of them in the vicinity to the highest bidders. Wm. H. Tibbs, serving in the rebel Congress at Richmond, would avail himself of this opportunity and universally bring home a company of slaves as a matter of speculation. IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. • 19 Any one who takes pains to inform himself of the facts and become acquainted with the people, will see at a glance that the unprecedented rebel brutalities which marked the rebellion throughout the country, never could have been the spontaneous outgrowth of a majority of its present inhabitants, The atrocities, in number and in enormity, committed by the rebels upon the Union peo ple of Bradley, and upon those of other parts of East Ten nessee, almost defy belief. The better class of rebel citi zens, though living in Bradley during the whole reign of this rebel terror, never fully realized the extent to which the Union people suffered. None but the most abandoned men on earth could have been guilty of the systematic barbarities practiced by the rebels, as a rule, upon the Union people of Bradley. Judging from the citizens now here, it is impossible to account for the tyranny and heartless oppression that pre vailed among them for nearly three years, only upon the supposition that the rebel cause soaked up nearly all the ruffianism of the county, thus compelling the majority to submit to the outlandish rule of the rabble. This rabble, headed and lead on by an upper strata of the same class, unprincipled politicians, and equally unprincipled slave trading, slave driving, money making and speculating characters, reinforced by others of the same sort from southern rebel districts, formed the element which inaug urated and kept alive the rebellion in East Tennessee. 20. HISTORY OFVrHE REBELLION CHAPTER II. PRETENSIONS OF THE REBELS TO DIVINE FAVOR. Our introductory chapter closed with a brief allusion to the cruelties of the rebels in Bradley and other por tions of East Tennessee. The remarkable character of the rebellion in this res pect, particularly in East Tennessee, forces upon us even in writing a part of its history, the question of its right or wrong as a national cause. A history of events or periods of time which presents nothing positively extraordinary, may, with some pro priety be superficial, and deal only with the events them selves ; but periods or events, the prevailing characteris tics of which startle mankind and shock the world with horror, direct our attention to causes and to the investi gation of principles for the elucidation of such anomalies, and as a means of obtaining that instruction which no people, especially those most interested, should fail to glean from them. National as well as individual crimes are aggravated or mitigated by the circumstances under which they are committed, hence an accurate knowledge of all the cir cumstances in any given case is indispensable to a correct estimate of the guilt of the parties involved ; and the more remarkable or unususl the facts or circumstances, the greater becomes the general anxiety for a complete' solution of the whole problem. The truth of these statements has been very strikingly illustrated by our great rebellion, and especially by the rebellion in East Tennessee. This rebellion has been one of the most remarkable events in nature— one of the most astounding things in history, consequently it has awakened a deeper, a more intense feeling among mankind than any other national event of ancient or of modern times and accordingly, more anxious, struggling inquiry, more intel lectual toil and concentration of moral effort, have already IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 21 been expended upon the profound problem it presents to the world, than was called forth in the same length of time, by any other event transpiring in history. In presenting a narrative of the occurrences of this rebellion in Bradley County, East Tennessee, we shall attempt, though briefly, to place the tragedy as»a whole, so before the public that no doubt can exist as to the parties which were in the wrong at the beginning, upon which basis alone, as we have already seen, can we judge correctly of the guilt or the innocence that attaches to the different actors in the drama. It is well known, and will not be denied from any quar ter, that at the beginning, and as long as the rebels were to any extent able to defy the Government, they did not cease to trumpet abroad in the ears of the Christian world, the assumption that they were nationally and con stitutionally, as well as divinely right in striking for the independence of the South. History presents no other instance of so strong an effort of the kind, as was made by the rebels to convince them selves and the rest of mankind of the justice of their cause. The church and the state, the priest and the politician, the journalist and the slave-driver, were one and insepa rable in swaddling their young confederacy as the legiti mate offspring of heaven. It was also the beau-ideal of national government, and the quintessence of social humanity. The most talented and influential, if not the most pious aiid godly, among the clergy of the South, never allowed themselves to doubt for a moment that the cause of the rebels was a child of special Providence, and consequently, embodying a reformation or revolution in the affairs of the world, which having God for its author and protector must be triumphant in the end. The Southern States, in erecting themselves into an inde pendent nation, had committed no error. They had been guilty of no wrong. They were only the passive instru ments of an opening Providence, whose divinity the lea ders of the great movement could not deny, dutifully and inoffensively toiling, as directed, to dispense the blessings 22 .HISTORY OF THE REBELLION of that Providence t,o the world; and, as an evidence of their sincerity and their Christian spirit, all the favor they asked of their old connections, in relation to this great work was simply " to be let alone." Now, all this is historical fact, and as such.it is not only our privilege but our province to deal with it. Just here, therefore, we propose to join issue with the rebels. We join issue with them upon this point, their loud profes sion of being in the Divine favor, to the Divine prejudice against the Northern cause, simply because in making a brief argument it is the best suited to the purpose. Now, if a Southern Confederacy upon this continent, founded upon the institution of slavery, was plainly depicted in the Providential signs of the times, if it was unmistakably the voice of God as the rebels pretended, and if His hand was so plainly revealed in its inaugura tion and in its support, even for years, how is it that the rebellion so signally failed? God being the author, the instigator, and the support of the rebellion for so long a time, upon what principle are we to account for the fact, that all at once it met with the most disgraceful overthrow of any revolutionary cause of which history gives us any knowledge ? Did the Almighty forsake his own cherished designs, or was he defeated by the mudsills of the North? It is utterly impossible by any fair course of reasoning to reconcile the fact of the sudden and complete failure of the rebellion with the supposition that God was the insti gator of it, or that He ever smiled upon the enterprise, or allowed it to exist and progress with any view to its final success. tt For if this counsel or this work be of men, it will come to nought : But if it be of God, ye cannot overthrow it," is a passage of Scripture which all Southern theologians who have expatiated so sweepingly upon the Divine mis sion of the rebellion, would do well not only to consider in a general sense, but they would do well to consider it particularly in connection with their melancholy reflec tions upon the disastrous end of their beloved Confeder acy. IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 23 The 'simple failure, however, of the rebellion to accom plish what it undertook, is not the only fact under this head that argues against the assumption in question. The rebels were not only defeated — simple failure of their cause was not the only result, but they were utterly ruined. They not only did not gain anything that they proposed, but they lost everything that they could call their own when they began. Not one stone was left upon another of their old order of things. The result to the rebellion was not merely defeat, but it was annihilation — a visitationof swift destruction. Defeat, destruction, anni hilation, and the total loss of all things, were the fruits of that Divine favor that attended them. As well might these political and theological Southern Doctors contend, that God was in the midst of the Cities of the Plain, to befriend and bless the people with His gracious presence, at the very moment when his wrath was causing the earth to open and to swallow them up for their abominable sins, as to contend that a cause with all its principles smitten to the earth and scattered to the four winds like the rebellion, was the cause of God. It is possible, how ever, that Bishop Pierce and Doctor Palmer can prove that the Almighty was fighting at the head of His people from the walls of Jerusalem, and attempting to defend them against the Roman army, by whom they were finally overcome and destroyed. The end of the rebellion was unlike the end of any just cause recorded in history. Truth ahvays gains by contact with error, whatever may be the immediate and apparent victory against it. Revolutions never go backward. The Commonwealth of Cromwell partially failed at the time of its ostensible objects, but it was far from being a total failure. Its principles lived if they did not triumph at the time. It gained much also at the time. The point of its termination was infinitely in advance of the point of its setting out As Mr. Goldwin Smith remarks, " The prin ciples of Cromwell partially failed in England ; but they crossed the Atlantic and perfectly succeeded in America." The principles of Cromwell produced the American! Rev- 24 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION olution, and fully developed themselves in the fact of our present American Republic. The rebellion, however, it appears, possessed no redeeming or self-sustaining quali ties of this nature— qualities that live and grow in spite of defeat, qualities wresting victory from defeat itself; but was, in.all respects, a backward movement — a step to the rear, and so far to the rear that the point of its setting; out was lost and irrecoverable, never to be seen again ; and in an utterly strange land, dying a very strange and- singular death, the rebellion found its grave. Not one of its principles are now alive to defend its character or hal low its memory. The rebellion itself was a strange thing, and everything about it was strange in the extreme. It had strange statesmen, strange politics, a strange religion and strange gods. Strange gods indeed the rebels must have had that could so deceive and mislead them, and false proph ets that the Lord did not send. In viewing the infatuation of the South upon this sub ject, and especially the infatuation of its Doctors of Divin ity, one can hardly avoid being struck with the similarity of their condition with that of the prophets of Baal before Elijah; also, as Elijah did those prophets, one can hardly avoid mocking these Southern Divines by tauntingly enquiring, Why they did not call louder upon their god § For he was a god, but was talking, or pursuing, or was on a journey, or fighting other battles, or peradventure he slept and must be awaked. Why did not more of these prophets leap upon the rebel altars that were made, and cut themselves after their manner with knives and lan cets, till the blood gushed out upon them, crying louder and still louder, 0 Baal, hear us ! for thou art a god and will deliver us ? The failure of the Prophets of Baal to persuade their god to answer by fire and consume their sacrifice, and the complete success of Elijah in calling upon his God to come down and consume his offering, instantaneously put an end to all controversy among the people, as to whioh worshiped the true God. The Prophets of Baal were false IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 25' prophets, self-condemned by their own failure, and the people slew them at the waters of Gishon. This subject, however, has another1 phase 'which very strongly confirms the position, that Providence never favored the rebellion with any view to its final success'. As a purely worldly scheme, and a purely worldly scheme it was,; the one great thing which riiined it, the rebellion did possess all the elements of success. This fact is so manifest that its total failure can be accounted for upon no other principle than that ' Prd viderice was against it. There was not a moment from the bombard ment of Sumter to the fall of Lee, when the preponder ance of worldly sentiment and Worldly policy not only in our own nation, but in all other ruling nationsof Christen dom, with one or two exceptions, were not in sympathy with the rebels. Our national triumph1 is the greatest moral victory ever achieved in so short a time, against such worldly odds. In regard to ourselves, the rebels at" heart in the whble Country were in the maj ority a little more than six; millions. The Government, therefore,' in the con test, was reduced to the ratio of two against three during the war. In other words, the' whole country, North and South, contained eighteen millions of rebels, and twelve millions of loyal people; and thus it stood oh an' average until the end of the contest Disintegration of the rebel elements was all in a worldly point of view that saved1 us. Had the rebels in the entire nation been one in locality^ as th6y were one in sentiment, or had rebels in the North been able to combine and organize1 in the North, 'as the rebels were able to do in the South, the Government would have been swept with the besom of destruction: The rebels lion possessed the numbers, but it lacked in one locality the power of concentration and organization. In territory alsdy confining our estimate to the State's, at the beginning^ the Government was inferior to the Southern Confederacy. Leaving the border slave States outof the question, and allowing their conflicting forces to i ballance each » other, ' the seceded ' territdry exceeded that left to the Government, about sixty thousand square 3 26,. HISTORY OF THE REBELLION, ,, , miles, an area;. equal to that of the great State of Vir ginia. In numbers and in territory this was the dispro portion in fayor. of the rebels at home. , . Abroad, at the beginning, as well as for two years after wards, the prospects. of the rebels were quite as; bright, and- ours quite. as dark,, as they were within our. own bor ders. With one exception, that of Russia, the leading European governments,, if not their people, were strongly in sympathy with the rebellion. Fifteendays. only elapsed, after,. the, dispatch of Lord Lyons announcing to his Gov ernment the fall of Sumter, before his ,-Queen issued her proclamation recognizing . the ; rebels as belligerents. France was equally precipitate and ungenerous,, and why, contrary to all, this, and the eager haste in which it was done, the rebels were, ever after disappointed in their expeq^ations, of full; recognition as an independent nation, is, to-day, upon any principle of their, worldly policy alone, as indefinable j by the one party as by the other. WMle the rebels were exhausting every, art of jdiplomacy to hasten the , e vent, these governments were at work with. equEj.I.industry to get themselves ready, or in other words, to get tjiern#elyes into asafe, position, to grant the request, yek spine invisible power retarded every step. and myste riously held^.back^the coveted boon, till an event at. the White. House ; no noise of war, in it either, shook the continent, if not the earth, and knelled among , European thrones, , that thehour of Southern recognitionnad, passed. Another argument that might be, here presented against; the, ..assumption in question, is the spirit of the rebellion itself. That .instance is not on record, where any just National cause, , immediately successful , pr otherwise,. characterize^, i,t;se^f by thpse, brutalities and studied cru elties, as a rule, practiced . by the rebellion, though per haps not without exceptions, seemingly in a spirit of revenge, and, with a view to accomplishing, its ends. His tory dqes not furnish a niore glaring and -frightful .paradox than, exists, in jifhis, pretension to. Divine guidance on the part, of the rebels, and. the systematic cruelties ;which they allpw^d-t^ems^lved to perpetrate under it, . ¦ .: IN BRADLEY COUNTY,' EAST TENNESSEE. 27 Our American Revolution is now universally admitted to have commenced in justice, consequently with1 the Divine approval/ It was" provoked' by' grievances and abuses which made it positively unavoidable, or made it indispensably necessary to the success of the Colonists as a people. Theirs was a' case infinitely more than that of the Southern rebels, calculated to tempt and provoke reven'ge ;' and if such a 'course had been 'good policy, much more an inducing cause of resorting to wasting cru elties as a means of defeating 'their enemies'.' Like the rebels, our forefathers' believed that their catose was right, and more honestly than1 the rebels,' appealed to God for the sincerity of their convictions and the 'purity of their motives, and as -submitting to Him the" -grievance's : for which they took up arms, for Him to' answer to the jus tice of their position by giving them victory. With them this work;iwas real, and' brought them-upon too sacred ground for the: kindlings' of revenge ot of- any other spirit' aS an element of the contest, only such as was consistent with the Attributes of the Being to whom they applied, such as they felt and professed to be gov erned by at the start, and saw to be indispensable qualifi cations for being heard by the Creator and Judge of the world. Thus our Revolution on the part of our forefathers was not, like the rebellion on the part of the rebels, a war of the passions. Their grievances being real and utterly unavoidable only by an appeal to the sword, made their dependence on God a corresponding reality; and they, from the very nature of such dependence, compelled to continue in this frame and fight the battle through upon this principle, there was no room for the spirit of revenge and retalliation, only as the latter was occasion ally justified as a means of self-protection ; and being no room nor any disposition for these passions, there was, of course, no grounds for a barbarous resort to them as a means of weakening their enemies. The conclusion is therefore irresistible that had the rebels, as they so loudly professed, been in this same con- 28. HISTORY OF THE REBELLION dition, their spirit would have, been the same also. The undeniable fact, however, that the genera], spirit of the rebels was the very reverse, of this from the beginning to the end of the war, is evidence conclusive that their ex travagant pretensions in this respect were either, destruc tive self-deceptions, mental infatuations to which they were given; up that they might be destroyed, or hypocrit ical and wicked devices to inspire with mistaken enthu siasm the thousands of ignorant soldiery whom the lead^ ers were sacrificing to their own diabolical purposes. An enlightened and considerate view of the spirit and genius of the rebellion, its fancied and falsely arrayed grievances, its insatiable greed of National power, its determination to rule or ruin, its aristocratic! .corruption and domineering cruelty, and the social vortex, which it was preparing and towards which it was remorselessly. driving the people : of . the whole land, white , as well as black, causes every good man. tq tremble when he reflects how near the terrible eKqxt approximated to a final suc cess. IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 29 CHAPTER III. ELECTION FOR CONVENTION AND NO CONVENTION. It was stated at the commencement of the second chap ter, that the rebel leaders, both in church and state, very positively assumed that the rebellion was politically as Well as morally right. Every person in Bradley County knows that this was the position unequivocally taken by the rebels, not only in this county, but in the whole of East Tennessee, and that this position was maintained during the war. Through out East Tennessee, as Well as in Bradley, the rebels set themselves up as the loyal party — the only true patriots in the state. Standing upon this platform, they constant ly justified their cruel treatment of Union people on the ground, that these Union people were traitors ; and, con tended that the sufferings which they were inflicting upon them were not cruelties, but righteous and well deserved punishments for their crimes as tories, traitors, arid rebels against their own lawful government. Upon this princi ple the rebels of Bradley asserted that the Union citizens had forfeited all claim to their homes, that their posses sions were no longer theirs, and therefore; that Confede rates were justified in robbing Union families, plundering their farms, hunting them through the country like so many wild beasts, and shooting them upon the run like so many robbers and outlaws. Now, we wonder if it ever occurred to the rebels while they were engaged in all this, that as a theory, this was a wholly false position. Did it ever occur to them that this platform of theirs was, in fact, completely reversed all the time ? That they themselves, were the tories, traitors, and robbers, instead of the Union men whom they were murdering? Did it ever occur to the rebels that they were robbing and murdering these Union men, only because they refused to commit the very crimes which 30 HISTORY. OF THE REBELLION they alleged against them ? They murdered them, they said, because they were traitors ; but the fact is, they murdered them because they were not and would not be traitors. Traitors against the best government in the world, were murdering loyal citizens because they were not traitors like themselves. Men guilty of the highest type of treason, were murdering others for exhibiting the highest type of loyalty. Men guilty of treason, the high est crime known to the law, were murdering their neigh bors for their loyalty, the greatest virtue known to society. The former chapter was devoted to a consideration of this subject as a general, question, a question in regard to the rebellion as a whole, and not with especial reference to it in any particular locality. If the rebellion as a whole was wrong — its principles offensive to God, its designs at war with His providence — then, of course, the rebellion was wrong in Tennessee, and the statements just made in regard to the crinnnality of Bradley rebels, consequently, correct. The question, however, of the false position of the rebels in Bradley, and their criminality in conse quence, deduced from the fact, that the whole rebellion was wrong, with the remark just made, we will let pass for i the present,. There is another question of importance, less general, bearing upon the subject, to be considered, and which must be considered before the guilt of Tennessee rebels can be accurately measured. Though the rebellion as a whole, was fundamentally wrong, yet, if Tennessee had, by a clear majority of her people, decided to go with this rebellion, such action, if it had not palliated the cruelties inflicted by Tennessee rebels upon their Union neighbors, might, at least, have given some show of consistency to the political position which they assumed towards the loyal people. If, however, it can be shown that this majority was exactly the other way— against secession, and was clearly expressed, then, it will not only follow that the position assumed by the Tennessee rebels that they were the loyal party was false and inconsistent ; but that they stand before the world as that class of men IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. ' 31 known in history as the double-headed traitors— traitors ^against the general Government, and also traitors agairist the Government of their own State. In ahy Republican State, the will of the people clearly expressed, is the Gov ernment of that State-^-is the Supreme Law, and whoever rebels against that law is a traitor.' "Dual treasdh, how ever, does not seem to be the only distinguishing charac teristic of the Tennessee rebels ; nor the only particular brand of infamy with which they will be handed down to posterity. Having perfected this double crime, or rather having committed the crime of treason the second time, first against the general Government, then against the clearly expressed will of a majority of their own people, the course of evil had been sufficiently protracted to harden them for the third and'final denouement of indis criminate blood-letting which followed and crimsoned their footsteps, especially in East Tennessee— a barbar- ousness not exceeded even by the Andersonville and Belle Island horrors, and which when viewed as a third stride in the career that had already designated them dual traitors, forever brands them as the tripple and blood-stained criminals of the Great Rebellion. The infidel writer and pamphleteering castigator of John Bull in the days of the Revolution,' Thomas Paine, never uttered a sentiment truer, nor one falser than this is true, than when he said, "One bad action creates a calam itous necessity for another." The bloody scale on which Tennessee rebels graduated from one degree of crime to another will remain, to the end of time, a monumental illus tration of this proverbial truth. We shall now give a brief statement of facts in regard to the secession of Tennessee — facts the most of which have already been made histor ical by appearing in official or documentary form, and all of which can be substantiated by living witnesses. South Carolina broke the way and Seceded from the Union family on the 20th of December, 1861. As well as exciting treason in other portions of the South, this also fired the rebel blood in Tennessee. On the 7th of Jan uary, only eighteen days after the great sin of South Car- 32 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION olina, Goyecnpr Harris convened 'his Legislature at Nash ville. On the 19th, this body appointed, a State election for, the 9th of February following, at which the people of Tennessee. were, to decide whether a State Convention should be called to consider the subject of the great Southern movement now commenced in South Carolina. Convention or No Convention on this subjectwas to be the distinct issue before the people of , Tennessee at this election;, consequently, those in favor, of the measure were to . write on their ballots " Convention, " those opposed to it were to write pn theirs, "No Convention." In view of the possibility that the pepple at ; this elec tion, might decide to. have this, convention, each party, Union and Secession, nominated its candidates to be elected as members of this convention, and yoted for them at the same time that . they voted, for Convention and No Convention. Every county in the State, we be lieve, on that day elected its members to this convention.. The Union candidates were pledged to vote, in case the convention , took place, against secession under any cir cumstances and at all hazards. The, rebel candidates were pledged to vote for secession except on certain con ditions — a redress of grievances, (fee. The results of the election were No Convention, and a maj prity ¦ of Union candidates. Even the city of Memphis elected its Union candidates by 400 majority; The major ity of .Union votes cast in electing these members, over those cast by the rebel candidates, was. 64,114. The Union majority for No Convention was not so large, being only ,30,839. It appears that a great many Union men in the State, who on that day voted for Union candidates, did so under the impression that, although they were, thus opposed to secession, yet it was proper to have a State Convention on the .subject of existing difficulties. Hence this differ ence between the majority for these Union candidates,. and that for No Convention. The 8th, of .February came, and the, following is the vote of each county for Convention and No Convention : IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. EAST TENNESSEE. 33 COUNTIES. AndersonBledsoe . . Bradley . . CampbellCocke ; . . . Carter . . . Grainger Green. Hamilton Jefferson . Knox . . Marion . . Polk .... Roane . . . Rhea .... Sullivan . o O 137 190 242 71 192 55 158 337 445 250 394 108 117 6779 1,180 o O o 1,077 .630 1,443 ''870 1,332 1,055 1,675 2.6481,4451,999 ,3,167 751 1,112 1,585 573 734 COUNTIES. Washington . Monroe ... . Morgan .... McMinn .... Meigs, Blount Claiborne . . . Hawkins. . . . Hancojck Johnson .... Sevier' Scott Se.qua,tehee . Total. o 891723 13 439 338450 95 420 100 3869 29 7,629 o O o 1,353 971 488 1,457 323 1,552 1,0301,338 746631 1,243 385 34,312 MIDDLE TENNESSEE. COUNTIES. 3 '43 o>'a 3 .2'-£3 a a; >O O COUNTIES. .§ , ,'4j a ao O S s " £5 ¦¦ o o Maury Wilson . ...'.'. 3,145 462 303821 1.863 169 628 2.565 1,829 452 845 2;012 i;656 389 96 1,5391,684 206 327 3,083 770976 1,038 '698 Dekalb Lawrence Overton Macon Giles 336692 563 73 1,531 449 765 192 103 1,611 255 1,186 334393 1,009 351 Smith....' 863 Warren 960 550 Jackson Dickson Lewis ... . . . . ...'... . 490 Bedford 828 1,611 997 1,003 ,430 1,240 385 2.5251,408 673301613 298 84 Van Buren 142 Rutherford 389737 Franklin. . Humphries Davidson Marshall ¦Fentress Grundy ; — ;.: 481 325 58 7,360 27,520 Coffee 34 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION WEST TENNESSEE. COUNTIES. Shelby . . . Carroll Henry Benton .... Dyer Hardin Gibson Haywood . . HendersonHardeman Obion o Q 5,697 618 1,334 621876791 2,227 816 619 1,694 1.672 197 1,495 776 296163 ' 395 533544 1.105 30 328 COUNTIES. Madison . . . Fayette .... Perry. Decatur. . . . LauderdaleMcNairy . . . Weaklv Tipton Total . y 1,7571,521 382 251 407 811 1,472 700 24,328 o O o ^_ 8619 232514 65 916 483147 8,324 Total for No Convention 70,156. Total for Convention 39,317. Majority for No Convention 30,839. The above was taken from a number of the " Memphis Appeal," dated January 27th, 1861. The following extracts show conclusively, the rebels themselves being judges, that this election was a fair trial of the question at issue — an honest and perfectly volun tary expression of the will of the people. The first of these extracts is from the editorial of the "Cleveland Banner," a bitter rebel sheet, and which was continued till silenced by the Federal army in the winter of 1864. The "Nashville Gazette," the paper from which the second extract is taken, was also a strong rebel paper. "TflE Election. — The election on Saturday last resulted in the de feat of everybody, ir. one sense of the word, except "No Convention" — he run like a scared dog, and beat the field out of sight. In this county the vote stood, Convention 242, No Convention 1443. Brown was elected delegate. We have but few returns from the adjoining counties, and they not full; but one thing is certain, a Convention has been voted down by an overwhelming majority, and those fortunate men who were elected to a convention, will have the pleasure of remain ing at home." IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 35 "The Result. — The people of Tennessee yesterday had an opportu nity of saying through the ballot-box, whether or not they desired the assembling of a State Convention, as provided for by Legislative enactment. The indications are that a large majority voted "No Con vention." However much we might have desired a different result, we feel fully satisfied that the proposition to hold a Convention lias been defeated. The people have spoken, and we have naught to say against their decree. It may bring them no harm, or it may result in evil only — which of the two will be known before the expiration of many days." Now this election furnishes us.with a two-fold expres sion of the will of the people in regard to the secession of the State. First, we have a clear majority of 64,114 votes, those cast for the Union candidates for membership in this convention, expressing the sovereign will of the people, that Tennessee should not under any circum stances secede from the Union. Second, jn the votes at the same time cast, respecting a convention, we have another clear Union majority of nearly 31,000, not only against secession ; but, deciding that no cause whatever existed, even for a convention on the subject, that Ten nessee had no grievances to complain of, that she had no quarrel with the General Government, and proposed to remain in the Union as she was. This was the legitimate announcement of the people of Tennessee at this elec tion, doubly expressed. That this is so, as well as being a fair and binding expression of the will of the people, is now not only the testimony of every Union man in the State, but is the testimony of the rebels themselves. The following is from the Cleveland Banner, a rebel sheet, from which we have already quoted in this connection, and taken from a number dated February 15th, 1861. '•The Convention.— The returns leave no reasonable doubt that the Convention has been voted down by an immense majority. This was a result not looked for. This object was gained by a systematic cry, that if you vote for '' Convention " you are for immediate seces sion—he who is for the Union must vote " No Convention." The practical result is, that by voting " No Convention " the peo ple have deprived themselves of the power of having a voice, at this time, in the settlement of the questions at issue— they have for the present taken it from themselves and left it in the hands of the poli ticians—the last place where it ought to be- But this is not all. The Legislature, as is well known, sent on commissioners to the Border State Convention, now being held in Washington city, the vote of "No Convention" is equivalent to say- 36 HISTORY OP THE REBELLION ing, "'Tennessee asks nothing, she desires no settlement, she wants things to stand as they are." _, The arm of Our Commissioners is paralyzed. The Black .Republi cans can say to them, ' what are you here for now ? Since the Legis lature sent you the people themselves have spoken, they are for standing still; they are content with the existing state of things; your Commissions are revoked ; we are not bound to listen to your declarations that there must be no civil war ; that there should be a final and peaceable settlement of all matters in issue; the verdict of the people is against what you ask— they are for no action— for standing still— for letting things drift on as. they are— your people are satisfied with us, and the policy on which we have declared we will administer the Government.'1 " It is seen that this rebel editor in this extract himself strongly testifies to the truth of the position we have just taken in regard to this election. Admitting the fact then, why did not he for the future act consistently with his , own admission ? Admitting that such was the sovereign will of the people, expressed as he says by an "immense majority," why did he, traitor like, fight it for the next three years or as long as he could with all his might ? Why did not he, why did not Governor Harris, why did not this rebel Legislature, with whom this proposition for a S^ate Convention originated, and why did not the minor ity in the whole State submit to this sovereign will of the people, instead of flying together in a foul conspiracy against it and trampling it under their treasonable feet? One statement in this extract so manifestly betrays either the stupidity or dishonesty, or both, of this editor, that we cannot resist the temptation to give it a passing notice. He says, " The practical result is, that by voting ' No Convention ' the people have deprived themselves of the power of having a voice, at this time, in settling the questions at issue — they have for the present taken it from themselves and left it in the hands of the politicians —the last place where it ought to be." Just as though the sovereign voice of the people was no settlement of this question at all. The substance of the above statement amounts to this : The vote of, the people of Tennessee which settled and disposed of the question of secession in her case, forever deprived them. of the power to settle it. The vote or act of the people which took it out of the hands of the politi- IN BRADLEY, COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 37 cians put it into the hands of the politicians. The self same, ,yote or act of the people which took the question into their hands put it out of their- hands. A Supreme Judge from whose bench there is no appeal receives a difficult case from the lower courts ; and after giving it a thorough and impartial', trial, delivers his ver dict upon it, and this, verdict is a final disposition of the case. This Cleveland editor, however, starts up and says, Judge you have committed a grave error ! , You have for-, ever deprived yourself of the power to settle that ques tion. You have forever taken it out of your own hands and put it in the hands of the lawyers, "the last place where it ought to be." This is exactly the position of this rebel editor in the above statement. From the fact that, this February election was a fair ex pression of the will of the people, it followed that this dictated and pointed out, the, subsequent duty of the mi nority. It was the duty of the minority to submit to this decision, and allow the State to be governed by the prin ciples it announced. Even more than this, it was the duty of the parties and individuals, composing this minority to become,, co-operators with the majority in carrying out these principles, by exerting their influence to resist rebel lion and discourage revolt among the people pf Tennessee. This was just what the people at this election decided to be the duty of all parties and individuals, in the State, particularly those into whose hands they had entrusted the reins of authority from the governor to the -lowest municipal officer among the people. The great misfortune of the majority, at this election, and the great misfortune of the State was,. that nearly all her politicians and incumbents of .office at the time, were among the. minority. As another, writer remarks, "The secession or rebellion of Tennessee, was a rebellion of office-holders and politicians." The people arrayed them-: selves on, the side of the Government; office-holders and politicians arrayed themselves on the side of the rehellipn. As soon as the result of the election was rknown, the politicians throughout the ;State, (and most of thpse in 38 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION authority, conspired with each other in public as well as in private, to defeat the wishes of the people. Hundreds of instances might, be given in confirmation of this state ment. The writer of these pages arrived in Nashville five days after that city surrendered to General Buell in the winter of 1862. While there he obtained various items of impor tant informatipri from Union men respecting the secession of Tennessee. It was their universal testimony that the failure of this project for a "Convention" created no little excitement and no little dissatisfaction among the seces sionists in Nashville. For days after the election com panies of them were seen excitedly conversing upon the subject on the streets and in public places throughout the city, Among one of these companies an individual named More, a very active and strenuous Southern-rights man, was heard to use, in substance, the following lan guage:' "This election is a disgrace to the State, and Tennessee is disgracing herself by lorigef remaining in the Union, We will see Governor Harris, arid he shall call an extra session of the Legislature, and d n the State, we will put her out at all hazards." This remark was heard by Mr. Johri L. Stewart, a' truthful and reliable Union man well knowri in Nashville, having been a citi zen for many years, though now deceased. The active hostility thus exhibited by More and his rebel crowd to this election will be recognized by Ten nessee Union men as the. identical spirit that prevailed against it everywhere among rebels throughout the State, and as that feeling which originated the measures imine- diately commenced by those in power to force the people into ' the vortex of rebellion. Agreeably with his own feelings, and prompted bythis spirit among the rebels, Isharii G. Harris, then Governor of Tennessee, convened his Legislature on the 25th of April, a little more than twti'moiiths after this rebel proposition for a convention had;been voted down b^ the people. The following are the introductory remarks of his mes sage to this body 6h that occasiori : IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 39 Executive Department, ) Nashville, April 25, 1861. y Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives : The President of the United States— elected according to the forms of the Constitution, but upon principles openly hostile to its provis ions — having wantonly inaugurated an internecine war upon the people of the slave aud non-slaveholding States, I have convened you again at the seat of Government, for' the purpose of enabling you to take such action as will most likely contribute to the defence of our rights, the preservation of our liberties, the sovereignty of the State, and the safety of our people; all of which are now in imminent peril by the usurpations of the authorities at Washington, and the unscru pulous fanaticism which runs riot throughout the Northern States. The war thus inaugurated is likely to assume an importance nearly, if not fully, equal, to the struggle of our revolutionary fathers,, in their patriotic efforts to resist the usurpations and throw off the tyrannical yoke of the Eujjlish Government; a war the duration of which, and the good or evil which must result from it, depends en tirely, in my judgment, upon the readiness with which the citizens of the South harmonize as one people, and the alacrity with which they respond to the demands of patriotism. I do not think it necessary to recapitulate, at this late hour, the long train of abuses to which "the, people of Tennessee, and our sister States of the South, have been subjected by the anti- republican spirit that, has for many years been manifesting itself in that seetiou, and which has at last declared itsejf our open and avowed enemy. In the message which I addressed, to you at your called session in Jan uary last, these things were somewhat elaborately referred to, as con stituting, in my judgment, the amplest reason for considering our selves in imminent danger, and as requiring such action on the part of the Legislature as would place the'Sta^e,,inan;attitude for defence, whenever the momentous crisis should be forqed upon us ; and, also, as presenting to the North the strongest argument for peace, and, if possible, securing a reconstruction of the Union,, thus already dis solved by the most authoritative, formal, and matured action of a portion of the slaveholding States. -> •' '¦' '-'¦'¦'" The position of Gov. Harris throughput this message, and particularly those in this extract show the extent to which he disregarded the will, and disobeyed the instruc tions of the people of Tennessee, delivered to him at, this February election. The very first words of this message reveal Gov. Harris as a traitoj'.; He says, '"The President of the United States, elected according to the forms of the Constitution, but upon principled openly hostile to its provisions." Now, which was the better judge of this matter, Gov. Harris or the people?,' Who was' the final authority upon the subject, he or the people? Mr. Lin coln was elected President on the 8th of November, 186Q,; and the people had from this time tall' the 9th of February,' 40 HISTORY OF THE- REBELLION - 1861^ a period of three months, in which to consider and decide for themselves, whether Mr. Lincolns' election was or was not in accordance with the provisions of the Con stitution. They did consider this, subject, and at the expiration of this period delivered their opinion to the effect that this statement of Gov. Harris is false, deciding that the election of Mr. Lincoln was constitutional and binding upon them as a State; and that they were not only willing but anxious to- remain.nnder the old Govern-^ ment, and accept its adriiinistration at his hands during the next four years. There is not on record a more absolute and insulting case of official despotism and grinding usurpation than this act of Gov. Harris, in; convening his Legislature and instructing its members as he did in this message. But Governor Harris proceeds : and in another part of this incendiary document we find the following : "Therefore, I respectfully recommend the perfecting of an ordi-,' nance by the General Assembly, formally declaring the Independence , of the State of Tennessee of theFederal Union, renouncing its au thority, and reassuming each and every function belonging to a sep- , arate sovereignty." We have seen that this , Legislature convened on the 25th of April, 1861. In obedience to the above recommen dation respecting an ordinance of secession, among the first acts of this body we find the following: DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE AND ORDINANCE DISSOLVING THE FEDERAL RELATIONS BETWEEN THE STATE OF TENNESSEE AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. First. We, the people of the State of Tennessee, waiving any ex pression of opinion as to the abstract doctrine of secession, but assert ing the right,, as a free and Independent people, to alter; reform, or abolish, our form of Government in such manner as. we think proper, do ordain and declare that all the laws and ordinances by which the State of Tennessee became a member of the Federal Union of the United States of America, are hereby abrogated and annulled, and that all obligations on our part be withdrawn therefrom; and we do hereby resume iallithe rights, functions, and powers, which by any of said laws and ordinances were conveyed to the Government of the United States, and absolve ourselves from all the obligations, re straints, and duties incwrecb thereto; and do ¦ hereby henceforth1 becpme a free, sovereign and independent Stfite. Second. We furthermbre declare' and ' ordain that Article X, sec tions 1 and 2of the Constitution of the State of Tennessee, which IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 41 requires members of the General Assembly, and all officers, civil aud military, to take an oath to support the Constitution of the United States be, and the same are hereby abrogated and annulled ; and all parts of the Constitution of the State of Tennessee, making citizen ship of the United States a qualification for office, and recognizing the Constitution of the United States as the supreme law of this State, are in like manner abrogated and annulled. W. C. WHITTHOKNE, . . Speaker of the House of. Representatives, B. L. STOVALL, Passed May 6th, 1861. Speaker of the Senate. JOINT RESOLUTION TO APPOINT COMMISSIONERS FROM THE STATE OF TENNESSEE TO CONFER WITH THE AUTHORITIES OF THE CONFEDER ATE STATES, IN REGARD TO ENTERING INTO A MILITARY LEAGUE. Resolved by the General Assembly of the State of Tennessee, That the Governor be, and he is hereby authorized and requested to appoint three Commissioners on the part of Tennessee, to enter into a Mili- 9*,ry League with the authorities of the Confederate States, and with the authorities of such other slaveholding States as may wish to enter into it ; having in view the protection and defence of the entire South against the war that is now being carried on against it. W. C. WHITTHOKNE, ¦Speaker of the House of Representatives. B. L. STOVALL, Spenker of the Senate. Adopted May 1, 1861, In accordance with the request of this resolution Gov ernor Harris, in due time, appears with the following message : MESSAGE OF THE GOVERNOR. Executive Department, ) Nashville, May 7, 1861. J Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives : By virtue of the authority of your joint resolution, adopted on the 1st day of May inst., I appointed Gustavus A. Henry, of the county of Montgomery, Archibald O. W, Totten, of the county of Madison, and Washington Barrow, of the county of Davidson, "Commission ers on the part of Tennessee, to enter into a Military League with the^authorities of the Confederate States, and with the authorities of such other slaveholding States as may wish to enter into it ; having in yiew the protection and the defence of the entire South against the war that is now being carried on against it." The said Commissioners met the Hon.' Henry W. Hilliard, the accredited representative of the Confederate States, at Nashville, on this day, and have agreed upon and executed a Military League be tween the State of Tennessee and the Confederate States of America, subject, however, to the ratification of the two Governments ; one of the duplicate originals of which I herewith transmit for your ratifi cation or rejection. For many cogent and obvious reasons, vmneces- 4 42 HISTORY OE THE REBELLION sary to be rehearsed to you, I respectfully recommend the ratifica tion of this League at the earliest practicable moment. Very Respectfully, ISHAM G. HARRIS. The following is the document or League referred to in the above Message : CONVENTION BETWEEN THE STATE OF TENNESSEE AND THE CONFED ERATE STATES- OF AMERICA. The State of Tennessee looking to a speedy admission info the Con federacy established by the Confederate, States of America, in accord ance with the Constitution jfor the Provisional Government of said States, enters into the following temporary Convention, Agreement and Military League, with the Confederate States', for the purpose of meeting pressing exigencies affecting the common rights, interests, and safety of said States, and said Confederacy. First. Until the said State shall become a member of said Confed eracy according to the Constitution of both powers, the whole mili tary foTce, and military operations, offensive and defensive of, said State, in the impending conflict with the United States, shall be under the chief control and direction of the President of the Confederate States, upon the same basis, principles and footing, as if said State were now, and during the interval, a member of said Confederacy, said force, together with that of the Confederate States, to be em ployed for the common defence. Second. The State of Tennessee will, upon becoming a member of said Confederacy under the permanent constitution of said Confed erate States, if the same shall occur, turn over to said Confederate States, all the public property acquired from the United States, on the same terms, and in the same manner as the other States of said Confederacy have done in like cases. Third. Whatever expenditures of money, if any, the said State of Tennessee shall make before she becomes a member of said Confed eracy, shall be met and provided for by the Confederate States. This Convention entered into and agreed, in the city of Nashville, Tennessee, on the seventh day of May, A. D., 1861, by Henry W. Hil- liard, the duly authorized commissioner, to act in the matter of the Confederate States, and Gustavus A. Henry, Archibald O. W. Totten, and Washington Barrow, commissioners duly authorized in like manner .for the State of Tennessee — the whole subject to the approval and ratification of the proper authorities of both Governments respec tively. In testimony, whereof, the parties aforesaid have herewith set their hands and seals, the day and year aforesaid, in duplicate origi nals. HENRY W. HILLIARD. [seal. J Commissioner for the Confederate States of America. GUSTAVUS A. HENRY, [seal.] A. O. W. TOTTEN, seal.] WASHINGTON BARROW, [seal.] Commissioners on the part of Tennessee. joint resolution ratifying the league. Whereas, A military league, offensive and defensive, was formed on the 7th of May,. 18.61,. by and between A. O. W. Totten, Gustavus IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. ,'>*. &3 •0*9 A. Henry, and Washington Barrow, Commissioners on the part of the State of Tennessee, and H. W. Hilliard, Commissioner on the part of the Confederate States of America, subject to the confirmation of the two Governments : Be it therefore resolved by the General Assembly of the State of Tennes see, That said league be in all respects ratified and confirmed, and the said General Assembly hereby pledges the faith and honor of the State of Tennessee to the faithful observance of the terms and condi tions of said league. W. C. WHITTHORNE, Speaker of the House of Representatives. B. L. STOVALL. ' ' v Speaker of the Senate. Adopted May 7, 1861. * an ordinance for the adoption of the constitution of the pro visional GOVERNMENT OF THE CONFEDERATE STATES' OF AMERICA. We, the people of Tennessee, solemnly impressed by the perils which surround us, do hereby adopt and ratify the Constitution of the Provisional Government of the Confederate States of America, or dained and established at Montgomery, Alabama, on the 8th day of February, 1861, to be in force during the existence thereof, or until such a time as we may supersede it by the adoption of a permanent Constitution. Sec 6. Be it further enacted, That those in favor of the adoption of said Provisional Constitution, and thereby securing to Tennessee equal representation in the deliberations and councils of the Confederate States, shall have written or printed on their ballots the word "Rep resentation ; those opposed, the words "No Representation." Sec. 7. Be it further enacted, That in the event the people shall adopt the Constitution of the Provisional Government of the Confederate States, at the election herein ordered, it shall be the duty of the Gov ernor, forthwith to issue writs of election for delegates*to represent the State of Tennessee in the said Provisional Government; that the State shall be represented by as many delegates as it was entitled to members of Congress to the Congress of the United States of America, who shall be elected from the several Congressional Districts as now established by law, in the mode and manner now prescribed for the election of members of the Congress of the United States. Sec 8. Be it further enacted, That this act take effect from anii after its passage. , W. C. WITTHORNE, ' Speaker of the House of Representatives. B. L. STOVALL, Passed May 6th, 1861. Speaker of the Senate. At the commencement of this chapter we assumed that Tennessee rebels were not only rebels against the Gene ral Government, but also rebels against the government of their own State. In confirmation of this position we have seen, first, that on two different ballotings, the people of Tennessee in 44 . HISTORY OP THE REBELLION one case gave a majority of 64,114 forbidding the seces sion of the State under all circumstances ; in the other a majority of nearly 31,000, not only agains't secession but declaring that no occasion whatever existed for a State Convention on this or any other subject then agi tating the country ; that Tennessee had no grievances to complain of, was satisfied with the General Government, and proposed to remain in the Union as she was. Second, we have seen, that those who on the same day were found in the minority, or in other words found to be the rebel element of the State, immediately rebelled against this decision, setting on foot all possible unfair means and measures forcibly to set aside the people's ver dict, and officially hurled Tennessee out of the Union. By overwhelming majorities the people of the State declare themselves to be loyal ; instantly, however, Gov. Harris and his legislature, in secret conclave, assume themselves to be the people, convert the power entrusted in their hands into a law of brute force, blind and gag every Union man whom they cannot bribe, take the majority by the throat, and in three months from the time the people ex pressed their will to the contrary, league Tennessee with the rebellion. Language cannot express facts, nor can facts prove, any proposition if the above is not the logical showing of the case of this election. The proposition, therefore, is incon- trovertibly made out that the rebels of Tennessee were not only rebels against the General Government, but reb els against the government of their own State. _ Viewing the proceedings above described in the same light that we have considered them, the people of East Tennessee, through their delegates, assembled at Green- jville, Green county, on the 17th of June, 1861, with a view, 'among other things, to petition their Legislature for the privilege of East Tennessee to withdraw as a part of the State, and become independent, that she might thereby not only avoid actual conflict between herself and its seces sion portions, but avoid complicity with their treason, and especially escape being swept, with the rest of the State IN BRADLEY C0VNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 45 into the vortex of secession and rebellion. The follow ing is substantially an extract from the views of this body expressed in regard to the conduct of Governor Harris and his legislature, developed and examined in this chapter: Resolved, That the action of the State Legislature, in passing a declaration of independence, and forming a military league with the Southern Confederacy, was unconstitutional and not bindiiitj upon the loyal citizens of the State, % 46 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION CHAPTER IV. f ELECTION FOR SEPARATION AND NO SEPARATION. Rebels in Tennessee will boastingly refer to this elec tion, as an argument against the position we have taken in regard to the secession of their State. Nothing, however, is wanting to demonstrate that this election of June 8th, 1861, an election surreptitiously appointed and tyrannically managed by Governor Harris and his Legis lature, that they might cloak their treason under the forced popular suffrage of the people, if possible, was a darker crime in them, as well as a greater farce in itself than their act of ignoring the results of the election of Febru ary previous. The following is another extract from the published views of the Greenville Convention, being a part of an address by its members to the people of the State. "We, the people of East Tennessee, again assembled in Convention of our delegates, make the following declaration in addition to that heretofore promulgated by us at Knoxville. on the 30th and 31st days of May, last; So far as we can learn, the election held in this State on the 8th day of this month was free, with but few exceptions, in no part of the State other than iu East Tennessee. In the larger por tions of Middle and West Tennessee, no speeches or discussions in favor of ,the Union Were permitted. Union papers were not allowed to circulate. Measures were taken in some parts of West Tennessee, in defiance of the Constitution and laws, which allow folded tickets. to have the ballots numbered in such manner as to mark and expose the Union voters. A secession paper, the Nashville Gazette, in urging the people to vote an open ticket, declared that ' a thief takes a pocket book or effects an entrance into forbidden places by stealthy means — a tory, in voting, usually adopts pretty much the same mode of procedure.' Disunior.ists, in many places, had charge of the polls; and Union men when voting, were denounced as Lincolnites and abolitionists. The unanimity ofvthe votes in many large counties, where, but a few weeks ago, the Union sentiment was so strong, proves beyond a doubt that Union men were overawed by the tyranny of the military law, and the still greater tyranny of a corrupt and subsi dized press. Oui meeting was telegraphed to The New Orleans Delta, and it was falsely said that we had passed a resolution recommending submission if 70,000 votes were not cast against secession. The dis patch adds that the Southern rights men are determined to hold posses- IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 47 sion of the State, though they should be in a minority. Volunteers were allowed to vote in and out of the State, in flagrant violation of the Constitution. From the moment the election was over, before any detailed statement of the vote in the different counties had been published, and before it was possible to ascertain the result, it was •exultingly proclaimed that separation had been carried by from fifty ito seventy thousand votes. This was to prepare the public mind, to enable the secessionists to hold possession of the State, though they should be in' the minority. The final result is to be announced by a secession governor, whose existence depends upon the success of secession ; and no provision is to be made even for an examination of the vote by disinterested persons, or even for contesting the elec tion. For these and other causes, we do not regard the result of the ¦election as expressive of the will of a majority of the freemen of Ten nessee." Parson Brownlow, in his Experiences Among the Rebels, says: " For Separation and Representation, Richmond, East Teunessee, ¦ gave 14,700 votes, one half of that number were rebel troops, having no authority under the Constitution to vote at any election. For No Sepa ration and No Representation, East Tennessee gave 33,000 straight out Union votes, with at least 5,000 quiet citizens "deterred from com ing out by threats of violence, and by the presence of drunken troops at the polls to insult them." A short time before this June election an attempt was made by the Union people to hold a meeting at Paris, Tennessee, and this attempt resultefj in the death of two Union men, both being shot by the secessionists ; and a public notice that Emerson Etheridge would speak at Trenton, Tennessee, called forth the following correspon- QGHCG " " "Trenton, Tenn-, April 16th, 1861. ToJ.D. C. Atkins and R. G. Payne : Etheridge speaks here on Friday. Be here Friday or next day." The above was answered in the following manner : "Memphis, Tenn., April 16th, 186L To Messrs. I can't find Atkins. Can't come at that time. If Etheridge speaks for the South we have no reply. If against it, our only answer t» Slim and his backers must be cold steel and bullets. R. G. PAYNE." In the Louisville Journal of May 13th, 1861, we find the following : " The spirit of secession appears to have reached its culminating point in Tennessee. Certainly the fell spirit has, as yet, reached no 48 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION higher point of outrageous tyranny. The whole of the late pro ceedings in Tennessee has been as gross ail outrage as ever was per petrated by the worst tyrant of all the earth. Tfie whole secession movement on the part of the Legislature of the State has been law less, violent and tumultuous. The pretense of submitting the Ordi nance of Secession to the vote of the people of the State, after plac ing her military power and resources at the disposal and under the command of the Confederate States without any authority from the people, is as bitter and insolent a mockery of popular rights as the human mind could invent." The following is the vote of the State at this June elec tion for Separation and No Separation, as taken from the Memphis Appeal of June 27th, 1861 : EAST TENNESSEE. COUNTIES. AndersonBledsoe . . Bradley . CampbellCocke. . . . Carter . . . Grainger . Green. . . . Hamilton Jefferson.Knox .... Marion . . . Polk .... Roane . . . Rhea Sullivan . 97 197 #07 59 518 86 586 744854603 1226 414 738 454 360 1586 C3ft CO O 1278 500 13821000 118513431492 2691 12601987 3196 600 317 1568 202627 COUNTIES. Washington . Monroe Morgan .... McMinn Meigs Blount ClaibortieHawkins Hancock .... Johnson Sevier Scott Sequatchee . . Total C3a CO 10221096 50 904 481 418 250 908279111 (3019 153 14780 csz o 1445 774 630 1144 267 1766 1243"1460 6307S7 1528 521100 32923 IN BRADLEY COUNTY. EAST TENNESSEE. MIDDLE TENNESSEE. 49 COUNTIES* ' .2 .2 COUNTIES. i| _3'-£ ft a CO a CO o* CO CO o ai1 co o Shelby 7132 5 Madison 2704 20 Carroll 967 1349 Fayette 1364 23 Henry . 1746 317 780 168. Benton 79S 228 310 550 Dyer 811 110 763 7 Hardin 498 1051 McNairy 1318 586 1999 286 Weakly 1189 1201 Haywood Henderson 930 139 Tipton 943 16 800 1013 Hardeman 1516 29 Total 29127 6117 Obion 2936 64 VOTE IN CAMPS. Camp Randolph, 3,500; Camp Davis, Va., 506; Camp Duncan, 111; Harpers Ferry. 575; Fort Pickens, Fla., 737; Fort Harris, Tenn., 159; Camp Desoto, Tenn., 15; Camp Hermitage, Tenn .,16; Camp Jackson, Ya, 622— Total, 6,241. 50 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION The majority for separation appears to be 61,095. Other authorities differ but little from these figures. In Mare's Rebellion Record, and in The New American Cyclopae dia, this majority is given as 57,675. Also, Governor Harris in his proclamation of #une 24th, 1861, announced this as the majority by which the State had declared her separation from the old Government. The overwhelming majority for No Convention was at first felt by the rebels as a death-blow to their hopes ; while the loyal people correspondingly considered the victory complete and lasting, supposing that they had now ended the secession movement in Tennessee. The leading secessionists in the State, including the rebel por tion of the Legislature, were confused and beaten, and even Governor Harris for a short time apparently aban doned the scheme as hopeless. In a few days, however, especially, as the great movement continued rapidly to progress in other sections of the Union, the discour agement of these rebels began to subside, and by means of secret societies, secret plotting, mining and counter-min ing, they steadily recovered both spirits and strength, waiting and stealthily preparing to make another spring at the loyalty of the State. In Nashville, the great seeth ing crater of Tennessee rebellion, the secession leaders played the double and deceptive game of friend and enemy, pretending to occupy a medium position, censuring and suspicioning, as well as measurably favoring, both parties. They were opposed to the confederate scheme for dismembering the Union, and equally opposed to co ercion to recover South Carolina, already seceded. Privately driving forward this plan till it would answer to call the people of Davidson county together in conven tion, by a grand rally on that occasion they succeeded in persuading, a portion of the people at least, to commit themselves to their line of policy, and announce that they, with these leaders, were pledged against coercion. This effected, some of the most sacrificing rebels repaired to Charleston, South Carolina, and encouraged the rebel military authorities there to fire on Port Sumter, or in IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 51 any way they could, draw the Federal fire and bring on a battle, to make it appear that coercion was the inaugu rated policy of the Government, when Tennessee would be almost a unit for the South, for she was pledged against coercion. The bombardment of Sumter on the 12th of April, fol lowed by President Lincoln's call for troops on the 15th, three days afterwards, furnished these rising rebels with the very occasions they desired. These events produced an excitement that shook the State from one end to. the other. The whole rebel element of the State, especially Governor Harris and the rebel portion of his Legislature, were not only aglow with indignation, but were fired to a high pitch of frenzy at the thought that the Government was going to make war on the seceding States to coerce them into submission. But what was still more unfortu nate, the conservative element of the Union or loyal party — the weak-kneed gentlemen — were frightened also, and by the aid of the initiating degrees which this ele ment had already taken in rebellion as just stated, now stumbled over the great bugaboo of coercion into an error that not only sundered and broke up the solid ranks of the loyal party in the State, but bound its scattered frag ments hand and foot, and left them a helpless prey to the intriguing venom of their secession enemies. Excited by the ominous signs of immediate war between the two sections in the fall of Sumter, in connection with their surprise that the Government should call on Ten nessee for two regiments of militia to send against their brethren of the South, and to aid in putting down the re bellion by force, a few of the most eminent of these Union conservative leaders, such as Messrs. Neil S. Brown, ex- Governor of the State, Russell Houston, G. H. Ewing, C. Johnson, John Bell, R. J. Meigs, S. D. Morgan, John S. Brien, Andrew Ewing, John H. Callender, and Baylie Peyton, published at Nashville on the 18th of April, a warm and deeply appealing address to -the people of the State, expressing their views of the crisis, and of the position that should be taken by Tennessee. § 52 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION The following is an extract from this probably well- meant but, greatly misguided expression of interested patriotism : "Tennessee is called upon by the President to furnish two regi ments ; and the State has. through her Executive, refused to com ply with the call, This refusal of our State we warmly approve. We commend the wisdom, the justice, and the humanity, of the refusal. We unqualifiedly disapprove of secession, both as a constitutional right, and as a remedy for existing evils. We equally condemn the policy of the Administration in reference to the seceded States. But, while we without qualification condemn the policy of coercion, as calculated to dissolve the Union forever, and to dissolve it til the blood of our fellow-citizens, and regard it as sufficient to justify the State in refusing her aid to the Government in its attempt to sup press the revolution in the seceded States, we do not think it our luty, considering her position in the Union, and in view of the great question of the peace of our distracted country, to take sides against the Government. * * * Tennessee ought, as we think, to decline joining either party. * * * "The present duty of Tennessee is to maintain a position of inde pendence, taking sides with the Union and the peace of the country against all assailants, whether from the North or the South. Her position should be to maintain the sanctity of her soil from the hos tile tread of any party." The following is governor Harris' refusal to furnish the two regiments, which the government required at that time of Tennessee j " Hon. Simeon Cameron : " Sir : — Tour dispatch of the loth inst. informingme that Tennessee is called upon for two regiments of militia for immediate service is received. " Tennessee will not furnish a man for purposes of coercion, but 50,000 if necessary, for the defence of our rights and those of- our Southern brethren." ISHAM G. HARRIS. '• Governor of Tennessee.7' In the winter of 1862, shortly before the battle of Stone River, between Nashville and the Hermitage, the writer was conversing with an intelligent farmer, who explained the cause of his backsliding condition as a Union man by saying j-" What could I and such men as myself do, when Neil S. Brown and John Bell went by the board ? both, condemning and rebelling against the policy of the Gov ernment, Mr. Brown stumping the State against coer cion." The step thus taken by these men was disastrous to the Union cause in Tennessee, in two respects. It helped to, IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENkESSEE. 53 break the Solidity and compactness of the loyal party in the State, sending bewilderment and hesitation, more or less into its ranks, and starting many Union men upon the high road to secession and rebellion. Particularly did it have this effect in Middle and Western Tennessee. In the second place, this act of these men threw them and the whole conservative element that adhered to them, helplessly into the arms of the rebels. It was just so much strength added to the rebel cause. It was meeting the rebelB at least more than half Way, which emboldened them to assume that the other half was taken also, dis honestly it is true, yet none the less to their benefit. Basing themselves thus upon State independence, or State sovereignty, the principle of State secession was vir tually admitted, and though they denied the right of secession in any case, yet, what did the rebels care for that, so long as they themselves neutralized this very denial by correspondingly opposing coercion. By taking this position, therefore, these men went»completely over to the rebels, and bound themselves and their adherents hand and foot, a helpless, if not a willing prey at their feet. Denying the General Government the power to prevent secession by coercion, was equivalent to admitting the right of secession. With this accession to their strength and this encouragement, the rebels were now not afraid to ask whatever they desired, and to take any steps they pleased, to accomplish their objects. Occupying this posi tion, these men consistently could offer no effectual resist ance ; and thus dismembered and deserted, the great Union party was measurably discouraged and disheartened, and consequently proportionately weak in their opposition. Thus while this address was issued on the 18th of April, on the 25th, only seven days afterward, Governor Harris had his rebel Legislature convened and instructed to take steps for immediate secession, which, notwithstanding all. the necessary preliminaries, mutual consultation, appoint ing commissioners, etc., was consummated by the adoption of the secession league on the 7th of May following, a lapse of only twelve days from the first hour of the session. 54 History of the rebellion By this act the State with all her State Institutions, and the people, were officially transferred into the arms of Jeff. Davis. Her militia, with her whole military resources were, from that moment subject to the cominand of the Southern Confederacy, and were so considered, not only by the South, but by every rebel in the State, who consist ently with the change, immediately prepared himself with revolver, bowie-knife, rifle or double-barrel shot gun, insolently assuming, as by authority, an attitude of hos tility toward all Union movements and loyal expressions of the people, by which, together with the consciousness on their part, that Southern help was at hand and ready at any time, and would be immediately invoked if neces sary, all Union action if not Union sentiment in Middle and West Tennessee, was effectually crushed out long before the 8th of June. In East Tennessee, the. Union sentiment was so predominant that it took a little longer and a more persistent application of these means to over come it. By an act of this Legislature, convened on the 25th day of April, Governor Harris was authorised to raise, and equip a provisional force for the defense of the State, to consist of 55,000 volunteers — 25,000 of whom, or any less number, as demanded by the wants of the service, were to be fitted for the field at the earliest practical mo ment, the remainder to be held in reserve, ready to move at short notice ; and should it become necessary for the safety of the State, tlft Governor might "call out the whole available military strength of the State ;" and was to determine when this force should serve, and to direct it accordingly. Thus clothed with a semblance of power, Gov. Harris hastened the organization of the provisional force of 25,000 men, and before the day of election, June 8th, 1861, had the greater part of it on foot, distributing it in camps around Nashville, and in other places, armed and sup plied as far as it could be with the munitions of the United States then in possession of Tennessee, and with such as could be obtained from Augusta, Georgia, from IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 55 where they were brought by General Zollicoffer. Thus on the morning of this election, for the first time in their lives, the people of Tennessee "repaired to the polls con scious that they were no longer a free people, aware that the Governor and Legislature with the treasury of the State in their hands, and with all the arms of the State in requisition, and a formidable army in their pay, had already joined the foul conspiracy of the South purposely to overthrow the General Government. In the same act authorizing the Governor to raise these troops, passed May 6th, 1861, the County Courts of the whole State were empowered to have organized a Home Guard of minute men in companies of not less than ten for each Civil -District in their respective counties. It was the duty of the officers of these companies to procure warrants from the Justices, arrest and bring to trial all suspected persons before the civil authorities. It was the duty of these companies to assemble for drill at least once a week, to council ^with each other and take precautionary measures, and 'to hold themselves momentarily ready for a call to active service. A general commander was ap pointed in each county whose duty it was, in case of an emergency, to take charge of the Home1 Guards in his county and superintend their operations. On the 16th of May, Governor Harris proclaimed to all volunteer organizations in the State who were in posses sion of State arms and did not hold themselves ready for immediate service at his command, to return the arms forthwith to the State arsenal at Nashville. The object of this was to disarm all bodies and organizations through out the State who were friendly to the old Government. Thus for a month previous to the election were the Union people, of the State, in every county, if not in every district, awed and guarded by rebel military forces, and subjected to the tyranny, abuse, and proscription of these rebel military organizations in their very midst. From the 16th to the 24th of April, rebel military ope rations had so far progressed in the west of the State that there were planted on the Mississippi five or six batteries gg HISTORY OF THE REBELLION of heavy guns, including mortars, columbiads, and 32 and 24 pounders, commanding the river from Memphis to the Kentucky line. Under the control-of Major General G. J. Pillow, as commander-in-chief, with Brigadier Generals Cheatham and Sneed, were concentrated at the same time not far from fifteen thousand rebel troops in West Ten nessee. About eight thousand Mississippi troops of all arms, also, sometime before this election passed up the Mobile and Ohio Railroad to Corinth and Grand Junc tion, on their way to rendezvous near the Kentucky line, to be commanded by General Clark, acting in concert with General Pillow. With these troops was a command of cavalry with two light batteries. At least seventy-five or one hundred heavy guns had been placed in battery in Tennessee, and other large guns were in the State and ready for use before the election. In addition to these preparations a command under. Brigadier General Foster had assembled at Camp Cheatham ; and General W. R Caswell had collected and equipped oyer a thousand men in East Tennessee ready to repel any hostile movements in that division of the State. The following is from the Cleveland Banner, and from a number dated May 10th, 1861, within two days of one month before the election : " Tennessee Mustering her " Bravest and Best."— The Nashville Union and American says the unparalleled unanimity with which the men of Tennessee are responding to the summons to war, makes the heart of every true Tennesseean beat quicker and prouder. The Governor has not yet issued any official call to the volunteers of the State, and yet, in anticipation of such call, 117 companies have already been reported to the Adjutant General, as ready for service,- This is exclusive of 44 companies mustered in bv General Anderson in West Tennessee, and of Colonel Pete Turney's 1100 men, which have been received into service of the Confederate States and have already gone to Virginia. We do not overstate the case, when we estimate that 75,000 as good and efficient troops, as ever met an enemy, can easily be raised in Tennessee, and this will not include more than one-half the men capa ble of bearingarms in the State. The Black Republican tyrants and Vandals can never make much, in glory or profit, by invading such a State as this. These gallant men are as ready, too, to rush to the defence of their Southern sisters as they are to defend their own homes and soil. Tennessee is mar shaling her chivalry for the heroic era into which we have entered. These troops know no such word as defeat. Death is to them far preferable to such a fate. IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 57 Under such a condition of things in Tennessee, added to which are the facts that her great lines of railroads were then also at the service and subject to the control of the Confederacy, and even then were alive with her war preparations against the Government; especially the great rail thoroughfare connecting Virginia with the Cot ton States, passing through Knoxville and Chattanooga, literally swarming with rebel troops on their way from the South to the rebel army in the East, With other facts that might be given, the appointment of a State election at which her citizens as a free people were to ratify or re ject secession, a thing already consummated, and which nothing on earth now but the subjugation of the whole re bellion could fully restore, was a farce, an unmeaning, hy pocritical performance, certainly, the like of which had be fore never been known in the history of the country. Even had no fraudulent votes been cast by the rebels, under these circumstances, the trial would have been but an insulting mockery. In regard to fraudulent votes, however, a glance at the table of returns given in this .chapter will .convince any one that rebel fraudulent voting on that day Was perpe trated proportionately with the abominableness of the rest of the transaction. The whole number of rebel votes cast for Convention, according to this table was 39,307, and for Separation 102,172, an increase of rebel votes in f6ur months of 62,855. The whole number of Union votes cast for No Conven tion was 72,156, and for No Separation 47,307, a decrease of Union votes in four months of 24,918. Now, even ad mitting that this Union decrease indicates the exact number of Union men that went over to the rebels between these elections, and voted with them for sepa ration, there would still be an increase of rebel votes during this four months of 37,937. It is not the fact, however, that this number of Union men deserted their friends, and voted for Separation. It is admitted, as indicated in another place, that many Union men, by one means and another, especially about the time that Sum- 5 58 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION ter fell, were drawn into the rebellion, and doubtless voted for Separation. Not more, however, than ten thousand, in all probability, during this four months, even in the whole State, made a clear stride to the rebel ranks, and voted with the rebels for Separation. This would leave, this estimate being anything like correct, an increase of rebel votes, during the four months between these elections, of about 52,855. Now, that the rebels made a strenuous effort and polled all the votes in their power for the Convention, on the 9th of February, will not be denied ; and the secret that enabled them on the 8th of June following, to exceed their February vote by 52,855 is yet, in all probability, a great deal better kndwn to themselves than to anybody else. If there is any other principle than that of fraudulent voting on which this remarkable difference can be accounted for, the fact has escaped our knowledge, and probably always will es cape it. This fraudulent voting is also shown upon the same principle by reference to the votes cast in some of the counties at different times." Wilson County, Middle Ten nessee, for instance, gave for Convention 462 votes ; but for Separation 2,329. The same is the case with, many other counties. The increase of almost two thousand rebel votes in Wilson County during the short space of four months, to say the least, is a very suspicious circum stance. IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 59 CHAPTER V. UNION FLAG RAISED AND LOWERED. Immediately after the election, on the 9th of June, 1861, from which time the rebels considered that the people had ratified the secession of the State, the clouds of rebel lion, more ominously than ever, began to lower upon East Tennessee ; and Bradley felt that She was elected for her part of the scathing. On the 25th of April, 1861, a Union pole was raised upon the Public Square in Cleveland, in front of the Court House. As soon as the pole was erected and firmly placed in the earth, a beautiful Union flag, presented by Miss Sally Shields, was elevated, and soon waved grace fully from its pinnacle, the stars and stripes unfurling themselves in the breeze, a visible evidence that the peo ple of Bradley were yet enthusiastically attached to the government of their fathers. Being previously notified, the people from the different parts of the county as sembled to enjoy and participate in the ceremonies, and to listen to an address delivered on the occasion by John L. Hopkins, Esq., of Chattanooga, the whole constituting a scene of Union interest and excitement, not soon to be forgotten by the lovers of true liberty in the village of Cleveland. The pole was a beautiful hickory, and a'piece of bark taken from it at the time, and on which are in scribed in legible characters the date of the occasion, the name of the young lady who presented the flag, the name of the orator of the day, etc., is still in possession of Mr. C. M. Gallaher, a merchant of Cleveland. This flag was permitted to wave above the dwellings and the people of Cleveland, from the time it was raised till June following, either a few days before or a few days after the election just alluded to. About this time a rebel 60 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION regiment of Mississippians, the first that passed Cleveland from the South, on its way to the eastern rebel army, while the train conveying it stopped at the depot, a quarter of a mile south of the Court House— espied this flag proudly flapping against the northern sky, and soon began prepa rations to haul it down from its prorid position. Some of these Mississippians immediately fired upon the flag, one of the shots taking effect upon the Court House, where the marks of the bullet are yet to be seen on the blind of one of the front windows. A few of the Union people of Cleveland were inclined to resent the insult, and not allow their flag to be disturbed. Others, taking a cooler and more considerate view of the subject, saw it would be impossible for the people to arm and organize in time to meet eight hundred or a thousand rebels, thoroughly equipped, and at that instant ready to march upon them, consequently they submitted with the best grace they could — gently lowered the flag themselves and conveyed it to a place of safety. As already stated, from this June election, and partic ularly from the event just narrated, things in Bradley grew worse and worse for the Union cause. Rebel citi zens gave their Union neighbors to understand that no more Union flags would be allowed to float above the soil of Bradley. The loyal people,, however, thought other wise. They had faith to believe that the same flag which they had then been compelled to strike at the insulting demands of Southern traitors, would, at some future day, triumphantly wave and unfold its brilliant colors to their gaze in the same spot from which it had just been dis placed. No further attempts, however, were immediately made to accomplish this desirable object; but the flag was secreted among Union families at different places in the county, its locality being changed from house to house, as dangers thickened and followed it up, for nearly three years. For two years it was concealed in the house of Mr. John- McPherson, of the ninth district. While here, and probably while at other places, when Union neighbors and Union; refugees from different parts of the IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TRNNKSSKK. 61 county wore present, moved with a desire to see the old /fag, some of the family would slyly withdraw it from its place of concealment, and after all had sufficiently feasted their eyes upon the sight, and volunteered their remarks naturally suggested by the hazards through which this emblem of national liberty, as well as themselves, wore passing, it would be as carefully returned to its seclusion, tlioro to wait in silence, and like all other things noble to abide its time of public glory. On the 10th of February, 1S64, not long after our forces had driven Brngg from before Chattanooga, and taken possession of the State from this place to Knoxville, Gen. Grosso, from Indiana, and Col. Waters, of the 84th Illinois, assisted the Union people of Bradley to raise this same flag which they had concealed and protected with so much devotion, in the same spot from which Mississippi traitors had dislodged it. These gentlemen delivered, each, a patriotic and encouraging address to the people on the occasion. It was a high day in Cleveland, when the blue coats of tho North and the blue coats of Tennessee, mingling with the crowd of men, women, and children, loyal Bradley sent up the Stars and Stripes, announcing the redemption of their rebel-smitten and traitor-ridden county. A FALSE ALARM. On the 6th of July, 1861, from some accidental circum stance, a report spread over Bradley that a rebel regi ment, apparently from Chattanooga, had appeared in the vicinity of Georgetown, or near a place called Swafford's Springs, in the north-western part of the county. The report carried the idea that this rebel force meditated some evil against the rights of the Union people of Brad ley. Having taken this form it spread like wild-fire till it- reached every Union section if- not every Union family in the county. This occurred on Saturday, and notwith standing the people#wcro closing up their week-day affairs, and receding towards the quiet of the Sabbath, this news throw the whole Union element of the county 62 HISTORY OP THE REBELLION into commotion, and set it to heaving like a tempest, Mr. Hiram Smith, of the fifth district, like many more of other- districts, mounted his horse and rode post-haste nearly the whole night to rally the people to the rescue ; and Sunday morning, instead of finding them .at their different places of worship, found seven or eight hundred of them armed with every conceivable weapon which in the ex citement of the moment they could lay their hands on, hurrying from their different points, and organizing to beat back a fancied rebel foe. One point of rendezvous was Smith's Mills, we believe, in the twelfth district. Sometime during the day on Sunday, however, it was ascertained that this report was an utter fabrication ; that no rebel force was or had been in the vicinity of Georgetown, or anywhere in that direction, consequently, these Union warriors had nothing to do but enjoy a hearty laugh at the awkwardness of their position and return to their homes. The editor of the Cleveland Banner, in his next number after this Union demonstration, devotes to this subject nearly two columns of burlesque and rebel censure, from which the following is a short extract: "The news from the fighting District at this juncture of writing, is of a rather pacific character. Since the uprising of the Union men on Saturday night last, the exoltement is subsiding and growing beautiful less by degrees. The warriors, on that memorable occa sion, armed with guns, knives, reap hooks, scythe blades, claw-ham mers aud hand-saws, in the fury or their anger, burnt a foot-log and blockaded Candy's Creek. Thus appeasing their 'voice for war,' they dispersed to their homes, and believe now they are perfectly se cure, and can maintain their independence and neutrality, in spito of Jeff. Davis, King Harris, the Southern Confederacy, the Devil and Tom Walker. We hope no straggling Secessionist will get among thorn, to disturb their quiet repose, because if they get another big scare they will vamose the ranche. We don't want them to leave till corn is lald-by and the wheat is thrashed." This demonstration illustrates the Union feeling and determined hostility which at that time existed in Brad ley against the rebellion. Unfortunately, however, this was the last general exhibition of Union sentiment that was permitted in the county, until it was relieved by the Government forces in the spring of 1864. Rebel military power, soon after, was effectually inaugurated to suppress IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 63 not only all general expressions of loyalty, but all indi vidual liberty of speech and action. This unlooked for Union opposition to the rebellion, it appears, suggested the necessity of the presence of rebel troops to awe the Union people into submission to the demands of treason. In the same editorial of the Hanner from which we have quoted, we find the following : " On Thursday, before the absurd rumor was put afloat in regard to the Southern troojas, nearly all of these thousand Union voters had a meeting at, Gorgetowu. where their regularly organized com panies, not less than live or six hundred armed men, had beeu mus tered and drilled under the old Union flags; and had beeu addressed bv Dan Trewhitt, Miehael Edwards, and a fellow bv the name of Matthews, in a most inflammatory and r«b«Uious style!"' In connection with the above, this rebel editor also teaches the Union people of Bradley tonmderstand their duty, and warns them in the following manner of what they may expect in return for disobedience. "Our Union friends were greatly exercised on Monday last, for fear that troops from the Confederate States, would be stationed in our midst, in consequence of the uprising of the Union men at Georgetown on Sunday. Could they expect anvthing else after such a demonstration as that! ir> know that the State does not wish to send them here, and if they are ordered here at all it will be from a. feeling of necessity, and not because there is any desire to do so on the part of the State or the Confederate States. Armed Lincoln men are enemies to the Confederate States, whether thev are found in Massachusetts, Virginia or East Tennessee — and such armed men with hostile intentions, if persisted in, must as a matter of course iu a state of war expect to be treated as enemies." We insert the last extract because it reveals the exact point of time when the military power of the rebellion was resorted to. and depended on by Bradley rebels to put an end to expressions of loyalty iu the county. We believe that no rebel forces were at that time sent into the county : but from this moment Union men were given to understand that rebel military power would be applied if all loyal demonstrations jn the county did not at once cease. Besides, in a very short time after this, home rebel volunteering commenced, and the presence of mili tary camps in full blast, and acting in combination with Southern rebels formed a power making rebel ascendancy in Bradley complete. 64 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION DAMAGES TO BRADLEY COUNTY. First District $80,000 Eighth District 80,000 Second District 40,000 Ninth District 80,000 Third District 40,000 Tenth District 80,000 Fourth District 60,000 Eleventh District 80,000 Fifth District 60.000 Twelfth District 90.000 Sixth District 100,000 Thirteenth District 30.000 Seventh District 40,000 The above estimates do not refer to the aggregate losses of Union men in this county occasioned by the war gen erally, but simply to the amounts of property of all kinds ¦destroyed and taken from them by the rebels during the war. These figures, in every instance except one, are considerably below the respective damages as estimated by good judges. Getting estimates of rebel damages from different individuals living in the several districts of the county, the medium between the highest and the lowest are the figures in each case here given. The best judges put the Union loss in the first district at $100,000. None put it less than $75,000; and it was put down finally at $80,000. The Union loss in the fourth district by some was estimated at $75,000, or even $80,000, .while others judged it as low as $50,000. We have given it at $60,000. This is the rule followed in the case of every district except the eighth, the Union damages of which were calculated by Mr. Benton H. Henneger, of Charleston, — a gentleman whose judgment and candor none will question. Mr. Henneger's own loss in this dis trict was over $5,000. A. J. Cate, Esq., of the first dis trict, lost $25,000. The rebels burned two of his barns with a large amount of property stored in them at the time. Mr. Jesse B. Cleveland, of the seventh district, lost $10,000. Rev. Eli H. Southerland, of the third dis trict, lost $3,500. John McPherson, Esq., of the ninth, and Mr. Samuel Maroon, of the fourth, were equally heavy losers with some of the above. Every Union man in the county, first and last, lost by the rebels nearly everything movable on his premises, especially everything in the shape of stock. A closer and more critical examination of these damages doubtless would increase instead of les sening the foregoing figures. IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 65 In some cases, particularly at the commencement of the war, the rebel authorities paid Union people for the property they took from them in Confederate paper money. Generally, however, this proved but a small compensation. Some time in 1863 Mrs. Benton H. Hen- neger paid $500 in Confederate money for a common feather bed and a common bedstead. In the same year, Mr. Henneger himself paid in this money $3,000 for three boxes of, tobacco, being ten dollars per pound. Towards the close of 1863, thirty dollars in Confederate money was frequently paid for a block of cotton thread, which in ordinary, times cost perhaps $1.50. During the first year of the war, however, Confederate money was of more value.. A committee of good judges in the ninth district, who lived in Bradley throughout the war, estimated the Con federate money owned by Union men in the county, while it was in circulation, as having been worth to them on an average from twenty to twenty-five cents to the dollar. Individuals, of course, will differ on this subject ; yet those who give it a candid and thorough investigation, will probably admit that this committee of the ninth dis trict was not far from the truth. 66 • HISTORf OF THE REBELLION CHAPTER VI. THE FIRST CLIFT WAR. Having conducted the reader to the edge of the mael strom into which Bradley was precipitated, and in which she floundered for nearly three years, We must turn aside for a moment to include a brief sketch of a somewhat re markable scene, which, though not enacted in Bradley, is nevertheless a part of its war history, and cannot with propriety be separated from it. By way of introduction, we will present another short extract from the editorial of the Cleveland Banner. It is found in the issue of Sep tember 27th, 1861, and reads as follows : " Old Clift, down lp Hamilton, who has been rather obstrepulous for a few weeks, we learn, has cooled down and concluded to 'ground arms ! and demean himself like a loyal citizen hereafter. Sensible conclusion that, and come to just at the nick of time, because it would have been a pity to disgrace the scaffold with such an old imbecile as he has proved himself to be." Of all the national commotions which the world has ever witnessed, this great Southern Rebellion has devel oped the greatest variety of characters in its line — char acters filling the measure of every human medium, others circumscribing all human extremes excepting extreme greatness, executing and leaving for our backward view the most extensive field of scientific and unscientific mil itary maneuvers, tragic events and comic scenes — charac ters prescribing and proscribing respectively every form of government both for communities and individuals ; prescri bing and proscribing every form of philosophy, morals and religion — characters presenting or inhering the sublimest ranges of humanity and Christianity, side by side with every evil work produced by other characters, with a lengthened category of cases of the strangest combina- IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 67 tions of human weakness and efficient qualities in" the same individuals — qualities fitted for accidental and im promptu strokes of power and success, but impossible of adjustment with even, systematic and sure progress ; the whole of which during the last four years have moulded the most gigantic mass of facts and forms for the intellect of man — facts and forms which will follow in the realm of thought and tinge the literature of the world for the next thousand years. As a solitary individual or figure helping to make up this mass of phenomena, one that will be remembered by the people of Bradley, Hamilton, Polk, Reah, Meigs, McMinn, and those of other counties, during the present generation at least, William Clift stands pre-eminent in East Tennessee, his active individuality in 1861 having given rise to what is known, in that region, as the famous Clift war. This brave and patriotic Tennesseean, at the opening of the rebellion, was living in Hamilton County, on the north-west side of the Tennessee, on a small stream named Soddy, about three miles from where it empties into that noble river, twenty-five miles above Chattanooga. He was an early settler in the country, from which time to the Commencement of the war, he had amassed consider able property, was an owner of mills, &c, rather a lead ing character in his vicinity— known to be honest, indus trious, a fair and liberal dealer, a good citizen, prompt, short, direct, outspoken, uncompromising — having not the least of the non-committal or secretiveness in his compo sition. Being a strong Union man, a worshiper of the flag of his ancestors, he was one of the first in his section to denounce secession — opposing the rebellion in all its fea tures. So decided was his course, and so fearlessly were his Union sentiments expressed from the beginning, that he soon became, known not only in his own county but in the adjoining counties, as a more than usually active Union man and vehement friend of the old Government ; and was as much dreaded and hated by the rebels as he was favorably regarded by the Union people. 68 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION Near the close of the summer of 1861 Union men began to flee from East Tennessee and Northern Georgia through Kentucky to the Federal army. Col. CJlift, as just stated, being known throughout the country as an enthusiastic friend to the cause ; and living near the Tennessee river, also on the refugee route of travel to the Northern army, the vicinity of his plantation soon became the converging point for crossing the river to those who were thus flying from the fires of rebellion. Refugee pilots acquainted with the country would secretly conduct companies of Union men to the river opposite Clift's premises ; when by his aid, or aid which he had previously prepared, they were slyly crossed over and concealed till arrangements could be made for their departure to the Northern lines. This system of operations continued and increased from about the middle of the summer, 1861, the time it com menced, till after the middle of the following September, Col. Clift's plantation being both receiving and distribut ing refugee headquarters. For his own convenience and for the comfort of the refugees, Clift took possession of a Cumberland Presby terian camp ground, situated not far from his own home, and on a small stream called Sails Creek. The refugees now quartered in the board tents left standing upon this ground, while the work of organizing them into com panies, fitting them out with pilots and supplies necessary for their trip through Kentucky, could be accomplished. Not long after Clift took possession of these tents, his numbers so increased that all atternpts perhaps at secresy were thrown off; and the premises began to assume the appearances of a military camp, so much so, that the movement was soon interpreted by rebel citizens as in cipient rebellion against the Confederate States. News of Clift's Union activities had been spreading for some time through the country; but the erection of this camp gave a new impetus to rebel fears, and the Confederate authorities at Chattanooga, Knoxville and other places thought it; quite time to put a stop to the Lincolnite pro ceedings on Sails Creek. Accordingly Capt. Snow of IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 69 Hamilton, Captains Crawford and Guess of Rhea, and Capt. Rogers of Meigs, collectively commanding about three or four hundred men, were ordered to repair to Col. Clifts camp, and if they could not capture, disperse him and his men. This rebel force reached the vicinity of Clift's operations about the 15th of September, 1861. From cowardice or some other cause, the rebels did not make an immediate attack ; but halted in Rhea county, at a place called "The Cross Roads," six or eight miles from Clifts' headquarters. When it became known that this rebel force was ordered to dislodge Col. Clift, many of the leading Union men of Bradley and perhaps a few from other counties, some of Avhom had sons with Clift, knowing that he was in no condition to make a successful defence, and knowing also that he would not run, but would fight, if attacked, whether the chances were against him or not, thought proper to visit the scene of hostilities and lend their influ ence to prevent an encounter which would doubtless occasion loss of life, and which could not, whatever the immediate result, benefit the Union cause in the end. These men reached the ground in time to confer with Clift, who, yielding to their advice took advantage of the delay of the rebels to attack him — broke up and vacated his camp, allowing his men to disperse, each one disposing of himself as he thought best. Immediately after this, and while the rebels were yet at " The Cross Roads," the rebel Assistant Inspector General of the State, James W. Gillispie, having been sent from Knoxville to superintend operations against Col. Clift, appeared on the ground. He arrived on the evening of the 18th, and being informed that the Union camp had already been voluntarily aban doned, sought an interview with Col. Clift and his citizen councillors, endeavoring to extort a promise from them, that thereafter they would discourage all Union men in their respective communities from leaving their homes, and especially from going to the Federal Army. He also endeavored, particularly, to obtain a promise from Col. Clift, that he would not again allow his premises to be- 70 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION come the rendezvous for Union refugees ; and more par ticularly still, that he would organize no more such camps as that he had just abandoned. Gen. Gillispie, however, found it no easy matter, notwithstanding the presence of three or four hundred rebel troops, to bring Col. Clift and these few Union men to subscribe to his terms. They argued, that Union men not only had been, but were then being seized at their houses, and oppressively forced into the rebel armies, and compelled to fight against what they conscientiously felt to be their lawful Government, and for a cause which they as conscien tiously believed to be treasonable— a cause that must ultimately fail and involve all connected with it in ruin! They contended that Union men had the same right to their political opinions, that rebels had to theirs, and while rebel recruiting officers, and the rebel soldiery were, at the point of the bayonet, compelling Union men to enter their ranks and fight the battles of the rebellion, it was right for these Union men to escape, in any way they could escape, to the Federal army or any where else. These arguments were too consistent, and were too forci bly urged for Gen. Gillispie to make head against them altogether; and he found himself necessitated, before he could effect anything like a settlement on peaceable terms, to yield at last half the contested ground. He therefore obligated himself that Union men should there after be unmolested and allowed to remain at their homes in peace — that under no circumstances, would the rebel authorities allow their soldiery to force them into the Con federate ranks to fight against the Government of the United States. Accordingly, he drew up the following singular article of treaty stipulations, as obligatory upon both parties. Whereas, the State of Tennessee has separated from the United States, by a vote of a large majority of the citizens of the State, and adopted the permanent Constitution of the Confederate States of America; and we, as members of the Union party, believing that it becomes necessary for us to make an election between the North and the South, and that our interests and sympathies and feelings are •with our countrymen of the South, that any further divisions and dissentions among us, the citizens of East Tennessee, is only calcu- EAST TENNESSEE. 71 lated to produce war and strife amoug our homes and families, and desolation of the land, without any material influence upon the con test between the North and the South. . We hereby agree, That we will in future conduct ourselves as peaceable and loyal citizens of the State of Tennessee, that we will oppose resistance or rebellion against the Constitution and laws of the State of Tennessee, and will use our influence to prevail upon our neighbors and acquaintances to co-operate with us in this behalf; We having been assured by the military authorities of the State, that no act of oppression will be allowed toward us or our families, whilst we con tinue in the peaceable pursuits of our several domestic occupations. Sep tember 19th, 1861. The general wording of this document did not har monize with the feelings, either of Col. Clift or any of his citizen advisers. They especially objected to that statement " our interests and sympathies and feelings are with our countrymen of the South." As this document, however, promised immunity to Union men from rebel oppression for the future, upon the authority of the Assis tant Inspector General of the State, and as Gen. Gillispie was not disposed to yield more, having the power at hand to enforce his own measures ; after a lengthened discus sion, without fully committing themselves to the moral position it required of them, Col. Clift and his friends con sented to the conditions of the treaty, promising that so far as hostile demonstrations were concerned, its terms, on their part, should be faithfully kept, so long as they were observed by the rebels; and thus, the famous "Cross Roads Treaty," between Gen. Gillispie and Col. Clift ter minated the first " Clift War." When the news of this treaty reached Bradley, and the people became acquainted with its character, dissat isfaction, or rather a disposition to ridicule it, was the result among Union men. Some were disposed to com plain because Col. Clift and his friends had submitted to anything of the kind. But a few weeks transpired, how ever, before it was discovered that "The Cross Roads Treaty," though farcical enough at the beginning, was nevertheless resulting in considerable good. Gen. Gillis pie, to his credit, no doubt intended that the provision of this agreement, on the part of the rebels, should be faith fully kept, and exerted himself with the rebel authorities 72 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION to this end. Rebel abuses in Bradley were so manifestly checked for a season by "The Cross Roads Treaty" that many Union men were heard to say that it was the most fortunate thing for their side that had occurred since the rebellion commenced. Should this page, at some future day, meet the eye of Gen. Gillispie, he will doubtless wonder at the accidents that preserved and finally gave publicity to his profound diplomatic stipulations upon Sails Creek. THE SECOND CLIFT WAR. Whatever were the efforts of certain individuals en gaged in the rebellion to conduct it, so far as they were concerned, upon principles of justice, the fact that the great scheme was fundamentally wrong, made it impossi ble for any of its parts long to remain untainted with the central wickedness. " The Cross Roads " agreement, so far as Gen. Gillispie was concerned, proposed to secure something like justice to the Union people of the country, and to some extent for a short time had this effect. As the rebellion rose in its might, however, the obligations of this measure were swept away, and Union people soon became the subjects of the same persecutions as befo're ; consequently they again attempted to save themselves by flight to the Northern army. The contract being thus broken by the rebels, Col. Clift felt himself released from its obligations, and immediately opened his house and offered his prem ises again for the protection of Union refugees. Upon this renewal of hostilities the refugees flocked in upon Clift in such numbers that he not only found his old camp ground on Sails Creek indispensable to their com fort, but he was induced to institute a system of opera tions entirely different from any by which he had previ ously operated. It was unnecessary in his opinion for Union people to fly to the North either for, protection or,fjor an opportu nity to fight/; and acting upon this principle he proposed to organize his refugee friends into a regiment and pre- IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 73 pare for defence, making his premises their base of opera tions. Whether Col. Clift's plan was altogether approved or otherwise, many if not all that were with him yielded to his solicitations, and the result was that in a few days their camp had assumed quite a formidable appearance as a military post. At this stage of the proceedings it was rumored that the notorious Wm. Snow, of Hamilton, with his gang of cut-throats, was quartered in a Methodist camp ground in the north-west part of Bradley, recruiting rebel soldiers, and, as usual, arresting Union men and pressing them into the rebel service. Ascertaining this report to be true, Clift proposed to lead his men against Snow, whom he thought it would be easy to dislodge if not capture, with his whole party. For want of arms or from some other cause, this enterprise, notwithstanding its impor tance, as well as its practicability, was not undertaken, and Snow and his men, after desolating the country and abusing Union people to their satisfaction, left at their own convenience. Although Col. Clift's anxiety of offen sive movements against Snow was_ not gratified, yet his diligence preparatory to defensive operations was not slackened, he and his men making the best of their time and means to strengthen their position. Clift's men, how ever, were poorly armed, a deficiency which, in his locality and condition, it was difficult to supply. His genius, how ever, when in a strait, was as strangely inventive as his spirit was brave ; and he at once set to work to remedy the serious evil under which he labored. Procuring an old iron pipe, which, perhaps, had formerly been some part of a steam-engine, he improvised it into a heavy piece of ordnance, and, in some way, mounted it behind his breastworks, in readiness to use as artillery in case of an attack. This novel invention, whether it could have been of any service in beating back an enemy or not, had the effect very much to enlarge the fame of Col. Clift as a warrior of determined spirit, and, also, once more to arouse the fears of the rebel authorities, and cause them 6 74 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION a second time to turn their attention to their old and vig orous enemy on Sails Creek. Accordingly, Col. Wood, of Chattanooga, commanding a regirtfent of Alabama troops, Captains Brown and Hard- wick, of Cleveland, Capt. McClellan, of Charleston, Brad ley county, Capt. McClary, of Polk, Capt. Smith, of McMinn, Capt. McKinsey, of Meigs, with two other Cap tains of home guards in Rhea county, with their com mands, comprising a rebel force of fifteen hundred or two thousand men, were ordered to concentrate in the vicin ity of Clift's operations, and, as soon as possible, make a descent upon his camp that would effectually silence an enemy that had entrenched himself in the very midst of the rebellion, defying the whole Confederacy, and one that had already given the rebel authorities in Tennessee so much trouble. With the exception of Col. Wood's regiment, this for midable array of troops reached its destination on the morning of the 11th of November, 1861, and went into -camp a short distance to the east of Col. Clift's fort. Col. Wood, of Chattanooga, it appears, did not arrive till two -days later, the manner of which arrival will appear here after. As was the case when Clift was previously as saulted, some of the leading Union men of the country stole the march upon these rebel troops, and on the 12th entered Clift's camp, advised him of his danger, and suc ceeded in convincing him that with little more than four hundred men, and those without arms, it would be impos sible to resist an armed force of nearly two thousand. Fortunately for the cause, Mr. Robert Sullivan, a United States recruiting officer from the North, reached Clift's camp on the same day of the arrival of the rebel troops ; and, it being decided to abandon the fort without resist ance, a portion of the refugees enlisted, and that night, while the rebels were encamped before them, secretly left with Mr. Sullivah for the Northern army. Mr. John McPherson and C. S. Matthews, two of the Union men who remained till the next day, seeing the fort completely vacated, for some cause, perhaps out of mere curiosity, » IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 75 entered the rebel camp. Attempting to leave that even ing or early the next, morning, they were very politely informed that they must remain and await further orders. Not knowing that Clift and his men' had fled, on the morning of the 13th, the time appointed by the rebels to bring things to a crisis, they sent out their scouts with instructions to proceed cautiously and reconnoiter Clift's position. Coming within sight of his fortifications, these scouts used every possible means to descry an enemy, but, unable to do so, they ventured forward till they en tered the vacant Union camp. After strolling among the deserted tents for a short time, one of their company dis covered, at some distance, a body of troops approaching them from the west. Supposing, in the excitement of the moment, that these were Clift's men, who had vacated their camp only to entrap them, they sprang to their ani mals, and in the act of mounting were fired upon by their supposed enemies. This confirmed their fears that Clift and his men were upon them, and perhaps surrounding them from ambush ; consequently they lost no time but retreated towards their own camp, returning the fire as best they could, till their precipitate flight placed them for the moment out of danger, when they halted, but sent one of their number on to camp with information that they had found the enemy and were holding him in check that the main body might be prepared to receive him. This information suddenly created a perfect commotion in the rebel camp. Officers and men hurried to and fro, per fecting arrangements and forming themselves into line of battle preparatory to receiving the renowned scoffer at rebellion from Sails Creek. Esq. McPherson, however, and his friend Matthews, whom the rebel officers had detained, stood by and looked upon the scene with complacent smiles, enjoying the hurry and alarm of these rebels with a high degree of in ternal satisfaction, knowing that neither Clift nor any of his men were anywhere in the vicinity. After the confusion and bustle of the alarm had a little subsided, these Union men ventured to suggest to one of 76 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION the rebel officers that some mistake must be at the bot tom of the matter, for it could not be the Union refugees who were pressing back their scouts. In a few moments, however, a second messenger rode into camp, and not only confirmed the tidings of the first, but added that Clift and his men were advancing in very heavy force, easily and steadily bearing back their companions, and that everything must be in readiness to- receive them. This second intelligence spread quickly through the rebel camp, and left no doubt on the minds of any that they must either fly, or, in a few moments, meet the approach ing foe, and preparations were completed for the struggle. The two Union men, however, still insisted that the ad vancing force could not be Clift's men. But quickly a third messenger dashed into camp, apparently more ex cited than the others, when anxiety was again on tip-toe ; but instead of anything terrific and startling to increase the alarm as before, the first salutation was, " A flag ! a flag ! We are afraid that we are fighting our own men ! " "There!" ejaculated Esq. McPherson, "that sounds to me something like a solution of the mystery." The flag was immediately procured, and the trooper hastened back with it to the scene of conflict in front, where it was ele vated — a truce obtained, and instead of old Clift, their mortal enemy, they had been fighting no other than Col. Wood and his Alabama regiment, just arrived from Chat tanooga. Both these rebel parties had been mistaken — both errors centering toward the same object, but, in part, in versely laid in regard to themselves, Col. Wood, supposing that he was fighting and driving Col. Clift; the others, that, they were fighting and being driven by him. The old fox, however, had eluded their spring — stepped out from between them just in time to give them a blind fight among themselves. From the results however, one would j ridge that they fought at rather a safe distance, for through all this heavy skirmishing but a solitary man was hit — on' the foot, a slight scratch — no blood drawn, Col. Woods' party ahead in this respect. This was rather a fortunate EAST TENNESSEE. 77 out-come from the awkward and somewhat dan'gerous position the rebels had fallen into. Recovering a little from their excitement, they began to feel the mortification of their general failure. Not withstanding all their toil and dangerous fighting among themselves, the Tennessee Lincolnites, and especially the central object of their expedition, Col. Clift, had escaped. With the exception of Col. Wood's regimfent, which, we believe, returned to Chattanooga the next morning, these rebels remained in the vicinity for several days, scouring the country, stealing property, and arresting Union men wherever they could find them. A guard-house was erected in which the prisoners were confined as fast as they were brought in. Many of these prisoners were not simply mistreated, but some of them were savagely abused— berated as Lincolnites, threatened to' be shot, accused of complicity with Clift, of bridge burning, etc., Col. Clift's premises were laid waste, and other Union plantations besieged and robbed ; Capt. Bill Brown par ticularly distinguishing himself in this business. We were creditably informed that he reached Cleveland richly laden with Union spoils, a desirable portion of which were oppropriated to his own use. It was reported at the time that, in addition to these general depredations, a number of Union men were shot, some being killed and others wounded. That a great deal of shooting was done by these rebels, in connection with this whole affair, is attested by Union men present from Bradley, some of whom were under arrest at the time, but there is ground to hope, perhaps, that no Union lives . were lost. ~ Utterly failing to capture Col. Clift or obtain any traces of his men, yet satisfactorily avenging themselves by suc cess in much more uncivil villanies — capturing and bru tally mistreating every male person in the vicinity sus pected of connection with Clift in his operations or of being friendly to the. old Government, and after adminis tering suitable threatening and warning to old men and Union women and children, these rebel companies left 78 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION and returned to their respective home camps. Thus ter minated the second " Clift War," an affair which at the time created the most intense excitement throughout the country. Having given, perhaps a sufficiently detailed account of Col. Clift's early opposition to the rebellion, and his efforts to defend himself against it at his own home, the reader will doubtless desire to know something of his further career in aiding to crush the power, which of all others his very soul hated. Whether he was concealed upon his own premises Or somewhere in the country, when both rebel armies were fighting his rear ghost, and when the vandals were trying to scent the track of his physical reality, among the rocks and swamps, or whether he fled with Mr. Sullivan, like some of his men, to the North, or escaped in some other direction, we are not informed ; but certain it is, that he escaped without personal harm, and it is equally certain that he made no further attempts upon his own plantation, two hundred and fifty miles in front of our lines, to fight the whole Southern Confede racy. Up to this period, Col. Clift was acting upon his own responsibility, independently of the Government, con ducting a war of his own, having no authority to enlist troops or anything of the kind. Being now, however, not only compelled permanently to change his base of opera tions, but to abandon the idea of whipping the rebellion without the aid of the Government, he repaired to Wash ington, obtained authority from the War Department to recruit and organize a regiment of which he was to have the colonelcy. With a view to accomplish this object, early in the spring of 1862, Col. Clift established his-headquarters near Huntsville, at the head of Sequatchee valley, Scott county, East Tennessee. Enthusiastically pushing forward his new enterprise, by the following August he had collected and enlisted between four and five hundred men, and prospects appeared so flattering, that in a few months longer he thought he would be able to report his thou- IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 79 sand men ready for service. All this, however, was too significant a fact in that part of Tennessee, long to remain a secret from the rebel authorities ; consequently, soon being fully advised of the nature and. extent of his opera tions in Scott county, these authorities determined on one more effort to secure this ubiquitous and troublesome enemy. Eighteen hundred cavalry were dispatched from Knoxville for that purpose. Just previous to this, how ever, Col. Clift's superiors, aware that his position was too advanced for safety, ordered him to retire to some point within or near our lines. Either for want of time, between the arrival of the order and the arrival of the rebels, to call in his men, who were scattered over the country recruiting, or from his unconquerable desire to fight the rebels at every opportunity, this command was not obeyed; and on the 9th of August he found himself attacked by this rebel cavalry from Krioxville. Many of his men were out recruiting at the time, his Lieuten ant-Colonel, Alex. Hoagland, an Indianian, from Lafay ette, being engaged on the day of the attack in delivering a speech to a crowd in the vicinity, endeavoring to per suade the young men to enlist ; so that not more than one hundred and fifty or two hundred men were left with Clift in the fort at the time to resist eighteen hundred rebels. Having an advantageous position, and his men pro tected by breast-works, with an obstinacy characteristic of the man, he defended himself for an hour and a half against eight or ten times his own numbers ; and fortu nately without having any of his men either killed or wounded. An attempt of the rebels to gain his rear com pelled him finally to retire, which he did in time to escape with his entire immediate command to the adjacent mountain, overlooking" the Sequatchee valley, a retreat inaccessible to the rebel cavalry. A moderate stock of supplies, with a box or two of army muskets, fell into the enemy's hands. Twelve of Clift's men — of those absent when the attack was made — were the next day picked up by the rebels, and were taken to Knoxville as prisoners. Some time after the battle the rebels published their 80 HISTORf OF THE REBELLION loss in the Knoxville Register, stating that it was from fourteen to sixteen killed and wounded. After this affair, Col. Clift personally adhered to his purpose, of recruiting in that part of Tennessee ; but it was thought best for his men to join the nearest Federal army. Accordingly, under the command of Lieut.-Col. Hoagland, all that could be collected started to join Gen. Morgan at Cumberland Gap, a distance of about seventy- five miles. After being out several days, and when within two miles of Barbersville, Ky., to their mortification they were informed that Gen. Kirby Smith with his army was then passing through Barbersville, on his way to invade that State. This rendered it impossible for them to pro ceed, while it was unsafe for them to remain where they were ; consequently, the only alternative appeared to be to retrace their steps with a view to join Gen. Thomas at McMinnville, in Middle Tennessee, a point much further from their late battle-field than they had already trav eled, and exactly in the opposite direction. It was nearly a hopeless task ; but they undertook it as cheerfully as possible, and a few days brought them back to their old fort and battle-field in Scott county, which they passed, taking the crest of the mountain range, and after many more days of hardship and weary traveling they began to descend the western slope towards McMinnville. Gain ing the foot of the mountain, and hopefully proceeding to within seven miles of that town, all at once their joy was turned into sorrow by the discovery that Gen. Bragg's army was then passing between them and McMinnville, also on its way to Kentucky, to act in conjunction with Kirby Smith, from whom they had just fled at Barbers ville. So anxious were they, however, to join General Thomas, that, in their efforts to do' so, Col. Hoagland was captured. After this loss, it was decided that before they could possibly cross Bragg's trail it would be too late to reach Gen. Thomas. They were now being left in the rear of both rebel armies, and of course would be exposed to the guerrillas and bushwhackers who would infest the country ; and, as joining Gen. Thomas was impracticable IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 81 if not impossible, they determined once more to retrace their steps and make another effort to join Gen^Morgan at Cumberland Gap. Accordingly, after ranging the Cumberland mountains the third time, having in all trav eled a distance of three hundred and fifty miles, they finally reached the Gap in safety, but one day, however, before it was evacuated by Gen. Morgan. Though com pletely worn down and debilitated, they were compelled to accompany Gen. Morgan in his march to Ohio ; where, as a regiment, they were left at Gallipolis. Here they were joined by Lieut.-Col. Hoagland, who had, in the meantime, been exchanged. Remaining at Gallipolis two months, they were ordered to Lebanon, Ky., where they were joined by Col. Clift himself, who, since his battle at Huntsville to this time, had been recruiting for his regi ment in that vicinity. Col. Clift's regiment was the 7th Tennessee Infantry. At this place, Lebanon, his was consolidated with the 8th Tennessee, commanded by Col. F. A. Reves ; after which, the two thus merged were known as the 8th Tennessee. What position or rank in the Eighth after this change, was held by Col. Clift, or how long after this he remained in the service, we are not informed. This change was made December 13th, 1861. Before bidding adieu entirely to the subject of this famous Clift War, a remark should be devoted to the char acter of Col. Clift himself. The worst thing that can be said of him as a military mam is, that he was not a strate gic general. Mathematical military strategy was alto gether too slow a process for the enthusiasm of. the Col onel's nature. He promptly reduced one of his officers for manifesting cowardice at the approach of the rebel cav alry at Huntsville. Fear, or cowardice, was a visitor whose disgusting form never crossed the threshhold of his patriotic spirit, or even crouched, so far as he was con cerned, in the vicinity of his camp. To "find the enemy" or, " let them come" were his principle and most inspiring themes — subjects to which every thing else was only auxilliary. Long and tedious campaigns with no results go HISTORY OF THE REBELLION but the wasting of an army his righteous soul abhorred. With him, fighting was the principle argument to be used against the rebellion; and as soon as an enemy could be reached his daring and fiery spirit cried for a hand to hand encounter, relying upon the justice of his cause, cold steel, grit and gunpowder, to give him the victory. As a patriot, a soldier, a politician, or a public man in any sense, more moral principle reddened under his little finger nail than ever volunteered to aid the rebellion during the war. To some, this may appear like a sensa tional remark, but such is not the case. It is but the utterance of an incontrovertible truth. Doubtless many persons inately possessed of moral principle, but vitiated by education and contact with error, perhaps through life, espoused the rebellion ; but not an individual upon the green earth naturally disposed to be j ust to all men, and uncorrupted by association, ever volunteered in its aid. Justice never dictated to any mind that the rebel lion was right. When we, therefore, state, that Col. Clift was the embodiment of more moral principle than the whole rebellion could honestly claim, the assertion does not transcend the limits of historical truth. IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. CHAPTER VIII. CAPTAIN WM. L. BROWN AND THE FIFTH DISTRICT ELECTION. We return now to the history of the rebellion as it pro gressed and subsequently existed in Bradley county. After the rebel forces Which had attempted to capture Col. Clift on Sails Creek, had returned to their respective vicinities, their organizations, generally, were not only preserved intact, but rebel military rule from that time, especially, was instituted in a manner plainly to indicate the fate of those who dared to oppose, as well as of those who failed to comply with rebel demands. Two rebel regiments were raised in Bradley and adjoin ing counties, both, we believe, going into camp on Brad ley county fair grounds, there to remain while recruiting and fitting out, grounds about a mile from the village of Cleveland. One of these regiments was the 4th Ten nessee Cavalry, the other the 36th Tennessee Infantry. The infantry regiment, from the fact that it was armed principally with squirrel rifles and double barrel shot guns, many of which were forcibly taken from Union citizens, 'was by way of jest denominated the squirrel brigade. After its completion this regiment was ordered into the vicinity of Knoxville. The cavalry regiment, which was under the command of Col. Rogers of Bradley county, was finally ordered to Knoxville also. The following from the Cleveland Banner of Novem ber 15th, 1861, shows about the time this cavalry regi ment went into camp for recruiting. " Military Camp— Cleveland has been made a military camp, and Wm. II. Tibbs has been appointed commissary. Captains McClary and Brown's cavalry companies have gone into camps." We know not that these companies were the very first that occupied the fair grounds, but probably they were 84 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION \ among the first. This cavalry regiment left for Knoxville toward the last of January, 1862, being in camp at Cleve land about three months ; this being the period in which the reign of rebel terror in that section rose to its zenith. In entering fully upon the history of the rebellion in Bradley, we propose to introduce and briefly sketch, the character of one of the most prominent actors in the drama, Capt. Wm. L. Brown, one of the officers mentioned in the above extract ; but more commonly known as Capt. Bill Brown of Bradley. Unquestionably, this Capt. Brown was one of the most notorious characters, in many respects, of all the rebel leaders that figured in East Tennessee. Being admirably fitted by nature to execute the dirty work planned by others, with this ability made constantly restive by a natu ral feeling of great self-importance, he was., of all others, the most blustering, insulting, and overbearing, the most reliable to be entrusted with the meanest and. most dis graceful enterprizes. He was a natural liar, as well as a natural thief, and so far as moral forecast is concerned, the next thing to a natural fool ; religiously as well as other wise a practical hypocrite, abase tyrant and a vile de ceiver. Altogether, his composition, as a human being, was such, that his greatest earthly happiness flowed from the privilege of being a dictatorial or governing spirit in the midst of just such a rebellion, as that in which he acted so conspicuous and disgraceful a part. Never was he so deliriously happy ; never so emphatically in a world of ecstacy, as when in Bradley county, swaggering in all the license and riot of -his commission, he displayed him self as Capt. Brown of the rebel army. At the opening of the rebellion, Brown perhaps was forty years of age, had been a resident of the county from an early period, was a member of the Cumberland Pres byterian Church, by trade a tailor, having followed the business of this craft for a number of years in Cleveland, but never, it appears, relied upon it as the permanent business of his life. His first surplus funds, instead of being invested in the enlargement and permanency of IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 85 of his business, were prostituted to the work of shaving notes, and being invested in loans at high rates of usury, and in otherwise taking advantage of the unfortunate, by which means, he soon won the name of being, one of the most hard-hearted money dealers and swindling specu lators in the country. As a solitary instance among many that might be given of Browns innate villiany, we noted down from the recital of one of the most prominent Citizens of Cleveland, the following case. Mr. , a man well known in Bradley, and who by many readers in the county will be instantly called to mind as the person referred to, had failed, by the regular proceeds of his industry, to procure means for the liquida tion of a debt, which was of the utmost importance to him to pay at the appointed time. Money matters were close, and being unsuccessful in his first efforts to borrow the amount, as a last resort he applied to Brown. Brown pre tended to be out of money, whined about his own poverty, complained of the hard times, scolded about dilatory cre ditors, etc., but told him to call again in a short time, and he would give him an answer. Agreeably to appoint ment the man waited upon Brown the second time. Brown informed him that times were so hard that he had no money to loan, and that if he had obligations on the best of men, he could take them only at such and such discounts. The terms amounted to a swindle, but the man was compelled to have the money or suffer infinitely more, arid consequently he submitted to Brown's proposals. Brown took the notes, counted out the man a part of the money, saying that was all he had with him at the time, but the rest should be forthcoming withorit fail before he would need it. Having' not the least idea that Brown, by this maneuver, intended to swindle him, and knowing that he was able at any time to get the remainder, made no particular objections. The next day, however, or as soon as the time drew near', that the whole amount coming from Brown should be in his possession, the man called to procure it ; but to his astonishment Brown was per- 86 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION fectly unapproachable on the subjet, coldly and indiffer ently pretending that he had been disappointed in collect ing ; and that he could do nothing more about it at pre sent. The man enquired what he meant by such conduct, and if he considered the extent of the injury he was inflicting upon him by such a rascally forfeiture of his word. Notwithstanding these appeals, Brown gave his victim no satisfaction ; but left him to extricate himself from the dilemma into which he had led him as best he could. This, however, was not the sequel of the transac tion. The injured man, as a matter of course prosecuted Brown for the debt, and for aught we know for his villainy also ; but one way and another Brown staved off the issue, evading the action' of the law, and keeping Mr. ¦ out of the residue of his money, till long after the notes he delivered to Brown had matured, and Brown had col lected on them both principal and interest. Taking this transaction as a basis of Brown?s moral character as a private citizen before the war, none will be greatly surprised at the following developements in this chapter in regard to his conduct as a public man and a civil officer, nor at the future developments in this work of his character as a soldier and a rebel officer. THE FIFTH DISTRICT ELECTION. Although it will place us for the time in -advance of some parts of our narrative, yet as we have been sketch ing Capt. Brown's private character, that the reader may without too much surprise meet the facts in the history of his military career; and as this election illustrates Brown as a public man, also as a civil officer, and as it reveals the animus of the rebellion in this section at the time, we shall introduce it here. As, already stated, Brown entered the rebel service in the fall of 1861. His military career was short. In June, 1862, he resigned his commission, becoming once more a private citizen, and residing upon his farm with his family in the fifth district, about three miles from Cleveland. IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 87 Early in the spring of 1863 an election was to take place in that district, at which, among other officers, a Justice of the Peace was to be chosen. Brown was the rebel candidate for this office against Mr. Hiram Smith of the Union party. The Union party in this district, as well perhaps as in others at this time, was considerably in the ascendancy : and a fair trial at this election could have resulted only in the success of the Union candidate. Be ing aware of this, in conformity with the general charac ter of the rebellion, Brown and. his friends must make preparations to counteract this Union advantage. At this time the whole of East Tennessee was writhing in the jaws of a rebel military despotism, by the aid of which power it was easy for rebel citizens to control elections as well as all other matters throughout the country. Mr. James Donahoo, one of the most bitter and relent less rebels in the district, worldng in the interest of Brown, managed to get himself appointed by the Sheriff of the county as President or Conductor of this election. The duties of this officer are to open and close the polls at the proper hours, to see. that the balloting is legal, and that the election throughout is held strictly in accordance with law and in a manner to preserve inviolate to all par ties the right of the elective franchise. Utterly ignoring these obligations, however, Donahoo, after procuring his appointment, connived with the rebel military authorities at Cleveland, stealthily effecting an arrangement, perhaps the day before the election, that all under the age of forty-five who appeared at the polls must have permits from the Provost Marshal to do so. Then, as a clincher to this, news of this arrangement was to be immediately circulated among the rebels, that Brown's friends could have ample time to get their permits ; but kept a pro found secret from the Union men till the moment of the opening of the polls. The election was at the Blue Springs school house, just five miles from Cleveland. Brown and Donahoo were old and crafty performers in the work of rebellion, and in this particular case engi- . neered their scheme through with so much stealth and 88 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION skill that it succeeded entirely to their own wishes, allow ing them to have entirely their own way at the polls, whisky and all. Every rebel voter perhaps in the district having been secretly, posted in regard to the treacherous game, was promptly at the polls with his permit concealed in his pocket, ready to fulfill the farcical obligation of being there by military authority. In regard to the Union voters, however, just the contrary was their condi tion. Not a Union voter in the district knew that- it was his duty to obtain a permit to attend the election till the balloting commenced. To spring this villainous trap, however, with additional certainty, Donahoo, although sworn to open the polls at nine o'clock in the morning, delayed to do so, purposely dallying away time, till be tween eleven and twelve in the day. Some Union men present asserted that it was even after this time when the polls were opened. This put it beyond the power of the Union voters to comply with Mr. Donahoo's military reg ulation. Not one in ten, unprepared as they Were with animals, at that -late hour could ' reach Cleveland, a dis tance of five miles, obtain his permit; and return in time to vote. By the success, therefore, of this infernal scheme, every Union man in the district under the age of forty-five was debarred from voting, for Mr. Donahoo refused to allow any of them even to< approach the polls for the want of these permits^ having in the meantime brought with him a guard of six rebel soldiers whom he had already sta tioned at the door to enforce these abominable regula tions. As a matter of course the Union voters were in- ¦ dignant at such treatment, some of whom expostulated with Mr. Donahoo and Capt. Brown, asserting that this regulation should have been published to all the day be fore, that they as well as the rebels could have been pre pared. These expostulations, however, were met by these men with all that insolence and positive abuse that one would expect from those endeavoring to carry an election by such measures. ¦ IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 89 A part of these Union voters, compelled to do so by the rebel authorities, were then at work, not as soldiers, but simply as employees of the Confederate government, on the railroads, getting timber, procuring wood, etc., all of them, we believe, within the District; and Mr. Donahoo in answer to their complaints replied, that having left their work to. attend that election without permits, they were all deserters, rebel deserters, and ought to be re ported and arrested as such. Most of these Union employees were at work near the polls, a quarter and a half mile from them, and had they all been permitted to vote, as they had a right to do, could have done so with the loss of but very little time, without going out of the District. Many of them would have voted during the hour of recess at noon, without being absent from their work at all. Besides, doubt less, none of the men did leave their work without the consent of their gang boss, hence their absence was no injury to his business. Yet, notwithstanding these pal liating circumstances, Mr. Donahoo calls these men deserters, simply because they were there without per mits. Inasmuch then, as this was Mr. Donahoo's own position, voluntarily taken, he cannot object to having his own conduct brought forward and put to the test by it. No man can complain when he and his theories are tried by rules which he has made himself. Now, if these men were deserters, because without permits they left their work to attend this election, then by the same rule, . they would have been deserters, had they left their work and gone five miles to Cleveland to get the permits he required of them. And not only so, but the latter would have been a much stronger case of desertion than the former. In this case some of the men — those whose work was a mile or two south of the school house — would have been compelled to travel from five to seven miles to Cleveland, entirely out of the district, and back, being absent from their work perhaps the whole day, while, as we have seen, in the first instance, none of them had to go out of the district. Many of them 90 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION had to walk but a short distance, necessarily being absent from their work but a few minutes. Some of these men were but a few yards from their Work when Donahoo was accusing them of desertion. According to Mr. Donahoo's own interpretation of desertion, therefore, it was impos sible for these Union voterk to comply with his regula tion, not only without being' guilty of desertion simply, but without being guilty ef it iri a much more aggravated sense, than they were in coming to the election as they did. Even Mr. Hiram Smith himself, Brown's opponent, had he at the time been an employee of the Confederate government, could not have attended that election and cast a vote for himself without first being guilty of de sertion, and laying himself liable to be arrested arid tried for the crime. Had these Uriioh voters by' some accident discovered Mr. Donahoo's military clap-trap in time, and ..early on the morning of the election, left their work and hurried to Cleveland for their permits, very likely Dona- boo or Brown, or both, 'would have met them at the Pro- -vost Marshal's and had them all arrested and punished for desertion. According to Donahoo's own theory, he could have done so. The management of this election, therefore, was such as to drive a portion of the Union voters of the district, effectually from the polls, or drive them into desertion, and consequently to subject them to arrest and punishrirent b^- the rebel authorities. There is no escape from this conclusion. All the rebels in Brad ley county, with' the sbphistica'l editor of the1 Banner thrown! iri, can never extricate these men from this humil iating and disgraceful dilemma: - Little did Donahoo, Brown and Shugart, think' at the time, that their villainy was thus preparing a hook to be put into' their own jaws, and by which they were' to be' historically drawn up and left' exposed arid helplessly dangling'- before the whole country, a' disgrace to themselves and their posterity, while their names are known in Bradley county. ' The above, however,' is^ not the Whole of the rebel his tory of this "election. Major D. G. McOulley, a Union man of the district,' arid living near the polls, was, a3 a IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 91 mere pretense to fairness, , put on the bench as one of the judges^ Dr. Shugart also of the district, and a Mr. Reed of Georgia, both relentless rebels, being the other two. At the discovery of ,Mr. Donahoo's (military valve for shutting, off Union votes,; Maj or McCulley promptly entered his protest against it, and as other abuses and violations of, law developed themselves through the day, raised his voice against them, also. At the closing of the polls, he told Mr. Donahoo and the other judges that Union men had been prevented from voting by intrigue and the presence of rebel bayonets; that as they had conducted the election, throughout, it was not only illegal but a positive. fraud; that consequently, he should not sign the scrolls, but, as one of the judges, send up his protest against the whole affair. Donahoo and the other judges attempted to win him over but without effect; and after exhausting their powers of persuasion their patience gave way, and threats were employed instead. He was told that if he did not sign the scrolls he ¦ would be arrested by the military. One of Donahoo's guards, one that had indulged too freely in artificial stimulants to his patriotism, also, was allowed to abuse the Major as a Lin colnites traitor, a tory, and so on. He swore that he would sooner run his bayonet through him than to do any thing else. ,The Major, however, i was not more easily frightened at their threats, than cajoled by theirvimportu- nities, persisting . in his refusal. to append his name to the scrolls ; and the returns went up under his protest as one of the judges of the election. >-. , Injustice it should be stated here, that two others of this guard, i while this contest was going on, interfered in Major MeCully's behalf, rebuking the drunken guard for the abuse he was heaping upon him, and saying that the Major had as good a right to his opinion as the other judges had to theirs; that he had a right to express his opinion, that as to the election, they believed the Major was right in holding that the election had not been fair, and that they were sorry it had been necessary for them to have anything to do with it. 92 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION Under the circumstances, only six Union votes were cast, and only sixteen rebel votes, notwithstanding an unusual effort was put forth by the rebels to get their friends to the polls. By actual count, at the time, of the Union voters in the district, it was demonstrated that had the election been legal, the Union majority would at least have been two to one. Mr. Hiram Smith, Brown's opponent, discovering early in the day the intervention and proscription inaugurated, and so insolently enforced by Donahoo, considering him self insulted as well as disgraced by such company, im mediately left the polls in disgust, advising his friends to do so also, and save themselves the shame of attending such a farce. In fact Mr. Smith objected in the beginning to having his name announced as a candidate in opposition to such a man as Wm. L. Brown. One would suppose that the foregoing combination of disgraceful means would have been thought sufficient by these rebels, not only to carry this election, but as com prising all the corruption and wickedness that one occa sion of the kind ought to bear. The fact, however, was otherwise. Even the exhilarating effects of whisky, as well as the temptings of bribery were added to complete the list of abominations with which these rebels were polluting the polls of the fifth district. Early in the day, Brown procured of Mr. Joseph Hen derson, then manufacturing liquor not far from the polls, a quantity of the needful article, which was slyly, though liberally distributed by Brown to all that would accept of it, at the election, to induce them to vote for him, and to prepare them to more effectively electioneer in his favor. The first supply being soon exhausted, Brown arranged with Mr. Henderson to furnish the article through the day as it was needed. The contract was faithfully kept by Mr. Henderson till the closing of the polls, Brown's money footing, the bills. In addition to this contemptible business, Brown offered this same Mr. Henderson a bribe of five dollars for his ballot. Mr. Henderson was a Union man, and Brown's offer was indignantly refused. No ways IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 93 abashed at this, Brown instantly raised his bid to twenty- five dollars, providing Mr. Henderson would, besides giving him his own vote, interest himself and secure him the votes of certain other parties. This proposal, how ever, was as quickly rejected as the other. The polls being finally closed, Brown was declared elected ; and although the returns went up under the pro test of Major McCulley as heretofore given, yet this proved no impediment to Brown's claim, not even elicit ing the least inquiry, or causing the least hesitation. His name was immediately forwarded to Governor Harris as the legally elected candidate, and forthwith his creden tials were returned installing him as the lawfully elected and authoritative justice of the peace in the fifth dis trict. He held and exercised his office until he fled before our army to Dixie in the winter 1864. ARREST OF MR. SAMUEL WYRICK. We will now follow Capt. Brown for a moment as a civil officer, and view the harmony that existed between the means by which he obtained his office and the manner in which he subsequently distributed its justice to the people. Having opened his office for business in Cleve land, soon after he obtained his commission from the supreme authority of the State, Brown ascertained through some of his rebel advisers,, or through some of his rebel spies, that Mr. Samuel Wyrick of the ninth dis trict, a Union man, had purchased for a sick woman, the wife of a Union soldier then in the Northern Army, a quart of spirits as a medicine. Brown kept the matter quiet, but watched his opportunity to ensnare Mr. Wyrick, remembering, perhaps, the amount of whisky fees it had cost him to obtain his sacred office. In a few days the opportunity presented itself, when Brown issued a pro cess against Mr. Wyrick, and had him arrested and brought to trial for the offence of buying spirits for a sick woman* The process was founded upon some temporary regulation established by the rebel military authorities, either as a specific tax on sales and purchases, or as a pro- 94 HISTORI" OF THE REBELLION hibitory regulation in regard to the sale of spirits in the country. Mr. Wyrick acknowledged that he purchased the liquor, but explained that it was for another person who was actually in want of it as a medicine, and that he was ignorant at the time, that in such a case he was violating any law, or that any tax was imposed on such purchases, saying, that if he had violated any law, he was ready to make restitution to any proper extent. Brown, however, was in no mood for compromises, or for yielding a par ticle of the advantage in his hands, and at once fixed the penalty to the extreme end of the law, mulucting Mr. Wyrick Jin a fine with costs, amounting to $106, which had to be paid forthwith. Mr. Wyrick not having that amount in his pocket at the moment, Brown seized upon a quantity of goods in his possession, which he had just purchased in Cleveland, principally for other parties, and for which he had paid $140 in cash. In addi tion to this, Brown attempted to levy upon the horse which Mr. Wyrick rode into town, but Union friends smuggled the animal out of his reach until Mr. Wyrick finally escaped with him to his home, some eight miles from Cleveland, where he had to settle with his neigh bors for his loss of their goods as best he could. Thus was Mr. Wyrick robbed by this infernal brute, and that upon the hypocritical pretence only, that he had violated a law which the wretch, but a short time before, had so shamefully violated himself in order to obtain the office, by the authority of which he now prosecuted and fined Mr. Wyrick. The facts of this transaction were fur nished by Mr. Wyrick himself, and may therefore be relied upon. They: will not be doubted by those who know Mr. Wyrick. All the information in regard to the election narrated in this chapter, was furnished by the most reliable Union men in the fifth district, and although in some instances we may have used strong language — for none other is suitable in describing such abuses, yet it is believed, that as a general description the abuses of this case have not been exaggerated, and that Union men who were present, and saw for themselves all the facts, IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 95 will testify to the general truthfulness of the statements here given. In fact this account is not the aggregate of the villainy and demonstrations of treason connected with this affair. Dr. Shugart in particular, at this election, availed himself of the opportunity to falsify and berate the Government, stating in substance that the Government had become an engine of oppression, persecuting and grinding the South ern States generally; that in view of the prohibitory enactments of Congress in regard to the institution of slavery, the Union ought to have been overthrown and completely demolished twenty years before, etc. Siu-h delineations of the separate, distinct rebel crimes and abuses in the South are tedious and laborious. They require great patience and industry in the collection as well as in the arrangement of the facts, but we deem them of the utmost importance, for nothing else will save to history, or place before the country in its true light, the studied wickedness and unrelieved depravity of the rebellion. 96 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION CHAPTER IX. UNION PEOPLE OF BRADLEY ROBBED OF THEIR PRIVATE ARMS. Introductory to this chapter we will give an extract from the Cleveland Banner, taken from an issue dated July 19, 1861. The extract closes with a sentence of edi torial advice which we take the liberty to put in italics. Unquestionably this editorial was the first instance in which the idea of robbing the Union people of Bradley of their private arms, was thrown, broadcast, before the rebel masses of East Tennessee. The extract is as follows : '¦ A Move is the Right Direction. — Gov. Pettus, of Mississippi has issued a proclamation calling on the State and county officers to collect up all the arms, rifles and shot guns new or old, in or out of order, and send them to Jackson, the capital of the State, where they may be repaired and held in readiness for the use of the soldiers. He also notifies all citizens to arm themselves with double-barrel shot guns, and hold themselves in readiness at an hour's notice. By these means the State will be in possession of a large quantity of good arms that might otherwise be useless. We hope the proper authorities will follow up the move of Gov. Pettus." We are not in possession of the exact date at which this "move in the right direction" commenced in Bradley; but from other dates in our possession of the times at which individuals had their guns taken from them by Brown and his men, it appears that the movement was in progress in September, 1861. The work was continued through the following winter, or as long as rebel soldiers could find Union guns to confiscate. In gathering in these guns, as in every other rebel en terprise within the county, Capt. Brown and his men were the most conspicuous. In many instances Brown issued orders for these arms to be brought into camp by their owners ; and in some cases this was done, the owners hoping by a ready compliance to have their property re turned, or to receive its value at some future day. Most of the Union guns, however, collected by the rebels in EAST TENNESSEE. 97 Bradley were forcibly taken by Brown, or at his instance, his men being sent through the county in squads for this purpose. Everything in the shape of a fire-arm, from the finished rifle to the most insignificant revolver or pocket- pistol, was taken from Union men in this scheme of rebel plundering. Everything in the shape of weapons were taken — old sabres, bowie-knives, and even common butcher-knives were taken. Hundreds of these arms were no better than elder pop-guns for military purposes — were never used by the rebels as such — but were wasted and wantonly appropriated to the amusement and gratification of those whose reckless villainy had made this property an object of plunder. From the most reliable information on this subject, it appears that at least one thousand arms, of all grades, were taken from the Union people in Bradley in this abominable raid upon personal rights. We make this statement, feeling confident that many Union men in the county, who were in a position to judge, will regard this estimate as below the actual figures. We are aware that rebels will argue that these guns were collected in obedi ence to an order issued by Gov. Harris. This excuse was made by the rebels when they were engaged in the rob bery. It was made by Brown himself to Mrs. Harle, of Cleveland, just before his attempt to murder her husband, an account of which affair will be found in the latter part of this chapter. Fortunately we are able to produce the order from Gov. Harris under the authority of which this master-piece of rebel iniquity was perpetrated upon the Union people of* Bradley. It reads as follows : ¦' To the Clerks of the County Courts of the State of Tennessee : " You are hereby requested to issue to each constable in your re spective counties an order requiring them to make diligent inquiry at each house in his civil district for muskets, bayonets, rifles, swords, and pistols belonging to the State of Tennessee, to take them into pos session and deliver them to you. A reward of one dollar will be paid to the constable for each musket and bayonet, or rifle, and fifty cents for each sword or pistol thus reclaimed. You will forward the 'arms thus obtained, at public expense to the military authorities at Knox ville, Nashville, or Memphis, as may be most convenient ; and will 98 HISTORY of the rebellion inform the Military and Financial Boards by letter addressed to them at Xashville, of the result of your action and the expenses incurred. A check for the amount will be promptly forwarded. It is hoped that every officer will exert himself to have this order promptly ex ecuted. " ISHAM G. HABEIS, " Governor of Tennessee. "Xashville, Aug. 10, 1861." Now, whatever might have been the concealed purpose of Gov. Harris in the premises, this order sufficiently ex plains itself. It instructs the clerks of the county courts, and the county constables, and these officers only, to ex ecute its requirements. Besides, the " muskets, bayonets^ rifles, dec, belonging to the State of Tennessee" were those to be taken, not those that were the private pro perty of individuals. These constables were to be paid for all the arms '" belonging to the State " that they could thus " reclaim" not for all that they could steal and press from the Union people throughout Tennessee. It is in controvertible that this order was no license whatever for these constables, or the rebel military, or any other class of men or officers to touch private property. Arms, for instance, that individuals, who were or had been members of independent companies, had drawn from the State, and had not been returned, were those, and those only, that this order, ostensibly, at least, contemplated procuring. How disgusting the predicament, therefore, in which the very face of this order places the rebel officials and rebel military, not only of Bradley, but of other parts of the State. The order not only had no reference to the mili tary whatever, and conferred upon it no authority in the case, but particularly, in form at least, it did not dictate the favoritism and the cruelties practiced by the rebels under it in Bradley county. Capt. Brown and his men pretended that this order made it their duty to collect in all the surplus or useless arms in the countv, both such as were "?V and such as were "out of order? for the benefit of the rebel army. If so, why then did not they proceed to do it justly, civilly, and in a proper manner, as obeying an important order from the highest authority in the State? Why did they in tumultuous gangs, with IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 99 Capt. Brown in their lead, rave through the country like so many Devils, ruthlessly seizing upon all the Union arms, leaving Unmolested at the same time every rebel family in the county ? If this : order made it the duty of the rebel rriilitary to collect; up all the arms in the whole country, irrespective of parties, why did they utterly neg lect it in : respect to one party, and drive its fulfillment beyond all decency in regard to another ? Not one in a hundred of that immense collection of guns thus brought and piled up in Cleveland, were forcibly taken from rebel owners. Some few rebels, possibly, volunteered to give some of their arms, always, however, reserving enough for themselves ; while many, perhaps, put them into the , hands of their sons when they sent them to the rebel ranks. But in every instance, rebel families, known to be such, and who thought they needed their guns to shoot Lincolnites, and to aid the rebel military in catching con scripts, were allowed to keep them. Not an instance occurred, perhaps, in the whole county, in which a rebel family donated all its arms, or was required by the rebel military to do so"; while, on the otiier hand, Union fami lies were completely stripped. But more than this, we were credibly informed that, in some instances, arms were taken from Union families and given to rebel families, who in this respect were destitute. The pretext was to procure arms for rebel soldiers; but the real design in Bradley was to disarm and render help less Union citizens, and arm the whole rebel element, cit izen as well as soldier. This is precisely what was accom plished by this rebel raid upon Union people, or, as the rebel editor styles it, " A move in the right direction." With the utmost propriety, as a rebel, could the Gleve- larid editor, in speaking of this as ah enterprise in the in terest 6f the rebellion, announce it as "Amove in the right direction." This Slaveholders' Rebellion, in view of the great light and great blessings bestowed upon us as a people, was the greatest crime ever perpetrated on the earth. It was" an aspiration of half the nation, fanned into a white heat of Satanic frenzy, to culrriinate in every aboin- 100 HISTORY of the rebellion ination and wickedness for which God ever punished angels or men. The means it used and all the ends it pro posed were degrees of wrong and human violence which in their collidings with the justice of Omnipotence, ulti mately would have extinguished the race. Most emphat ically this rebel plundering of Union arms in Bradley was a fit means to promote such an end. It was attended with all the violence, murder and reeking oppression requisite to make its completion no mean stride in the direction of such an end — an end installing these curses as laws of society and rules of human life. With great propriety, therefore, in this sense, but in this sense only, could this editor announce it as " A move in the right direction." Wrong was the rule of the rebellion, both as to its means and its end. Wrong permanently triumphant was the great end proposed. This rebel enterprise in Bradley was violence itself, and fraught with incalculable wrong — consistent with the end proposed — consequently, to the rebels was " A move in the right direction." Had this Cleveland editor rounded out his announcement to in clude the end as well as the means, it would have had more philosophic completeness, and might with its em phatic truthfulness in this case, have been enlarged as follows : This rebel raid upon Union families in Bradley was one of the moves in the right direction to ruin the American people, insult God, and curse the world through out time. This rebel editor might not have seen nor felt the sub ject exactly in this light, yet this is the exact philosophy of his remark above considered. If any of the rebels in Bradley take the position, or in other words shift their position, and argue that, while this order purported the arms only belonging to the State, it nevertheless had a secret design through the military to reach the private arms of the Union people also ; thus, with a view to strengthen the rebellion, proposing com pletely to disarm the loyal people of the State— just what it accomplished in Bradley,— yet this by no means relieves them from "guilt" and "shame" in the transaction. Al- IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 101 though this position may be nearer the truth than the other — for we believe that this order was in reality de signed by Gov. Harris as an instrument of cruelty against the Union people of East Tennessee — it does not at all re lieve these Bradley rebels, but brings down Gov. Harris to a level with themselves, and equally criminates him with them in this infamous and. hypocritical piece of bus iness. We will close our history of this affair with an account of Capt. Brown's assault upon the family of Mr. Baldwin Harle, of Cleveland, ostensibly to carry out the provisions of this order from Gov. Harris. The following statements of the case are from Mr. and Mrs. Harle and their two sons, the most of which are given in their own language. About the 15th of October, 1861, Thomas Hawkins, who had, when a boy, lived with Mr. Harle, came to his house with nine other armed rebel soldiers. Hawkins was met at the door by Mrs. Harle, when he enquired if Mr. Harle or the boys had two guns in their possession. "Well, what if we have ? " was Mrs. Harle's reply. "I must have them," he returned. " You shall not have them if I can help it," was her rejoinder. Hawkins then ordered his men to enter the house and take the guns, attempting at the same time to force his way by Mrs. Harle into the house, she, however, preventing him by maintaining her position at the door. At this juncture, Joseph Harle, a son, being in some part of the building, and attracted through a back door to the spot by the disturbance, standing near his mother, told Hawkins that if he came in he should shoot him. At this Hawkins and his men desisted, held a short parley among themselves, and left the premises. In a short time Hawkins re-appeared, with about sixty men; the company was led this time by Capt. Brown himself. Brown and his men immediately forced their way into the house, he very abruptly demanding the two guns of Mrs. Harle, saying at the same time that Gov. Harris had ordered all the guns in the country to be taken, and that his men needed them as they were going to cap- 102 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION ture old Clift, then fortifying on the Tennessee river. Mrs. Harle replied, " Well, if it is right for you to have the guns, then I suppose you can take them." Mr. Harle, absent until then, approaching- and hearing his wife's remark, continued by saying, "Well you shall not have the guns by my consent," emphasizing the pronoun my in a way to give Brown the idea, that although his wife had given her consent, and although he presumed that his force would enable him to take the guns, yet he would have to take them against his consent. At this, Brown immediately raised and leveled his gun to shoot,, or as though he wpuld. shoot Mr. Harle. Mr. Harle, however, quickly caught the muzzle of Brown's gun, and held it to one side. Brown soon got his gun at liberty, • drew back, and taking deliberate aim at Mr. Harle's breast, pulled the trigger, but the cap bursted without discharging the piece. Seeing himself thus foiled, Brown instantly raised his gun, and with it struck Mr. Harle, apparently with all the force that anger could summons, dealing him a blow across the forehead which opened the flesh to the skull, knocking him against the side of the house, which together with being caught by Mrs. Harle, prevented him from sinking entirely to the floor. While he was in this position, if possible, with more, fury than before, Brown raised his gun and the second time struck at the senseless and bleeding head of Mr. Harle. But Mrs. Harle throwing herself before her husband, received the blow upon her arm and shoulder, from the effects of which she will probably never entirely recover. Notwithstanding this injury, Mrs. Harle, with what remaining strength she had, continued to protect and defend her husband shrieking for help, and crying for Brown to desist. By this time, Joseph Harle had come to his mother's assistance, and also plead with Brown to refrain, saying " You have already killed my father, and is not that enough.?" At this remark from Joseph, Brown's rage was transferred to hir% Brown asking him in a vociferous manner, if he "had come to take it up?" Joseph promptly IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 103 replied that he had. Some of Brown's men then near, hearing this, leveled their guns at Joseph, threatening to shoot him for interfering with Brown. Mrs. Harle, yet holding' her husband, covered with blood, implored them to put down their guns, saying, " You see that Brown has killed his father, don't take his life also. At this moment, a younger son, compelled by Brown's men, or acting on his own judgment, thinking it best to deliver up the guns, as soon as possible, was bringing them through the door of a small but-house, a few steps to the rear of the main building, and handing them to the men. Brown seeing this said, " Wellmen, we've got the guns, let's go." And this murderous brute, with his equally murderous gang of rebel villains left the premises, gloating over their savage and bloody victory. Mri Harle's dwelling stands upon the west side of a north and south street, in the village of Cleveland, and of course fronts to the east. At the commencement of this outrage, while most of Brown's men were surround ing the house and ransacking the premises, Brown and a few of his body guards entered at the front or east door, into one of the front rooms, where he had his conversa tion with Mrs. Harle, and where, near a door of this room conducting into a porch attached to the rear of the main building, he met Mr. Harle. In Brown's assault upon the old gentleman, he forced him back through this door into this porch on the floor of which he was standing, when Brown knocked him against the side .of the main building ; and from which place he was taken up insen sible, and apparently dying, by Mrs. Harle and her sons, after the rebels had disappeared. With careful watching and medical treatment, however, Mr. Harle revived, and finally recovered, at least so far as a man of his age can recover, from such an injury as he received. Mr. and Mrs. Harle were perhaps, upwards of sixty years of age at the time, and were among the oldest and most respectable citizens of the place. Mr. Harle was a quiet, peaceable, inoffensive man, constitutionally the 104 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION very reverse of that calculated to enrage or induce the assault of an enemy. Notwithstanding this affair transpired in the very heart of Cleveland, and was known in less than an hour to the whole community, rebel and Union, yet no attention was paid to it by the rebel authorities. Nor was Brown called to an account for his conduct any more than if he had assaulted a lot of swine on the street. Mr. Harle and his family were " Lincolnites," and this was not only a bar to anything like an arrest or prosecution, but it was the reason that rebel praise, oftener than rebel censure was awarded to Brown for the brutality which he inflicted on them. While this injured man was lingering upon his couch for weeks, in a critical condition, Brown was frequently seen galloping by his dwelling, not only at his ease, but with greater self-complacency, more individual pomposity and insulting defiance, as he would look in the direction of his victims, than could have been put on, perhaps, by Jeff. Davis himself. IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. • 105 CHAPTER X. MONEY EXTORTED FROM UNION PEOPLE, UNDER THE PRETENCE OF PROVIDING FOR THE FAMILIES OF REBEL SOLDIERS. Rebel recruiting in Bradley and the adjoining counties had not progressed very far, before another subject of ex citement arose, still better calculated, if possible, to enlist the activities of Capt. Brown, and call forth his peculiar talents, than the work of confiscating private Union arms. His avarice carried him beyond the seizure of mere property ; and an excuse was soon found, connected with the subject of suffering rebel families, that enabled him to revel in the midst of huge piles of the people's money. The rebel soldiers had left their homes, to meet the Northern invaders, and as a matter of course, some pro vision must be made for the support Of their families during their absence. This necessity, whether real or apparent, was readily laid hold of by Capt, Brown, and made a pretence for inaugurating and carrying On, for weeks and months, one of the most audacious swindles, one of the most heartless systems of robbery that even the rebellion itself ever produced. This branch of busi ness being added to Brown's general work of driving for ward the rebel cause, he followed the promptings of his avarice, even at the expense of his Southern patriotism. He wanted rebel soldiers ; he wanted obstinate Union men out of the country; but still more than either of these he wanted money; and these were the alternatives to which his victims were universally reduced — they must go into the rebel army, be sent, to Tuscaloosa, or they must pay the price of exemption. Those who had the most money could , generally settle with Brown, not only the easier for . themselve;., but the most satisfactory to him! , 8 106 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION An instance that will illustrate the barbarous extreme to which Brown, in many cases, pushed this iniquitous business, was furnished by Mr. T. H. Calloway of Polk county, a gentleman well known in East Tennessee, and whose statements will not be questioned by those having the honor of his acquaintance. The following letter is Mr. Calloway's account of the case referred to. Cleveland, Tennessee. ) November 12th, 1865. S J. S. Hurlbut, Esq., Michigan City, Ind. Dear Sir :— Your letter of the 1st inst., has just been received. The case you refer to was that of Jacob Hadrick, a man seventy-five years old." Capt., Win. Brown had old Mr. Hadrick and his three sons arrested and taken to Cleveland under guard, in very cold weather, during the winter of 1861 and 1862. After keeping them under guard for several da: vs, lie released them, taking the old man's note or obli gation for $50— to be paid in corn and pork. The old gentleman lived in my neighborhood, was a very poor but hard working Dutch man, who made his living by blacksmithing. I was from home when lie was taken off. Just about the time he returned I came home, and going to his blacksmith shop, found him preparing to kill his hogs. They, however, were not fat enough to kill, and I asked him the mean ing of his killing his hoes, when they were so poor, and he told me that he had bound himself to pay Capt. Brown $50 in pork and corn. I told the old man that he could not spare the hogs from his family, and must not send the meat to Brown. He persisted in saying that he must do so. as Brown had told him that if he did not, that he. Brown, would send him and his three sons to Tuscaloosa, during the war. I finally prevailed on the old man not to do so, promising to pay the money to Mr. Brown for him. But when I offered to pay Brown, 1 did it before a lot of rebel officers, publicly, and Brown re fused to take the money, saying that his men had done wrong to exact such a thing from the old man. I gave you a good many particulars in relation to Brown's acts when you were here, which I suppose you have. Old Mr. Hadrick died soon after. Very Respectfully, THOS. H. CALLOWAY. Some months'previous to writing the above letter, with other accounts of Brown's conduct, Mr. Calloway fur nished more particular statements, verbally, of this case Of Brown's brutality, and of the manner in which he played the hypocrite before his brother officers, in order to shield himself from their censure in regard to it. When approached by Mr. Calloway in the presence of these offi cers, on the subject of his treatment of Mr. Hadrick, Brown pretended ignorance, and consequently innocence IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 107 in regard to the whole matter, charging the wrong entirely to his men. The letter itself, however, shows that Brown was the leading criminal in the case ; and from Mr. Callo- Avay's verbal statement, it appeared that Brown was per fectly acquainted with the destitute condition of Mr. Had- rick's family at the time ; that he was present when, in obedience to his own personal order, Mr. Hadrick and his three sons were brought prisoners into the rebel camp. Mr. Calloway further stated that the old gentleman was also put into the guard house, and confined during these " several days " by Brown's personal supervision ; and when he was released, the note of $50, which Brown ex acted, was written with Brown's own hand, he threaten ing at the same time, as stated in the letter, that if the note was not paid the day it was due, he would send Mr. Hadrick and his three sons to Tuscaloosa during the war. It was well known also, as confirmed by Mr. Calloway, that the guard-quarters in which the old gentleman was .kept, (the same in which Union prisoners were placed,) was totally unfit for the most robust man in the vigor of life, much less for a man seventy-five years of age, espe cially considering the severity of the weather. Mr. Had- ricks' death, which followed soon after his release, was unquestionably induced by the cruel treatment he re ceived from Brown. This was not the only aggravated case of this peculiar system of robbing, in which persons in a similar condi tion with him — persons almost entirely helpless and de fenseless in regard to themselves — were shut up in Brown's rebel guard-house, fit only for brutes, till by their sufferings nature was broken into compliance with his tyrannical exactions. This rebel military camp, it will be recollected, held carnival in Cleveland in the winter season of the year. A few days, or at most weeks in the miserable pens of this rebel camp, under a subjugating regimen, together with the every-day prospect of being sent to the still more loathsome, death-dealing dungeons of Tuscaloosa and Mobile, were sufficient to make men feel the difference — 108 ' HISTORY OF THE RKBKLLION especially those on the down-hill side of life— between this grinding oppression and personal liberty; between the value of money and the value of life; between Tuscaloosa prisons and their own homes, even if those homos were in the midst of the whirlpool of the infernal rebellion. As we will hereafter s^e, Brown's treatment of old Mr. Stonecypher was another aggravated case of cruelty, being part and parcel of this same, system of iniquity. It would bo impossible, within the design of the present work, to give an account of all the acts of unusual brutal ity and wickedness inflicted by Brown upon Union people in and about Bradley, under the cover of pretending to collect, supplies for destitute rebel families. The particu lars iu full of a single case as emphatically illustrate the general character of this piece of rebel iniquity, and, con sequently, the general character of the rebellion in East Tennessee, as would- numberless repetitions of similar scones. Upon this principle we have given a somewhat detailed account of the oase of Mr. Hadrick; and the reader can draw his own conclusions as to the amount of crime com mitted, the personal abuse and injury inflicted by Brown in extorting money and property from, perhaps, throe hundred Union people. The following names of persons, among the many whom Brown compelled to pay tribute, was furnished by .J esse H. Caul;, Esq., of Cleveland. It was furnished in some degreo from memory, nearly three years after the occur rences referred to, which accounts for the incompleteness of the list as indicated by Mr. Cant's accompanying re marks. "y1 few of the Names of Men in Bradley County from inhoni. Cap/. "Win. L.Jlrovm extorted money, and the amounts taken from rnoh: William :Blajr,;Esq.,. . , . ..JIOOM- William lhunburd. Escu,. , , ,25 00 no.orgcMunsoy,., ',..,, BO'OO A.J. Oolllim ;;., 2!i Wm. Morrison,! . . . u«. . . 'J. ..B000 Wm. Francisco. .,,. , .., ...... ,. .,5Q 00 Kov.'NoalVSmTO,...- ",,,., '.WOO ...iw ';;., 2fl 00 Btiown ,,., ,,( 38 00 William lluwk 20 00 .Tamos O. "DIoltlriHOii,. 115 00 IS BRADLEY COUNTY, BAST TBNSSSSBE. 109 Benj. llambrigut. . . , Hubert llaiubright. Oeorge Oox, of (Sect J.U.'Haft; Win. Laeey. Esti- — Wm. Mahoney, Jacob Hysinrais . , <, Asa Fltatgerakl John Francisco, "t i Dr.J.M. Campbell,. Philip Mahony James Gamble. . . . ,c. James Hinkle, — .„ Aaron Lee, Barrel Lee, Gabriel fteibrd, .« 30 00 ... .50 00 •Sia; . .100 00 SO 00 50 00 WO 00 .*.U.. 50 00 23 00 23 00 23 00 25 00 23 00 25 00 25 00 23 00 23 08 Samuel llvriek, 13 50 John Stan flew* 10 00 John Ganee, ....*....' 10 00 Little Berry Moore. .... . . 10 00 Thomas Prater. . 10 00 John Osment. , AH'.'i . .100 00 ,WflUam Staunch! 5 00 William Wyrick. 5 00 Dempsew Cooper, i .... 13 00. Samuel JX Richmond 23 00 HaxardBean 10 00 Edumnd McKinny. 10 00 .Ww. Smith, : 25 00 $1132 50 These w w only a tew persons comparatively who were forced to pay taonev by Capt- Brown. They hfd only one election, ami that was to pav or ax> to the rebel military prison at Tuscaloosa. Some only stave iheir obligations to pay their amounts. Greesrbory Cate gave Ms obligation &r $50." It was said upon reliable anthoritv that Brown got in notes and obligations about $4,000." The above list- contains forty names. From the verbal statement of Esq. G&ut, and from all other information, aside from this list, that could be obtained on the subject, it appears that Brown and his agents, in this particular enterprise, extorted money and property of one kind and another from not loss than ture,e hundred persons. As to the amount actually collected, it was variously estimated, some putting it at on© thousand dollars, others at fifteen hundred, and some as high as two thousand. In regard to the disposition made of these levies, among Union people but one opinion prevailed. Fox the rebel opinion on the subject we never inquired. The universal opinion of the loyalists was, that not a fourth of these piratical levies ever reached, the destitute rebel families of the county. Similarly with the work of confiscating Union guns, this enterprise was conducted without system. It differed with the former, however, in that it had not even the semblance of valid rebel authority. It was impossible to trace it to a source higher than Brown, — in fact impossi ble to trace it to any other source. No authoritative enactment, civil or military, gave it shape and form, pre- 110 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION , scribing limits, holding parties responsible, bringing them to report to proper disbursing officers, or anything of this nature. But a kind of general reckless rebel consent pre vailed, and all, or nearly all, encouraged this self-elected tiger, Brown, and his followers, in the pursuit of their prey. Upon this principle Brown imposed, confiscated, and collected to suit himself, keeping his own secrets, and naturally disbursing and appropriating in the same man- ner. As he doubtless looked upon himself as the most profitable servant in the good work, considered that he was deserving of the most prompt and liberal pay. The produce and other articles collected were more frequently 1 carried off by the rebel officers and men, than systemati cally distributed to suffering mothers and children in the county. As to the money collected, it was the universal opinion of Union men that the greater portion, if not the whole amount, was smuggled away for Brown's private uses, and otherwise expended upon his own personal and military aggrandizement. Only enough of money or goods was systematically given out to the needy families to blind those disposed to be honest, and to conceal the theft of Brown and those with him in the secret. Brown was captain of a company in a cavalry regiment ' then in camp at Cleveland. Articles of general warfare i were needed ; but especially those suitable for cavalry. In connection with the above system of foraging, Brown extended his business till it was sufficiently general to [ cover even the demands of the extensive preparations of the whole rebel camp. Horses, mules, wagons, harnesses, saddles, blankets, blacksmith's tools, and all other prop- , erty needed that could be found, was taken or ordered . | to be brought into camp and delivered at his headquar ters. Truth requires us to state that, in most instances at this time, and during the first year of the war, when valuable property, such as horses and mules, was taken for the benefit of the rebel army, it was either paid for in Con federate money, or vouchers were given by rebel officers: IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. Ill Notwithstanding this, however, it was seldom if ever the case that Union owners received the full value of what was taken from them. Although this was ostensibly the rule with the rebel authorities in regard to valuable prop erty taken for the Confederate Government, yet, under the leadership and through the rascality of Brown, the rule was frequently outraged even in important cases, and generally in all cases where his acts had not to pass under the supervision of the higher authorities. Brown was too bad a man to serve even the Devil him self with prosperity to his cause. He was too dishonest to be honorable even among thieves ; and had he been a public man in any other cause than this Southern Rebel lion, he would have been hung as high as Haman by his own friends before he had more than half finished his career. Notwithstanding the opportunities his position ' gave him" to gorge himself with the substance of his ene mies, his reckless greed of gain goaded him to steal sys tematically from his friends also. This was usually per formed in. that base and cunning manner that left him the widest margin for escape, and, consequently, his victims the narrowest chance for obtaining redress. The weakest and most helpless — those having the least opportunity to defend themselves — were usually the persons of his own party whom he selected to wrong, rob and plunder. His cruelty was as ready and as venomous against his own men when they intercepted his wishes, as against the Lin colnites. On his return from the expedition against Col. Clift, he fell out with one of his men by the name of Swaf- ford, and as punishment fastened one end of a log chain around his neck; compelling him to march dragging the length of i't in the sand till he was exhausted and could go no further with his load. It was too well known in Cleveland to need any caution in the statement, that a portion of the choicest articles solicited and voluntarily provided by rebel families for the rebel soldiers, and even rations of sugar that belonged to them, were not only freely used at his headquarters, but secretly transferred to the private use of his own fam- 112 HISTORf OF THE REBELLION ily. When successful raids had been made by Brown and his men upon Union people, he would invariably smuggle some of the most valuable articles, such as counterpanes, choice quilts and blankets, pillows and pillow-cases, and other articles of the kind, and covertly pass them on to his own home. This system of dastardly theft was perse vered in till it became a proverb among the Union peo ple that Brown's dwelling was the depot of stolen goods. IN BRADLEY COUNTY,' EAST TENNESSEE. 113 CHAPTER XI. THE TUSCALOOSA PRISONERS. Many Union men in Bradley saved themselves from incarceration in Southern prisons — some by purchasing their freedom with money, others by instantaneous flight to the North, and still others who could neither pay nor flee, by connecting themselves with the rebel army until opportunities offered for their escape. We purposed to obtain, from some one of the victimized party, a written statement of the particulars of these incidents, but failing to do so, we are enabled to record the tragedy of the "Tuscaloosa Prisoners," only in its general aspects. Although many rebel citizens in the different parts of the county, such, for instance, as W. II. Tibbs, James Donahoo, Joseph Tucker, and others of the v.' erst stamp, participated, acting as spies and informers. As usual, Brown was the principal actor in arresting these men, seventeen in number, and sending them to Southern pri sons. The following are the names of the victims. Maj. James S. Bradford, Dr. John G. Brown, Capt. C. D. Champion, Col. Stephen Beard, Dr. Wm. Hunt, Allen Mailer, George V. Marler, Samuel Hunt. John Beene. Esq., Samuel Richmond. Levi Trewhitt, Esq., Thomas L. Gate, Esq- Jackson Spurgen, S. B. Wise. Capt. John T. Ivincheloe, Jesse Taylor, John Boon, Lawyer Trewhitt one of the above prisoners, was arrested at his own house, about four miles from Cleve land, on the 19th of November, 1861, by a po.sse of Capt. Brown's men ; the posse being headed by John Dunn and Jo. Horton. Although Capt. Brown Avas the authorita tive actor, Esq. Tre'whitt's arrest was made at the instance 114 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION of Cleveland rebels. Col. Wood, then in command at Knoxville, telegraphed to Brown to make the arrest. Wm. H. Tibbs, E. F. Johnson, and other Bradley rebels, either were then at Knoxville influencing Col. Wood to do this, or telegraphed to him from Cleveland to this effect. Soon after his arrest, lawyer Trewhitt, with Doctors Brown and Hunt, and possibly some others, were sent to Knoxville, where they requested of the rebel authorities a trial. They were promised, or at least made to believe, that their request should be granted ; but through the influence of Cleveland rebels, then at Knoxville, and through the representation of some who were not there, these prisoners instead of being granted a trial, were immediately dispatched for Tuscaloosa. Others, we be lieve, were sent to Knoxville before being doomed to Tuscaloosa. Be this as it may, however, not long after the arrest of Esq. Trewhitt, the whole were incarcerated in the Tuscaloosa prison. Esq. Beene lived in the fifth district ; James Donahoo the inveterate rebel lived in this district also. Mr. Beene was arrested at the instance of this Donahoo. Brown and his men, or his men alone, acting under his instructions, came to Mr. Beene's house in the night, arrested him in the presence of his family, and took him to Cleveland. Of the particulars of the arrests of the others, we have no knowledge. Reports entitled to credit justify the statement that none of these men, had committed any overt or extravagant act of hostility against the rebellion, and that nothing of this kind was alleged against them as the cause of their arrest. They were, however, known to be uncompromising Union men — men of talent and influ ence, men whose presence and example were dreaded, and whom it was considered important to put out of the way as unceremoniously as possible. Thus, without re gard to justice, with no specified charges against them, and denied the chance of trial, they were suddenly dis patched to the prisons of Tuscaloosa, intentionally for the term of the war. They were sent in the month of December, 1861, in three IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 115 different parties, but all within the period of two weeks. All but two or three, and possibly all, were from Bradley county. The two Marlers might have been from Hamil ton. Being forced to engage in the drudgery of carrying- heavy sacks of corn, Spurgen soon died at Tuscaloosa, with a naked billet of wood for his pillow. His death was induced by hard fare, the want of proper food, bad quar ters, etc., as well as by being compelled under these cir cumstances to perform this hard labor. We have not the date of his death. After being kept at Tuscaloosa for some time, a part, if not the whole of the rest, were sent to Mobile. While at Tuscaloosa their fare was, as a general thing, decidedly objectionable, and in some instances, perfectly shameful. At Mobile, their condition in this respect was somewhat improved. Some of the ladies of Mobile — whether Union or otherwise, we know not, to their credit be it recorded — interested themselves in behalf of the prisoners. The latter were supplied with food and other comforts, which made their transfer, at least in this respect, a matter of gratitude. These blessings, however, came too late for the recovery of lawyer Trewhitt. The mental sufferings occasioned by his arrest, the physical hardships of his trip from home, together with the privations and other effects of his imprisonment at Tuscaloosa, were too severe for a man of sixty -four years ; and he died at Mobile on the 31st of January, 1862. Judge John C. Gaut, D. C. McMillen, and other Union men in Bradley, as well as some in other parts of East Tennessee, especially Mr. T. H. Calloway of Polk county, knowing the injustice and cruelty, as well as the suffering and danger to their lives, of the imprisonment of these men, were exerting themselves for their release. An ap peal was first made to Judge T. J. Campbell, one of the most influential and far reaching rebels in East Tennessee, but with no other effect than to rouse in him the most determined opposition to the application. Mr. Birch, of Chattanooga, then serving on Gen. Pillow's 116 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION staff at Murfreesboro, happening in Cleveland shortly after the appeal to Judge Campbell, was approached by Judge Gaut on the subject, and the case fully explained to him in its true light. Notwithstanding Mr. Birch was engaged in the interest of the rebellion, he at once com prehended the injustice of such proceedings; and though he then had to return to Murfreesboro, promised to give his attention to the matter in a few days, when he would render the Judge all the assistance in his power. The Judge communicated these facts to Mr. Calloway ; and arrangements were made for a meeting at Loudon, a place about fifty miles west* of Knoxville. Mr. Birch was at Loudon agreeable to appointment, when the parties pro ceeded to Knoxville and made known their business to the military authorities by whom these men were impris oned. Here, however, they came in contact with the old and inveterate influence which was at the bottom of the rascality in the beginning. The notorious Wm. H. Tibbs, then at Knoxville, opposed the proposition with all his might, meeting the arguments of Mr. Birch as well as those of Calloway and Judge Gaut, with his usual disre gard of principle and justice. He succeeded in exciting the opposition of Judge Campbell, and making it, if pos sible, more bitter than before. In view of this opposition, precisely to what extent the applicants succeeded with these authorities at Knoxville, is not known. Their efforts here were either an entire failure, inducing them to agree among themselves to lay the matter before the rebel Sec retary of War at Richmond, or possibly their case was referred to him by the Knoxville authorities themselves. Mr. Galloway and Judge Gaut furnishing the requisite funds, Mr. Birch hastened to Richmond, and the rebel Secretary of War, J. P. Benjamin, without much delay ordered the immediate release and transportation to their homes, of the Tuscaloosa prisoners from Bradley county. As soon as possible this order was forwarded from Knoxville, and passed Cleveland the day Mr. Trewhitt died at Mobile. Could these proceedings have been has tened a few days, or had they not been retarded at Knox- IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 117 ville by the Cleveland clique of Tibbs, Tucker and com pany, possibly news of his release might have been in time to save Mr. Trewhitfs life. After an imprisonment of about four months, with the exception of Esq. Trewhitt and Mr. Spurgen, all reached their homes in comparative safety, only, however, at the expense of sufferings, risk to health and life, which, doubt less, they could not be induced to take the second time for the treasures of Tennessee. Notwithstanding the release thus granted to these Union men amounted to an acquittal from all the charges which Bradley rebels informally alleged against them, yet, no sooner had they returned than they found them selves the persecuted objects of suspicion, the same as before. The most of them found it necessary secretly to leave the State in order to escape from their old enemies. Doctors Brown and Hunt, under the pretense of going on a fishing excursion, with hook and line in hand, left Cleveland soon after their return from Mobile, and reached Nashville in safety. Both subsequently entered the Federal service as sur geons, — Dr. Hunt in the 9th Tennessee Cavalry, and Brown in the 4th East Tennessee Cavalry. Major Brad ford was subsequently Major in the 5th East Tennessee Cavalry, while Beard was Lieutenant-Colonel of the same regiment. Kincheloe and Champion were Captains in the 4th East Tennessee Cavalry. Thus, with two exceptions, this loyal and memorable seventeen of Bradley, after imprisonment and - suffering, fleeing and fighting, resisting and hoping, lived to see the rebellion crushed, and their individual and political ene mies subdued. They are now wearing the honors of vic tory and enjoying their homes in pea^e. In 1864 and 1865, some three years after their imprison ment, a portion of these victorious Tuscaloosanites en forced the civil law, and mulcted their rebel persecutors in heavy damages. This subject ought not to be dismissed without refer ence being made to the honorable conduct of Mr. Birch 118 HISTORY OF THE REEELLIOS as to this aftair. Mr. Birch was a professed rebel, and doubtless felt an anxiety for the" success of the cause equally with that of the most vehement of its advocates. Yet he had too much Christianity to allow himself to ig nore all justice in the defense of any cause. He had too much civilized and cultivated humanity, too much good breeding, to turn savage at once and incarcerate and mur der by starvation and slow tortures his nearest neighbors and best friends, especially when among them were the venerable sires of three generations, who had stood the virtuous supports and leading ornaments of society for half a century — simply because of an honest difference of political opinion, a natural right of theirs as well as his. Had such men as Mr. Birch controlled the South from the beginning, the rebellion never would have existed Had not such men as he, and those like him, from the be ginning been controlled by such men as Judge Campbell, Judge Bowls, Wm. H. Tibbs. and his company of leading Bradley rebels, they never would have been rebels at alL The following bull from the Cleveland Banner ot 3Iay 9th, \WL was hurled at the backs of Doctors Brown and Hunt, who, as we have seen, were compelled to flee from Cleveland after their return from Idobile. It was also hurled at the back of Mr. M. Edwards, who left about the same time : '-Decamped. — Some three weeks ago Doet. John G. Brown. Doet. Wm. Hunt, and B. SL Edwards, Esq- all citizens of this place, very raysierionsly left and have not been heard of up to this present writ ing. Bnt little anxiety or solicitude has been felt for them since they left, as it was supposed by their friends that they had gone to ofit AbVs bosom. Doet. Brown was considered a gentleman in all bis social relations — stood high in his profession, bnt a man who wi- cor rupt in his political opinions as we conceive. The two latter gentle men were like small potatoes in Ireland, 'no damned big things.'— had neither money nor reputation to lose in the operation, and we think it is a perfect God-send to a country to get rid of such mec. All the harm we wish them is that they may never get back." It appears they did get back notwithstanding your wish, and that you finally took hack your abuse of them by tak ing the Lincoln He oath which sanctioned their return. IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 119 CHAP T E II XII. CAPT. BROWN'S WINl'I'INU OF THE CAMP WOMEN. The tragedy which we have to relate here, is among the most revolting cases of rebel inhumanity, perpetrated in East Tennessee ; and will cause feelings of indignant hor ror, aggravated by a thought of the' wretch who could, under the circumstances, inflict this scandalous punish ment upon helpless females, perhaps in advance of those occasioned by any other act of Brown's unparalleled career. We regret that we are not in possession of all the particulars. It appears that two women were either in, or lingering about the rebel camp at Cleveland, being induced to come there by some of the most abandoned of the soldiers, especially by Brown's own son, who was a member of the same regiment with himself, and we believe of his own company. It was also currently reported at the time that Brown himself, previous to inflicting on them this pun ishment, had visited these women, either at their own homes or somewhere in the vicinity of the camp, thus in curring himself, more than they, the guilt of their pres ence among the soldiers. Whether this rep'ort is true or false, it is one of the facts connected, witli the affair, and is given only as such, with the balance of probabilities, however, in its favor. That Brown's son was one of the principals in inducing these women to visit the rebel camp, is given upbn the most reliable authority ; and this, his son's guilt, could not have been unknown to Brown. Partly, perhaps, as an apt strategy by which he endeav ored wickedly, to hide the truth, and make the public disbelieve the reports so justly rising against him and his son, and partly from a desire to revenge on the women for the public disgrace which he and his son were suffer ing from their secret guilt with them, Brown had them 120 history of the rebellion o ss 3o IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 121 arrested, tied them to trees in the vicinity of the camp, in the meantime procuring a supply of green whips, and after compelling them to remove their clothing down to the waist, with his own hands lashed their naked persons until their arms shoulders and breasts were completely disfigured with cuts and bruises, and their persons cov ered with blood. No other act of Brown's abominable career was spoken of by the Union people of Bradley, with so much loath ing and disgust, as his brutality to these women. One of the rebel soldiers, whom Brown compelled in some meas ure to be accessory to the foul deed, also asserted that it was one of the most shocking, heart-sickening, and heart rending tragedies that a human being ever committed or witnessed. It was reported that one of these pitiable creatures, was in a delicate condition at the time, and from the extent of her injuries, was brought to a premature confinement, resulting in her own death and that of her offspring. So far as the woman's own death was concerned, £his report was found to be untrue, but with a pretty strong proba bility, that in other respects it was correct. CAPTAIN BROWN'S ARREST. At what particular period of Brown's military career, the event indicated above occurred, we are not informed ; but probably it took place in the last of December 1861, or in the first of January 1862. A Mr. Stewart, a rebel, but not yet entirely lost to all human propriety, in view of Brown's entire course, for the honor of the Confederacy, for the' sake of humanity and Christianity, as well as a matter of policy, thought it high time to bring his career to a check, if not to a close. Consequently he reported him to the rebel authorities at Knoxville. The charges preferred against Brown by Mr. Stewart were so remarkable, and environed with so much apparent truthfulness, that these authorities at once arrested Brown, who was, we believe, then at Knoxville, 122 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION and preparations were there progressing to put him on trial. No sooner, however, had a knowledge of these proceed ings reached Cleveland, the immediate locality of Brown's vandalisms, than a movement was inaugurated by his friends, the Bradley rebels, those who had been eye-wit nesses to his entire behavior, to have these proceedings intercepted, and Brown released from arrest. A petition was drawn up, endorsing his conduct, and after being signed, perhaps by every active rebel then in Cleveland and its vicinity, with one exception, was forwarded to Knoxville. The petition, it appears, was a systematic and somewhat elaborate document, taking strong ground against the justice of Capt. Brown's arrest, fully endorsing his entire course in Bradley, hinting at his efficiency, and the value of his services to the common cause, and earnestly pray ing for his immediate release from arrest, with fall per mission to continue his work, and finish his career without further molestation. The matter was pushed with great perseverance, and very strenuous efforts were made to procure a formidable array of signatures, especially to obtain the names of those who were wealthy and influential. From all the information that could be obtained, but one individual, rich or poor, to whom the petition was presented, refused to sign it. Mr. John Craigmiles objected to the honor of having anything to do with the transaction. Mr. Craig miles was a gentleman of talents, wealth, and influence, which made it very important to the success of the enter prise, to have the petition go up to Knoxville with the weight of his signature upon it. Consequently, no means were left untried to obtain it. The petition was first pre sented to Mr. Craigmiles by Joseph R. Taylor, who, on its presentation, was informed by Mr. Craigmiles, that he never sanctioned the course of Capt. Brown, and that he could not endorse it now. Mr. Taylor pressed his suit, but was compelled to pass on with his petition in despair, so far as he was concerned, of obtaining the name of IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 123 Mr. Craigmiles. The name, however, was of too much importance to be given up, at least without one more effort to secure it. Mr. John H. Payne was the individual selected the second time, to bear down upon Mr. Craig miles, on the subject. Mr Payne was a man of some pon- siderable influence, was also related to Mr. Craigmiles by marriage, and it was thought would be as likely to win him over as any other person. The fact, however, was otherwise. Mr. Payne also uselessly exhausted his inge nuity to convince Mr. Craigmiles, that it was his duty and for his interest to sign the document. Though Mr. Craig miles was a rebel, he could not be convinced that it was either his duty, or for his interest to endorse the abomin able career of such a man as Wm. L. Brown. Feeling him self about to fail, Mr. Payne informed Mr. Craigmiles that he was already suspected of being wanting in devotion to the cause, and that if he persisted in his refusal to assist them to extricate their favorite leader from arrest, he need not be surprised if it worked to his pecuniary disadvantage, lessened his rebel popularity, and caused him to be closely watched by his particular friends in future. All considerations, however, failed of having the desired effect on Mr. Craigmiles; and the petition -went to Knoxville without the benefit of his signature. What they lost, however, in this, was probobly counterbalanced in numbers; for as already stated, this was the only instance in which the friends of Brown were known to fail with the entire rebel community at Cleveland. Others besides Mr. Payne and Mr. Taylor were active in Brown's favor. Mr. James Donahoo was one of the principal concoctors of the scheme — watched it and inter ested himself in its progress, and when the petition was completed volunteered his services to bear these import ant dispatches to the authorities at Knoxville, where with his personal presence and representations, the petition prevailed with these authorities, and Brown was imme diately set at liberty. It is very much to be regretted that this petition, with out the alteration of a .syllable, or the loss of a single 124 history of the rebellion name from its column of signatures, could not have been preserved and sent to Washington, and stored among the documentary archives of the rebellion,, there to remain, though an infinitesimal, yet a memorable curiosity in its line.. As the present, when it recedes into the past, becomes almost an entire blank to existing generations, on condition that we, or any one else succeeds in giving to posterity, a faithful portraiture of Wm. L. Brown, in a hundred years from now, this petition, if accessible, would throw more light upon the animus of the rebellion in East Tennessee, than fifty times the same amount of manu script that will ever be written about it. As much as the historian has desired to recover it, and as much as the antiquarian may lament its loss, this singular scroll of a communities' infamy and crime, has doubtless, long since, been consigned, even by its own friends, to the common receptacle of unhallowed and condemned communica tions. In view of certain possibilities, in which a knowledge of the persons connected with this transaction might be important, a few of the names attached to this document were preserved; and the parties were kind enough to place them at our disposal. We give them upon the authority of those who preserved them, which, however, we are enabled to state is perfectly reliable. These few signatures are as follows : J. F. Rogers, Joseph Tucker. Wm. H. Tibbs, Joseph M. Horton, David Kincannon, John H. Payne, Wm. J. Hughes, Joseph E. Taylor, Wm. Johnson, C. L. Hardwick, D. C. Kenner, Wm. Grant, Wm. H. Grant, Dr. P. J.E.Edwards, Eobert McNelly, James Donahoo, Isaac Guthman, Louis Guthman, James Johnson, Dr. Pepper. These names can be but a small number of the whole that went to Knoxville in behalf of Brown. Those acquainted in Bradley at the time are aware that rebel numbers were not wanting to justify the conclusion, that, perhaps, three or four times this number were on the peti- IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 125 tion. With the single exception already given, with the rebels in and about Cleveland, it was a complete success, as it was with the authorities at Knoxville. As we know all who did not or would not sign the petition, allowing for accidents, we know all who did sign it. As all acted one way or the other, having the negative, upon general principles, we are in possession of the affirmative also. If Mr. Craigmiles was the only one who refused to sign the petition, then, of course, all the rest consented ; and as this petition must have been from one to three days in circulation, it is reasonable to conclude, that all or very nearly all the rebels in and about Cleveland had an opportunity to sign it, and consequently must have done so. Thus, not only those whose names are here presented, stand committed, but the entire rebel community of Cleveland and the immediate vicinity, are seen to have endorsed the course of Capt. Brown, as emphatically as those whose names are here given. The sudden effect of this petition upon the authorities at Knoxville is also evidence that, so for as signatures were concerned, it was a triumphant success. The effect was Brown's immediate release. This shows that the peti tion embodied the strength of the rebel element of Cleve land. Had it represented an insignificant clique, or few, it could not have had this effect. It is perfectly unavoidable, therefore, that not only the twenty persons, whose names are here given were guilty, and are held responsible for endorsing Brown's conduct and for turning him loose to continue his depredations, but we might with propriety add to the above list, and publish the names of every other rebel then in, and around Cleveland, for the names of all such were as surely upon the petition, as were those we have given. When this petition was gotten up Brown was under arrest for grave, serious offences and cruelties — com plained of, and charged with these by one of his own party before his superiors ; and had it not been for this petition he would have been tried and doubtless convicted, and his career of cruelty and shame brought to a close. This 126 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION petition, however, turned him loose with encouragement to rob, steal, and murder with less fear of being brought to justice than before. Bradley rebels, therefore, were the perpetrators, equally with Brown himself, of all his sub sequent villainies. It is not remarkable to find in any community, however civilized and moral, a few unprincipled men, or even some v. ho are notoriously wicked, whose lives are a continued scene of rascality abd dire oppression; but it is remark able, that the ruling portion of a civilized and Christian community, should voluntarily indorse the conduct, and publicly justify the career of one of the worst men in existence. Indeed this fact is so remarkable, that it is not to be accounted for upon any of the ordinary principles governing civilized and Christian society. A solution of the problem, that such a case contains, can be reached only upon the supposition that the cause by which the parties were driven forward, was nearer a personification of satan, than a scheme originating with a society of rational and dispossessed human intelligences. The parties whose names are here given, as well as the entire rebel element of Cleveland and vicinity, are re minded that this rebellion is the subject of history ; and that history is for the benefit of present and coming gen erations ; consequently must include the errors and vices that corrupt as well as the virtues that bless and redeem the times narrated. Individuals, as much as communities, who engaged in this rebelbon, thereby made themselves the property of history. This was the contract voluntarily entered into by them at the time ; and he who faithfully details the conduct of the bad as well as that of the good, individually and collectively, is only holding both parties to their own proposals thus voluntarily made at the be ginning. Those who were in the wrong have no more right to complain that a record is made of their errors fol lowed with legitimate deductions, than those iu the right that the same course is taken with their virtues. Those who bad the misfortune to fall into wrong, and especially those who embraced it from preferences of disposition, IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 127 must be held to their position and compelled to meet the consequences. There is no other alternative, the vital interests of history are at stake, truth is required. Con sequently all parties must be historically classed among the followers of him whom they delighted to serve as their acknowledged master. In our conversation with Union people in East Tennes see upon the malignancy of the rebellion in that part of the country, it was very frequently their remark that they never even, imagined the actual depravity of mankind till it was taught them by the conduct of the rebels towards themselves. That the human heart could reduce itself to such outrageous beastliness, that it could be guilty of con duct so fiendish as was the case with the rebels in some instances, had escaped all their former observations upon. the character and actions of mankind. Among many Union people in Tennessee whom we heard speak of the same thing, relating instances of the same fact, namely, that the rebellion, in many cases, actu ally developed the spirit of the devil, one of the most intelligent and influential ladies in Cleveland, one whose talents,- position and refinement entitle her statements to unlimited credit, in relating her sore experience among the rebels, — especially among the lady rebels — declared it as her honest and religious conviction, that in many cases she had to fight the Devil face to face in the persons of her rebel enemies. That not only the men manifestly displayed the tyranny and wickedness of attending and prompting demons, but many of the women, from " the loss of their rights" passed from one degree of individual rebellion to another, till they were no longer themselves, no longer the same women — till the malignant excite ment had transformed them into the very embodiment of furies, and left them a prey, she believed, to actual demo niac possession. This lady stated that in some of the worst specimens the diabolical spirit seemed to take possession of the phy sical as well as the mental constitution, that it was unmis takably present in every look, word and action ; that it 128 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION pushed itself out upon every lineament of the features, where it couched a visible demon, changing the whole countenance from that of a human being to that of a rankling and malignant fiend. The above is but the statement of a historical fact — a fact for which the historian is no more responsible than he is for other facts, and from the statement or recording of which he has no more right to shrink than he has to shrink from the recording of other facts. This rebellion presents us with a moral as well as a political problem ; and before the former can be solved we shall doubtless find it necessary, especially in view of the character of the rebellion in East Tennessee, at An- dersonville, Belle Island, and other particular places, to deal with such facts as the above. As a subject of special attention, with the following summary remarks, we shall now take our leave of Capt. Brown, although his name will occasionally appear in the remainder of this work. As already seen, Brown was Captain in the 4th East Tennessee Bebel Cavalry, commanded by Col. J. F. Rogers. Many of Brown's company, as well as many of the whole regiment, were Union men forced into the rebel service. The regiment was first ordered to Knox ville, then to the vicinity of Cumberland Gap, where it remained a few months, during which many of the men deserted to the Federal lines. On account of its Union ism, in the spring of 1862, this regiment, we believe, and certainly the 36th Tennessee Infantry, otherwise the squirrel brigade, because of the Union spirit which it be trayed, and the number that daily deserted from it to the Federals, were ordered to report to Savannah, Georgia. In June, 1862, what were left of these troops were recalled from Savannah to Cleveland, and there disbanded. Thus released, those of these men who were rebels at heart en listed in other rebel commands, some, however, from their love of plunder, connecting themselves with different guerrilla bands, in which they served not only to the end of the war, but as long as the mountains of northern IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 129 Georgia and of North Carolina could afford them protec tion. As a soldier, as it naturally would be, Brown's career was short. He commenced recruiting his company early in the fall of 1861, and resigned when his regiment was disbanded at Cleveland, making his term of service only about seven months. After this Ms patriotism did not prompt him to fight for the Southern Confederacy. He remained in Bradley from his resignation, exercising his office of Justice of the Peace, collecting specific taxes for the Rebel Government, and robbing both parties, till he was compelled to leave his family and flee to Dixie before our army in the winter of 1863-64. After an absence of some months he had the audacity to write to his former minister, Rev. Hiram Douglas, enquiring if it would be safe for him to return to his family in Bradley on condi tion that he would take the oath of allegiance to the Gov ernment of the United States. What advice he received from his spiritual adviser is not known. Mrs. Brown counselled with lawyer J. H. Gaut, of Cleveland, to the same effect, who frankly informed her, that if her husband valued his life, the farther he could keep from the Union people of Bradley the safer he would be. Shortly after this, Mrs. Brown stealthily left Cleveland, assisted by the Rev. Mr. McNutt, another implacable rebel Christian, and it is supposed joined her wretched husband in some part of Georgia, where, unless he is detected and brought to justice, both may linger out the remainder of their mis erable earthly existence. As we are about to take formal leave of Capt. Brown as a distinct subject in this history, it may be appropriate in this connection to sketch the character and take leave also at the same time of his son, already introduced in this chapter. The name of this precocious scoundrel was Samuel, who at the opening of the rebellion was but sixteen years of age. Serving as a rebel soldier in the same regiment with his father till the latter resigned, the son, from this time, floated loosely away upon the inland sea of the re- 130 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION $ bellion in northern Georgia and southern East Tennessee, assuming the character of rebel soldier, guerrilla, bush whacker, horse-thief, robber, murderer, or whatever guise was best suited to perfect his criminal course and render him a finished specimen of the illustrious stock from which he descended, and by which he had been effectu ally schooled in iniquity. Some time after his father resigned, he went South and pretended to be a member, for some months, of a Tennessee regiment of rebel cav alry. His most noted career, however, after he became detached from his first regiment, was perpetrated in the summer and fall of 1864 as a guerrilla in the rear of Sher.- man's army. He was with Gatewood, a leading guerrilla chief, an account of whom will be given hereafter, and at one time when on an excursion of plundering, boasted in the presence of a Union family, or in the presence of Union people, of having cut the throat of a Union Ten- nesseean — whose name we have unfortunately lost — after his victim had been shot down and rendered helpless by himself and his guerrilla companions. He displayed and flourished the knife with which he performed the deed, and swore to the satisfaction it gave him to "cut the throat of the d d Lincolnite." On the 17th of August, 1864, Gen. Wheeler appeared in the vicinity of Cleveland from the direction of Dalton, and tore up the railroad connecting the two places, seven miles south of Cleveland, near the residence of Mr. Hiram Smith. Young Brown and another young guerrilla fol lowed in Wheeler's wake near enough to keep under his protection, robbing and plundering all the Union families they could reach. In Bradley, Brown, with pistol in hand, first robbed Mr. Benjamin Hambright, taking ten dollars in greenbacks from his person, after which he demanded his hat ; but Mr. Hambright immediately turned from him and passed on, the stripling thief cursing and threatening to shoot him, but Mr. Hambright disregarding, was soon out of his sight and saw him no more. IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 131 > Brown and his companion next assaulted the premises of Mr. Hiram Smith*, which they plundered while Wheel er's men were tearing up the railroad track within sight, and but a few yards from Mr. Smith's door. Mr. Smith was not at home. He, his father and brothers, were strong Union men, and had done good service against the rebellion. Young Brown cursed and abused Mrs. Smith, alleging that her husband and brothers-in-law had been the principal cause of the troubles that came upon his father and mother — that the Unionism of her husband and brothers-in-law drove his father and mother out of the country, &c. He made a sentinel of his companion to watch for Mr. Smith or other persons who might ap proach the house, while he, vandal like, tore through the house opening chests, ransacking bureau drawers, and insultingly invading, in Mrs. Smith's presence, every other private apartment in the dwelling that he could discover, in quest of money, watches, revolvers and other valuables. In prospect of visitors of his stripe, Mr. and Mrs. Smith, long before that time, had deposited in a place of safety all the valuables in their possession of the kind he so much desired, consequently his search was fruitless. En raged at his failure, Brown levied upon an army oil-clot h and a half worn out hat, swearing that Mrs. Smith's father was rich, and must have by him a plenty of money ; that he knew him to,be the owner of a gold watch and valua ble black mare, and he 'd be d— — d if he did not pay him a visit. Mr. B. F. Jones, Mrs. Smith's father, sixty-seven years of age, lived a half-mile to the west over a ridge in another valley. The two thieves then mounted their ani mals and dashed up the ridge at a furious rate, Brown, to be ready for any emergency, swinging his revolver over his own head and over the head of his animal in a menac ing manner, in which plight they disappeared over 'the hill in quest of more valuable booty. They found Mr. Jones, his wife, and Mrs. Martin V. Jones, a daughter-in- law, at home. As in the previous case young Gregory was made sentinel, while Brown, with revolver in hand, took 132 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION possession of the premises. He first, with curses and threats, thumping his revolver against him, searched the person of Mr. Jones for money and the gold watch. He examined his person closely for a money-belt, which he hoped to find and hoped to find it containing a large amount. Money and watch, as well as the black mare, however, had been placed beyond his reach. Through with Mr. Jones personally, bureau and stand drawers, cupboards, pantries, trunks and private rooms of the whole house hurriedly passed under his fiendish and greedy supervision. He demanded of Mrs. M. Y. Jones, the daughter-in-law, the keys to her private room, which he entered t°re to pieces and plundered, more like a sav age hyena or youthful devil incarnate than a natural born human being. In this room he discovered and captured an empty pocket-book, a five dollar powder-flask and a lot of gun caps, property of the husband of the young la/ly from whom he extorted the keys. He also captured three dollars in Confederate money, which he found in a glass tumbler in one of the cupboards. These were the sum total of his burglarious gatherings from the family of Mr. Joaies. Money, gold and sdver watches, and similar valuables, had been placed where his robbing propensities were taxed in vain to find them. Three valuable watches belonging to different members of the family were not far from him, yet beyond his reach during the whole of his wicked onslaught upon them. If possible, more chagrined and enraged at his much unexpected failure to raise a pile from Mr. Jones than he was at his failure at Mr. Smith's, he cursed and terribly threatened the old gentleman as a last resort to make him disgorge ; but all being of no avail he and his com panion rode off, Brown at the same time striking up a vulgar song as an insult to the women. Returning in a gallop to Mr. Smith's, the thieves found that their protecting companions, Wheeler's cavalry, had left some time before. Brown, in particular, appearing alarmed at his isolated condition, eagerly inquired of Mrs. Smith the direction his friends had taken, which being IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 133 pointed out, the two suddenly disappeared, following the trail of the rebel cavalry. A few days previous to committing the foregoing depre dations, young Brown robbed a Dr. Leach, a Union man, a short distance south in Georgia. Dr. Leach had for merly lived in Cleveland, Bradley county, and for many years was Capt. Brown's family physician. He sustained this relation to the family when young Samuel was born, and was his mother's physician on that occasion; conse quently Samuel was regarded in after years by the doctor with more than ordinary interest among the rising gen eration in and around Cleveland. These semi-paternal feelings, however, were very suddenly cooled when the stripling presented the deadly revolver to the doctor's breast, and with the hardened face of a three-score pirate demanded and took his money (forty dollars,) and a time keeper that cost him seventy-five dollars. Little did the doctor think eighteen years before, that he was catching a viper that would one day, not only leach him in this manner, but strip the hat from his head, leaving his per son uncovered and unprotected in the open air. Tha doc tor moved from Cleveland, perhaps sometime pre*k>us to the war, consequently, he and young Brown, hM not, since that time, been very conversant. Brown while he was perpetrating the villainy, assumed a fictitious per sonality that the doctor might not suspect that it was the identical Samuel Brown of Cleveland, who was robbing him. The doctor informed him, however, that he could not be deceived, that he had not only known him from a child, but was with him when he was born, assisting his mother to bring him into the World, and now to be robbed or murdered by him, was a poor return for such favor. All appeals, however, made to Brown glanced off as though they had fallen upon the head of a young alligator. The vandalism was completed, and the doctor left moneyless, watchless and bareheaded, a pitiful object under the cir cumstances, especially considering the unclean brute to whose manipulation he had been subjected. 134 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION Young Brown continued his depredations in Tennessee and northern Georgia, upon principles similar to the fore going, under one guerrilla leader and another, yet as often being leader himself, until sometime, perhaps in the spring of 1865f when he either drifted toward Mexico with Gatewood, or fled south to join his justly execrated and exiled parents. Young Brown's career is by no means an isolated case in the country where he thus operated. jSggjfc PAYNE PRESENTING HIS PETITION TO CRAIGMILES — page 123. IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 135 CHAPTER XIII. THE CLEVELAND BANNER. The history of the Rebellion in Bradley would be very incomplete without a few .paragraphs devoted to the Cleveland Banner. The Banner had been published in Cleveland, the county seat of Bradley, for a number of years previous to the breaking out of the rebellion. Its editorial depart ment was under the control of its present editor, Mr. Robert McNelly, we believe, from the commencement of its publication, until it was suppressed by the Federal military authorities, shortly after the battle of Missionary Ridge. Judge Rowls, a resident perhaps of Polk County, a man of some talent and influence, but an unprincipled rebel leader, was said to have an interest in the concern ; and it was known that his articles contributed to the columns of the Banner, as well as the influence he exerted as a partner, tended very much to make it the bitter, relent less, dishonest and disgraceful rebel sheet it proved itself to be. Previous to the war, the Banner was a faithful exponent of Southern principles and Southern dogmas. Consequently, when the rebellion came, it is not singular that it so readily espoused a cause, the crime of which its previous labors contributed to induce. A faithful portrayal in book form of the Southern press as it existed during, and for some time previous to the rebellion, would constitute a most useful lesson to his tory. The extremes of good and bad among men are of more importance and are more instructive as subjects of history, than the medium of these qualities. The medium of good and the medium of bad in this life, live together in comparative peace, both comparatively indifferent as 136 history of the rebellion to ascendancy, while their extremes only are at open war, coming occasionally into fierce and terrible conflict. Consequently, a knowledge of how the distant struggle goes, tells us which way the world is drifting, whether towards good or evil. It is the victory of the active few at these extremes that sets the general tide, in fact, that con trols the many, moulding the form and shaping the destiny of the massive elements between. This truth is strikingly illustrated in the instance of the Northern and the Southern- press, far many years past. Southern slaveholders, politicians and statesmen, the controling element in the South, were the active extreme of the evil power on that side. The Adamses, Lovejoys, Sumners, Beechers, and Colfaxes in the North, were the active extreme of the good opposing the evil of these .Southern leaders. The masses both North and South were comparatively idle, and indifferent about the important struggle between the two" sections, kept up by these extremes for the past forty years. As an instance of the extreme evil, on the part of the Southern press, of which we have been speaking — an instance of low flung falsehood, published with a view to fan the passions of the ignorant and create a thirst for blood, we give the following extract from the Cleveland Banner, It is taken from a number dated April 9th, 1863. •" Handcuffs for the South.— The Southern papers, says the Rich mond Dispatch, should keep before the people of the South and of the world, the astounding and unparalleled fact, that the army which invaded Virginia, brought with them thirty thousand handcuffs, which were taken with other spoils from the enemy I This surpasses all that we have ever heard of Eussian or Austrian despotism. It is almost impossible to realize, that in the United States, a country boasting itself as the freest— the most deliberate, inhuman and atro cious plan should have been formed to degrade and enslave a free people, of which there is any record of in this or any other age. Who ever heard, even in despotic Europe, of an invading army tra veling with thirty thousand handcuffs as a part of its outfit." The Army of the Potomac, like all other armies, doubt less, provided itself with a suitable supply of army hand cuffs, in view of the necessity of their use in extreme cases, and that of course, without especial reference to Tebel prisoners ; and it is possible that some few of these IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 137 were captured by the rebels. The idea, however, that this army prepared itself with thirty thousand of these articles, a burden sufficient, in all kinds of weather, and on all kinds of army roads, to load down at least twelve or fifteen six-mule teams, with an intention to send to Washington, thirty thousand rebel prisoners in irons, is so perfectly senseless that the report could not for a moment gain the attention of any respectable journalist. No journalist, even under the corrupting influence of the rebellion, unless he was a natural fool, could give pub licity to a thing of this kind, honestly thinking it to be true; and certainly, none but a natural and ingrained knave, would do so, knowing it to be false. Treating this subject in this positive manner, the man ner in which all subjects of the kind should be treated, there is no escape from this conclusion ; and the editor of the Banner can hang himself upon whichever horn of the dihemma he pleases. In all probability, there was not a rebel sheet in the whole South, whose columns were not disgraced, sooner or later, with this ridiculous and heathenish He. From the few copies of the Banner that fell into our hands, it would be easy to fill pages of this work with extracts equally false and equally low-bred, with the fore going. The Banner, like all other rebel sheets, appeared to take a fiendish delight in venting its rebel spleen, and in pouring out its treasonable venom upon the head of President Lincoln. The following extract, among hundreds of others of the same revolting nature, that might be given, will not only illustrate this point, but will afford a clue to the moral and intellectual character of the Banner : We have taken the liberty to itahcise a few of the most ominous passages in these extracts. " The news from the old Government is of rather an unimportant char acter. The administration at Washington appears to be in a quan dary — one day it concludes to evacuate the Southern forts — the next day it reconsiders and talks about re-enforcing them, bnt does nei ther. The fact is the Black Republican administration of Lincoln, Seward & Co, to use a common phrase, is " is in a hell volunteer com,- 142 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION pany for the Confederate service. We are personally acquainted with both the gentlemen, and caii say that we know of no two men that are better adapted for the enterprise they propose than they are. They will make first-rate fellows to go to war with. Pitch in, boys, and "make up the company instanter."" [December 13th, 1861.] "Within the last ten days some 8 or 10,000 troops have passed over the East Tennessee & Georgia Railroad for Virginia. At our depot, as at all others we have heard from, the citizens, and especially the ladies, turn out and cheer, applaud and bid them God-speed in their patriotic devotion to their country. It is said that their passage through East Tennessee is a perfect ovation." "Mr. Vallandigham's Speech. — To the exclusion of our usual variety of news, we publish the speech of this gentleman, in the House of Representatives, on the 10th instant. We want everybody to read it — it is a bold and fearless expose of Lincoln and his policy. It should be recollected that Mr. Vallandigham is a Northwestern man, representing a congressional district in Ohio." As stated in another place, the Banner was suppressed in the winter of 1863 and 1864 by the Federal authorities. Mr. Robt. McNelly, its editor, notwithstanding his loud protestations of Southern courage, and his own personal determinations of final resistance, when the trying hour came, found his rebel ardor chilled by the first blast from tlie Northern blue coats. Mr. McNelly could follow Union men, fleeing for their lives from the wickedness of rebel persecution with his wishes that they might never return. He could see Union men by the thousand hunted like so many wolves over the country, and hung by the necks like dogs, their fami lies dashed to pieces as with bolts of lightning, their wives made widows, their helpless children orphaned, scattered, impoverished, with sighs and tears for their only solace by night and by day. All this he could see and encour age, and could heap upon the most worthy men in Bradley epithets that would disgrace a savage, not only with the nonchalance of one apparently destitute of humanity, but with approval of the general work, sent broadcast through the land in the columns of his contemptible Banner. When, however, it came Mr. McNelly's turn to choose be tween the endearments of home and his love of the Jeff. .Davis Government, his chivalrous Southern patriotism would not allow him to move a step to aid the latter in its1 extremeties. To leave home and family, wife and 143 children, was not so pleasant a pastime, nor so trifling a matter, when his own fireside and threshhold were to be tried by it The Confederacy kept him alive while he was in it, but when the Confederacy had to leave Bradley, so far as he was concerned, it must fight its own battles. The same nature that did not care for the guilt, nor count the consequences of the first crime, could now resort to meanness and submit to every humiliation to be per mitted to still live among those whom he had so deeply injured. He could take the oath more with a view to editor op the banner taking the oath. escape punishment than as a confession that he had done,. wrong, with a mental reservation to remain the same as he always had been to the farthest possible verge of safety to himself and family. He could submit like a spaniel to be ridden on a rail through the streets of Cleve land by the Union boys whom he had injured, and when the performance was finished could implore them to give him a chew of tobacco to excite physical relief from the- pain of the operation. This was the editor of the Cleveland Banner, who, per haps, did more than any pther one man of his intellectual 144 HISTORY OP THE REBELLION caliMe to keep alive the rebellion and fan the fires ot rebel persecution in Bradley county. Though his treason while the rebels were in power saved him and his family from the sufferings' and devastation which they usually visited upon the Union people, and though his pardon from the Federals remitted the punishment justly due for his sins, yet the part he acted was too conspicuous, cost too many lives, caused too many hearts to bleed, caused the shedding of too many tears, for him to be allowed to escape entirely the just severity of the historical pen. In September, 1865, the Banner was resuscitated by Mr. McNelly, and is now being published again by him in Cleveland. The real character of the Banner, as well as the proportion of suffering in Bradley actually traceable to this source, can be measurably inferred from the num erous extracts from its columns given in this work. ILLUMINATION. On receipt of the news in Cleveland of the rebel victory at Manassas, great joy was felt by the rebels, so much so that a perfect tumult of excitement prevailed among them, and in the evening, expressive of that joy, and in honor of the great event, the town was brilliantly illum inated. The following is the editorial of the Cleveland Banner upon the subject : " Illumination.— The- Southern people of our town, in honor of the victorywon by Southern troops, at Manassas, illuminated their houses on Wednesday night, which was quite a creditable affair. The people were addressed by T. J. Campbell, S. A. Smith, G. W. Eowles, aud W. H. Tibbs. Everything passed off finely." [July 26th, 1861.] The following are the names of some of the rebels in Cleveland who participated in the illumination : Alexander Davis, dwelling. Ocoee Hotel, kept by Thomas Johnson. Prank Johnson, store. Hardwick & Tucker, store. Eobt. McNelly, editor, dwell ing. Joseph Hprton, store. Rev. Elder Worley, dwelling. D. C. Kennor, store. James Hoyl, store. Widow Trayhor% dwelling. Wm. H. Tibbs, store. Dr. Edwards, store and dwell ing. A bonfire was also built before Mr. Edwards' store. Edwards, store. Patrick O'Conner, store. James Craigmiles, dwelling. Guthman & Brothers, store. G. W. took, store. J. G. M. Montgomery, store. John F. Sogers, store. IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 145 SLAVERY A BIBLE INSTITUTION. " Rev. Wji. McNutt :— Dear Sir: The undersigned respectfully solicit you for a copy of your sermon on ' Slavery? delivered at the Baptist Church in Cleveland, on the 27th January, 1861. We think you established the right of slavery by Divine authority, beyond all cavil, and we want it in print for the people to read. Wvill you com ply with our request and very much oblige, " Yours most respectfully, ANDERSON CAMPBELL, W. P. LEA, S. D. BR1DGEMAN, JOHN H. PAYNE, G. W. COOK, G. L. TUCKER, S. P. GAUT, J. L. M. BEITTAIN, JAS. M. CRAIGMILES, JOHN N. COWAN. ' TIMOTHY HANEY, E. E. JOHNSTON, W. W. GIDDENS. ''Gentlemen: — In compliance with your request I present you a copy of my Sermon on Slavery, preached at the Baptist Church in this place, on the 27th of January, 1861. When I delivered the Ser mon it was not written out, but by the aid of the notes I used on that occasion I have very hastily drawn up the whole sermon, in the same form and Jorder in which it was delivered, and humbly hope that under the blessing of God it may accomplish good. " I remain yours, most respectfully, W. McNUTT." [From the Cleveland Banner, Feb. 22d, 1861.] Mr. McNutt was a Baptist Clergyman resident in Cleve land, and among the most rampant Reverend gentlemen in the county. 146 HISTORf OF THE REBELLION CHAPTER XIV. THE STONECYPHER FAMILY. One of the early settlers in Bradley county was Mr. Absalom Stonecypher. He lived in the third district, and but a short distance north of the Tennessee and Geor gia line. His family consisted of his wife, two sons, one about eighteen at the opening of the rebellion, and the other some years younger, and two or three daughters still younger than the boys. Mr. Stonecypher, with his family, lived upon a small farm of his own — was an honest and hard working man, quiet, peaceable and unpretending, of feeble constitution, and toward the close of his life, a perfect invalid. The rest of the family, characteristically, were the counter part of the husband and father, the whole living in peace and harmony ; were home abiding, meddling with no one ; and by their joint industry and economy procured an humble livelihood, with which, being contented, they were proportionately happy, Mr. Stonecypher never owned any slaves, nor any of his family, nor ever hired any, consequently never bouhgt, sold nor whipped any ; yet they paid their honest debts, government taxes and all. In regard to virtue and good morals, the family was above reproach, all its members loved their country, venerated the old flag, hated seces sion, resisted rebellion, never lost their rights under the old Government, but felt th4 obligations of loyalty for the protection which this Government had afforded them and their humble home for so many years. Though not the poor, yet it will be seen that this des cription places this family among those whom the fastidi ousness of society prefers to denominate the poorer class. Though this family will serve as the ground of our nar- IS BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 147 rative in this case, yet a neighboring family had so much to do with the shading of the picture, that it may be a help to the view to describe the two in juxta-position as our field premises. This neighbor was Mr. John Bryant, who, though living but a short distance south of Mr. Stonecypher, was a resi dent of Georgia, and also among the earliest settlers of the country. Mr. Bryant was the owner of a somewhat extensive and rich plantation, proportionally well-stocked with slaves, by the aid of whom his fields were systemati cally cultivated with a view not only to a competence for himself and family, but with a distinct aim to enlarge his possessions and be counted among the wealthy and influ ential of the land. For many years this family had lived not only entirely above want, but independent of system atic and severe labor, all its members moving at their ease in society, with a fair prospect, under the existing state of tilings, of the continuance of these blessings. As a citizen or neighbor, nothing positively objection able was known against Mr. -Bryant. Nor was anything known particularly disparaging to the character of his family. He, however, was known as one of that intellec tual stamp, one whose moral philosophy allowed the mere preferences of human nature, instead of original and inde pendent moral convictions of right and wrong, to frame rules for society, and to dictate governmental policy. He was also known as one whose practice persistently agreed with his theory — as one who lived, bought and sold, moved in community, politically electioneered, and pub licly and privately instructed his family upon this princi ple. In all worldly points of view, and before this narra tive closes, the reader, perhaps, will think in some other points also, the two families thus described, presented exactly opposite phases of social life. Having thus lived in these respective positions, both locally and socially, for. many years, with no other differ ences than these, without any animosity arising between them, the great rebellion came howling around both of these families, and was before each for its suffrage or to 148 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION administer its own punishment if that suffrage was with held. As might have been foreseen in both cases, Mr. Bryant and his family welcomed to their bosoms the crimson crowned monster and bid .him God speed in his work of blood, while Mr. Stonecypher and his family in the simplicity of their convictions of duty, grappled with him as a personal and national enemy. "We shall now drop the family of Mr. Bryant, until the history of the other brings the two again in contact, when we shall elucidate them in connection or separately, as the case may be, to the end of the chapter. Mr. Stonecypher at the breaking .out of the rebellion, was not far from sixty years of age. Though never for ward as a public man, and though he was now unable, from ill'health, to influence any, for or against the rebel lion beyond the circle of his own family, was neverthe less, soon known to both parties as an unwavering Union man. This fact, surrounded as Mr. Stonecypher was with hundreds of rebel citizen informers, could not long remain a secret from the notable Capt. Brown, then en camped with his men at Cleveland. Some time in December, 1861, Capt. Brown ordered the arrest of old Mr. Stonecypher, sending about twenty men to execute the command and bring him a prisoner to Cleveland. Among these were James Miller, Wm. Brit- tain, Berry Gillian, and others, dressed in citizens garb, neighbors of Mr. Stonecypher, living some of them not more than a mile from his house. These and many other rebels in the third district acted in the double capacity of informers and soldiers, first informing, then as rebel soldiers under Brown's instruc tions, arresting those whom they had reported. Mr. Stonecypher was taken to the rebel camp at Cleve land, and by Brown confined in the guard-house. After enduring for a short time, the hardships common to that as a place of disciplinary punishment concocted by Brown, he succeeded in obtaining a hearing before his majesty, the only result of which was, that he was insultingly told that he was marked for Tuscaloosa. After being under IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 149 guard four days, and becoming fully satisfied that Tus caloosa was his intended doom, he obtained the privilege of addressing a letter to his family. In this letter he stated to his wife, that every time a Southern train stopped at the depot he expected to be put on board for Tuscaloosa. Receiving the letter, Mrs. Stonecypher and John her eldest boy, a lad perhaps between sixteen and eighteen, hastened to Cleveland, a distance of eleven miles, where the, old lady appealed to Brown and others in behalf of her husband. She proposed to have him put on trial, and his case investigated. Failing in this, Brown in particular, refusing to give her husband a trial, she appealed to their honor and sense of justice, informing them that on account of his age and feebleness her hus band could do them nor the rebellion any harm, that he had not been off the farm for weeks before they brought him to Cleveland, and though he was a Union man, he had conspired with no one, nor influenced any against their cause. She told Brown that if he sent her husband to Tusca loosa it would be the means of his death, and that imme diately ; and that it looked to her like great cruelty to send a man of his age, and one in his condition, to a Southern prison, when it was evident.that it would cost him his life, and all for no crime, only that he did not think as they did about the rebellion. This effort how ever^ was as fruitless as the other, and as she could avail nothing, Mrs. Stonecypher returned to her home, if not in utter despair, yet with less hope than ever before, that her husband could, be saved. The boy, however, in view of some further effort or something of the kind, did not return with his mother, but remained with the intention of following her the next morning. The next morning came, but when the hour drew near that he was to part with his father, all appeals thus far having proved in vain, the intensity of his feelings suggested one more method, as yet untried, by which his father possibly might be saved. The boy went to Brown and offered to take his father's place and as a prisoner submit to his father's fate, 150 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION whatever it might be, if on these conditions his father could be released, or as the boy's mother expressed it, " offered to yield up his own life to save the life of his father." Brown told the boy that if he would enlist as a rebel soldier, and obligate himself to fight like the other rebel soldiers for the rebellion, he would release his father. To promise faithfully from his heart to do all this, is what, perhaps, the boy never did ; but his father's life was at stake, there was no other salvation, he immediately enlisted, his father was released and went home instead of himself. On releasing the old gentleman, Brown put a guard over him, with instructions to the guard to take him immediately out of camp and out of Cleveland, and to go with him'toward his home until he was three miles away. Mr. Stonecypher had walked but a short distance after the guard left him, before a gang of rebels from camp overtook him and insisted that he should guide them to his nephews, a Union man, whom they were in pursuit of. The old gentleman objected to this, saying that it would take him three miles out of his way^ and if he was com pelled to act he could direct them, so that it would be the same to them as for him to go with them. They cursed him, and told him that they would trust to none of his directions, and if he made any. further objections they would take him back to Cleveland. He went with them, and was not released until he had revealed to them the residence of his nephew. The old gentleman finally reached home in comparative safety, but not without manifest injury to his already sinking constitution from the mental vexation and rough physical treatment occasioned by his arrest and imprison ment. Young Stonecypher having thus enlisted, was put into Capt. Dunn's company, serving in the same regiment with Brown. Not long after this regiment was ordered to the field at Knoxville. The boy was in fact unfit for a soldier, not only being too young, but constitutionally incapable, especially in the cold of winter, of bearing up under the effects of a sudden change from the quiet and comforts of IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 151 home, to the hardships and privations of camp Life. It was evident to many of his friends at the time, that his enlistment was the forfeiture of his life. He enlisted some time in December, and although in camp at Cleve land but a short time, his health began to fail before his regiment was ordered to the field, and he died on the Oth of January, 1802, at Knoxville, serving in the rebel ranks, perhaps scarcely one month. Though young Stonecypher was serving the rebels against his will, he was an obedient and submissive soldier, easily imposed upon, a proper subject for the abuse of indolent and tyrannical rebel officers. The same day he died, he was made to perform double duty as camp or picket guard, being compelled to stand not only his own hours, but in addition as one tour, those of another, when it was known to every reasonable man in his company, that he was not nor had been for days, fit to perform any duty whatever. His double duty being ended he went into his tent, laid himself down in his blanket and never woke again. The mournful fate of this virtuous and loyal youth, whose filial affection, saved the Life of his father, for the time, only at the sacrifice of his own, is one of that long catalogue of crimes that will confront the spirit of his brutal murderer in the day of final reckoning, if it does not before. Brown's object in hurrying old Mr. Stonecypher imme diately out of camp and out of sight, as soon as released, is not altogether clear. The only plausible explanation seems to be the following : Conscious of his own abominable villainy in arresting and imprisoning such a man, also in compelling his son to enlist to save his father from Tuscaloosa, and knowing that the Union people, as far as they had a knowledge of the transaction, looked upon the whole as in keeping with liis usual course. Brown, perhaps felt it for his interest to close the matter up as much in the dark as possible. Had Mr. Stonecypher been permitted to communicate freely anion* his friends in Cleveland for a day, or even for a 152 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION few hours after his release, immediately revealing the fact that his son was sacrificed to effect it, the general in dignation would have been more deep and wide-spread at the time, and the atrocity more likely to reach the ears of some of Brown's own party not altogether imbruted like himself. As a bar to these possible contingences Mr. Stonecypher was slipped away, which, together with being captured by the gang of guerrillas, prevented him from communicating with any person till six or seven 'miles from Cleveland. From the death of this boy at Knoxville till the summer of 1863, the family of Mr. Stonecypher escaped, perhaps, with as little injury from the rebels as the generality of Union people in the third district. In fact, the condition of the family after and in consequence of the death of this boy, and in consequence of the feeble health of the old gentleman, enhanced by the treatment he received from Brown, was such that none but the most abandoned even among the rebels, would have entertained a thought of offering any of its members further molestation. A younger son was still left, who in the summer of 1863 passed his sixteenth birthday. He must be eighteen, however, before he could be reached by the rebel con script law. But few fears, therefore, were entertained by his parents that he would be taken from them, as it was easily presumed that before two years . longer Tennessee would be wrested from the hands of the rebels. Past ex perience, however, might have suggested that neither these nor any other considerations were perfect security to any one under the reign of the Southern Rebellion. The war had now lasted nearly two years and a half. Its novelty had worn off, and its pressure beganto be se verely felt among all classes at the South. The sons of many rebel families who enlisted in the spring of 1861 had grown tired of the service, and were anxious to return to their homes. Among other things, as a method of relief, a system of substitution began to be resorted to, which, from the abominable wickednes of the rebels, was soon brought into general use. IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 153 Among the rebel families in Northern Georgia, who in the summer of 1863, attempted to avail themselves of the benefit of this system of substitution, was that of Mr. John Bryant, the family contrasted with that of Mr. Stonecypher's at the commencement of this narrative. A son of Mr. Bryant enlisted in the rebel army in 1861, and had served on the Potomac till June, 1S63. This son now felt that he had passed through his share of bloody battles to liberate the South, an opinion in which his father and the rest of his family coincided, and as his father was rich he felt that the rest of his term might be substituted by wealth in the person of some other soldier. Accordingly, Mr. Bryant offered $2,500 for a substitute to take the place of his son in the rebel army on the Poto mac. This bid, however, was not altogether a public one, a bid that should become a contract with the person who should first offer himself as the desired substitute, liimself to receive the bounty ; but the bid was made to rebel substitute brokers, who were making it a regular business to arrest or kidnap Union boys and Union men, and sell them to rich rebel parents and those who were in need of substitutes for their sons and relations in the rebel army. This proposal was made by Mr. Byrant sometime in May or in the first of June, 1863. Before the tenth of the latter month four men came # in the night, about ten o'clock, to the house of Mr. Stonecypher, rapped at the door, and, though the family had retired, were soon ad mitted by Mrs. Stonecypher, the old gentleman being confined to his bed and unable to rise. Mrs. Stonecypher was well acquainted with two of tke men — Wm, P. Tracy, and Samuel Kincannon, the others, who subsequently proved to be Richard Acock and Charles Davis, she had recollections of seeing but did not know their names. They informed Mrs. Stonecypher that they came to con script her remaining son into the rebel army, and pre tended to have papers from the rebel anthorities for so doing. She replied that this could not be, that her son was clear of the conscript, being only sixteen years of age. ll 154 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION Appearing to doubt her word she showed them in her; Bible the record of her son's birth. This appeared to un settle them for a moment, and they pretended to be on the point of leaving, requesting of Mrs.- Stonecypher to take her Bible with them. Being asked what they pro posed to do with her Bible, they replied, evasively, that they wished to show the record of her son's birth to some persons. The Bible being refused, instead of leaving, three of the party went out, and a few steps from the door held a consultation, while the other remained inside talking with Mrs. Stonecypher. At the expiration of ten or fifteen minutes the three came in, when all joined in an attempt to persuade Mrs. and Mr. Stonecypher to allow their son to volunteer in the rebel army. Meeting with no success with the parents, they went to the bed where the boy lay and persuaded, or rather compelled, him to get up and go out with them, stating that they had some thing to tell him. Getting the boy out, they proposed to him to enlist in the rebel army. He objecting and they being unable to persuade him, they commenced to threaten him, using also different strategies to frighten him. The night was very dark. They told him if he did not go with them that night to join his regiment, that there were persons not far away who would certainly shoot him. Some of the party standing not far from the boy bursted the caps on , their revolvers to help on the work of frightening him into submission. Demonstra tions and threats of this kind not having the desired effect, they invented a scheme which in proportion as it was more depraved and diabolical was more successful. They told the boy that he could take his choice of two things, he could go with them and enlist as they desired, or he could go with them and be sent to the Penitentiary. On being asked by the boy what he had done for which they could send him to the Penitentiary, they told him that he knew well enough what he had done, that he knew that he, not long before, had been guilty of rape on the person of a little girl in the neighborhood, that they could prove it on him* and if he did not confess it and go into IN 1UUDLKY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 155 tlio robol army they would arrest him then and there, have him immediately fried and convicted of this crime and sent to the Penitentiary. After being tortured in this manner by those four men, or rather Devils, some of thorn perhaps over fifty yours of ago., for half an hour, the nerves of the boy gave way, and bursting into tears, h© consented to enlist in the robol army. Tlio men then wont into the house, told his parents that Absalom had volunteered, that it was his own choice, in which case their objections could bo of no avail, that the rebel authorities would take him, and after making Mrs. Stonecypher promise to moot thorn some time the next day at tlio house of Mr. Harrison Taft, about two miles from her own homo, notwithstanding all (he parents could do or say, (hoy hurried the boy off, taking him (hat night about four miles to the house of a Mr. Tucker, a robol, on Cooahulla Crook, reaching (bore about two o'clock in the morning. The agony that wrung the hearts of those parents, as well as the hearts of the other members of th© family, the rest of that night wo will not attempt to describe. Soon after reaching Tucker's two of the four mon loft on some other business, and did not re turn until after (ho family had breakfasted. The (wo having charge of Absalom, also wont about a mile from Tucker's, taking him with thorn, to get another Union boy, who, however, eluded (heir grasp, and the throe returned to Tuckor's, being absent aboitt two hours. Shortly after breakfast I ho four men started with Absalom for Varnal's Station, distant but a few miles, from which point Kincan- non alone took him to Dalton, distant but afow miles fur ther, the other throe remaining behind, two of whom, it appears, repaired to the house of Mr. Taft (o moot Mrs. Stonecypher according to arrangements, which she was compelled (o consent to (he night before as just related. Anxious about her boy, and hoping to obtain some infor mation in regard to his fate, Mrs. Stonecypher was promptly at Mr. Taft's agreeably to her promise, where she found these two men in company with a Esquire Dean, who to some extent, no doubt, had also been con- 156 HISTOR? OF THE REBELLION nected with Absalom's arrest. These two men compelled Mrs. Stonecypher before Esq. Dean to testify, or make some statement in regard to her son's age. Being in deep trouble, and withal confused at the time, she was after wards unable to recall the exact nature of the statement drawn from her. AH the information she could get from them in regard to her son, was that he had enlisted, in the rebel army as a substitute. From Taft's she returned to her home sad enough, a sadness that grew heavier and heavier as the darkness of night drew on, and as she reflected upon the melancholy fate of her two boys. One was already murdered, and the other was now torn from her in a manner that left her but the faintest ray of hope that she would ever see his face again. The information she received from the two men at Tafts, namely, that Absalom had already left Yarnal's Station, on his way to his regiment in the rebel army, apparently revealing the fact that to serve in the rebel ranks until his death, or until the end of the war, was now his certain doom — was a bolt that shivered her heart to atoms, and weighed her down with a load of sorrow, such as none but a mother can feel. The other members of the family also, the father stretched upon his bed of sickness, the daughters and sisters, all, with the mother deeply felt the severity of this additional affliction and sore bereave ment. The last hope of the mother, and last strong sup port of the other members of the family also, the rebel lion had now taken from them, leaving a vacancy around that hearth which, with their reflections upon the mourn ful, fate, at best, that awaited the boy in the hated rebel army, far from home,' exposed to a thousand evils, sent them to their couches that night with a pungency of grief and bitterness of life, which, perhaps, scarcely ever smote their hearts before. Kincannon and Absalom reaching Dalton about the middle of the day, Kincannon presented the boy to the Provost Marshal, who took his name, designating the regi ment to which he was afterwards to be sent. It was a Georgia regiment. IN, BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 157 # — Bryant, that-same afternoon, unquestionably, according to previous arrangement, met the kidnapper with his vic tim at Dalton and Absalom was turned to him as the sub-, stitute for which he, Bryant, was to pay $2,500. Bryant took possession of the boy, and the two immediately set out for the rich man's plantation, preparatory to a start for Richmond, Virginia, the next day. Seeing himself alone with Bryant, and smarting under a sense of the injustice of his fate, though but sixteen, Ab salom began to calculate the possibilities of his escape. Notwithstanding in his judgement the chances in his fa vor would allow, if necessary, a sudden and bold' attempt to free himself, yet he also thought that the nature of the case justified any advantage that deception and working upon Bryant's credulity might give him ; and, therefore, determined on the latter course before resorting to more desperate measures. He requested of Mr. Bryant, inas much as he was going so- far away, with so many proba bilities that he would never return, to be permitted, in stead of stopping with him, to spend the night at his own home, promising to return to Bryant the next morning. Bryant objected to this, alleging that his arrangements were all perfected for both to take the cars at Varnal's Station early the next morning for Richmond, Virginia. Absalom pressed his suit, and while discussing the subject they came to the house of the rebel Justice of the Peace, Esq. Dean, the veritable magistrate who has already been introduced to - the reader. Dean here joined Bryant in dissuading the "boy from visiting his mother, stating par ticularly that it was some distance to walk that night, that the night was dark, and he would be in danger of- being bushwhacked, especially at a certain point, by George KLick and old man Cook. It is true that these were two notorious rebel bushwhackers then desolating that part of the country, but neither this nor the argu ments of Dean and Bryant abated the boy's desire to see his friends once more before going to Virginia ; and after leaving Dean's he renewed his appeals to Bryant more ur gently than before, and pressed him so vigorously that he 158 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION yielded the point on condition that Absalom would prom ise upon his honor to return to him the next morning. To this Absalom consented and the thing was considered! settled. In a short time, however, Bryant reflecting per haps, on the influences that might be brought to bear upon the boy to make him break his promise, and the risk he was taking, everything considered, re-called his words and insisted that Absalom should not leave him. This served not only to renew the former struggle but to in crease its former intensity, and Bryant was soon brought back to his contract, based upon the same conditions as before, and on these conditions Bryant and Absalom parted, each directing his steps to towards his respective home. It is a little remarkable that Bryant consented under any circumstances shortof those actually compulsory, to let the boy visit his home. Although Bryant must have known before the boy was captured that he was to be the victim, being perhaps also informed by the two absent so long from Tucker's, or by some one of the three left behind at Varnal's Station, that he was taken and was on his way to Dalton, in consequence of which he went there to re ceive him ; yet it is possible, that he did not know the whole of the wickedness by which .he was secured. It is possible also, that Bryant was deceived in regard to the boy's willingness to go, by the leisurely manner in which he entered into conversation with him upon the nature of the trip, inquiring how much money he was to have for going as his son's substitute, t&&. But what ever might have been the principal cause that induced Bryant to give the boy this advantage of him, the advan tage was gained the boy reaching his home in safety ; and we can imagine the relief felt by his mother after the sad forebodings the visit to Taft's had occasioned her, and the joy she experienced, when about twelve o'clock that night, or a little less than twenty-four hours from the time he was taken away, she unexpectedly heard his voice at the door, he having escaped from Bryant as just related. We can also imagine the degree of conscientiousness she as IN RRADLKY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 159 well as the other members of the family felt about his keeping his promise to return to the tyrant the next morn ing. Such were their joy and fear together at this moment, that he remained in the house but a few minutes, taking quarters for the rest of the night, if less comfortable yet of more supposable safety than the couch he had been forced to leave the night before. Having a knowledge of all the tacts, the reader can judge whether the boy was morally bound to keep his promise, and can judge whether he was encouraged to do so by his parents and his friends on his return; and accord ingly can calculate the amount of joy experienced the next morning by Bryant, at meeting young Stonecypher pre paratory to taking him to Virginia, as a substitute for his son in the rebel army. Instead of meeting Bryant the next day at ten o'clock, and giving himself up to fight the battles of the rebellion for him and his son, before night he had selected a hiding place in some ravine or thicket, and for the present was secure against the kidnapping rebel substitute brokers. No sooner, however, were these brokers informed by Bry ant that Absalom had turned traitor, than a combined effort was put forth to retake him, especially by the Greg- ories, who it was known had much to do with his arrest before. Absalom remained in the woods, occasionally slying his way in the night to some Union house, where he would be seeded a few days, from this time, the first of June, until fw following October, during which period his mother and her Union neighbors exhausted even- strategy to supply him with food, without revealing the places of his concealment. Being at one time more hotly pursued than usual he fled in the night, to Polk county, whore a Union widow woman named Pitts, secreted him in her house three weeks. The efforts of these rebel kidnappers to recapture Stonecypher being prosecuted without success, and the prospect on the whole becoming rather gloomy ; it was planned by them that the Gregories. the family whose 160 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION. child it was pretended the boy had injured, should swear out a State warrant, on which he was to be hunted out and taken, by the civil officers and punished for his alleged crime upon the child. The warrant was put into the hands of an officer by the name of Lemuel Jones, a notorious rebel ; and the besieging parties waited with anxiety for results. Notwithstanding Mr. Jones was a rebel, in this case, to his credit it must be stated, that he acted with some principle. Knowing that the boy was as innocent of this crime as himself, or the most distant person in the world, and knowing that the warrant in his hands was the fruits of perjury, and malice, created by the boy's escape from Bryant, and their inability to recap ture him, purposely allowed a knowledge of the proceed ings to reach the boy's friends as an advance warning to escape, or as a hint for him to leave the country entirely. Profiting by this advice, as well perhaps, as by the advice of his own friends, the boy fled from Bradley, going North or Northeast, and -finally enlisted in the Federal army, joining the 111th Ohio infantry. He served in this regiment faithfully, nearly three years with honor and credit to himself, securing the esteem of his officers, and was discharged after the war at Columbus, Ohio, on the first day of August 1865, and is now at home, the sup port of his widowed mother, as well- as the guide and defender of his sisters, and a worthy, honored, and proud victor, to look with scorn upon his old enemies, and to laugh at the confusion and shame that knye overtaken them. ^ It appears that when Bryant went to Dalton to receive Absalom from Kincannon, the plan was to take the cars immediately with him for Virginia, for he came to Dal ton with a full supply of cooked and well prepared rations, sufficient for himself and the boy on the trip. What occurred to frustrate this plan and determine Bry- any to take him to his own home until the next day is not known, whatever it was, it was this, perhaps, that saved the boy's life. At the time Absalom was kidnapped his father was LN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 161 lying upon his death-bed. His chronic difficulties having been increased by the abuse he received from Brown a year and a half previous, and being then aggravated by the troubles and sufferings through, which he was still passing, he died a few days after this event and was buried while his son was hiding in the woods, the, boy as well as his mother feeling it unsafe for him to visit his father in his last moments, or come out to attend his father's funeral. When Bryant and the boy started from Dalton for Bry ant's house, the boy asked him how much money he paid the men for getting him as his son's substitute, and how much of it he was to have himself. Bryant replied that he was to give old man Gregory five hundred dollars, and the other four each five hundred also, and whether they would give him any of the money'he did not know. What became of Bryant's rebel son, whether his father succeeded in procuring a Union substitute to fight his battles for him ; or w'hether the five villains received each his five hundred dollars from Bryant, as a reward for steal- ing for him his neighbor's boy, is unknown to the writer. That Bryant was deeply implicated, and gui-tv almost equally with the others in this crime, is beyond question. He probably knew as well as 'they before they went to Stonecypher's, that they intended to procure Absalom as the substitute, for which they were to receive the §2,500. The fact that Bryant met Kincannon at Dalton, with ra tions, which hajf required some time to prepare, for the boy's trip to ^ftginia, is evidence that he and his family knew beforehand the day on which this identical boy was to be delivered. Jathan Gregory, one of the most vicious men in Brad ley although a loud professor in the Methodist Church, and having one of the most wretched families in the county, the boys of which committed, perhaps, as great an amount of robbery, murder and incendiarism as those of any other family in the country, as already seen, was near neighbor to Mr. Stonecypher. It was supposed by Union friends that some of the Gregories were present, 162 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION though not discovering themselves, the night Absalom was taken. It was supposed also that they first indicated to the others, that this boy could be seized and made the victim by which they could comply with Bryant's offer and secure the $2,500. Althpugh the pretended object of the Gregories and the other kidnapping villains in swearing out the civil warrant against Absalom was punishment for his alleged crime, yet the real object was to get the aid of the civil officer in bringing him to light and getting possession of him. These rebels all knew that it was patent to the whole community that the charge was a malicious fabri cation ; and they knew that no justice dare convict the boy and send him to the penitentiary on these charges. The real object, therefore, was, through the aid of the civil officer, once more to get possession of Absalom, when proposals of compromise would have been made as to the crime, the civil prosecution dropped, and he, through strategy, bribery, threats or kidnapping as before, re tained and returned to Bryant as his runaway substitute. We are now prepared briefly to remark upon the differ ent parties concerned in this transaction. The Gregories, Esq. Dean, Bryant, and the four scoun drels, Kincannon, Tracy, Davis and Acock, were all nearly equal in guilt as the perpetrators of this infamous busi ness. Dean and Bryant might not have been privy to all the minutias of its meanness, its consecutive and unmiti gated shame, but their complicity in thgmatter crimi nates them equally with the rest, all haling outraged in the affair every principle of humanity, Christianity and civilization. Almost every crime that humanity can commit was embodied in this transaction. All knew equally well the distressed condition of Mr. Stonecypher's family when the boy was taken. All knew that the old gentleman had been nearly helpless for months, and that he must soon die, leaving none, in the absence of the boy, but females in the family ; and all knew what the family had already suffered from the rebellion. All compre hended perfectly the finishing blow of suffering and ruin IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 163 it would be to the family to have the boy dragged off in the manner they proposed, and sent to the rebel army 'on the Potomac. Dean was an' old citizen, a man of family, and an act ing Justice of the Peace. Bryant was an old citizen and an independent planter ; and before the war was consid ered a respectable man. Gregory was also the head of a family, and a member of a Christian Church. The other four probably were all heads of families— Davis and Kin cannon certainly were— and some of them men of some property and influence. The whole, before the war, pro- fended to be, and probably were considered, passably respectable citizens. This case stamps all the parties concerned in it with infamy for life. Considering the innocence and helpless ness of the victims, (he extent of the injury contemplated, the abominable means employed, to gain the proposed end, the number and social position of the perpetrators, the foregoing is a case of the most unrelieved blackness of human shame, beastly depravity, and uncompounded wickedness of any on the records of crime ; and tells with unmistakable signiiicance the moral character of the rebellion in East Tennessee. The writer saw this same Esq. Dean in the Federal .guard-house at Blue Springs, Bradley county, in the spring of 1864. He and another rebel prisoner were sent south through our lines in exchange for two Union men who had been captured by the rebels. Bryant is proba bly yet living Upon his plantation in northern Georgia, south of Bradley. Gregory with his family is somewhere in Dixie. The last that was known of Davis he was in Loudon, a place some fifty miles west of Knoxville, engaged on the railroad. This Davis, with revolver in hand, was at one time in search of a Union man named Wm. B. Cowan, who was hidden but a few feet from Davis, in his own cellar. Being unable to find his victim, Davis presented his pistol at Mrs. Cowan, and threatened to shoot her dead if she did not tell where her husband was concealed. She, however, remained firm, and her hus- 164 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION band was saved. Kincannon, Tracy and Acock, it was supposed by Union people, drifted south before the Fed eral army under Sherman Should these pages ever meet the eye of any of these rebel subjects, they must remember that the rebellion is a matter of history; and though they have escaped the punishment due to their crimes, yet such cannot always escape that which, however displeasing to them, may nevertheless be a benefit to others, namely, the unmerci ful pen of the vigilant historian. It has been stated that the capturers of young Stone cypher were professedly rebel substitute brokers. It was known to be a fact that the Gregories and these four men who captured Stonecypher, with others, operated exten sively through northern Georgia and southern Tennessee in this iniquitous business, and God and their own souls only know the deeds of blood they committed during the long years of 1862-63, in prosecuting this infernal work; and the number of helpless and innocent Union boys who finally lost their lives as the result of being captured and sold by these men into the rebel armies. It is very probable that the whole of these blood-stained villains, unless justice has already demanded their lives, have taken the Federal oath, and are now not only plead ing exemption from all prosecution in the matter of these, crimes, but under the reconstruction policy of President Johnson are claiming restoration of all losses of property occasioned by the rebellion, and are also claiming equal political rights with those patriots whose friends they stole or murdered, and with those who fought and bled to save the country from being ruined by their treason. IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 165 CHAPTER XV. CASE OF MR. WILLIAM HUMBERT. Mr. Humbert was born in Green county, East Tennes see, on the 27th of March, 1802, consequently at the out break of the rebellion, was about sixty years of age. He came to Bradley with his family in 1839, settling in the third district, where he lives at the present time. Mr. Humbert's ancestors were true to the cause of the Revolution, a fact in the history of his family of which he felt an honorable pride, and which had always endeared to him the flag of his country, and the government which it represented. It was not singular, therefore, that when a choice was to be made between this flag and the flag of treason— the' flag of the Southern rebellion — that the heart of Mr. Humbert clung to the flag as well as to the government of his fathers. He received both from their hands, had enjoyed their blessings as an heir-loom in the family for sixty years, never feeling them to be oppressive and could not now, as a man, as a Christian, and as a patriot, be persuaded to rebel against either. This was Mr. Humbert's crime, the crime of adherance to the government of his country and of his fathers, a government that his conscience dictated had never wronged him, nor those who were seeking to destroy it. Mr. Humbert had lived a useful citizen in the third dis trict for nearly twenty-five years, this being the first crime of which he was ever accused, even in his life, or for which he or any of the members of his family were assaulted, either by the civil or the milita»y power of his country. He had been Justice of the Peace in the third district for eighteen years in succession, and all had felt, that in his hands the law had been honored, and that with out respect to persons, justice had been awarded equally to his fellow citizens. 166 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION In the fall of 1861, Mr. Humbert, with other Union men of his district, for their sympathy with the Union cause, began to suffer persecution from their rebel neighbors, particularly from the Gregories, the Julians, and their most intimate associates, all of whom were the most bru tal and bloodthirsty of any in the country. About the middle of October, to avoid being arrested and sent to Tuscaloosa, Mr. Humbert took up his abode in the woods, being supplied with food' secretly by his two daughters, and occasionally stealing his way in the night to some Union house, until the last of December, a period of over two months. Toward the close of December, the noted Capt. Bill Brown of Cleveland, then in the height of his rebel glory, having Mr. Humbert among others in the third district marked for Tuscaloosa, with his plans pre concerted and a full posse of men, made a dash upon the Union people of the district. One Union man who at this time fell into Brown's power, was Mr. S. D. Richmond. Shortly after capturing Richmond, Brown and his party boarded the premises of Mr. Humbert. The family of Mr. Humbert at the time, consisted only of himself and two daughters, Rebecca and Sarah, the oldest in her seven teenth year, having buried his wife the year before, also his only son, the son in April and the mother on the 17th of May. Mr. Humbert, whom to arrest was the principal object for which Brown visited his plantation, of course was not in the vicinity of his home, but was in the woods as already stated. Brown and his men, however, made a thorough search for Mr. Humbert in doors and out, barn and out-houses included, threatening and abusing the two daughters, to make them tell where their father was con cealed. Knowing where their father was, and having some fears that he would be captured, and knowing that he was marked for Tuscaloosa, the daughters managed, while the search was going On, secretly to convey to Mr. Richmond, their Union neighbor, just mentioned as Brown's prisoner, a small bundle of clothing and $21.45 in money for him to give to their father in case Brown should capture him. Before the search was finished, how- IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 167 ever, or soon after, Brown's men commenced to rob Rich mond,/ and with his own money got that just given to him by Mr. Humbert's daughters. Richmond appealed to Brown in his own behalf, but the robbing was confirmed. Richmond then informed 'Brown that $21.45 of the money his men had pilfered from him, belonged to Mr. Humbert's daughters, that they had just given it to him to give to their father in case he too should be caught, and had to go to Tuscaloosa. Richmond also told Brown that he ought to give the money that belonged to Mr. Humbert's daughters, back to them, that if he would rob him he ought not to rob these defenseless and helpless children. Brown swore that Humbert was a traitor, and if the money taken belonged to his girls, it was the money of a traitor and he should keep it, and he would have Humbert also if he could find him, and joined in this strain of abuse by his men, they together berrated Richmond, Mr. Humbert and his family, in the use of other and similar language. This, however, inspired Richmond and Mr. Humbert's girls, though one was sick with the scarlet fever at the time, with a spirit to defend themselves. They appealed to Brown's sense of honor as well as to his sympathies, urging that he ought to have some regard to justice as well as some feeling for those whom he was kidnapping and robbing. Mr. Humbert's girls argued that their father, though he was a Union man, had never taken any part against the rebels, and never could on account of his age ; and as to their condition, they had just lost their mother and only brother, and if their father should be sent to Tus caloosa, it would probably be the means of his death, when as a family they would be completely desolated and ruined. Brown finally told them that as he already had $21.45 of their money, if they or their father's friends would pay him $3.55 more, or in other words, would raise the sum to $25.00, he would give up the search for Mr. Humbert entirely, and leave him a certificate of citizen ship, or to use Brown's own words, he would " citizenize him and let him stay at home." Notwithstanding this attempt at strategy, Brown got no more money, but kept 168 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION his $21.45, and after he and his men had robbed Mr. Hum bert's premises of what they could find that suited them, gathered up their plunder and left, greatly chagrined that the old gentleman had eluded their grasp. It is out of the power of language to describe the dia bolical character of this man Brown. He comes to the third district to rob and kidnap Union men, and after exhausting his skill to get possession of the person of Mr. Humbert without success, a man sixty years of age, under the pretence that his Liberty endangered the Southern Confederacy, stung with his failure to perpetrate this cruelty, he robs Mr. Humbert's children of their last penny, then to get more he turns traitor to his own cause, and actually tries to sell Jeff. Davis and his whole Con federacy for $3.55. The miserly and unfeeling wretch is probably yet aLive somewhere in this world, and should he accidentally keep with him in this life enough of the human to allow him, like other men, to die a natural death, or in other words, if his diabolical career and companionship on earth do not rob him of all humanity and leave his nature a stark devil, so that upon the principle of Satanic ubiquity, with out dying he can pass in and out of this world at pleasure, whoever will dare, when death strikes him, to perform on his frightful remains a post mortem examination, instead of a human heart will doubtless find in his bosom a clump of hissing serpents. It ought to be stated here that a Union man named A. Morton, one whom Brown had previously pressed into the rebel army, and who was compelled to be one oi Brown's squad on that day, did all he could consistently with his own safety to defend and protect Mr. Humbert's family. , The next night after this visit from Brown, Mr. Hum bert, influenced by his friends, notwithstanding the pre carious and unprotected condition. of his children, under the cover of night fled to the mountains of North Caro- Lina. The point he wished to reach in that State was Haywood county, distant a hundred and seventy miles. IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 169 In performing this journey Mr. Humbert was com pelled to avoid the settlements and public roads, keeping the unfrequented thickets, but more particularly follow ing the ranges of mountains, traveling by night and con cealing himself during the day. Sixty miles of his jour ney was performed on the crest of the highest mountains in the country. After thirteen days of toil in this way, being exposed to hunger, cold and fatigue, wading the streams and climbing the mountains, sleeping in the woods and swamps, or among the negroes, not daring to show his face at the door of a white man, unless pre viously advised by the negroes that it would be safe ; and living in constant fear of being captured or shot down by the guerrillas, or the rebel cavalry, Mr. Humbert, with theiexception of considerable injury to his health, reached Haywood county in safety. In this county, and in Cox and Sevier counties joining it across the line in Tennessee, protected by relatives, old acquaintances, and newly made Union friends, Mr. Hum bert remained a refugee four months. Part of this period he spent with a nephew, Mr. Wm. Humbert, and a Union family by the name of A. Duggan. Many other families extended their friendship to Mr. Humbert during his stay as a Union refugee in these counties. Among these, in particular, was the family of Mr. Abraham Hopkins. Mr. and Mrs. Hopkins -were people whose Unionism and love of country enabled them quickly to perceive the condi tion and anticipate the sufferings of refugees fleeing in the dead of winter, and burying themselves in the caves, or living in the forests to escape the merciless fury of their rebel enemies. On the head of Crosbys' Creek, Cox county, Mr. Humbert found a Union community that received him, as well as all other Union refugees, with open arms. In April 1862, hoping that changes in Bradley had trans pired which would permit him to remain at home, Mr. Humbert threaded his way back to the county, nearly in the same manner and nearly by the same route that he made the outward trip ; and owing to the season, returned 12 170 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION with less suffering and less injury to his health than his .outward trip occasioned him. The January nights on his outward trip were severe, during one of which in particu lar, one that he spent on the top of a high mountain, it was with the utmost mental and bodily exertion that he kept himself from perishing. Though absent five months, the hatred of Mr. Humbert's old enemies had not abated. No sooner was it known by rebels in the third district that he had returned, than steps were taken to have him arrested. He fled the second time, and for six months longer was compelled to absent himself from home, concealing himself in the dif ferent parts of the country. Toward the last of October, or late in the fall of 1862, the face of things in the county having somewhat changed in regard to arresting and imprisoning men of Mr. Humbert's age, he ventured to make another effort to live with his family. Although no further attempts were made to arrest and imprison him, yet after this, in common with other Union people in his district, his premises were robbed, plundered, and torn to pieces, his plantation swept clean of everything in the shape of stock, his household goods, furniture, bedding, cooking utensils, and even knives and forks were carried off by the guerrilla gangs that frequently desolated the country. Mr. Humbert and his two daughters had the good for tune to live to see the end of the war, though it may be truthfully said, everything considered, that it is remark able that all of them escaped with their lives. After having suffered in common with others, with an exposure of life equally with others, but in this respect more fortu nate than many, they are now living upon their extensive plantation of six hundred acres, in the third district of Bradley county, in the full enjoyment of the fruits of the great victory. In presenting a history of the case of Mr. Humbert's family with the rebels, we have not done so from the fact that its remarkableness formed any exception to the gen eral rule of cases in the third district, or in the south part IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 171 of the county. Had any one case been selected as an average of what each family in the district suffered, this perhaps would have been as near an average as any other. The sufferings of every other unswerving Union family in the third district, other things being equal, were doubt less as great as those of the family of Mr. Humbert., THE HOLLOW LOG. The following incident occurred in Bradley county in the twelfth district, in the fall of 1862, an account of which was furnished by Mr. A. K. Potts. " Wiley Willhoit was a good Southern man. He talked long and loud about his rights in the Southern Confederacy. His family was too large for him to leave altogether and enter the rebel army during the war, but when his country should be invaded, he would shoulder his gun and defend his rights. One Southern man could whip five Yankees, etc. Shortly after the rebel conscript law passed, which included all under thirty-five, Wiley just escaped it, his age being between thirty-five and forty, something entirely new to his acquain tance. Then came Wiley's time to show his patriotism. The enroll ing officer came round ordering him to report at rebel headquarters immediately. Wiley, however, was not quite ready, but would report the next day. The next day came, Wiley put three days rations in his haversack and starts from the midst of tears and sobs, of a be loved wife and children. Wiley walked slowly toward rebel head quarters with his gun upon his shoulder, and finally began to reason with himself thus : ' If I go into the army, and get into a fight I shall stand seven chances to be killed to one of escape. Those Yankees can shoot seven times to my one, and they are no respeetors of per sons. If I go to Kentucky, so many Union boys have already gone there, who are acquainted with me, that 1 fear they Will kill me there. I am resolved what to do. I know these woods like a checker-board, peradventure, I can hide in the forest and dodge the war altogether. Wiley now steps aside and takes up his abode in the bushes. The enrolling officer returned in a day or two but. Wiley was gone. Weeks rolled on — no news of Wiley. At last the rainy season set in and there came a very wet night. It rained hard and was very dark. Wiley knew of a large hollow log, but how to find it in that dark night was the point. It appears, however, that somebody else knew of the log also. A Union conscript fleeing from the rebels, had crept into the log early in the evening. Wiley groped his way through the darkness, the rain pouring down in torrents and at last found his log. He stooped down and when in the act of crawling in, wet and shivering and boiling with-rage, he was muttering to himself, ' ain't this h— 1 ?' ' Yes,' cried a voice in the log, ' come in.' ' Whose there ?' asked Wiley, 'Enrolling officer,'' responded the voice. Wiley ske daddled among the trees, cutting both rain and darkness as he went. But that night and that hollow log cured Wiley of his rebelism, and after that he lay many a day and night in a cave with Union men, hiding from the rebels. A. K. POTTS. Bradley Co., East Tenn., April 20th." 172 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION CHAPTER XVI. CASE OF LAWYER A. J. TREWHITT. The following is a communication furnished by A. J. Trewhitt, Esq., of Cleveland, East Tennessee, giving his views of the Rebellion generally, and setting forth his experience as a Union man at the hands of the rebels. Mr. Trewhitt is a young man who is destined to succeed and rise in his profession ; one who is already deservedly known as a successful lawyer in East Tennessee ; and his communication will be read by his acquaintances of the profession as well as by the Union people of the State without the least suspicion as to the truth and candor of its statements : " At the commencement of the rebellion I was follow ing the profession of law, and as I thought getting a liberal share of patronage in the fourth judicial circuit of the State of Tennessee. I was satisfied with my success, and considered it my duty as a citizen of the United States to espouse the cause of the Union of all the States under the Constitution ; never having seen where the government of the United States had become oppressive to any State or parts of a State, or any individual member of a State, no matter where-located. "In the month of February, 1861, an election was ordered by the Executive of Tennessee, Isham G. Harris, and his Legislature, by which the people were to decide whether a State Convention should be called for the pur pose of taking steps as to what the State should do in regard to the secession movement: At that election I voted against a convention, and the popular vote of the State was largely againsst a convention. Shortly there after, the notorious Isham G. Harris called his Legislature together again, and with Washington Barrow and others as commissioners of some sort, to meet H.W. Hilliard from the 173 Confederate States, went into a secret session and made a kind of bargain and sold out the State, calling on the people to vote on the 8th of June, 1861, upon the ques tion of representation or no representation, and protec tion or no protection. At that election I voted for no representation and no protection. " The next step was to elect a President of the Confed eracy and members from Tennessee to the Rebel Con gress. At that election I refused to vote, and from this on refused to act for the rebel government in any respect or to tre'at it as a government, until the rebel conscript law was passed putting all into the rebel army between the ages of eighteen and forty-five. I was then guilty of the most disloyal act of my life. A friend of mine, a Union man, had taken a large contract of the rebel gov ernment, and L, having a sickly family — a good reason why I should desire to escape the draft — procured a detail from my friend as one of his employees. " Thus affairs rested between me and the rebels, with the exception that I occasionally heard that they cursed and threatened me, swearing that I ought to be shot, hung, &c, until the 26th of April, 1863. Early in the morning of this day I went to my business, leaving my wife very sick and confined to her bed. That same morn ing, with a view to procure some tobacco, I started to go about three-fourths of a mile with my gun on my shoul der, hoping to shoot a turkey or some other wild game for my wife, in the woods by the way. On the trip I hap pened to fall in with a brother-in-law, two of his brothers, and three other neighbors, all good Union men, and all rebel conscripts. Soon after meeting these men, on a sudden I heard some one ciy ' halt ! ' All but myself fled to the bushes. On looking around I saw five or six armed and mounted men about fifty yards from me. I immedi ately went to them, three of whom I knew, to wit, Capt. May, Jathan Gregory and Springfield May. Capt. May ordered me into the custody of Gregory, and after curs ing me a few times, he and the others started after the other boys, leaving me to be guarded by Gregory. 174 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION • " As- 1 was going up to the rebels after hearing the word halt, when within about twenty yards of them I heard the report of a gun or pistol, fired by some one of their party either at me or some of those fleeing from me ; but the shot was harmless. Very soon after the rebels left me and Gregory, I heard twelve or fifteen shots, mostly in the direction they went. In about ten minutes after these shots were fired they all returned^ having captured none of my friends, but stating that they had shot one of them through the shoulder; and Springfield May stating that he was shot by one of them. Both statements,«however, were false. They shot none of the men who were with me, nor was Springfield May shot by any of them ; for I subsequently saw the entire company and -got the facts in the case. Capt. May, in the chase, got within sight of two of the conscripts, who turned and leveled their pieces to fire upon him, when in a cowardly manner he Wheeled and -ordered his men to retrace their steps, which effected their return to me and Gregory, as just stated. "Thus returned, Capt. May and his son Springfield, expended a few minutes in again cursing and abusing me in a manner that would have shamed the imps of Satan themselves. They took me to a house where a man lived by the name of Griffith. Here they had about fifteen infantry rebels belonging to Capt. Foster's company of the 3d Georgia, regiment. Here, also, Capt. May, feeling himself re-enforced, his cub Springfield joining his father in the game, showed themselves brave and patriotic men. Armed as they were, and backed as they were, they could curse me as a tory, a bushwhacker," a d d liar, and . using towards me every other epithet of abuse, could also coolly inform me that I would never get to Cleveland alive. Brave men, they could not only curse a solitary prisoner, but conJd take the last morsel of bread from a lone woman and three children ; curse and whip a granny woman not under one hundred years of age ; and rather than be particular, if necessary could rob the old lady ol her shroud after she was dead. " After they were satisfied with cursing and abusing IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 175 • me, Capt. May took my gun, gave it to Gregory, and with all the pomp of a rebel General turned me over to Capt. Foster's men, with a statement as false as secession itself. He informed Capt. Foster that the crowd I was with fired on his men after he had halted them, and that I came to him with my gun in a shooting position, both of which was entirely false. The fact is Capt. May never halted us at all, for he told me himself that the word halt which we heard was given to his own men to get them together, he not having seen us at the time. Brave and truthful Cap tain, he will have his rights after he quits this world if he does not get them before: "The next day I was taken to Knoxville and taken before John H. Tool, then Provost Marshal of Knoxville, who seemed more like a human being. He looked over Capt. May's charges, and asked me if I had been in tile camp of instruction. I answered I had not. He said he reckoned I would have to go there. I told him that at home I was at work on a detail, and would prefer to return to that. He enquired who detailed me. I replied Col. Blake. He then looked at my detail and said he would send me to Col. Blake. I was guarded to Col. E. D. Blake, who^ looked at Capt. May's charges, after which he had a guard, of two rebels with fixed bayonets placed over me, and then showed his bravery and good breeding by cursing me for a d d liar, a d d Lincolnite, a d — -d tory, &c, till I was fully convinced of his qualifi cations to abuse an unarmed citizen, who was in his power and unable to help himself. He then notified me that I might write to my friends to come and do some thing for me if they could, for I was in great danger of being hung or shot. I answered him that I should not write them such news as that, but if I was permitted to write I would write what I pleased. He then in a pom pous and vindictive manner sent me to jail, there to be kept in close confinement. I was thrust into a jail which already contained about three hundred prisoners, among whom I became acquainted with Dr. Samuel Snapp from Sullivan county, Capt. Harris from Jefferson county, Capt. 176 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION Deatow from Kent county, and Lieut. Rogers, all from Tennessee, and all of whom were Federal officers, and the benefit of exchange denied them. These officers were accused of being Federal spies. They were simply found within the rebel lines in full Federal uniform. Not a sha dow of reasonable proof existed that they were spies. I have since learned to my sorrow that Capt. Deatow was executed, which, however, is nothing strange, consider ing that his captors were, in fact, a set of murderers. I remained in jail eight days, the gates being broken open from without, twice or three times, and the building set on fire once during the time. On the fifth of May, ten days from the time I was captured, I was released, Col. Blake resanctionjng my detail, and allowing me to go home for two months, which of course gratified me very much, although it was at a cost of several hundred dollars. I reached home on the 6th, the next day after my release, and found that my rebel friends in Cleveland, contrary to their better information, had? conveyed news to my family that I was to be executed on the 7th, the day after I reached home'. On the 7th and 8th I was secretly making arrangements to cross the rebel lines and find a free country. About nine o'clock on the evening of the 8th, I and my family having retired to bed, I heard a rap at the door. I opened the door and Capt. Foster, the same officer to whom I was before consigned by May, entered with an armed force and arrested me again, and sent me again to Knoxville to be tried. I then ascertained that one William H. Tibbs, Wm. A. Camp, and John G. Carter, had from the time I reached home, until I was arrested the second time, been cursing about my release, and swearing that I should be arrested again. During this time also, but keeping it a secret from me, these three men, aided by George W. Car der and his son-in-law, David Demot, who made lies and falsehoods for them, and for one McFee to swear to, were telegraphing to Knoxville, "thus procuring my arrest. After being arrested by Foster, I was warned by the IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 177 rebels of Cleveland that I would be shot as soon as I , reached Knoxville. Arriving at Knoxville, I was again taken before Col. Tool, who, as before, treated me kindly, and examined the home-made witness prepared against me, who made out his written statement as well as he could, as manufac tured by Tibbs, Camp, Carter, Carder and Demot. When the examination was through Col. Tool informed me that I needed no witness, that their tale amounted to nothing ; but that he would have to send me again to Col. Blake. Once more before Col. Blake, he gave me another lesson in structing me how a Federal prisoner could be cursed and abused by rebel officers of his importance, after which he sent me under guard to what he called their camp of instruction. This camp of instruction -was a pole house about eighteen feet by twenty-six, with rebel soldiers about five feet from it and all around it as guards. From fifty to sixty conscript prisoners were inside of it, with lice as thick as they could well crawl ; nothing in the world to cover us at night, and nothing but the naked ground to lie upon. Great God ! such instruction as we received here, as well as in jail, with about one-fourth as much as we needed to eat, and that not fit to swallow, I pray that I may never have to receive again. I remained in this camp of instruction about six days, or until the 15th, when I, with about thirty others, was marched out like so many sheep to the slaughter, and placed in one box car, marked for the South-^one door shut, the other filled with rebel guards. We knocked off one or two strips of plank so that we could see out and have a little circula tion of air. Arriving at Cleveland, I was permitted to look through one of these improvised breathing holes, and send word to my wife that I was marked for Vicksburg,,&nd to send her a little bank money. The first day we arrived at Dal ton, Georgia, where we were confined in the car until the next morning. Reaching Atlanta that evening we were guarded for about an hour, waiting for a train, during which I saw apparently more men, conscripts, between 178 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION the ages of eighteen and forty-five, than could be found in the whole of East Tennessee. From Atlanta we reached Montgomery, Alabama, the next morning, where we stayed until evening. While there we were guarded in the shade of an oak tree, on which the rebels, a short" time before, had hung a citizen because he was a Union man. While under the shade of this oak tree the company fell to sleep, and I having slept about fifteen minutes, awoke, and found that some rebel rascal had taken my pocket-' book with every cent of money it contained. While at Montgomery we saw some Federals who were taken prisoners at Brandon, Mississippi, from whom I learned that they would never get us to Vicksburg. From Montgomery we were taken to Selma. While at Selma a day and a night, four of our company left, two of whom I afterwards heard were captured and conscripted in Ala bama, the names of the other two were Hooker, from Polk county, East Tennessee — what fate they met with I have never heard. From Selma we were taken to Meridian, where the Jackson Railroad crosses the Mobile and Ohio Railroad. Here the rebel Lieut. E. G. Lea, who had gotten us assigned to his battery at Vicksburg, ascertained that Vicksburg Vas beseiged, and he sent us down to Enter prise and had us placed in (he Mississippi conscript camp, where we arrived on the 20th of May, 1863. This camp was the first place where the guards were taken from im mediately around us. Being put into this camp, we were left with the rest under none but the camp guards. " Here I commenced to play my hand to convince the rebels that I would do to trust, and I was soon put on duty as other soldiers. While in this camp, within every few days from two to six of our company would leave, none of whom, as I heard, were ever captured. " On the 2d day of June, myself, David M. Gilbraith, of Greene county, Tennessee, and Stephen Chemco, from Lee county, Virginia, made our arrangements to start that night for the Federal lines. We were one hundred miles from the nearest Federal soldiers, those being around IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNKSSKK. 179 Vicksburg, and Johnson's whole army between us and" (horn. The next nearest Federals were at Corinth, a dis tance of two hundred and eighty miles. YyV chose to strike for the latter point. That day I was detailed as provost guard of the camp, and about nine o'clock at night I was called on to go to a certain post and change the guard, whom, it appears, the officers had some suspi-» rions of. I removed the guard as directed, but replaced him with such a man as 1 preferred, gave him an empty gun with no cartridges or caps, but with very strict orders as to his duties. I then went to the tent of the two friends already named, when wo gathered up our things, and walked immediately past the guard whom I had just posted and given the empty gun, out of the camp, and made our escape. "With only the north star to guide us, wo traveled all night through thickets and swamps till daylight, find ing ourselves but about six miles from camp, being so near at least that we could hear the provost guards dis charge their pieces. Wo concealed ourselves in the swamps till sunset, then traveled (ill dark in the woods, after which wo took (he Ohio and Mobile Railroad till daylight, which brought us in sight of Meridian, seven teen miles from Enterprise. Throe thousand rebel sol diers were (ben stationed at Meridian, and we concealed ourselves in a deep gully about a mile from their camps. After dusk wo attempted to resume our journey, but the nijl'ht became so very dark that we had to desist till the moon arose, when we wound our way from among the houses and away from the rebel camps, took the Meridian and Ohio Railroad, traveling again till morning, and com ing within sight of Marion, twenty-seven miles from En terprise. "Wo continued our journey during the day in the woods, keeping within sight of the railroad, at night at tempting again (o (ravel on the railroad. The night again, however, was so very dark, and the bridges and trestle- work on the road so dangerous, that we bivouacked from the track about twenty yards to camp for the night. Just » 180 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION as we were laying down we heard the blast of a cavalry bugle followed by the tramping of horses, and soon dis covered a horseman coming exactly towards us. I watched him and thought in my soul he would ride over us, but joy be with him, when within about fifteen feet of us he turned his course and passed about five feet to the right of us. We slept for awhile, awaking just as the moon, our great comforter, arose, when we took the rail road again, reaching Gainsville a little before day-dawn. Here we passed among two or three trains of cars stand ing upon the track, some of them with persons in them, talking and moving about. We flanked off to the west about a mile and lay in the creek bottom till in the even ing, or till about one o'clock. " Up to this time we had spoken to no person, nor been seen by any as we knew. We were out of rations, and, fortunately, while in this creek bottom, met with a negro man, of whom we procured a small quantity of bread and meat. Here, also, we heard of one Union man who lived near by. Fortunately again for us, we here met with another negro who was on his way to Scoba, a place that lay in our path, who also had a pass to travel. We all started together, and keeping the negro in advance he would cross the bridges before us and look for guards, but luckily we found none. " We arrived at Scoba that night, and concealed our selves for the day without food or drink. Here we learned that rebel companies were being made up, also packs of bloodhpunds, with which to hunt Union conscripts. At dusk we started out, traveling that night and the next day in the woods. The next night we again took the rail road and kept it till morning, which brought us, a little before day, to Macon. The railroad here passes through the edge of the town, and we thought we could slip through, but all at once, we saw about twenty yards from us a rebel tent and something like a commissary estab lishment standing together. We left the track, bore round the tents, passing through a lot of cattle, thinking ourselves 6afe, when to our confusion, not far from the IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 181 cattle we discovered a sentinel. We crouched as quick as possible, and by making another flank movement avoided him also. We struck into the woods, avoiding the railroad altogether ; and by keeping the ridges avoided the principal streams. "We continued- a north course, passing within five miles of Starksville. Near this place we procured some pro visions of a negro, who said his master was a Union man and a physician living at Starksville, and the owner of about forty slaves. "Pushing forward we arrived opposite Artesia, and ascertained that about ten thousand rebel soldiers were there, and that the country was full of scouts. We, how ever, proceeded cautiously, and ' for two or three days after we left Artesia saw rebel scouts ranging the coun try; providentially, however, we escaped them. The chances looked critical enough, but trusting in God and the justice of our cause, we kept our course about the same distance from the railroad till we arrived opposite Oakland. We found that about ten thousand soldiers also were at Oakland, and three thousand at Houston, with rebel scouts passing thickly from one place to the other. We considered this our last great struggle, but by close watching and the aid of powerful thickets we passed their pickets unobserved. " A6 yet we had heard of but two Union men, but we could still hear of guerrilla companies and bloodhounds. Negroes we found were becoming more scarce, yet after leaving Oakland we procured of them a side of bacon and a quantity of bread. "Late one evening, our stock of bread having failed, I ventured to a lone house where I succeeded in getting a small quantity, and ascertained that we were within thirty miles of Corinth. The woman also informed me that the citizens were making up a horse thief company. "About nine o'clock one morning we saw a house, ap parently on a main road. Being out of provisions I ven tured to it and found no persons but an old lady and her daughter. She had five sons and one son-in-law in the 182 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION rebel army. I passed for a rebel soldier that had been taken prisoner, telling the old lady and her daughter a fine story about my sufferings.- Astonishing how it took with them. The old lady and her daughter flew to bak ing, and hurried everything as fast as possible to give me my breakfast. Directly up rode a rebel* soldier, but the same charm worked on him. So I got a good breakfast and bread to supply us on our way for some distance, and learned that we were within eighteen miles of Corinth. "Some distance from this point we met with a man who said his name was Barnet. As we then feared, we after wards learned that he tried to get the rebels in pursuit of us. We fooled him by changing our course for Tuscum- bia, where we arrived in safety on the twenty-third day after we left Enterprise. " Col. Miller, of the 11th Missouri Infantry, was then in command at that place. He received us with great cau tion but with great kindness. I shall never forget him nor his men for the hearty welcome they gave us. Col. Miller directed us to Corinth, stating that we needed no one to go with us, that there was not the least danger. " At Corinth we became acquainted with Gen. Dodge, then in command at that place. We found him to be of the same true spirit with Col. Miller. He gave us trans portation and passports to Nashville, where we arrived in just one month and one day from the time we left Enter prise. Here I found my East Tennessee friends by the hundred. " On the 7th of September I left Nashville for home ; and on the 18th arrived within five miles of Cleveland, almost within sight of home, where I heard that our forces had fallen back that morning, and that two thous and rebels occupied Cleveland. After hiding m#self two days in the White Oak Mountains, I learned that the Ten nessee River was lined with rebels, and I literally sur rounded. Being acquainted with the country, and know ing of a place of perfect concealment within six miles of where I was, I went to it, where I remained till the 8th of IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 183 October, without as yet hearing from my family. Meet ing with an opportunity I sent word to my wife when she immediately made her way through the rebel camps of two thousand soldiers to my place of self imprisonment, reaching me in just six months to a day from the time we parted. A happy, happy moment it was in the midst of our troubles. " My wife returned in a few days, and found that in her absence everything inside and outside of her house had been destroyed by the rebels. I remained in my conceal ment till the 20th of October, when I made my way through the rebels to my family. I prepared me a place of concealment where I watched the rebels daily and saw them pass and repass, foraging in the country. '" On the first of January, 1864, 1 moved my family out of their lines. At one time, while I was concealed near home, I saw a command of rebels pass up the road to wards Charleston. It proved to be the command of the notorious Wm. H. Tibbs, aided by Gen. Wheeler, who came out to charge on my house and family— my family consisting at that time of my wife, mother-in-law and one little girl. They took from them the only remaining horse we possessed, the few sweet potatoes my wife had raised during the summer in my absence, with other things as they liked. A great and honorable victory in deed for Col. Tibbs and Gen. Wheeler, a thing which brave and high-minded men like themselves at all times are capable of doing. "In conclusion I will say to the rebels, that for my wad ing the streams and swamps of Mississippi, ploughing my way through thickets and cane-brakes, climbing knobs and bluffs, lying exposed in the wet and cold, with all my other sufferings, and especially for their abominable abuse of my family, as well as for their cruel and outrageous treatment of my father— they having banished him froni his family, imprisoned and so cruelly tortured him as to murder him, far from his home and friends, in a rebel hos pital worse than a Federal prison,— referring particularly to Wm. H. Tibbs, John G. Carter, Wm. A. Camp, George 184 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION W. Carder, David Demot, and the scoundrel McFee, I -can only ask God to forgive them, for I know that I never can. ANDREW J. TREWHITT. " Cleveland, Tenn., March 25th, 1864." THE GREGORY RAID. The party who captured lawyer Trewhitt, as related by him in the preceding communication, was, on that day, perpetrating what may very properly be called the Gre gory raid. Jathan Gregory, spoken of by Mr. Trewhitt as the man to whom he was consigned by May, boasted after this affair that he was the instigator of the proceedings of this rebel party on that day. To organize lor this raid, the day before, two parties of rebel soldiers, one from Cleve land, Bradley county, the other from Georgia, met at Red Clay station, on the Tenn. & Ga. R. R., twelve miles south of Cleveland, and that night repaired to Gregory's neighborhood, where they camped for the night. The next morning, the Gregories and a number of other rebel citizens, joined these rebel soldiers, all constituting a party of about forty. When ready to move they sepa rated into three parties, so as to sweep as wide a scope of country as possible, Capt. May, Judge Mastin and Gregory, each heading a party. They struck north into Bradley, making a circuit through the country, returning towards Georgia. After plundering Union families to their satis faction, and loading themselves down with as much or more than they could carry, the party broke up, its frag ments repairing to their several localities. The Union men the whole party captured that day, be sides Mr. Trewhitt, were G. Humbert, Wm. Parks, Robt. Huffman, and one named Kelly. The citizens who assisted the rebel soldiers in this raid were Jathan Gregory, Seth Gregory, W. H. Taft, J. B. Britton, Geo. Klick, Elber Dean, Esq., John H. Davis, Edward Fitzgerald, Marion Gillian, W. Tracy, F. T. Fuller- ton, Capt. May, Judge Mastin. IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 185 CHAPTER XVII. » TRIALS AND DEATH OF S. D. RICHMOND. The subject of this narrative is the Mr. Richmond spoken of in the preceding chapter, as the prisoner in possession of Capt. Brown and his men, when they were searching for Mr. Humbert and were robbing his family. It will be remembered also that this same Mr. Richmond was one of the Tuscaloosa prisoners, an account of whom has been already given. Mr. Richmond was taken to Cleveland by Capt. Brown the evening of the day he made the search for Mr. Hum bert; and as soon as possible was dispatched to Tusca loosa. It is evident from this fact, that Mr. Humbert, with Mr. Richmond, would have suffered the same fate had Brown on that day been successful in finding him. Mr. Richmond had four sons who had reached manhood, Isaac,, William C. John and Samuel, all of whom became sol diers in the Federal army. Isaac at the very commence ment of the rebellion fled to Kentucky, and joined Wol- ford's cavalry. William C. was arrested by Capt. Brown and forced into Capt. Dunn's company in the 36th Ten nessee rebel infantry, but deserted and joined the lstTen- nessee Federal cavalry. John also fled to Kentucky, andl joined the Federal army. Samuel was arrested audi forced kinto the rebel army, but deserted and joined the Federals. Mr. Richmond reached home from Tuscaloosa in July 1862, after which, like many others, he concealed and pro tected himself from the rebels as best he could, until he was murdered by them, some time before our armies took possession of the country. Late in the fall of 1862, Mr. Richmond, among other losses by the rebels, was robbed by them of twelve or fifteen valuable swine. About a 13 186 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION mile from his house lived the family of Gregorys, already frequently spoken of in this work. Mr. Richmond being satisfied that Gregory was at legist concerned in stealing his property, although surrounded with rebels, plainly and boldly told Gregory that he was the thief who robbed him. Gregory denied the charge, and though he and hjfe boys were the principals in the crime, as finally discovered, yet supposing that rebel influence and rebel false swearing would clear him in a public investigation of the case, told Richmond that" he -would submit the matter to an arbi tration. The fact, however, of Gregory's guilt, on trial, was so perfectly manifest, that it was impossible for his rebel friends to clear him, and the arbitrators "decided that he should pay Richmond sixty-six dollars for the part of the villainy .perpetrated by him and his boys. This decision together with the -fact, perhaps, that it was getting rather dark times in Te.nnessee for the Confederacy, caused Gre gory to leave immediately, under the cover of night, with his family for Dixie. A month, perhaps, after Gregory disappeared, three rebel soldiers, one evening came to the house of Mr. Richmond, pretending to- be rebel deserters, threading their way to the Federal lines. It was quite late, and they requested entertainment for the night. They were taken in, given a good supper and comfortable lodgings. After breakfast next morning, having had their accommodations free, they desired Mr. Richmond to accompany them a short distance, particularly to guide them across a creek in the vicinity. Unsuspectingly, he went with them, and shortly after the report of a gun was heard by his family in the direction the party went. Mr. Richmond never returned, and for the time the three rebel deserters were no more heard from in Bradley, nor were they ever known to reach the Federal lines as such. Mr. Richmond's fam ily, of course was alarmed, and thorough search was immediately made, but without discovering any traces either of Mr. Richmond or of the rebel deserters. It was IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST- TENNESSEE. 187 evident that he had been either murdered or conveyed away as a prisoner. The, affair created considerable excitement in the com^ munity, and whatever had been the fate, of Mr. Richmond it was at once suspicioned by the Union people, that Gre gory, whom it was known was yet but a short distance south of the line in Georgia, was the instigator of the foul deed. A report was immediately put in circulation by rebel citizens, that Mr. Richmond had gone to Nash ville. This was understood at the time by Union citizens as a rebel strategy, to weaken the evidence and counter act the public impression that Mr. Richmond had been murdered by the pretending rebel deserters. The Britton boys — malignant rebels — shortly after Mr. Richmond's disappearance, were overheard conversing upon the sub ject, to the effect that Mr. Richmond was put out of the way, and had met with his just deserts. The Brittons, Julians, and Gregorys in the third district were a rebel clan that hung together, and no matter what local changes took place among them, a crime committed, by any one of the party was immediately known to the whole frater nity. Although the fate of Mr. Richmond appeared to be shrouded in mystery, yet his friends were deeply im pressed that he had been murdered, and that the crime originated with the Gregorys, and was perhaps partici pated in by their general accomplices just named. When East Tennessee fell into our hands, many of the Tennessee boys who had fled North and joined the Fed eral army were permitted to visit their homes. Among these were the four sons of Mr. Richmond. Once more at home, they immediately determined, if possible, to solve the mystery of their father's sudden disappearance, the fall before, and also, if possible, bring some of the guilty parties to punishment. As the result of their efforts, the remains of their father were found concealed in the boughs of a fallen tree, in the vicinity where the report of the gun was heard by his family the morning he disap peared. This confirmed his murder by the three men, who, as stated, decoyed him from his dwelling. 188 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION About the time Gen. Sherman started on his Atlanta-. campaign, May 1864, among other rebels who fell into the hands, either of the Richmond boys themselves or of other Tennessee Federals, was a rebel soldier suspected of being connected with the murder of Mr. Richmond. Being put to the test, he was recognized by Mrs. Rich mond and other members of the family, as one of the three who decoyed Mr. Richmond into the woods the fall before. The fact of his guilt appearing beyond all ques tion, it was decided that, under the circumstances, our army being under motion, the possibility of his escape if his case was delayed, with the unprovoked wickedness of his crime, he should die in the same summary manner as that in which he put his innocent victim out of the world. Accordingly, he was left in the hands of those who cap tured him, by whom he was drawn aside and dispatched, the fatal bullet sending his spirit into the presence of his Maker to be judged as a murderer. Mr. Richmond's family is yet living in the third district, consisting of the widow, two daughters, three youthful sons, besides the four who served in the Federal army. The other two of Mr. Richmond's murderers have prob ably never been brought to justice. The Gregorys, at whose instigation doubtless, the three rebels visited and murdered Mr. Richmond, the Julians and Brittons also, unless pursued and punished by Mr. Richmond's sons, will probably go unwhipped of justice in this world, for the part they performed in this crime. Mr. Richmond was the owner of a tannery, and when murdered had a quantity of leather, the pieces of which were in different stages of finish. Shortly after his death his premises were robbed, after which the identical pieces of unfinished leather were seen ill the possession of Hiram Julian, father of the boys who were overheard talking upon the subject of Mr. Richmond's disappearance. The sons of Mr. Richmond, who enlisted in the Federal army and aided in putting down the rebellion, all lived to enter upon the enjoyment of the inestimable blessings of the final Union triumph ; and are now honored and re- IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 189 spected, while their rebel enemies and the murderers of their father are branded in history as the vilest of their race, and shunned and detested by the good as criminal vagabonds, unfit to live among men. ISAAC RICHMOND AND WM. E. FISHER. • Wm. E. Fisher was a Union boy whose parents lived not far from Mr. Richmond's. Young Fisher and Isaac Richmond were driven out of the country by the rebels, perhaps about the same time. Both were members of Wolford's cavalry. Wolford's was the first Kentucky cav alry. After these two boys, with many others, had been driven away, those the most- conspicuous in hunting them out of the country, particularly two named James Miller and Lew^s Caygle, embraced every opportunity to abuse and insult the parents of these two boys, as well as other Union parents whose boys had been driven away, calling them d d tories, traitors, etc., telling them that they themselves were the individuals who drove their sons out of the country ; that they would see their sons no more, for they would never be permitted to return. At an election in the third district, this James Miller was particularly vicious, and among many other things, told the father of Wm. E. Fisher, and other Union men, that Union parents who had encouraged their sons to leave the country and join the Federal army, ought them selves to be made to leave the country with ropes around their necks. This was near the commencement of the rebellion. After this both Miller and Caygle joined the rebel army ; and as chance or fate ordered future events, it so hap pened that all four of these neighboring boys, each party from its respective army, were at the same time home on furloughs. At this time the south part of Bradley, in which the* third district is situated, was, perhaps, some thing like middle ground — ground between the two armies, occasionally reconhoitered by both, but really occupied by neither. Richmond and Fisher stole their way by night to their homes, and by remaining secluded 190 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION their presence was not known to their rebel neighbors. Miller and Caygle— the third district being a rebel neigh borhood — were less cautious, and the fact that they also were at home reached the ears of Richmond and young- Fisher, who instantly reflected that possibly they could not only make some general oapital out of the singular coincidence, but that then might' be their time to revenge on their old enemies for the wrongs which they had in flicted upon them and their parents. Accordingly the two prepared themselves, and going in the night to the home or homes of Miller and Caygle, they passed as rebel soldiers till they drew their victims from their beds and got an advantage of them, after which they revealed themselves, at the same time presenting their revolvers^ informing the rebels that they were prisoners. They also captured another rebel by the name of Berry Gillihan. Gillihan, however, not being a soldier, but having remained at home, and perhaps not having behaved himself very viciously as a rebel, he was released. But Miller and Caygle they marched straight out of the district that night, conducting them north till they reached the Fed eral lines, where they were delivered to our authorities as prisoners of war. They were retained by our authorities, and probably never again had the privilege of fighting in the rebel ranks against their country. Certain it is they never after enjoyed the opportunity of hunting Richmond and- Fisher, or any other Union men, out of the third dis trict. IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 191 CHAPTER XVIII. REV. ELI H. SOUTHERLAND. Mr. Southerland was born in South Carolina, October 10th, 1798. His grandfather was a Revolutionary soldier, serving under General Marion, drew a pension for many years, and died as he had lived, a patriot and a Christian, at the ripe age of ninety-five. The subject of this sketch emigrated to Tennessee, Bradley county, in. 1821, settling in the third district. In 1865 he had been a member of the Baptist denomination forty-five years, forty-four of which he had been a minis ter of the Gospel. For many years after he became a resident of Tennessee, Mr. Southerland labored success fully as a teacher of youth as well as a teacher of the Cross. At the commencement of the rebellion he had lived in Bradley forty years, having been known during this period among the people of East Tennessee in the three fold Capacity of citizen, Christian and Christian minister, with out a blot or stain appearing upon his character. No sooner, however, was it known that Mr. Southerland was unfriendly to the rebellion, than the majority of his breth ren, lay and clerical, manifested towards him a corres ponding want of friendship, many of both classes making strenuous efforts to convince him of his error. Failing to throw upon the subject sufficient light to enable him to see that it was his duty tp turn traitor against the gov ernment which his own father and Gen. Marion fought side by side to establish, he was denounced by, these brethren as an enemy to his country ; and finally, by an Association of his Baptist brethren in the ministry, was proscribed for his disloyalty and declared to be unworthy longer to be a co-laborer among them unless he would 192 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION renounce his adherence to the Lincoln Government, and espouse the cause of the rebellion. Thus proscribed by his brethren, together with malig nant opposition from rebels generally, Mr. Southerland was compelled to suspend his ministrations during the war. One of his last attempts, near the commencement of the rebellion, to speak to the people as a Gospel min ister, although it was at a place where he had successfully instructed his congregation for many years, was opposed by the majority of the people, including his brethren, and he forbidden to preach, unless he would publicly, at the commencement of his exercises, announce himself a friend to the rebellion. This Mr. Southerland could not' do, and he and this portion of his people separated, not only as citizens, but as pastor and flock. On another occasion, and in another place, after Mr. Southerland had entered the pulpit, twelve men, armed with revolvers and shot guns, entered the congregation and seated themselves in one corner of the Church. They soon unreservedly informed the minister that no more religious services could be held in that section unless they were performed by ministers loyal to the Southern Confederacy ; and they desired him not to attempt it at that time. He replied that " he did not feel it his duty to invite a quarrel with them on the Lord's day, by an at tempt to preach under circumstances which would insure such a result. If they persisted, and would not allow him to preach the Word without disturbance, he should con sider himself forcibly ejected from the pulpit, and the responsibility of discontinuing the worship of God in that place would rest upon themselves." Notwithstanding this logical and forcible explanation of the responsibility they were taking, this band cjf ruffians stubbornly main tained their position and insisted that he, nor any other Lincolnite minister, would be allowed to speak to the people in that vicinity. Thus reassured that they were in earnest, Mr. Southerland replied that he would offer prayer, sing a hymn, after which he would dismiss the ^congregation, and for the future leave them and the peo- IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 193 pie of that section to their wishes. He then knelt before his congregation and prayed, with words and in a manner that appeared to have a good effect upon the audience generally as well as upon the rioters themselves. After prayer he commenced the singing of a devotional hymn, one which he and that congregation had before sung to gether many times in joyful praise and happy worship of their Redeemer. Before the hymn was finished two of the ruffians broke down under the influence the singing exerted, came near Mr. Southerland and begged his for giveness. The two then told him that if he still desired to speak to the people he should not be disturbed. He, however, thought it best to dismiss the congregation, which he did, and this place, like others, ceased to be a point of his ministerial labors. The natural temperament and disposition of Mr. South erland were the very opposite of that lion-like combat- iveness which enable some Christian ministers, mounted upon the pedestal of their, rights, to stand like war-horses of resistance against all assailants, physically as well as intellectually dealing out heavy blows upon the heads of their unjust invaders. His power as a worker in the vine yard of the Lord lay in entrenching himsell behind the moral breastwork of sympathetic truth. In the absence of physical strength, with a moral inaptitude for entering the hubbub and invoking the danger of the clashing Of antagonistic forces, the personal contour — unwarlike face —disarming tones of voice, and generally pacific mien, of Mr. Southerland, formed a power more difficult for most men to attack than to attack an equal antagonist stand- ing ready and perhaps inviting a hand-to-hand contest. Mr. Southerland, however, was no passive and truckling coward. He. was no skulking, non-committal, trembling ghost upon the skirts of the crowd, when truth was invaded, or rights infringed upon. On one occasion the notorious Wm. H. Tibbs of rebel congress and negro driv ing fame, near the commencement of the rebellion, was harranguing a company in the country, urging the peo ple to secede, enlarging upon the glories of a separate 194 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION Southern Confederacy, the honor and praise of those who should stand by the South, and pointing out the disgrace and punishment that would be visited upon Union trai tors. Mr. Southerland listened quietly until Tibbs had finished, after which, he mounted the stump and called upon the audience to listen to him. However prejudiced the audience was in favor of rebellion, Mr. Souther land's manner was such that it was difficult to refuse him a hearing. He had not finished his remarks before it was evident that many in the audience began to doubt the soundness of Tibbs' positions. The sophistry of his argu ments, the ¦ untruthfulness of his statements, the great wrong and national injustice of the Southern movement, were explained by Mr. Southerland and lain before the people, with a clearness and earnestness, which if they did not entirely reclaim the secessionists, at least left the impression on the minds of maiiy, that secession and rebellion were very hazardous enterprises. Like Mr. Hum bert and Mr. Richmond, whose histories have been given, Mr. Southerland lived in the heart of a rebel neighbor hood. His age clearing him from conscription, he managed to ride out the storm and remain at his home until our armies took the country. He then flattered himself that he had passed the crisis, and that his troubles occasioned by the rebellion were nearly terminated, the fact, how ever, was otherwise. An account has already been given of the flag raising in Cleveland, in the Spring of 1864. Like hundreds of others, desirous to see the flag Of their country once more triumphantly wave over the soil of Bradley, Mr. Souther land was present on that occasion. Highly elated with the prospects of participating in the patriotic ceremonies of the day, he remarked to some of his friends that he .thanked Heaven that he was about to witness in Bradley, the triumphant Waving of the stars and stripes — the light of the world once more ! News of this remark reached his rebel neighbors in the third district, whereupon they managed to convey news back to him that he would soon see greater lights in his own neighborhood, than he saw > IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 195 that day in Cleveland. The threat was promptly fulfilled. In three or four days after the flag raising, Mr. Souther land's flouring mill and cotton gin, standing near each other, were burned to the ground. The loss, including the property in the buildings, farming implements, grain, etc., was between three and four thousand dollars. This satanic rebel deed was committed while our forces, were en camped at Cleveland and Blue Springs, eight or ten miles, perhaps, from Mr. Southerland's plantation. Suspicion fell particularly upon two rebels — John Woodall and Cal vin Loftice. They were arrested by our authorities, tried at Cleveland, and found guilty. After their conviction they confessed the crime. They stated that twelve other rebels, all we believe, residents of the third district, were implicated in the act, and that they were paid by the twelve for executing the plot. ' The destruction of Mr. Southerland's property was tracable to the same head cen ter of rebellion and crime in the third district, the Juli- lians and others, that have been heretofore mentioned as so active in that part of the country in all iniquity. What sentence was pronounced upon these two villains, or whether they were ever sentenced at all, is unknown to the writer. Some days after their trial, both were started for Chattanooga, either to have sentence pronounced upon them there, or to have punishment there executed, or for some other foolish things and on the way Woooall jumped from the cars and escaped. Soon after Loftice escaped from Chatanooga, and neither, perhaps, has been heard from since. This case illustrates the very considerable, not to say insufferable looseness with which our military authorities transacted business of this kind in Bradley. If it was actu ally necessary to send these criminals away from Cleve land to be sentenced or punished, it was at the same time the easiest thing in nature to confine and guard them, beyond the possibility of escape, a duty for the neglect of which any officer should have been immediately called to an account by his superiors. These men never would have escaped, had the officers having them in custody, 196 . HISTORY OF THE REBELLION and superintending their transportation, been in the least impressed with the necessity, and importance of justice being done in the case. That the escape of. both these guilty rebels thus, within a few days of each other, was purely accidental is problematical, to. say the least. In fact no other sensible conclusion can be arrived at in regard to the matter, than that their liberation was designed by some of the parties having them in charge. Had energy, prompted by a stern determination to bring the guilty to justice, been exerted, not only these two might have been secured, but more of the conspiritors in this affair might have been arrested and brought to pun ishment. Some time after the destruction of his property, Mr. Southerland, with his family, abandoned his plantation and took refuge in Cleveland. Unless the Government shall reimburse his loss, Mr. Southerland, fn all probabil ity, will not live to see it repaired. His property was the accumulation of many years of laborious industry and honest toil, borne by himself and family, but the fiendish-' ness of the wickedest scheme that ever cursed mankind, reduced it to ruins in a single hour. ' THE SHOOTING OF DR. GRIFFIN. In the Spring of 1864 a small command of Federal cavalry camped in the ninth district, near Dr. Griffin's dwelling. What regiment this cavalry belonged to we were n«t informed. It appears, that manv of the men were wild characters. Inasmuch as Mr. Griffin was a phy sician, these cavalry were under the impression that he kept liquor, and a number of them applied to him to obtain the article. The Dr. informed them that he had none, and did not keep it, therefore, could not give them any. The soldiers left, apparently dissatisfied, inti mating that he was not telling them the truth. Shortly after this, procuring a quantity of the article from some other source, strongly under the influence of its use, two of the soldiers rode up to the doc tor's gate, he standing in his door. The doctor walked toward them, at the same time inviting them to dismount and come in, and when within about twelve feet of them, both raised their navies and fired upon him, after which they wheeled and left, with demonstrations usual to men debauched by intoxication. One shot took effect, inflict ing two severe wounds in the arm, from which, however, the doctor finally recovered. The names of the murderers, murderers at heart, were unknown to the doctor, and nothing was done about the matter by our authorities, to bring the villains to justice. The doctor was a strong and active Union man, a gentleman who had given these sol diers no cause to mistreat him. IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 197 CHAPTER XIX. BRADLEY COUNTY COURT. In Tennessee, the Justices of the Peace in counties, form what is there called a County Court, answering, per haps, to the courts of county supervisors in Northern States. In April, 1863, this court in Bradley was solicited and even compelled, by the rebel authorities/to pass an act taxing the property of the county.to support its desti tute rebel families, the male portion of which was then in the rebel army. The rebellion had then progressed two years, and had driven nearly a thousand Union men out of the county. The absence of these Union men caused des titution and suffering in their families also ; the same cause producing the same effect in both classes of families. The majority of these Justices in Bradley at this time, were Union men ; and finding themselves obliged to act in behalf of the rebel families, made an effort to have their action cover the wants of Union families also. They felt justified in doing this from two or three considera tions. In the first place, they knew that the reoellion was wrong, and that this wrong had occasioned the suffer ing of 'these innocent Union families, therefore felt that they were as deserving of help as those whose sufferings resulted from their own wrongs. Again, two-thirds, per haps, of the taxable property in Bradley belonged to Union men, and therefore, inasmuch as two-thirds of the fund raised would be Union money, the destitute Union families had a right to their share of it. But more than this, these Justices saw the wrong that would arise in individual cases from this system of general taxation for the benefit exclusively of rebel families. They saw, for instance, the cruelty it would be, and the suffering it would occasion, to make a lone Union woman and her children raise money for the support of a neighboring 198 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION rebel woman, when, perhaps, the husband of the rebel woman was the very person who hunted the Union woman's husband out of the country. It is well known that the rebel women of Bradley encouraged and urged on-their husbands and sons to persecute and drive the Union men from their homes. This system of taxation, therefore, proposed to make these Union women pay the rebel women a premium for the suffering and destitution the rebel women had malignantly occasioned them. Every reasonable person will see that such were to be the practical results of this rebel enterprise for the relief exclusively of rebel families in Bradley. The Bradley court, taking this view of the case, exer cised their privilege, and framed their enactment in the following manner : •• It fully appearing to the satisfaction of this Court, that there are in our county, and likely will be. persons in a suffering condition, iiiicl will need the aid of the county of Bradley; it is ordered by the Court, a majority voting in the affirmative, that an appropriation be made of twenty-five cents on every hundred dollars worth of taxable property in said county, alone to be used and appropriated for the women aud children, or for all suffering humanity, in the county of Bradley.-' A knowledge of this disloyal action of the Bradley court threw the whole rebel element of the county into commotion. The fact that the court had placed the Southern soldier's family on a level with the families of the " Lincoln renegades," and that they as well as the destitute rebel families were to be provided for, was an outrage not to be tolerated., The following is the editorial fulmination of the Cleve land Banner on the subject — taken from an issue of April 9th, 1863 : :- The C'- unty Court — A Premium to Treason. — We learn, from what we consider to be reliable authority, that the Worshipful County Court, foi- the county of Bradley, on Monday last rejected or refused to act upon a proposition to levy a tax of twenty-five cents upon the hundred dollars worth of property, for the support of the indigent and unprovided for soldiers' families in the county. A proposition was introduced and passed, providing a tax of twenty-live cents on the hundred dollars, for the benefit of ' Suffering Humanity'' in Brad ley county. Here, we have it, that the County Court is unwilling to vote relief to the family of the Southern soldier, who is periling his IN BRADLEY CQUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 199 life to keep off the invader, but willing when a proposition is intro duced which includes families of the renegades that have left the country and joined Lincoln's army, to give it their cordial support. The welfare of the renegades' family is first with them— that of the Southern soldier secondary, or not at all. This is the conclusion we arrive at, after the proceedings on Monday. The 'suffering human ity' of Bradley county includes eveiy class in want — no matter from what cause. The family of the renegade who is in Lincoln's army fighting against us is just as much included as the family of the Southern soldier who is fighting for us. Is such conduct as this by a County Court to be tolerated ? Will the tax-payers suffer this impo sition to be imposed upon them ? Are they willing to support the families of men who are fighting Lincoln's battles ? Are they willing to see the Southern soldier's family brought down to the level of that of the renegade ? The County Court has made no distinction — they have placed both upon the same footing. Is this right and proper in a Court that is holding its sessions in one of the Confederate States? Taxing Southern people to keep men in Lincoln's army, who are on our border, threatening us with fire and sword ! Great God ! do we dream or is it a reality ? Mot a dream, but a reality. Southern offi cials giving aid and comfort to the enemy, by taking care of the men's families while they are doing everything they can to bring an army "here to devastate" and destroy our •homes. If the minions of Lincoln are apart of the 'suffering humanity ' of Bradley county, let Mr. Liucoln provide for them, or if it is too inconvenient to do so, lie has plenty of sympathizers here, who- can draw on their private purses for their support. Let it be done by private contributions, but for our children's sake, do not let it be a matter of record — they, would rise up and curse the duplicity of their ancestors. To the members of the Court we would say, to convene your Court again and expunge your acti6n~.on Monday last. Do not let it remain on the Records of your county, 'lest it might damn you to everlasting infamy.' Had the same proceedings taken place in Lincoln's domin ions, the last member of the Court would have been in a Bastile in le3s.th.an twenty hours. The Court has said in effect, and put it upon record, to every malcontent, 'go and join Lincoln's army and we will take care of your family as a part of the 'suffering humanity' of Brad ley county.' Is this not offering a premium to treason ? According to our version of the matter it is most assuredly so. The Court may not have intended it so, but it inevitably leads to that." Remarks upon the foregoing editorial are unnecessary. The editor of the Banner was pleased with the position in which this article placed him before the country at that time, and he will now have the satisfaction of look ing at himself in the light in which it places him before the country at this time and will place him in the future. This disgraceful and abusive editorial, with other rebel influences, had the desired effect. The rebel authorities overruled, or rather overrode, this decision of the court, the tax was collected from all, and applied to the relief of rebel families alone. Through the influence, therefore, of this hollow-headed and corrupt-hearted editor and traitor, 200 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION and the influence of other rebels, worse, perhaps, than himself, the destitute and suffering Union women and Union children of Bradley, were compelled to raise money and pay it to their rebel neigboring women who had en couraged their own husbands and sons to murder and. drive out of the country the husbands, sons and brothers of these Union women and children. ' This was the rebel lion in Bradley county. This was the doctrine of the edi tor of the Banner. Very probably this editor received his share of these perquisites. Very probably his vshare of these funds, raised by these destitute Union women and children, liberally paid him. for this shameful editor ial, and the part he otherwise acted in driving their hus bands and sons out of the country. The tax thus extorted from the families of Doctors Brown and Hunt, in the ab sence of these men, and which, perhaps, fell into the hands of this editor, was doubtless a very liberal reward for the sufferings he had occasioned these families, and for the manner in which he vilified these Union men because they had to flee fromrebel oppression. THE HANGING OF MR. E. G. GRUBB. Mr Grubb, with his family, settled in the third district, perhaps in 1854. By trade Mr. Grubb was a blacksmith and was a good and useful citizen. No complaint was made against Mr. Grubb by any of his neighbors before the war, and the only fault that was found against him after the commencement of the rebellion was, that he was' a Union man, and had a Union family. Three rebel citizens, all neighbors to Mr. Grubb, took particular pains to sound him upon his politics, and to watch his movements. Being unable to shake his loyalty to his country, and particularly being enraged at his boldness, and the free dom with which he expressed his Union sentiments, these and other rebels in the neighborhood commenced on him a course of persecution. Some time, perhaps in 1862, these rebels reported Mr. Grubb to Wheeler's cavalry as a dangerous Union man. The soldiers of Wheeler's cav- IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 201 airy had frequently called at Mr. Grubb's house, and had been' entertained by him and his family at their table. About thre'e o'clock one morning, eight or ten rebel sol diers, belonging' to this cavalry came to the house of Mr. Grubb, compelled him to get up, arresting him in the pre sence of his family. Mr. Grtibb was a man who did not succumb to the rebels, and from whom no recantation Of principles c6uld be extorted, Dot even to save his life. His wife, however, as well as other members of his family, entreated the rebels for his sake, endeavoring to make them tell what he had done,- for which he was arrested, and what they proposed to do with him. Giving his wife no satisfaction, only, perhaps, that she would never see her husband again. They placed him upon one of their horses, and conveyed him away as a prisoner. After tra veling some half a mile or a mile, they halted and com menced to examine Mr. Grubb for money, at the same time cursing and abusing him as a Lincolnite, and endeavoring to extort from him information in regard to Union property and' other Union citizens. Anticipating the robbing, his money had been placed beyond their reach, and as to giving them information about his Union neighbors Mr. Grubb was ready to die sooner than be guilty of a thing of the kind. Failing either to get money or to compel him to make the desired revelations, they commenced preparations to hang him from the limb of a tree. They hung him by the neck the first time until he was nearly senseless; then asked him if he would give them the desired information. Being answered in the negative, they hung him the second time, and, perhaps the third time, but with no better success, as to the de sired information, and finally left him upon the ground; scarcely able to speak, and for sorne time unable to rise. Toward morning, Mr. Grubb so ; revived that !he was enabled to drag himself ;back to' his home', but Will, perhaps, never entirely recover from the injuries he re ceived. , , i T: 202 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION MR. JOSEPH LUSK. "Mr. Lusk lived in the fourth district. He had been a resident of Bradley upwards of thirty years, and had three sons in the Federal army. Samuel and Lavender were both members of the 1st Tenn. battery. Joseph was Lieut, in Col. James P. Brownlow's 1st Tenn. cavalry. In October, 1861, the notable Papt. Brown sent one of Ins rebel soldiers with instructions to demand of Mr. Lusk his private arms. The soldier had no sooner made known his, business than Mr. Lusk sprang to one of his guns and leveled it at the rebel, ordering him instantly to leave his house, or he was a dead man. The rebel wheeled, and begging of Mr. Lusk not to shoot, escaped from the pre mises as hastily as possible. Owing to the ill success of this messenger, and knowing the determined character of Mr. Lusk, Brown thought it not best, perhaps, to make further attempts to rob the old gentleman of his guns ; ¦consequently, he. was one of the few in Bradley whom the rebels did not plunder of ; this kind of property. On three other occasions Mr. Lu$k drove rebels from his pre mises in a similar manner. At one time, a rebel soldier or rebel citizen rode up to his dwelling, and was about to dismount. Mr. Lusk in formed him that no rebel was allowed to dismount from his beast on, his premises. The old gentleman having the weapons in his hands to enforce obedience, and his man ner being imperative, the. rebel, instead of dismounting, turned and disappeared in such haste that his animal sent the dust in clouds curling in the air behind him. On another occasion, three rebels, were carrying off and burn ing the rails, on one part of Mr. Lusk's plantation. The old gentleman attacked them singlerhanded and soon .suc- ceededjn driving them from his plantation. The last visit, however, which the rebels paid Mr. Lusk was the most, sorry visit for them, Mr. Lusk had been reported to the rebel soldiers as the ©wner of two or three valuable mules. Mules were very serviceable animals in the army, and three mounted rebels one morning made IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE. 203 an attempt to rob Mr. Lusk of these animals. By some means Mr. Lusk suspected a visit of the kind and was pre pared. Armed with his revolver and squirrel rifle, he met the rebels as they approached his house ; and without any introductory ceremonies fired upon them, emptying one saddle, after which he rushed upon the remaining two with his revolver. This attack was so sudden an61 unex pected, and was prosecuted with such a courageous ven geance, that the two rebels left their dying companion, and fled as though a battery of grape and canister had been opened upon them. The wounded rebel died in a short time, and was buried, we believe, by Mr. Lusk's family. This transaction occurred hot long before the Federals took possession of the country; and this was the last time any direct attempts, were made by the rebels to disturb Mr. Lusk. The fate of the rebel soldier shot by him, caused his Union neighbors to fear that the rebels would attempt revenge on them, and probably some few left the neighborhood in consequence. Mr. Lusk, however, we believe, never permanently left his premises ; and as the rebellion was then on the wane in Bradley, the rebels concluded to leave him undisturbed conqueror of the field. DEATH OF AMOS MANES. In many respects the death of Mr. Manes was one of the most heart-rending tragedies that occurred in Bradley during the war. His mother was a Union widow woman living in the fifth district. Young Manes arid his brother William were soldiers in the Federal army. In their ab sence, their mother, like all other Union women in East' Tennessee left alone in the midst of the rebellion, had to struggle with many difficulties. Two or three little boys, herself and a daughter, comprised her family in the ab sence of her sons. Thus situated, she not only found it a struggle to provide for herself and family, but being a strong Union woman, she had to suffer persecution from the rebels. James M. Henry, a neighbor, a man of very doubtful character, was her inveterate tormentor. 204 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION The little boys of widow Manes borrowed a harness of Henry's mother-in-law, and wei'e trying to plow their corn. Henry stripped the harness from their beast and carried it out of the field. Tl»is was done not because he needed the harness himself, nor because he had any lib erty from his mother-in-law to take it from them. A field contiguous to the corn-field of Mrs. Manes was owned by Henry. The fence between the two fields was im perfect, and the little boys of Mrs. Manes were unable to repair it. Refusing to repair the fence himself, Henry, ap parently with malicious intent to destroy the widow's corn, continued, unnecessarily, to turn animals into his field. The husband of Mrs. Manes was a blacksmith, and fol lowed the business till his death. In addition to the abuses just named and others that might be named, early iu 1862, perhaps, Henry went to Mrs. Manes and informed her that Capt. Wm. Brown had requested him to bring her blacksmith tools to Cleveland. The tools being re fused him, he told Mrs. Manes that Brown would have them if he had to come and get them himself. She re plied that if Capt. Brown came into her house she would meet him with hot water, a shovel of fire coals, or any thing else she could lay her hands on. Henry left with out the tools. The blacksmith shop of Mrs. Manes stood on the main road, some forty rods 'in front of her dwell ing. In a few days after Henry's application for the tools they were missing. Henry was suspected, and Mrs. Manes soon ascertained that some of the tools, at least, were in his possession. She sent her little boys request ing him to bring. home her property. He gave the boys ¦a, part of the tools he had taken, sending word to their mother that those were all he had. This was not satisfac tory. About the time the rebels were driven from Brad ley, Wm. Manes came home on a furlough, when he,' with others, called to see Henry about his mother's miss ing tools. All, or nearly all of them, were found secreted in Henry's cellar and taken home. The foregoing events transpired before our army took possession of Bradley. In the spring of 1864, our forces EAST TENNESSEE. 205 were encamped at Blue Springs, a half or three-quarters of a mile from the plantation of Mrs. Manes. Henry, not withstanding his previous willingness to assist Capt. Brown to steal the property of Mrs. Manes, and notwith standing he had otherwise aided Brown in his iniquity, by taking to his own house and secreting goods belonging to Brown and his family — goods many of which no doubt had been stolen from Union people — now pretended to our authorities that he was, and always had been, one of the most reliable Union men in the fifth district. He and his family swarmed around Gen. Grose at his headquarters, feasted him' with their good things till Henry had fully established himself in the General's confidence as a good Union man. This, however, was not the worst of Henry's conduct with Gen. Grose. It was now a good time for him to renew his persecutions upon Mrs. Manes. He re ported her to the General, stating that she had secreted, and perhaps was then secreting, rebels in her house, and on every opportunity was giving information to rebel* scouts. Also he managed to make the impression on the General's mind that Mrs. Manes had a son in the rebel army. The General was so deceived on this point by Henry, that, at one time when Wm. Manes was at home, he was about to arrest him as a rebel and put him to labor on the breastworks at Blue Springs. Mrs. Manes was as good a Union woman as ever fought the rebellion in Bradley county. She protected and fed to the extent of her ability, for months, Union conscripts hiding in the woods near her house, and in every other way in her powver aided the cause from the commence ment to the end of the war. She gave two of her sons to the Federal army, and no slander on earth could have been more foul or more cruel than Henry's insufferable lies about' her to Gen. Grose. All the grounds in the world that Henry had on which