Pl«i!!":

iliiliif
If''"

i 1
ililil i!

il

wm
n»5i!(ii..ii!ij».i ..I

'I'm; ill, i|  ,
.1. V' ' I".. ; ' ¦ '
,1 . 1

wC

p

If"-*'

I ^ive theft Boaki
for the faying of a. CoUegt in thij Co&jty"

'YJ^LIl«¥]MH¥IEI^S2ir¥"

BOUGHT -WITH THE INCOME
OF THE
PERKINS FUND
1903

FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT

(^^ ^/^^^^.^^^^

FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
1820-1898
A CIVILIAN IN THE WAR FOR THE UNION
PRESIDENT OF THE FIRST BOARD OF
INDIAN COMMISSIONERS BY
CHARLES LEWIS SLATTERY
DEAN OF THE CATHEDRAL FARIBAULT

LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.
91 AND 93 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK
LONDON AND BOMBAY
190I

Copyright, igoi, by
CHARLES LEWIS SLATTERY

PREFACE
THIS book has been preparing somewhat more
than t-wo years. For a year I had the gra
cious help of Mrs. Brunot, at -whose request the
task -was undertaken. Not only did she collect all
the papers from their long hiding-places ; but, -with
her clear and accurate memory, she lived again,
in letters and in conversation, the past which
she had loved so well. To her the book owes
more than can be told.
Had the record been one of mere personal or
local interest, it would have been dropped at her
death ; for, originally, it was made for her sake.
But it is much more than the record of a good
man. In the Civil War and in the solution of
the Indian Question Mr. Brunot's life touched
the life of the nation ; and, in so far forth, his life
is a fragment of the nation's story. This record
is history as plain and brief as it could be made;
and the analysis of the man's character is left to
the reader. I may say this, however: one gets
marvellously intimate with a man after reading
the material which is abundantly at hand from
friend and foe, and one sees into the corners verj'
deeply. It is quite possible, under such circum
stances, to believe Mr. Brunot mistaken- in his

VI PREFACE
policy; but it is not possible to find a single in
stance of meanness, cowardice, or dishonour —
there is absolutely nothing to suppress or explain
away. He was indeed " thro' all this tract of years
Wearing the white flower of a blameless life."
And with this cleanness of heart he united force.
He was one
" Who reverenced his conscience as his king ;
Whose glory was, redressing human wrong."'
Since the nation needs not only righteous men,
but righteous men of force, who will fight for
their ideals, I have hoped that men would care
to read this record of a man both good and
strong. I have tried to indicate my debt to the various
helpers who have generously supplemented my
own knowledge, as their contributions appear in
the book. But I must here tell how very much
I owe to Thomas K. Cree, Esq., who was asso
ciated with Mr. Brunot as Secretary of the Board
of Indian Commissioners. Mr. Cree gave me
invaluable assistance in the chapters on the In
dians, so that they really ought to be called his.
I am also deeply indebted to Colonel Roberts,
President Moffat of Washington and Jefferson
College, the Rev. Dr. Marks, Charles B. Price,
Esq., Hilary B. Brunot, Esq., and William A,
Hogg, Esq.

PREFACE vil
After Mrs. Brunot's death, it seemed fitting to
allow her work to take the place in the book
which it really deserved. Indeed, Mr. Brunot's
story could not have been told without hers also.
In this task I have had the constant help of her
niece, Miss Mary Hogg, for whose patient and
efficient research I cannot be too grateful. I
owe much also to Mrs. Ormsby Phillips and
Miss Sybil Carter, who have told, in their own
words, what Mrs. Brunot was to them, true and
trusted friends that they were.
Nor can I be unmindful of those who have
urged me to go on with the task, when other
duties seemed to make it almost impossible; for
to their persistent encouragement its finishing is
due. If the book is of any value, the merit is
altogether theirs.
C. L. S.
The Deanery, Faribault,
October i, 1900.

CONTENTS

ISoofe I

THE PREPARATION
CHAPTER I. The Beginning ....
II.
IIL IV. V.
VI.
VII.

Influences of Boyhood .
College Days
A Civil Engineer
Marriage . . . .
The Mercantile Library
A Business Man

PAGE 3
6
17
22
29
36
42

iSDOft M

LOYALTY TO CHURCH AND STATE

I. Pittsburgh Landing .
II. Savage Station ....
III. LiBBY Prison
IV. The General Convention of 1S62
V. The Pittsburgh Sanitary Fair
VI. A Summer in Europe
VII. The Period of Reconstruction
VIII. St. James's Church .
IX. The World as a Parish .

55
61
69 82
92
102116122
126

X CONTENTS
FRIENDSHIP FOR THE INDIAN
CHAPTER PAGE
I. The Board of Indian Commissioners . . 141
II. The First Summer among the Indians (1869) 149
III. A Summer with the Utes and Sioux (1870) i6r
IV. Across the Continent (1871) .... 170
V. Among the Shoshones and their Neighbours
(1872)  186
VI. Last Year with Friendly Chiefs (1873) . 200
VII. Results of the Indian Work . . . 219

THE AFTERNOON AND THE EVENING
I. Verona  241
II. Later Patriotic and Benevolent Works . 248
III. The Long Shadow  259
IV. Mrs. Brunot's Works of Mercy . . . 263
V. The Separation  277
VI. The End  283

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Felix Reville Brunot at the Age of Fifty-seven.
From a Photograph by F. Gutekunst . Frontispiece
Mr. and Mrs. Brunot in 1850. From a Daguerreo
type . ... .... 30
Doorway of Mr. Brunot's Allegheny Home . . 36
Mrs. Brunot at the Age of Seventy-one. From a
Photograph by H. Bower . . .110
Red Cloud, Chief of the Sioux. From a Photo
graph by Brady [1872] . . . . 166
Washakie, Chief of the Shoshones. From a Photo
graph by B. F. Kenney . . . . 194
The Country House at Verona . . . . 242
The South Porch at Verona . . . 264
Felix Reville Brunot at the Age of Seventy-
three. From a Photograph by B. L. H. Dabbs . 278
MAP
Map of the Indian Reservations in 1874 . . .152

Boot 5
THE PREPARATION
' E'en as he trod that day to God , so walked he from his birth-
In simpleness and gentleness and honour and clean mirth."

CHAPTER I
THE BEGINNING
FELIX BRUNOT, the grandfather of the hero
of this book, was born in the parish of
Morey, in France, January 9, 1752. He was early
left an orphan. His mother, dying, intrusted her
boy to his uncle, who was a bishop of the Roman
Communion. The bishop was planning to train
him for the priesthood, but this was so little
to the boy's taste that he was about to run
away; whereupon his uncle told him that he
might choose his own vocation, so young Felix
announced that he would be a doctor of medi
cine. But the important item of this early
history is that the Marquis de Lafayette was
Felix's foster-brother; and when our War of
Independence began the two young men de
termined to come to this country to fight for
American liberty. Accordingly they set sail to
gether in 1777. Felix Brunot, twenty- five years
old, full of life and vigour, gave himself ardently
to the cause ; he fought in many battles,
notably at Brandywine. When the war was over
he allowed his foster-brother to return without
him, and America became his home.

4 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
After the war he lived first in Annapolis
and Philadelphia; then, in 1797, he crossed
the Alleghenies and settled in Pittsburgh. He
bought a picturesque island two miles down the
Ohio River, now known as Brunot's Island, and
there he built his mansion. His office was on
Liberty Street. In those days there were many
French gentlemen going to and fro, and Dr.
Brunot's villa was the constant scene of a gra
cious hospitality. It was here, in 1825, that he
entertained his brother Lafayette. And there is
at least one witness who, as a small girl, remem
bers their meeting ; how they ran to greet each
other, embraced, and wept for joy. In all this
hospitality the genial doctor had an able help
meet in his gentle wife, Elizabeth Krieder, who
was a Huguenot, and as generous to mankind
as she was reverent toward God.
Several children were born to Felix and Eliza
beth Brunot; but I need name only two — Hilary,
the father of the younger Felix, and Sanson, who
had a marvellous influence upon the whole
family. Hilary Brunot was born in Philadelphia, July
14, 1795. In 1814 he was graduated from West
Point, and a few weeks later was engaged in the
action at Fort Erie, where he was promoted for
bravery. When the War of 1 8 1 2 was over he was
stationed at Fort Snelling, Mackinac, Green Bay,
and later at the fort in Newport, Kentucky.
While he was at Newport, a Mr. Randell Reville,

THE BEGINNING 5
of Maryland, came with his charming daughter
Ann to visit the town. At once a devoted
attachment sprang up between the young lieu
tenant and Miss Reville, and they were married
May 6, 1819.
This history now properly begins. For Feb
ruary 7, 1820, in the arsenal at Newport, a son
was born to Hilary Brunot, and his parents
named him Felix Randolph. Later, to please
the boy, who was anxious to bear his mother's
name, Randolph was changed to Reville.
When Felix was about a year old Lieutenant
Brunot was ordered to Pittsburgh, and the boy
looked out upon the world from the arsenal at
Lawrenceville. Four years were spent here. He
never forgot the high stone wall and the great
gate. Meantime, a little girl was added to the house
hold, Elizabeth by name. And as long as she
lived, her brother Felix loved and served her like
the true knight he was. By this time, too, the
frequent removals of military life became irk
some, so that Lieutenant Brunot gave up his
commission and invested in a large establishment
in Pittsburgh for the manufacture of white lead.
He bought for his home an open square where
the Union Station now stands, building his
house in a beautiful garden. Here he lived till
the railway converted the place into a grim
abode of dirt and noise. And here Felix Reville
Brunot grew up.

CHAPTER II
INFLUENCES OF BOYHOOD
THE influences that made the boyhood of
Felix Brunot what it was are hard to dis
cover after all these years. But a few names and
events stand out clearly, as the one or two per
sons now living, who knew him in the twenties
and the thirties, tell their fragments of his boy
hood story. I
Among the chief influences was his eccentric
and affectionate grandfather, Dr. Felix Brunot,
for whom he was named. Shortly after the visit
of Lafayette, Dr. and Mrs. Brunot moved into
Pittsburgh, because the lavish hospitality of their
country mansion became too great a tax upon
Dr. Brunot's purse and Mrs. Brunot's strength;
for though Felix Brunot was a physician, he
rarely took any fees, and his inheritance was
constantly diminished by his eager generosity.
He lived in the house which contained his office,
on Liberty Street, and here, too, he kept a large
supply of drugs and medicines which he could
give directly to his patients.

INFLUENCES OF BOYHOOD 7
I have been fortunate enough to receive an
account of this good doctor and his wife from
a playmate of young Felix, the Rev. Dr. Marks,
of Santa Monica. " Dr. Brunot," he writes,
" was a small, dark-visaged man, very strikingly
French in manner, vivacity, and speech. He
was quick in address and rapid in reply. He was
rarely seen in the streets. With a multitude he
was held in the highest esteem as the healer of
all human maladies. On many days his house
resembled a hospital. It was teemingly crowded
with people from the country, who came to him
burdened and tortured with all the pains of rheu
matism, neuralgia, king's evil, swellings, con
sumption, tumours, and indigestion — multitudes
who, for the first time, knew how many were the
ills to which flesh is heir. The suffering poor,
the lame, and the blind were always there, for
his sympathy and charity were proverbial. He
charged little for his medicines, and but a small
sum for his professional advice. With him it
was a passion to cure.
"I think," continues Dr. Marks, "he never
went to a patient outside his home. His rooms
had innumerable odours and fragrances; for he
was most industriously collecting from home and
abroad every plant, leaf, and root that had in it
any balm for human suffering."
Dr. Marks also describes Mrs. Brunot. " She
was," he says, " a small woman, French in man
ner and broken in speech. She was most kind-

o FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
hearted and motherly. I have often seen around
her a circle of country women, some carrying in
their arms crying children, and to each she was
attentive and sympathetic; by tender caresses
soothing the sons and daughters of Indian hun
ters and whiskey insurrectionists."
Dr. Marks then pauses in his account to show
how keenly these country folk needed the sym
pathy of such wise and skilful persons. " Their
cabins were rude, wind-shaken, smoky, pierced
by every arrow of rain, blizzard, and storm.
Their food was of things most stubborn of diges
tion, such as pork and hominy; their clothing
never of wool even in winter. ... It was rare
to see an old man or woman of eighty, and if
they did attain that venerable age, they were the
objects of pity, and every movement was fol
lowed by a groan. . . . For all these ills Dr.
Brunot and his wife had an ear ever patient and
sympathetic, and a hand ever open to help. One
of the most charming things about this singular
establishment was that Mrs. Brunot was always
there, giving weight and motheriy approval to
all the doctor said and prescribed."
There can be no doubt that this constant scene
of kindness had its effect upon the boy Felix. It
was a devotion to philanthropy that must have
left an impress on his boyish soul. Then, too
the grandfather's interest in natural sciences
must have inspired the boy; for not only was
Dr. Brunot a collector of all kinds of plants, but

INFLUENCES OF BOYHOOD 9
he was one of the first to make use of electricity
in the arts of healing. It might seem fanciful
thus to trace influences upon the child, were it
not for the fact that young Felix was a regu
lar visitor; not coming as a dutiful grandchild
merely, but coming to sit in his grandfather's
library, to read the books that suited his youth
ful fancy. The whole atmosphere of this home
was delightful to him. II
Another influence very strong in the boy's
life was that of his uncle, Sanson. Sanson
Brunot was fifteen years older than his nephew,
and always was to him as a beacon set on a
hill. And, indeed, Sanson was the leader of the
whole family. In him the piety of his Hu
guenot mother came out in a most beautiful
and manly way; and he determined to be a
clergyman in the Episcopal Church. He studied
under the Rev. John Henry Hopkins, then rector
of Trinity Church, and afterwards Bishop of Ver
mont. Dr. Brunot had hitherto been a nominal
Roman Catholic; only nominal, however, for
after he had become a Free Mason and was told
that the Pope had excommunicated him, he
snapped his eyes, and replied with fire, " Pope
excommunicate me ? /excommunicate de Pope ! "
Through his son Sanson's influence he became
a regular worshipper in Trinity Church ; but he

IO FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
left it to his son Hilary to be a vestryman and
undertake the active responsibilities of a parish
officer. Sanson Brunot was prepared for the ministry
by his rector, Mr. Hopkins. After his ordina
tion, he founded the Episcopal parishes in Blairs-
ville and Greensburg, and later Christ Church,
Allegheny, for which his father, Dr. Brunot,
built the first church building. His zeal and
power were winning wide recognition when his
health broke down, and he went to Key West,
hoping that the mild climate would restore him,
but in vain. He did not die, however, before he
had founded a flourishing parish in Key West.
His candle burned to the socket. He died one
bright day in June, 1835, when Felix was fifteen
years old.
It is impossible to overvalue the impress
stamped by this ardent enthusiast upon the life
of the young Felix. He had all the romantic
fire of the ancestral French blood, all given to
the highest ends humanity knows — the service
of men and the worship of God. Further, just
fifteen years Felix's senior, he was old enough to
be the boy's hero, and young enough to be his
sympathetic example. Mr. Brunot never tired
of telling of this man, and among the treasures
which he kept always near him were two an
cient and rare Bibles which had once belonged
to this Uncle Sanson. Sanson Brunot had not
lived in vain, had he done nothing else than

INFL UENCES OF BO YHOOD 1 1
inspire this young nephew with his own high
ideals. Ill
Then there were schools and school-masters.
Several yellowed papers lie before me which
are the bills of these early school-masters. The
first is from John Dickey, who conducted what
was called the Phoenix Seminary; the next
is from John Snyder, of the Monitorine High
School, who carried Felix through his eighth
year. Then Felix was transferred to the Rev.
Mr. Hopkins's school. And it is because Mr.
Hopkins was a real influence upon Felix's boy
hood that I must speak of his school at some
length. Mr. Hopkins had crossed the Alleghenies to
engage in manufacturing iron; had become a
la-wyer in Pittsburgh, and finally entered the
Christian ministry. He was a very young law
yer, but a brilliant and honest one, and his last
year's salary as a lawyer amounted to $5,000 — a
large income for those days. He was married
and had one child ; he had also one large debt,
owing to a failure in his iron business, so that
$5, 000 was not unattractive. But he gave it up
and became rector of Trinity Church at $800 a
year. Later this salary was raised to $1,000,
again to $1,200; but the family grew faster than
the salary, and Mr. Hopkins decided to enlarge
his income by opening a school. He had bought

12 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
land in the outskirts of Allegheny, and built
his modest house on a hilltop overlooking the
river. First he admitted to this family a few
girls to be educated with his own little girls.
Then, when his boys were old enough, he ad
mitted a few boys to be educated with them.
One of these boys was Felix Brunot.
This large family made it necessary to enlarge
the house. A brick front was built, somewhat
after the style of the collegiate Gothic, and one
room was made into a sort of chapel, con
taining a small organ. Here the school and
family met for prayers, morning and evening.
Mr. Hopkins played the organ for the canticle
and the hymn, and the music was his own com
position. A very good copy of Raphael's Ma
donna of the Chair also hung in this room,
painted by Mr. Hopkins himself.
Indeed, in this Episcopal Institute, as Mr.
Hopkins called it, there was much to attract a
young boy who was open to impression. There
was a suggestion of the fine arts that could not
but widen a boy's vision. There was neither
dancing nor novel-reading nor vacation, but there
was a patch of garden which each pupil had to
care for as his own ; there was an oak grove to
play in ; there were lessons in music and drawing-
and painting; and twice a year there was an
evening concert in the large school-room, to which
parents were invited. Besides, it was no mean
view which Felix saw from his window. The

INFLUENCES OF BOYHOOD 1 3
Stately Ohio flowed by; and, looking up the
river, two miles eastward, he could see the Alle
gheny and the Monongahela joining themselves
together, where the smoke stood over the little
city of Pittsburgh. All along the southern bank
of the river was the range of high hills, and
here and there he could see the miners start their
loaded cars down the steep incline, till at last
there was a crash, and one knew that the coal
had been poured into a river barge, and would
soon be on its way to St. Louis.
But there were also unpleasant aspects of life
in the Episcopal Institute. Mr. Hopkins was,
after the fashion of his day, a good deal of a
martinet, and he spared not the rod. He had
brought from Ireland an Irish temper as well
as a sunny kindness. And, worst of all, his son,
young John Henry, who later became famous as
a church journalist, was constantly reporting the
other boys for punishment; assisting the disci
pline of the school perhaps, but not his own popu
larity. Years later, when the school-master had
become bishop, and was Mr. Brunot's guest in
Pittsburgh, Mr. Brunot said to him: "Now,
Bishop, that I feel somewhat more nearly on the
same plane with you, I can tell you something.
You used to punish me very often when I did
not deserve it!" The bishop leaned back in
his chair and laughed tremendously. " Felix,"
he cried, " that's what all my boys tell me! "
This discipline, deserved and undeserved, was,

14 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
however, only a passing shadow in the beauti
ful picture of this school life on the hill. June
30, 1831, Mr. Hopkins sent his last bill, because
he was on the point of going to Boston to be
come assistant minister of Trinity Church. It
was a hard break for him, his parish, and his
school. At the bottom of this bill he added a
note to Felix's father: " Above you have the last
of our school accounts. Your dear boy, I trust,
will go on improving, though in other hands,
and in due time, by the blessing of God, realise
your proudest aspirations. — With great regard, yr
friend, John H. Hopkins." And as the old home
and school broke up, Mr. Hopkins wrote his fare
well in quaint verse, of which this is a fragment:
" Farewell, our Home, embosomed deep in trees.
And decked with all the garden's choicest pride !
No more we breathe thy woodbine-scented breeze,
Or tread thy flowery alleys side by side."
Felix had received impressions from this inter
esting man and his school which were to last
through life.
After Mr. Hopkins's school was closed, Felix
and his brother Hilary attended some of the
classes at the Western University in Allegheny.
Here he was finally prepared for college.
V
The influences of home I have not mentioned,
yet they were the most vital of all. For his

INFLUENCES OF BOYHOOD 1$
mother, Felix had an almost worshipping rev
erence. And to his sister Elizabeth, who was
the only sister who lived to womanhood, he was
ever the devoted slave. These two noble women
inspired him in his boyhood with the chivalrous
nature which was one of his characteristics to
the end.
And there were, too, the sorrows which come,
to a family. Of Felix's eight brothers and sis
ters, only Elizabeth and Hilary lived to maturity.
Almost every year from 1827 brought death to
the household. One died as a very young child,
two when a year old, one when four years old,
another six, and another fourteen. Upon a
sensitive boy such sorrow has always a lasting
effect. It was under this influence that Felix
first began to express himself in verse. When
he was thirteen his little sister Melzina* died,
just four years old; and I have found among his
papers these lines, which he wrote at this time :
Ah, she was a sweet — a lovely child.
As bright as the morn of a summer's day ;
She was Peace when she slept — she was Joy when
she smiled —
And the Spirit of Beauty she seem'd when at play.
We've lost her — she's left us — that beautiful one —
The bowl by the fountain is broken —
Her spirit has gone to its long, long home.
And still are those lips that so sweetly have spoken.
* Named for Mrs. Hopkins, their rector's wife.

1 6 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
I quote these verses to show the simplicity
and the evident sincerity of the boy. Sorrow
had touched his nature and had made it
nobler.

CHAPTER III
COLLEGE DAYS
IN his thirteenth year Felix was sent to Jefferson
College at Cannonsburg. This was an insti
tution of about two hundred and fifty students,
and was then deemed the best college west of
the Alleghenies. It was fortunate in having at
this time a man for president who was really a
great teacher, Matthew Brown. Dr. Brown put
his stamp upon the boys committed to him, and
he sent them forth men. His name is still
affectionately remembered in western Pennsyl
vania. The life was of the simplest. Felix belonged
to an eating club called the Union Association,
wherein each member pledged himself to give
some one thing for the common support. Felix
gave as his share a barrel of molasses; and he
used to tell how at times the viands became
somewhat sticky, because the rest did not keep
strictly to their agreement. The board was one
dollar, twenty-two and one-half cents a week.
The tuition was correspondingly cheap, being
twelve and a half dollars a term. These term
bills are signed by Andrew Munro, who was not

1 8 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
only treasurer of the college, but also the post
master, and (though eighty years old) the wit of
the town.
There were many pleasant people in Cannons
burg who opened their doors to the college boys.
How agreeable their hospitality was to Felix we
know from his youthful verses. You can well
imagine the homesickness of the boy as the stage
put him down in the little college town ; for dis
tances were great in those days, and Pittsburgh
seemed very far away. And you can imagine
how he sat by his candle that first night and
wrote : I've left, perhaps forever left,
My own parental kindred home.
The words sound a bit funny, as if they had a
mock solemnity. But a few lines farther on they
grow more real:
Oh, Where's the confidential ear ?
Oh, Where's affection's gentle tone ?
At thoughts like these, why starts the tear ?
'Tis that I feel too much alone.
So the verses go on, till a dash of philosophy
cheers the end:
And am I not in friendship's land ?
Oh, yes ! the stranger's open door,
The stranger's eye, the stranger's hand,
Speak to my soul in accents bland,
" Thy bark is on a friendly shore ! "

COLLEGE DA YS

19

I hold no brief for the poetry in these lines, but
they serve to show a homesick boy determined
to make the best of a new situation.
While Felix was at Cannonsburg, there was a
class of students bent on reform. There had
been convivial occasions during which it was
thought proper to get drunk, on the ground that
so it had been " from time immemorial." With
a strong hand, against opposition, the reformers
carried the day, and temperance reigned among
the students of Jefferson College. Nor was the
reform merely negative. There seems to have
been a new religious enthusiasm pervading the
place, for the students printed thirty thousand
copies of a tract called " Duty to the Heathen,"
and distributed it broadcast through western Penn
sylvania. Of this vigorous youthful religious en
thusiasm Mr. Brunot always spoke with respect,
and was grateful to it.
The great event of these college days was the
visit of Daniel Webster to Cannonsburg. For
tunately I can tell the story in the words of
a contemporary, Dr. S. M. Hamill. "At the
ringing of the college bell," he writes, " we all
assembled in Providence Hall, to hear an address
from the great constitutional lawyer, and to be
introduced to him. Dr. Matthew Brown and the
distinguished son of Massachusetts stood up in
front of the pulpit facing the large audience that
filled the hall. In an outburst of eloquent eulogy
the doctor welcomed the great senator, who fixed

20 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
his eyes on the speaker, and received it grace
fully without moving a muscle, and was then
presented to the audience. He turned and ad
dressed the students, hat in hand, in an eloquent
and appropriate speech. His theme was, ' Every
Man the Artificer of his own Fortune,' and no
one who heard it was likely to forget it. After
the address we were requested to come in order,
and as we passed by, we were introduced by Dr.
Brown to the New England statesman, who took
us by the hand very cordially, and we moved on.
When the students were through, the citizens
came. As Andrew Munro, the octogenarian
postmaster, approached, stooping with age, and
small of stature, Dr. Brown, who was a man of
commanding personal appearance, and who held
the old official in high esteem and often joked
with him, said, ' Mr. Webster, this is Mr. Munro,
our postmaster, and a much better man than he
looks to be.' Munro stretched himself up, and,
fixing his eye on the great senator, remarked,
' Mr. Webster, I am sorry that I cannot say the
same of Dr. Brown ! ' "
In this wholesome atmosphere of a small coun
try college Felix Brunot spent three years. His
grandfather's scientific ideas had so far influenced
the grandson that he selected what was called
" the irregular or scientific course," by which he
pursued certain selected studies that would fit
him to be a civil engineer. His natural taste for
such a life was further strengthened by the fact

COLLEGE DAYS 21
that his cousin, W. Milnor Roberts, was already
a leader in the profession. And Felix eagerly
waited for an opportunity to begin the work of
life.

CHAPTER IV
A CIVIL ENGINEER
AFTER Felix came home from Cannonsburg
he occupied himself in various ways, wait
ing for an opportunity to exercise his chosen pro
fession. In 1837 W. Milnor Roberts, the famous
engineer, came to Pittsburgh at the suggestion
of the Monongahela Navigation Company, and,
while there, was often with his relatives, the
Brunots. " Mr. Hilary Brunot," he afterwards
wrote, ' ' was a remarkably kind-hearted, amiable,
and benevolent man, and an humble and devoted
Christian. . . . Mrs. Brunot was a fine-looking
woman of commanding person and exceedingly
amiable manners. " He speaks of Felix as a quiet
youth just on the verge of manhood and very
studious. Felix was not only studying mathematics and
the natural sciences, but he was also reading
many books, like The Spectator and The Tat-
ler. Here he seems to have laid the founda
tion of his simple and elegant style, which was
a characteristic of his letters and speeches in
later life. He was also devoted to the English
poets, reading them constantly. Moreover, he

A CIVIL ENGINEER 23
was himself writing verses; some of them very
good, and all showing the ease and grace which
come from a sound literary taste.
It is perhaps unfair to quote any of them, since
they were written for amusement ; but they show
a variety of interest and feeling that makes them
a prophecy of the coming manhood. Some are
solemn and religious, others are playful love-
songs, still others are rollicking fun. Here is a
fair sample, called A Farewell to the Year :
Farewell ! farewell to thee, old one !
Farewell to the fast-dying year !
Though the night of our parting 's a cold one.
Our meeting was scarcely less drear ;
Good night ! for thy journey is over —
Thy fate with the bygone is cast ;
As the maiden hies home to her lover,
Thou hast flown to the arms of the Past.
Then, good night to thee, old one ! Another
Comes now with his budget of joys ;
As fleeting, the fate of thy brother,
And as light are his trifles and joys.
Will he leave us as well — or better ?
Will he leave us in weakness or might ?
Or buried — or married ? No matter I
Good night to thee, old one ! Good night !
That is pleasant and thoughtful. Here is some
thing more pretentious, making a dash into the
realm of the imagination. It is called The
Hunter's Serenade :

24 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
Wake, lady, wake ! Now the moonbeams are streaming
Softly and sweet through the prairie-propt sky ;
The star that breathes love, fairy Vesper, is beaming
As bright as the glance from thine own sunny eye.
Wake, lady, wake !
Beauty sleeps on the lake,
And the whippoorwill whistles his soft lullaby.
Wake, lady, wake ! Now the glow-worm is gleaming.
The thrush chirping love in the greenwood tree.
The wolf of the wild in the thicket is dreaming.
While all that is beautiful wakes, love, but thee.
Wake, lady, wake !
The moon sleeps on the lake,
And the whippoorwill whistles his soft lullaby.
Wake, lady, wake ! Ere the beams of the morning
Rob of its beauty the starry-gemmed sky ;
Haste, lady, haste ! Ere the daybeam is dawning.
We'll roam o'er the lea by the light of thine eye.
Wake, lady, wake I
Ere the morning beams break,
And the whippoorwill hushes his soft lullaby.
You would scarcely think this dreamy boy was
going to do anything that the world calls practi
cal. But when Mr. Roberts came to Pittsburgh
again in 1838, he found Felix Brunot eager to
start out with him on a surveying trip. Mr.
Roberts's son, Colonel Thomas P. Roberts, has
kindly prepared the following sketch of these
years :
" Mr. Brunot's first experience as an engineer
was in the construction of the locks and dams
of the Monongahela River, which to-day accom-

A CIVIL ENGINEER 2$
modate a traffic of more than six million tons
a year, a volume of business unequalled by any
similar works in the world. Mr. Brunot received
his appointment on the first surveys of the Mo
nongahela in 1838 from his father's cousin, Mr.
W. Milnor Roberts, who, even then, at twenty-
eight, was a noted engineer on State canal
works. ' '
Here Colonel Roberts quotes from his father's
personal memoirs. " Late in the spring of
1838," Mr. Roberts wrote in these reminis
cences, " I was again summoned to Pittsburgh,
authorised to organise an engineering corps and
begin the surveys of the Monongahela River, I
appointed as my principal assistant Nathan
McDowell, a careful, steady, and industrious
gentleman. . . . The junior assistants under
his care were S. Decatur Smith, Robert Clarke,
and young Felix Brunot. I purchased a flatboat,
had a house built on it, and stocked it with
provisions, plain bedding, and furniture. I also
procured the requisite chainmen and axemen,
and a yellow man for cook, and in a few days
started upon the surveys, gradually working up
the stream.
" Just what Mr. Brunot's particular duties on
this survey were I do not know," Colonel Rob
erts continues, " but judging from the beautiful
map of the Monongahela Valley, from the Vir
ginia line to Pittsburgh, which he made in 1841,
I think he must have been the topographer. It

26 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
happens even to this day that Felix Brunot's
map of the Monongahela Valley is the only re
liable one in existence, and its outline of water
surface has been adopted by the State.
" Some time in 1839 ^r. Roberts was ap
pointed chief engineer of the State canal to Erie.
The work was in confusion when Mr. Roberts
took charge, and numerous changes were made in
the engineers. He drafted young Felix Brunot
from the Monongahela, making him a full assis
tant, and placing him in charge of some impor
tant locks on the lake shore between Girard and
Erie. Associated with Mr. Brunot in this new
work, as junior assistant, was Mr. William Bake-
well, who for more than fifty years acted as Sec
retary and Treasurer of the Navigation Company.
It was a long time to go back for reminiscences,
but Mr. Bakewell brightened with pleasure as he
told me of his services on ' the old canal ' with
Mr. Brunot. Their headquarters were at Lock-
port, where they were comfortably lodged, and
where they were always proud to entertain their
superior officers. On an adjoining division, over
Elk Creek, there was an aqueduct to be built,
over one hundred feet high, and eight hundred
feet long. Some of the calculations nonplussed
the engineers, but he and Mr. Brunot, who were
sent to solve the problem, succeeded easily. One
incident is worth telling. Mr. Brunot and Mr.
Bakewell were one day walking along the line,
each carrying a telescope, when Mr. Brunot de-

A CIVIL ENGINEER 27
scried at a distance a gang of men. Setting up
their instruments, they proceeded to see what
the men were doing. The contractors were for
bidden to cover up stumps of trees in the canal
embankments; and yet, there before him, Mr.
Brunot could see a foreman with his men rolling
over the bank an enormous stump and filling
earth upon it. When they reached the place,
Mr. Brunot quietly said to the foreman that he
wanted a hole dug to test the foundation. The
place he pointed out was exactly over the con
cealed stump. The foreman suggested a ' better
place,' but Mr. Brunot persisted in his orders,
and great was the discomfiture of the foreman
when the stump was brought to light.
"The financial panic of 1840, which was spe
cially felt in Pennsylvania, resulted in the tem
porary abandonment of work on the canal. It was
possibly the uncertainty of future employment
that induced Mr. Brunot to give up engineering
and seek another vocation. Mr. Brunot's con
nection with the Navigation Company began
with this active service in 1838 and 1839, '^"^
later, from 1868 to the day of his death, he was
one of its managing directors. This experience
did much to keep him in touch with the civil and
military engineers of the country. Such school
ing in youth must have been invaluable to him
in affairs of business life, where his practical
knowledge, added to his proficiency in mathe
matics, enabled him to form reliable judgments;

28 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
hence the esteem entertained for his opinions by
his colleagues in the various companies in which
from time to time he was interested. There can
be little doubt that had he continued the prac
tice of his early profession, he would have be
come an accomplished engineer, and among the
foremost in the nation. This leads to a thought
which has often come to me when with Mr.
Brunot — I mean his resemblance to Washington.
Mr. Brunot, like Washington in his early youth,
was a lover of nature, living much of the time in
surveyors' camps remote from the dissipations of
society. Physically they were not dissimilar as
to height and build, while in Mr. Brunot there
was the same dignity and reserve of character,
which, though perfectly natural — no matter how
familiar the acquaintance — no one cared to in
trude upon. At all events, no other person
whom I have met has ever suggested in so many
ways my idea of Washington. Had Mr. Brunot,
however, remained an engineer, he never could
have accumulated the wealth to accomplish what
he did in other fields far more important, useful,
and enduring, let us hope, than the building of
railroads, canals, and bridges."

CHAPTER V
MARRIAGE
WHEN the financial panic of 1840 put a
check upon engineering, young Felix
Brunot, just twenty years old, looked to the
West for a career. Boats, fitted with the com
forts of life, steamed up and down the Ohio,
and they were always crowded with passengers.
On one of these boats Mr. Brunot sailed to St.
Louis, and later his investigations brought him
to Rock Island. The journey was not in vain,
for he returned to Rock Island to engage in
business. But this journey had even a pleasanter
memory. On the crowded boat, as he returned
to Pittsburgh, Mr. Brunot discovered a young
acquaintance, a Mr. Nathaniel Hogg, of Browns
ville, who was with his father and sister. Mr.
Brunot was at once eager to know the sister,
and asked his friend to introduce him. This
he did, and the tall young woman admired the
tall young man as much as he had admired her.
These new friends got off at Evansville to visit
their uncle, the Governor of Indiana, and Mr.
Brunot went on to Pittsburgh alone, with some
thing besides business whirling about in his brain.

30 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
In the spring of 1841, Mr. Hogg and his daugh
ter happened to be in Pittsburgh of a Sunday,
and naturally went to St. Andrew's Church.
When Miss Mary rose from her knees, whom
should she see just in front of her but the same
Mr. Felix Brunot whom she had met on the
boat! She already liked him so much that she
feared he might think she had come there with
the hope of seeing him. However, no such
thought was troubling his mind, and after the
service he quickly discovered her, and walked
home with her.
George Hogg and his brother William were
Englishmen, who had come to Brownsville in
1804 because of its large commercial opportuni
ties, situated as it was at the head of naviga
tion on the Monongahela River. They acquired
large wealth, and, having the tastes of cultivated
men, their homes were a delightful refuge for the
traveller who sought a good library and genial
conversation. George Hogg married Mary Bread
ing, the daughter of Judge Nathaniel Breading,
of Tower Hill Farm, whose family came to
America in 1725. And April 8, 1822, their first
daughter was born, whom they called Mary, for
her mother. In due time Mary was sent away
to school, first to Mrs. Barlow in Manchester,
just outside Allegheny on the Ohio River, and
later (in 1838) to the famous school of Mrs.
Garden (Miss Hawks) in Philadelphia; there to
a character religious by nature was added the

MARRIAGE 3 1
religious instruction of Dr. Stephen H. Tyng,
which made her not only a brilliant woman, but
also a power for the highest life in the commu
nity. In those days the journey from Browns
ville to Philadelphia was more or less perilous.
The cumbersome stage-coaches, drawn by many
horses, dashed carelessly over the little hills, and
when they reached the top of a steep mountain
road, the horses were lashed into a mad gallop,
so that the coach went crashing down the moun
tain at breathless speed, with many an accident
in consequence. The school-girl never forgot
these adventurous rides; but more than all, she
never forgot the great Dr. Tyng and his vigor
ous and inspiring sermons.
For many years Brownsville was the leading
town in western Pennsylvania, and was full of
a very proper gayety. Coming home from school
with somewhat austere ideals, Mary wished to
avoid this wearisome round of pleasure, and so
sought an asylum with her brother George, who
was keeping bachelor's hall at Tower Hill, the
country home, five miles away. She was, more
over, so attractive that it was convenient to
escape the beaux who in town insisted on pay
ing elaborate courtships. She had several pro
posals which perplexed her beyond measure.
Perhaps, with a half-conscious wonder, she asked
herself why these suitors were all so inferior to
the young man who travelled on Ohio steam
boats and went to church at St. Andrew's. It

32 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
was during this time that she gathered about
her in her mother's kitchen, Sunday afternoons,
sixteen negro children, whom she organised into
a sort of Sunday-school.
In the spring of 1843 Mr. George Hogg re
moved with his family to Allegheny, which, with
its business centre, Pittsburgh, was rapidly as
suming the first place among Western towns.
Felix Brunot now had opportunity to call upon
Miss Mary frequently, but they still thought
that they saw in each other only a very satisfac
tory and agreeable friend.
Meantime (in 1842), Felix Brunot once more
made the trip down the Ohio River and up the
Mississippi to Rock Island. This time he began
his work, engaging in the manufacture of flour.
It was a stroke of keen business sagacity. To
buy wheat and to turn it into flour meant, in the
forties, to become sooner or later a rich man, for
this was the decade of the Irish famine, which
drove up the prices of all breadstuffs. With
capital, discretion in buying, and careful indus
try, success was certain even for a young man
of twenty-three.
In this Western country, with the strictest
attention to business, the verse-writing still went
on. Here he had a chance to see the Indian,
and the romance of the wild life of an untamed
people entered his soul. He had also the in
spiration of the prairie, that sea of earth, which
seems more like infinity than anything else under

MARRIAGE 33
the sun. How it touched his spirit we know
from lines like these:
Know ye a land where the rank grass waves
O'er the unploughed soil, where the wild wind raves,
Unbroken, unchecked, by a mountain or dell
For the eaglet's nest or the echo's swell.
Where the riderless steeds o'er the desert dash
On the wings of the wind, like the lightning's flash.
With nostrils wide and a flowing mane.
With mouths uncurbed by a bit or a rein ?
Swiftly they course in their curbless haste,
Bounding in pride o'er the trackless waste.
Foaming, they snort, they plunge, they neigh,
Then wildly and free o'er the desert away

• I

Think what you may of the verses, they are writ
ten by one who has sat on a horse and has looked
out over ' ' the boundless waste, ' ' and has breathed
in the freedom of it all.
There were days in Pittsburgh now and then,
and friendly visits were paid which turned grad
ually into lingering visits of courtship. And
when the lover returned to Rock Island there
came to Pittsburgh long letters, crossed and
recrossed, with little news, but not the less de
lightful for that. They lie to-day in a faded
bundle, the relics of a true courtship too sacred
even to read ; to quote them would be sacrilege.
But in an old scrap-book of verses there are
these lines, among others, that perhaps may be
put down :
A song, a memento, a line, love,
Is the boon that thou askest of me :
3

34 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
A song ? Would my harp were divine, love !
For its chords should thrill only for thee.
It should soothe, wouldst thou listen, thy sorrow.
And trembling respond to thy tears ;
But if gay, from thy glance it should borrow
In a moment the rapture of years.
In the April of 1846 Felix Brunot and Mary
Hogg were married by their lifelong friend, the
Rev. William Preston, the rector of St. An
drew's Church. Immediately they sailed down
the Ohio River, and then up the Mississippi to
Rock Island. It grieved Mr. Brunot to carry
his bride into this rough country of the pioneer;
but, despite the luxury of her old home, she bore
the change valiantly and joyfully. First they
lived in the inn at Rock Island, which was very
comfortable, especially since they had several
rooms to themselves, in one of which their
meals were served privately. Here they enter
tained the old rector of Brownsville, Bishop Jack
son Kemper, who found in Mr. and Mrs. Brunot
a taste of the old home which he had sacrificed
in his heroic missionary life. But there was
one fly in the ointment: Mr. Brunot was obliged
to be all day at his mill across the river in the
little town of Camden, and Mrs. Brunot found
the separation of a whole day quite unbearable,
especially since she had grave doubts about the
quality of Mr. Brunot's luncheon. So at last
she announced that she was going over to Cam
den to live. This was alarming news, for the

MARRIAGE 35
largest house in Camden had precisely two
rooms. However, Mr. Brunot prepared to sub
mit to the inevitable, and he began to enlarge
one of these cottages. When the tiny house
was finished, their furniture was moved in, an
untutored maid was installed, and the house
keeping began. And what happy days they
were! Neither maid nor mistress could cook,
so Mr. Brunot brought home a book on cookery,
and after breakfast every morning there was deep
study of this book to see what they should pre
pare for the day. The house was near the mill
and its office, and there was opportunity for the
owner to steal into the peaceful home, now and
then, through the day.
Here, too, was begun the custom of family
prayers, which always had a peculiar earnestness
in the Brunot household. It is interesting
that when Mr. Brunot hesitated, through shy
ness, to begin the custom in his little home, Mrs.
Brunot, with the Prayer Book and Bible, took
the lead ; and then, the habit being formed, the
head of the house assumed his place naturally at
the family altar, at which, always after, he minis
tered gladly till he could no longer speak. It is
a beautiful instance of a woman's willingness to
do first what both husband and wife desire to do.
In a long and happy married life of more than
fifty years these few months in the cottage at
Camden were the happiest.

CHAPTER VI
THE MERCANTILE LIBRARY
HENCEFORTH this book must tell the story
of both Felix and Mary Brunot, for it would
be impossible to tell the story of one alone.
In 1847 Mr. and Mrs. Brunot returned to Pitts
burgh. Mr. Brunot invested the happy results
of his Rock Island business in the steel works
of Messrs. Singer, Hartmann, and Company,
and in this firm he was a silent partner the rest
of his life. His father was a rich man, but Mr.
Brunot started upon the career of wealth in
dependently. Perhaps riches came to him with
greater rapidity because, in spite of his in
dustry and skill, he seemed to live so far above
them. Indeed, no one ever felt that he was a
man of business, because, from this time, his
chief attention was directed to philanthropy.
Mrs. Brunot's father purchased the large cor
ner house by the park, at 50, Stockton Avenue,
Allegheny, and gave it to his daughter; and this
was Mr. and Mrs. Brunot's town home always
afterward. It almost invariably had at least one
guest, and often the house was quite full. To
its hospitable door the distinguished visitor to

THE MERCANTILE LIBRARY 37
Pittsburgh inevitably turned, and he never for
got the cheer of that happy fireside.
The first public measure in which Mr. Brunot
was interested was the Mercantile Library of
Pittsburgh. As a boy he had soon exhausted
the books on his father's and grandfather's
shelves which a boy would care to read, and he
remembered how he had longed for a roomful of
books adapted just to his taste. So, in 1848,
with several other gentlemen, he founded the
Young Men's Mercantile Library Association,
thinking, as the name implied, chiefly of the
boys and young men. The day of free libraries
had not come, but the Mercantile Library had
merely a nominal fee. It has now yielded to
better things in the wonderful systems of to-day,
but many a man in Pittsburgh can recall with
gratitude the debt he owes to the old Mercan
tile Library.
For many years Mr. Brunot was the president
of this association, and his reports show how
vigorous his interest was in it. He pleaded again
and again for the public spirit which would make it
really a great library, and from year to year he
noted its modest progress. In connection with
the lending of books, the association controlled
a course of lectures each winter. " Kindred in
stitutions in other cities," Mr. Brunot writes in
his report for 1859, " have pronounced the lec
ture system a failure. We are not prepared to
come to the same conclusion, for we believe it

38 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
one of the legitimate and efficient means by
which the association is to carry out its mission
of instructing and elevating as many as may be
brought within the sphere of its influence. It is
true that the pecuniary result of the lectures
does not ordinarily compensate for the labour and
risk, but even if the association were to meet
with an annual loss in conducting them, a suffi
cient reward will be found in the gratification
and instruction of its members and the commu
nity. We deprecate that view of the lecture sys
tem which would degrade it into a mere scheme
for putting money into the treasury, and would
not be tempted by the prospect of any amount
of pecuniary advantage into knowingly lending
the influence of the association to adventures for
the propagation of infidel or immoral sentiments,
or converting its rostrum into a platform for the
exhibition of strong-minded women."
It was not only in his annual reports, however,
that Mr. Brunot appealed for the objects of the
Library Association. He was constantly appeal
ing to the community through open letters to the
editors of the Pittsburgh papers; and respect
for his character and judgment made these fre
quent letters a power for good. " You ask," he
says in one of these letters, " What is the Library
Association about ? The committee have en
gaged Bayard Taylor and John G. Saxe, and are
in correspondence with others. Mr. Everett has
promised if possible to come. Messrs. Beecher,

THE MERCANTILE LIBRARY 39
Seward, Douglas, and other distinguished gen
tlemen have been written to. . . . There are
many lecturers of a less national reputation than
these who might be engaged, and who are highly
appreciated in other cities. They would be
equally appreciated here, if an audience could be
induced to go to hear them. In other cities a
course of lectures is attended by those who de
sire to improve themselves, and to encourage
efforts for the improvement of others, pretty
much as our people go to church. Now and
then we may be caught with a dull sermon, but
it does not deter us from going to church never
theless. In Pittsburgh, unless the person who
delivers the lecture has been thoroughly puffed
by the newspapers long enough to seem to be
either famous or notorious, there is no certainty
of getting an audience. This indifference and
want of appreciation ties the hands of the com
mittee. It is no small thing when they have
invited a lecturer of admitted ability, as was
the case more than once last winter, to bear the
mortification of introducing him to an audience
not large enough to pay for the room and lights,
much less for the lecturer."
Vigorous sentences of this sort roused Pitts
burgh from its commercialism, and the lecture
course was maintained. But Mr. Brunot was not
even yet content. One evening toward the end
of 1864, the audience was awaiting the arrival of
Professor Agassiz, when Mr, Brunot rose from

4° FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
his seat and said he wished to call their attention
to a very important subject. Since entering the
hall he had spoken with several on the necessity
of a hall which could belong to the association.
It had been difficult very often to get a suitable
place for the lectures, and such a building, be
longing exclusively to the Library Association,
could be used not only for books and lectures,
but also as a gallery of art and for a museum.
The scheme appealed to the people at once, and
within a few days large subscriptions were made.
In his report for the year, Mr. Brunot told of
the rapid success of Bates Hall, the then public
library of Boston. " What Boston has done in
ten years," he wrote, " we must do in ten,
fifteen, or twenty. Boston differs somewhat
from Pittsburgh, it is true. It has a population
of twenty thousand more than Pittsburgh. It
has a larger proportion of men of wealth, perhaps.
And it certainly has very many who appreciate the
uses of a noble public library, and its beneficent
effects in the general elevation of the people. As
to the first two points, we have ample population
and wealth to supply the desideratum named for
our attainment. If but the will existed among us
generally, the means for it could be procured in a
day, and no man feel poorer from the gift. In supe
rior appreciation of the value and effect of a great
public library, Boston has the advantage, but its
knowledge has been gained through a century of
education. We may profit by her experience.

THE MERCANTILE LIBRARY 4I
without undergoing the slow process by which
she attained it. If we want a steam-engine as
good as the Corliss engine, or better, we take
that — or improve on it ; we do not begin at the
original Watt, and work up through years of
experiment. Any new machine which can be
demonstrated by the experience of others to
be worthy of a large outlay is adopted, and
the old goes by the board. Convince the liberal
citizens of Pittsburgh, by the experience of older
cities, of the inestimable value of the great edu
cational machine we propose, and it will become
their pride to place it in the very front rank of
its kind."
So Mr. Brunot pleaded for the institution,
which, as he said, filled the gap between the
school and the church. But though the sub
scriptions came in fast, the building was not fin
ished till 1870. The people then rejoiced in its
possession, for it was deemed the most imposing
building in the Pittsburgh of its day. It was,
what it aimed to be, the popular intellectual
centre of the city. It is interesting to notice,
among the large subscriptions, the name of Mr.
Andrew Carnegie, who a quarter century later was
to do such great things for Pittsburgh precisely in
this way. If he were asked, one may be sure he
would tell how his enthusiasm for public libraries
began in the days when Mr. Brunot spoke eariy
and late to the people of Pittsburgh about the
need and the value of a great public library.

CHAPTER VII
A BUSINESS MAN
THE Mercantile Library was only one of many
interests which engaged Mr. Brunot's energy
during the decade before the Civil War. As one
goes over the papers relating to this period of
his life, one feels that he made every benevolent
opportunity a business, and all his business be
came an opportunity for public-spirited benev
olence. The library has shown how systemati
cally he entered into such good works ; it is now
proper to show the purpose which guided his
business enthusiasm.

He was one of the first to recognise (in 185 1)
the advantages of a railway from Pittsburgh up the
Allegheny Valley. He ably pointed out how
northwestern Pennsylvania would be sending its
lumber to Pittsburgh, and how Pittsburgh would
find a large and growing market for its coal, par
ticularly in western New York. He told how
the ironmaster would be benefited by the road.
The present policy of the State was especially

A BUSINESS MAN 43
favorable to stockholders, and he urged that
shares be taken at once, so that the governor
could issue letters patent and the opportunity
be seized while the legislature would grant it.
" Are there not," he wrote, " two or three
' millionnaire ' owners of vast estates who will
take the whole small amount of stock now neces
sary to accomplish so desirable a benefit to them
selves and their less able fellow-citizens ? Are
there not twenty among the wealthy and enter
prising of this hundred thousand, who will each
take a hundred shares of stock and be profited
thereby ? Alas, there is not one ! But there
are five hundred manufacturers, merchants, dray
men, and labourers who will each take one, two,
five, ten shares, and my prediction shall be ac
complished: in three years the shriek of the
locomotive will be echoed from the furnace walls
of Clarion and Venango, to reecho among the
pine forests of Warren and McKean. "
The first meeting of the stockholders of the
Allegheny Valley Railway was held in Pitts
burgh, February 12, 1852, and at this meeting
Mr. Brunot was elected a director. He served
continuously in this capacity until 1876, and
from i860 to 1866 he was president of the com
pany. At all times he took great interest in
its management. Notably at the time of its
completion he was strenuous in his objections
to a plan advocated by many, by which Liberty
Street should be given up to railways. Mr.

44 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
Brunot argued for the tracks by the river, thus
keeping the dirt and confusion from the centre
of the city, and yet bringing the terminus of the
road to a convenient place for business. The
thoroughness of his argument appears when one
sees how he weighs the interests of the property
owners, of the steamboat owners, of the lumber
men, and of the company itself. Though urging
a principle higher than utility, he met the utili
tarians on their own ground, and won the day.
Of Mr. Brunot's connection with this railway,
Charles B. Price, Esq., now general superinten
dent, writes: "The minutes of the board show
him to have been prominent on committees and
in originating business for the board. Not only
from the official records, however, but from other
sources, including testimony of many yet living
who were associated with Mr. Brunot in various
ways during his connection with the company,
I should say that it would be hard to estimate
too highly the value of Mr. Brunot's character
and capacity, both to the company he served
and to those who shared with him its early
struggles." II
It would be wearisome to speak of all Mr.
Brunot's business enterprises, for they were
varied and many, but one further illustration of
his " grasp of the situation " may be permitted.
During the April of 1858 he went to Pilot Knob,

A BUSINESS MAN 45
Missouri, to investigate the iron mines which
men expected would outrival the mines of Penn
sylvania. We catch one of his characteristics if
we notice how the journey itself interested him
apart from its commercial value.
" What can I say," he exclaims, " about forty
hours' travel right along in the cars ? No stop
ping at old-fashioned taverns, with their swing
ing signs, their sparkling fountains, and big
horse-troughs, and quaint little corner bars; no
comical genius of a 'driver'; no mountains to
walk up or hills to rattle down ; no kicking ' lead
horse ' ; no harmless break-down or frightful
upset. " Our train was very much like all other trains
westward bound in April. We had the group of
men on their way to Kansas, the merchant who
lives at St. Paul, the rather quiet gentleman who
looks as if he might be somebody and who hails
from St. Louis, the farmer who is rather afear'd
that Wisconsin and Minnesota are too fur north
for corn and stock. There was the lady with
three children and a small husband, who makes
the family, inclusive of robing, satchels, bonnets,
and husband, to occupy four double seats. We
had that indispensable requisite to a complete
train, a newly married couple. This particular
pair were ' billing and cooing,' snuggling up to
each other on the smallest possible pretext of
weariness or something to whisper about. It
was wonderful to observe the amount of disgust.

46 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
contempt, pity, or ridicule they excited in the
rest of the passengers. One man, with a genial
face, glanced uneasily about him for a while,
fumbled in his jacket, then in his trousers, and
finally down in the deep recess of a side pocket,
where he found the object of his search — a
strong-smelling, darkened, old pipe bowl. Next
the tobacco was produced in a yellow paper, the
bowl filled to overflowing, then a stem was
hunted up and twisted into its place, then a
match was fished up from out the pocket, the
whole process done with the utmost deliberation.
The bride stared with mute astonishment. The
groom was beginning to boil with honest Massa
chusetts-bred indignation. What! will the man
dare to smoke in the ladies' car ? The lady with
the small husband was just sending that useful
individual to tell the conductor, when a crisis
was reached — the awful weapon charged, primed,
and with match at hand for instant application,
was quietly deposited in a side pocket, ready for
a harmless whiff at the next station."
A different sort of interest engaged him on his
way from St. Louis to Pilot Knob. After speak
ing of the construction of the new Iron Mountain
Railway, every detail of which he seemed to
see, he tells of the country through which he
passed. " The road winds along the foot of
the bluffs on the west side of the Mississippi for
thirty miles," he says, " finding barely room for
its construction between the broad stream and

A BUSINESS MAN 47
the toppling limestone crags. The speed of the
cars, allowing but time for a passing glance,
leaves the notion that they must be grand old
castles, the stronghold of some race of giants a
thousand years before the mound-builders. At
one point you try to peer into a curious cave,
half concealed by the hanging ivy, but before
the eye is fairly fixed upon its depth, a broad,
inaccessible gallery juts out from the face of the
rock. What a stronghold, that, for an Indian
warrior, pursued by a hundred foes! "
With such refreshing observation and reflec
tion he came to the business in hand, the exam
ination of the iron mines at Pilot Knob. A
bundle of letters lies before me describing the
mines and their working from every point of
view. After this thorough description he pro
ceeds: "But facts like these would, at first
blush, seem to indicate that capital and the easy
access now had by railroad to these enormous
deposits of ore, will soon enable the companies
owning them to supply all America with iron,
and put an end to our Pennsylvania competition.
But there is an indispensable element lacking.
It is/ue/. The surrounding country is not well
timbered, and unless the railroad is extended to
the heavily wooded region further to the south
ward, it is not at all likely that any larger quan
tity of iron will be manufactured on the spot
than the present works are capable of producing.
The ore will be quarried and carried to the fuel.

48 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
Whether the coal fields of Missouri or Illinois
will have any value for the smelting of iron, is
yet to be tested. To my own mind the doubt
amounts to belief that the coal will not answer
for that purpose, and it is not improbable that in
a few years, more of the Missouri ore will be
smelted with stone coal, in sight of Pittsburgh,
than at the Iron Mountains, or even the city of
St. Louis."
In another letter he discusses more fully the
relation of these rich mines to Pittsburgh. By
careful and detailed calculation he estimates that
the ore can be brought to Pittsburgh at a net
cost to the consumer of six dollars a ton. " With
our cheap coal," he goes on, " it may be smelted
at the very doors of the puddling furnaces, which
convert it into malleable bars, and yield a hand
some profit to the manufacturer of the metal.
In this business there seems to be an opening
for some enterprising capitalist, and if any one
should take up the subject for a more thorough
examination, let it not be forgotten that two
tons of ore is the outside quantity for a ton of
iron; that the furnace would turn out fifty per
cent, more per day than if running on any Penn
sylvania ore ; that as soon as the pig grows cold
in the casting house it will be at its best market,
without necessity for transportation, agencies, or
commissions. The capital required would be
less than necessary for the same business else
where. The outlay for dwellings nothing. The

A BUSINESS MAN 49
thousands of acres of timber, the farms, wagons,
mules, etc., appurtenant ordinarily to the fur
nace, would be unnecessary — a hundred feet
square or less, on the brink of the river, would
suffice for the business. The troublesome army
of colliers, ore diggers, teamsters, and super
numeraries would be dispensed with. The usual
six or eight months' accumulation of ' stock '
would be useless, for the supply might be
brought from week to week and the product sold
every day if desired. When manufactured the
metal would be worth more per ton than the
best brands of stone coal iron from other ore."

Ill

How keen Mr. Brunot always was to business
opportunities is also evidenced by his public
letters on A National Armory and Foundry,
written in December, 1861. Herein he urges
that the Western foundry proposed by the Gov
ernment be established at Pittsburgh, and an
amazing array of facts he marshals to enforce his
pleading. Now, it is the rate of duty on steel
which he di.scusses in an open letter to Mr. Dar
win Phelps, who in Congress has influence in
forming a tariff bill ; again, it is a series of pub
lished letters on the tonnage tax, in which he
shows the injustice of the discrimination of
the Pennsylvania Railway against Pittsburgh,
4

50 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
and adds a prophecy which has signally been
fulfilled: "Judged from the past and present
operations of the company, Pennsylvania has a
fearful future before her, for her legislative and
executive departments are likely to sink into
mere contrivances to carry out against the peo
ple the behest of a corporation with more money,
patronage, and power than the State govern
ment." Further, he is giving tariff talks to
farmers; finally, he is speaking before the Cin
cinnati Board of Trade on improvements in the
navigation of the Ohio River, asking: " Is not the
radical improvement of the Ohio and Mississippi
rivers a national object ? You have in the East
a great river — great in width, great in depth,
great in commerce which floats upon its bosom
— but insignificant in length. Suppose that by
some freak of nature the Hudson should be
reduced for three months in the summer to an
almost worthless navigation, what expenditure
would be thought too great to restore it to its
normal condition ? Would ten, fifty, a hundred
millions, be thought too much ? We have here
— from St. Paul to the mouth of the Ohio — from
Cairo to Pittsburgh, eighteen hundred miles of
river — with banks more fertile than the Hudson,
richer in mines and forests and wealth-producing
elements, capable of being made as useful for
navigation as is the Hudson, yet now useless for
one-fourth of the year."
All these business enterprises, and many more,

A BUSINESS MAN SI
won his enthusiastic support ; and yet the silent
partner in the steel works of Messrs. Singer,
Nimick,* and Company seemed to the men who
ordinarily met him only a philanthropist.
* Formerly Messrs. Singer, Hartmann, and Company.

LOYALTY TO CHURCH AND
STATE
" Though love repine, and reason chafe.
There came a voice without reply, —
' 'Tis man's perdition to be safe.
When for the truth he ought to die. '"

CHAPTER I
PITTSBURGH LANDING
MR. BRUNOT was never in doubt about his
sympathies in the inevitable conflict be
tween the North and the South. As early as 1854
he wrote, in reference to the Missouri Compromise :
" Use can never sanction wrong. If the first
' compromise ' of the fathers of the Republic has
been violated, and the defenders of the great
principles of human liberty have from time to
time been driven back by the aggressive spirit of
the South, until they stand on the last rampart,
beyond which retreat is not only dishonourable,
but disastrous (and who will dispute the fact ?),
it is our duty not only to stand firm, but to
advance." He had dreamed that the issue might be met
by statesmanship, but he was not unready for
war when it came, though he called it '' unnat
ural." He refused the high military commission
offered him by his friend, Secretary Stanton,
and another, later, offered by General Sherman,
preferring a duty more difficult and more peril
ous, because he thought himself, both by nature
and by training, especially adapted to it. This was

56 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
the aid of the sick and wounded in the hospital
and on the field, who, he felt, were sadly neg
lected. Moreover, he could afford to give his
services, and need therefore only wait for his op
portunity. Minor opportunities came through
the first year of the war, more especially in visit
ing camps to see that honest rations were issued
to the army, for which he had the warmest
thanks of the War Department and the gratitude
of patriots. Mrs. Du Pont, the wife of Admiral
Du Pont, wrote to Mrs. Brunot: " I have heard
of Mr. Brunot's patriotic devotion, and it thrilled
my heart, as I know it will my husband's when
he hears of it. It inspires new hope in the suc
cess of the good cause to hear of such devotion
to it. And tell Mr. Brunot I am proud to be his
compatriot, both French and American."
But the real opportunity came when, after
the battle of Shiloh, news reached Pittsburgh
of agonising suffering, for the Union army had
lost ten thousand men in killed and wounded.
April IO, 1862, Mr. Brunot and a noble band
of nurses and physicians volunteered their
services. The city at once fitted two relief
boats with medicines and other supplies, and
invited Mr. Brunot to take charge of the expe
dition. This he gladly did. Mr. Brunot hurried
to Cincinnati by rail, made additional purchases
of coffins and cots, and was ready for the boats
when they came. They then moved up to the
Tennessee River as rapidly as possible. " From

PITTSBURGH LANDING S7
the time the boats left the city of Pittsburgh,"
he wrote, " until we reached Pittsburgh Land
ing, the labours of those on board were incessant;
over two hundred single and seventy double cots
had been made from lumber taken on board for
the purpose. About three hundred mattresses
were made and filled with straw, and nearly the
same number of pillows and a large number of
shirts and towels."
At Pittsburgh Landing the work began in
earnest. There were few Pennsylvania soldiers
in the engagement, so Mr. Brunot's boats offered
aid to every soldier who needed it. " At Crump's
Landing, ' ' wrote Mr. Brunot, ' ' we ran alongside
of a hospital barge, and there just began to un
derstand the horrors of the unnatural war. The
barge was crowded with men in all stages of dis
ease — some lying on bunks or cots, many on the
floor — with inadequate attendance, no suitable
food, almost no medicines, and not the slightest
approach to comforts which render sickness tol
erable. The atmosphere of the place was so
laden with exhalations from the sick, as to repel
the more timid of our company who attempted
to enter. The physician in charge seemed to be
doing his best and to feel deeply for his men,
but with the means at his command he was
powerless. We brought away seventy-five of
these poor fellows, some of whom seemed already
beyond treatment. One of the latter, who was
rejected because about to die, lay by the pas-

5 8 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
sageway. The frequent sight of his youthful
and emaciated face excited the sympathy of all,
and at the last moment he was taken on board,
as we supposed only to die. He is now fast
recovering, and in a few days will be with his
mother." In this way four hundred and forty soldiers
were cared for and brought to the hospitals
along the Ohio, nearest their respective homes.
Only eight died on the way.
One of the members of the expedition tells of
an incident which Mr. Brunot does not mention
in his letters, but which is too characteristic to
pass over. " Among the wounded," writes Mr.
J. S. Slagle, " was a man who was supposed to
be dying, whose person was so offensive that no
one seemed willing to handle or wash him. Mr.
Brunot asked one of the colored servants to do
it, offering him extra pay, but he declined. Mr.
Brunot then turned to a young volunteer and
said to him, ' Can't you and I do something to
make this man more comfortable ? ' And get
ting a tub, they half filled it with water, and then
getting a sponge and soap and towels, gave the
poor fellow a thorough cleansing, and laid him
on a clean cot, where he remained till he died.
I know that Mr. Brunot called frequently to
see him, and did many things to make him com
fortable." In his report, after his return to Pittsburgh,
Mr. Brunot sums up the work: " Whatever doubt

PITTSBURGH LANDING 59
may exist in the community at home as to the
propriety and wisdom of the expedition, there is
none among those who formed a part of it. We
know that the relief afforded, and the many lives
saved, richly compensate for the cost of the expe
dition, or the personal inconvenience or labour
incurred — and thank God for having put it
into your hearts to accomplish so noble a
work." This sounds cheerful, but the words of his
journal show that the cheerfulness was heroically
forced. Forty-eight of the soldiers were brought
to Pittsburgh, and placed in the Marine Hos
pital, which was turned over to Mr. Brunot's
charge. For their sakes he felt obliged to keep
up, but the blood poisoning contracted on his
dangerous journey was dragging him down daily.
Dr. Dixon and Dr. Thorne, of the expedition,
died, and within three days Mr. Brunot was very
ill. For many weeks he could not be moved
except in a blanket, and through all his delirium
he raved about the sad scenes of the battle
field. Towards the last of May the doctor said that
if he could be induced to make the effort to
go to the Diocesan Convention at Philadelphia,
nothing would do him more good, for his mind
could perhaps thus be diverted; and under the
date of May 22d, a note in his journal says: " I
conclude I cannot recover here and will start to
Philadelphia this afternoon." On the 2d of June

6o FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
he had a relapse. His spirit was not daunted,
however, and under the date of the 5th he
writes: " I am better and hope to be well in a
day or two, and to be able in some way to do
good to the sick and wounded soldiers."

CHAPTER II
SAVAGE STATION
THE story of the summer of 1862 is so far
typical of Mr. Brunot's life during the war
that I venture to give it in some detail. And it
has seemed wise to give it as far as possible in
the hastily written notes which from day to day
he put in his journal :
" Monday, June 9th, 11 P.M. I have just
started for Washington.
" Saturday, 14th. I am getting better, and
hope to be able to go to Whitehouse-on-the-
Pamunkey. I have spent three hours in the hos
pitals here to-day, and the same yesterday.
" Monday, 16th. I received telegram this
evening at eight, saying that twenty nurses were
to come from Pittsburgh to my charge as director.
I answered, ' All right, send them along. ' So
without my decision, Providence has fixed that
I am to go to the Peninsula. My dear Molly's
letters beg me not to go, but I am sure she will
see it is my duty and approve of my going, what
ever comes to me. God will take care of us.
" Tuesday, 17th. This evening I attended a
meeting of Pennsylvanians for the relief of the

62 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
sick and wounded. I gave fifty dollars as my
share. At the meeting I received word that
Miss Dix wished to see me. I went at 9.30.
Miss Dix gave me useful information, chiefly
confirming my own knowledge. At eleven I got
a telegram from Thomas Bakewell saying that
thirty-one nurses and doctors would be in Balti
more in the morning.
" Wednesday, i8th. I took the early train
for Baltimore, and twenty-eight nurses arrived
at 12.30. I got transportation of Major Belger,
and we left at six in the steamer for Fortress
Monroe. . . .
" Thursday, 19th. We arrived at Fortress
Monroe at 7 A.M., where I reported to Dr. Cuy-
ler and left Dr. Walker and five nurses. Then
we left for Whitehouse, arriving at 6 P.M. . . .
" Friday, 20th. I telegraphed Surgeon Kipler
about our arrival, and received an order at eleven
to go on steam transport Louisiana and take
charge of her, but I delayed till he came in the
evening. Then we had the option of going to
Savage Station, where a new general hospital
was being established. I chose this as the best
chance of usefulness.
" Tuesday, 24th. I returned to Whitehouse,
gathered up the party of nurses, and came to
Savage Station. We had supper of hard bread
and coffee — the beginning of our camp life.
" Wednesday, 25th. The larger part of the
sixteen hospital tents were pitched, and every

SAVAGE STATION 63
effort was made for the approaching fight, but
we shall not be ready. The force at work is
small and inefficient, for only fifty men have been
detailed from the different regiments. I have
made me a bedstead out of a piece of picket fence,
and shall be quite comfortable. This place is
prettily situated on a knoll. The house is a good
two-story white frame, not very large, with log
tobacco barns, negro quarters, etc., about it.
The railway passes through the middle of the
farm, which is mainly rolling ground, all in sight
of the house.
" Thursday, 26th. I was actively engaged all
day in preparing a tent and looking after some
sick and wounded. The wounded have been
shot mostly on picket duty.
" Friday, 27th. To-day a battle has been
going on to the right of us. The firing is like
the constant rolling and rattling of thunder. I
went over to the One Hundred and Second Regi
ment and saw the men march out, and spoke en
couraging words as they passed. Then I went
to the hospital and saw several Pittsburghers, to
whom I have sent some things as I promised.
I saw an ambulance pass with some men just
wounded, so I hastened back to the station.
The wounded began to come in quite fast, and
I was actively engaged in ministering to their
wants and getting them under shelter. At dark
they were brought in large numbers, and con
tinued to come in all night long.

64 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
" Saturday, 28th. I lay down at 5 A.M. ex
hausted and sick. The tents are full, and the
yard around Savage's house was covered. The
surgeons were at work all night, with three am
putating tables constantly occupied; arms and
legs lay about, and hundreds of wounded. The
scene cannot be described. I lay down at 5 A.M.
and rose at 6.30 A.M., not having slept. At
twelve Dr. Swinburne gave me a bottle of Ca
tawba wine and ordered me to bed. I lay there
about two hours, and to work again, having had
breakfast (crackers and coffee) at eleven, and no
dinner. " At noon I received a message from head
quarters that the civilians had better make
their way to Whitehouse as rapidly as possible.
The necessities of the wounded were such that
the message was disregarded, the entire party
remaining at their several duties. Such of the
wounded as were able to walk went with the
army towards James River during the afternoon
and night.
" Sunday, 29th. General Heintzelman and his
staff left their tents, and as I had given my bunk
to a wounded lieutenant Friday night, I took
possession of Lieutenant Hunt's tent and had
my sanitary stores put into it.
" About noon the last of the long line of
wagons in the retreat of the Army of the Poto
mac was disappearing from Savage's farm. The
work of destroying the arms and stores was com-

SAVAGE STATION 6$
pleted, and the flames and smoke still rising from
the huge pile of ddbris and burning cars on the
track. The rear-guard was drawn up a few hun
dred yards from the hospital for battle with the
pursuing enemy. Nearly two thousand wounded
filled the tents, and three or four hundred were
without shelter. Dr. Swinburne asked for one
hundred more nurses and received only thirty,
and many of these even had already fled.
" Under the circumstances, I gathered my vol
unteer party and briefly informed them that in
a few hours the camp would be in the hands of
the enemy, and they were released from the obli
gations of their agreement: they could follow
the retreating army if they so desired. As for
myself, I told them I should remain with the
wounded. " Towards evening several regiments and some
artillery formed in the field in front of us, as for
battle. Soon after the pickets began to fire, in
dicating the approach of the enemy. Soon one
of the shells, evidently fired at us, burst over our
tents, then another, and another. We sent out
a white flag to tell that the house was occupied
as a hospital, and the fire was turned elsewhere.
A wounded man, however, had been killed in a
tent a few feet off. The whizzing of the shells
did not suggest any idea of danger to me, and
I was cool and collected, and went forward and
saw the battle. While standing out before the
yard, another shell came close over my head and
5

66 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
burst out at the edge of the railway. Several
wounded came in, and the amputations begun
again. The night came on and a heavy rain.
Many were laid out on the ground in it, and
many left in the field until morning. About
2 A.M. a man came and told me he and his com
rade had carried a wounded man nearly to us,
and the comrade had given out. I got another,
and with my lantern went across the track some
distance to the place, and as we returned about
seven or eight rifle-shots were fired at me, all
together; no doubt from the enemy's pickets,
who had approached as our own retired. I heard
the whirr of the balls, but no harm was done.
One of these balls seemed to explode, making
a noise like a defective Chinese cracker.
" Monday, 30th. The Confederate pickets
took possession of us this morning early. When
the enemy gathered up the Pittsburgh party with
the others to be marched into Richmond, I found
that eleven of the twenty-one had remained at
the post of duty. Dr. Swinburne and I protested
against the proposed inhumanity of depriving our
wounded of their services. We were allowed to
remain on condition that we care for the Confed
erates as well as our own men, and we could not
leave the line without Confederate permission."
If these notes are fragmentary, they are also
vivid. Happily I may give further words written
by an eye-witness, Dr. Marks — the old friend of
Mr. Brunot's boyhood — who was a chaplain in

SAVAGE STATION ^7
one of the Pittsburgh regiments at this time.
" In June, 1862," writes Dr. Marks, " on my
visit to the hospital at Whitehouse, I saw near
the large hospital tents a new tent, and coming
out of it was Mr. Brunot. He called me, and I
was greatly rejoiced to see him. It was a greet
ing and a blessing from home. I found that
he had brought to us something to meet every
want and to soften every ill: clothing for the
naked, medicine for the sick, and food for the
hungry. His tent was filled with testimonials of
pity and love from friends and relatives for their
dear ones in the dreadful scenes of pestilence and
battle and storm. The suffering of our army
was great beyond words. The heat was that of
Africa, benumbing every nerve, and sending the
decay and feebleness of paralysis along every
muscle. Violent thunderstorms were our almost
daily visitation. In the midst of the two thou
sand sick men lying in the hospital tents, Mr.
Brunot was a ministering angel. He found his
way to the side of each, and his patience, sym
pathy, and cheerfulness were the best medicine.
No man could have been more fitted for the
time, with a piety most unaffected, and with
a kindness that never wearied.
" After the battle of Gaines's Mill," Dr. Marks
continues, " on the 27th of June, our army began
its retreat to the James River. Mr. Brunot had
his headquarters at Savage Station, where were
gathered fifteen hundred sick and wounded, and

68 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
on Saturday seven or eight hundred were added
from recent battles. And now arose the ques
tion. What shall be done with these men ? To
take the sick would seriously impede and en
danger the whole army. The entire body of dis
abled was therefore left behind. The apprehen
sion of that day struck to death many a man who
might have lived. With the surgeons, chaplains,
and nurses it became a question of the deepest
moment what to do. ' Shall we secure our safety
by going with the retreating host, or shall we
stay with those who cling to us and plead with
us ? If we stay, it is to breathe the air of pes
tilence, to be ill-treated, perhaps to die of star
vation.' On this day I had come up from my
hospital at the Carson house to Savage Station,
and I found the army wagons with all the mate
rials needed for the march, the troops under
arms, and the officers standing by their horses,
and around us were the wailings and the sobs of
anguish from those to be abandoned, as they
thought, to die. In this distressing hour I met
Mr. Brunot, and asked him, ' Are you going to
stay or go ? ' 'I remain,' was his reply, and I
never can forget the noble, majestic look on his
face as he said it. This fixed in me the deter
mination to continue with my hospital. On the
morrow our army was gone, and we were all
taken prisoners."

CHAPTER III
LIBBY PRISON
MR. BRUNOT had been told, it will be re
membered, that he would not be molested
if he would care for the Southern wounded as
well as for those from the North. This he gladly
and faithfully did. Meanwhile, the number of
the wounded had increased to twenty-five hun
dred. " The surgeons and nurses laboured to
the point of exhaustion," Mr. Brunot wrote,
" and Dr. Milnor and Dr. Sutton died at their
work, while several nurses were down with the
fever. For a week the horrors of the place were
indescribable. There were hardly hands enough
even to bury the dead in the shallow trench just
beyond the tents, and it took the utmost exer
tion of all in the camp to minister to the help
less, while all about the accumulations of decay
ing matter were foully offensive in the July sun."
At the end of this horrible week Mr. Brunot
and his noble associates were marched off to
Richmond, by order of General Winder, in spite
of their remonstrance against the inhumanity of
separating them from the helpless soldiers, and in
spite of the Confederate promise that they should

yo FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
be unmolested.* They reached Richmond about
nine in the evening of July 8th, and after they
were stripped of their possessions f they were
* "Savage's Station Hospital,
" June 30, 1862.
' ' General :
" At the request of the Pittsburgh Sanitary Committee, I came
to this place in charge of a band of volunteer medical cadets and
nurses whose services were offered temporarily, and without com
pensation from the Government. Most of these were distributed
to other points. The following are the names of those with me
at this hospital :
Oliver L. Miller, ) „ ,. , „ , ,
,--„_,. \ Medical Cadets.
W. E. Gosling, )
J. W. Wightman, Jno. Beltslioover,
Jno. Bryant, Leopold Hart, Dressers
Isaac Brown, Wm. H. Smith, >• and
Thos. G. Smythe, Jno. Haney, Assistants.
Thos. McCombs.
These men were given the opportunity to leave with the army.
I deemed it a duty to remain — they refused to go.
" I report myself and them to you as citizens engaged only on
a mission of humanity — yet earnest for the success of our cause —
and request that if possible some arrangement may be made by
which we can remain with the wounded, and the men return to
their homes when their services are no longer required^or at
least that we may be placed on the same footing as surgeons.
" Respectfully, " Felix R. Brunot.
" To the Gen'l in Command of
Confederate Forces."
This report was returned with the following endorsement signed
by Gen'l Magruder :
"Mr. Brunot and his party are to be permitted to remain as
requested, with the understanding they are not to leave our Unes
without permission from the Confederate authorities."
f Mr. Brunot retained one hundred dollars in gold, which was
not discovered.

LIBBY PRISON 7 1
thrust into Libby's tobacco warehouse, com
monly known as Libby Prison. There they
found eleven hundred of Union wounded, in
every conceivable condition of destitution and
suffering. Mr. Brunot was treated as a phy
sician, and had the honour of sharing the phy
sicians' quarters. The floor was filthy, but he
fortunately had a blanket to put between it and
his weary back. " At bedtime," he writes in
his journal, " the surgeons, by squeezing a little
closer, made room for me on the floor. The
others of my party lay on the floor of the second
story among the sick." All medicines and other
comforts were taken from them.
Under the date of Wednesday the 9th, Mr.
Brunot adds to the picture: " We are not per
mitted to step out, for a sentinel with gun and
bayonet is on guard at each door." Then on
the 10th he writes: " This morning the officer in
charge came to say that Judge Baxter had sent
for me, so I went to his office with a guard.
The judge asked me to take an oath to answer
truly. I stated the circumstances which brought
me here, and he offered me a parole of thirty
days, and proposed I should try to get exchanged
for Mr. Lawrence Washington. I agreed to ac
cept the parole, and am now waiting to hear fur
ther. I long to get off so as to represent to our
government the situation of the wounded, and
urge some measures for getting them away from
this place." Friday, the nth, he reports : " No

72 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
word has come from the authorities. Last night
five other surgeons came in, and there are now
about twenty in this place. A club or mess was
formed this morning, and the commissary sent
out for ten knives and forks and ten bowls.
They cost us twelve dollars." Then comes
Saturday with: " Another night on the floor.
About noon I was sent for by Judge Baxter;
he told me that the arrangements for my parole
were effected and my papers would be ready
to-day." But Sunday brought disappointment.
" I gave my parole," he writes, " yesterday
evening for twenty days,* and went to General
Winder's office for my papers. He was absent,
and in consequence I am now told that I must
wait until 3 P.M. and go with the surgeons, for
they are going too." Monday he went to see
the officers, some of whom were his friends.
* " C. S. Mil. Prison,
" Rich'd, Va., July 15.
' ' In consideration of my release for 20 days upon this my parole
of honour I do solemnly swear that during that time I will not
take up arms against the Confederate States of America. Neither
will I (during the 20 days) do or say any thing which may tend to
give aid or comfort to the enemies of said States ; but will con
fine myself strictly to the requirements and objects of my parole
as stated in the letter from the Sec. of War of the Confederate
States to Brig. Genl. John H. Winder of nth July, '62, and if
failing in that I do solemnly promise that I will return to the
custody of the Confederate authorities. " Felix R. Brunot.
" Witness, " E. W. Ross, Clk. of Prisons."

LIBBY PRISON 73
The generals," he says, " have a small square
room divided by rough boards from the room in
which are the colonels and majors, and these are
separated from the captains and lieutenants.
The average of room is about five feet square
for each.
" Last night when I had spread my blanket on
the floor to lie down I heard my name spoken.
It was one of the hospital nurses calling me, for,
he said, a man in his ward wanted to see me.
As I threaded my way in the third story through
the crowd lying on the floor, the nurse told me
the man's case was hopeless. He was very glad
to see me, and said, ' You don't know me, Mr.
Brunot, but I know you.' I asked him what I
could do for him. He answered that he was
starving and wanted an orange. Alas! I told
him an orange could not be bought in Richmond,
but in the morning I would buy him something,
I asked huTi if he wished any messages for his
friends. ' Yes,' he answered, ' tell them I have
lost my leg, but in all my pain I do not regret
giving it to my country.' Then I asked him
how he felt about eternity. ' Oh, Mr. Brunot,'
he cried, ' I have not lived a good life ; I don't
like to think of the hereafter. I am wicked and
you are good.' Then I told him that my Saviour
was his too, and I prayed with him, but the
prayer did not seem to find an echo in his heart.
Then the hymn, ' Just as I am,' came to me,
and I repeated it. ' Oh, Mr. Brunot,' he cried,

74 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
'that's for me, that's for me!' This morning
I went again to see him, and he was dead ; but
the nurse told me a great peace came over him
for an hour after I left him, and then suddenly
with a gentle sigh he died. I can tell his friends
at home that a full pardon was brought to him
when his body and soul were in such deep
distress." Monday night Mr. Brunot thought something
surely must be going to happen when at nine
o'clock an orderly came, saying: "Adjutant Turner
wishes Mr. Brunot to come as quickly as possible,
bringing everything to his office." " I hurried
off," writes Mr. Brunot, " and found Mr. Law
rence Washington and Mr. Wirt there. They
had been sent to have me paroled, and we were
to leave at six Tuesday morning. But the paper
from the Secretary of War ordering my release
was, as they said, mislaid, and so I refused to go,
or attempt to go without it, since it alone could
properly show the conditions of the release. The
whole matter was accordingly necessarily post
poned till Wednesday at nine. Then the paper
was on hand and the business settled, and I was
to go with the gentlemen, before named, via
Fredericksburg. In the meantime, being no
longer a prisoner, I got a boy to carry my lug
gage, and as my friends were stopping at the
Monumental Hotel, I went there. On the way
up street I saw Mr. Van Lew, who asked me to go
to his mother's house. Just as I was entering

LIBB Y PRISON 75
the Capitol Square, a man asked if I were Mr.
Brunot, and said General Winder wished to see
me. I went at once to his office, and he told me
I must go by Petersburgh at three o'clock. I
hurried off, no time for dinner or even a cake.
I just made the cars, and in three hours I found
myself here in Petersburgh." Here, again, there
were delays, but, as he wrote, waiting for his sup
per at the Bolingbroke, " After my hard fare,
camp life, and week of sleeping on a floor, a sup
per and bed will be odd." Another odd thing
was that Major Carr, to whom he reported, knew
his uncle Felix " fifty years ago," and was there
fore specially courteous to him. He also amused
himself by buying some trinkets at a shop for
Mrs. Brunot as a " memento of Petersburgh and
the C. S. A." "I told the shopkeeper," he
says, " that I was a Yankee, and in the course
of a pleasant chat he informed me that the Con
federate armies will be in Philadelphia in three
months. But just here I was interrupted by a
message from Colonel Carr that a flag of truce
would be provided for me at 4 P.M." Going to
the station, he found a locomotive and a single
car, upon which he was the only passenger. It
was only seven miles to City Point, but one
more delay interposed itself in a bridge which
was being repaired. At last he was transferred
to the truce boat from the Federal fleet, and was
once more sleeping in a Union tent. On the
19th (Saturday) he arrived in Baltimore, and by

76 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
noon he was in Washington waiting to see Mr.
Stanton at the War Office. ' ' A few minutes ago, ' '
he writes under this date, " the brother of Ser
geant Walter Beeson came in, and I was obliged
to tell him of his brother's death. He was so
much affected that I declined to give any particu
lars, but told him to call at the hotel at three.
Poor Beeson! I little thought, when I insisted
on his giving me some message for his friends,
that he would be dead in an hour, yet it was
so." Going to his friend Secretary Stanton, he said,
" I came to see if you would exchange me for
a Southerner." " I would give nine of them
for you," was the warm answer. But when
Mr. Brunot explained the terms, Mr. Stan
ton withdrew his word, and said it could not
be done because Lawrence Washington was a
pirate. He then assured Mr. Brunot that his
arrest was illegal, and therefore his parole was
not binding, so that he must not go back in any
case. To which Mr. Brunot could not listen, of
course, since he had explicitly given his word to
the South that either he or Lawrence Washing
ton would return.
Then, under Monday, he writes: "At four
left for home. Once more on the way to see
the loved ones. I felt happy as a king ought to
feel. ' ' And Tuesday, ' ' Home again ! ' ' Mrs.
Brunot used to tell how tattered and forlorn he
looked as he came in at the gate, for, in addition

LIBBY PRISON 77
to other unusual living, he had come home on
a soldier's train, sitting on the floor of an open
car. And just as she was to claim him for her
exclusive property, a Congregational minister
came up to ask all about his brother, and Mr.
Brunot stood at the gate and told him all to the
last detail, anxious as he was to be in the home
with Mrs. Brunot alone.
The next entry in the journal is under Sunday,
July 27th: " A happy day at St. James's. Most
of the time since my return has been occupied in
giving information personally or by letter to the
friends of the wounded whom I saw at Savage
Station and at Richmond. Even to-day several
have called. Sometimes the duty has been sad
beyond description, but, on the whole, it has
abounded in the happiest emotions of sympathy
with those who are given joy by the sweet news
of loved ones."
The tone is somewhat different in the entry
under Monday: " I am starting to-night on my
way to Washington, not knowing but that I
must deliver myself up at Richmond in accord
ance with the terms of my parole should I not
be exchanged. I never felt so sad at leaving
before. I tried to conceal it from Molly, but
fear I did not cheer her much. Shall we ever
meet again ? "
Wednesday he reached Washington to find the
substance of a telegram that had been sent to
Pittsburgh from Mr. Stanton. " No official no-

78 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
tice of your release," the telegram read, " has
been received, but arrangement has been made
and our prisoners are being sent home, so that
you are practically released." Then he adds:
" Finding Mr. Stanton engaged, I went to see
Secretary Wolcott, who took the paper to Mr.
Stanton and returned with the reply that he had
nothing further on the subject, but he knew the
Confederate Government would release the rest
of my party or had done so, and that he had sent
special instructions. There was nothing in all
this which released me from my parole; I there
fore went to the Provost Marshal, General Wads-
worth, and made inquiry into the charges against
Washington. I found Mr. Washington in the
old Capitol prison, and heard his story, and on
Thursday, 31st July, I got the papers in the
case, and took them to the Secretary of War.
He declined to examine them, saying I was re
leased by the agreement in regard to surgeons.
I told him I could not see it, and wished to know
if he declined to release Mr. Washington. He
said that the Confederate Government had ad
mitted that we were entitled to unconditional
release, and he, at any rate, should decline ex
changing political prisoners for us. I said, ' Then
I shall go to Richmond.' "
Accordingly he set out at once, meeting Gen
eral Dix at Fortress Monroe, who advised him
to see General Thomas. But neither General
Dix nor General Thomas had received any word

LIBBY PRISON 79
from the Secretary of War about Mr. Brunot or
his party.
At City Point the exchange commissioners
were at work, but since all the prisoners, both
officers and men, were ordered to walk to Rich
mond, twelve miles awaj^ Mr. Brunot was pre
paring to join them. " I have felt more gloomy
to-day," he writes, " than at any time before.
The idea of going back is horrible to me. I gave
myself up to the commissioner, formally, this
morning." After writing this he saw the Con
federate commissioner again, who told him that,
if General Thomas were willing, he would ex
change him for Mr. Lawrence Washington. So
the walk to Richmond was delayed, and with
brighter prospects he began to think how he was
to sleep. " I spread my blanket on the grass,"
he says, " put my travelling bag under my head,
and looking up at the moon, thought about my
wife and wondered what she would think could
she see me at that moment."
Wednesday morning, August 7th, General
Thomas came, and said to Mr. Brunot at once,
" Certainly, I will exchange any one for you
whose name you will give me." In a few mo
ments the exchange was formally announced,
and Mr. Washington and Mr. Brunot were both
free. General Thomas urged him to get on his
nephew's boat. The Knickerbocker, which was
going down the James at once. " Right glad
am I to be free again," he wrote, " beneath the

8o FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
stars and stripes. I have sent a note to my
friends in Libby Prison, and shall in a day or two,
I hope, be in Washington trying to get them
released." Worn in body as he was, Mr. Brunot continued
in and about Washington for three months of
that dreadful summer. Wherever a battle was
expected, there he went immediately with a band
of surgeons and nurses. And he made regular
visits to all the hospitals within reach. At the
Seminary Hospital in Alexandria one day he
came to a young man who looked so bright that
he said: "Well, my friend, there is nothing
much the matter with you, is there ? Where
are you wounded ?" " Both of my feet were
shattered with a shell at the second battle of Bull
Run," he answered. " Four days I lay on the
field; my company left me to die, but they put
a canteen and some crackers by me; only an ene
my came and took them. Then the rain fell on
us, and I thought how much less I had to suffer
than the Saviour, for He had nothing to moisten
His lips, and I had the cool rain from heaven.
Then I was brought here and had my legs taken
off, but by the grace of God I am as well as I
am." Mr. Brunot took his hand and said,
" With such feelings nothing can hurt you; so
many of your comrades are without this com
fort." " Yes," he answered simply, " one of our
men lay beside me out there on the field, and he
said he did not know how to pray, so I told him

LIBBY PRISON 8 1
the prayer the Saviour taught, ' God be merciful
to me, a sinner!' That is my prayer, and God
has heard it."
Nor was this Mr. Brunot's only work. Every
day he received letters from friends asking about
their kindred in the war, and to all he sent the
most careful answers. His note-books are filled
with details about the soldiers he met, and about
those whom he knew to be dead, so that he
might be able to give the comfort of accurate
information to those who sought it. It was the
end of August before he had succeeded in releas
ing his assistants from Libby Prison. Yet he
was full of good cheer.
" Do you know, Molly," he said, years later to
Mrs. Brunot, " the best dinner I ever ate ? It
was that day at Savage Station when, after I had
been working for thirty-six hours with the sur
geon, some one put a bit of mutton into my tin
cup as I went to my tent, and I cooked it over
the fire. I never ate anything half so good as
that!"

CHAPTER IV
THE GENERAL CONVENTION OF 1 862*
ON the 14th of September, 1862, Mr. Brunot
started from home that he might be at hand
to help in the great battle that was expected. He
fell ill in Washington, but notwithstanding was
at the battle of Antietam on Wednesday, the
17th. It was one of the bloodiest battles of the
war, each side losing more than ten thousand
men, and the cause of the Union had gained
no hope from it. Unwell, his hands and heart
filled with the most trying labours, Mr. Brunot
felt as never before the wickedness of such a
war: it seemed to him midnight in the nation.
In this mood he came to the General Conven
tion of the Episcopal Church, which assembled
in St. John's Chapel, New York, the ist of Octo
ber. He was a delegate from the Diocese of
Pennsylvania, with the Rev. Drs. Howe, Good
win, Hare, and Leeds, and Messrs. Conyngham,
Welsh, and Cope. The opening sessions were
* Aside from private papers, the material of this chapter is
gleaned from current New York dailies, and current numbers of
The Christian Times, The Church Journal, and The Episcopal
Recorder.

THE GENERAL CONVENTION OF 1S62 83
uneventful, but on the morning of the third day
of the Convention, after a short discussion of a
rubric, Mr. Brunot rose and said that he had just
come from the battle-field of Antietam, where
men lay in blood after the dreadful conflict. He
had heard, he said, that the Convention did not
intend to introduce anything about the state of
the country and a divided Church; the Church
was rent by these men and yet the Convention
was assuming that the Church was still united.
He would, therefore, offer resolutions which ex
pressed, he hoped, the sentiment of the Conven
tion. He simply asked for prayer for their
beloved land.
The resolutions, which were then read by the
secretary, were as follows:
"Whereas, It has pleased the Supreme Ruler of the
universe to permit sedition and privy conspiracy in our
midst to culminate in an extensive rebellion against the
civil power ordained by Him, and for the just punishment
of our sins there is war in the land — brother against
brother, son against father ; and
" Whereas, A portion of the brethren of our Church have
attempted to sever by ecclesiastical enactments the visible
bond of Christian sympathy heretofore existing between us
and them, thereby grievously rending the body of Christ in
His Church ; and
" Whereas, We acknowledge that there is no help but
from God, and rejoice that we are permitted to fly to Him
for succour in our sore distress ; therefore, be it
"Resolved, That the House of Bishops is hereby re
quested to set forth for the use of this Convention during
its present session a special form of prayer, confessing and

84 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
bewailing our manifold transgressions, pleading for God's
forgiveness, begging that it may please Him to be the
defender and keeper of our National Government, giving
it the victory over all its enemies ; that He will abate their
and our pride, assuage their malice, and confound their
devices, and giving them better minds, forgive them for
the evils they have wrought ; that He will restore our
National Union, bring back peace and prosperity to the
State, and godly unity to the Church ; and that He will
keep us therein by His perpetual mercy, to the honour and
glory of His Name."
" That resolution," said a New York paper,
" startled the grave and reverend Convention
like a clap of thunder from a clear sky. Had the
marshal made his appearance on that floor with
authority to take the Convention to Fort Lafay
ette, they could not have been more alarmed.
Dr. Hawks looked up with fear and astonishment
depicted on his countenance. Judge Chambers,
of Maryland, though an old man, grew red in the
face and convulsive in the fists, and pronounced
the resolution a firebrand. Dr. Leeds, pale and
trembling, said he could not help what his col
league had done — he had warned him to no pur
pose. The Rev. Dr. Mead unconsciously stepped
out of the Southern pew in which he prefers to
sit, and uttered his protest in the aisle. Rev.
Mr. Doane, son of the late Bishop of New Jersey,
wished the incendiary document laid upon the
table without comment. General Goddard, of
Ohio, moved to have the resolution laid upon
the table.

THE GENERAL CONVENTION OF 1862 85
" Amid this tornado of excitement, when timid
men grew pale with fearful apprehensions, and
angry men looked apoplectic, Mr. Brunot was
calm and self-possessed. He did not propose to
recall nor even modify his preamble and resolu
tion. He made no apologies, but bravely faced
the storm of opposition that fell upon him. For
a while he stood alone like the column on the
coast of Alexandria.
" By-and-by a small, light-haired man with
large blue eyes and earnest countenance arose,
and in a few brave words, which were ' like ap
ples of gold in pictures of silver,' committed
himself in favour of the resolution. ' God bless
Murray Hoffman ! ' said a sweet-voiced woman,
and, doubtless, she echoed the sentiment of
many hearts.
" Then arose a tall, handsome man of perfect
symmetry, and walked down the aisle. He faced
his auditors, and in words of wonderful elo
quence denounced the Rebellion, and appealed to
the Convention to manifest its loyalty. It was
Dr. Francis Vinton, of Trinity Church, New
York, who thus proved that he had the pluck
as well as the education of a soldier."
During Dr. Vinton's speech the president
stopped him and announced that the House of
Bishops had sent in the following resolution:
"The House of Bishops, in consideration of the present
afflicted condition of the country, propose to devote Wed
nesday, the 8th day of October inst., as a day of fasting.

86 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
humiliation, and prayer, and to hold in Trinity Church a
solemn service, appropriate to the occasion.
"The Bishops affectionately request the House of Clerical
and Lay Deputies to join with them in said observance.''
Dr. Vinton at once turned the interruption to
account as he continued: "Thus we have the
endorsement of the House of Bishops, which
comes to us like a voice from heaven. We are
here as the trustees and guardians of the Church.
To ignore the question, is to be false to our trust.
The finger of scorn would be pointed at every
man who would stifle an expression of our loy
alty. Human nature, and Southern human na
ture, would respect us the more for taking a
decided stand on this question. If the Church
South had done its duty, the Rebellion would
not have assumed the phase it has taken."
Dr. Vinton was followed by the Rev. Dr.
Goodwin, President of the University of Penn
sylvania, who, " in an exhaustive argument, com
pletely swept away the sophistry of those who
had assailed his colleague." Private conscience,
he said, could not be depended on, else the good
men of the South would not have seceded from
the Church and nation ; a prayer was needed to
express the conscience of the Church.
Then Governor Hunt, with strong Southern
sympathies, spoke, while Governor Seymour
covered his face with his hands.
The resolution was voted to the table. Im
mediately came a motion to reconsider, and Mr.

THE GENERAL CONVENTION OF 1862 87
Murray Hoffman offered substitute resolutions in
explanation ; but, by a close vote, the clergy and
laity were divided, and the motion to reconsider
was declared lost, and the house adjourned.
But the matter would not drop, and the next
day, Saturday, after some perfunctory business.
Judge Carpenter, of New Jersey, offered a reso
lution calling upon the bishops for a prayer for
the country. "There has been," he said, "a
disposition to ignore this question, but can we
do it ? Can we take no notice of a question
which brings fear and sorrow to so many fami
lies ? Who will deny prayers for the safety of
the Union ?" Mr. Brunot, Judge Atwater, Mr.
Hoffman, Mr. R. C. Winthrop, and Governor
Seymour spoke upon this, and the whole mat
ter was referred to a committee of nine. Reso
lutions were offered by one after another, and all
were referred to this committee. And so all of
Saturday was consumed in the earnest discussion
of what came to be talked of as The Brunot
Resolution. Day after day, through the whole three weeks,
in one form after another, this question was de
bated, and it was the most brilliant debate, the
Rev. John Henry Hopkins of The Church Jour
nal declared, of the seven General Conventions
which he had attended. The Pennsylvania dele
gation stood staunchly by their colleague, and
Bishop Alonzo Potter used to come frequently to
the hotel to comfort his friend whose brave words

88 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
had so roused the conscience of the Convention
and brought down upon his single head such
opposition. Mr. Brunot protested that he fully
hoped hereafter to meet brethren of the South
on the floor of the Convention in friendship.
And he heartily concurred in a speech by Dr.
Clarkson, afterward Bishop of Nebraska, when
he said that " some of the brethren at the South
were misguiders rather than misguided. In some
places our brethren had been put in the van, and
helped to urge the rest of the community into
the vortex of rebellion. No man had tenderer
ties binding him to those in the South than he,
yet he would be faithless to his conscience and his
Master if he did not protest mildly, yet firmly,
against the acts of Southern Churchmen. The
family, the Church, and the State were all of
divine appointment, and if the Church could not
say to the State in her trouble, ' God bless you
and save you ! ' then God have mercy on the
Church ! For the Church to do nothing now,
would be to enact the part of the Priest and the
Levite in the parable of the Good Samaritan.
He begged them not to mind the cry of ' No
politics!' it was the old cry of 'Wolf!' The
Rebellion was not yet over, and the votes given
in this house might decide whether the Ship
of State was to go down or to outride the
storm." It was indeed a critical moment, and no one in
the Convention certainly knew so thoroughly as

THE GENERAL CONVENTION OF 1862 89
Mr. Brunot what was at stake. From Shiloh to
Antietam he knew by actual contact and by per
sonal suffering what the war meant. And hav
ing a sure vision of the right, he was in no mood
to take a Gamaliel-like attitude and wait for the
future to declare the will of God. There were
in the Convention some, of course, who were
largely indifferent to the result of the war, but
most of those who dissented at all from Mr.
Brunot's resolution, did so on the score of ex
pediency, thinking that the Churchmen in the
South might be more easily won back if noth
ing were said about their defection at this time.
Moreover, there was the usual number of timid
folk who pleaded that politics must not be talked
of in the Church, to which the vigorous answer
was that the present question transcended alto
gether so-called politics. And once, when the
committee on hymns was reporting during a lull
in the debate, Mr. Brunot called for the reading
of one of the hymns in the Prayer Book, and the
secretary, in compliance, read :
" Now may the God of grace and power.
Attend His people's humble cry.
Defend them in the needful hour,
And send deliverance from on high.
" In His salvation is our hope :
And in the name of Israel's God,
Our troops shall lift their banners up.
Our navies spread their flags abroad."

90 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
Whereupon Mr. Brunot said he hoped a com
mittee would be appointed to report whether
that hymn was or was not a political one. The
Convention understood at once, and for the first
time in twelve days smiled.
All the debates, though intensely earnest, were
conducted with unfailing courtesy, and when, to
wards the end of the Convention, the vote was
about to be taken on the resolutions of the Com
mittee of Nine, there were a few moments of
silent prayer, and by a very large majority the
resolutions were adopted. Mr. Brunot's wish
had therefore been granted; and, in the words
of the third resolution, the Convention pledged
" to the National Government the earnest and
devoted prayers of us all, that its efforts may be
guided by wisdom and replenished with strength,
that they may be crowned with speedy and com
plete success, to the glory of God and the resto
ration of our beloved Union." Moreover, the
Pastoral Letter of the Bishops, prepared by
Bishop Mcllvaine, and read at the final solemn
service of the Convention, was in hearty sym
pathy with the resolutions; so much so, that
Mr. Brunot's old schoolmaster. Bishop Hopkins,
would not even be present in the Church. But
Bishop Hopkins did not represent the Conven
tion, and Governor Seymour's prophecy had been
fulfilled : " Nothing is to be feared from free
discussion, for it will prove us a united Conven
tion and a united Church."

THE GENERAL CONVENTION OF 1862 9I
At a time when the Union needed moral sup
port, particularly in England and Canada, the
body of men who could best give it were in
duced to break through their conservative tradi
tions and to express the patriotism which as a
Church they really felt ; to say, in other words,
that they were not only a Church in a nation,
but of it. And the man to whose brave initia
tive this was due, according to the testimony of
the speeches of such excellent judges as the Rev.
Dr. Vinton and the Hon. Horatio Seymour, was
Mr. Brunot. The public press was quick to an
nounce the debt due a Church that with such
grace could speak firmly for the nation ; and a
journalist, preeminent in the New York of that
day, wrote in an appreciative article: " Mr.
Brunot, of Pennsylvania, is the hero of the Con
vention. He had the coolness and the courage
to introduce a resolution which reflects great
credit upon his head and his heart. One brave
man, like Mr. Brunot, has served to rally a
party of unexpected strength."
Once more Mr. Brunot had served his country
bravely and well.

CHAPTER V
THE PITTSBURGH SANITARY FAIR
THROUGH the remaining years of the war
Mr. Brunot was constantly going to and
fro. Now he was in Washington with Secretary
Stanton, who was always eager for his news from
the front ; now he was on the battle-field, carrying
ice and port wine to the wounded, in a glass,
which seemed to the weary soldiers even more of
a luxury than the cool wine itself; now he was
writing verses on The Flag,* on The Nine Months
Man, or on The Soldier's Song, which were eagerly
*"B0YS, keep YOUR EYES ON THAT FLAG!"
Note. — The last words of General Birney, who died from wounds
received in battle, were, " Boys, keep your eyes on that flag ! '*
Keep your eyes on that flag, boys ; its azure
(True blue) is the color of heaven ;
Each star on its field is a treasure
By freedom from tyranny riven.
'Tis red with the blood of God's heroes.
Who died for the weal of God's men ;
'Tis white with God's justice to cheer us —
Keep your eyes on it, boys, to defend.

THE PITTSBURGH SANITARY FAIR 93
read. The Nine Months Man, a ballad read in
stead of a speech at the Soldiers' Hospital at their
Keep your eyes on that flag — 'tis of freemen
The asgis and hope of the slave ;
The darling of soldiers and seamen.
The ban of the traitor and knave ;
Kings love not the banner which, flashing
Aurora-like light o'er the earth.
Is the symbol of liberty — clashing
With the right to be despot by birth.
Keep your eyes on that flag, boys, in battle,
As it luringly gleams through the gloom ;
What recks it of musketry's rattle ?
It flaunts at the rebel his doom.
Charge ! Charge ! boys ! the foeman is flying ;
A curse on the cowards who lag ;
What matter though wounded or dying.
Still, boys, keep your eyes on the flag.
Keep your eyes on that flag ! — there is glory
To gain where it marshals the van ;
There are names to be won for the story
Of liberty's triumph for man.
Shall Uberty triumph ? Then rally !
And dash to the front with the brave.
As the hurricane sweeps up the valley.
With your eyes on the flag, boys, to save.
Keep your eyes on that flag !— 'neath its waving
Soon traitors shall sink to their doom.
No man fellow-mankind enslaving.
For peace sweetly smiles through the gloom.
When war's dread alarms are all ended,
With children and wife by your side,
As you cling to the homes you've defended.
Keep your eyes on the flag, boys, in pride.

94 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
Christmas dinner, became so popular that the
committee printed three editions of fifteen thou
sand copies. In all this work he had Mrs.
Brunot's earnest cooperation. The brief letters
which they exchanged through these stormy years
show the tender woman shrinking from the dan
ger into which her husband was going, and feel
ing a loneliness which the faint words on the
yellowed paper still make quite plain, yet always
urging him on to the great and difficult work
which he so gladly did. As he wrote from Gettys
burg a rough note in pencil just after reach
ing the battle-field: "The poor captain I saw
to-night was so grateful for Christian sympathy
that I am ten times repaid already for coming."
But Mr. Brunot's great achievement during the
closing years of the war was the Pittsburgh Sani
tary Fair, over which he presided. The 5th of
March, 1864, the Sanitary Committee resolved to
hold a fair to raise funds for the coming season.
At an adjourned meeting an executive committee
was elected, consisting of Mr. Brunot as chair
man, and Messrs. J. Park, Jr., J. O'Connor, J. I.
Bennett, J. Watt, J. W. Chalfant, T. M. Howe,
J. H. Shoenberger, W. S. Haven, F. B. Jones,
M. W. Watson, and C. W. Batchelor. It was
also voted at this meeting that " no raffling,
betting, or games of chance be permitted in
the buildings or on the grounds of the proposed
fair." It is pleasant to take the record of this work

THE PITTSBURGH SANITARY FAIR 95
from Mr. Brunot's own words. " The first meet
ing of the Executive Committee," he says, " was
held on the 12th of March, ten members being
present. It was at once evident that the mem
bers of the committee had neither timidity nor
doubt of success, and they did not fear to adopt
a scale of operations far beyond the ideas of even
the most sanguine of their outside friends. They
decided not only that there was no hall of suffi
cient size, but that all the halls of the city, if to
be had, would not have the required capacity.
They decided that no lot in the old city limits
was large enough for the buildings they would
erect, and that they must resort to the extensive
grounds of Allegheny. And there was not lum
ber enough just at that time in the yards, and a
committee was sent to Cleveland to purchase the
fair buildings there at a cost of ten thousand
dollars. . . . The first day of June was fixed
upon for the opening of the Fair.
" When considerable progress had been made,
the committee learned that a fair was to be held
in Philadelphia at the same time. The Phila
delphia committee had already distributed their
circulars in all parts of the State, and had even
sent delegates to Pittsburgh to solicit subscrip
tions. The Pittsburgh committee resolved to con
fine their operations to the counties west of the
mountains, and the chairman opened communi
cations with leading gentlemen in each county,
and organised auxiliary efforts wherever practica-

96 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
ble. It was soon found that from parts of even
this restricted territory httle could be expected.
The northeastern counties had been canvassed for
the Cleveland Fair just closing, and in other north
ern counties, committees were already at work
for Philadelphia. . . . Ohio had been drained
by the fairs of Cleveland and Cincinnati. The
Executive Committee strove to make up for the
deficiency in territory by a more thorough work
ing of the field available. All party differences
were ignored in behalf of humanity, and innu
merable conflicting elements were reconciled, so
that when the Fair opened every opposing or
doubting voice was silenced, and nearly the
whole population of Pittsburgh, Allegheny, and
the surrounding boroughs formed one commun
ity of willing hearts and hands to make it a
success." Mr. Brunot wrote hundreds of letters in con
nection with the Fair, of which this circular to
the " Mechanics, Miners, and Workingmen " is
a fair sample. " I am directed," he says, " by
the Executive Committee of the Pittsburgh Fair
for the sick and wounded of our army and navy,
to ask you to give the proceeds of one day's
labour, in your ordinary vocations, to this Fair;
and the appeal is made in the confident hope of
a generous response. One day's work in the
year will not be hard for each man to give, and
yet the aggregate sum produced will be a splen
did testimonial of your sympathy with the noble

THE PITTSBURGH SANITARY FAIR 97
soldiers of the Union, who are so freely giving
every day and their lives for the glorious cause.
" None but those who have seen the opera
tions of the United States Sanitary Commission
on the field and in the hospital, can tell how
great the benefit it works out for the soldiers;
and even the soldiers themselves, while their
lives are being saved by the Commission, often
do not know whence the aid comes.
" If any one supposes that the workingman or
the poor man has any less real stake in this strug
gle for liberty and union than the manufacturer,
merchant, or land owner, he is in error. The
poor man or his sons may become rich, the rich
man and his sons may become poor. Whether
rich or poor, the blessings of the free institu
tions, watered in their planting by the blood of
Revolutionary martyrs, and cultivated to their
present perfection by the wise statesmen of the
republic, belong to all, and for ourselves and pos
terity ' must and shall be preserved.' Some of us
must fight, others must work; and among all the
modes by which we who are at home can labour
for the holy cause there is none more effec
tive than to aid the sick and wounded soldiers.
Every life saved is a man given to his country,
and leaves one man at home, who would other
wise be needed to fill his place. ..."
" This letter," Mr. Brunot writes, " elicited a
liberal response. ' ' Letters went out to all classes
in the community, from bishops to school-chil-
7

98 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
dren. Among original modes of stimulating the
country districts, a premium of three thousand
dollars was offered to the county which should
donate the largest aggregate of cash and goods
to the Fair, the sum to be expended in the erec
tion of a monument to their soldiers, Allegheny
County being excluded from the competition.
" On the 12th of April, the Cleveland lumber
having arrived, a meeting of master carpenters
was called to arrange for the erection of the
buildings. They gave without charge about
one thousand days of labour; . . . and on the
23d of May the flag was raised to its place on
the central building. . . . The buildings were
erected in the Diamond, or central public square
of Allegheny, and included the handsome City
Hall just completed, and six other buildings, of
which the smallest was one hundred and fifty
feet long and fifty feet wide."
Inevitable delays presented themselves, and it
seemed impossible to be ready in time, and the
chairman was urged to announce a postpone
ment ; but, instead, he announced that there
would be no change in the original programme,
and hundreds of willing hands worked the faster to
keep his word. By three o'clock of the 1st of June
all was done, and the visitors poured in. All
the shops and offices in Pittsburgh were closed,
and at four o'clock the grand civic and military
procession moved from the Monongahela House.
The Governor and his staff passed first into the

THE PITTSBURGH SANITARY FAIR 99
great auditorium, then the Executive Commit
tee, then the clergy, the cadets and returned sol
diers followed next, and finally the doors were
thrown open to the immense crowd which surged
in, leaving thousands outside to disappointment.
Mr. Brunot called the assembly to order, and in
a few graceful words opened the Fair. Bishop
Potter, of Pennsylvania, had been invited to offer
the opening prayer, but his place was taken by
the Rev. Dr. Preston, of St. Andrew's Church.
The orator was the Governor of the State, the
Hon. A. G. Curtin, since Secretary Stanton was
kept in Washington by the battle of the Wilder
ness. After the benediction the other buildings
were open to the public, and a delighted and
amazed throng it was. The unique feature of
the Fair was Monitor Hall, wherein was a lake
sixty-five feet long and thirty-two in width, with
an island in the middle. On the island was a
fort; here models of the newest guns were
mounted, all one-tenth size, and on a project
ing point stood a light-house. In the lake itself,
however, was the most interesting " live speci
men " of naval architecture, the model Mon
itor. " Day after day the warlike craft kept
up her cruise round the lake, being brought to
at intervals, while her enthusiastic commander
charged her real guns, and applied the minute
fuse which discharged them at the proper mo
ment against her enemy, the Merrimac, shocking
the nerves of the women at each discharge, and

lOO FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
causing a rush of newcomers to the ticket office.
These and other wonders were the creation of the
workmen of the Fort Pitt works and their friends
under the direction of the committee."
For eighteen days this Fair was the busiest
spot in western Pennsylvania, and at the close
it was found that $320,000 had been cleared
for the sick and wounded soldiers. This was ac
complished without diminishing gifts from other
sources, for the fortnight before the Fair opened
the committee sent $50,000 to Philadelphia for
the Christian Commission. Of the receipts from
the Fair $80,000 were set aside to establish a
soldiers' home after the war. When the war
was over, the funds remaining on hand were
added to this sum, making an aggregate of
$183,000. " The Pittsburgh Sanitary Soldiers'
Home" was immediately established with this
endowment, and there Mr. Brunot, one day in
February, 1867, in behalf of the people of Pitts
burgh, received the Senate and Representatives of
the State of Pennsylvania, and spoke to them
of the part which Pittsburgh had played in the
great war.
During the summer of 1864 the Confederate
army was expected to march on Pittsburgh, and
earthworks were thrown up on the outskirts of
the city. Public-spirited citizens took their turns
in guarding the outposts, and Mr. Brunot camped
as a private on Herron's Hill. Indeed, there
seems no aspect of the war which his eager zeal

THE PITTSBURGH SANITARY FAIR lOI
did not touch. And to the very end he was at
the front with all the aid a Christian gentleman
could give to wounded or dispirited soldiers.
Three times sickness drove him home, but he
never lingered longer than was absolutely neces
sary, and when the war was over his system was
so full of the poison of disease with which he had
been so constantly surrounded, that his physician
told him his one chance was to leave the country
and get a complete change, and so, almost a dying
man, he sailed for Europe with Mrs. Brunot.

CHAPTER VI
A SUMMER IN EUROPE
AN American's first visit to the old world is
always an important event in his life. And
though it is not the function of a biography to
make itself a guide-book, it is necessary to tell
with what emotions a man first looks upon an
ancient city and sees the Alps.
Mr. and Mrs. Brunot crossed in the Scotia,
landing at Queenstown, July 7, 1865. Mrs.
Brunot wrote most of the letters home, while
Mr. Brunot studied the maps and planned for
the following day. The Irish letters abound in
laments over the wretched condition of the peas
antry. Mrs. Brunot gives an interesting illustra
tion of this in her description of a drive at Kil-
larney. " We mounted on our jaunting-car,"
she writes, " and started on our excursion. It
was such a very novel position, but I felt at
home at once and was delighted. As soon as
we got out of the village a little, our driver began
to sing at the top of his voice, ' Kate Kearney,'
' Groves of Blarney,' etc., for miles, stopping to
point out objects, beating his horse, and going

A SUMMER IN EUROPE I03
on, all in one breath. Vv'e met many poor with
donkeys; then came on a terrible rain, and it
poured down on us, but in it all men, women,
and children came out running and caught upon
the car, offering a flower, or a knitted collar for
sale, and dozens came begging and would per
sist for miles. At last we had seven men riding
before and behind us, each crying, ' Your hanour,
sir, I have a fine pony for your hanour to ride, or
the lady to ride over the mountain.' They spat
tered me over with mud, and it was to no pur
pose that the driver cracked his whip over them.
So we all galloped on in the drenching rain to a
little stone hut, where a peat fire had been kin
dled. In half an hour we started again, and
every little bit of the way beggars started out,
many to send off a cannon to make an echo, and
others to make echoes with the voice, and so we
reached the lake after crossing the mountain and
entering the valley. . . . One fine large boat
had the English flag floating at the end, and I
said playfully, ' Oh, no ; I cannot sail under that
flag!' The two oarsmen, thinking me in ear
nest, said, ' Well, ma'am, we don't like it our
selves. But we can't help it! ' It was a charm
ing ride of twelve miles through lakes and rivers,
and under the oldest stone arch in Ireland built
by the Danes. Many islands we passed and
ruins of castles and monasteries, and each boat
man sang us a song and told of his wrongs.
They said there was little or no work to be

I04 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
done, and the chickens or pigs they could raise
had to be sold for necessities."
After a quiet Sunday in Killarney they moved
on to Dublin, which was all agog with its great
Fair. They looked in upon the Fair, but the
tombs of Dean Swift and his friend Stella in St.
Patrick's interested them vastly more. From
Dublin they went to Belfast, and thence over
a troublesome sea to Glasgow. Two or three
beautiful days among the highland lakes brought
them at length to Edinburgh. Edinburgh im
pressed them, as it impresses all travellers, as
the most beautiful of cities. " In front of our
hotel," Mrs. Brunot writes, " is the old Castle,
and all around us, as far as we can see, are fine
old towers." They took deep delight in Holy-
rood with its memories of Queen Mary, and in
the house of John Knox. Then came Abbots-
ford and the ruins about it, and an added admi
ration for Sir Walter. On the way to York they
stopped an hour at Newcastle. " We rode at
once to St. Nicholas's Church," Mrs. Brunot
writes, " and found it open. Independent of its
associations with father it is full of interest, but
I looked at the seats appointed for the boys of
the school with pure love." At York they were
lost in admiration as they gazed upon the old
minster. And then came two weeks in London,
which, with its smoky brick, reminded them of
Pittsburgh. They saw the usual sights and gazed
besides upon the tomb of Benjamin West in St.

A SUMMER IN EUROPE 105
Paul's, " who, you know, ran off with Aunt
Polly's cousin, and was soon after made painter
to the English Court." They were constantly
meeting people who had strange notions about
the late war. An old English clergyman said to
Mrs. Brunot one day, " You have been having a
great war in your country?" " Yes," answered
Mrs. Brunot," but it's happily over." " Ahem!"
replied the clergyman, " I suppose you are in
mob law, now; having the niggers, what are you
going to do with them ? " " Teach them," was
the concise answer. " Why, would you teach
them?" "Yes," answered Mrs. Brunot, "I
taught our two coachmen." And then the
clergyman looked at her earnestly and wonder-
ingly, and remarked that Bishop Mcllvaine was
so peculiar that he wouldn't shake hands with
any one who was not a friend of the North.
Speaking of a gentleman who had been intro
duced to her, she says: " He was very polite,
but I saw that he was strong against us in the
North, and I talked with him to the best of my
ability. Many here think v/e hate the slaves,
and will not believe to the contrary."
On the other hand, many gentlemen took the
opportunity to express their sympathy with the
North. At the last promenade of the season at
the Botanical Garden in Regent's Park, a noble
man came up to Mr. Brunot, and, introducing
himself, asked if he were not an American, and
then for half an hour talked most warmly of the

I06 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
condition of the country, and his joy over the
righteous ending of the war. So, again, at the
Crystal Palace, a dignitary of the Church intro
duced himself and congratulated him on the
triumph of right principles in the nation. At
Madam Tussaud's a gentleman came up and
asked if he had the pleasure of addressing Mr.
Adams, the American Minister, and a moment
after another came up with the same remark,
adding that he thought he had seen him at
Lord  's funeral. Mr. Brunot set these men
straight about his identity, and told them of
America. " Everybody seemed to know us as
strangers," Mr. Brunot had written in Ireland,
" first looking earnestly at our faces, then imme
diately at our feet, and many turning to gaze at
us as we passed. We soon discovered that by
square-toed boots they knew us to be Americans,
and I feel peculiar satisfaction ever since in the
fact that my toes are very square." How in
teresting and naive that explanation is! Nei
ther Mr. nor Mrs. Brunot knew what a strikingly
noble appearance they made upon any street,
and deemed the attraction altogether in Mr.
Brunot's boots! Let that be as it may, the
square toes, or what not else, gave them the
unbidden opportunity to speak in Great Britain
many an honest and convincing word for their
country. Another famous experience, which every trav
eller knows who is separated by an ocean from

A SUMMER IN EUROPE I07
home, is the receipt of the first home letter.
Writing to her favourite niece, Mrs. Brunot says:
I cannot describe the pleasure your uncle and I
felt this evening when we came in at six to dine,
and found your letter — the first word from home.
It has been twenty days in reaching us, . . . I
feel more anxious about mother's health, as she
has long been ill. ... I long to see her very
much, and hope she and all we love may be
spared to meet us if we get home safely. We
shall arrive the day before Convention, and I
have a great desire for you and mother to meet
us in Philadelphia."
The next letter is from Paris and to her mother,
urging her to go to Cresson for the vigour the
mountains will give her, and urging her also to
come to Philadelphia to meet them on their re
turn and to stay with them through the General
Convention. The letter also gives an interesting
account of the Channel: " With Mr. Lanier we
boarded a small steamer at Folkestone. I went
down into the cabin for a moment, and there
found every sofa filled with a woman lying on it
and ready for the worst. So I went on deck and
braced myself up between Mr. Brunot and Mr.
Lanier. Soon a dash of water came upon us,
and a man brought oil cloth to cover our knees.
I was determined to hold my own, and though
we rolled wonderfully, I shut my eyes and
clinched my teeth. But soon I had to get down
on the bench and call for help!" The letter

I08 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
also records two happy events: Mr. Brunot's
entire recovery from his cough, and the first
delighted visits to the Louvre.
The next letter is in Mr. Brunot's hand, and
announces a serious mishap. " As I have not
written a line to anyone at home," he begins,
" it seems quite odd to find myself now begin
ning a letter. I do so because, on account of
our accident this morning, in which she has been
wonderfully preserved, Mary does not feel quite
able to finish the letter she had yesterday begun.
We started out at half-past eight this morning,
so as to see the parade of guard mounting at the
Tuileries, intending to take breakfast afterward.
Just before we reached the Rue Rivoli, the horse
of our carriage started to run, and at the corner
of the street met with a cart coming in the oppo
site direction. Mary was sitting on the side next
to it, and, seeing she would be inevitably pierced
by the heavy shaft, I drew her instantly away
from it, so that, by a merciful Providence guard
ing and protecting us, she escaped death. The
point of the shaft struck just above the hip,
breaking the surface somewhat and making a
painful bruise, but without any serious internal
injury so far as we know at present. The col
lision of the carriage was so violent that the cart
horse was knocked down and fell beneath as the
shaft passed into our carriage. The carriage in
which we rode was an open ' voiture ' or barouche.
I carried Mary in my arms to the nearest drug

A SUMMER IN EUROPE IO9
shop, and the doctor came in a few moments and
said no bones were broken, so we came at once
to the hotel, and she is now in bed. We know
not how to express our gratitude to God for so
kind a preservation of us, for Mary's escape
seems miraculous to us. At the moment, as I
held her in my arms, I thought she had been
pierced through by the heavy shaft. You see,
dear  , we are always safe in His hands what
ever danger may beset us and however far from
home. It is a happiness also to remember, as
we do, that the same protecting Hand guards
and keeps the dear ones we have left so far be
hind us, and we have confidence that He will
suffer us all to meet once more in safety and
health." In a note which Mrs. Brunot was able to add
to this letter, in order to prove to the anxious
people at home that her accident was not seri
ous, she says: " I thought the great shaft had
really pierced me. Our courier was on the box
with the driver, and one shaft of the big dray
went into the box under him ; the other came to
me. I saw nothing but the prostrate dray-horse,
and knew not that Mr. Brunot had dragged me
out of my seat to him. Had he not done so
I should have been killed. Praise, gratitude,
and love have filled my heart ever since to our
kind and tender Father in Heaven."
In a few days Mrs. Brunot was able to drive
again, and her mind was occupied with getting

1 10 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
a bonnet of the new style which Mr. Brunot in
sisted upon her having. It is interesting and
characteristic that each insisted that the other
should have something new and fine to wear,
but thought it useless extravagance to get the
luxury for the self. In London Mrs. Brunot
announced in one of her letters that she had
accomplished her triumph, and had sent Mr.
Brunot off to be measured for an elegant dress
ing-gown which she had ordered for him. And
now she writes to her niece: "Your uncle in
sists on my getting a bonnet. I do not like to
do it, for they are so very small and so very
expensive." Then she goes on to tell her niece
all the details of this elaborate and silly and
expensive bonnet. While the bonnet question
was pending, Mr. Brunot brought home a beau
tiful emerald ring, bought near the spot where
the accident occurred, and marked within with
the date. This letter also tells the joy she feels
because her mother has really gone to Cresson
and is getting strength there.
The next letter is from Geneva, with a post
script written at Chamounix. " I can scarcely
believe," she says, in this postscript, " that we
are just at the foot of Mt. Blanc; but so it is,
and its snowclad top and glacier sides are in full
view from our windows. Yesterday I rode out
to Voltaire's place with Mr. Brunot. A number
of pictures of himself were in the rooms, and in
an urn in the front room was his heart with this

A SUMMER IN EUROPE III
inscription : ' My spirit is everywhere, my heart
is here.' Poor vain man ! This morning at eight
we mounted by a ladder to our seats in the dili
gence and had a most novel ride. The views of
the country we came through were charming,
and as we came within twelve miles of Mt. Blanc
it was deeply interesting. We dined at two at a
wonderful place among the Alps, and came after
that in an open carriage (ourselves and courier).
Our courier is a grand help." The next day she
tells of a climb up the mountain, and a rain com
ing, so that the mules literally skated down the
steep and slippery path. Then come postcripts
from Martigny and Interlaken, where for the first
time Mrs. Brunot encountered the queer little
beds each with a feather-bed on top for bed
clothes. At Interlaken they passed Sunday,
and, of course, went to the English church,
where they were much edified by a sermon by
Dr. Forbes, of Paris. " As we came out of
church we found ourselves close to the Arch
bishop of Canterbury. He had, like the rest of
us, been seated in a pew. He is at the head of
this movement supplying evangelical services to
the children of England whose lot is cast in for
eign parts. I was extremely gratified to see
him. He is about sixty, with a very lovely and
benign face. We had a long walk near him, and
again going and coming to church at six." The
last postscript is from Lucerne, full of glowing
descriptions of the lakes and mountains, and

112 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
adding: " Just think, in Geneva, more than a
week ago I altered one of the sleeves of my trav
elling dress, making it tight from the elbow, and
never since have had half an hour to alter the
other, but wear one loose and one tight! " She
also describes their ascent of the Rigi. " When
half-way up," she says, " it began raining, and
soon it fell in torrents. We were mounting a
steep, slippery road, and the rain came through
my umbrella, but I could not help laughing, for
Mr. Brunot came close behind, with his big cloak
covering all the horse's back to the tail, and our
good fat courier behind him on his horse. They
looked exactly like Don Quixote and Sancho
Panza. At any difficult pass Citaldi comes also
to my side and in French admonishes my guide
to be very careful." They spent the night at
the summit, but, alas ! they could not see the sun
rise, for thick clouds shut them in completely.
And, to her disgu.st, Mrs. Brunot was carried in a
chair down the mountain by two strong men.
She could not bear, she said, to see men do the
work of beasts.
Then they went to Zurich and saw the old
cathedral where Zwingli preached. And on Sun
day they were at Basle, and again they were en
joying the English service. " We had a good old
minister, and the Holy Communion." Thence
they went to St. Chrisona to see a wonderful
missionary school, and on to Strasburg to see
the Cathedral and the ammunition the French

A SUMMER IN EUROPE II3
were storing there against their day of adversity.
On the way to Baden-Baden they met again the
Archbishop of Canterbury. " By the way," she
adds, " I went into a book-shop in Zurich the
other day and said, ' Parlez vous fran^ais, mon
sieur ? ' ' Oui, madame. ' Then I said (in Eng
lish), ' I want a religious book in French.' The
clerk stared, and only Mr. Brunot's laugh brought
me to see what I had done." Once more she
begs that her mother will meet them at the Con
tinental in Philadelphia, where they hope to be
in a month's time.
On they went to Heidelberg, when again to
their amazement they met the Archbishop of
Canterbury. This time he and Mr. Brunot ex
changed greetings. Then they took the Rhine
boat and were disappointed, thinking of the
more beautiful Hudson and of the more beauti
ful Irish and English castles. On the boat they
made the acquaintance of an old Englishman and
Ills wife, who straightway proceeded to ask Mr.
Brunot if he were not Abraham Lincoln's brother.
" This," wrote Mrs. Brunot, " was the oddest of
all." At Cologne they received news of the death of
their dear friend and bishop. " I took a good
cry," she writes, " over the account of Bishop
Potter's death. I have such a pleasant remem
brance of his last look and smile in Philadelphia;
at St. Luke's Church he met me at the door and
asked mc to go home and dine with him. I

114 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
declined, and in parting he gave me such a kind
and pleasant good-by."
"At eleven this morning," she adds, in this
letter to her mother, " Mr. Brunot went to
Essen, and will not return till late, so I have
had a long day alone in my room — a beautiful
room with four windows, and as I look out I see
three immense churches, one of them the famous
cathedral. I could scarce stay so near it all day
without going out to see it, but Mr. Brunot does
not like me to go out alone, even with the cou
rier. I think I am such a very plain, unnotice-
able, middle-aged woman I could go any place
and no one would turn round to see me; and
I would like to go, but, as you say, husbands
should rule."
On Sunday they went, as usual, twice to the
English chapel, and who should come up to
them after the second service but Archbishop
Longley. He was by this time quite as much
interested in the two Americans as they in him,
and he asked if he was mistaken in thinking Mr.
Brunot an American clergyman. After a cordial
conversation he shook hands with them both,
and said reverently, " God go with you," as they
parted. " I had far more desire to see him,"
said Mrs. Brunot, " than the Queen."
After Cologne came Amsterdam with its strange
bonnets and curls, and then Antwerp with its
cathedral and Rubens. And in this long letter,
which Mrs. Brunot then sent to her mother.

A SUMMER IN EUROPE US
she says: " This is the last letter, I hope, till we
meet you and Mary in Philadelphia. . . . You
will be sure to meet us."
The 23d of September they sailed from Liver
pool for New York. Before and during the voy
age Mrs. Brunot was much depressed, because
her brother James had been lost at sea in a sim
ilar return from Europe, and she felt, in conse
quence, more than most people the dangers of
the sea. As they drew near to New York Mr.
Brunot's spirits rose, and he was enthusiastic
over the thought that in a few hours he would
again be in his own dear country. But after the
pilot-boat had brought certain messages on board
he was suddenly very serious, and when they
landed in New York he said they would go at
once to Pittsburgh. " But," said Mrs. Brunot,
" are we not going to the General Convention ? "
" Not yet," he answered; " trust me, Molly, for
this time." So they went home, and when they
reached their room, he took her hand, and he
asked her to kneel down with him, and he put
his arm around her and said, " Molly, your
mother is dead."

CHAPTER VII
THE PERIOD OF RECONSTRUCTION
AFTER the funeral Mr. Brunot went to the
General Convention at Philadelphia, and
was there in time to hear the debate on the famous
resolution of Mr. Horace Binney of Pennsyl
vania. The House of Bishops had proposed a
thanksgiving for peace in the country and union
in the Church, and Mr. Binney moved that in
accepting the invitation it be suggested to the
bishops that thanks be offered for the reestab-
lishment of national authority over the whole
country, and for the removal of the great occa
sion of national dissension; that is, slavery. To
the dismay of many, this resolution was tabled.
The reason for it, however, was not lack of
patriotism, but the fear of hurting the feelings
of Southern Churchmen. On the other hand,
those who wished a solid thanksgiving for the
real benefits which the war had accomplished,
had no bitterness toward the Southern brethren,
for the two Southern bishops present received the
joyful greetings of all. Mr. Quintard, elected by
Tennessee, was at once approved by the Conven
tion and made a bishop, and Bishop Wilmer,

THE PERIOD OF RECONSTRUCTION 11/
elected and consecrated Bishop of Alabama with
out Northern consent, was immediately accepted,
A formal protest was therefore framed by Dr,
Francis Vinton, Dr. Goodwin, Mr. Amos A.
Lawrence, Mr. R. H. Ives, Mr. Brunot, and
others, on the ground that having prayed for
these mercies at the Convention in 1862, and
having received them through God's goodness,
they were bound to return thanks; that to refuse
to do so would put the Church in a false position
touching loyalty; that they believed the Southern
Churchmen were willing to join with them; and
that it was a false delicacy that would not allow
a thanksgiving for what was the harbinger of a
boundless prosperity to the South. In other
words, Mr. Brunot felt, as his colleagues doubt
less felt, that the country was still in a precarious
condition, and that it was not enough to have a
great body like the Episcopal Church express its
satisfaction with peace in general ; it must be
peace on righteous and abiding principles. There
was no shade of bitterness in the Convention;
with all the love in the world, then, they might
proclaim a genuine thanksgiving, not only for
their own sakes, but for the sake of weaker spirits
who needed leadership in the true gratitude.
Afterward, a delegate, conspicuously on the
other side, wrote an open letter, saying that the
effort to bring politics into the Convention was
sinful. Two strong letters from Mr. Brunot
appeared in The Philadelphia Press in reply, in

Il8 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
which he shows how impossible it is to draw the
line just where a thanksgiving for public benefits
becomes " political " ; he goes on to show, in a
masterful way, how the Prayer Book, the Arti
cles, the Homihes, and the Conventions of 1785
and 1789 all bring the Church into the most inti
mate sympathy with the nation. He would
have the modern Church cling to that high ideal
of the fathers.
Looking back upon the scene from this calm
distance, one may be glad that both sides had an
opportunity for such vigorous expression. The
ecclesiastically cautious doubtless made it some
what easier for the Southern Churchmen to re
turn to the fold, and the Nationalists stood for
an ideal which both North and South could but
admire, and try to follow; the nation and human
freedom became holier because of their fiery
enthusiasm. In this period of reconstruction Mr. Brunot
was alert to the needs of the nation, and the fol
lowing letter to the Hon. E. M. Stanton shows
the spirit of his endeavour: " I know that you
have only been prevented from leaving the War
Department long ago by providential circum
stances which clearly made it a duty to remain at
any sacrifice of personal inclination, and that the
best friends of our country have urged you to
keep to your post. I am sure that your friends
in this region at least have felt secure against the
threatened dangers of the past while you re-

THE PERIOD OF RECONSTRUCTION 1 19
mained, and I would most deeply regret the
contingency which would deprive the country
of your services in the position which you have
filled more faithfully and ably than any other
living man could have done it. It is with these
convictions that I venture to write to you in
view of the possibility of your resignation after
the presentation of your annual report. . . .
If you mean to resign the War Department,
will you give some intimation to that effect, and
permit your friends to bring forward your name for
the Senate ? I think you would certainly be
elected. Western Pennsylvania will claim the
right of furnishing in you the Senator. I am
aware that any thought of public life must be
exceedingly distasteful to you, and that a seat
in the Senate would be to you no object of am
bition. On the contrary, it would be on your
part a further sacrifice to the country to which
you have already sacrificed so much and which
you have served so well. And it is my faith in
your devoted patriotism which leads me to hope
that, if you do not continue to serve in your
present post, you will allow this effort to be
made to retain your services in another."
Such interest in the political life of the nation
makes one wonder that he himself did not enter
public hfe. His name was proposed again and
again, but he peremptorily declined to allow it
to be used for any office whatever. Once, in
1862, when he was in New York at the General

I20 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
Convention, friends sent him papers which in
most complimentary terms announced him as
a candidate for Congress; and asked him if this
could be with his knowledge, since they knew
how well satisfied he was with General Moor-
head, the regular candidate. His answer went
to every paper in Pittsburgh without delay.
" I have," he wrote, " this moment received
information that my name is on a ticket for
Congress. I have not been consulted, and
know nothing about it. I do not want any
office and protest against the use of my name.
Indignant at the outrage perpetrated in thus
taking advantage of my absence, I hasten to
denounce it." At another time in his district
there was a prolonged struggle over the nomina
tion of a candidate for Congress. After many
vain ballots a representative committee waited
upon Mr. Brunot and offered him the unanimous
nomination, which in this strong Republican dis
trict was equivalent to an election. But he posi
tively refused to have anything to do with it.
And so, too, later, when he was chairman of the
Board of Indian Commissioners, he refused the
portfolio of Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
which President Grant offered him. We cannot
help regretting that a man of such convictions
had not entered politics, but it was doubtless a
sagacious decision which kept him in private life,
for he was already doing a larger work, without
a commission, for the causes of philanthropy,

THE PERIOD OF RECONSTRUCTION 121
patriotism, and religion, than that for which any
technical office could give him opportunity. At
any rate his sharp decisions tell his own convic
tion, and as we look at his useful life we must
believe that he formed them correctly.

M^

CHAPTER VIII
ST. JAMES'S CHURCH
R. BRUNOT'S parish through most of his
life was St. Andrew's, but he was always
interested in St. James's, which had been founded
in 1 85 1 in the heart of the iron city; and during
the ten years of the sixties, when his friend, the
Rev. George Slattery, was rector, St. James's was
his parish church. The work Mr. Brunot did
there is so characteristic that it will serve as a
type of his parochial loyalty all through life.
There were few families of wealth in the par
ish, most of the congregation being made up of
the well-to-do working people who lived about
the church. Mr. and Mrs. Brunot were not
only regularly in their places at every service,
but they were at the two sessions of the Sunday-
school each Sunday, so planned that every child
in the neighbourhood might be reached. Of the
Sunday-school Mr. Brunot was the superinten
dent, and Mrs. Brunot taught the large infant
school. There was, moreover, so little time
between the morning service and the afternoon
session, that both the rector's family and Mr.
and Mrs. Brunot brought their luncheons and
ate them in one of the school-rooms.

ST. f AMES'S CHURCH 1 23
Happy Sundays they were for all associated
with them. What vital interest Mr. Brunot
took in his work as superintendent is apparent
after all these years, for among his papers was
found a large bundle of notes dealing with the
work at St. James's. A package of small cards,
scarcely larger than a visiting card, tells the
story of the Sundays. At the top of the card
was pasted the collect for the day, and beneath
it the hymns and collects selected for the ser
vice, by number and name, and after that the
headings of the talk addressed to the children,
with titles of illustrations. These talks were on
right living, the Ciiristian year, and missions.
Then, at the bottom, were the notices to be
given. The whole is a marvel of system and
condensation. The Christmas and Easter festivals were fam
ous at St. James's, and for these Mr. Brunot
frequently wrote carols and always gave one of
the addresses, notes of which still remain. But
the distinguishing mark of the St. James's of the
sixties was its enthusiasm for missions, due to
the zeal and fire of the rector and Mr. Brunot in
this direction. For instance, there lies before
me a subscription list for Western missions,
amounting to $554, including individual sub
scriptions from poor people of such irregular
sums as $33, $36, $21, $26, and $31, showing
that there was a rare conscientiousness in the
gifts. And in the Sunday-school, made up

124 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
almost entirely of poor children, there was this
same enthusiasm. Mrs. Brunot had been moved
by an article in The Spirit of Missions, by
Bishop Payne of Africa, wherein he described
the Great Cape Mount as a desirable and
healthful site for a mission, and he begged for
money to build a church. Mrs. Brunot trans
lated the letter into the simplest language, and
told it to her small pupils, and then she said,
" What shall we do with our pennies this
month?" and many voices answered in full
chorus, "Build a church on the hill!" The
enthusiasm for " the church on the hill" spread
through the Sunday-school. And when at
Easter the classes brought their offerings to the
rector, each announced that the money was for
the church on the hill. After the classes came
a little girl who timidly put something into the
rector's hand. In a moment he announced that
she had been very ill, and had brought all the
money she had to " thank God for making her
well," and to help build the church on the hill.
It was eighty cents. Most interesting of all was
the gift of a small boy. The Monday before
Easter his parents moved from Pittsburgh; so,
the night before, he came to church with his
mother, and as Mr. Brunot was going to the
door the boy held out his hand with some
money. He said he was going away, and he
wanted to give all he had for the church on the
hill before he went. With tears in his eyes Mr..

ST. fAMES'S CHURCH 125
Brunot took the offering, and held it tight in
his hand till he reached home. Then he spread
it out : four large coppers, two small ones, three
three-cent pieces, and three half-dimes — in all
thirty cents. He felt sure that the church at
Great Cape Mount was going to be built. The
Easter offering from the children at St. James's
amounted to forty dollars. The three following
years the offering was given for the same pur
pose, and other Sunday-schools joined in the
enterprise. In 1898 it was announced in New
York that enough money was in hand to build
the long-needed church, and the work begun by
St. James's Sunday-school in faith was accom
plished. Though Mr. Brunot did not always maintain
this close relation to St. James's as in the six
ties, he never ceased to be interested in it. For
many years he was on the vestry, and gave most
generous gifts to it: he had much to do in build
ing the beautiful church and parish house, and
later he gave a rectory. In his will he bequeathed
ten thousand dollars, with the condition that the
church should never be moved from its present
location. The other parishes with which he was con
nected — St. Andrew's, Pittsburgh ; Christ Church,
Allegheny; and St. Thomas's, Verona— all know
his bounty and his loyal service, but none, per
haps, had his love and his devotion as St. James's.

CHAPTER IX
THE WORLD AS A PARISH
THE reader must already have surmised that
Mr. Brunot's real parish was nothing less
than the world. The decade which we are now
studying will, perhaps, be a good time to look
into this matter more closely and to see what his
relationship was to the Church at large.
Mr. Brunot was, both by inheritance and by
an increasing devotion, an Episcopalian. The
government of the Church, the consistent his
tory behind it, and, above all, the noble Book of
Common Prayer, appealed to his reason, to his
reverence, and to his sense of the beautiful. But
he was impatient of exclusive claims, and he was
quick to take his stand with any Christian man
who tried to serve his Master, to whatever body
of Christians he was attached. It was for this
reason that in an age of parties he was known as
an Evangelical Churchman.

In the great undivided diocese of Pennsylvania
he was recognised as the representative layman

THE WORLD AS A PARISH 1 27
of the western section, being sent to the General
Convention from 1859 to 1865, when but four
laymen could be chosen for the whole State.
His house was the home of Bishop Potter,
Bishop Bowman, and Bishop Stevens whenever
they visited the western district. When Bishop
Bowman dropped dead in a country road near
Pittsburgh, Mr. Brunot took the body home.
When Dr. Stevens was proposed as Bishop Bow
man's successor and was criticised as disloyal,
Mr. Brunot went at once to Bishop Potter and
asked him if he were not completely satisfied
with Dr. Stevens, and when the Bishop said that
he was, Mr. Brunot made a firm stand for Dr.
Stevens and became the centre of his election.
The next great question was the division of the
diocese. Mr. Brunot, from long association with
his Philadelphia friends, dreaded the day when
Pittsburgh must be set off into a new jurisdiction,
but recognised that the change must ultimately
come. Bishop Potter gave his consent on con
dition that there should be in the western dis
trict fifteen self-supporting parishes. Those anx
ious for a division maintained that they had
them, but Mr. Brunot calmly pointed out that
two parishes, which paid their ministers respec
tively two hundred and fifty and three hundred
dollars, could scarcely be called self-supporting;
neither could another whose minister's salary
was paid by a rich woman outside the parish.
Yet the special pleaders had included these in

128 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
the fifteen. The Rev. John Henry Hopkins,
though not of the diocese of Pennsylvania, was
much interested in the multiplication of bishoprics,
and ran on to see his friend, the Rev. Mr. Swope.
One day at table Mr. Swope and Mr. Hopkins
were discussing the possible success of their cher
ished scheme, and said vigorous things about the
stumbling-block which Mr. Brunot had put in
their way. Whereupon the maid-servant, sup
posing high treason was in the air, ran out of
the dining-room, through the kitchen, across the
alley to the kitchen of Mr. Brunot's mother.
There at once the maids learned the dreadful
news, and since it was Mr. Brunot's habit always
to dine at home with his mother, he had become
the conquering hero to all the servants, and a
fancied insult to him was a personal matter to
them. Hitherto their loyalty had been confined
to the kitchen, but to-day the provocation was
too great, so the waiting-maid rushed into the
dining-room, breathless and red, crying, " Oh,
sir, they're talking awful about you in at Mr.
Swope's!" In due time (1865), however, the
division came, and though Dr. F. D. Huntington
was the choice of Mr. Brunot and his friends.
Dr. Kerfoot, who was elected bishop, immedi
ately won the attachment of Mr. Brunot, as he
won all others who learned to know him.

THE WORLD AS A PARISH 1 29
II
So much for Mr. Brunot's relation to the dio
cese. Now I must speak of the Church in the
nation. Of his connection with the General
Convention enough has been said. He early
became interested in the education of young
men for the ministry, especially what he deemed
the right sort of men with full literary and spir
itual qualifications. It was, therefore, natural
that he should become a member of the Evan
gelical Education Society, of which for many
years he was president. This society had been
criticised as narrow in that it demanded of its
students a statement of their assent to the dis
tinctive principles of the society, which, of course,
were evangelical. Among Mr. Brunot's papers
was found a mass of correspondence bearing upon
the subject, showing his conscientious effort to
meet this criticism. It was finally pointed out
that the secretary had the responsibility of de
ciding whether a man was properly qualified, and
that no beneficiary was expected to bind himself
for life to these distinctive principles, but only
to say that he was in sympathy with them at the
time. On the other hand, they did not feel the
necessity of giving aid to all who might rightly
have a place in the Church, because the Society
for the Increase of the Ministry was a general
society; further, they did not believe that they
had the right to do so, since the funds were
9

I30 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
given by those who had wished them to be used
for a ministry which should put the chief em
phasis on personal and immediate relationship
between the soul and its Lord, the essence of
the evangelical attitude. Mr. Brunot, with Dr.
Goodwin and Bishop Alfred Lee, held that this
course was the only honest one, under the cir
cumstances. Mr. Brunot was afterwards elected a trustee
of the Philadelphia Divinity School, and gladly
served. Besides large gifts of both time and
money, he further showed his interest in theo
logical education, in 1886, by offering anony
mously two prizes, amounting to three hun
dred and fifty dollars, for essays setting forth the
value and importance of beneficiary aid societies
for students preparing for the ministry of the
Church, showing the laity's duty to sustain
them, and answering the ordinary objections.
Of the judges, two were appointed by the So
ciety for the Increase of the Ministry, two by
the Evangelical Society, and one by the donor.
Two very satisfactory articles appeared in The
Church Review in the following December and
January as a result.
Mr. Brunot was an Evangelical Churchman,
but stood among the laity for that gracious type
for which Dr. Dyer has stood all these years
among the clergy. He had no sympathy with
the extreme wing who wished to go out of the
Church and live by themselves. The discon-

THE WORLD AS A PARISH I3I
tented called a meeting of Evangelical Church
men in 1869 at Chicago, and Mr, Brunot reluc
tantly went. The meeting was called to order
Wednesday morning, June i6th, by Andrew
Tyng, Esq., of Peoria. When, shortly after,
the nominating committee was appointed, Mr.
Brunot's name was reported to the Conference
as president. This was as distasteful to him as
it was unexpected, but, being present, he could
not well refuse. Taking the chair, he confessed
his embarrassment at once, and then he skilfully
told what he dreaded. He had seen many re
ports, he said, which prophesied that this was
to be a meeting to inaugurate a division in the
Episcopal Church. The report had roused his
indignation. If this meeting were for such a
purpose he could have nothing to do with it.
If, on the other hand, it was, as he hoped, to
sound a deeper loyalty for the old Church and
for the Saviour, then he could give it his alle
giance. He had, indeed, been shocked by the
tendency of a party in the Church to pervert
certain great doctrines and to magnify frivolous
details, so that as madmen they seemed to be
pushing the Church to the edge of the precipice.
But the Church must be saved from such errors,
not deserted. He therefore urged calm delibera
tion in every word, with prayer for God's direc
tion, and with the greatest caution lest any word
be spoken which could in any way be used to the
disadvantage of the Church they loved. Doubt-

132 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
less this wise counsel at the start restrained the
more restless and headstrong, and the Confer
ence confined itself to resolutions.
In 1873, however, a few earnest but misguided
men withdrew from the Church, and formed the
Reformed Episcopal Church, in the hope that
more would follow. The following letter to
Bishop Cummins explains itself:
„ Pittsburgh, November 25, 1873.
" My dear Bishop Cummins :
" I have just received your letter of the 23d inst., with
printed circular of the iSth, and the letter of my friend,
Mr. B. Aycrigg, in which after indicating the encouraging
prospects of your new Church, I am invited to ' sign my
name to the circular,' or ' if still in doubt, come on Decem
ber 2d and judge for myself.'
" It was my intention to write you on the same subject,
but as I could not feel the least sympathy with the move
ment, and knowing that you would have enough in the way
of discouragement and words of disapprobation, I have
been slow to add to them.
" Now that the direct appeal of your note and Mr. Ay-
crigg's letter seems to require answer, I can only express
my sorrow on account of the course which you have felt
impelled to take, and which does not commend itself to my
conscience or to my judgment. I still find that in our
Protestant Episcopal Church I am as free to hold what I
believe to be the truth of the Gospel, to worship in accord
therewith, to protest against error, and to work and pray
for its banishment, as I would be outside her organisation.
" I am sure you will not construe my frank expressions
as indicating any. lessening of my personal regard for your
self or any of the -friends who go with you in this move-

THE WORLD AS A PARISH 1 33
ment. On the contrary, I desire most sincerely the con
tinuance of your friendship in the best of bonds.
" Very respectfully and truly yours, "Felix R. Brunot."
Mr. Brunot could recognise no right to secede
in either State or Church. Ill
Mr. Brunot was of those who believe that the
Church is intended to be co-extensive with the
world. One day, in the General Convention of
1859, 3.t Richmond, the delegates were discuss
ing the subject of missions. Some one rose and
said that he had been round the world a great
deal, and he had seen missionaries to be a poor
set. A clergyman, sitting robed in the chancel,
stood up quickly and said impressively, " Go
ye into all the world and preach the Gospel to
every creature." Then Admiral Du Pont, trem
bling in every fibre of his strong frame, rose and
said that he had never spoken in public before,
but he must speak now. He, in his vocation, had
been over the waters of the world, and he had
seen missionaries everywhere, and they were the
truest men that lived. Mr. Brunot, sitting right
behind him, loved him for that speech, and on
the spot a friendship was begun that lasted till
the admiral's death.
The next year Mr. Brunot, Admiral Du Pont,
and others of like mind founded the American

134 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
Church Missionary Society, after the pattern of
the Church Missionary Society in England. The
reason for doing so was that they believed the
tendency in the Church at that time was to put
men in charge of missionary work who ignored
the labours of other Christian people, preferring
to plant missions where Christianity under some
other form had the start, rather than to go into
fields quite unoccupied and in total darkness.
They also feared that an institution was being
preached rather than Christ. For these reasons,
then, the Church Missionary Society was founded,
and Admiral Du Pont became its first president.
Mr. Brunot took great interest in its delibera
tions, being a member of the Executive Commit
tee and a district secretary. When later it was
found that the General Society was not so narrow
as had first been feared, the American Church
Missionary Society became auxiliary to the Board
of Missions, and confined its work to certain dis
tricts. Mr. Brunot's gifts flowed through both
organisations lavishly. Besides constant gifts
through the year, each Easter from four to twelve
thousand dollars were sent as a " thank offering."
The variety of his interests is shown by the re
ceipt from the secretary for December i, 1890,
wherein Africa, China, Japan, Brazil, Mexico,
Cuba, Haiti, the coloured people, domestic mis
sions, and the Indians are all generously remem
bered. When the secretary wrote about these
fields, he added: "Our young men in Brazil,

THE WORLD AS A PARISH 1 35
Morris and Kinsolving, are noble fellows — none
better were ever sent out — and Providence seems
to have led them there just at the critical turn in
affairs." And I find at the bottom of the letter
in Mr. Brunot's hand: " Sent for Brazil five hun
dred dollars additional. — F. R. B."
" The Church throughout the world " was his
ideal, and he and Mrs. Brunot did all in their
power, by prayers, by works, and by gifts, to
make it possible. Everything connected with
missions was dear to them. When Dr. Lang-
ford, the Secretary of the General Board, died,
and it was proposed by Mr. Cornelius Vander-
bilt that a fund be raised for his family as a
memorial, Mr. and Mrs. Brunot were the first
to respond. When Bishop Whipple announced
that he wished to build a cathedral, Mr. Brunot
at once wrote saying that he would give all the
iron needed in its construction. Again, when
the same bishop was in need of money for his
Indians, Mr. Brunot helped him in a unique
way. " Dr. Shattuck," Bishop Whipple writes,
" had given me some lands in Illinois to use for
our schools. Mr. Brunot wished eighty acres of
this land adjoining his own, so he said : ' I wish
to buy this land. It belongs, you tell me, to
God, given for His work. I will give you six
months or a year to offer it in the market, and
I will give you ten dollars an acre more than you
are offered for it, the eight hundred dollars to be
used for the poor Indians.' That money came in

136 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
a dark day, and was a blessed help for these brown
children of our Father. ' ' Many a bishop and many
a worker have given like testimony ; letters from
Bishop Vail especially show how deeply interested
he was in Kansas. Of all the calls that came to
him none was ignored, and he sent help if he
deemed it wise and if he was able to do so. Many
a man, doing an unappreciated or misunderstood
work, found in Mr. Brunot one who believed
in him, trusted him, and helped him royally.
So the waste places, through his love of the
Master, were made to blossom as the rose, and
men learned what it was to believe in the Lord
Jesus Christ.
Should you ask the impelling motive for all
this devotion, the story is told in his own simple
words, written long ago on a scrap of faded paper
which was recently found in one of his desks :
" The grace of God which is given you by Jesus Christ."
I. Cor. i. 4.
O Grace of God ! divine, yet mine ;
Unbought, yet paid for ; bought, yet free ;
Crown of the beggar's hope ! the line
Of kings is hopeless, lacking thee.
O Grace of God ! that cost me naught.
Yet cost a Life not worlds could buy ;
All mine, though measureless to thought —
All mine, though boundless as the sky.
A prince am I, — He only higher,
Whose gift has made me what I am ;

THE WORLD AS A PARISH 1 37
A worm am I, — that from the mire
Looks humbly upward to the Lamb.
Breath of my soul ! more needful thou
Than breath of life, to them who know
Thy peaceful joys, and humbly bow
Beneath the Cross from which they flow.
Make me thus ever. Lord, to live,
A conscious debtor to Thy Grace ;
Nor only vow, but daily give
My life to service, love, and praise.

FRIENDSHIP FOR THE INDIAN
" God divided man into men that they might help each other."

CHAPTER I
THE BOARD OF INDIAN COMMISSIONERS
WHEN Ulysses Grant was graduated from
West Point, he was sent to a distant mili
tary post in Oregon. What shocked him most on
that rough frontier was the utterly corrupt sys
tem by which the nation was dealing with the
Indians. He saw at once just cause for the In
dian wars, and he wondered that a nation could
be so blind as to allow such a vicious cause to
exist ; inasmuch as one hundred million dollars,
whole tribes of Indians, and thousands of sol
diers and settlers had been sacrificed to maintain
the villany which he saw among agents and sol
diers. This experience was never forgotten by
the young lieutenant, and when he became
President of the nation, he resolved that one of
his first deeds should be a brave attack upon
this outrageous Indian policy.
Hitherto Western politicians had selected the
Indian agents ; with one stroke of his pen Presi
dent Grant withdrew these appointments and
put army officers in charge. This innovation,
though daring, was not entirely successful, for to
some officers the work was distasteful, others en-

142 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
joyed the plunder, others still became bad ex
amples. But it was a beginning, and showed the
President's zeal.
The next step in General Grant's reform was
to appoint (April 15, 1869), with the authority
of Congress,* a Board of Indian Commissioners.
" This board was to consist of gentlemen well
known for philanthropy, who should serve with
out compensation, and who, under the direction
of the President, should exercise a joint super
vision with the Secretary of the Interior over ap-
* Act of Congress creating the Board of Indian Commissioners,
approved by the President April lo, 1869.
" Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, that there be appropriated
the further sum of two millions of dollars, or so much thereof as
may be necessary, to enable the President to maintain the peace
among and with the various tribes, bands, and parties of Indians,
and to promote civiHsation among said Indians, bring them,
where practicable, upon reservations, relieve their necessities, and
encourage their efforts at self-support ; a report of all expenditures
under this appropriation to be made in detail to Congress in De
cember next. And for the purpose of enabling the President to
execute the powers conferred by this act, he is hereby authorised,
at his discretion, to organise a board of commissioners, to consist
of not more than ten persons, to be selected by him from men
eminent for their intelligence and philanthropy, to serve without
pecuniary compensation, who may under his direction exercise
joint control with the Secretary of the Interior over the disburse
ment of the appropriations made by this act, or any part thereof,
that the President may designate ; and to pay the necessary ex
penses of transportation, subsistence, and clerk-hire of said com
missioners while actually engaged in said service, there is hereby
appropriated, out of any money in the treasury not otherwise
appropriated, the sum of twenty-five thousand dollars, or so much
thereof as may be necessary."

THE BOARD OF INDIAN COMMISSIONERS 1 43
propriations made for the Indian service." The
President at once appointed Felix R. Brunot,
William Welsh, George H. Stuart, Wilham E.
Dodge, Nathan Bishop, Robert Campbell, John
V. Farwell, E. S. Tobey, and Henry S. Lane.
It was in every way a representative body of
men, being carefully chosen from different Chris
tian communions and from different political par
ties. Mr. Welsh with Mr. Brunot represented
the Episcopal Church ; they seemed to the Presi
dent the two leading laymen of the day. " The
design of those who suggested the commission,"
the Secretary of the Interior wrote, " was that
something like a Christian Commission should be
established, having in view the civilisation of the
Indians, and labouring to stimulate public in
terest in this work while cooperating with the
Department." Mr. Welsh was elected chairman of the Com
mission, and Mr. Brunot secretary. Almost im
mediately, however, Mr. Welsh resigned, because
he deemed the Commission should have the ex
penditure of money, and the other commissioners
refused to allow this. Mr. Brunot was, there
fore, elected president, and Mr. Welsh, though
not a member of the Board, continued to have
the most active interest in all its work. Mr.
Colyer was elected secretary, but was soon suc
ceeded by Mr. Thomas K. Cree, of Pittsburgh,
to whose full reports this account is very largely
indebted.

144 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
Mr. Brunot frankly opposed from the begin
ning the transfer of the Indians to the War De
partment, for he believed that a military training
did not fit a man to civilise and Christianise the
Indian race. He at once appealed for education,
and recommended that the lands held in common
by the Indians be gradually assigned to them in
fee-simple, and that their reservations be grad
ually opened to settlement as soon as the Indians
had full compensation. On this need of full jus
tice none could have been stronger than he. " If
national honour," he wrote in his first report,
" requires the observance of national obligations
entered into with the strong, how much more
with the weak. To repudiate, either directly or
indirectly, solemn treaty obligations with this
feeble people, would be dishonour, meriting the
scorn of the civilised world."
It is unnecessary here to recall how shamefully
the Indians had been treated both by the Gov
ernment and by individuals. Mr. Brunot was
fond of repeating a story which his friend General
Sherman had told him about the Indian agents.
Soon after President Lincoln's election, a prom
inent politician of western Pennsylvania, whom
Mr. Brunot knew very well, went to Mr. Lincoln
and told him he deserved a large appointment.
The man's friends had urged his case, but the
large offices had all been given out, and he was
told he could be made nothing better than an
Indian agent. " And what is the salary, Mr.

THE BOARD OF INDIAN COMMISSIONERS 145
Lincoln?" he asked. "Fifteen hundred dol
lars," was the answer. " Why, Mr. President,"
he cried, " at fifteen hundred dollars I should be
obliged either to starve or to steal! " Mr. Lin
coln looked at him quizzically and said, " Well,
sir, you don't look like a man who would starve."
The man accepted the position, and in three years
went home. General Sherman happened to visit
the agency just after his departure, and held a
council with the chiefs. " You know our
agent?" they asked. "Our agent great man.
When he come he bring everything in little bag,
when he go it take two steamboats to carry away
his things." General Sherman investigated the
matter, and discovered that in three years the
disappointed politician had saved fifty thousand
dollars out of an annual salary of fifteen hun
dred. It needs no very vivid imagination to see
what misery such agents — and there were many
of them — could bring upon a race and a nation.
It is not astonishing, then, that the first ques
tion the Commission had to face was the secur
ing of proper Indian agents. The President
recognised his appointment of army officers as
only a temporary expedient. The members of
the Board, therefore, after consultation with
General Grant, divided the seventy Indian agen
cies among the different religious bodies of the
country, giving each a fair proportion. The mis
sionary boards were asked to name the agents,
who in turn had the appointing of more than

146 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
nine hundred subordinates. " The intention,"
writes Mr. Cree, " was that all the employes
should be Christian men and women, with sal
aries ranging from six hundred to fifteen hun
dred dollars. The call was for doctors, teachers,
farmers, blacksmiths, millers, and the like. Thus
it was expected that nearly a thousand men and
women would go among the Indians, and by pre
cept and example Christianise, civilise, and edu
cate them. This was the grand opportunity of the
Church." Unhappily, in spite of fine results
here and there, the various mission boards missed
their opportunity; often irreligious men were
sent, and even here politics found an avenue for
spoils. But sorrowful as the outcome was, it
gave the Indians better agents than they had yet
received. The Society of Friends did most ; the
Episcopal Church and the Presbyterians also en
tered into the plan with deliberate carefulness.
But the rest seemed to take no interest. It is
not strange, therefore, that the plan languished
after the original board was dissolved.
The Board then found that the American peo
ple needed to be educated, for even people nom
inally Christian insisted that the only good Indian
was a dead one. People like Bishop Whipple, of
Minnesota, had pleaded the cause, but as yet
little impression had been made upon the coun
try at large. General Whittlesey was on his way
once to the Crow Agency, when he fell into
conversation with a Mormon who was driving

THE BOARD OF INDIAN COMMISSIONERS I47
the stage. " The last time I drove over this
road," the driver said, " I carried Mr. Felix
Brunot. He was going up to the Crow Agency,
and he thought he was going to civilise the In
dians. I told him I knew how to tame Indians,
for I hev an old well down on my place in the
valley — a pretty deep well. It hain't got no water
in it, but if you look down, you'll see seven
tamed Indians at the bottom." This stage
driver was the average American citizen so far as
his views on the Indian question were concerned.
Mr. Brunot saw that the task before him was
tremendous. There was a race to civilise, there
were agents to humanise, and there was a great
nation to educate in the principles of Christian
love toward an oppressed and heathen race. It
is small wonder that with such a task before him
Mr. Brunot should devote five years of his busy
life to this intricate problem; for, beside going
constantly to New York and Washington for the
meetings of the Board, conferring with the
missionary societies, going ever and anon to
Washington to consult with the President and
with the Secretary of the Interior, writing let
ters and articles to rouse the public conscience,
making out the elaborate annual reports — a
duty which naturally fell upon him as President
of the Board — beside all this, he spent three or
four months each summer visiting the Indian
tribes on their own ground. Others of the
Board gave much time to the work; Mr. Brunot

148 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
gave practically all his time for these five years.
No business man ever toiled harder for money
than this man toiled for a despised race. In
the chapters that follow I shall attempt to tell
the story of these summers among the Indians,
because they throw light upon a great problem
and — may I not say it ? — upon a great man.

CHAPTER II
THE FIRST SUMMER AMONG THE INDIANS
(1869)
WE cannot offer recommendations as the
result of theori.sing, but must reach our
conclusions through personal observation and
knowledge." This was the burden of Mr. Bru
not's first report of the Indian Commission, and
it was his inspiration as he studied the Indians
face to face.
The first Indian journey was planned for the
Indian Territory, and the party was made up of
Mr. Brunot, Mr. Dodge, and Dr. Bishop, accom
panied by Mrs. Brunot and Mrs. Dodge. July
29th they left the railway and started out across
the country, accompanied by forty cavalry. In
Mr. Brunot's note-book is the interesting record
that all expenses incurred on account of Mrs.
Brunot and Mrs. Dodge were paid by their hus
bands, and were not charged as a part of the ex
pense of the Commission. This scrupulous care
fulness was characteristic of Mr. Brunot in all his
public service. Mrs. Brunot's journal suggests
the inconvenience of the journey, especially the
difficulty of finding wood and water each day on

150 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
the desolate prairie, and the ease with which
mosquitoes and rattlesnakes presented them
selves. Then there are abundant items of quaint
interest : how the soldier that killed a buffalo was
rewarded with the tongue; how the river rose
two feet in the night and went down in the heat
of the day; how an attendant came into camp
with a horned frog; how Mrs. Dodge lost her
pin-cushion and the ladies' carriage was driven
back to find it, when Mrs. Dodge, after a mile or
so, discovered it in her pocket ; how the orderly
killed a wolf; how an officer bought a two-hun
dred-dollar pony from an Indian for a cup of
whiskey; how astonished the lieutenant was
when Mr. Brunot told him Saturday night that
they would stay in camp over Sunday, exclaim
ing that he was the first man from Washington
who had ever regarded Sunday; how grewsome
it was to wake up in the morning in some rude
cabin and see an Indian gazing in at the window,
grim and silent; how Mrs. Brunot and Mrs.
Dodge distributed gay calico and flannel among
the Indian women ; and how their hearts were
touched as they saw the hands of a squaw who
sacrificed a joint each time death came to her
family. Each day Mr. Dodge and Mr. Brunot
conducted family prayers in turn, and on Sun
day there were regular services, with an address
by one of the gentlemen of the party; to these
Sunday services all the officers and men came
reverently and gladly.

THE FIRST SUMMER AMONG THE INDIANS 151
In ten days the party came to their first stop
ping-place. Camp Supply, where the Cheyennes
and Arapahoes were gathered to meet the Com
mission. Mr. Brunot, Mr. Cree writes, won
these wild men at once; his commanding pres
ence, his long white hair, and his dignified man
ner impressed them, and though they were even
then actively hostile against the whites, they
were glad to listen to him. They were en
camped near by and had agreed to come in for
the council Monday, but with characteristic In
dian slowness they did not appear till the noon
of Tuesday, August 10th.
In opening the council Mr. Brunot said to
them, " God who made the plains, the buffalo,
the white man, and the Indian, is looking into
our hearts. When the white men hold a great
council we ask Him to make all our hearts right,
and our tongues good, and our words true. We
want to ask God to make our hearts right and
our speech clear as the sun and straight as an
arrow." As soon as this was translated a prayer
was offered, and the Indians stood reverently
with clasped hands. Then Mr. Brunot began his
speech. " The President at Washington," he said,
" has sent us to see you, and to shake hands
with you. He knows you are his brothers, and
he wants to know if you are well and what you
are doing. All the white people are his children,
and he wants his red brothers to travel along the

152 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
white man's road and be his children also. He
has heard that you want the white man's road
made straight and easy for you to travel in. He
wants to know if you can see the beginning of
the road, and if some of the good chiefs have
begun to walk in it. He wants to send you
more help and more teachers, and he wants you
to stay upon your reservation. It is a large
country. The buffalo comes through it twice
every year. It is enough. He hopes you will
be content, for it will not be good for you away
from the reservation. It will be war there, but
it is peace here. When we go back to the Great
Father we want to tell him that you mean to do
right, and we will ask him to send you rations
and goods, and guides to show you the white
man's good road. Open your ears to this. You
are now the brothers of the great Washington
chief. The white people in Texas and Kansas
are his children. His brothers must not steal
their cattle and horses. When the wolf prowls
about the camp, he must be killed. Let not
our brothers, the Kiowas, the Comanches, the
Apaches, and the Wichitas be like the wolves.
Let them be the white man's brothers. The
Great Washington Father has told us to talk
straight from the heart, and tell you he wants
you to be his children also.
" When there is much wood the camp-fire
burns bright and high. When the wood is
small, the camp-fire burns low. When it is all

Longmans, G

THE FIRST SUMMER AMONG THE INDIANS 153
gone, the fire dies out. When the sun shines it
is bright and warm. When it goes behind the
hills, it does not die; but it comes back again
and it is bright and warm every day: it will
never die out. The white men are like the sun ;
the red men are like the camp-fire. The buffalo
are getting scarcer every day. If you do not
learn to live like the white man, your nation will
die out hke the camp-fires. If you learn to be
like white men, you will always grow bright like
the sun. There are some bad white men. You
must not be like them. There are good white
men, and the Great Father wants you to be like
them. He wants to send you good agents and
teachers to show you the white man's road. Do
you want to do this ? If you will try, the Great
Father will help you. The Great Father's Com
missioners have come a long way to see you.
We are your friends. We have talked straight
from the heart. What do the chiefs say ? We
will carry your words to the Great Father at
Washington. We want them to be good."
Little Raven, of the Arapahoes, replied with
great earnestness. He appealed first to the
Cheyennes, saying that they had been brothers for
a long time; they had camped and made war
and hunted together. He hoped they would listen
to his words and make them their own. Here
was the opportunity of the Cheyennes and Arap
ahoes. It was their good chance; they must
keep it. Then, turning to the Commissioners,

154 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
he assured them that the Indians would do
right. Many bad things had been done; this
day all the bad was washed out. They were
here together at peace; they would always re
main at peace ; they wished their children to live
and not perish. " Tell the Great Washington
Father this!" he exclaimed. "We love our
wives and our children. We do not want any
more soldiers to come here to take away our
wives and our children. As to the reservation,
we want it to be along this stream (the North
Fork of Canadian, on which Camp Supply is
located), not too far down from this, for we do
not want to be near bad men. We do not want
to go near the Osages, who steal our horses, and
we do not want to go farther north on account of
troubles ; we want to stay on this stream. An
other thing, we want the traders to come with
goods, and they will not be molested. We are
prepared to trade with them. From this day is
peace. We have made peace to-day in the pres
ence of the Great Spirit, in the presence of the
Great Father's chiefs, in the presence of the sol
dier chiefs, and of our own soldiers. It will last
always. Our young men would like to be glad.
Your soldiers have a feast; they would like to
eat with them and be glad."
After the speech of Little Raven, Mr. Brunot
said, " Do the Cheyennes agree to Little Ra
ven's words ?" So Medicine Arrow, a chief of
the Cheyennes, replied that he would accept all

THE FIRST SUMMER AMONG THE INDIANS I 55
in the name of his people. After a speech by
Mr. Dodge the council was declared finished.
And it is interesting to note in this connection
that, in spite of individual lawlessness now and
then, these tribes never gave the nation any
more trouble.
When Mr. Brunot sent his report to Washing
ton he recalled the wrongs which these tribes had
suffered from the Government. " No amount of
generosity now practicable would be sufficient,"
he writes sadly, " to make just amends for the
past." He points out how the treaty of 185 1
reserved for them most of Colorado, parts of
Dakota, Nebraska, and Kansas. Fifty thousand
dollars a year were to be paid for fifty years by
the Government. It is needless to say that
neither the reservation was respected nor the
money paid. " The Indian has no rights," was
the maxim, " which the white man need re
spect." In 1861, a new treaty was made and
the reservation was limited to a district in south
ern Colorado ; the Government promising to pay
sixty thousand dollars annually for fifteen years.
Then a war came which cost the Government
thirty millions, and was admittedly disgraceful
and dishonourable; peace found the Indians
shorn even of their Colorado land, and a new
section was given them. At last nothing was left
but the roaming privilege between the Arkansas
and the Platte, till in the end this also was deemed
too generous and their home became narrower

156 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
still. Mr. Brunot had, indeed, kept his promise
to the Arapahoes and the Cheyennes; he had,
indeed, pleaded their cause. The words sting
even as they stand on the printed page. " The
United States," he writes, " first creates the
fiction that a few thousand savages stand in the
position of equality in capacity, power, and right
of negotiation with a civilised nation. They
next proceed to impress upon the savages, with
all the form of treaty and the solemnity of parch
ment, signatures and seals, the preposterous idea
that they are the owners in fee of the fabulous
tracts of country over which their nomadic habits
have led them or their ancestors to roam. The
title being thus settled, they purchase and prom
ise payment for a portion of the territory, and
further bind themselves in the most solemn man
ner to protect and defend the Indians in the pos
session of some immense remainder defined by
boundary in the treaty, thus becoming, as it
were, particeps criminis with the savages in re
sisting the ' encroachments ' of civilisation and
the progressive movement of the age. Having
entered into this last-named impracticable obli
gation, the fact of its non-performance becomes
the occasion of disgraceful and expensive war to
subdue their victims to the point of submission
to another treaty. And so the tragedy of war
and the farce of treaty have been enacted again
and again, each time with increasing shame to
the nation."

THE FIRST SUMMER AMONG THE INDIANS 1^7
After this fearless exposition, Mr. Brunot adds
that in spite of all this past he is sure that the
Cheyennes and Arapahoes intend to keep the
peace, but the Government must send honest
men to deal with them. He is well aware that
there are horse-thieves, rioters, and murderers
among them ; but he is certain that among their
white neighbours on the border there is a larger
proportion of such rascals.
I may seem to have wandered from the story
of the summer, but this is the natural place to
tell how thoroughly Mr. Brunot kept his word,
and told the Great Father at Washington and all
his white children what were the wrongs of the
redmen. And the best of it was that it made an
impression. Wednesday, August nth, the party moved on
to Fort Sill, a distance of two hundred and five
miles, which they reached on the 19th. It was
a barren country through which they passed,
with few trees and almost no water, though on
the 17th they had great difficulty in crossing the
river. It was this same day that the chief of
the Kiowas, Santanta, came up with them, and
graciously remained to dinner. Mr. Brunot's
servant Mark took charge of him for the repast.
"We eat together?" asked Mark. The chief
grunted his assent. Then Mark noted that his
guest ate seventeen biscuits and two slices of
ham, and drank five cups of coffee. This done,
Santanta put his hand on his stomach with a

158 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
patronising pat, and murmured, " Chuck good,
chuck good." " Whereupon," Mrs. Brunot re
cords in her journal, " he mounted his delightful
rocking-chair horse and ambled off."
At Fort Sill they again met in council. The
Indians there represented the Kiowas, the Co
manches, the Apaches, the Wichitas, the Wacos,
the Towacaroes, the Keechis, the Caddos, and
the Anadaghcos, all living in the neighbourhood.
General Grierson, commanding the fort, intro
duced the commissioners, and once more the
council was opened with prayer. Mr. Brunot
then made his speech urging them to peace,
and inciting them to learn the white man's good
ways. Essahabet, of the Comanches, was the first to
answer. " To-day my heart feels glad," he be
gan. He pointed out that they were already
some way on the white man's road; " but," he
added, " though I have been walking on this
road some years I have not seen a house on
it yet, though we were promised that houses
should be built for us." He went on to tell of
broken promises. " I think," he said politely,
" those who promise and do not fulfil are not
much captains." However, he gave grateful
testimony to General Grierson and some of their
agents. After Essahabet, Santanta, of the Kio
was, spoke. His heart also felt glad, and he too
spoke of the blandishments of the white man's
road. " We have tried the white man's road,"

THE FIRST SUMMER AMONG THE INDIANS 1 59
he said, " and found it hard; we find nothing on
it but a little corn — which hurts our teeth. No
sugar, no coffee. But we want to walk in the
white man's road : we want guns, breechloaders,
powder, caps. This is the white man's road;
yet you want us to make arrow-heads, which
only bad Indians use." A little later he looked
out over the country, and remarked that all this
great region belonged to them. " But the
whites," he said, " have divided it up to suit
themselves. I don't know," he said ruefully,
" that my heart feels good about this business."
After a plea that the small reservation now left
to them should never be taken away, he yielded
his place to Buffalo Good, the Waco chief, who
told of the agents who gave nothing but prom
ises. Manowa, a Comanche, seconded Essaha-
bet's words, and Mr. Dodge and Dr. Bishop
addressed the chiefs. When Mr. Brunot had
spoken a second time, giving counsel and promis
ing help, this council was also at an end.
Mrs. Brunot was not less interested in all this
perplexing problem than Mr. Brunot, and she
frequently had long talks with the chiefs. She
gave one of these chiefs a package of needles for
his squaw, asking him to be good to her and
not let her work too hard; for Mrs. Brunot
was quite sure that the Indian men needed to
learn to work. "I want house," he replied;
" not hen-house, but great house like General
Grierson. Then," he said in a stately way,

l6o FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
"I work," adding softly, with a shrug, "a
little. ' '
The result of this summer among the Indians
of the Indian Territory was marked. Before
this, year after year, raids had been made upon
the settlers in Texas and other frontiers, but
from this time these wild tribes settled down
upon their reservations peacefully, and gradually
came into the white man's road.
Meantime Mr. Farwell had visited the Mission
Indians of California, and Mr. Colyer had gone
to a number of civilised tribes in the Indian Ter
ritory, as well as to certain tribes in Arizona
and New Mexico, where, with the assistance of
General O. O. Howard, the dangerous Apache
war was brought to an end. Mr. Colyer also vis
ited Alaska, and presented an exhaustive report
of almost unknown Indians.
Altogether, the Board of Indian Commis
sioners had made a brave beginning towards the
solution of the Indian Question.

CHAPTER III
A SUMMER WITH THE UTES AND SIOUX (1870)
THE second year of the work of the Commis
sion came with an increase of responsibility.
A committee was appointed, of which Mr. Brunot
was a member ex-officio, to supervise the pur
chase of annuity goods for the Indians, which
each year amounted to several million dollars.
The old system was honeycombed with fraud :
specious advertisements always resulted in giving
contracts to swindlers. Mr. Brunot and others
inspected the goods, and audited the bills; and
many bills with fraud on the face of them were
rejected. In the summer of this year Mr. Brunot and
Mr. Campbell, accompanied by Mrs. Brunot,
started forth on a dangerous mission to visit
the Sioux at Fort Laramie. A Sioux war was
deemed inevitable, and a war with fifty thousand
Indians was a serious matter. Four years before
a war with the Sioux had cost the country thirty
million dollars, beside the disgrace. Instead of
sending an army, the government now sent two
gentlemen whose services cost the country noth
ing whatever. It sounds Utopian.
II

1 62 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
When they reached Cheyenne they learned
that the Sioux could not meet them for three
weeks, so they gladly accepted an invitation
from Governor McCook to visit the Utes, who
were near Denver and were anxious to see the
commissioners. Fifteen or twenty chiefs wear
ing moccasins and blankets, and carrying bows
and arrows, met them in the territorial office;
strikingly handsome they were in their primi
tive dress. They asked not to be sent to the
reservation in the southern part of the State, but
to stay near the graves of their ancestors. The
only charge against them was that their visits to
settlements frightened the women and children.
The next day Mr. Brunot met some of them
informally. As he entered the room he noticed
Peah gazing at a postage stamp. Mr. Brunot
gave him a fresh one, and the chief held it out
before him, exclaiming: "Washington good;
Washington peace; white man no kill, Indian
no kill ; heap buffalo ; Washington good ; heap
peace Washington." Mr. Brunot was much
affected by this eulogy upon the face on the
stamp, and explained that the present Great
Father wanted to be like Washington, and have
peace and do good to the Indian. As the chief
went on to talk of his children, Mr. Brunot asked
if he wouldn't give him one of his boys to edu
cate, that he might be taught the white man's
ways and grow up to be a great white chief.
The Indian touched his eyes and said that he and

A SUMMER WITH THE UTES AND SIOUX 163
his wife could not let the boy go, they would all
weep ; but he wanted to express his appreciation
of the offer, so in a moment his face was bright
with a new idea. " You give me one of your
boys," he cried. " I teach him Indian's road;
shoot buffalo, shoot elk, shoot antelope." In
his eagerness he drew his bow in the empty air
to illustrate his meaning. Then he added, as
he threw his hand over his head, " I make him
heap chief — heap Ute chief!" This was not
sarcasm, but generosity, and Mr. Brunot was
grateful. It was discovered that Peah's main objection
to the reservation was that he was subordinate
to a greater chief there, and he desired inde
pendent dominion. The governor reported that
the Utes were in general content with their res
ervation, and were inclined to send their children
to school, so the commissioners had an easy task
in adjusting the difficulties.
Mr. Brunot and Mr. Campbell now returned
to the Sioux at Fort Laramie. Red Cloud was
head chief of the entire Sioux nation, and had
been going about gathering in the insubordinate
inferior chiefs. Red Cloud had in his youth
been reckless, but when his father died he spent
three days and nights under the tree which held
his father's bier, and there, by prayer and fast
ing, he turned about and became a serious man.
It reminds one of Prince Hal's night in the Jeru
salem Chamber after the death of the king.

164 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
Spotted Tail was the chief next in rank to Red
Cloud, and he loved the whites, because his
daughter had fallen in love with a lieutenant.
The girl showed her love, after the fashion of
Indian maidens, by sitting on the soldier's door
step and watching him with admiring gaze as he
came and went. No notice was taken of her
simphcity, but Spotted Tail, informed that it
was behaviour unbecoming the daughter of a
chief, came to take her away. But she refused
to eat in her exile, fell ill, and died. As she
was dying she told her father of her love, and
made him promise never to go to war with the
white man. The commanding officer, hearing of
the promise, sent for the body, which was buried
by the post — a guard of honour stood about the
grave, a salute was fired, and the American flag
was now waving over the spot, symbolising the
love of an Indian maiden.
Red Cloud was not at Fort Laramie when Mr.
Brunot reached it, but rumours came that he was
holding councils of his own with various bands
to persuade them to a peace policy. They
" made medicine " together to see if the signs
were right: the "medicine men" drew the
arrow from the ground where the Great Spirit
was said to have placed it, and lo ! it pointed
to Fort Laramie. So to Fort Laramie they all
went with one accord.
October 2d, Red Cloud with five thousand In
dians crossed the Platte. It was a wonderfully

A SUMMER WITH THE UTES AND SIOUX 1 65
picturesque sight, as, with splashing and shout
ing, the gay figures, mounted on their ponies,
made their way through the stream. What a
moment before was a desolate waste became at
once a populous town with warriors, women, and
children. The men rested, the children played,
and the women unloaded the drags, erected the
lodges, and arranged their buffalo robes, blankets,
and kettles. This sudden village was just outside
Laramie, and in the late afternoon several hun
dred warriors formed in a column and dashed
into Laramie, singing and shouting. It was the
formal announcement of their arrival. Red
Cloud came into Laramie quietly in the evening
and partook of entertainment at the house of
Mr. Brown. He noted a huge marquee just
outside the fort, and on being told that General
Flint had put it up for the council he was dis
gusted. " Do they think I am going to talk to
the winds in a tent?" he said. "My Great
Father talks in a house, and I want all my peo
ple to hear me." This news was brought to Mr.
Brunot, who at once decided to hold the council
at the general's quarters, for Red Cloud's dignity
was worth preserving.
When, at length, all was ready for the council,
the general, the commissioners, Red Cloud and
his chiefs sat in the middle of the veranda,
and others stood about in the order of their
rank. Five hundred Indian soldiers filled the
yard. The general introduced the commis-

1 66 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
sioners, and Mr. Brunot, as usual, explaining
that God alone could bring success to their
efforts, opened the council with prayer. Then
he explained in part the object of their mission,
and called upon Red Cloud for a reply. " Im
agine our astonishment," Mr. Brunot writes,
" when the chief, rising from his seat, strode
out to an open space in the crowd, stooped, and
touched the ground with his right hand ; then
raising his tall form, extended his left hand to
ward the skies, and with uplifted face and closed
eyes offered a prayer to the Great Spirit." As
he raised his hand every Indian stood, and be
came as motionless as bronze. This was the
prayer as it was translated:
" O Great Spirit, I pray you to look at us; we
are your children, and you placed us first in this
land. We pray you to look down on us, so
nothing but the truth will be spoken at this
council. We don't ask for anytliing but what is
right and just. When you made your red chil
dren, O Great Spirit, you made them to have
mercy upon them. Now we are before you to
day, praying you to look down on us and take
pity on your poor, red children. We pray you
to have nothing but the truth spoken here. You
are the protector of the people born with bows
and arrows as well as the people born with hats
and garments, and I hope we do not pray to you
in vain. We are poor and ignorant. Our fore
fathers told us we should not be in misery if we

A SUMMER WITH THE UTES AND SIOUX 167
asked for your assistance. O Great Spirit, look
down on your red children and take pity on
them." After this prayer, when the Indians once more
seemed to breathe, Red Cloud returned to his
place and made a strong speech. Red Dog fol
lowed, but he began with charging the inter
preter v/ith lying, and he called for Pallardy to
interpret his speech. Pallardy reluctantly came
forward, but as he took his stand the village
marshal, an ugly barbarian with a club set with
butcher knives, pounced upon him, seized him
by the throat, and commanded him to sit down.
Most of the Indians rose and began to talk
wildly; many wrapped their blankets about them
and strode away muttering; whereupon Red
Cloud suavely explained to the commissioners
that the council had better be stopped till the
Indians could agree among themselves. So the
commissioners shook hands with all the chiefs,
and the council was over. A handsome chief
named Small Wound continued excitedly to
harangue the Indians, calling them fools for
behaving thus before the Great Father's friends.
But the confusion was past mending, and Mrs.
Brunot and the ladies of the post withdrew their
shattered nerves into the general's quarters, with
no hope of a council for that day. Red Cloud
and other chiefs came in the afternoon, however,
to talk informally about education.
When the council reassembled the next morn-

1 68 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
ing, Mr. Brunot requested both interpreters to
stand up, so that they could help each other.
Thus all was calm to the end. For a number of
days conferences continued with the chiefs, and
many difficulties were straightened out. Red
Cloud liked Mr. Brunot and Mr. Campbell so
much that he began to be anxious to try the
white man's road, and the seemingly inevitable
Sioux war was avoided. Arrangements were
made to send a large delegation of the Sioux to
the East that they might see the white man in
his glory. Public meetings were held in the
great Atlantic cities, and crowds came to hear
the Indians speak. On both sides a favorable
impression was created, and the peace which
was cemented by the council at Fort Laramie
was made effective through lasting assurance of
mutual respect.
This year Mr. Farwell, Mr. Colyer, and Mr.
Lang (who had been added to the Board) visited
several tribes in the Indian Territory, and ac
complished satisfactory results. In the fall the
Board called a conference of the various mis
sionary societies, through their secretaries and
prominent members. All the missionary boards
were represented, and the plan proved so profit
able that it has been continued ever since.
Lately, through the generous interest of Mr. and
Mrs. A. K. Smiley, these conferences have been
invited to meet at Lake Mohonk, and an influ
ence beyond calculation has gone out from them.

A SUMMER WITH THE UTES AND SIOUX 169
both in the formation of public opinion and in
the advance of needed legislation.
The second year of the Board of Indian Com
missioners found both Indian and white man
more ready for their respective duties. " My
beloved brother," Bishop Whipple wrote, " I
love you for many kind words in the past, but
for nothing so much as for your love and pity for
my poor red friends. I thank you and beg you
to thank your fellow-commissioners for their
labours of love. . . . Do our people think God
is blind ? Do we forget already the half million
of .graves slavery cost us ? I do not despair.
The cry of the poor has reached the ear of the
Lord. He, who while on earth was the refuge of
the poor and the outcast and the healer of the
broken of heart, is stirring the hearts of His peo
ple and awakening in them a divine pity for the
poor and helpless. I thank God from the depths
of my heart that this Commission has done its
work."

CHAPTER IV
ACROSS THE CONTINENT (1871)
THE first day of June, 1871, Mr. Brunot started
upon his third visit to the Indians, going
this time as far west as the Pacific Coast. He was
accompanied by Mr. Cree, the secretary of the
Commission, and by Mrs. Brunot and her niece.
Miss Mary Hogg. He stopped at Fort Laramie
and once more held conferences with the Sioux
chiefs, and had several private interviews with
Red Cloud. It had been a peaceful year, and
the Sioux were more and more inclined to send
their children to school and to learn the white
man's ways. Another large delegation of Sioux
was sent to the Eastern cities, and wonderful
stories they brought back of the white man's
power and the folly of resisting him. Men like
Wendell Phillips stood beside the Indians on the
platform, and hurled invectives at the crowds
who came to gaze at their red brothers. So the
education went forward on both sides, though the
Indians who stayed at home listened with some
incredulity to the travellers' tales and murmured
that they had taken the " white man's medi
cine."

ACROSS THE CONTINENT 171
In spite of the dangers of the country, Mrs.
Brunot and her niece accompanied the commis
sioners to the Red Cloud agency in Montana.
At one point, called The Chugg, a detachment
of cavalry was sent to guard the party at night.
Nothing daunted, the gentlemen announced in
this rough place that there would be a rehgious
service in the saloon. In came the rough fron
tiersmen, and among them a refined-looking
Mexican, who had recently shot a man as a re
ward for stealing two of his mules. Public sen
timent, deeming the punishment only adequate,
had a high regard for the polite Mexican. A
few miles farther on, the Commission paused at
a little inn, where three weeks before a dance
had been given, and after the dance, a drunken
guest had emptied the six shots of his revolver
into the party, several of whom were killed. Not
deeming the cause adequate in his case, his
friends hanged him. Such was Montana in 1871.
Such was the community in which a layman
could gather men for a religious service.
Strange, too, were the matrimonial customs of
the region. "Why don't you get married?"
asked a soldier. " How can I," answered the
ranchman, " with not an unmarried woman in
fifty miles?" Whereupon the soldier told of
a spinster in Pennsylvania who would gladly
accept him. The ranchman wrote to her and
she came. At Beaver Head Carion a woman
who was a passenger on the coach stopped for

172 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
breakfast. The innkeeper noted that she was
alone, and in the half hour proposed and was
accepted. Whereupon down came her luggage,
and they were married forthwith. At Fort Hall,
in Idaho, Mr. Brunot was just about to step into
the stage after breakfast when a man came out
and said, " There's a man and woman here who
want to get married — won't you marry them ?"
Mr. Brunot thought over the laws and the ru
brics, and knowing that no other person within
a radius of a hundred miles could marry them,
and believing that as a government officer in the
Territory it was proper for him to do so, he sum
moned his party from the coach, took out his
Prayer Book and read the service over the happy
couple. Then they all climbed into the coach
and dashed away.
At the Umatilla agency in Oregon the Com
mission held a conference of six days, chiefly to
see that the Indians were fairly treated by a rail
way company which wished to push its track
through their reservation. Mr. Brunot decided
that it was neitiier necessary nor wise to allow
this, and the plan was abandoned. On the Sun
day following the conference, Mr. Brunot and
Mr. Cree held a religious service with the In
dians. It was a bright afternoon, and they gath
ered under the shade of the trees. Many of the
Indians had never heard of God except as the
Great Spirit, or of Jesus Christ; and it was a
problem to plan for a service of an hour which

ACROSS THE CONTINENT 173
could in any way impress them. They dis
mounted from their horses and came forward
with military precision to the sound of a drum,
many of the women wearing gay costumes with
jingling bells. Both Mr. Brunot and Mr. Cree
spoke, and every Indian stood in respect during
both addresses, gazing intently into the face of
the speaker, and not watching the interpreter at
all. During the evening three young men, the
leaders of the tribe, came to the agency and
asked for Mr. Brunot and Mr. Cree. " We lis
tened to the story you told us to-day," they
said, as Mr. Brunot met them; " it was new and
strange, but we believe we must do right, and
we have come to ask you what we ought to
do." " It was a grand opportunity," writes
Mr. Cree, " and Mr. Brunot made the best use
of it." They longed to linger with these peo
ple, but they were obliged to go on at once, in
order to meet other appointments.
Thence Mr. Brunot and Mr. Cree took a boat
on the Columbia to visit the Nez Percys Indians
on Snake River. After a sail of several hundred
miles the boat struck a snag in Snake River and
sank. Owing to the delay caused by this acci
dent the visit to this important tribe had to
be abandoned; could their visit have been ac
complished, it is likely that the Nez Percys war
of a few years later would have been averted, for
Mr. Brunot would have won justice for these
long-suffering and friendly Indians.

174 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
Returning to the Dalles of the Columbia in
Oregon, they were joined by Mrs. Brunot and
her niece, and all together started upon a beau
tiful drive through an uninhabited wilderness,
to the Yakama agency, seventy-five miles away.
Seven snow peaks were constantly in view, and
the weather was superb, to correspond with the
scenery. Late Saturday evening they reached
the agency, being guided at the last by a party
of gaily dressed young Indians, who chanced to
come their way. The leader of this wild band
was an attractive fellow who much impressed
Mrs. Brunot; so she sent for him, and he told
her of his reckless life. She talked to him, and
afterwards wrote to him ; and through her influ
ence he settled down to a civilised and a Chris
tian life, from which he never wavered till death.
The agent at Yakama was a Methodist min
ister, commonly called Father Wilbur. He was
perhaps the best agent the Commission ever
found, for he had both piety and rare common
sense. Pie had settled early at Portland, and
won the community at once by announcing,
" You all want to sharpen your knives; come
and use my grindstone!" He had been the
agent at Yakama for fifteen years, and by his
tact and goodness a large proportion of the In
dians were thoroughly civilised. He had built
sixty houses for them, and they had acquired
large herds of cattle. Besides, many had learned
trades, and the women had become excellent

ACROSS THE CONTINENT 175
housekeepers. They had built a church with
their own savings, and two of their tribe were
licensed preachers, whose salary was provided
by the Christians in the tribe.
Very early the next morning, being Sunday,
the Indian families began to come in for the church
services. Often the women and girls rode the
horses, while the men and boys trudged on be
side them, quite reversing the usual Indian notion
of propriety. The church was crowded. The
Indian men came in with their families and stood
at the end of the bench till the women and chil
dren were seated. Father Wilbur and his two
native assistants conducted the service in the
Chinook dialect, after which Mr. Brunot and Mr.
Cree spoke through interpreters. At the close
several Indians told how they had left their old
barbarism and had followed Jesus Christ, and
Mr. Brunot could not keep back the tears as he
heard their simple stories. How thorough their
Christianity was, Mr. Brunot learned later from
a Presbyterian minister who was visiting them.
Four of them had come two days' journey to the
Columbia to meet him. When they stopped
the first night to camp, he ate his supper, and
then, being excessively weary, wrapped himself
in his blanket and fell asleep under the trees.
The four Indians sat for some time around the
fire, discussing the great man whom the Presi
dent had sent to them ; then one of them went
up and touched him, and asked him if he had

176 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
gone to bed. " Yes," he answered. " We," said
the Indian, " are accustomed to kneel down and
commit ourselves to the care of God before go
ing to sleep, and we want to ask if you will join
in our prayer."
During this visit Father Wilbur pointed Mr.
Brunot to a pile of worthless, rusted tools. A
year before Mr. Brunot had asked that tools be
sent to Father Wilbur, in order that the Indians
might mend their own wagons; so the govern
ment undertook to send them. A scoundrel,
however, got the contract, after the good old
fashion, and raised a sunken ship, laden with
such implements, in New York harbor. These
rusted tools he reshipped via Cape Horn to
Columbia River, receiving from the government
one million dollars for his pains. And now Mr.
Brunot saw them an absolutely worthless mass
of iron.
The integrity of these Indians was proverbial.
It was said that goods intended for the trader's
store were always in danger of being stolen till
they got to the Indian side of the river, and
there they could be left for weeks with no guard
whatever; though the Indians had every oppor
tunity to steal, nothing was ever taken. This
was the trader's own testimony. One day a
young Indian made a statement which amazed
an army officer, who thereupon turned to Eagle
Feather, his father, and asked if the boy spoke
the truth. The chief looked at him in calm sur-

ACROSS THE CONTINENT 177
prise, and said, " The young man never saw a
white man before; he has not learned to lie."
From Yakama Mr. Brunot and Mr. Cree went
on alone to the Warm Spring agency, another
drive of seventy-five miles, part of the way with
out roads. It was on this journey that they
spent a night at a cabin, where, after caring for
their horses, they were presented with a basin
by their hostess, in which they were invited to
wash their hands. When they had both used
it, she took it again, and dressed a chicken in it.
Then she made biscuits in it ; in a moment it
was on the stove full of boiling milk. It is not
surprising that even with their indulgent courtesy
the guests found their appetites subdued. On the
same journey, when they were twenty-four miles
from any house, and on a treeless plain, the tongue
of their wagon broke. A rope would not do, for
they had some steep hills before them. They
were almost in despair, when in a gulch they
discovered an abandoned sled, which speedily
furnished them with a bit of wood to make
their wagon safe. I mention these two inci
dents, trivial in themselves, to suggest the con
stant inconveniences of these summers among
the Indians.
At the Grand Ronde agency the Commission
held a council, which was remarkable chiefly for
the speech of an Indian on whiskey. " When I
got big," he said, " I saw whiskey. They told
me to smell it. It made me sick. They told

178 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
me to drink it, that it was good. I drank it,
but did not like it. I know whites and Indians
both drink it, and it kills them. I think you
ought to stop making whiskey. The whites say,
' Why do you drink whiskey ? ' I answer, We
don't make it; the whites make it, and give it
to us, and then they say they will put us in
jail for drinking it. Whenever they have war,
whiskey is sent, and they drink it, and it makes
them brave. When they are cold, the white
men say it makes them warm. When they are
warm they say it makes them cold. When I
have a bottle of whiskey and a man says he is
cold I give him a drink. Everybody knows the
Indian doesn't make it. If I had a handful of
money and went outside, the white man would
take the whole of it, and go and get a bottle of
whiskey for four bits and give it to me. White
men taught me to drink. I have learned to like
it, and mean to drink it."
Having visited these agencies the party went
to Seattle. Here they took a little steamer on
Puget Sound, and saw the tide rise and fall
twenty-three feet. They visited the Tulalip,
Lummi, Skokomish, and other reservations.
Meetings were held at all these agencies, and
often three different interpreters stood by Mr.
Brunot and put his words into three different
languages to bring his message to the tribes who
gazed into his face. Here, too, they saw many
of the flatheaded Indians (who, by the way, do

ACROSS THE CONTINENT 1 79
not belong to the Flathead tribe). Shortly
after birth a board is tightly fastened close to
the skull of an Indian boy, which is pressed
against it till the head from the eyebrows back
is perfectly flat. Women and slaves escape this
dignity. At Tulalip there was a significant meeting of
Indians under the lead of a chief called Napo
leon. Curiously enough the Indians had learned
their English of Irishmen, and so talked with
a broad brogue, addressing the great white chief
as " yer hanour, Falix R. Bhruno." Sunday,
which was the first day the Commission was at
Tulalip, the Indians began to howl, and Mr.
Brunot asked what the matter was. The priest
told him that the Indians wanted the council
that same day. Mr. Brunot explained to them
why that could not be, nevertheless Napoleon
howled again. So the party visited the school
to satisfy him. The nuns began to examine the
pupils in arithmetic, and Mr. Cree in despair
asked them to sing, thinking that Sunday might
thus get a little more peace. To the amazement
of the guests the nun started them on a very
lively love song. To make the entertainment
quite complete, two boys then marched in with
an elk head.
The next day (August 28th) they held the
council, first going into the chapel for a service.
The women all crowded in, and the dogs came
in, too, till one couldn't move in the tiny room.

l8o FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
After the service they went out, and Napoleon
thumped his great stick and told his wrongs.
The Indians paid great deference to Mr. Brunot
as always, and an Irish woman afterward told
Mrs. Brunot that they thought he was George
Washington. " You told them that he wasn't
George Washington, didn't you?" asked Mrs.
Brunot. " Och, no," she exclaimed, " I didn't
want to disappint thim ! " The following day
(August 29th) a council was held at Lummi,
chiefly remarkable for the presence of Davie
Crockett, Duke William, and the Duke of York,
in surprisingly red skins.
Father Chirouse, the priest at Tulalip, was
worried because the statue of the Virgin was a
very ugly wooden affair, so Mrs. Brunot prom
ised to send him a fine one. One winter day
toward the close of Mr. Brunot's life, he and Mrs.
Brunot were driving down California Avenue,
when they saw two nuns standing on the curb
stone waiting for a car. They looked so cold
that Mrs. Brunot drove up and, taking them
into her carriage, drove them to their destina
tion. Meanwhile she told them of Tulalip and
the image of the Virgin. They grew very much
excited. "And did you send it?" they cried.
" Yes," answered Mrs. Brunot, " as soon as we
reached home." Then the two nuns clasped
their hands in rapture as if the statue had been
sent to them instead of to a poor little mission
of their church at Tulalip.

ACROSS THE CONTINENT l8l
Before returning to Pittsburgh, Mr. Brunot had
intended to visit the Modoc Indians, but forest
fires had made the journey impossible at that
time. This tribe had suffered grievous wrongs
from the white settlers who were rapidly crowd
ing them out. The Board was thoroughly famil
iar with the situation, and Mr. Brunot drew up
instructions which were given to General Canby
and others, who were appointed as a special
commission to the Modocs. Mr. Brunot's third
alternative exactly granted all the Indians asked
for, and it is a mystery why the commission
failed. As it was. General Canby and his col
leagues were massacred, and the Modocs were
removed to the Indian Territory. This sad
sequel makes one understand the danger of the
situation that constantly beset Mr. Brunot, and
makes the more evident his wonderful skill.
Mr. Cree writes that he is quite sure that if Mr.
Brunot could have visited the Modocs when he
intended, the horrible result would certainly
have been avoided.
At San Francisco there was another revelation
of Mr. Brunot's unique merits as an Indian
officer. The commissioners spent several days
here examining accounts that were supposed to
be fraudulent ; and when Mr. Cree was settling
the bill at the hotel, the clerk asked, with a
wink, "Shall I put in a pariour ? " "Why,
no," he answered; " we have had no parlour."
" But," said the clerk, "it is customary for per-

1 82 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
sons connected with the Indian Bureau to have
a parlour in the bill — you pocket the difference,
you know." What would the clerk have thought
had he known that here was an oiflcer to the
Indians who, when accompanied by members of
his family, allowed the government to pay not
a penny of their expenses ; who, still more, ac
cepted not even a pass in their behalf? This
may seem a small matter in the eyes of some;
it is, nevertheless, absolute integrity.
Mrs. Brunot used to tell of those weeks on
Puget Sound as the most delightful of all their
Indian summers, and then she would go on to
tell that on their way home they spent Sunday
in Chicago (October 8, 1871), and saw the great
fire, in which all their luggage was burned to a
cinder, and from which they escaped with only
their lives.
When Mr. Brunot reached home, he found
many letters urging him to accept President
Grant's urgent appointment to become Commis
sioner of Indian Affairs. It had for some time
been evident that the post would be offered him,
and it had also been plain that he would under
no condition accept it. Indeed, he said he
could not. Notwithstanding, his friends and
the friends of the Indian continued to urge him.
His intimate friend, Mr. William Welsh, was
particularly insistent. " The Providential indi
cations," he wrote, " that God has called you to

ACROSS THE CONTINENT 183
the Indian office are increasing instead of being
dissipated. You said that you desired to dis
charge it from your mind if possible. It is not
possible, even if you cannot give more than six
months to the organisation of the Indian agency
service. Bishop Whipple, ex-Secretary Cox,
Mr. H. M. Rice, of Minnesota, the leading
Quakers, and members of Congress all concur
in the earnest hope that you will serve. The
President, the Secretary of the Interior, and
Congress will support you cordially, and you
can convene strong and wise men from all the
religious bodies who will aid with wise counsel
and strong influence. . . . We must not aban
don Grant's policy, and yet if you come not to
our help, I know not who may get into the
Indian office. It is no small thing to have the
hearts of all the Indians' friends drawn out to
you, and I trust that their prayers will be heard
and answered."
His friend, Mr. George H. Stuart, was no less
eager. " The uncertainty of finding you must
be my excuse for not having sooner, on paper,
extended my congratulations at your cordial ap
pointment by President Grant, as Commissioner
of Indian Affairs, and my earnest hope and de
sire that you may be led to make the sacrifice
and accept. I have already done this by wire,
and learned your decision with the deepest sor
row. From the Associated Press dispatch I am
in hope you may reach home this week, and I

l84 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
beg to extend to you and Mrs. Brunot a cordial
welcome home after your long and perilous jour
ney. ... I keep hoping that we can prevail on
you to accept." In a later letter Mr. Stuart
urged again: " I do hope and pray that the Lord
may incline you to accept. Do so for the sake
of our poor suffering Indians."
The great journals, too, joined in the chorus.
" Here," said The Philadelphia Press, " we have
a nomination eminently fit to be made. It
opens a wide, clear field for the solution of a
problem that for half a century has baffled our
statesmen." " We believe," was the word of a
Western journal, " that of all men in the Union
to-day, Mr. Brunot is the one eminently fitted
for the task."
Mr. Brunot was by no means unmoved. His
judgment, however, made him feel that he must
continue his work in the old Commission, and
that he was accomplishing there all that he could
possibly accomplish in any capacity. For not
a moment more of his time could he give, re
membering all the other large purposes that
demanded a place in his life. It was not a ques
tion of personal sacrifice ; it was a question
whether, for the sake of the Indian office, he
could rightly sacrifice all other works which had
come to depend upon him. He had not the
shadow of a doubt that it was his duty to say
no. It is useless to speculate what would have

ACROSS THE CONTINENT 1 85
happened had the office been filled by a man of
Mr. Brunot's calibre. It is also impossible to
assert that he made a mistake, in spite of his
friends' remonstrance ; for, after all, if a man has
a sound conscience, he is his own best judge how
most wisely to use his life.

CHAPTER V
AMONG THE SHOSHONES AND THEIR NEIGH
BOURS (1872)
THE next year Mr. Brunot entered into his work
for the Indians with his usual vigour, re
joicing most of all in the appointment of General
Francis A. Walker as Commissioner of Indian
Affairs, for whose honour and ability he had
only confidence and admiration. Mr. Brunot
wrote to the President with enthusiasm: " Only
three years have passed, and we have the satis
faction to congratulate you upon the marked
success of your policy in the management of the
Indians, and the emphatic approval which it has
received from the American people. During the
past year the advance of some of the tribes in
civilisation and Christianity has been rapid, the
temper and inclination of all has greatly im
proved, and enough progress has been made in
overcoming the difficulties in the case of the
least promising of the nomadic tribes, to give
a reasonable assurance of eventual success." It
is an interesting detail that up to this time the
members of the Board had travelled an aggre
gate of two hundred and fifty-six thousand

AMONG THE SHOSHONES 1 87
miles, and that during the previous year they
had controlled purchases to the amount of two
millions of dollars, saving the Government for
the year four hundred and fifty-seven thousand,
eight hundred and ten dollars. Such facts at
once disarmed the enemy who fain would have
destroyed a system which so effectually inter
fered with their own vicious schemes.
On the second day of July Mr. Brunot, accom
panied by his secretary, Mr. Cree, set forth for
another summer with the Indians. He had pre
viously asked the Interior Department to warn
the Indians of his coming long in advance, not
only to avoid the irksome delays caused by their
deliberate slowness, but to assure the presence of
as large a number of Indians as possible. Mr.
Brunot had always insisted that the Government
had no right to treat Avith the chiefs alone, but
only with a full representation of each tribe.
His adherence to this theory accounted largely
for the success of his work, for the simple reason
that what all had agreed to all kept. The pur
pose of the expedition was largely to reconcile the
Indians to the Northern Pacific Railway, which
was then building. Consequently the Commission
proceeded at once to the Crow agency in Mon
tana, consuming in the journey eighteen days of
continuous travelling, including the Sundays.
These they spent quietly in the place which they
chanced to reach Saturday night.
And then, alas! the old story: the Indians

1 88 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
were still behindhand and would not be in for
four or five days. The interval was not to be
wasted, however, and Mr. Brunot determined
to visit the Yellowstone National Park, just
set apart by Congress. The several gentlemen
who composed the party had no idea of what
they should see, for it was an unknown region,
so Mr. Brunot's note-book abounds in appreci
ative description. He always carried a rod and
a gun, and keenly enjoyed the fishing and hunt
ing which the holiday afforded. Saturday night
they reached Butler's Ranch for Sunday, though
they slept in their own tents. Under Sunday,
July 20th, he wrote in his journal: " We got a
late breakfast at nine. I rose at five, went
to a spring, took a good wash in the ice-cold
water, shaved, and lay down for another nap.
After breakfast I walked out half a mile to a
large boulder on the slope toward the moun
tains. I found it to be of granite about thirty
feet high, and more in diameter; a large slice
had been split off by the elements and lay with
the flat side up, like a table twenty-five feet
square. As I approached to climb upon it, the
sharp warning of a large rattlesnake made me
spring back. There was no stick or weapon
within half a mile, so I gathered some stones
and got upon the rock from the opposite side,
but as soon as I began to attack he escaped
beneath. I sat down on top of the rock for a
while, and then concluded to leave it, but as

AMONG THE SHOSHONES 1 89
I started to get off, I was startled by another
rattle. I killed this one with stones, and have
his rattle in my pocket. He is three feet and
a half long and had ten rattles. After reading
in my Testament for a while I am still sitting on
my rock and writing this note of proceedings for
Molly's reading when I get home. My rock is
a pleasant place, even if there is a den of rattle
snakes beneath it."
As they came out of the Park they met Profes
sor Hayden, chief of the United States Geological
Bureau, just going in for its first survey. Writing
afterward to his friend Jay Cooke, the president
of the Northern Pacific, Mr. Brunot spoke first of
the resources of Montana, and then of the beauti
ful park. " You will rightly conclude," he says,
"that my visit has increased the confidence which
you know I have always felt in the success of the
Northern Pacific Railway. It has in a like de
gree increased my anxiety to see it hastened for
ward to completion, for I want to go there again
and do not fancy either the five hundred miles
of stage ride or the three weeks of steamboating
necessary at present to the journey. I know of
no other world's wonder so certain to attract
crowds of tourists, or so full of compensation
for those who reach it."
On returning to meet the Indians, Mr. Brunot
had a satisfactory conference with the Crows,
and, in reporting it, recommended a change in
their reservation. This recommendation was

1 90 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
adopted by Congress at its next session. While
they were at the Crow agency, their host told
them of his experience just before, as an inn
keeper at Virginia City. He had gone to Penn
sylvania to be married, and the first night home
with his bride he was roused by loud knocking
at his door. " We hear that you have a pair of
white kid gloves," came a rough voice through
the keyhole; "we're going to buy 'em." The
bridegroom explained politely that they were
his wedding gloves, and he felt tenderly toward
them. The rough voice replied, " They're the
only white kid gloves in town, and we must have
'em. If you don't sell 'em, we take 'em." The
man therefore discreetly gave them up, and,
dressing, went out to see what was going for
ward. He found that arrangements were mak
ing to hang one of his boarders, who in spite of
his crimes was so popular that his friends had
bought a new dress suit specially for the occa
sion, which with the gloves was to " make Jim's
execution," as his comrades proudly announced,
" a bang-up affair." The innkeeper was startled
to see more than a dozen of his guests hanged
at the same time, and alas! with no ceremony.
Those were, indeed, savage days, and strangely
enough the savagery belonged not to Indians,
but to white men. During this year, owing to
the Peace Policy originated by the Board, Mr.
Brunot asked no military protection when going
among the Indians. The only dangers now were

AMONG THE SHOSHONES I9I
from stage-robbers and hot-headed and ambitious
ranchmen. Leaving Crow Agency, Mr. Brunot and Mr.
Cree went to Colorado to attend a council with
the Utes. A special commission had been ap
pointed to conduct the negotiations for the
transfer of five million acres of their reservation,
which had become available for mining property.
Mr. Brunot was not a member of the commis
sion, but was at the council as a member of the
Board of Indian Commissioners, to see that jus
tice was done to both the Indians and the Gov
ernment. After six days of continuous speech-
making, the council, to the chagrin of the special
commission, resulted in flat failure.
After the council Mr. Brunot met Ouray, the
head chief of the Utes, and told him that the
Government wished to secure the arrest and pun
ishment of some Utes who had committed mur
der in New Mexico. Ouray spoke Enghsh and
was unusually intelligent. He did not believe
the murderers were Utes, but promised to in
vestigate the matter thoroughly. The event
proved his mistake, but he kept his word. After
discussing the murder, Ouray told Mr. Brunot
that he was getting old, and longed to find his
son, his only child, who fifteen years before had
been captured by a party of Cheyennes and
Arapahoes, when the boy was but four years
old. The only clew was a report that the boy
was with a chief named Friday, in Wyoming.

192 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
With characteristic sympathy, Mr. Brunot en
tered all the details in his note-book, and Mr.
Cree undertook to recover the long-lost son. It
was found that Friday lived in the Owl Moun
tains, whither a messenger was sent to interview
Friday, who announced that the boy had been
carried to Texas by some Arapahoes ten years
before. At last, after great pains, the band of
Arapahoes in " the staked plains country" was
found, and one who seemed like Ouray's son was
among them. Arrangements were made to bring
him and Ouray to Washington at the same time.
A year had passed since Ouray told Mr. Brunot
of his sorrow, when father and son met in the
office of the Board of Indian Commissioners in
Washington. All who saw them knew that they
were father and son, but the boy could not be
lieve that he was not an Arapahoe, for all these
years he had been taught to fight the Utes.
Convinced at last of his sonship, the boy prom
ised to go home with his father after saying
good-by to his friends in " the staked plains
country." Unhappily, he died on the journey,
and his poor father twice lost his only son. But
the gratitude which he felt toward Mr. Brunot
and Mr. Cree did what a special commission
could not do, and when Mr. Brunot told him he
thought it right for him to sell a portion of his
reservation, Ouray threw all his strong influence
in favour of the sale, though a year before he
intended opposition to the bitter end.

AMONG THE SHOSHONES I93
Mr. Brunot's next mission was to the Sho
shones in the Wind River Valley of Wyoming,
to purchase from them five hundred thousand
acres of mining land already occupied by set
tlers. Reaching Sweetwater on their way, they
found the town all agog with excitement, ex
pecting an attack from the Sioux. The next
day, at Camp Staumbaugh, Mr. Brunot was in
formed that a battle lasting two hours had been
waged between some infantry and what was sup
posed to be a large body of Indians, which, how
ever, proved to be a company of settlers, who
also thought they were fighting the Indians.
Strangely and fortunately no one was hurt, and
it turned out that only four Indians had been in
the valley, who, after killing one man and taking
his four horses, went home again. The miners
advised Mr. Brunot not to go forward, since in
the Indian country he would meet certain death,
but he was undaunted, though he accepted a
guard of two soldiers. The women who pre
pared their first supper after this were shortly
afterward killed and scalped by a band of Arapa
hoes in revenge for the murder of two of their
friends, two hundred miles away, for which crime
the poor women had no other responsibility than
that their faces were white.
The conference with the Shoshones lasted three
days, and the Indians under Washakie decided
to sell their land, upon terms which Mr. Brunot
assured them were as fair to them as to the Gov-
13

194 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
ernment. The names appended to the treaty
are very curious; such as Toopsepowots (Dirty
back), Konoka (Necktie), Weawicke (Put-his-
finger-in-a-crack), Teneandoka (Horse's grand
father), and a hundred others equally strange.
Mr. Brunot reminds the Government in his report
that this important treaty was effected without
giving presents to the Indians or sending to
them a special commission ; both of which were
thought necessary under the old system, and
which together cost more than the expenses of
the Board of Indian Commissioners for many
years. At the Ute agency, he pointed out, ten
thousand dollars had been spent (without con
sulting the Board) for presents, which did not
arrive until after the council, and even yet were
undistributed, since they were such valueless
trinkets that the Indians would not trouble to
carry them away. It was the sad old tale of a
political deal by which a contractor received ten
thousand dollars for trash which had cost him
almost nothing. Poor Utes! even among their
annuity goods they had been wont to receive
such vain deceits as hoop-skirts, iron axes, sheet-
iron shovels, and sardines, all of which proved
astonishingly expensive to the Government, but
not conducive to Indian bliss.
After the agreement with the Shoshones, Mr.
Brunot remained with them over Sunda)^ in
tending, with Washakie's approval, to hold a
service for them. To Washakie's chagrin, how-

AMONG THE SHOSHONES 1 95
ever, the Indians were so intent upon a war
dance which they had started that they could
not be diverted from it. It was their thanks
giving for the treaty. So Mr. Brunot had a long
talk with Washakie instead of the service, after
attending a service conducted by a lay reader at
the agency. " Washakie was in his wigwam
with his family," Mr. Brunot writes in his jour
nal. " We went in and were cordially received.
I told Washakie about the Bible and the Saviour.
We sang some hymns, and told him what they
were about, and had prayers by Mr. Cree. We
came away after an hour's visit of deep interest.
The chief was greatly pleased, and will remember
all he heard. He named one of his sons Felix
Brunot and one Thomas Cree. He pronounced
my name Belix. " Washakie asked that a mis
sionary be sent them, and Mr. Brunot some time
after secured an Episcopal clergyman for them.
Under Monday, October ist, Mr. Brunot writes:
" We left the agency this morning, and the chief
came to say good-bye. He is a remarkable In
dian, both in appearance and mental qualities.
I have never seen a finer face on a man of fifty."
After leaving Washakie, Mr. Brunot turned his
face homeward, and the fourth summer with the
Indians was over.
The fall had in store a great disappointment
for Mr. Brunot in the resignation of the Com
missioner of Indian Affairs, General Walker.
He at once wrote to tell him his profound regret.

196 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
and at once General Walker replied: " I thank
you heartily for your expression of confidence.
I could not well refuse the New Haven offer. It
was singularly agreeable to me, and it had mani
festly become necessary for me to choose a more
permanent place in life than the one I am here
occupying. . . .
" I cannot see any ground for anxiety in re
spect to the future treatment of the Indians. I
do think the scourge will be more freely used
than heretofore in getting them on reservations
and keeping them there, and this I have always
believed in. Without constraint nothing can be
done to elevate these people. They are like
children who dislike to go to school, and will not
if they can play truant at pleasure. I used to
have to be whipped myself to get me to school
and keep me there, yet I always liked to study
when once within the school-room walls. I
don't believe Indians, as a rule, are any more
zealous for self-improvement than most chil
dren. They are impressionable, susceptible,
and capable of much good, but the precedent
condition of doing anything for them is rigidly
to control their attention and demand their pres
ence. . . .
" If I am not mistaken, you do not differ mate
rially from this view of the necessity of bringing
the Indians on reservations and keeping them
there; by force when persuasion has first been
fairiy tried without success. It was part of the

AMONG THE SHOSHONES 1 97
Indian policy as it was first announced, and an
essential part. It is the proper complement of
the disposition of the Government to treat the
Indians kindly and provide for them when on the
reservations. "As to the whole policy thus made up, I do
not see any reason to apprehend a change subse
quent to the election. I think the humane sen
timents of the country were never more awake,
that the conscience of the country was never
more alive to its duty to the Indians and intel
ligent in respect thereto, and that the good men
of the land were never stronger as against the
bad men than to-day. . . . The Indian policy
is one of the things that [the bad men] dare not
touch. Perhaps this is too sanguine a view, but
I find, or think I find, that the worse a politician
nowadays is himself, the more anxious he is to
conciliate the religious and scholarly elements;
and on both these we can now count with assur
ance in holding the country up to substantial
justice to the Indian."
Mr. G. H. Stuart wrote urging Mr. Brunot to
use his influence with General Grant in the ap
pointment of General Walker's successor. Mr.
Brunot had profound respect for the President,
but regretted, as all good men regretted, the in
fluence which certain unscrupulous politicians
had upon his appointments. Mr. Brunot replied
at once to Mr. Stuart: " I do not think the Presi
dent will consent to the appointment of a Com-

198 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
missioner of Indian Affairs without consulting
the Board, and this being the case, I do not feel
at liberty to ask him to consult us. I hope he
will appoint General Howard, and that he may
be in a position to accept the place. Should
General Howard not be the man, Mr. Cree, our
secretary, would make an excellent officer. He
is thoroughly honest, fully in sympathy with the
Indians, a true Christian, largely known in the
Christian community, and has visited so exten
sively the Indian reservations that he has more
correct ideas of what is needed than any one else
I know." While Mr. Brunot was thus anxious over the
appointment of the new Commissioner of Indian
Affairs, the Rev. W. H. Hare was elected Bishop
to the Indians. Immediately he turned to Mr.
Brunot, who greatly rejoiced in his election.
" You may have heard of my election," he
wrote, " by the House of Bishops to the Indian
Episcopate. It is a subject which weighs su
premely on my mind just now, and I greatly de
sire to have the privilege of a conversation with
you who are so familiar with, as well as inter
ested in, the Indian question."
And so the year ended happily for the presi
dent of the Board of Indian Commissioners, for
it was noble satisfaction to know that his own
loved Church was standing absolutely first among
the religious bodies of the land, both in gifts and
in labours, toward the civilisation and Christian-

AMONG THE SHOSHONES 1 99
isation of the Indian. This gratifying result, it
ought to be said, was due to the enthusiasm
of a bishop and two laymen. The bishop was
Henry Benjamin Whipple; the laymen were
William Welsh and Felix Reville Brunot.

CHAPTER VI
LAST YEAR "WITH FRIENDLY CHIEFS (1873)

M

R. BRUNOT'S work for the Indians by no
means stopped with wearisome journeys
and careful reports. All through the year he was
working for them, and this spring of 1873 may
be taken as an example of his method of work.
I select five letters from his correspondence at
the time to suggest the variety of his interest
and endeavour.
The first letter is to his friend William Welsh,
with whom he was in constant communication,
differing often in judgment but having the same
conscientious zeal. It is too long a letter to
quote in full, and a fragment must suffice. " I
shall be anxious," he writes, " to hear the result
of your inquiry in the Sioux country about the
supplies. I had requested Mr. Cree some time
ago to write to the agents and ask what amount
of beef they have on hand. He writes to me
to-day that the supplies of beef from July 1st
to January 1st amount to six hundred and thirty-
three thousand dollars. This looks worse than
some of  's transactions, if the figures are
correct.

LAST YEAR WITH FRIENDLY CHIEFS 201
" Who would not be indignant at such a trans
action as that to which you refer, by a member
of the Board, and correspondingly disgusted with
the obtuseness which cannot see that it is wrong?
In view of the fact that  's^* engagements
and the health of his wife made him decline the
duties allotted to him by the Board, and that he
subsequently went on the  Commission by
appointment of the Secretary of the Interior,
I suspected the inducing motive, and requested
the Board to pass a resolution to the effect that
members of the Board could not accept pay for
any service in connection with Indian affairs,
which was passed. Whereupon he put on his
coat and left, saying his feelings were very much
hurt and he would resign. But he has not done
so, or at least I have not heard of his resigna
tion. I do not believe he knew it was wrong,
and would rather he would pay the money back
and acknowledge his mistake. Otherwise he
must resign."
The second letter is to the chairman of the
Committee of Indian Affairs in the House of
Representatives, urging legislation towards the
care of the Indians in Alaska. " Our Board,"
he writes, " believes that in view of the process
of demoralisation now going on in Alaska, early
counteracting measures are imperatively called
for and are in the interest of true economy."
* Not an original member of the Board, and not named in this
book.

202 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
He then goes on to describe the people and
their needs, carefully citing reports of the War
Department and of travellers, and calling atten
tion to Mr. Colyer's report to the Indian Com
missioner concerning his journey to Alaska in
1869. The letter is filled with accurate informa
tion, which was gained by laborious investiga
tion lasting late into the night of long and busy
days, and presented here in concise and convinc
ing form. He encloses the draft of a bill putting
the Indians of Alaska in charge of the Bureau of
Education, and also sends a ring made by an
Alaska Indian.
The next letter is to Felix Brunot, an Indian
boy. " I received a letter," Mr. Brunot writes,
" from the Rev. Mr. Cook, the missionary among
your people, in which he told me that a young
chief, Pretty Rock, had put away his heathen
name, and that he had baptised the chief and
given him my name to take with him all his life
along the Christian road. I am thankful to God
that He changed the purpose of your heart from
the bad road to the Way of Life, and I pray that
He may help you with His heavenly grace always
to keep in the right path, which will make you
happy in this world and at last lead you to Him
in heaven. . . .
" I suppose you got your friend to write for
you the letter which came to me. I hope you
are learning much, and will soon be able to write
a letter to me with your own hand. You must

LAST YEAR WITH FRIENDLY CHIEFS 203
try to learn all that is good, and pray all the
time to God to keep your heart right, and read
much in His Holy Book which has the words in
it of eternal life. And after a while I hope you
will be a missionary to teach your Indian brothers
about the Saviour. I will pray for you and my
dear wife will pray for you."
The fourth letter is to Professor Joseph Henry,
of the Smithsonian Institution. " While visit
ing," he writes, " the Shoshone and Bannock In
dian Reservation in western Wyoming last Sep
tember, I saw at the saw-mill a Cottonwood log
two and a half feet in diameter which had been
cut down by beavers. Whether you have any
thing of the kind at the Smithsonian Institution,
I do not know. The time will probably come
when the tangible proofs of the rare industry and
curious habits of the beaver will be unattainable.
S. C. Goodrich, in his popular work. The Animal
Kingdom, quotes the traveller Richardson as say
ing: ' The largest tree I observed cut down by the
beavers was about six or seven inches in diameter,
but Mr. Graham says that he has seen them cut
down a tree that was ten inches in diameter.'
And the author adds, ' This is, no doubt, an ex
aggeration.' Captain Bonneville tells of seeing
trees cut by beavers which were eighteen inches
in diameter, as something marvellous; but this
one at the Shoshone agency is a foot larger!
" If I am not mistaken, Washington Irving
also expresses doubt, on the authority of Cap-

204 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
tain Bonneville, whether the beaver exercises
any instinct — or judgment, if you please — in cut
ting the trees in such a way as to drop them into
the water. I think he says that he saw some, or
many, trees which had fallen to the shore side,
and from this fact reaches his conclusion that the
direction in which the trees fall is a matter of
accident. " I was for a day or two on the bank of the
Wind River, some forty miles from the nearest
settlement. The beavers were quite abundant
there. I examined a cottonwood tree eighteen
inches in diameter upon which they were nightly
at work. It was just about ready to fall, and
was being so cut as to render its fall in any other
direction than towards the water impossible.
This and the remembrance of Captain Bonne
ville's doubt led me to look further, and I found
within a distance of three hundred yards of the
shore-line five other trees nearly as large which
had been dropped into the water, and one about
ten inches in diameter which had been partly cut
all round, but much more deeply on the water
side. The fallen trees were in a quick turn of
the stream, where swift, deep water swept along
the shore, and the stumps showed the deepest
cut, in each case, nearest the water.
" These trees were not cut for the purpose of
making a dam, but for a winter store of food,
which the bark and twigs furnish, and they are
dropped into the water to be there kept in tender

LAST YEAR WITH FRIENDLY CHIEFS 205
and palatable condition for their owners. Some
further examination showed me that there were
other stumps of trees which had been cut off by
the beavers, a short distance from the stream,
too far to have been intended to reach the water,
and these seemed to have no uniformity of direc
tion in their fall. Is it not probable that these
and other trees not dropped into the water are
cut during the summer for immediate consump
tion, and give no proof whatever that these wise
fellows do not know exactly what they are
about, but, on the contrary, that they do know
exactly ? "
The fifth letter is to Secretary Delano, of the
Interior Department. " I beg leave," he says
towards the end, " to ask your reference also to
the recommendation of the Board report, under
the head of the Utes. In my opinion the most
important first step towards adjustment of pend
ing difficulties, which cannot longer be safely or
rightly delayed, is to eject the trespassers from
the reservation, and at once to stop the pro
posed spring movement to the San Juan region.
I cannot too earnestly urge this step upon the
Government, believing, as I do, that a failure to
take it will lead to a disastrous conflict with this
hitherto friendly people, as unprovoked and un
just as any of those which have disgraced the
past history of wars with Indians.
" There are persons in Colorado, as elsewhere,
to whom all ideas of honourable dealing on the

206 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
part of the Government, correct public policy,
public economy, and even the care for human
life on the frontier, are as nothing compared
with the advancement of their private ends and
schemes. These, or possibly better men unwit
tingly under their influence, may suggest that
the better mode of meeting the case is to con
centrate large bodies of troops in the vicinity,
permit and encourage encroachments upon the
reservation by miners, and be prepared when the
collision comes to ' make short work ' with the
Utes. The naked proposition to me seems sim
ply infamous, and I most sincerely hope that the
Government will not suffer itself to be drawn into
an unjust war by delaying to eject the miners
from the reservation."
But Mr. Brunot's main work, after all, was to
visit the Indians in their homes, and this year he
spent four and a half months with them. On
the tenth of June he left home with Mrs. Brunot
and Mr. Cree. After leaving the railway they
had five days and four nights in a closely packed
stage, and after the stage came a drive of a hun
dred miles in a wagon ; then at length they were
at the Crow agency, to find that the Crows were
not yet assembled. While waiting for them, Mr.
and Mrs. Brunot and Mr. Cree — at their own
expense, of course — visited the National Park.
They travelled on horseback, because there were
no roads. The region was so little known that

LAST YEAR WITH FRIENDLY CHIEFS 20/
even a guide lost his way. Mrs. Brunot was, per
haps, the first white woman to enter the Park,
certainly the first to explore much of it. One
Sunday, at the Hot Springs, at Mr. Brunot's
suggestion, the thirteen people who were in the
Park held a service, absolutely the first religious
service of any kind within its confines. Mr. Cree
says that the day, the surroundings, and the com
pany made it a notably impressive service.
Even when they had returned to the Crow
agency, only a few of the Indians had come; the
rest were fighting the Sioux. When the main
body came, they were in instant readiness to
meet the enemy if the Sioux happened to attack
them at the agency. General Sweitzer, an old
friend, came from Fort Ellis with a detachment
of soldiers, as a guard against the Sioux. These
were exciting days for Mrs. Brunot. Associated
with Mr. Brunot in the commission were General
Whittlesey and Dr. Wright, though Mr. Brunot
conducted all the negotiations, which lasted six
days (beginning August nth). After opening
the council with prayer, Mr. Brunot addressed
the Indians.
" I am glad," he began, "to meet all my
friends here now. I was sorry I could not see
you when I came here last summer. I came
then to hear what you had to say about your
selves, and to talk to you of what I thought was
good for you. I have now come again, and am.
very glad to see you. My heart is good to you.

2o8 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
and I hope you are all well to-day (many had
been sick). The Great Father sent some words
to you when I started to come, and he sent these
two gentlemen with me to see you. He told
us there was a new general at Fort Ellis, who
also has come to see you. Another man, Mr.
Cree, comes with us to write down all that is
said by the white men and the Indians. I want
you to speak wise words, because they will go to
the Great Father. These gentlemen are all glad
to see you, and they wish me to tell you so.
The Great Father has heard many things from
this country; some tell him one thing, some
another. I see many things with my own eyes
that I will tell him when I go back. I know he
thinks the Crows are all his friends, and he
wishes to do what is good for you ; and when
he told us to come and tell the Crows what he
thinks is best for you, it is because he cares for
you. I want you to know that every word I say
to you comes from my heart. I would not say
a bad thing for my own child, nor would I for
you, and all I say you will see is true."
Then Blackfoot, second chief and principal
speaker, replied, " I am going to light the pipe
and talk to the Great Spirit." He lighted the
pipe, and looking up reverently, continued :
" The Great Spirit has made the red man and
the white man, and sees all before Him to-day.
Have pity upon us! May the white man and
the Indian speak truth to each other to-day.

LAST YEAR WITH FRIENDLY CHIEFS 209
The sun that looks down upon us to-day, and
gives us light and heat, sees that our hearts are
true, and that what we do is good for the poor
red man. The moon that shines on us in the
night-time will see us prosper and do well. The
earth, on which we walk, from which we come,
and which we love as our mother — which we
love as our country — we ask thee to see that
we do that which is good for us and our chil
dren. This tobacco comes from the whites; we
mix it with bark from the Indian trees and burn
it together before Thee, O Great Spirit ! So may
our hearts and the hearts of the white men go
out together to Thee and be made good and
right. As he invoked the Great Spirit, the sun, the
moon, and the earth, the pipe was reverently
held in the direction of each, and afterward was
given to the commissioners and then to the chiefs
to smoke. Buffalo robes were also brought to
Mr. Brunot as gifts, in embarrassing quantity.
This done, Blackfoot began his speech.
" I am going to have a long talk with you,"
he said. " My Great Father sent our friends to
see us. We see each other; that is good. You
came here last summer; we were sent for, to see
you. We were back of the mountains when we
heard of you, but high waters and the mountains
prevented our coming. You said you did not
see us, and you were sorry for it. We could not
come any faster. This summer we were on this
14

2 ID FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
side, near the Yellowstone, where we were get
ting skins to make lodges. In the fall the
traders will want our robes. We will then go
over the Yellowstone to Judith's Basin to hunt.
Since I was a boy I remember that is what the
Crows always did. When the Crows meet a
friend they always give him something, so we do
with you. You say you have a book that tells
you about the Great Spirit. We always give the
Great Spirit something. I think that is good.
We see the sun, we give him something; and the
moon and the earth, we give them something.
We beg them to take pity on us. The sun and
the moon look at us, and the earth gives us food.
You come and see us, and that is why we give
you something. We are men like each other;
our religion is different from yours. The Great
Spirit made these mountains and rivers for us,
and all this land. We were told so, and when
we go down the river hunting for food we come
back here again. We cross over to the other
river, and we think it is good. We do not shoot
our white friends. We are true when we look
in your face. On our hands is no white man's
blood. When you give us arms to go and fight
the Sioux, we, fight them to keep our lands from
them. When we raise our camp and go for
buffalo some white men go with us; they see
what we are doing; they see that we jump over
the places that are bloody. On the other side of
the river below, there are plenty of buffalo; on

LAST YEAR WITH FRIENDLY CHIEFS 211
the mountains are plenty of elk and black-tail
deer, and white-tail deer are plenty at the foot
of the mountain. All the streams are full of
beaver. In the Yellowstone River the whites
catch trout ; there are plenty of them. The
white men give us food ; we know nothing about
it. Do not be in a hurry; when we are poor we
will tell you of it. At Laramie we went to see
the commissioners. Now commissioners come
to see us, and we listen to what you say. The
commissioners told us at Laramie if we remained
good friends of the whites, we should be taken
care of for forty years. Since we made that
treaty it is only five years. You are in a hurry
to stop giving us food. I am a young man
yet; my teeth are all good. They told us at
Laramie we should get food until we were old,
and our children after us." After this speech
he was so warm that he took off his beaded
coat, and handed it to Mr. Brunot as a gift for
the Great Father; it was the best gift in his
power. Iron Bull, the head chief, spoke next, but when
he had said, " You are my friends," he was inter
rupted by the arrival of a mourning party. Long
Neck, whose brother was killed in a Sioux bat
tle, came in weeping, helped by his squaw. He
placed his hands on the head of each commis
sioner and sang a doleful song, while the Indians
solemnly wept and wailed. " My brother was
killed by the Sioux," said Long Neck; " I want

212 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
to revenge myself. I come to ask you to give
me good luck."
As the council met day after day Blackfoot's
oratory became more and more impressive, and
Mr. Brunot urged the tribe to come to a decision
in which all could agree and which none would
regret. At the end of the fifth day the Indians
held a council by themselves, and on the morn
ing of the sixth day they signed the agreement
by which they ceded to the Government their
reservation on the Yellowstone, and accepted in
exchange a reservation in Judith's Basin, remote
from the railway, and better suited, Mr. Brunot
believed, to their needs. They were also to
receive perpetual help from the Government in
useful wares.
Almost immediately afterward Mr. Brunot re
ceived this letter from Governor Potts, of Mon
tana, which pleased Mr. Brunot more than
almost any letter he received during his Indian
work :
I feel that it is due you that I should ex
press to you my thanks and the thanks of the
people of Montana for your patient labour and
skill in consummating the late successful treaty
Avith the Crow Indians, by which they have sur
rendered to settlement one of the finest and
most extensive valleys in the Rocky Mountains.
I believe the success you had in forming this
treaty is due to the ability and patience by which
the negotiations were conducted, aided by the

LAST YEAR WITH FRIENDLY CHIEFS 213
friendly feeling that has been brought about by
the humane policy of the President towards the
Indian tribes.
" Previous to the adoption of the present In
dian policy, for which you have laboured so suc
cessfully, our people were subjected to frequent
incursions from hostile Indians, but for the three
years last past they have felt quite secure, and
experienced no unnecessary alarm. Many peo
ple, for want of knowledge of the situation and
the success of the present policy towards the In
dians, declaim loudly against its continuance, but
I am convinced that if they will take the trouble
to inform themselves upon the subject much of
their denunciation will cease. Some denounce
the pohcy because of its cost, but a little reflec
tion will convince any reasonable person that
feeding Indians is infinitely cheaper than fighting
them. For example, the Government has just
paid for the expenses of the Montana Indian war
of 1867 more than half a million of dollars, and
the war accomplished nothing. Had the present
Indian policy prevailed at that time, undoubt
edly no war would have occurred or expenditure
been made necessary. ..."
Unfortunately, a short-sighted Congress, blind
ed by the temporary failure of the Northern
Pacific, failed to ratify this treaty with the Crows,
and a great opportunity was sacrificed.
Returning from the Crow agency to Virginia
City to take the stage, Mr. and Mrs. Brunot

214 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
found it advisable to start a day in advance of
the party. Mr. Cree had all the money, and it
shows the respect for Mr. Brunot through all
that rough country that he travelled a thousand
miles, leaving all bills to be paid by his treasurer,
who followed later. On their way to the Utes
they paused in Denver and Georgetown, and
made the ascent of Long's Peak. Then from
Colorado Springs, which, interested them with
its surrounding rocks and hills, they drove two
hundred miles over a mountain pass thirteen
thousand feet high, and for fifty miles of the
way they saw no human habitation.
The difficulty of a settlement with the Utes
was great. They were rightly dissatisfied with
the past, and were afraid of the future. But
Ouray, it will be recalled, loved Mr. Brunot for
his interest in his son's recovery; and what
neither commissioners nor armies could accom
plish, Mr. Brunot could do. It is not too much
to say, on the other hand, that Mr. Brunot loved
Ouray. As Mr. Brunot reasoned with him, Ouray
admitted his points, but said that a man would
rather die than sell his country. All Mr. Bru
not's experience, patience, and skill were neces
sary. Six days (September 6th to 12th) the
council lasted, and ended in the cession of five
million acres, the southern half of the Ute reser
vation, a beautiful country eighty-five hundred
feet above the sea, covered with high mountains
which reached into the region of perpetual snow.

LAST YEAR WITH FRIENDLY CHIEFS 21 5
It was a good mining country, but unsuitable for
the Indians, and thej^ rarely visited it. One of
the towns that came later is happily called Ouray,
in memory of a great and good man.
Mr. Brunot visited the Sioux again this year,
and counselled with Red Cloud and the Indians
at the Red Cloud Agency, with Spotted Tail
and Indians from the Whetstone Agency, with
Friday and prominent Indians from the northern
Cheyennes and Arapahoes, and with the Sho
shones and Bannocks at Fort Hall. He saw old
faces, and knew what it was to have genuine
friends among the Indians. The Red Cloud and
Spotted Tail Sioux were induced to settle down
on their new reservation.
In the report, in the fall, Mr. Brunot said that
the Board had examined accounts to the amount
of six millions, disapproving or suspending four
hundred and twenty-six thousand, nine hundred
and nine dollars. Supplies to the value of two
milhons were purchased by their direct super
vision. As an example of fraud, Mr. Cree says
that the first act of a certain Commissioner of
Indian Affairs was to approve the purchase of a
most objectionable article at a cost of twenty-
five thousand dollars. It was a recognised fraud,
and since the Secretary of the Interior must
approve the paper, it was placed among a large
number of routine documents and so signed in
advertently. A mistake appearing in the paper,
the clerk carried it to the Secretary, who indig-

2l6 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
nantly removed his endorsement. The Indian
Office now made a new set of papers, and when
the Secretary of the Interior was absent, the
acting Secretary signed it among another set of
routine documents. But again a trifling error
brought the paper to the Secretary, and the fraud
was, after the fashion of the traditional cat, killed
for the last time. The Board also recommended
" an equitable adjustment of traders' prices."
While at an agency during the summer Mr.
Brunot saw a trader give in exchange for buffalo
robes in large number tin cups worth at retail five
cents, one cup for each robe. In another place,
when buffalo robes were worth at wholesale by
the bale twelve dollars each, an agent was buy
ing them for a quart of brown sugar apiece.
Another had been more generous and had given
a gross of brass buttons, costing exactly forty
cents. Both in the report and otherwise, Mr. Brunot
pleaded against the invasion of the Indian Ter
ritory by white settlers. The press was advocat
ing the opening of the Territory, and he feared
the coming session of Congress would permit it.
Fle therefore asked Mr. Cree to see President
Grant at once, since the Secretary of the Interior
could not be persuaded to be anything more than
lukewarm on the subject. It was Saturday, and
on Monday Congress was to meet. The President
was busy on his message, and announced that he
would see no one. Mr. Cree called, however.

LAST YEAR WITH FRIENDLY CHIEFS 217
and the President asked him to come in for a
moment. He then read to Mr. Cree what he
had written. "That is good," said Mr. Cree;
" but Mr. Brunot thinks a desperate effort will
be made to open the Territory." The President
took a strip of paper, wrote two or three lines,
and then read a sharp condemnation of the
whole movement. "How will that do?" he
said triumphantly. " Mr. President," was the
answer, " that is just what Mr. Brunot would
most like to have you say." And that was
what the whole country read the next Monday.
Public opinion changed, and the matter was not
again opened until recent years, when the friends
of the Indian felt that the time had come for
them to give up the tribal relation, accept their
land in fee simple, and sell what they did not
need. The Great Father at Washington was not
behind the Red Kings of the border in his love
and trust for the Indian's friend.
Public opinion had been completely changed
in five years, and Mr. Brunot's presence any
where was a reminder that the Indians had a
friend. " He is as well known on the streets of
Washington," said a New York paper at this
time, " as he is on those of his native city, from
the fact that perhaps no person in the country
has wrapped his attention so completely and
earnestly about the Indian and his interests as
he. In person he is about fifty-one years old.
Look at the roof of his head, and you would say

2l8 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
him every hour of sixty-five, but when you drop
your eyes to his face, your gaze is met by a youth
ful sort of countenance that betokens the scholar
and the student. He opens his conversation
quite cautiously. He is cool, collected, and
deliberate in presenting a case, and we set him
down in our mind as a man who would stick to
his point with grim pertinacity until he made
something out of it, undaunted by impediment,
undeterred by opposition. Taken altogether, Mr.
Brunot is so inflexible, so dignified, so resolute,
and at the same time so gentle, so gracious, and
so honest that he impresses us as having all the
qualities that go to make the thorough business
man and the gentleman."

CHAPTER VII
RESULTS OF THE INDIAN "WORK
IT was obvious, towards the close of 1873, that the
original members of the Board of Indian Com
missioners could not serve much longer. They
freely gave of their busy lives for the sake of the
Indian, but when they found repeatedly during
the last year that their recommendations were
ignored, that bills, laboriously examined by them
and rejected by them, were paid, that gross
breaking of the law in giving contracts was
winked at, and that many important matters
were not submitted to them at all, then they
decided that their task was as useless as it was
irritating. For their office was voluntary. They
had no authority over the Interior Department
or the Indian Bureau : if the officers of the
Government did not choose to be guided by the
Board of Indian Commissioners there was noth
ing to force them to do so. The President, it
ought to be said, always stood firmly by the
Board, but even he was powerless in the face of
the determination of unscrupulous politicians.
Mr. Welsh, who, though not a member of the
Board, was intensely indignant at their treat-

220 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
ment, wrote urging Mr. Brunot to resign at
once. Mr. Brunot answered: "I imagine that
by this time your amanuensis has concluded that
I am a very meek man not to reply to your ex
pressions about indignities put upon the Board,
etc. Well, you must not think I do not appre
ciate your efforts to stir us up ; nevertheless I see
no other line of duty than to possess our souls
in patience, and when we are ready, report the
doings of the year, and take, at the January
meeting, such action as the evidence before us
may warrant. At any rate, we have no author
ity over the Secretary of the Interior or over the
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and by assum
ing any, or by discourteous official action, would
only give them a vantage ground in controver
sies which may possibly arise in regard to the
accounts; the law which gives the Board the
authority to reject, gives the Department the au
thority to overrule the objections, and neither
has a right to assume a difference of action on
these cases to be an indignity."
Other members of the Board were being moved
either by their own discomfort or by the advice
of friends, and Mr. Brunot had hard work to hold
them back. " I hope," he wrote to Dr. Bishop,
" you will not allow yourself to be stirred to any
such action. It seems to me a duty to ourselves,
and to the cause in which we have laboured with
at least reasonable faithfulness, that we shall con
tinue our duties and make our report at the Jan-

RESULTS OF THE INDIAN WORK 221
uary meeting, and then if we should deem it a
duty for any or all of us to resign, we can do so.
Until then our relations with Mr. Delano, so far as
I am concerned, shall be quiet and courteous, more
so, if possible, than ever, for I do not mean to
give him the vantage ground upon which he stands
towards Mr.  , who has, I fear, lost much of
his power by rash and premature action."
How well Mr. Brunot kept his word is well
attested by the courteous and full answers to
the letters of Secretary Delano and of the Com
missioner of Indian Affairs, in which, among
other matters, he pleaded strenuously against
dealing with the Indians by war. " It is an ac
cepted maxim," he said to Mr. Delano, " among
civilised peoples that it is better for ten guilty
men to escape than that one innocent man should
suffer death. I hope I am not too partial to the
savages in thinking that it is better that a few
guilty should escape for a time, than that a whole
tribe should be attacked and many innocent suffer
death." About the same time he wrote to Mr.
Welsh: " I notice by this evening's paper re
ported cattle raids on the Sioux border. No
effort will be spared to get up a war with the
Sioux as an agency to increase the army and to
cover up transactions of contractors, and to make
it the groundwork of a general raid upon ' the
peace policy.' Mr. Delano will, I believe, do
all he can to prevent it. I regret that I cannot
.say.the same for  ."

222 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
Mr. Brunot succeeded by letter and by conver
sation in holding back individual resignations till
the original Board could act as a unit, thus add
ing to the dignity and effectiveness of their act.
" My own convictions," he wrote to Dr. Bishop
in May, 1874, " would have led me to resign my
place on the Board months ago, but our associa
tion with each other has been so agreeable, and
our purposes and action so harmonious, that it
has seemed to me most desirable that it should
so continue until the end of our connection
officially with Indian affairs."
Another reason was that he could not bear to
give up making one last effort to put the Indian
Department upon a sound basis. ¦" I venture to
remind you," he wrote to President Grant, May
8, 1874, " of our conversation on the i6th of
March, in which, for myself and other members
of the Board of Indian Commissioners, I sug
gested the desirability of placing the control of
Indian affairs in a department, or independent
office, whose head should receive a salary com
mensurate with the ability required and the im
portance of his position, and whose term of office
should continue during the term of at least two
or more administrations, subject only to removal
for cause. . . .
"You expressed approval of the plan, and
among other things said it would continue the
present policy, and take the Indian service out
of politics, but that you did not think Congress

RESULTS OF THE INDIAN WORK 223
would adopt it, that you would consult some of
the leading members on the subject and would
inform me of your conclusions.
" I greatly desire to know your decision in re
gard to the proposed measure ; the more so, be
cause we are convinced that it will be impossible
for the present relations between the Board of
Indian Commissioners and the Interior Depart
ment and the Indian Office— so far at least as the
original members are concerned — much longer to
continue. " Should Congress continue the Board with
the duty of supervising all accounts and contracts
of the Indian Office, and make its decisions final,
the engagements of the members of the Board
would hardly permit them to accept the duty.
On the other hand, should the duty be imposed
with no more power added than exists under the
present law, they will hardly consent to continue
a service which seems to them as vexatious and
arduous as it is ineffective in the correction of
abuses." The President acknowledged his inability to
accomplish this, much as he desired it, and Mr.
Brunot prepared a letter of resignation which
was promptly signed by all the old members of
the Board — Mr. Brunot, Mr. Campbell, Dr.
Bishop, Mr. Dodge, Mr. Farwell, and Mr.
Stuart. " We cannot take this step," Mr. Bru
not said to the President, " without expressing
our warm appreciation of the high motives which

224 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
have actuated you in the line of policy for the
treatment of the Indian tribes . . . and of your
faithful and persistent adherence to that policy,
through much opposition and in spite of many
obstacles. . . . Your policy has attained, by its
success and the manifest righteousness of its
foundation principles, a position in the judgment
of the right-minded people of the country which
it is hoped cannot fail to render it permanent;
nor can the evil deeds of individuals or small
parties of savages, or the necessity which may
arise to punish them, condemn the humane and
just treatment of the Indians generally, save in
the minds of those who, on account of hatred or
greed, denounce whatever seems to interfere with
their schemes."
Now, what, in a word, was the result of the
Board's service for more than five years ? Let
the answer be in the words of Mr. Cree, the sec
retary of the Board, who also resigned at this
time. (i) " The Board," writes Mr. Cree, " found the
Indian service honeycombed with fraud, from the
Indian Office in Washington to the most remote
Indian agency, and, as the Board believed, from
the head of it to the most unimportant employ^.
It has become as honest in its management, all
things considered, as are other departments of the
Government service, and its employes compare
favourably with other Government employes. (2)
Large sums of money, which were appropriated

RESULTS OF THE INDIAN WORK 225
year after year, for half a century, for the benefit of
the Indians, but which too often went in whole or
in part to enrich favourite contractors, are now,
and have been for many years, expended to civil
ise, educate, and Christianise the Indians. (3) In
dian wars, with the large sacrifice of life, both of
whites and of Indians, have been stopped, and
more money has been saved to the Government
from their cessation than an honest administra
tion of the Indian service would have cost from
its beginning to the present time.^* (4) The In
dians as a race were doomed to destruction, and
the American people as a whole accepted the
inevitable. They are now slowly increasing in
number, and they have the sympathy of the
great mass of the American people in their strug
gle for civilisation. (5) Laws made for the pro-
* The reader may ask how the somewhat general disaffection
of the Sioux, with its consequent war of 1876, so soon followed
the resignation of the Board. " There was nothing," writes Mr.
Cree, "at that time [1874] in connection with the management
of the Sioux to lead any one to expect trouble. [But see Mr.
Brunot's assertion on page 221.] Sitting Bull was a chief with
whom the Board never had any intercourse. He kept aloof from
the friendly Sioux and was always a doubtful factor in Indian
affairs." Mr. Cree goes on to explain that Sitting Bull and his
followers had been committing depredations and deserved punish
ment. This previous misbehaviour, however, is to be attributed
to the wily persuasions of Sitting Bull, and not to the Sioux as a
people. Though, it is true, his force was temporarily augmented
by a large number of young braves from the agencies, impelled
by Indian ideals, the responsibility for the actual war rests with
the Government, which determined to force all Indians at once
to their reservations. 15

226 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
tection of the Indians and lands assigned to them
by title as binding as any the white man claims
for his protection were utterly ignored and dis
regarded, and soon the Indians as a people would
have been left only their graves as a resting-
place. While there is still injustice in dealing
with the Indians, it is now the exception where
it used to be the rule, and the fault is rather in
carrying out well-meant legislation than in unjust
laws. (6) Indian lands, which at the time the
Board took hold of the work were held almost
universally in common and were largely unused,
are now being rapidly divided up and patented
to the Indians in fee simple. With private own
ership have come stock-raising, farming, and the
ways of civilisation. In short, the Indians, from
savages, have very generally become men and
women, with the responsibilities and privileges
that belong to manhood and womanhood, and
the Indian tribes are becoming communities of
homes with schools, churches, citizenship, and
the amenities of civilised life. The Indians are
now producers instead of consumers. (7) The
process of education so strongly advocated by
the Board is bearing most hopeful fruit, and each
year twenty-five thousand Indian young people
are in schools enjoying the benefits of education.
(8) Six Christian men (and others associated with
them), by six years of faithful unpaid services,
with no possible benefit to themselves, showed
that there were and are men who, prompted by

RESULTS OF THE INDIAN WORK 227
their love to God and their fellow-men, and by
a love of their country and its good name, and
a love for a much-abused and uncivihsed race,
would do what not one of them would have done
for money, honours, or the praise of men. They
did what they beheved was their duty to God,
their country, and the Indian race, asking noth
ing in return except the reward of a good con
science. All honour to the memory of such
men." With this loyal testimony I suppose every one
would agree who knew the history of the Board.
Other commissioners were appointed, but the
Board never had the same important place in
Indian affairs, partly because the work done by
the original Board was effective and final.
Mr. Brunot never lost his interest in the In
dians. He continued to serve their cause long
after he ceased to be an officer in their behalf.
Articles from his pen appeared from time to
time, telling now the history of the Navajos, or
again the history of Indian reservations, or still
again giving the account of General Garfield's
relation to the Flathead Indians. But his most
important later work was accomplished in 1876,
when it was proposed to turn the Indians over
to the War Department. The movement gained
strength, owing to the amazing plea of William
Welsh in its favour. For Mr. Welsh was cer
tainly a lover of the Indian's cause, and his one
voice, added to the avowed enemies of the Indian,

228 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
seemed likely to carry the day. As early as Jan
uary, 1874, Mr. Brunot had written to him: " I
was sorry to read in your letter that under any
existing or probable circumstances you would be
willing to see the Indian department turned over
to the military; for this, it seems to me, would
be a total abandonment of all hope for the In
dians. You say that if I knew all that you do
I would be of the same mind. If you knew all
that I know from personal observation in many
quarters you would sooner cut off your right arm
than consent to the change." A little later he
wrote to his friend, General Sherman, setting him
right about a statement which the general had let
fall to the effect that the " Peace Commission "
had given the Indians arms. The only arms he
had ever given or permitted to be given were
two revolvers presented to his friends, Blackfoot
and Long Horse, of the Crows, who pleasantly
said that they would use them to shoot buffalo
and Sioux. Sometimes, as Mr. Brunot waged
this war against the proposed measure, he grew
quite fiery. In one of his letters he quoted Gen
eral Sheridan as saying: " I will send a column
in from Fort Rice and the mouth of Powder
River, one from Fort Ellis down the Yellow
stone to the mouth of the Bighorn, and one from
Fort Laramie north, etc., and we'll make it lively
for the squaws, papooses, ponies, and villages."
" What visions of glory," commented Mr. Brunot,
" must have floated through the mind of the

RESULTS OF THE INDIAN WORK 22g
general as he penned those words ! What visions
of glory, when the brave soldiers in the field
should flash over the wires their triumphant de
spatches, ' We have met the squaws, papooses,
ponies, and wigwams — and they are ours!
In such a vein he wrote till 1876, when it was
definitely proposed to turn over the poor Indians
to the mercies of the soldiers. Mr. Brunot then
wrote an open letter to his friend and colleague,
William E. Dodge, of New York, which ap
peared at once in the leading New York dailies,
and through them was brought to the eyes of
the general public. Because this letter is un
usually significant, I quote it in full :
Pittsburgh, May 22, 1876.
M-^ Dear Sir ; One of the religious newspapers I receive,
in an editorial last week expressed a change of opinion in
regard to the proposed transfer of the Indians to the care
of the War Department, and frankly gave as a reason for
the change that the transfer of the Indians meets the entire
approval of their warm friend, Mr. William Welsh, of
Philadelphia. I know of no prominent working friend
of the Indians who agrees with Mr. Welsh in his recom
mendation of the transfer.
The Society of Friends, which has its teachers and civil
ising agencies with fifteen tribes of Indians, has formally
protested against the proposed wrong in the most earnest
manner. The Methodist General Conference has protested
against "relegating the Indians to the tender mercies of
the war powers " a5 unbecoming a Christian nation. The
Presbyterians, the Congregationalists, and, in short, every
religious denomination working among the Indians ear
nestly opposes the transfer, except the Roman Catholics.

230 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
The denomination last named has been unceasing in its
opposition to the Protestant missions and the agents who
have been nominated by the Protestant churches. Only
last summer an effort was made by Charles Ewing, the
attorney and "Commissioner" of the church in Washing
ton, and Pfere Broullet, Vicar General, to have the White
Earth Mission and Agency, upon which the Episcopalians
have spent more than forty thousand dollars in three years,
" taken from Bishop Whipple and given to the Catholic
Church." Mr. Ewing is the brother-in-law of General
Sherman. A purer man than Bishop Whipple, as you
know, does not step the earth. When the Indian service
was formerly controlled by the army, Protestant missions
to the Indians were rarely, if ever, a success, and civilisation
made no progress among them. However many, children
or adults, may have been baptized by the faithful Jesuit
itinerant missionaries, the Indians still remained blanketed
savages. The original Board of Indian Commissioners,
with four years of experience, and careful consideration of
every aspect of the question, was strenuously opposed to
the transfer of the Indians to the War Department, as a
measure fruitful of wrong and injustice to the Indians,
and of war expenses to the Government. The present
board holds similar opinions, which are thus expressed in
its late report :
" While we have the highest respect for the ability,
courage, and humanity of our military officers, we cannot
close our eyes to the fact that the men who enlist in the
army in time of peace are among the most vicious of our
population ; and there is unquestionable and abundant
evidence, as may be seen by the correspondence published
herewith, that wherever the latter are brought into close
contact with the Indians, the debauchery of the women
and the demoralisation of the men inevitably follow. If
the army is given the charge of the Indians, the camp
and the agency will be in close proximity, and bad results

RESULTS OF THE INDIAN WORK 23 1
are certain to follow. In addition to this, it is worthy of
consideration that military rule is everywhere, and in the
nature of the case must be, arbitrary. Under its suprem
acy, force will be brought to bear upon the Indians ;
this will beget resistance and end in war ; and war will,
of course, though white men are slain, destroy the Indian.
It can hardly be a question with thoughtful men, whether
it is not better to educate the Indians, to build houses and
schools and churches for them, to teach them to cultivate
the soil and acquire useful trades, to civilise and Christian
ise them, than to hand them over to a government that
would feel no interest in, and make no efforts for, the ad
vancement of those whom it governed ; a government
which is opposed to the genius of liberty and the progress
of the race. We cannot see any benefit whatever that is
likely, or even possible, to result from relegating the care
of the Indians to the army. The army is admirable in its
place, but its function is not that of civil government in a
Republic like ours."
I am fully convinced that the transfer would not be in
the interest, either of justice, economy, humanity, civilisa
tion, Christianity, or even honesty of administration. As
the limit of even a long letter will not contain a tithe of the
facts and arguments which could be adduced in support of
this conviction, a few must suffice.
Adopting the classification of Gen. F. A. Walker, who
was Commissioner of Indian Affairs in 1872, and had
every one's confidence, we learn that there are three hun
dred thousand Indians in the United States, and of these
ninety-five thousand are civilised, one hundred and twenty-
five thousand semi-civilised, and only seventy-five thousand
wholly barbarous. Classifying them in their relations to
the Government, there are one hundred and fifty thousand
who remain constantly on their reservations under com
plete control of their agents ; ninety-five thousand who
roam hunting and fishing, returning to their agencies at

232 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
intervals, and fifty-five thousand who do not visit agencies,
"but most of whom are inoffensive and commit no acts of
hostility against the Government." The class last named
has been much reduced by the collection of many of its
number at the Red Cloud Agency, since established, and
by the subjection of the Arizona Apaches. From these
figures it will be seen that if military government of the
Indians is desirable in any case, the condition of more than
three-fourths of their number is such as to render it undesir
able and unnecessary for them. This plain inference from
General Walker's statement is converted into an incontro
vertible fact by an examination of the reports of the
various agencies, which show that even the occasional aid
of the military is not needed either for the control or the
protection of a sixth part of the Indians of the United
States. In those cases where the military are present for
the protection of the Indian, there is no more propriety in
making them their governors than there would be in
making them execute the civil offices over the whites they
protect in other parts of the frontier.
There is a mistaken impression in the public mind that
wherever there is an Indian agency there is a military post,
and vice versa, and hence that the soldiers, being on the
ground, could perform the agency duties as well as not.
There are seventy-seven Indian agencies, mostly on reser
vations, and of these more than fifty are from twenty to
two hundred miles distant from any post or military camp.
Twenty are from one hundred to two hundred or more
miles distant, and at least twelve from fifty to one hundred
miles off. In Oregon there are six agencies, only one of
which is near a military post, and in Washington Territory
there are eight agencies and two military posts, only one
of which is in the vicinity of the Indians. From these facts
it will be seen that the argument of economy, based upon
the supposition that the army is conveniently located for
the management of the Indians, is not sustained by the

RESULTS OF THE INDIAN WORK 233
facts in the case. Shall we remove the military posts and
camps to the reservations ? or will you remove the Indians
to the posts ? The cost of either experiment would cause
the past expenses of the Indian service to shrink into insig
nificance before the opening outlays of the new regime.
If it is merely proposed to detach army officers from the
posts to perform the duties of agents, I reply that any one
acquainted with the nature of those duties must be aware
that the agent can have time for nothing else, and if there
are enough superfluous officers of a proper rank who can
be spared from the posts to perform them, the army needs
to be reduced. In this there vi'ould be economy. The
force of employes at an agency will be the same whether
under an officer of the army or under a civilian. Teachers,
farmers, blacksmiths, millers, and others are stipulated for
in the treaties, and neither officers nor soldiers are fitted for
such positions. Even at the military posts the herders,
teamsters, builders, hay-makers, wood-cutters, and others,
are civilian employes, and it is simply nonsense to say that
the similar labour of the agencies could be done by the
soldiers. The question of direct economy resolves itself
into that of the relative cost in pay and rations of a captain
or an Indian agent. A petty feature is this, indeed, rela
tively to the greater aspects of tlie subject ; but it is this
erroneous idea that the army is on the spot, has plenty of
men and leisure, and can perform the duties at the Indian
agencies as well as not, which has chiefly been urged in
favour of the transfer.
As to the indirect economy, the records, both civil and
military, abound with facts in evidence of what we may
expect from military rule. The Peace Commission of 1867,
which comprised in its membership Generals Sherman,
Harney, Augur, and Terry, declared that nearly all our
wars with Indians have been the result of our uniform in
justice to them, and in the same report showed that many
of them result from the injustice or indiscretion of military

234 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
officers. The Navajo war of 1862-3, the Sioux war of 1862,
and the Cheyenne war of 1864, which together cost proba
bly seventy-five millions of dollars, the lives of many sol
diers and settlers, and the devastation of the border settle
ments, are cases in point. The most thorough, searching,
and exhaustive investigation of Indian affairs ever made
was that of the joint committee of Congress, headed by
Senator Doolittle, in 1867. Said that committee in its re
port :
" While it is true many agents and employes of the Gov
ernment are inefficient, faithless, and even guilty of pecu
lations and fraudulent practices upon the Government and
upon the Indians, it is equally true that military posts
among the Indians have frequently become centres of de
moralisation and destruction to the Indian tribes, while the
blunders and want of discretion of inexperienced officers
in command have brought on long and expensive wars,
the cost of which, being included in the expenditures of
the army, are never seen and realised by the people of the
country." No one can go through the five hundred and twenty-six
pages of testimony which accompanies the report without
feeling that these words but mildly state the case. The
peace policy of President Grant was not yet conceived when
that report was made. Under its just and beneficent prin
ciples very many of the agencies have been judiciously
and honestly administered, and the Indians have made
rapid progress in Christian civilisation. There have been,
and are yet, some dishonest agents and unconquered rings,
but as a whole the peace policy is demonstrably a success.
It is not responsible for bad men or swindling contractors,
any more than our system of Republican Government is
responsible for the crimes and peculations of its unfaithful
public servants. From the report of the Board of Indian
Commissioners for 1875 I cite a few facts in proof of the
SUCC9SS of the peace policy, and to show that to abandon

RESULTS OF THE INDIAN WORK 235
it would be both folly and wickedness. In the Central
Superintendency — one of the two in charge of the Society
of Friends — there are about sixteen thousand Indians, com
prising fifteen tribes and parts of tribes. Says the report :
"In 1868 these Indians had only five schools, with one
hundred and five pupils, and in 1875 there were fifteen
schools, with eight hundred and thirty-six pupils. There
were no Sabbath-schools ; in 1875 there were fifteen. In
1868 there were no houses reported as owned and occupied
by them, and in 1875 they owned and occupied one thou
sand and forty-two houses."
In 1875 these Indians cultivated fourteen thousand, four
hundred and nine acres of land, raised three hundred and
twenty thousand, five hundred bushels of corn, twenty-
eight tliousand and thirty-two bushels of wheat, twenty-
nine thousand, one hundred and two bushels of potatoes,
cut four thousand, nine hundred and ninety-six tons of hay,
and their cattle had increased from six hundred and forty
head in 1868 to six thousand, five hundred and eighty in
1875. The Indians of the Northern Superintendency, num
bering seven thousand, five hundred, have advanced in a
similar proportion ; they are also under the Society of
Friends. It is to be observed that the civilised tribes of
the Indian Territory are not included in these figures.
Yakama Indians, at their agency in Washington Territory,
number three thousand, five hundred. When their present
agent went among them they lived on roots and fish and
wore skins and blankets. Three-fourths of their number
now adopt the]costume and habits of civilisation, have good
houses and church buildings, ten thousand acres of land
under fence and four thousand acres in cultivation ; five
hundred are members of the Methodist Church, and two
hundred and fifty have been taught to read and write and
have some knowledge of arithmetic and geography. These
cases cited are not isolated cases; they are but examples of
what the peace policy has effected in many other parts of

236 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
the field. The statistics of the notably successful missions
of the Presbyterian and Episcopal Churches in Minnesota
and Wisconsin, the Nez Percys, Western Shoshones, Uma-
tillas. Warm Springs, and other Indians on the Pacific
slope, would give similar confirmation of its success.
The policy of peace and justice and Christian civilisation
for the Indians is not a failure, and to abandon it would
be the crowning disgrace of a year which has already too
many dark entries upon its record. It has been vilified
from its inception by the haters of the principles involved
in its name ; by the haters of the President who gave it
vitality ; by thieves, land sharks, and contractors, with
whose schemes of plunder it interfered ; by place-hunters,
and by place-dispensing politicians whose patronage it
diminished. In spite of this it has done all and more than
its friends predicted. No man, in the face of such facts as
have been adduced, can rightly pronounce it a failure.
Nor should the current effort to force a war upon a single
tribe— the Sioux — to rob them of treaty rights which were
authoritatively contracted to them by General Sherman
and his colleagues, and solemnly confirmed to them by the
Senate of the United States scarcely eight years ago — be
deemed a failure of the peace policy. It is the deliberately
planned work of the enemies of that policy. It is a bad
and treacherous act, which in due time will take its place
in the long list of the nation's crimes against the red man.
Very truly your friend,
FELIX R. BRUNOT.
Hon. William E. Dodge, New York.

" You do not know with what interest,"
Bishop Whipple wrote several months later, " I
read your hearty, warm words. ... I think
your manly letter at the time Mr. Welsh was

RESULTS OF THE INDIAN WORK 237
disposed to turn our Indians over to the army
prevented it."
A leading journalist of New York,* a stranger
to Mr. Brunot, wrote in his paper: " It is not too
much to say that Mr. Brunot has rendered the
Indians more faithful and gratuitous service than
any other American citizen. Well would it be
for the ' wards of the nation ' if he and men of
like mind could always supervise their inter
ests." And a year later his friend, William
Welsh, wrote playfully: " If Bishop Hare is
elected an Eastern bishop to-day, will you re
fuse the office of Bishop to the Indians ? " But
whatever we may think of the estimate which
a quarter century ago friends and strangers put
upon his work for the Indians, it is clear to-day
that it was the great work of Mr. Brunot's life.
Should the reader suspect kindness or senti
ment in these estimates, he must remind himself
of certain facts. Mr. Brunot had a clear vision
how the Indian question could be met, by
making an Indian Department quite free of the
Interior Department. Could his plan for a Sec
retary for the Indians, who should be the peer of
the members of the President's cabinet, have
been carried out as he and General Grant de
sired, the Indian problem had long ago been
solved. By his own experience he knew that
the already overburdened Department of the In
terior could not manage so delicate a problem.
* Rev. Lyman Abbott, D.D.

238 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
The old way, he showed, was not more unjust to
the Indian than to the Government; for it was
extravagantly costly. It was only because un
scrupulous politicians blocked the path that Mr.
Brunot's great suggestion was not accepted.
But think what he did accomplish. He first
brought the Government to the point where a
treaty with the Indians was respected. He first
brought the Indians to the point where they be
gan to become individual owners of their lands,
and to have homes. He first effectively uncov
ered the devices by which money assigned to the
Indians went to thieves who called themselves
agents or statesmen ; since his day money voted
for Indians has, generally, been used for them.
Moreover, because he gave the Indians confi
dence in his sincerity and because he gave the
Government shame and wisdom, the passing of
the Indian wars was assured. One must remem
ber, too, how he defended the peace policy
against all protesters ; and if one does have a
lingering hope of what the War Department
might do, let the letter to Mr. Dodge be read
once more. It can be said with confidence that
it is due to Mr. Brunot, with the help of his col
leagues, that the peace policy has all these years
been maintained. Finally, we may trace to his
great influence the beginning of the conviction
that the Indian's place in the world is established.

Moot iV
THE AFTERNOON AND THE
EVENING
" Grow old along with me !
The best is yet to be.
The last of life, for which the first was made :
Our times are in His hand
Who saith, ' A whole I planned,
Youth shows but half ; trust God : see all nor be afraid ! ' '

CHAPTER I
VERONA
FOR twenty-five years Mr. and Mrs. Brunot
spent their summers, as a rule, at Bedford
Springs, though two summers were passed at
Saratoga, and there was much journeying to and
fro besides. Added to the journeys mentioned
in earlier chapters, there were days among the
White Mountains or among the hills of Vermont
or on the shores of Lake George; again there
was nearly a whole summer at Marquette, and
many a journey into Canada, where once when
at Toronto they heard the first message over the
cable from the Queen, and where Quebec at
tracted them most of all. One romantic car
riage drive they took into Virginia with their
own horses, whereby they came to Weir's Cave
just as the Dunkards were finishing a three days'
" Consideration." " And what do.you suppose,"
Mrs. Brunot used to say, " was the subject of it
all? It was whether it were a deadly sin to
have lightning-rods on their houses!"
Now and then a winter was spent in whole or
in part away from home, once in Florida, once
i6

242 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
at Asheville, twice at Fortress Monroe; and
often a spring became less dreary at Lakewood
or Atlantic City.
After the Indian expeditions, however, the
journeys became less frequent, and a chief rea
son for this was the purchase, in 1 870, of a large
farm in Verona, among the hills which look down
upon the Allegheny, twelve miles north of Pitts
burgh. By gradual planning the rough farmland
was converted into a noble estate, with a simple
house in the heart of fine old trees and undulat
ing lawns and roadways bordered with favourite
flowers. Not till 1873 could they spend their
summers here, but from then till the end they
were at Verona from May till October, and how
they loved it no pen can tell. Mr. Brunot
planted many of the trees which he saw grow
to full maturity, and a graceful fountain he built
with the help of his trusted David, who was his
loving servant for more than thirty years. This
fountain was a picturesque mass of irregular
stone, whose nooks and crannies were filled with
ferns and vines, and past which one looked
through an opened vista to the Allegheny and
its opposing hills. Then there was a path which
led to an arbour on the brow of the hill, whence
one looked down upon the little hamlet of Ve
rona, with the Allegheny flowing peacefully be
yond. There was also a path to a shaded rock,
where children loved to go for a drink at the cool
spring. And beyond the stable was a garden

VERONA 243
filled with all manner of fruits and vegetables.
It was all as simple as it was beautiful.
There were guests at Verona always, and be
side the friends who came for a week or so, there
were those who came out from the hot and dirty
city for the day. These visitors, who came to
spend the day, were of all grades of society, eat
ing with the family or with the servants, as, in
their station, they would be more comfortable.
And when they went home David brought them
a basket of fruit from the garden, and Mrs.
Brunot gathered a bunch of flowers.
The relation of Mr. and Mrs. Brunot to their
servants was always interesting. Each morning
before breakfast the coachman's children came
up from the lodge, and were in the dining-room
when the family came in, to take part in family
prayers, each member of the household reading
a verse of the chapter in turn. After prayers,
the children stood before Mrs. Brunot, and she
asked them to tell her the chapter they had just
read, and in their own simple words they told it.
Then she asked them, one by one, to give her
the verse of the hymn for the day, after which
they said together the verses they had learned
before. One morning, when Bishop Whitaker
happened to be there, he was so delighted with
the two boys that he jumped from his seat and
put a hand on the shoulder of each, and then
looking down into their eyes, told them how
glad he was to know them. No visitor to the

244 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT '
house could ever forget the scene ; for these chil
dren had come up to Mr. Brunot's dining-room
in town or country ever since their babyhood
days, and so it was for them the most natural
thing in the world. There was neither embar
rassment nor affectation. And as they were
about to go off, and the family were sitting
down to breakfast, they would take the letters
to be posted, or ask Mr. Brunot if they might
go on some excursion, since their father, they
said, had left it to Mr. Brunot whether it would
be proper for them to go. Or, if it chanced to
be Independence Day, Mr.s. Brunot gave each of
them a quarter dollar, telling them quaintly that
she deemed firecrackers a waste of money, but
they could do as they pleased.
Sunday afternoon the children came up again,
and Mrs. Brunot read to them from a story-book
which she had carefully selected, taking first a
boy's story, and then a girl's. Once more no
guest of the household ever liked to miss this
Sunday afternoon with the children, and most of
the guests joined the children in saying a verse
and in singing the hymns after the reading. It
was a religious atmosphere, as wholesome as it
was delightful.
Through the day, busy as it was, there was
always the opportunity for long talks, and with
their wide and varied interests Mr. and Mrs.
Brunot could talk of all the world as if it were
home to them. Almost every post brought a

VERONA 245
letter from a friend or a missionary in some far
away country, which was read aloud and dis
cussed. Then there were the appeals from all
sorts and conditions, none of which was ever
neglected, perplexing as it might be to discover
its merits. A train from town was apt to bring
a niece or a nephew for dinner, and all nephews
and nieces were as sons and daughters in the
Verona home. Just what the relationship to
them was is shown more clearly by a single letter
than by any words of analysis.
" Dear Uncle :
" Mama wants me to write and ask you if you wanted a
dog we have a Gray-houned which is not as pretty as Fan
but has been very much admired he is about six month's
old. You must excuse my paper but all of my good shets
are gone.
" School is going to begin Monday next and I am sorry.
" The hens dont lay one e.gg Mama says they are on a
strike. " I am afraid we are going to have a wet day altho we
nede the water bad I am sorry to have the fine weather
brake up.
" Saturday there was a girl up here that had never been
on a horse before and she got on one that was not vary
tame at most and so I thought I had better get on behind
her so if she got in a very bad fix I mite help her so I did
several times and she could no more guide a horse than fly
so I put the horse in a esy trot or a little more and she
began to hollow at the top of her voice if it had an end
which I think is doubtful at last she began to sway back
and forth first almost falling off one side of the horse and
then at the other she jumped around so I could not reach

246 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
around to catch hold of the reines till at last she threw me
ofi" of the other side of the horse and as I was holding on to
her I pulled her on top of me Sunday I crawled around a
little Monday I limped around and Tuesday I went to
town. " We enjoyed the ducks you sent up very much and had
theni for Sunday dinner. We have a new minister and
think we will like him very much.
" If I show this letter Mamma or the girls they will
laugh at the speling so I will seal it up and direct it my
self. Give my love to Auntie and Uncle N. Your loving
Nece." What a story of love for children that letter
shows ! The little girl was sure that every detail
of her life would interest the uncle to whom she
wrote, and she was not mistaken, for it has been
carefully folded away in one of his desks these
thirty years.
Often of a morning or an afternoon Mr. Bru
not would be running into town on business, and
Mrs. Brunot would often go to preside at one of
her many associations. Then Mrs. Brunot always
carried a great bunch of flowers, which she was
apt to give to some forsaken girl in the desolate
Pittsburgh station. Almost always one or both
of them came home with some story of a life
with which for a moment they had come in con
tact, and into which they had brought, by some
means, a raj' of sunlight.
In the twilight of evening they would sit on
the south porch, listening to the splashing of
the fountain, and, through the trees, watching

VERONA 247
the distant Allegheny on its way to the Ohio.
When it was quite dark they would go in, to be
joined by the servants for evening prayers, fol
lowed sometimes by a few hymns. Then all
would go to bed except Mr. Brunot, who loved
to read far into the night, but Mrs. Brunot would
give him a short candle which would burn to the
socket before midnight, that he might not alto
gether forget the lapse of time. And if the
candle did not burn out as soon as it ought, the
wakeful guest might hear a gentle voice at the
stairs, " Do come to bed, dear." In a moment
there was a step on the stair, a door was closed,
and all was silent.

CHAPTER II
LATER PATRIOTIC AND BENEVOLENT WORKS
JN a life so filled as Mr. Brunot's with all kinds
of good works, it is obviously impossible to
speak of all. A few, however, may be singled
out to show his spirit.

A movement that had his loyal support from
the first was the National Reform Association,
which aimed to secure a religious amendment to
the Constitution, in order that all Christian laws,
institutions, and usages might be " on an unde
niably legal basis in the fundamental law of the
land." The first convention met in Philadelphia
in 1870, and from that time, by speech and by pen,
he pleaded for the amendment. In 1873 he suc
ceeded Justice Strong, of the Supreme Court of
the United States, as President of the Associa
tion, and continued to hold the position for
nearly a quarter century. In a minute adopted
at his death, the Executive Committee said that
" he rendered invaluable service to the cause,
presiding at many of its important conventions

PATRIOTIC AND BENEVOLENT WORKS 249
and at the business meetings of its Executive
Committee, and making large contributions for
carrying on its work. His addresses at the con
ventions were of the style of Washington's state
papers, calm, thoughtful, and full of intense
patriotism." It may be interesting to quote here and there
from these addresses. At the convention of 1870,
Mr. Brunot quoted some one who said it was un
fortunate that the amendment was not pushed
before the reconstruction, since all the Southern
States would oppose it. " He is mistaken," said
Mr. Brunot; " when the Confederates remodelled
our Constitution and adopted it ' unanimously,'
they had amended the preamble by inserting
after the word ' posterity ' the words ' and invok
ing the favour and guidance of Almighty God.' I
honoured them for that. I felt that in their wise
acknowledgment of their dependence upon the
God of Nations and of battles in their funda
mental declaration of nationality, they had the
advantage of us. When they shall have rallied
around the Constitution in the Union, they will
surely favour the amendment which they them
selves unanimously adopted when untrammelled
and uncoerced. And shall we of the North — the
people who of all the peoples of the world have
most cause to be grateful for His goodness — hold
back ? God forbid ! "
At the convention of 1873, as he was taking
the chair, he alluded to the admiration which

250 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
people must feel for the Constitution. " But,"
he added, " no human work was ever absolutely
perfect at its origin; neither was the Constitu
tion of the United States. The great men who
formed it recognised this fact in providing for its
amendment, and amendments have already been
made, the wisdom of which few will gainsay.
There is hardly an educated man in America to
day who could not frame a simple clause, which,
had it been originally inserted in that Constitu
tion devised to ' establish justice and promote
domestic tranquillity,' would have saved the na
tion from a deluge of blood, and her coffers an
argosy of treasure. It is no slur upon the fathers
of the Constitution that this was not done by
them. But the omission and the result serve to
illustrate the fallibility of the highest type of
human wisdom, and will suggest to the most
common mind that the work of the Convention
of 1787 was not perfect.
" That skepticism pervaded the minds of the
leading statesmen of the day is undeniable. Its
malign influence upon the deliberations of the
convention become painfully apparent when we
read that the proposition of Dr. Franklin that
' prayers imploring the assistance of Heaven,
and its blessing upon our deliberations, be held
in this assembly,' received but few affirmative
votes. " Their political, literary, and social relations
with France were of the closest character, and

PATRIOTIC AND BENEVOLENT WORKS 25 1
the atmosphere of France was breathed by our
statesmen. Her great infidel writers were then
sowing the wind which seemed to that people
the very breath of liberty. It grew into the
whirlwind of the French Revolution. The
framers of our Constitution felt the breeze, but
knew not of the storm. We have seen the
storm, and the awful record of it stands to our
warning." A little later in his address he sums
up his contention:
" If, then. Almighty God is the source of all
political power; if the individual man is bound
to acknowledge his dependence on God ; if the
State is a personality with obligations, responsi
bilities, and duties; if the acknowledgment of
these facts is in accordance with the general
prevalent practice of the Government of the
United States; if it has always accorded with
the spirit and conscience of the nation and the
people ; if we are a Christian people — let us say
so." And then as he finishes, he meets the ob
jection that the amendment limits the liberty of
the people. " I would," he says, " give my
body to be burned sooner than aid to take away
from the Constitution its guarantee of freedom
of conscience in religion."
In his opening address the next year at Pitts
burgh, where there were over a thousand dele
gates, he speaks at length upon the freedom of
the amendment. " To Christianity," he says,
" and to Christianity alone, is the world of the

252 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
nineteenth century indebted for rehgious liberty.
Destroy this, and you destroy Christianity. De
stroy Christianity, and you destroy religious lib
erty. God forbid that anj^ under our banners
should desire this, and God forgive and enlighten
those who charge us with intending such a crime.
" No nation ever existed without a religion,
and the religion of our nation is Christian. Her
laws are founded upon the principles of Christian
morality as contra-distinguished from natural
morality, revealed religion as the opposite of
natural religion. The ultimate written source
from which their principles are derived is the
Bible. The written laws and common law are
in accordance with the religion of the people.
They are Christian, and we have no other laws,
save the Constitution, the supreme law, which
stands as the infallible test and rule of construc
tion." This same year he addressed a letter to a local
convention held in Boston, and the letter was
deemed so important that it was copied in many
journals throughout the country.
In 1875, Mr. Brunot wrote three articles on
The Work of the Fathers of the Republic, and
in 1878 he wrote an exhaustive article on Dr.
Franklin's Speech and Resolution for Prayer
in the Federal Convention, in which he cited
all the sources for his careful information. All
these articles had a wide reading, and the enthu
siasm for them was not confined to those who

PATRIOTIC AND BENEVOLENT WORKS 253
wished a new amendment of the Constitution.
It was a great matter to have an accurate com
pilation from original sources, showing the deep
religious sense that had pervaded the leaders of
the nation. These papers glowed with an intelli
gent patriotism which was contagious. Whether
the "religious amendment" is necessary may
still be an open question ; that it is the hope of
America that men like Mr. Brunot see clearly the
Christian basis of our national life, is absolutely
certain for all time. II
Another national movement that greatly inter
ested Mr. Brunot was the Evangelical Alliance.
He was founder and president of the Pittsburgh
branch, and presided at the national convention
which met in Pittsburgh in 1875. He looked
upon the Alliance as the best available means to
band Christian men together for certain public
measures. " Never," he said in his Pittsburgh
speech, " save under the aegis of Protestant
Christianity has absolute freedom of conscience
existed, and upon Protestant Christianity rests
the responsibility for its perpetuation. The pro
tecting framework of this principle of the Gospel
of Christ is our Christian government, with its
Christian usages and laws founded on the princi
ples of Christianity. This is the blessed charge
we have to keep ; and when the hand of State or

254 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
Church, of infidel organisation, or unchristian
corporation, shall be stretched out for destruc
tion of our Sunday, our public schools, our free
Bible, or our Christian laws; woe be to the
Evangelical Alliance if its powerful voice shall
not be heard and its strong arm raised in arrest
of the sacrilegious attempt. The Evangelical
Alliance can have no concern with questions of
administration, of finance, of revenue, or of the
ordinary political measures of government ; but it
becomes its constituent elements to see eye to
eye, and stand shoulder to shoulder in defence
of the Christian Sunday, Christian marriage, and
Christian education." He also presided at the
international meeting of the Alliance held in
Philadelphia, when the Dean of Canterbury
opened the devotions by reading Psalm cxxxiii.
Mr. Brunot was deeply impressed with the possi
bility of Christian unity, and saw in the Alliance
a foreshadowing of that possibihty. " When,"
he said at this meeting, " I accepted the honour
able duty which the committee imposed upon
me, of presiding at this meeting, I did not fully
realise what I had agreed to do. What wonder,
then, that, standing before this great assemblage
of Christians from every clime, I should speak
with faltering hps and hesitating tongue ? And
yet, great as is this assemblage of the Evangelical
Alliance of the world, how it fades into insignifi
cance before the grander thought which has
prompted your coming here. In yonder harbour

PATRIOTIC AND BENEVOLENT WORKS 255
the ships from all lands are noble and beautiful,
and yet what are they when you carry your mind
from the work of men, beautiful as it is, to the
grander work of God, over which His winds have
wafted these ships in safety ? So it is when we
go to the moving idea of this great assembly; it
is to realise the millennium, as far as human
means can do it, in the union of all Christians
in advancing the one main object, the glory of
Christ. It is for this we are here. Let us not
forget it in our assembling; let us not forget it in
our parting, and although we do come from dif-
erent lands, let us not forget that we have one
country, one land, one home, which is common
to us all."
Once more, it is an open question whether
such loose organisations as the Evangelical Alli
ance really promote the cause of Christian unity,
but it is such a zeal as Mr. Brunot's that shall at
last make Christian unity a reality.
Ill
Mr. Brunot was also much interested in the
Young Men's Christian Association, both in
Pittsburgh and throughout the country. From
the time of its organisation in Pittsburgh, he was
one of the largest contributors for its support,
and was from 1881 a trustee. Besides, he went
often to the great conventions, where he was a
favourite speaker. In May, 1875, the Conven-

256 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
tion met in Richmond, and was notable as the
first convention held in a Southern State after
the war. Through the enthusiastic rashness of
some very young men sectional topics came up ;
and when a storm seemed certain, " Mr. Brunot,
in his calm and impressive way, made a well-con
sidered speech which carried the convention to
safer ground." How vital he believed this work
for young men is shown by the fact that he left
the Pittsburgh Association ten thousand dollars
in his will, in addition to constant gifts during
his life.
Mr. Brunot was strongly enlisted in two re
forms — one for the keeping of Sunday and the
other for temperance. On both these questions
he wrote and spoke frequently, and with the
same cautious and judicious fairness which char
acterised his words always, however earnest he
was. But perhaps nothing is so eloquent as this
simple note :
"Dear Sir :
" In reply to your favour of the i6th inst. asking if I am
willing to rent the vacant store on Main Street for a saloon,
I have to say that I cannot consent to allow any property I
control to be used for that purpose."
And that is the end of the letter. So, too, in
the Sunday question his work was practical, for
he arranged that a band of influential citizens
should request the new mayor to maintain the
Sunday laws. But he recognised that the highest

PATRIOTIC AND BENEVOLENT WORKS 257
motive in either reform must be the forming of a
strict and respectable public opinion in the com
munity. Time would fail to tell of the various works of
mercy over which he presided. Nothing that
needed a helping hand looked to him in vain.
Now he was presiding over a great mass-meeting
for " Free Italy"; now he was founding a free
dispensary in Pittsburgh; now he was planning
some advance for the three hospitals ¦* of the
community with which he was connected; now
he was giving a new apparatus to the chemical
laboratory of the Western University, of which
he was a trustee; now he was starting for To
ronto to meet the Association for Prison Reform ;
now he was joining with his friends, William
Thaw and James Hanna, to make the Western
Seaman's Friend Society more efficient by a
large new property. Of this society Mr. Brunot
was president for many years, and to show his
interest he often dined at the " Home," which
was a sort of cooperative inn. Once during a
Methodist Conference, a coloured clergyman had
been quartered in the " Home," and three young
men who had been seated with him at breakfast
told the superintendent at noon that they must
not be put at a table with a " nigger," or they
would leave. While the dispute was at white
heat, Mr. Brunot came in and inquired what was
the matter. Then he asked to be introduced to
* West Penn, Dixmont, and Allegheny General Hospitals.
17

2S8 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
the coloured man, and, taking him by the arm,
conducted him through the dining-room to his
own seat. The young men, who were strangers
in town, and who had supposed that Mr. Brunot
by his appearance must be at least an English
nobleman visiting our benevolent institutions,
were so much chagrined that they apologised
forthwith. What Mr. Brunot's presence meant at any
public gathering in Pittsburgh in those days is
readily seen by reference to any file of the daily
press. There is always the record of unusual
and prolonged applause, which indicates not only
courtesy, but a real affection for the man. And
how thoroughly his leadership was recognised is
shown by the lavish number of associations and
meetings over which he was invited to preside.
There is no doubt that whatever titles his modesty
led him to disclaim, there is one title which he
could not disown: he was certainly the first citi
zen of Pittsburgh.

CHAPTER III
THE LONG SHADOW
VIGOROUSLY as Mr. Brunot lived, the
thought of death was often present in these
last twenty-five years. He had been too near
death himself several times to allow the thought
to be unfamiliar. Moreover, the death of his father
and mother in 1872 and 1873 had been a severe
blow to him. I have already spoken of the fihal
affection by which, all through life, Mr. Brunot sat
at his mother's table at the midday dinner. And
how close he was to his father is shown by the
record of his father's last hour. " As I held his
hand," the son wrote, " after the family farewell,
I said, ' It is almost over; in a few hours we must
part. Do you still think you are prepared to
go ? ' 'I think so,' he said; then with a look
of intense earnestness, ' I know so.' And these
words, consistent with his faith in Christ, were
the last he spoke."
A few years after this he was called to the
funeral of a busy friend who had died in the
midst of his toil. Mr. Brunot was so impressed
that when he went home he wrote these verses:

26o FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
I am hammering at the anvil,
I am holding at the plough ;
O Death I I hear your summons.
But I cannot heed it now ;
Know you not that stocks are rising ?
See you not I'm pushing on —
Buying, building, scheming, thriving —
Half my life-work not yet done ?
Day by day the spikes are driven.
Day by day the rails go down ;
When the work and worry's ended.
Mine the riches and renown ;
Then — but waiting for the grasping —
Civic honours loom before ;
I must win them, — when I wear them.
Death, I'll drop the labouring oar.
No ! I cannot heed your summons.
See you not I've work to do ?
When my threescore years are over.
Then, O Death, I'll think of you ;
Then, I'll listen to your calling.
Rid my soul of every load ;
Gird me ready for the journey.
Trim my lamps, and mark the road.
Lightly, then, I'll reach the river,
Stoutly breast the rolling tide, —
Oh ! give time, to face the Judgment,
Waiting on the other side !
When — Ah I how your bony fingers
Strain my heart-strings, chill my brow-
Death ! O grasp me not so tightly —
Wait until— 
Death answers — Now !

THE LONG SHADOW 261
Grant, O God, may / be ready
When Thy messenger shall come.
Though the iron still be shapeless,
Though the plough be in the loam ;
Whatsoe'er my earthly losses.
Whatsoe'er life's blessings be,
May my triumphs, and my crosses.
Bring me nearer. Lord, to Thee.
Thou canst make the awful summons
Angels' whispers to mine ear ;
Chilling blood and breaking heart-strings
Thrills of joy, if Thou art near !
Waiting, working, praying, hoping,
While the shadows creep apace ;
Clinging to Thee — resting on Thee,
Death is but Thy crowning grace.
Every fall, during October and November, Mr.
Brunot was wont to go to his club house at Win-
now's Point (near Toledo), for a few weeks' fish
ing and duck-shooting. One stormy November
day in 1884 he alone left the club house, for the
rest did not love the duck-shooting sufficiently
to brave the storm. There are many islands
near the shore about Winnow's Point, and as he
went between two of these, the wind struck his
boat with such violence that he knew it could
not endure the storm. So he jumped out. He
was a fine swimmer, but his pockets were weighted
down with ammunition, and the rubber boots
which were strapped to his thighs filled with
water. It seemed as if he must give up the
struggle, for, in addition to all the rest, the

262 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
water was icy cold and was chilling him through
and through. Fortunately, after two hours, the
punter who had gone to pick up the ducks, saw
an empty boat float by, and came back. He
carried Mr. Brunot to one of the islands, where
he laid him on some boards till he could get
help. Mr. Brunot was already benumbed, and
the wind blowing on his wet clothes added to his
exposure. At last, nearly dead, he was brought
back to the club house, and his friends worked
over him to restore him. He went home with
a severe cough, but Mrs. Brunot knew nothing of
the catastrophe till the following Easter-Even.
Then when Mrs. Brunot suggested that they
should give a thank-offering on Easter-Day, he
cheerfully assented, and told her the great cause
of thanksgiving in his marvellous escape. So
they gave a thank-offering of ten thousand dol
lars for missions throughout the world that
Easter-Day. It was an escape from sudden death. But it
was the beginning of a lingering death which was
to last for more than thirteen years. The paraly
sis which entered the door of his strong frame
that cold November day was to creep gradually
and slowly on, till it had conquered all but his
invincible spirit.

CHAPTER IV
MRS. brunot's WORKS OF MERCY
MRS. BRUNOT always shared Mr. Brunot's
work, and after the beginning of his long ill
ness she did all she could to maintain the various
interests for which he would have toiled had he
been able. But in addition to all this, Mrs.
Brunot had independent work of her own; in
which, however, Mr. Brunot always heartily co
operated. Never, certainly, were two lives more
closely bound together. One Easter Mrs. Brunot
laid a bright Easter card on Mr. Brunot's plate
at breakfast. " He was so grieved," Mrs. Brunot
afterwards wrote, " that he could find none to
please himself for me; and he took his card to
his room and wrote these sweet lines on the
back of the card:
" Take back the picture, with my poor refrain —
(The pretty card I found upon my plate) ;
'Twas yours, 'tis mine, 'twas mine, 'tis yours again.
Love's Easter greeting, yours and mine, my mate.
" The gilded thorn stems twisted to a cross
Leafless and bare, but wreathed in living flowers,
Tell of life's story with its pain, its loss.
Its weary moments and its golden hours.

264 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
" O Lord of life ! thy servants teach to live.
So near the Cross our dying song shall be, —
In the sweet hope Thy love alone can give, —
The Easter song of triumph learned of Thee."
These quickly written verses tell the long
story of their single-hearted life together. And
the story could be told in many forms; as, for
instance, when Mrs. Brunot wrote playfully to
him: " I personally helped to clean your room,
and at night did take so much comfort in seeing
all so nice, and a nice drop light just made to fit
your chandelier; so I do hope you will have
more comfort in reading. But I did not destroy
a paper, and tried to put everything just where
it was. Certainly love for you is the only incen
tive to such a hard job." At another time
there is this characteristic note in her journal:
" This is our silver wedding-day — how many
mercies to be thankful for! Twenty-five years
of outward prosperity with a good, kind husband
of whom I am, I fear, proud."
The story of Mrs. Brunot's special work shall
be told by her dear friend, Mrs. Ormsby Phillips,
who was her neighbour and associate for many
years. " It is not an easy matter," writes Mrs. Phil
lips, " to tell of all the good works in which my
friend, Mrs. Brunot, was interested. Much of
the charitable work done for the last forty years
in Pittsburgh and Allegheny owes its inspiration
to her hearty sympathy and timely aid, and the

MRS. BRUNOT'S WORKS OF MERCY 265
knowledge of what she has done has been a stim
ulus, not only in America, but also in foreign
lands. She was a member of the State Board of
Charities, and as such was brought in contact
with men who are accustomed to deal with prob
lems of social and moral import. A devoted
member of the Protestant Episcopal Church, she
saw the opportunity of furthering the cause of
missions by the women of the Church, and in
1880 she lent her influence to the founding of
the Pittsburgh branch of the Woman's Auxiliary
to the Board of Missions, and for some years she
was its active secretary. Through the Auxiliary
it was her delight to contribute largely of her
wealth to missions, and it was no uncommon
thing to read of her gift of thousands towards
work in various fields, one of the last acts of her
life being the giving of thirteen thousand to build
a home for the untainted children of lepers in
China. She was one of the charter members of
the Church Home in Pittsburgh, leaving the
Board on her removal to the West. She was not
only active in work in her own church, but ' the
streams of her bounty overflowed to fertilise
other undertakings which she felt had been con
ceived in the spirit of devotion to the cause of
the Blessed Redeemer. It was not the mere
giving that aided these most ; but the genuine
earnestness of her example, the unmistakable
proof of a consecrated life, that stimulated the
enterprises to which she lent her aid.' Her in-

266 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
terests were confined to no one denomination,
and to no one line of work. Every needy cause
found in her a friend, and she gave generously,
not only of her money, but also of herself. She
was never too tired to listen to the sorrows of
the needy, and was never weary of giving timely
help and thoughtful little gifts that showed her
personal interest and sympathy to those in
trouble. The Allegheny Orphan Asylum, a
large and flourishing institution, was a dearly
loved object of her care, and owed much of its
success to her wise counsel as president of the
board for many years. Interested in the tem
poral welfare of the children, she was eager to
fasten in them the missionary spirit as well, and
in addition to her weekly Bible class she held a
missions class, where so great was the children's
interest in a little ' sister in Japan,' that the con
tents of their missionary ' mite box ' were sent
quarterly for her support.
" The Widows' Home in Allegheny was begun
by her as a refuge for breadwinners who, un
willing to ask for alms, or receive them, were
wearing out their lives in miserable cellars or
crowded houses, striving to maintain their fam
ilies, dreading the landlord's monthly claim,
which they felt to be their hardest burden.
This home consists of sixteen buildings where
one hundred worthy poor find shelter at a nom
inal rent. For nearly thirty-three years Mrs.
Brunot was president of the Board of Managers.

MRS. BRUNOT'S WORKS OF MERCY 267
" Her connection with the Allegheny Female
Bible Society extended over a period of fifty-six
years, and she was president for thirty-two years.
Her recent gift of a thousand dollars to this so
ciety, whose four Bible readers make hundreds
of visits each month to the poor and ignorant,
was proof of her interest in carrying the Gospel
to the heathen in our community.
" For fifty-three years she laboured in the So
ciety for the Relief of the Poor in Allegheny,
being for much of that time president of the
Board of Managers. By personal visitation and
timely aid she has brought cheer to the hearts of
many heart-broken widows and orphans.
" The Tract Society, organised by Mrs. Brunot
for the distribution of evangelical literature in
1844, had her for its only president for fifty
years. " Mrs. Brunot was also very much interested
in the West Penn Hospital, and contributed
freely of her money to that institution.
" No more lasting monument can be erected
to Mrs. Brunot's memory than that which she
herself has reared, in the inaugurating and build
ing up of the Woman's Christian Association of
Pittsburgh and Allegheny, an association for
charitable and benevolent work, of which she was
one of the charter members, and of which she
was president from its inception. In the thirty-
two years of its existence eleven distinct branches
have sprung up. The Association to-day owns

268 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
three hundred and thirty thousand dollars' worth
of real estate, embracing seven large homes, free
of debt, filled with inmates.
" (i) The Temporary Home for Destitute
Women was organised by Mrs. Brunot thirty
years ago, and still opens its kindly doors to
the poor and suffering.
" (2) The Home for Aged Protestant Women.
Of this Home Mrs. Brunot was a charter mem
ber, and its president for two years, resigning
because of the pressure of other duties.
" (3) East Liberty Young Woman's Christian
Association. " (4) Coloured Orphan Asylum.
" (5) Christian Home for Women was also
near Mrs. Brunot's heart, and, as president of
this institution, she was a help to many a sin-
laden soul.
" (6) The Young Woman's Boarding Home
owes its beginning to Mrs. Brunot, and she gave
for its use the house adjoining her own home, as
a token of her love for the work. Just two Sun
days before her death, after being in her sick bed
for a fortnight, she went there to hold a Bible
class, which so exhausted her strength that she
was never able to get up again.
" (7) Home for Aged Protestant Couples.
To each of several of these homes her gift of a
thousand dollars was the starting point in their
existence. Referring to this work a leading
newspaper says : ' Mrs. Brunot, the president of

MRS. BRUNOT'S WORKS OF MERCY 269
the Woman's Christian Association, has long
been a leader in charitable enterprises, and is
never so happy as when she is working for the
sick and suffering, the poor and the unfortunate.
With a heart and purse open, she stands ever
ready to succour the suffering and rescue the
perishing. Giving all her time and strength to
doing good, she is seldom met in society, yet no
woman's name is more lovingly enshrined in the
hearts of thousands than hers.'
" Her unbounded interest in so many and
such varied charities brought her in touch with
an immense number of people, and she was
granted the opportunity of helping in many a
good cause. She considered it her ' blessed
privilege ' to give, and her purse was always
open for that purpose. She was conscientious
and firm in her behef that wealth was bestowed
as a trust to be returned with interest to the
Giver of All. An instance showing her earnest
ness may be given. A dear friend who knew
she was sending thousands of dollars to missions
gently said : ' Are you not impoverishing your
self by such large gifts ? ' Mrs. Brunot replied :
' Oh ! I feel that each day's delay may cause the
loss of an immortal soul.'
" A few words taken from her address as presi
dent at the commencement of a new work will
illustrate her simplicity and spirit, and her ear
nest desire not to arrogate to herself any glory
or word of praise for her generosity.

270 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
"'Dear sisters,' she said, 'let us begin this
work feeling our utter helplessness to do any
thing good of ourselves, and let us rely from day
to day on help from above. Let us prayerfully
make up our minds to work for the salvation of
souls, looking forward to the end of life, and act
ing as we shall wish we had acted when we shall
fully realise that work done for eternity is all
that is worth an immortal soul's care. This
work will, I am sure, keep us nearer the Master,
and lead us to be more consistent in our daily
walk and conversation. Let us consecrate our
time, health, and money more completely to
Him whose life-blood has bought us.'
" Those who knew her best could not fail to
see how wonderfully strength of purpose and
simplicity of character were blended in her life.
The secret of her strength lay in prayer, and her
early morning hours were spent in communion
with her Divine Master and in study of His
Holy Word. Her conscientious devotion to
duty and her manifold works of mercy formed
no ground of her hope for heaven; but on her
dying bed she trusted only to the Blood of
Christ for acceptance with God."
This concise record leaves little to be added,
unless, indeed, one were to write a book about
Mrs. Brunot's charities alone. Old friends will
recognise how accurate Mrs. Phillips's estimate
is, and will recall how Mrs. Brunot loved Miss
Havergal's verses, and Winslow on the Holy

MRS. BRUNOT'S WORKS OF MERCY 271
Spirit; how she loved to write letters to Mild-
may, of which she was a member ; and how, in a
word, her life was what, without cant, we com
monly call a spiritual life.
If we turn to the practical manifestations of
this life, we have only to remember how, even
on a drive, every soiled urchin on the street was
an object of interest and solicitude. Often she
would call to such a child, smile upon him in
a way that would assure him that he was not
patronised, ask him a few lively, laughing ques
tions, and then toss him a little story in the form
of a tract. The pockets in the doors of her car
riages were filled with these tracts, and she would
distribute them as she thought their simple stories
would cheer or warn their readers. Or, again,
we have but to recall the story she used to tell of
her visit with Mr. Brunot to Richmond in 1875.
Mr. Brunot was in attendance upon the conven
tion of the Young Men's Christian Association,
and they were being entertained at their rela
tives, the Van Lews. Miss Van Lew had all
through the war been an open sympathiser with
the North, and had given General Grant all the
help she knew how to give. She was naturally
hated by her neighbours, but because of her so
cial station she was not ostracised. After the
war was over she still made no secret of her con
victions. The Sunday that Mr. and Mrs. Brunot
were in Richmond, Mrs. Brunot made ready to
go to St. Paul's Church, where the family had

272 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
a pew. But, as they started. Miss Van Lew said
she wanted Mrs. Brunot to go with her. They
drove on and on, past all the churches, till the
bewildered Mrs. Brunot found herself before a
great wall. ' ' Why, where are we ? " she ex
claimed. " Cousin Mary," said Miss Van Lew
in a business-like way, " you have a good voice,
you must use it in your Lord's service." It was
a penitentiary! Mrs. Brunot was dragged out
before she could collect her wits, and the assist
ant came in response to Miss Van Lew's knock
ing. " This is my friend," she said to the assist
ant, " and she has come to speak to the men."
Mrs. Brunot didn't know whether to faint or to
cry; but before she could decide. Miss Van Lew
had pushed her into a corridor, into which,
through their bars, murderers and thieves were
staring at them. " Come out, boys," the assist
ant cried, " a lady's come here to speak to you ; "
and so they all came out, among them a very tall
man wearing a planter's hat. He was the chief
murderer. By this time desperation had given
Mrs. Brunot courage, and she asked the men all
to kneel. They did so, and when they rose
they looked at her calmly and absorbingly, and
waited. What could she say ? The murderer
was right beside her, and this brought to mind
the story of David, so she told it, and drew as
the lesson that they ought not to be discouraged.
After this Miss Van Lew and Mrs. Brunot went
to the coloured men, and then to the women.

MRS. BRUNOT'S WORKS OF MERCY 273
By this time Mrs. Brunot was thoroughly warmed
to her task, and was as much at home as in her
own room. When the visit was over, the coach
man drove them back to St. Paul's, which they
found crowded to the doors and the sermon
well advanced. They were given seats near the
door, and it became evident at once that the
clergyman was preaching about General Lee.
" Dear me! " cried Miss Van Lew in a conversa
tional tone, " I came to hear the Gospel, and
he's preaching about General Lee. Let's go!"
And with that she jumped up and went out, and
Mrs. Brunot, more dazed than ever, followed.
Next they drove to a church for coloured people,
where both Miss Van Lew and Mrs. Brunot found
everything just as sincere and hearty as could
be desired. So the morning closed, showing, if
nothing else, that Miss Van Lew's judgment of
her cousin's ability was both keen and accurate.
No account of Mrs. Brunot would be complete
without at least some reference to her singular
unworldliness. It was not only unworldliness of
the sort that led her to spend every Christmas
afternoon with the orphans at one of her institu
tions, playing with them, reading to them, and
unveiling at last a wonderful tree; but it was
also of the kind that cared absolutely nothing
for dress. To please Mr. Brunot she would
wear very fine materials, but to please herself
she never would allow the maker to give them
any dash of modern style. Because she was so
18

274 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
prominent, little minds could not fail to com
ment on her quaint garments; and over these
comments, when she heard them, she made her
self extremely merry. One day at the Church
Missions House in New York a young clergy
man, who knew more of Paris fashions than of
some other things, came in and introduced him
self to Mrs. Brunot's devoted friend. Miss Sybil
Carter. Miss Carter knew how kind Mrs. Brunot
had been to him, so she said, " You know Mrs.
Felix Brunot, don't you ?" " Oh, yes," he an
swered gayly, " and doesn't she look as if she
came out of the ark!" "Young man," said
Miss Carter indignantly, " Mrs. Brunot is one of
the few people I know who would have been
worthy to go into the ark! " Knowing the love
and confidence which these two noble women
had for each other, I have asked Miss Carter to
put down her estimate of Mrs. Brunot's work.
" You have asked me," Miss Carter writes,
" to give you some reminiscences of the life work
of Mrs. Brunot. This I gladly do, for she was
as a missionary mother to me, as she was to a
large proportion of our Church missionaries both
at home and in foreign fields. If ever a woman
truly deserved the name ' A mother in Israel,'
Mrs. Brunot is that woman. Her interest in the
poor in her own city, as to both their spiritual
and their temporal needs, and her desire to help
every feeble church in her diocese, was shown in
her steady annual gifts to all charitable work in

MRS. BRUNOT'S WORKS OF MERCY 275
the two cities of Pittsburgh and Allegheny, and
in her ever-watchful eye upon country parishes.
In mission stations in the home field, and in
Japan, China, and Africa, her letters and gifts
of money and supplies were simply a wonder to
me, in their regularity and thoughtfulness, which
showed her great interest in the cause, and her
rare intelligence.
" As a special missionary of our Church, I was
accustomed to visit many of the Western mis
sionary jurisdictions, and constantly was told of
daily comforts and things needful for carrying
out the workers' plans, ' This was sent us by
Mrs. Brunot of Pittsburgh ! ' While I was on the
visit to our missions in Japan and China I found
every one of our workers sure of her ready, lov
ing help. Her sympathy for suffering showed it
self in many ways ; constant self-denying gifts for
hospitals, and her latest effort to establish a hospi
tal for lepers, are examples of this sympathy.
" When all the country said, ' The Indians are
lazy,' she said, ' Poor things, they are idle, not
lazy ' ; and when I proposed to start an industry
for Indian mothers, she said, ' Go and do it ; I
will stand by you as long as I live.' She did it
grandly. She it was that gave the entire ex
pense of putting a lace teacher at Anadarko,
Oklahoma, paying the salary always, and leaving
a legacy to continue the work there for six years.
She, in the last year of her life, gave five thou
sand dollars to open a like work among the

276 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
Sioux women at Greenwood, South Dakota, say
ing, ' Give them teaching of home life, of God's
love for them, and give them work and pay them
wases, and we shall soon see a beautiful Chris-
tian womanhood developed among them.' And
her prophecy is true.
" I always felt renewed in spirit after a visit
with her. If I was tired, all little troubles
seemed to slip away and become nothing, as I
talked with her. In her later years she suffered
daily great pain, yet never allowed it to take her
mind from holy things. In her presence I felt
truly the strength of St. Paul's words: ' Our
light affliction, which is but for a moment, work
eth for us a far more exceeding and eternal
weight of glory, while we look not at the things
which are seen, but at the things which are not
seen ; for the things which are seen are temporal,
but the things which are not seen are eternal.'
She unconsciously lived those two verses, and
strongly influenced me in my earnest desire to
please God.
" What more shall I say than that a true
' mother in Israel' is now at rest; that I loved
her; that I miss her as I miss few whose lives
have touched mine ; and that her grand, pure
character is ever before me as a life example.
The very thought of her love to God and love to
humanity stirs my heart daily.
" May our Father bless her memory to many
hearts throughout our whole Church and land."

CHAPTER V
THE SEPARATION
MR. BRUNOT'S passing from this world was
so gradual that for several years it was felt
that he might die at any moment. For more than
a decade he had been withdrawn from the affairs
of men, and then he was rarely seen except
through the window of his carriage. For the
last two or three years his tongue was paralysed,
and he could not speak, and all but Mrs. Brunot
felt that he could not understand what was said.
Day after day she sat beside him and knew every
want, and communicated with him in a way as
unmistakable as it was unseen and unheard.
The excellent man who was his nurse attended
him night and day; in the town house an eleva
tor was put in, so that he might be taken to all
parts of the house as of old, and in every way
he lived his waning life as nearly as possible as
others lived. " I shall always cherish the recol
lection of my visit," Bishop Johnston wrote;
" the carriage waiting at two in the morning, and
the good cheer spread to refresh me after the
fatigue of travel ; and then the daily sight of that
noble Christian man, waiting in silence, after a

278 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
busy life, for the summons that would call him
to higher service, where the unloosed tongue,
with its poetic fire, would forever sing the praises
of Him who has bought us."
When they went to Verona each spring, he
was evidently glad ; and often, as they drove,
Mrs. Brunot would call for the rector's* little
boy; and as he sat beside Mr. Brunot, he would
put his tiny fingers on Mr. Brunot's feeble hand,
and in response the light would come stealing
gladly into the silent old man's eyes. It was
pathetic to see the noble face telling its story of
purity and grace as clearly as ever; but helpless,
utterly helpless, to show forth the life of the
struggling spirit.
Even Mrs. Brunot knew that the end could
not be far away, and she used to write: " We
both know that we have not much longer to live,
and we are both ready to go when our Father
calls us." But the end itself was sudden, after
all, and I may leave its sacredness to Mrs. Bru
not's own words as she told it in a letter to a
friend :
" Friday, May 6th [1898], the weather was
beautiful, and David started early with a large
load for Verona. Mr. Brunot went down in the
elevator, as usual, to prayers and breakfast, but
he had no desire to eat ; and all morning, in his
room, he was very quiet, but uttered not a word
of complaint, and granted our wish for him to go
* The Rev. Laurens McLure, D.D.

I

m^

THE SEPARATION 279
to dinner with us, but food was distasteful to
him; and about three he was evidently in much
bodily distress, sitting in his large easy chair.
This increased, and all Saturday he suffered
greatly, and only on Sunday the doctor found it
was inflammation of the bowels. Both doctors
watched beside him, but no relief came from the
poultices. Finally, the pressure of the hand
gave some relief.
" Monday morning [May 9th], about four
o'clock I lay down beside Mr. Brunot on the
bed. The doctors thought him unconscious of
his great suffering. But he breathed so pain
fully, almost groaned, with his eyes shut. This
lasted from four in the morning till ten minutes
past three. I was looking intently at him ; and
in the midst of a great groan, he started up as if
called, opened his eyes wide, and looked intently
up to the ceiling, as if listening to some one
speaking. I think he clearly saw his Saviour,
who had come to fulfil His promise, ' I will come
and receive you unto Myself.' He then closed
his eyes with the most perfect expression of
peace, and in one instant afterwards the face of
suffering seemed to dissolve, and in its place was
the dear face and chiselled features of twenty
years past. It seemed to me as my arms were
about him that I had been with him to the very
gate of Paradise as his spirit entered in. Words
cannot express my gratitude to the Great Father
of our spirits for the comfort and peace that

280 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
came to me as I looked on this wonderful scene,
and so fully realised that my dear husband has
entered into the fulness of joy at God's right
hand, seeing the King in His beauty."
At once as the news of his death went over
the world to those who had known and loved
him, he seemed never more alive. All the life
he had lived so well lived itself over again in the
memory of his friends, and letters came with
their words of comfort. Of all these, one will
show the tone.
" My dear friend :
" The Lord knoweth them that are His — the righteous
and the wise ! ' In that day ' they shall • shine as the
sun ' ; ' there shall no torment touch them ' ; and they
shall be together. To be the wife of such a man ; to know
all that was in him, divine or human ; to have held him in
your bosom ; to have shared his life and to know that he
shared yours ; to have all this for an everlasting possession
and inalienable treasure — this must comfort sorrow and
outweigh the sad sense of loss.
" With loving faithfulness, " Yr's in the Risen Christ,
" F. D. Huntington."
From a missionary bishop * came the testi
mony: " How well I remember when I first
knew him how deeply he impressed me and
fired my enthusiasm. Impressed by his self-con-
* Bishop Wells of Spokane, of whom Mr. and Mrs. Brunot
were very fond.

THE SEPARATION 28 1
secration, I knelt down and consecrated myself
again more wholly to the Master's work for
others. ... I feel deeply the influence and in
spiration received from him, just as I was enter
ing upon my missionary life." One poor man,
who said that " he had loved Mr. Brunot in
secret" for many years, asked to be allowed to
guard his grave " every night for four or five
weeks." Indeed, from the most unexpected
quarters came the news of what Mr. Brunot's
life had meant to the world.
As men gathered themselves into Christ Church
for the funeral, it became evident that some word
must be said in addition to the simple service of
the Church, so out of the fulness of their hearts
the rector and the Rev. Dr. Alsop, an old pastor,
said words of love and confidence. At the grave
the bishop said the committal, and the words of
Mr. Brunot's own hymn, which had been sung
in the church, rang in the hearts of the people
as they went away:
Press on, my soul, nor heed the deepening gloom,
Still press thou on ;
Though creeping shadows gather round the tomb,
Still press thou on ;
Through gloom, and tomb, along the narrow way.
One lights thy path, to reach eternal day.
Desponding, Lord, I lean upon Thy Word,
Hold Thou me up ;
I would not live but that my cry be heard,
Hold Thou me up ;

282 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
My stumbling feet from evil would be free.
And firmly, fleetly, bear me on to Thee.
I triumph. Lord ! Thy promises I claim ;
I shall be safe !
Not for myself, but for His Holy Name —
I shall be safe !
How dread soe'er deserved wrath may be.
Thy loving mercy, only, judgeth me.

CHAPTER VI
THE END
STRONG as her will and her faith were, Mrs.
Brunot was unable to go to the funeral. She
was utterly crushed for the moment, but her old
strength returned speedily, and she wrote: " My
beloved is in perfect peace, and my ruling desire
is to do my work as Christ's follower better than
ever. I have had deep, quiet happiness." Ac
cordingly she went as usual to all the meetings
of her boards, and wrote hundreds of letters
every month, as in the old days.
Mr. Brunot had often said to Mrs. Brunot that
people would be amazed to find how little money
they had to leave at their death ; for in addition
to the rule which they had long ago made,
always to give away all their income, they had
also been giving away large sums from the prin
cipal. No one can ever tell what these constant
gifts through life amounted to in the aggregate.
But, in spite of this lavish giving during his life
time, Mr. Brunot left at his death about three-
quarters of a million in bequests for charitable
purposes. All the details of his will would not
interest the reader, but it may be well to repeat

284 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
Bishop Whitehead's summary given at the Dio
cesan Convention:
" A life characterised by generous gifts for all
sorts and conditions of men, was crowned by leg
acies in behalf of almost every department of the
Church's work. The General Board of Missions
was generously remembered* in Mr. Brunot's
will, and aided both in its domestic work and in
its educational efforts for the Indians and col
oured people of this country, and among the
heathen of Japan, China, and Africa. The
American Church Missionary Society was assisted
in the line of Christian education, and also by a
generous amount for missionary work in Brazil.
The Evangelical Education Society received a
bequest of twenty thousand dollars ; St. James's
Church, Pittsburgh, ten thousand ; our Church
Home, five thousand; the Philadelphia Divinity
School, thirty thousand ; and eight girls' schools
of the Church in the Western jurisdictions were
made beneficiaries under certain conditions. f In
all, well nigh one hundred and fifty thousand
dollars:}: were given to institutions of the
* $60,000.
f The conditions being fulfilled, each of the eight schools
received more than $33,000 apiece. The schools were St. Mary's
Hall, San Antonio ; St. Peter's School, Helena ; Platte Collegiate
Institute of Nebraska ; All Saints' School, Sioux Falls ; St.
Helen's Hall, Portland, Oregon ; Bethany College, Topeka ; St.
Mary's School, Spokane ; and Rowland Hall, Salt Lake City.
X With the additional bequests for the schools, the amount
bequeathed to institutions of the Episcopal Church amounted in
the aggregate to $420,000.

THE END 285
Church, in addition to large bequests to hos
pitals, and societies of various kinds, undenomi
national, educational, and reformatory, many of
them in Pittsburgh, aggregating almost half a mil
lion of dollars.* We may well thank God for so
conspicuous an example of stewardship worthily
exercised, and should pray that such an example
may not fail of wide imitation.
" What better instance can be given of the
usefulness of a consecrated life made perennial
and unfailing through all generations ? At the
last Day of Account innumerable will be the
testimonies from the four quarters of the globe
and from the islands of the sea to the elevating
and ennobling influence of Mr. Brunot's life. In
all parts of the world, and in many tongues, he
being dead yet speaketh and shall speak, always
' testifying the Gospel of the grace of God.'
0 si sic omnes ! ' '
Though doing much work, Mrs. Brunot knew
that her life was near its end. Under the date
of April 8, 1899, she wrote: " In writing a check
very early this morning, I found that this is my
seventy-seventh birthday, and I think for the
first time I felt ' I am getting old surely.' This
I am sure is strange, for l am very old." And
then she added in her quizzical, humorous way,
" I wonder I did not know it sooner." The
next month she wrote her will, beginning with
these characteristic words:
* With amounts named above, $750,000.

286 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
" Feeling that life is at all times uncertain, I
desire to dispose of what my kind heavenly
Father has put into my possession, that the in
terests of His kingdom and His glory on earth
be advanced, and also that my estate may be
divided without trouble. I desire also to say for
the comfort of my friends that through the in
finite mercy of my heavenly Father I have a
sure hope of eternal life, resting entirely on the
merits of His dear Son Jesus Christ, our Re
deemer." Then she bequeathed various sums, ranging
from one thousand to five thousand dollars, for
all the benevolent institutions of Pittsburgh and
Allegheny with which she had been connected;
five thousand dollars to St. James's Church, and
three thousand for the church at Verona; five
thousand each to the Church in Japan, in China,
in Cape Mount, in Mexico, in South Dakota; also
for church work among the coloured people, for
Indian work under Mr. Cooke, and for the
Woman's Union Missionary Society; ten thou
sand for Spokane; three thousand each for
Nevada and Utah; for the Industrial School at
Lawrenceville, Virginia; for St. Augustine's
School at Raleigh, for the aged clergy fund, for
the American Sunday-School Mission, for Miss
Roff's work, and for the American Bible Society;
two thousand each for the Church in Cuba, in
Hayti, in Montana, in Laramie, in Alaska, and
for Miss Carter's work; one thousand each for

THE END 287
the Church in Oklahoma, in Defiance, in South
ern Florida, in Western Texas, in Arizona, and
in Kansas; also for Hampton, and for Tuskegee.
Altogether the gifts do not aggregate much more
than one hundred thousand dollars, but there is
a conscientious carefulness to bestow them where
they would do the most good. In the same
thoughtful way both Mr. and Mrs. Brunot had
designated bequests to their many nieces and
nephews. Nor was the faithful David forgot
ten: to him and his family were assigned the
lodge at Verona, valuable lands, and the horses
which he loved.
Shortly after making her testament, Mrs. Bru
not was very ill, but she seemed completely to
recover, and was, as usual, in Verona for the sum
mer. She was unusually well, and took a vital
interest in all about her. No girl of sixteen
could run up the stairs more easily than she, and
she would not be waited on. It was impossible
to think her old, for she was free even from that
weakness of vanity which so often besets the old
age of a successful life. She talked of the past
, incessantly, but she as eagerly talked of the
future; and she was thinking little of her own
part in it all. She constantly told earnestly
what " we " would do; and then she would cor
rect herself and say "I," as the tears would
come into her tender eyes. But it was right still
to say "we," for Mr. Brunot's life was bound
up in hers; and no old friend could sit on the

288 FELIX REVILLE BRUNOT
southern porch at evening and look past the
fountain, down through the trees to the river,
without feeling that both Mr. and Mrs. Brunot
were beside him in that dear Verona home.
As the Verona house was being closed for the
summer Mrs. Brunot caught a severe cold, which
in the Allegheny home she could not shake off.
It developed finally into pneumonia, and became
so serious that her favourite niece was sent for.
She reached her the last day of October, to find
her unconscious ; but at two in the afternoon Mrs.
Brunot suddenly opened her eyes and recognised
her with her usual sweet smile. She evidently
thought that she had just waked from a night's
sleep, for she said at once, " Now we will have
prayers." Accordingly a grandnephew, Mr.
George Sibbett, went at once for Dr. Meech,
the rector, who came in a few moments. The
doctors had now given up every hope of her
recovery, and all who came were allowed to see
her. She recognised them all, and to all she
gave her hand. Among them were her faithful
and true friends and servants, David and his
family. Dr. Meech had come frequently, and
in the evening Bishop Whitehead came and had
prayers, for which she thanked him warmly;
then the pain came on again, and then uncon
sciousness once more. The next day (All Saints'
Day) the unconsciousness continued, and she lay
perfectly still, with her eyes closed, and her lips
moving shghtly, evidently in prayer. Occasion-

THE END 289
ally the watcher caught the words, " O death,
where is thy sting! " and " Now I lay me down
to sleep," and " All through the merits of my
Saviour." Several of her nieces and nephews,
who loved her as a mother, stood about her, and
just as All Saints' Day was finished, she quietly
breathed her last breath, and all was over.
For some of us the shadows of the evening
seemed suddenly to have grown very dark, till
we remembered that, a little farther on, there
had dawned a beautiful new day.
19

INDEX

Abbott^ Rev. Lyman, on Mr.
Brunot's Indian work, 237.
Africa, Mr. and Mrs. Brunot's in
terest in and gifts to, 134, 275, 284.
Aged Clergy Fund, 286.
Alaska, Indians of, 160, 201, 202 ; Mrs.
Brunot's bequest to the Church in,
286.
Alexandria, Va., Mr. Brunot's hos
pital services at, 80.
Allegheny, Pa., Sanson Brunot's
work at, 10; the Episcopal Insti
tute, 12-14; George Hogg, Sr., re
moves to, 32 ; the Brunots settle
in, 36 ; Sanitary Fair, 95 et seq, ;
Christ Church, 125 ; Mrs. Brunot's
worksof mercyin,264etseq.; Gen
eral Hospital, 257; Orphan Asylum,
266; Widows' Home, 266 ; Female
Bible Society, 267 ; Society for the
Relief of Poor, 267 ; Woman's
Christian Association, 267 ; Mrs.
Brunot's bequests to, 286.
Allegheny Valley Railway, 42-44.
All Saints' School, Siotix Falls,
2S4.
Alsop, Rev. R. F., 281.
American Bible Society, 286.
American Church Missionary So
ciety, 133 et seq., 284.
Anadaghcos, meet Indian Commis
sion at Fort Sill, 158 et seq.
Anadarko, Okla., lace school at,
^73-
Annapolis, Md., home of Felix
Brunot, 4.
Antietam, battle of, 82, 83.

Apaches, meet Indian Commission
at Fort Sill, 158 et seq.; subjection
of, 232.
Arapahoes, meeting with, at Camp
Supply, 151 et seq.; capture of
Ouray's son by, igi ; murders com
mitted by, 193 ; negotiations with,
215.
Arizona, Indians of, 160; Mrs. Bru
not's bequest to the Church in, 287 ;
subjection of the Apaches in, 232.
Association for Prison Reform, 257.
Atwater, Isaac, 87.
Augur, General, on Indian wars,
233-
Aycrigg, B., 132.
Bakewell, Thomas, 62.
Bakewell, William, 26.
Bannock Indians, 203, 215.
Barlow, Mrs., 30.
Batchelor, C. W., 94.
Baxter, Judge, 71.
Beaver Head Canon, matrimony at,
171, 172,
Beavers, Mr. Brunot's observations
of, 203,
Bedford Springs, 241.
Beeson, Walter, 76.
Belfast, Ireland, 104.
Bethany College, Topeka, Kan., 284.
Binney, Horace, 116.
Birney, General, last words, 92.
Bishop, Dr. Nathan, on Board of
Indian Commissioners, 143 ; mis
sion to the Indian Territory, 149
et seq.; at Fort Sill, 159 ; letters to,

292

INDEX

220-222 ; resigns from the Indian
Board, 223.
Blackfoot, Crow chief, speech of,
208-211 ; Mr. Brunot's gift to, 228.
Board of Indian Commissioners, Mr.
Brunot chairman of, 120 ; consti
tuted, 142 et seq.; methods, 194;
work and difficulties, 219 et seq.;
resignations in, 223.
Boston Public Library, 40.
Bowman, Rt. Rev. Samuel, 127.
Brazil, Mr. Brunot's interest in and
gifts to, 134, 135, 284.
Breading, Mary, 30.
Breading, Nathaniel, 30.
Broullet, Pfere, 230.
Brown, Matthew, President of Jef
ferson College, 17, 20; receives
Webster at Cannonsburg, 19, 20.
Brownsville, Pa., the Hogg family
at, 29-32.
Brunot, Ann R. (mother), 5, 22.
Brunot, Elizabeth (sister), 5, 15.
Brunot, Elizabeth Krieder, 4.
Brunot, Felix (grandfather), career
and character, 3, 4, 6 et seq.; "ex
communicates" the Pope, 9; ther
apeutical use of electricity, 9 ; re
ligious affiliations, 9, 10; builds
Christ Church, Allegheny, 10.
Brunot, Mrs. Felix, 7, 8.
Brunot, Felix (uncle), 75.
Brunot, Felix Reville, his place in
history, v ; character and person
ality, vi, 217, 218, 278-281 ; birth, 5 ;
influences of boyhood, 6 et seq. ;
love for his uncle Sanson, 10 ;
school days, 11-14 ; attends West
ern University, 14; home influences,
14-16; early poetic instinct, 15; poet
ical talent and poems, 15, 18, 22-24,
32-34,92-94,136,137, 260, 261, 263, 264-
281, 282 ; at JefEerson College, 17-20 ;
a civil engineer, 20 et seq.; studious
disposition, 22 ; leaves college, 22 ;
literary influences, 22, 23 ; survey
ing experiences, 24-28 ; makes a
celebrated map, 25, 26 ; abandons

engineering, 27-29; resemblance
to Washington, 28, 180 ; visits St.
Louis, 29; courtship and marriage,
29-34 ; visits Rock Island, 32 ; en
gages in milling, 32 ; inspiration
of the West, 32-34 ; settles in Rock
Island, 34 ; settles in Allegheny,
36 ; family prayers, 35, 150, 243,
247 ; joins Singer, Hartmann, &
Co., 36; turns attention to phi
lanthropy, 36 et seq. ; fosters
the Allegheny Valley Railway,
42-44 ; visits Pilot Knob, 44 et
seq. ; position on the Civil War,
55i 133 ; refuses military commis
sion, 55 ; mission in field and hos
pital, 56 et seq.; services after
Shiloh, 56 et seq.; in charge of
Marine Hospital, Pittsburgh, 59 ;
contracts blood-poisoning, 59;
summer of i86z, 61 et seq. ; in Bal
timore, 62, 75 ; taken prisoner, 66 ;
in Libby Prison, 69 et seq. ; ex
changed for Lawrence Washing
ton, 71 et seq. ; returns home from
Libby, 76 ; in Washington, 76, 78,
80, 82, 92, 147, Z17 ; returns south,
77 et seq. ; at General Convention
of 1862, 82 et seq.; Pittsburgh San
itary Fair, 94 et seq. ; Pittsburgh
Sanitary Soldiers' Home, 100 ; as a
soldier, 100 ; trip to Europe, loi et
seq. ; in General Convention of
1865, 116-118 ; letter to E. M. Stan
ton, 118, 119 ; disinclination for
political life, 119-121 ; refuses Com-
missionership of Indian Affairs,
120, 182 et seq.; church and mis
sion work, 122 et seq.; the world
his parish, 126 et seq.; service in
General Conventions, 127; a hero
to the servants, 128 ; at Chicago
meeting of Evangelical Church
men, 131 ; letter to Bishop Cum
mins, 132 ; attitude toward schism
in the Church, 132, 133 ; founds
American Church Missionary So
ciety, 133 et seq. ; interest in Kan-

INDEX

393

Bfunot, Felix V^tvWX^—Cdniinued.
sas, 136; connection with Board of
IndianCommissioners,i43;atCrowAgency, 147 ; punctiliousness in
financial matters, 149 ; mission to
Indian Territory, 149 et seq.; first
report of the Indian Commission,
i49i i55i 156 ; Sunday observance,
150 ; at Fort Sill, 157-159 ; second
year's Indian work, i6i et seq.;
visits the Utes, 162, 163 ; letter from
Bishop Whipple, 169 ; third visit to
Indians, 170 et seq. ; visits Pacific
Coast, 170 et seq.; holds service in
Montana saloon, 171 ; solemnizes
matrimony in Idaho, 17a ; holds
service for Indians, 172, 173, 175 ;
attempts to visit the Nez Percys,
173 ; at Grand Ronde Agency, 177 ;
at Warm Spring Agency, 177 ; at
Puget Sound, 178 ; at Skokomish
Agency, 178; at Seattle, 178; at
Lummi Agency, 178, 179 ; at Tula
lip Agency, 178-180 ; at San Fran
cisco, 181 ; the Modocs and, 181 ;
integrity, 181, 182 ; narrow escape
from Chicago fire, 182 ; letters to
President Grant, 186, 222, 223 ;
fourth visit to Indians, 186 et seq.;
theory of Indian negotiations, 187 ;
visits Crow Agency, 187-191 ; a
sportsman, 188 ; visits Yellowstone
National Park, 188, i8g, 206, 207 ;
letter to Jay Cooke, 189 ; fear
lessness, 190, 193 ; council with
Utes, igi ; conference w^ith Sho
shones, 193-195 ; interviews w^ith
Washakie, 193-195 ; letter to Gen
eral Walker, 195 ; correspondence
with G. H. Stuart, 197, 198; in
terest in, intimacy with, and work
for Indians, 199 et seq., 206 et seq.,
227 et seq,, 237 et seq.; correspond
ence with William Welsh, 200, 201,
219-221, 228, 337 ; letter to Felix
Brunot, Indian, 202 ; letter to Sec
retary Delano, 205, 206 ; on deal
ings with the Utes, 205, 306 ; ad

dress to the Crows, 207 et seq. ;
gifts from Crows, 209, 211 ; letter
from Governor Potts, 212, 213 ;
love for Ouray, 214 ; on the work
of the Indian Commission, 215 et
seq. ; unearths Indian frauds, 216;
opposes white invasion of Indian
Territory, 216, 217 ; letters to Dr.
Bishop, 220-222 ; resigns from the
Indian Board, 223 et seq.; letter to
General Sherman, 228 ; gifts to
Indians, 228 ; letter to W. E.
Dodge, 229 et seq. ; social and
family life at Verona, 242 et seq.;
letter from a niece, 245, 246 ;
reading habits, 247 ; president of
National Reform Association, 248
et seq.; later patriotic and benev
olent works, 248 et seq.; writes
articles on National Reform sub
jects, 252, 253 ; work and interest
in the Evangelical Alliance, 253-
255 ; defends marriage, 251 ; voice
for education, 254 ; voice for Sun
day observance, 254, 256 ; interest
in Young Men's Christian Associa
tion work, 255, 256 ; position on
temperance, 256 ; at Young Men's
Christian Association convention
in Richmond, 256, 271 ; works of
mercy, 257 ; president of Western
Seaman's Aid Society, 257 ; popu
larity in Pittsburgh, 258 ; on his
father's death, 259 ; thoughts of
death, 259 et seq.; accident at
Winnow's Point, 261, 262; thank-
offering for rescue, 262 ; the be
ginning of the end, 262; wedded
bliss, 263, 264 ; silver wedding, 264 ;
passing away, 277 et seq.; the end,
278-280 ; munificence of his chari
ties, 283 ; charitable bequests, 283-
285.
Brunot, Felix, Indian, son of Washa
kie, 195.
Brunot, Felix, Indian, formerly
Pretty Rock, 202.
Brunot, Hilary (father), 4, s ; enters

394

INDEX

civil life, 5 ; removes to Pittsburgh,
5 ; religious affiliations, 10 ; losses
of children, 15 ; character, 22 ;
death, 259.
Brunot, Hilary B., acknowledgments
to, vi.
Brunot, Hilary J. (brother), 14.
Brunot, Mary H., aid in preparation
of volume, v, vii ; birth and edu
cation, 30 ; courtship and marriage,
29-34 ; trip to Europe, loi et seq.;
letter to her mother, 107 ; accident,
108, 109 ; Sunday-school work, 122
et seq.; interest in the Church and
missions, 135 ; visits Indian Terri
tory, 149 et seq.; at Fort Sill, 159 ;
trip to Fort Laramie, 161 etseq,;
visit to Pacific Coast, 170 et seq.;
visits Montana, 171 ; sends statue of
Virgin to Tulalip, 180; visits Puget
Sound, 182 ; narrow escape from
fire at Chicago, 182 ; visits Yellow
stone National Park, 206, 207 ; so
cial and family life at Verona, 242
et seq. ; works of mercy, 263 et seq. ;
religious convictions, 270 ; visit to
Richmond, and mission work at
penitentiary, 272 ; unworldliness,
273; interest in Indians, 275,276;
describes Mr. Brunot's death, 278-
280 ; letter from Rt. Rev. F. D.
Huntington, 280; chanties, 283;
closing days, 283 et seq.; makes
her will, 285-287 ; the end, 289.
Brunot, Melzina (sister), 15,
Brunot, Rev. Sanson (uncle), 4 ;
career and character, g, 10.
Brunot Resolution, 87.
Brunot's Island, 4.
Buffalo Good, speech of, 159.
Butler's Ranch, Yellowstone Park,

Caddos, meet Indian Commission
at Fort Sill, 158 et seq.
California, mission to Indians of, 160.
Campbell, Robert, on Board of In
dian Commissioners, 143 ; mission

to Fort Laramie, 161 et seq.; re
signs from the Indian Board, 223.
Camp Supply, meeting with Indians
at, 151 et seq.
Canadian River, 154.
Canby, General, massacre of, 181.
Cannonsburg, Pa., Mr. Brunot's life
at, 17-20 ; Webster's visit to, 19, 20.
Canterbury, Archbishop of, meet
ings with, III, 113, 114.
Canterbury, Dean of, 254.
Cape Mount, mission church at, 124,
125, 286.
Carnegie, Andrew, 41.
Carpenter, Thomas P., 87.
Carter, Sybil, acknowledgments to,
vii ; reminiscences of Mrs. Bru
not's life work, 274 ; Mrs. Brunot's
bequest to, 286.
Chalfant, J. W., 94.
Chambers, Ezekiel F., 84.
Cheyennes, meeting with, at Camp
Supply, 151 et seq.; capture of
Ouray's son by, igi ; negotiations
with, 215.
Cheyenne war of 1864, 234.
Chicago, meeting of Evangelical
Churchmen at, 131 ; the great fire,
182.
China, Mr. and Mrs. Brunot's gifts
to and interest in, 134, 265, 275, 284,
286.
Chirouse, Father, 180.
Christ Church, Allegheny, 10, 125 ;
Mr. Brunot's funeral services in,
281.
Christian Commission, 100.
Christian Home for Women, 268.
Christianity, Mr. Brunot on, 251-253.
"Christian Times," quoted, 82.
Christian unity, Mr. Brunot's anxi
ety for, 254, 255.
Chugg, The, Montana, life at, in
1871, 171 ; service in a saloon, 171.
Church Home, Pittsburgh, 265, 284.
" Church Journal," quoted, 82.
Civil War, Mr. Brunot's position on
the, 55.

INDEX

29s

Clarke, Robert, 25.
Clarkson, Rt. Rev. R. H., 88,
Colorado, Indian wrongs in, 155 ;
council with Utes in, 191 ; the In
dian question in, 205, 206.
Coloured Orphan Asylum, 268.
Coloured people, Mrs. Brunot's be
quests for work among, 286.
Colour line, Mr. Brunot on the, 257,
258.
Colyer, Vincent, Secretary of Board
of Indian Commissioners, 143 ; mis
sions to Indians, i6o, 168, 202.
Comanches meet Indian Commis
sion at Fort Sill, 158 et seq.
Conyngham, J. N., 82.
Cook, Rev. J. W., 202, 286.
Cooke, Jay, letter to, 189.
Cox, J. D., 183.
Cree, Thomas K., acknowledgments
to, vi; Secretary of Board of In
dian Commissioners, 143, 146 ; on
Mr. Brunot's infiuence over In
dians, 151, 181 ; mission to Pacific
Coast, 170 et seq.; attempts to visit
the Nez Percys, 173 ; visits Grand
Ronde Agency, 177 ; visit to Warm
Spring Agency, 177 ; accompanies
Mr. Brunot on fourth visit to In
dians, 187 ; council with Utes, 191 ;
recovers Ouray's son, 192 ; friendly
relations with Washakie, 195 ;
recommended for Commissioner of
Indian Affairs, 198 ; unearths beef
frauds, 200 ; intimacy with Indians,
206 et seq.; visit to the Crows, 208 ;
on Indian frauds, 215, 216, 224 et
seq.; on the work of the Board,
224 et seq.; on the Sioux ^var, 225.
Crockett, Davie, Indian, 180.
Crow Agency, Montana, 146, 147,
187-191.
Crows, Mr. Brunot's conference with
the, 189, 190; visit to, 206 etseq,;
Mr. Brunot's address to the, 207 et
seq.; war with the Sioux, 207, 210,
211 ; gifts to Mr. Brunot, 209, 211 ;
cede Yellowstone lands, 212 ; fail

ure of Congress to ratify treaty
with, 213.
Crump's Landing, Tenn., Mr. Bru
not's work at, 57.
Cuba, Mr. and Mrs. Brunot's gifts to,
134, 286.
Cummins, Rt. Rev. G. D., letter to,
132.
Curtin, Governor A. G., gg.
Dakota, Indian w^rongs in, 155.
David, Mr. Brunot's favourite ser
vant, 242, 243, 278 ; bequests to, 287;
at Mrs. Brunot's deathbed, 288.
Delano, Secretary C, letter to, 205,
206 ; relations with the Board of
Indian Commissioners, 219 et seq.
Denver, Colo., interview with Utes
at, 162, 163 ; visit to, 214.
Department of the Interior, the In
dian work of the, 142, 143, 147, 237.
Dickey, John, 11.
Dirty Back, Chief, 194.
Dix, Gen. John E,, 78.
Dix, Miss, 62.
Dixmont Hospital, 257.
Dixon, Dr., 59.
Doane, Rt. Rev. W. C, 84.
Dodge, William E., on Board of In
dian Commissioners, 143 ; mission
to the Indian Territory, 149 et seq.;
at Fort Sill, 159 ; resigns from the
Indian Board, 223 ; letter to, 229 et
seq.
Doolittle, Senator, report on Indian
affairs, 234.
Du Pont, Admiral, defence of mis
sionaries, 133 ; founder of Ameri
can Church Missionary Society,
133, 134-
Du Pont, Mrs., on Mr. Brunot's ser
vices in the Civil War, 56.
Dyer, Rev. Heman, 130.
Eagle Feather, on lying, 176,
177.
East Liberty Young Woman's Chris
tian Association, 268.

296

INDEX

Education, Mr. Brunot's voice in de
fence of, 254.
England, visit to, 104-107 ; feelings
about the United States in, 105,
106.
Episcopal Church, General Conven
tions of, 82 et seq., 116-118, 133 ;
work among Indians, 236 ; Mr,
Brunot's bequests to, 284.
Erie Canal, Mr. Brunot's surveying
experiences on, 26, 27.
Essahabet, Chief, speech of, 158.
Evangelical Alliance, 253, 255,
Evangelical Education Society, 129
et seq,, 284.
Europe, visit to, loi, 102.
Ewing, Charles, 230.
Family prayers, 243, 247 ; on the
prairie, 150,
Farwell, John V,, on Board of In
dian Commissioners, 143 ; visits
California Indians, 160 ; visits In
dian 'Territory, 168 ; resigns from
the Indian Board, 223,
Female Bible Society, Allegheny,
267,
Flatheaded Indians, 178, 179.
Flathead Indians, 227.
Flint, General, 165.
Florida, visit to, 241 ; Mrs. Brunot's
bequest to the Church in, 287.
Forbes, Rev. Dr., in.
Fort Ellis, 207, 208.
Fort Erie, battle of, 4.
Fort Hall, Idaho, matrimony at, 172 ;
Indian negotiations at, 215.
Fort Laramie, mission to, 161 et seq.;
second visit to, 170.
Fort Pitt Works, 100.
Fortress Monroe, Va., 62, 78, 242.
Fort Sill, mission to, 156 et seq.
Fort Snelling, 4.
France, influence of her infidelity on
the Fathers of the Constitution,
250, 251.
Franklin, Benjamin, efforts against
French skepticism, 250.

" Franklin's Speech and Resolution
for Prayer in the Federal Conven
tion," 252, 253.
Free Italy, Mr. Brunot*s interest in,
257.
Friday, Indian chief, 191, 192, 215.
Gaines's Mill, Va., battle of, 67.
Garden, Mrs., 30.
Garfield, General, 227.
General Conventions (1859) at Rich
mond, 133; (1862) at New York, 82
et seq. ; (1865) at Philadelphia,
116-11S.
Gettysburg, Pa., battle of, 94.
Goddard, General, 84.
God in the Constitution, 248 et seq.
Goodwin, Rev. D. R., 82, 86, 117,
130-
Grand Ronde Agency, visit to, 177.
Grant, President U. S., offers Mr.
Brunot Commissionership of In
dian Affairs, 120, 182 et seq.; Indian
policy, 141 et seq,, 145, 183, 186, 219
et seq., 234 et seq.; condemns w^hite
invasions of Indian territory, 217;
letters to, 186, 222, 223.
Greensburg, Pa,, Sanson Brunot's
work at, 10.
Greenwood, S. Dak., lace school at,
276.
Grierson, General, 158, i5g.
Haiti, Mr. and Mrs. Brunot's gifts
to, 134, 286.
Hampton School, 287.
Hanna, James, 257.
Hare, Rev. G. Emlen, 82.
Hare, Rt. Rev. W. H,, igB, 237.
Harney, General, on Indian wars,
233-
Havergal, Frances R., Mrs. Brunot's
fondness for, 270.
Hawks, Miss, 30.
Hawks, Rev, F, L., 84.
Hayden, Professor, surveys Yellow
stone National Park, i8g.
Heintzelman, General, 64.

INDEX

297

Henry, Prof. Joseph, letter to, 203-
205.
Herron's Hill, fortification of, 100.
Hoffman, Murray, 85, 87.
Hogg, George, Jr., 31.
Hogg, George, Sr., 30, 32.
Hogg, James, 115.
Hogg, Mary, Jr., first meeting with
Mr. Brunot, 29 ; birth and educa
tion, 30-32 ; subsequent meetings
and marriage, 30-34.
Hogg, Mary (niece), acknowledg
ments to, vii ; visit to Pacific coast,
170 et seq,, 2S8.
Hogg, Mary, Sr., 30; letter from
Mrs. Brunot to, 107 ; sickness, 107 ;
death, 115,
Hogg, Nathaniel, 29.
Hogg, William, 30.
Hogg, WiUiam A., acknowledg
ments to, vi.
Home for Aged Protestant Couples,
268.
Home for Aged Protestant Women,
268.
Hopkins, Rt. Rev. John Henry, edu
cator of Sanson and Felix R. Bru
not, 9-14 ; career and character,
11-14 ; his school, 11-14 ; in General
Convention of 1862, 90.
Hopkins, John Henry, Jr., 13, 87,
128.
Horse's Grandfather, Chief, ig4.
Howard, Gen. O. O., ends Apache
w^ar, 160 ; recommended for Com
missioner of Indian Affairs, 198.
Howe, Rt. Rev. M. A. D, W., 82.
Howe, T. M., 94.
Hunt, Governor, 86.
Huntington, Rt. Rev. F. D„ 128;
letter to Mrs, Brunot, 280.
Idaho, matrimony ia, 172.
Indian Affairs, Mr. Brunot declines
Commissionership of, 182 et seq,
Indian agencies, 232 et seq.
Indian agent, anecdote of an, 144,
145-

Indian agents, frauds of, 216, 224 et
seq.
Indian Bureau, autocracy of, 219 et
seq,
Indian Commission, in Indian Terri
tory, 149 et seq.; Mr. Brunot's first
report of, 149, 155, 156 ; second
year's work, 161 etseq.; in Oregon,
172 et seq.; its travels and econo
mies, t86, 187 ; work of, 215 et seq,
Indian education, 226.
Indian frauds, 161, 176, 181, 182, 215,
2i6, 219 et seq., 224 et seq.
Indian maiden, love of an, 164.
Indian Office, frauds in, 215, 216, 224
et seq.
Indian question, v, 219 et seq.
Indians, Mr. Brunot's first meetings
with, 32 ; Mr. Brunot's interest in,
friendship for, and intimacy with,
134 et seq., 139 et seq., 206, 227 et
seq., 237 et seq,; Grant's policy,
X41 et seq,; shameful American pol
icy, 141 et seq,, 145, 183, 186, 219 et
seq., 234 et seq.; good and bad,
146, 147 ; wrongs of, 155, 156 ; peace
among, 160 ; with Irish brogue,
179 ; delays of, 187 ; in Alaska, 201,
202 ; abolition of tribal relations,
217 ; proposal to turn them over to
the War Department, 227 etseq.;
effects of military control of, 230 et
seq.; numbers in United States,
231 ; Mrs. Brunot's interest in, 275,
276.
Indian Territory, visit of Indian
Commission to, 149 et seq.; peace
in, 160 ; mission work in, 168 ; the
Modocs removed to, iSi ; white
invasions of, 216, 217.
Indian wars, abolition of, 225 ; the
Peace Commission on, 233.
Interior Department, autocracy of,
219 et seq.
Ireland, visit to, 102-104.
Iron Bull, Crow chief, speech of,
211.
Ives, R. H., 117.

298

INDEX

Japan, Mr. and Mrs. Brunot's in
terest in and gifts to, 134, 266, 275,
284, 286.
Jefferson College, Cannonsburg, Mr.
Brunot at, 17-20 ; reform at, 19 ;
visit of Daniel Webster to, ig, 20.
Jesuits, work among Indians, 230.
Johnston, Rt. Rev. J. S., on Mr.
Brunot's last days, 277, 278.
Judith's Basin, 210, 212.
Kansas, Mr. Brunot's interest in,
136 ; Indian wrongs in, 155 ; Mrs.
Brunot's bequest to the Church in,
287,
Keechis, meet Indian Commission at
Fort Sill, 158 et seq.
Kemper, Rt. Rev, Jackson, 34.
Kerfoot, Rt. Rev. J. B., 128.
Key West, Sanson Brunot's work in,
10.
Kinsolving, Rt. Rev. L. L., 135.
Kiowas, council at Fort Sill, 157 et
seq.
Konoka, Chief, ig4.
Krieder, Elizabeth, wife of Felix
Brunot, 4.
Lafayette, Marquis, 3, 4.
Lane, Henry S,, 143.
Langford, Rev. W, S., 135.
Laramie, Crows at, 211 ; Mrs. Bru
not's bequest to the Church in, 286.
Lawrence, Amos A., 117.
Lawrenceville (Va.) Industrial
School, Mrs. Brunot's bequests to,
286,
Lectures, Mr. Brunot's opinion of,
37-39-
Lee, Rt, Rev. Alfred, 130.
Leeds, Rev. George, 82, 84.
Libby Prison, Mr. Brunot confined
in, 6g et seq.
Lincoln, Abraham, and the Indian
agent, 144, 145.
Little Raven, speech of, 153, 154.
London, England, 104-106, no.
Long Horse, Crow chief, gift to, 228,

Longley, Most Rev. C T., m, 113,
114.
Long Neck, Crow chief, 211.
Long's Peak, ascent of, 214.
Lummi Agency, 178.
McCooK, Governor, 162.
McDowell, Nathan, 25.
Mcllvaine, Rt. Rev. C. P., in General
Convention of 1862, 90 ; Northern
sympathies, 105.
McLure, Rev. Laurens, 278.
Magruder, General, 70.
Manow^a, speech of, 159.
Marine Hospital, Pittsburgh, 59.
Marks, Rev, Dr., aclcnowledgments
to, vi; recollections of Dr. Felix
Brunot, 7, 8 ; on Mr, Brunot's ser
vices in the field, 66-68.
Marriage, Mr. Brunot's 'oice in de
fence of, 254.
Medicine Arrow, speech of, 154.
Meech, Rev. Robert, 288.
Mercantile Library, Pittsburgh, 37
et seq.
Methodists, work among Indians,
229, 235.
Mexico, Mr. and Mrs. Brunot's in
terest in and gifts to, 134, 286.
Minnesota, Indian missions in, 236.
Missionaries, defence of, 133.
Mission Indians, California, mission
to, 160.
Mission Work in Pittsburgh, 123-125.
Mississippi River, Mr. Brunot on
improvement of its navigation, 50.
Missouri Compromise, Mr. Brunot's
position on the, 55.
Modocs, massacre of General Canby,
i8i ; removed to Indian Territory,
181.
Moffat, President J. D,, acknowl
edgments to, vi.
Monitorine High School, 11.
Monongahela Navigation Co., Mr.
Brunot's connection with, 22, 24-28.
Monongahela Valley, Mr. Brunot's
map of the, 26,

INDEX

299

Montana, visit to, 171 ; frontier life
in 1871, 171 ; matrimony in, 171,
172 ; visit to, 187 et seq.; develop
ment of, i8g ; appreciation of Mr.
Brunot's Indian work in, 212, 213 ;
Mrs, Brunot's bequest to the
Church in, 286.
Moorhead, General, 120.
Munro, Andrew, treasurer of Jeffer
son College, 17 ; presented to Web
ster, 20,
Napoleon, Tulalip chief, 179, 180.
National Armory and Foundry proj
ect, 49.
National Reform Association, 248 et
seq,; action on Mr. Brunot's death,
248, 249,
Navajos, the, 227,
Navajo war of 1862-63, 234.
Nebraska, Indian wrongs in, 155.
Necktie, Chief, 194.
Nevada, a fashionable execution in,
190 ; Mrs. Brunot's bequests for
mission work in, 286.
New Mexico, mission to Indians of,
160,
Nez Perc&, contemplated visit to
the, 173 ; mission work among, 236.
Northern Pacific Railway, building
of, 187, 189 ; embarrassments of,
213.
O'Connor, J,, 94.
Ohio River, Felix Brunot's home on
the, 4 ; coal-carrying on the, 13 ;
steamboats on, 29 ; Mr. Brunot on
improvement of its navigation, 50.
Oklahoma, Mrs. Brunot's bequest to
the Church in, 287.
Oregon, Indian Commission in, 172
et seq.; Indian agencies in, 232.
Osages, 154.
Ouray, loss and recovery of his
son, 191, 192 ; friendship for Mr.
Brunot, 192, 214,
Ouray, Colo., founding of, 215.
Owl Mountains, 192.

Pacific Coast, trip to, 170 et seq.
Pallardy, Indian interpreter, 167.
Panic of 1840, 27, 29.
Park, J., Jr., 94.
Payne, Rt. Rev, John, 124,
Peace Commission of 1867, on Indian
wars, 233.
Peah, Chief, eulogy of Washington,
162.
Pennsylvania, panic of 1840 in, 27, 29 ;
early stage-coach travelling in, 31;
Mr. Brunot's prophecy concern
ing, 50 ; diocesan affairs, 126-128.
Pennsylvania State Board of Chari
ties, Mrs. Brunot's work on the, 265.
Petersburgh, Va., 75.
Philadelphia, home of Felix Brunot,
4 ; education of Mary Hogg at, 30,
31; Diocesan Convention, 59 ; Gen
eral Convention of 1865, 116 ; Na
tional Reform meeting, 248. 249 ;
Mr, Brunot presides at meeting
of Evangelical Alliance, 254,
Philadelphia Divinity School, 130,
284.
" Philadelphia Press," letter con
cerning Convention of 1865, 117,
118; urges Mr, Brunot to accept
Indian Commissionership, 184.
Phillips, Mrs. Ormsby, acknowledg
ments to, vii ; on Mrs, Brunot's
w^orks of mercy, 264 et seq,
Phillips, Wendell, champions the
Sioux, 170.
Phoenix Seminary, u.
Pilot Knob, Mo,, 44 et seq.
Pittsburgh, Pa,, home of Felix Bru
not, 4, 6 et seq.; removal of Hilary
Brunot to, 5 ; Mr. Brunot's early
life in, 5 ; growing importance, 32 ;
return of the Brunots to, 36 ; the
Mercantile Library, 37 et seq.; lec
ture course in, 39 ; Mr. Brunot's
influence in, 41 ; the Allegheny
Valley Railway, 42-44 ; iron inter
ests, 48 ; sends relief to Shiloh
wounded, 56-59; Sanitary Com
mittee, 70; Sanitary Fair, 92 et

300

INDEX

seq.; defence of, loo ; Sanitary Sol
diers' Home, loo ; Mr. Brunot's
church work in, 122 et seq.; St.
James's Church, 122 et seq.; St.
Andrew's Church, 122, 125 ; mis
sion work in, 123-125 ; diocesan
affairs, 127, 128 ; National Reform
Association, 251, 252 ; Evangelical
Alliance, 253 ; Young Men's Chris
tian Association, 255, 256 ; free dis
pensary, 257 ; Mr. Brunot's popu
larity, 258 ; Mrs. Brunot's works of
mercy, 264 et seq.; Church Home,
265 ; Women's Auxiliary to Board
of Missions, 265 ; Woman's Chris
tian Association, 267 ; Mrs. Bru
not's bequests to, 286,
Pittsburgh Landing, Tenn., Mr. Bru
not's work at, 57.
Platte River, Indian boundary, 155-
Platte Collegiate Institute of Ne
braska, 284,
Poems :
** A song, a memento, a line, love,"
33» 34-
*' Boys, keep your eyes on that
flag," 92, 93,
'* Farewell to the Year," 23,
"Hunter's Serenade," 23, 24.
"¦ I am hammering at the anvil,"
260, 261.
" Know ye a land," 33.
" O Grace of God ; divine, yet
mine," 136, 137.
On going to college, 18.
On his sister Melzina, 15.
" Press on, my soul, nor heed the
deepening gloom," 281, 282.
"Take back the picture," 263, 264.
" The Nine Months' Man," men
tioned, 92-94.
"The Soldier's Song," mentioned,
92.
Potter, Rt. Rev. Alonzo, 87, 99, 113,
127.
Potts, Governor, letter to Mr. Bru
not, 212, 213.
Presbyterians, work among Indi

ans, 146, 236 ; protest against turn
ing Indians over to War Depart
ment, 229.
Preston, Rev. William, unites F. R.
Brunot and Mary Hogg, 34 ; opens
Pittsburgh Sanitary Fair, 99.
Pretty Rock, Indian chief, 202.
Price, Charles B., acknowledgments
to, vi ; on Mr. Brunot's connection
with the Allegheny Valley Rail
way, 44.
Protestant Episcopal Church, Mr.
Brunot's loyalty to, 132, 133 ; work
among Indians, 146.
Public schools, Mr. Brunot's voice
for, 254.
Puget Sound, 178, 182.
Put-His-Finger-In-A-Crack, Chief,
194.
QaiNTARD, Rt, Rev. C. T., 116.
Reconstruction, the period of, 118
et seq.
Red Cloud, in council with Indian
Commission, 163 et seq,; Mr. Bru
not's interviews with, 170; ne
gotiations with, 215.
Red Cloud Agency, Mont., 171, 215,
232,
Red Dog, in council with Indian
Commission, 167.
Reformed Episcopal Church, 132.
Regent's Park, London, a meeting
in, 105.
Religious liberty, Mr. Brunot on,
251, 252.
Reville, Randell (grandfather), 4.
Reville, Ann (mother), marriage, 5.
Rice, H. M., indorses Mr. Brunot
for Commissionership of Indian
Affairs, 183.
Richmond, Va,, 69, 133, 256, 271.
Roberts, Col. T,_P., acknowledg
ments to, vi ; describes Mr. Bru
not's surveying experiences, 24 et
seq.
Roberts, W. Milnor, 22, 24-26.

INDEX

301

Rock Island, 111., 29, 32-34.
Roman Catholics, opposition to Prot
estant missions to Indians, 229,
230.
Rowland Hall, Salt Lake City, Mr.
Brunot's bequest to, 284.
St. Andrew's Church, Pittsburgh,
30, 122, 125.
St. Augustine's School, Raleigh, N.
C, 286.
St. Helen's Hall, Portland, Ore., 284,
St. James's Church, Pittsburgh, 77,
122 et seq., 125, 284, 286.
St. John's Chapel, New York, the
General Convention of 1862, 82 et
seq.
St. Mary*s Hall, San Antonio, 284.
St. Mary's School, Spokane, 284.
St. Nicholas's Church, Newcastle,
X04.
St Paul's Cathedral, 104, 105.
St. Peter's School, Helena, Mont.,
284,
St. Thomas's Church, Verona, 125,
Saloons, Mr. Brunot's attitude to
ward, 256,
San Juan region, movement to, 205.
Santanta, meets the Indian Com
mission at Fort Sill, 157 ; speech
of, 158, 159.
Savage Station, Va., Mr, Brunot's
services at, 62 et seq.
Seattle, Wash,, 178.
Secession, Mr. Brunot's attitude to
ward, 133.
Seminary Hospital, Alexandria, Va.,
Mr. Brunot's services at, 80.
Seymour, Governor Horatio, 86, 87,
90, 91.
Shattuck, Dr. G. C, 135.
Sheridan, Gen, Philip H., Indian
policy, 228, 22g.
Sherman, Gen, W. T,, offers Mr,
Brunot a commission, 55 ; anecdote
of Indian agent, 144, 145 ; letter to,
228 ; on Indian wars, 233 ; treaty
with Sioux, 236.

Shiloh, Tenn., battle of, 56 et seq.
Shoenberger, J. H., 94.
Shoshones, mission to and negotia
tions with, 192-195, 203, 215, 236,
Sibbett, George, 288.
Singer, Hartmann, & Co, (later,
Singer, Nimick, & Co.), 36, 51.
Sioux, mission to the, 161 et seq.;
delegates visit the East, 168, 170 ;
Mr. Brunot's second conference
with, 170; scare in Sweetwater,
193 ; beef frauds, 200 ; war with
the Crows, 207, 210, 211; negotia
tions with, 215 ; war of 1876, 225 ;
war of 1862, 234 ; Sherman's treaty
with, 236 ; attempts to rouse the,
221, 236.
Sitting Bull, 225.
Skokomish Agency, 178.
Slagle, J. S., relates anecdote of
Shiloh, 58.
Slattery, Rev. George, 122.
Small Wound, in council with Indian
Commission, 167.
Smiley, A. K., 168,
Smith, Very Rev. H. Payne, 254.
Smith, S. Decatur, 25.
Snake River, proposed visit to, 173 ;
boat accident on, 173.
Snyder, John, n.
Society for the Increase of the Min
istry, 129, 130.
Society for the Relief of the Poor,
Allegheny, 267.
Society of Friends, work among
Indians, 146, 229, 235; protests
against turning Indians over to
War Department, 229.
South Dakota, Mrs. Brunot's be
quests to the Church in, 286.
Spokane, Mrs, Brunot's bequest for
mission work in, 286.
Spotted Tail, love for the whites,
164 ; negotiations with, 215,
Staked Plains, finding of Ouray's
son in the, 192.
Stambaugh, Camp, Indian scare in,
193-

^02

INDEX

Stanton, Edwin M., offers Mr.
Brunot a commission, 55 ; action
concerning Mr, Brunot's ex
change, 76 et seq.; mentioned, 92,
gg; letter to, 118, 119.
Stevens, Rt. Rev. W. B,, 127.
Strong, Justice, 248.
Stuart, George H., on Board of In
dian Commissioners, 143 ; urges
Mr. Brunot for Commissionership
of Indian Affairs, 183, 184 ; corres
pondence with Mr, Brunot, 197,
ig8 ; resigns from the Indian
Board, 223.
Sunday, Mr. Brunot's voice for ob
servance of, 150, 254, 256.
Sunday-school work, 122 et seq,
Sweetwater, Wyo,, Indian scare in,
193-
Sweitzer, General, 207, 208,
Swinburne, Dr., 64-66,
Switzerland, visit to, 110-113.
Swope, Rev, C, E., discusses Penn
sylvania diocesan affairs, 128,
Temperance, Mr, Brunot's voice for,
256,
Temporary Home for Destitute
Women, 268,
Teneandoka, Chief, 194.
Tennessee River, Mr, Brunot's ser
vices on the, 56 et seq.
Terry, General, on Indian wars,
233-
Texas, Mrs, Brunot's bequest to the
Church in, 287,
Thaw, William, 257.
Thomas, General, 78, 79,
Thorne, Dr., 5g,
Tobey, E. S., on Board of Indian
Commissioners, 143,
Toopsepowots, ig4,
Toronto, Canada, 241, 257.
Towacaroes, meet Indian Commis
sion at Fort Sill, 158 et seq.
Tower Hill Farm, 30, 31.
Trinity Church, Pittsburgh, g, n.
Tulalip Agency, 178-180.

Tuskegee, Ala., Mrs. Brunot's be
quest to, 287.
Tyng, Andrew, at meeting of Evan
gelical Churchmen at Chicago, 131.
Tyng, Rev, Stephen H., 31.
Umatilla Agency, Oregon, Indian
Commission at, 172, 173 ; religious
services at, 172, 173.
Umatillas, mission work among, 236.
United States, influence of French
infidelity in, 250, 251.
United States Constitution, Mr. Bru
not on the, 249 et seq.
United States Sanitary Commission,
97.
Utah, Mrs, Brunot's bequests for
mission work in, 286.
Utes, negotiations with, 162, 163, 191,
214 ; government presents for, 194 ;
defence of the, 205, 206 ; cede ter
ritory, 214.
Vail, Rt, Rev. T. H., 136.
Vanderbilt, Cornelius, 135.
Van Lew, Elizabeth L., 74 ; Northern
sentiments, 271, 273 ; mission work
in Richmond, 272.
Verona, St. Thomas's Church, 125 ;
estate at, 242 et seq,; social and
family life at, 242 et seq.; last days
at, 278 ; Mrs. Brunot's bequest to
church at, 286.
Victoria, Queen, first message over
transatlantic cable, 241.
Vinton, Rev. Francis, 85, 86, gi, 117.
Voltaire's home, visit to, no, m.
Wacos, meet Indian Commission at
Fort Sill, 158 et seq.
Wadsworth, General, 78.
Walker, Gen. Francis A., appointed
Indian Commissioner, 186; resigns
Commissionership, 195 ; letter to
Mr. Brunot, ig6, 197 ; on Indian
management, 196, 197; Commis
sioner of Indian Affairs, 231.
War Department, thanks Mr. Brunot

INDEX

303

for services, 56; Mr. Brunot's at
titude concerning care of Indians
by, 144 ; proposal to turn Indian
management over to the, 227 et
seq.
Warm Spring Agency, 177.
Warm Spring Indians, mission work
among, 236.
War of Independence, Felix Brunot
and Lafayette in, 3.
Washakie, Indian chief, 193-195.
Washington, D. C, 76, 78, 80, 82, 92,
147, 217.
Washington, George, Mr. Brunot's
resemblance to, 28, 180; a Ute
chief's eulogy of, 162.
Washington, Lawrence, Mr. Brunot
exchanged for, 71 et seq,
Washington Territory, Indian agen
cies in, 232, 235,
Weawicke, Chief, 194,
Webster, Daniel, visit to Jefferson
College, 19, 20,
Wells, Rt, Rev. L, H., on Mr. Bru
not's personality and w^ork, 280,
281,
Welsh, William, in General Conven
tion of 1862, 82 ; on Board of In
dian Commissioners, 143 ; urges
Mr. Brunot to accept Commission
ership of Indian Affairs, 182, 183 ;
interest in Indians, igg ; Mr. Bru
not's correspondence with, 200, 201,
219-221, 228, 237 ; attitude on the
Indian question, 227 et seq.
West, Benjamin, 104, 105.
Western Seaman's Friend Society,
257-
Western University, Allegheny, the
Brunot brothers at, 14 ; gift to,
257-
West Penn Hospital, 257, 267.
Whetstone Agency, negotiations
with Indians of, 215.
Whipple, Rt. Rev. Henry Benjamin,
Mr. Brunot's aid to, 135 ; work for
the Indians, 146 ; letters from, 169,
234 ; indorses Mr. Brunot for Com

missionership of Indian Affairs,
183; interest in and work for In
dians, 199, 230.
Whiskey, an Indian's speech on, 177,
178.
Whitaker, Rt. Rev. O. W., 243.
White Earth Mission and Agency,
Roman Catholic action concern
ing, 230.
Whitehead, Rt. Rev. Cortlandt, on
Mr. Brunot's charities, 284; at
Mrs. Brunot's deathbed, 288.
Whitehouse-on-the-Pamunkey, Va.,
61, 62, 64, 67.
Whittlesey, General, 146, 147, 207.
Wichitas, 152 ; meet Indian Com
mission at Fort Sill, 158 et seq.
Widows* Home, Allegheny, 266,
267,
Wilbur, Father, 174-176.
Wilderness, battle of, gg.
William, Duke, Indian, 180.
Williamson, David. See David.
Wilmer, Rt. Rev. R. H., 116.
Winder, General, 6g, 72, 75.
Wind River, beavers on the, 204.
Wind River Valley, council with
Shoshones in, 193-195,
Winnow's Point, Ohio, accident at,
261, 262,
Winthrop, R, C, 87.
Wisconsin, Indian missions in, 236.
Wolcott, Secretary, 78.
Woman's Auxiliary to Board of
Missions, 265.
Woman's Christian Association, 267.
Woman's Union Missionary Society,
286.
" Work of the Fathers of the Repub
lic," 252, 253.
Wyoming, conference w^ith Sho
shones in, 193-195; beavers in,
203.
Yakama Agency, visit to, 174-177 ;
religious services at, 175.
Yakama Indians, integrity of, 176,
177 ; members of, 235.

304

INDEX

Yellowstone National Park, visit to,
188, i8g, 206, 207.
Yellowstone River, the Crows on
the, 210-212 ; Crows cede lands on,
212.
York, Duke of, Indian, 180.

Young Men's Christian Association,
255. 256.
Young Men's Mercantile Library
Association, Pittsburgh, 37 et seq.
Youngf Woman's Boarding Home,
268.

iii

i

lifntiiiiii

iiiiiir

ndfiplj
¦pit-, lip

i i

i  isi; lir

mi