'1P^' C'(^6' ill "I give theft Sooki I for the founding 4) f a, CotUgt otriAif Colony" >j.^iS» /^^ I,. 4./>.; r^^^ #? ^ ¦^;r'vii'ii'i9,fi;.f !,« a-iBUSIS'SiOj 1a1?Sj iPWl!E.J§ai3Si. 3BT SSH M85MmHlll^:f'am liS^L §!£)&&> 1?® SIinSiBCja-.ElSIlIES iti^FJi -r vf'oili „ )I „ THE HISTORY AND TOPOGRAPHY OF THE UNITED STATES OF NORTH AMERICA, BROUGHT DOWN FROM THE EARLIEST PERIOD; COMPRISING POLITICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL HISTORY; GEOGRAPHY, GEOLOGY, MINERALOGY, ZOOLOGY, AND BOTANY; AGRICULTURE, MANUFACTURBS, AND COMMERCE ; LAWS, MANNERS, CUSTOMS, AND RELIGION ; WITH A TOPOGRAPHICAL DESCRIPTION OF THE CITIES, TOWNS, SEA-PORTS, PUBLIC EDIFICES, CANALS, &c. &o. BY JOHN HOWARD HINTON, A. M. ASSISTED BY SEVERAL UTERARY GENTLEMEN IN ENGLAND AND AMERICA. WITH ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS, BY SAMUEL L. KNAPP, ESQ.; AND A CONTINUATION TO THE PRESENT TIME, BY JOHN O. CHOULES, A.M. Qtconh (SMtion. ILLUSTRATED WITH NUMEROUS ENGRAVINGS, VOL. I. BOSTON: PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY SAMUEL WALKER. 1846. Entered according to Act of Congress, m the year 1843, by SAMUEL WALKER, In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of Massachusetts. WASHINGTON IRVING, ESQ. WITH ADMIRATION OF HIS TALENTS, HIGH ESTEEM FOR HIS CHARACTER, AND GRATITUDE FOR HIS ENCOURAGEMENT AND AID IN THIS UNDERTAKING, THESE YOLUMES ARE RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED. ADVERTISEMENT. The extensive patronage which has been awarded by the community, in this country, to the first edition of Hinton's History of the United States, has induced the publisher to prepare a second one, in which the affairs of the republic have been continued to the death of President Harrison, and various tables of important statistics have been appended, embracing a period of more than ten years. It is believed that these addenda will materially enhance the value of the work, embracing, as they do, several engravings of a high character. When I read the admirable Preface written by my friend Mr. Hinton, — and which I commend to a careful perusal, — and the explanation of my lamented predecessor. Colonel Knapp, I think it is unnecessary to do more than express my cordial acknowledgment for assistance which I have received in the undertaking from Dr. J. W. Francis and Mr. Theodore Dwight, Jr. ; and also to state, that it appears to be a matter of duty to inform the reader, that in the original compilation of this work for the English press, Mr. Hinton has, at times, availed himself of liberal extracts from that excellent work, Hale's History of the United States. In Mr. Hinton's Preface, it will be seen that he frankly avows his indebtedness to various sources, and adds that he has not always named the authors consulted. I have in this case deemed it fit to render this acknowledgment to a woithy contemporary. JOHN OVERTON CHOULES. New York, May, 1843. CONTENTS OF VOL. I. BOOK L DISCOVERY AND COLONIZATION OF NORTH AMERICA. CHAPTER I. FROM THE DISCOVERIES OP THE CABOTS TO THE SETTLEMENT OF VIRGINH. Supposed early discoveries — Madoc — Biom. — Discoverers of America, all Italians. — Voyage of the Cabots. — Expedition of Veraz- zano ; killed on his second voyage. — Jacques Cartier. — Expedition of Narvaez. — Expedition of Fernando de Soto. — Attempt of the Huguenots to colonize Florida. — Expedition of Ribault. — Laudonniere's expedition. — Second voyage ui' RibauV ; resolves to assail the Spaniards, but his fleet destroyed in a storm; the Spaniards take Port Caroline ; Ribault and his troops surrender, but are all massacred. — The retributive expedition of Gourgues; his reception on his return to Prance. — Motives to colonize in the reign of Elizabeth. — Rise of the slave trade. — Unsuccessful attempts to find a north-west passage. — Sir Humphrey Gilbert obtains a charter from Elizabeth ; his equipments ; arrives at N e wfoundland ; sails for Isle of Sable ; returning to England, is lost with his whole crew p. 1 to ir. CHAPTER II. HISTORY OF VIRGINIA, FROM THE SETTLEMENT TO THE FRENCH WAR OF 1756. Raleigh despatches Amadas and Barlow on a voyage of discovery. — Voyage of Sir R. Grenville to Virginia. — Grenville's secoml voy age. — Raleigh sends another colony to Virginia. — Raleigh's last attempt— Voyage of Gosnold.— Important consequences of Gos- nold's voyage. — The colonial government instituted by James. — First permanent colony in Virginia. — Newport enters Chesapeake Bay ; takes possession, and prepares to build a town. — Active exertions of Captain Smith ; taken prisoner by the Indians ; set nt lib erty; his voyage toward the source of the Chesapeake ; made president of the colony. — Second charter of Virginia. — Plot of th? Indians disclosed by Pocaliontas. — Smith returns to England. — Disastrous state of the colony. — Lord Delaware arrives with supplic. ; he returns to England. — Arrival of Sir T. Dale, and Sir T. Gates. — Third charter. — Bermudas sold by the Virginia company. — Mar riage of Pocahontas.— Treaty with the Chickahominy Indians. — Division of land into proprietorships. — Cultivation of Tobacco. — Ty rannical government of Captain Argal. — Sir George Yeardley appointed governor; convokes tfie first general assembly. — Efforts 'i:, establish a college at Henrico. — One hundred culprits transported to Virginia. — Twenty negroes purchased as slavps. — Importation of wives for the colonists. — Indian massacre. — Proceedings in England against the colony. — Charter vacat'^d. — Charles I. makes Virginia dependent on the crown.— Sir George Yeardley appointed governor. — Sir John Harvey. — Sir William Berkeley. — State of Virginia during the commonwealth. — Navigation act. — Insnrrection headed by Bacon. — Colonel Jeffreys supersedes Sir Williair Berkeley. — Sir Henry Chicheley. — Lord Culpepper. — Lord Effingham. — Sir Edmund Andros. — Charter of William and Mary Col lege. — Progress of the colony p. 20 to 3'J. Mditions lo the Engli.sh Edition. The Indian princess Pocahontas, daughter of the sachem Powhatan ; her birth ; Captain John Smith's preservation by Pocahontas ; her journey to apprize the whites of the design of the Indians ; her captivity ; her marriage w ith Mr. Rolfe ; her visit to England ; recep tion there ; her death, and character p. 30, 31. CHAPTER III. MASSACHUSETTS. Character and objects of the colonists. — Early attempts at settlement — Sketch of the origin of Puritanism. — tlmigration of the Pun- tans to the continent on the accession of James I. — Mr. Robinson and his church remove from Lryden to America; their researches for a place of settlement; first settlement at Plymouth; Dwight's observations on the motives of the settlers. — New patent to the Plymouth company. — Progress of the colony. — Plymouth fortified. — Westim's settlement at Wessagusset. — R. Gorges arrives a;; governor of New England. — Settlement at Mount Wollaston, or Merry Mount. — Kennebeck patent. — Trade of the Dutch -ivilh Plymouth. — Settlement of Salem and Charlestown. — E.Ktensive emigration. — Formation of the first church in Boston. — Court of a.j- sistants. — First general court of Massachusetts at Boston. — Progress of the colony. — Disfranchisement of dissenters in the celony Feraecuting tenets of the Puritan colonists. — First representatives in Massachusetts. — Roger Williams; his sentiments; baiii;-liun the state ; his character. — Abrogation of the charter. — La.r;re accession to tlie colony. — Antinomian dissensions. — Attempts to de stroy fhe charter unsuccessful. — Harvard College founded. —Settlement of Rowley, by Yorlishire clothiers. — Introduction ofprintinn- 1 il CONTENTS. —Settlement of Salisbury, &c. — Emigration from England. — State of New England. — Laivsof Massachusetts.-— Union of Nr'w Eng land colonies. — Enactments of parliament. — Disputes occasioned by the disfranchisement of dissenters. — Elliot's efforts to convert (he Indians to Christianity. — Letter of Increase Mather, concerning tlie success of the gospel amongst the Indians. — Massachusetts required to deliver their charter to parliament. — Submission of Maine to Massachusetts. — Persecution of the Baptists. — Conduct and sufferings of the Quakers; their excesses, and severe treatment; public opinion turns against the persecution. — Walley and Goffo arrive at Boston. — Complaints to the king against Massachusetts ; answer to the king's letter. — Navigation acts. — Commissioners appointed by Charles II. — The progress of the colonists causes the hostility of the Indians. — Confederacy of the Indians under Philip. — Commencement of hostilities. — Dangers and sufferings of the colonists. — The United Colonies raise an army ; attack and destroy the fortified camp of the Indians; death of Philip, and teimination of the war. — Complaints against the New England colo nies. — Randolph sent over as in.spector of customs. — Abrogation of the charter. — Andros appointed governor; is forcibly deposed and imprisoned. — Proclamation of William and Mary at Boston. — Application for the restoration of the charter. — Hostilities of the French and Indians. — Port Royal taken by Sir William Phipps. — Expedition of Sir W. Phipps against Canada. — First paper money issued in the colonies.-^New charter of Massachusetts. — Difference between the new and the old charier. — Witchcraft ; cases at Salem ; proceedings against witchcraft ; trials and executions ; forced confessions ; statements ofthe parties professedly aggrieved ; animals treated as accomplices ; persons of high station and character accused ; many of the accused acquitted, and the rest par doned ; recantation of the witnesses, and declaration of the jurymen and the assembly. — Importance of general knowledge to Chris tianity. — Taxes declared illegal without the assent of the colonial legislation. — Abortive attack on Canada. — The peace of Ryswick. — Arrival of Governor Dudley. — Recommencement of hostilities ; continued assaults of the Indians ; Port Royal taken by the Eng lish ; unsuccessful attempts on Canada. — Colonel Shute appointed governor; contest with the assembly; returns to Englaud; is succeeded by Burnet, who renews the contest respecting a permanent salary. — Belcher appointed governor ; contest respecting the salary continued ; the crown at length yields. — Shirley succeeds Belcher. — Defensive preparations of Massachusetts. — Expedition figainst Louisbourg ; Louisbourg taken. — French expedition against the New England colonies. — Riots at Boston. — Treaty of Aix la Chapelle.^Governor Shirley repairs to England. — Disturbances arising from the currency question. — Emigration from Germany. — Return of Governor Shirley p. 39 to 78. .Additions to tlie English Edition. John Carver the first governor of Plymouth. — The Puritans adventure to form a settlement in the new world ; their voyage describ ed ; the first days of the Pilgrims ; their struggles ; their fortitude and perseverance. — The settlement of Massachusetts Bay. — • A retrospective vi^-w u: „.i^- events which paved the way for this important era in the history of man ; the reformers. — The moral, intellectual, and religious character of the Pilgrims ; the nature of tiieir government ; their foes ; their growth, &c p. 42 to 45. Mrs. Hutchinson; her education ; her ambition and mental powers; her love for metaphysical subtleties; her meetings for discus sions on religious topics ; the offence she gave to the clergy ; Vane her friend ; a synod called at Cambridge ; the charges and spe cifications ; her defence, second to none in history, conducted by herself; her leaving Massachusetts ; her melancholy end ; the su perstitious belief of many on the subject ; Winthrop reported the trial p. 52, 53. The origin of witchcraft in England, Scotland, and in North America. — The sufferers in New England; the method of tr>j,l of those charged with witchcraft loose, illegal, and abominable ; the judges who sat in their trials ; Robert Calef, a Boston merchant, stem med public opinion ; the moral causes which led to this state of excitement ; the beneficial effects of this delusion p. 68, 69. An eiTor in the account generally given of the taking of Louisbourg corrected from the narrative of an ofiicer in the campaign ; the distinguished men who figured in that expedition ; English historians have disguised the trutli in this portion of Araerican history, .p. 7G, CHAPTER IV. NEW HAMPSHIRE AND MAINE. Attempt at colonization by Sir Ferdinando Gorges. — W^heelwright founds Exeter. — Union with Massachusetts. — Contest between Massachusetts and the proprietary ; Massachusetts purchases the rights of the proprietaries. — The first assembly at Portsmouth. — Mason arrives, and claims tho proprietorship of tlie soil. — Indian wars. — Londonderry settled. — Lovewell's fight. — Claims of Mason's descendants, . , p. 70 to 83. CHAPTER V. CONNECTICUT. Dutcii settlements. — Emigration from Massachusetts. — HostiUties of the Indians ; successful result of the war. — Davenport and others puichase Quinnipiack, and settle New Haven. — Constitution of Connecticut fonned. — Union of the colonies. — Alleged plot of the Dutch. — Controversy between Massachusetts and the other colonies respecting the proposed war with the Dutch. — Patent granted by Charles II. — Grant of Charles II. to the duke of York. — The assembly evades the surrender of the charter. — -Indian hostilities on Llie Connecticut; General GofTe; Governor Fletcher challenges the command of the militia of Connecticut. — Yale College found ed ; general synod ; S.aybrook Platform ; form of church government. — Revival of religion ; promoted by the visits of Whitefield and VVesfey ; permanent character of the revivals ; opposed by many of the clergy ; penal enactments by the state ; infringements on civil and religious liberty ; expulsion of students from Yale College ; separations from the established church. — The constitution of the establishment modified p. 83 to 104. Additions to the English Edition, The ance;-try of the New Englanders. — The history of England previous to the settlement of this country, from Henry VIII. to set tleraent of Virginia and Massachusetts, including Edward, and Mary, and Elizabeth, with remarks upon the great doctrine ofthe ref ormation, down to James, in whose reign the Pilgrims came to this country. — The discipline of the Pilgrims suited for the great event. — The labours of the early writers in this country. — The proceedings of the New England colonists. — Bmiirration ceased about 1!>46. — The settlement of Massachusetts Bay; the first general court held on board the Arabella. — Ilojer V/illiaiiw obtains a charter of Providence Plantations.— The case of Mrs. Hutchinson.— The founding of Harvard College. — Cotton Mather; the great Hpace he held in society; his superstitions; his writings. — The persecutions of the Quakers. — Incre.isc Mather. — Sir Edmund An dros.— The c,fl"'ct of freehold estates on the character of the people. — The charter of William and Mary. — Sir VVilljjin Pliippri t!jo CONTENTS. ill first governor under this charter. — This charter never fully satisfied the people of Massachusetts. — Chatliam, Burke, and others, friends to America. — The character of the laws in Virginia and Massachusetts. — The oppression the New England colonists felt before the revolution p. 97 to 105. CHAPTER VI. RHODE ISLAND. Commencement of the colony by Roger Williams. — Government of Rhode Island and Providence. — New charter. — Flourishing state of Newport — Charter of Charles II. ; tlie colony in favour with Charles. — Prosperity of the colony. — Commencement of Rhode Island College p. 105 to 111 Additions to the English Edition. The planting of Roger Williams' colony at Mashassuck, or Providence ; purchase of the land from Canonicus and Miantinomo ; the deed made to Williams alone ; he first intended to live with the Indians ; he studied their language and character ; his ori ginal memorandums and deeds ; names mentioned in the deeds ; his conduct honorable ; his death, at the age of eighty-four years p. 105 to 108. CHAPTER VII. NEW YORK. Od the title to proprietorship. — ^Hudson's voyage. — Claims of the Dutch disputed ; they submit to Captain Argal ; being reinforced, they reassert their independence. — Grant to the Dutch West India Company. — The Dutch extend their settlements into Connecticut — The English and Dutch unite in a war against the Indians. — Stuyvesant appointed governor. — Contests between the Dutch and the Swedes. — New Netherlands granted by Charles II. to the duke of York. — Colonel Nichols appointed to effect a conquest of the country ; he arrives before the capital ; Stuyvesant summoned to surrender ; his remonstrance ; being unsupported by the inhabitants, is compelled to surrender; articles of capitulation. — Treaty witli the Five Nations. — State ofthe colony. — English government insti tuted at New York ; apprehension of an attack firom the Dutch ; removed by the cession of New York to England ; Lovelace suc ceeds Nichols ; New York taken by the Dutch ; restored by the treaty of peace. — Colonel Dongan appointed governor. — Expedition of De la Barre against the Five Nations. — Address of Garrangula. — Unsuccessful attack of De Nonville.- — New York and New Jer seys added to the jurisdiction of New England; effects of the Revolution at New York.^Usurpation of Leisler.^Destruction of Schenectady by the French and Indians. — English attack on Canada fails. — Sloughter appointed governor of New Y'ork ; is resisted by Leisler ; his conviction and execution. — Death of Sloughter. — Expedition against Montreal. — Colonel Fletcher appointed govern or. — Reciprocal cruelties of the French and Indians. — Earl Bellamont appointed governor. — Piracies of Captain Kidd. — State of the government — Factions occasioned by the fate of Leisler. — Death of Earl Bellamont ; he is succeeded by Lord Cornbury. — Lord Lovelace supersedes Lord Cornbury. — General Hunter appointed governor. — Fruitless attack on Canada. — Contests between the gov ernor and assembly. — Burnet made governor ; his watchful attention to the proceedings of the French ; the close of his administra tion unpopular ; his removal. — Administration of Crosby. — Trial of Zenger for printing hbels. — Clark appointed governor ; his con test witli the assembly ; succeeded by Clinton. — State of New York in the seventeenth century p. Ill to 127. Additions to the English Edition. The settlement of New Netherlands ; a vigorous growth ; suffered from the pirates ; relieved by the capture of thirty of the enemy's ships by Admiral Heyn, after an unequal and desperate conflict — The imports into New Netherlands. — Trade with the natives. — Uta- wan the circulating medium among the Indians ; the description of wampum, a species of seawan. — Governor Mmuit, a fiiene to trade, sent an expedition to Plymouth, in 1627, to extend the right hand of fellowship, and to open a new market ; the correspond ence between Minuit and Governor Bradford is a literary curiosity, and is of considerable length. — The claims of tlie Dutch to trade in New England. — Increase of the fur trade. — Capture of tlie Spanish silver fleet — Number of prizes taken by the Dutch fleet in 1628. — ^The charter of liberties given to the people of New Netherlands ; the substance of the charter p. 112 to ] 15 CHAPTER VIIL NEW JERSEY. Swedish settlements ; conquered by the Dutch ; the Dutch submit to the English. — Conveyed by the duke of York to Lord Berkeley and Sir G. Carteret — Insurrection occasioned by the demand of quit-rents. — Government of Andres. — Lord Berkeley conveys to Penn.^-Division into East and West Jersey. — Tyrannical proceedings of Andros; remonstrance of the colonists ; referred by the duke to commissioners, who declare in favour of New Jersey. — First assembly of West Jersey. — The proprietorship purchased by Penn and others. — Surrender of the government to the crown, and reunion of the provinces. — The provinces again obtain separate governors. — Character and -^roBpenty of the colony p. 197 to 130 CHAPTER IX. PENNSYLVANIA AND DELAWARE. Early settlement of the Swedes ; their contests with the Dutch ; terminate in their subjugation.— William Penn acquires the gi;ant of Pennsylvania from Charles II.— Emigration to Pennsylvania.— Frame of government— Pe n's penal code ; arrangement witli the duke of YorK : calls an assembly ; founds Philadelphia ; his prudent and libsral conduct — Acts of the second assembly, and second CONTENTS. frame of government. — Penn returns to England.— Third frame of government— Penn revisits America ; Iiis diftereiices witn the colony. — Fourth frame of government. — Return and death of Penn ; his character. — Rapid extension and progress of the colony .p. 130 to 136. chapti:r X. MARYLAND. Maryland granted by Charles I. to Lord Baltimore ; emigration to the colony ; rapid progress. — First assembly. — Opposition of Cley- bome. — Religious toleration established. — Proceedings of llie assembly. — Contentiuiis in tlie colony, and persecution of catholics and quakers. — Toleration restored. — Separation of Delaware from Maryland .p. 1 36 to 139. CHAPTER XL NORTH AND SOUTH CAROLINA. Early attempts at settlement. — Charter granted to Lord Clarendon. — First meeting of the proprietors. — Settlement by emigrants from Barbadoes. — Second charter. — Fundamental constitutions. — Sayle visits Carolina. — Sir John Yeamans. — Dutch colony transferred to Carolina. — Dissatisfaction of the proprietaries. — The northern colony. — Insurrection headed by Culpepper. — Southern colony. — En couragement given to pirates. — Various causes of emigration fiom Europe. — Contest with the civil officers. — Colleton appointed gov ernor. — New code of laws. — Dispute with the house of assembly. — Sotliel's usurpation.— The proprietaries endeavour to restore good order. — Pertinacious opposition to the naturalization of the French refugees. — Abrogation of the fundamental constitutions. — Introduction of rice. — Resignation of Governor Smith. — Archdale appointed governor ; appoints Blake as his successor. — Persecu tion of dissenters. — Expedition against Fort Augustine. — Paper currency. — War with the Appalachian Indians. — Indian massacre in North Carohna. — The Yamassee war. — Governor Craven expels the Cherokees, &c. from North Carolina. — Emigration of Irish. — Oppressions of Rhett and Trott. — Overthrow of the government of the proprietaries. — Charter abrogated, and Nicholson appointed governor. — Beneficial results of the treaty. — Progress of the colony. — A colony of Swiss brought to Carohna. — Townships marked cut on tlie great rivers. — Irish colony. — Insurrection of negroes. — Law against teaching slaves to write. — Encouragement to set- ilers. . , , p. 139 to 155. CHAPTER Xn. GEORGIA. Regulations of the trustees. — Oglethorpe arrives in Georgia. — Indian chiefs visit England. — ^Emigration from several European nations. — Scotch and German settlers. — Wesley's visit — Oglethorpe fortifies Georgia. — Visit of Whitefield. — State of the colony. — Ogle thorpe's expedition against St Augustine. — Spanish expedition against Georgia. — Oglethorpe's character, and return to England.^ Introduction of slaves. — Insurrection of 1749. — The charter surrendered tu tlie king p. 155 to 162, BOOK II. HISTORY OF TIIE AMERICAN COLONIES FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE FRENCH WAR TO THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. CHAPTER L FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS, A. D. 1756 1763. fVencli settlements in Canada ;-.— Cartier — De la Roche — Champlain — Frontignac — La Salle — D'Ibberville. — Designs of the French. — Causes of tlie rupture between the French and English. — Remonstrance of Governor Dinwiddie. — Operations of Colonel Wash ington. — Proposed union of the colonies. — Plan of campaign. — Successful attack on Nova Scotia. — Delay of expedition against Crown Point. — Defeat of Baron Dieskau; Johnson's army discharged ; Shirley arrives at Oswego, but defers the attack on Niagara. — Campaign of 17.56 — 1757; Montcalm takes Fo'-t William Hanry ; results of the success of the French; strenuous exertions of tlie British government and the colonists. — Campaign of 17.58; capture of Louisburg; unsuccessful attack on Ticonderoga, Fort Frontignac surrenders to Colonel Bradstreet ; surrender of Fort Du Quesne. — Campaign of 1759 ; Ticonderoga and Crown Point taken by the English. — Expedition against Niagara ; is successful. — Expedition against Quebec ; repulse ofthe English at Montmo rency ; attempts to destroy the French fleet unsuccessful ; the British army gain the heights of Abraham, which leads to a general engagement ; death of Wolfe ; and of Montcalm ; the French entirely defeated ; and Quebec sun'enders. — An unsuccessful attempt ofthe French to regain Quebec. — Montreal, Detroit, &c., surrender to the English. — War with Spain. — Peace ofParis.p. 16.3 to 180. Additions to the English Edition. Braddock's defeat; the men of distinction who fell in that fight-^Franklin's advice to Braddock previous to his setting out on his campaign , , p. 167. CONTENTS. V Johnson's fight near Lake George. — Hendrick, the Mohawk chief; his death and character. — Baron Dieskau. — Colonel Williams's death. — M. St Pierre mortally wounded. — Dieskau wounded. — The character of General Lyman as a soldier. — Shirley a soldier and a scholar. — General Winslow p. 168, 169. Mistake of Hinton corrected in regard to the strength of the fort taken hy Montcalm ; the horrible massacre after Montcalm's victory. — William Pitt, ear! of Chatham ; some account of his enmity to Walpole ; his friendship to America ; his fame in the colonies ; tho honours paid him by Nathaniel Ames and the people of the town of Dedham. — Death of Lord Viscount George Howe ; his populari ty, and his monument erected in Westminster Abbey by tho legislature of Massachusetts. — Rogers and his rangers; character of the rangers ; Lake George their head-quarters. — Stark, Putnam, and their associates p. 170 to 173. The death of Wolfe and Montcalm ; the poem by Paine on the former. — The correspondence between De Bougainville and the earl of Chatliam on tlie subj-^ct of sending a monument and epitaph to Quebec for Montcalm ; the beauty of the inscription equalled; only by tlie elegance of Pitt's letter ; both given , . , p., 176,^ 17?; CHAPTER II, THE REVOLUTION. FROM THE MOTION FOR WRITS OF ASSISTANCE TO THE REPEAL OP THE STAMP ACT. General review of the establishment of the American colonies. — Rapid progress of the colonies.— Navigation acts ; their rigid enforce-. ment a great grievance. — Character of the connexion between the colonies and the parent state. — Views of the British advocates. of American freedom. — Immediate excitement to opposition. — Injustice and impolicy of the claims of the British govern ment — Oj'inions of Walpole and Chath im. — The conqusst of Canada deemed a fit opportunity for proposing taxation. — Motion for writs of assistance; opposed by Otis and Thacher; popularity of Otis. — Speech of Governor Bernard. — Dispute between the house of representatives and the governor. — Strict enforcement of the navigation laws. — Acts of parliament against colonial paper money, and for imposing certain duties. — Agitation excited by these measures. — Instructions of the people of Boston to their repre sentatives. — -Proceedings of the assemblies of Cimnecticut, Massachusetts, and Virginia. — Petitions of the assembly of New York. — Pamphlets on Araerican rights.— -Conference between Mr. Grenville and the agents of the colonies. — Petitions from the colonies rejected, and the stamp act piissed. — Resolutions of the Virginia house of burgesses ; speech of Patrick Henry. — Proceedings ofthe Massachusetts house of representatives. — Convention of coloniil delegates at New York. — Tumults in Boston, occasioned by the stamp act — Proceedings relative to the stimp act in Rhode Island, New Hampshire, and Connecticut — In New York the governor burnt in effigy. — Effects of the act in Philadelphia, Maiyland, and Virginia. — Associations of the "Sons of Liberty." — Non-importa tion societies .p. 180 to 199, CHAPTER III. THE REVOLUTION. FROM THE REPEAL OP THE STAMP ACT TO THE PASSING THE BILL FOR CLOSING THE PORT OF- BOSTON. Dissolution of the Grenville administration. — Opening of parliament — Speeches of Mr. Pitt, and of Mr. Grenville ; Pitt's reply. — Re peal of the stamp act. — Rejoicing in England and .4,merica. — Controversy between the Massachusetts assembly aidthe governor re specting compensation. — Injudicious conduct of Governjr Bernard. — Proceedings of tlie assembly of New York. — The Rockingham administration succeeded by that of the duke of Grafton. — Scheme of taxing America renewed. — Acts suspending the legislative functions of the Niw York assembly, &c. — Eifects of these acts in the colonies. — Proceedings of the Massachusetts assembly. — Letter of Lord Hillsborough resented by Massachusetts assembly and the other colonies. — Death of Charles Townshend. — Acces sion of Lord North to the ministry. — Resignation of Lord Chatham. — Petitions and remonstrances of the colonies. — Non-importa tion agreements. — Tumults at Boston, occasioned by the seizure of the Liberty sloop. — Convention at Boston. — Arrival of troops at Boston. — Parliament sanctions the m3asures of the ministry .^Injurious tendency of the ministerial measures. — Resolutions of the Virginia house of burgesses; South Carolina, Maryland, Delaware, and North Carolina. — Proceedings of the Massachusetts general court; removed to Cambridge by the governor; resolutions of the court; it is prorogued. — Recall of Governor Bernard ; Conciliato ry letters from the secretary of state. — Lord North becomes premier; his partial measures for conciliation ; amendment of Governor Pownall. — Affray between the troops and populace of Boston. — Proceedings of the general court; controversy about the removal of the general court. — Hutchinson appointed governor of Massachusetts. — Destruction of his majesty's schooner Gaspee. — The pay ment of the judges and other officers of the crown resisted. — Proceedings of the Virginia house of burgesses. — Conciliatory address of the Massachusetts assembly. — Tea sent to America ; destruction of tea at Boston ; character of the transaction, . . .p, 192 to 209. CHAPTER IV.. THE REVOLUTION. FROM THE BOSTON PORT BILL TO THE DECL.4RAT10N OP INDEPENDENCE. Proceedings in parliament ; Boston port bill. — Acts for suspending the Massachusetts charter, and removing trials to Great Britain ; op-. posed by Burke, Lord Chatham, and others. — Quebec act. — General Gage appointed governor of Massachusetts.— The oUier colo nies refuse to benefit themselves at the expense of Boston. — Resolutions of the Virginia house of burgesses. — Virginia convention recommend a general congress. — .Meeting of delegates at Williamsburgh. — Other colonies adopt similar measures. — Proceedings of the Massachusetts general court — The violation of the Massachusetts charter deeply resented. — Operations of General Gage; he removes the powder from Charlestown. — Delegates elected by the county of Suffolk. — General congress at Philadelphia ; resolutions of congress ; non-intercourse agreement ; address to the people of Great Britiin : to the king ; to the inhabitants of Quebec, and! the other colonies. — Opinions ofthe members of congress as to the result of their measures. — Massachusetts assembly convoked, but afterwards dissolved ; resolves itself into a provincial congress. — New parliament ; coercive measures resolved on ; motion of Lord Chatham. — -Laws prohibilins the commerce of several colonies. — Indirect negotiation of conciliation — Conciliatory proposal of Lord North — Resoluti^n3 proposed by Mr. Burke and Mr. Hartley. — Hostilities in America. — Falmouth burnt. — Expedition to Canada. — General Montgomery takes St John's.— Montreal surrenders.— rArnold leads a detichment to Canada. — Attack on Quebec. — Death of Montgomery. — The attack abandoned. — Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut, have armed vessels. — MiUtary stores taken VI CONTENTS. by American armed vessels. — DiflicultieS attending the formation and maintenance of the American army. — Dericicncy of poM-der tents, &c. — -Difficult situation of Washington ; his great prudence. — Attack on Boston resolved on. — General Howe coinpellod to abandon Boston. — Preparations for the defence of New York.— Canada evacuated by the American troops. — Proceedings in Virginia. • — Congress recommends several colonies to institute governments for themselves. — All hopes of conciUation abandoned. — Pamphlets on the rights of America. — Congress directs reprisals, and opens the American ports to all nations but Great Britain. — Defeat ot the British at Charleston, South Carolina. — Congress discusses the question of independence. — Declaration of independence resolved on. — Declaration of independence p. 209 to 244. Additions to the English Edition. The battle of Lexington and Concord ; the first act in the great drama of the revolution ; the details of the battle.^Tlie proceed ings of the provincial congress of Massachusetts on the next day. — The conduct of Samuel Adams and John Hancock. — The sud den growth ofthe American army. — The battle of Bunker Hdl, and the details of it; the men distinguished there; Prescott, Stark, Gridley, Putnam, and others. — The life and character of General Joseph Warren, who feU in that memorable battle, June, 1775 p. 224 to 229. The rise and progress of the American navy. — John Adams and J. Palmer, a committee in the legislature of Massachusetts to prepare and report a plan for fitting out armed vessels. — The sum voted for the purpose of making a respectable navy. — At the close of the year 1775, congress took up the subject of a navy. — The proceedings in regard to a navy after the declaration of independence. — The number of vessels taken at this time. — -The number of British vessels taken by the private-armed vessels of our country. — The alarm of the British merchants. — More than twelve hundred and ninety-seven vessels were taken and brought into America during tlie war, without reckoning those taken by the public ships of the country. — Naval affairs managed by a committee. — John Adams properly called the father of the American navy ; he followed the course Holland had pursued in a former age ; he saw the event of the struggle, and he made every effort for a navy, believing that " naval power is national glory." — The effects of the success of our privateers on the spirits of the people. — The system pursued. — Men distinguished in naval warfare at this period, viz. Manly, Mug- ford, Jones, Waters, Young, Tucker, Talbot, Nicholson, Williams, Biddle, Hopldns, Robinson, and others. — Instances of generosity among these commanders p. 229 to 231 . BOOK III. FROM THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE TO THE FIFTIETH YEAR OF THE REPUBLIC. CHAPTER I. FROM TIIE CAMPAIGN OF 1776 TO TIIAT OF 1779. The British, under Admiral and Sir William Howe, anchor off Long Island ; they land, and defeat the Americans. — ^The Americans abandon Long Island. — Disastrous influence of the defeat on the American army. — The Americans abandon New York, and retreat to White Plains and North Castle. — Capture of Fort Washington and Fort Lee. — The American army retires to Pennsylvania. — Disastrous state of affairs. — Firmness of congress. — The British take Rhode Island. — Congress remove to Baltimore. — Battle of Trenton. — Happy effects of the successes of Washington. — Opera-tions in the North. — Naval engagement on Lake Champlain. — General Washington takes post at Trenton ; bold design of General Washington ; battle near Princeton. — Arms and ammunition arrive from France. — Sir William Howe embarlis the army for Chesapeake Bay. — Battle of Brandywine. — The British take posses sion of Philadelphia. — Contest fur the possession of the Delaware. — Bittle of Germantown. — Capture of the forts at Red Bank and Mud Island. — Operations in the north. — Fort Schuyler invested by St Leger; returns to Montreal. — Burgoyne encamps at Sarato ga. — Actions near Stillwater. — Burgoyne is compelled to surrender. — Capture of Forts Montgomery and Clinton. — Secret negotia tions with the French court — Commissioners appointed to .\iistria, Prussia, and Spain. — -France recognizes the independence of the United States. — Agency of M. Beaumarchais. — System of confederation adopted. — Conciliatory proposals rejected by congress. — War declared against France by Great Britain. — The British abandon Philadelphia, and retire to New York. — Battle of Monmouth. — .Arrival of the French fleet under D'Estaing. — ^.Massacres at Tappan and Wyoming. — Campaign of 1779. — Descent of the British on Virginia. — Expedition against Connecticut — Colonel Clarke takes Fort St Vincent — Expedition against the Six Nations. — Stony Point stormed by General Wayne p. 245 to 276. Additions to tlie English Edition. Life and character of Nathaniel WoodhuU, containing tlie proceedings ofthe state of New York in the commencement of the revolu tion. — The New York convention of 1775. — The appearance of the invading army ; the course pursued by the assailed. — General WoodhuU's tragical death p. 247 to 250. The history of Miss M'Crea ; Captain Jones's attempt to put her in a place of safety; Miss M'Crea the daughter of a clergyman; put"! herself under the guidance of a party of Indians ; a struggle between them ; her melancholy death ; her burial, a lirst and second time ; the death of her lover p. 2.')7 to 259. The instructions of Colonel Count Baume, which fell into the hands of General Stark. — The brevity of Mr. Hinton on the memorable battle of Bennington ; tliis battle settled the treatment of prisoners taken by the British. — Some account of General Stark ; his former campaigns ; his fame and hardihood of character. — Accounts of the battle. — The success of his arms at Bennington ; his gallant bearing p. 258, 259. Burgoyne's object was to force his way down the Hudson; sent an expedition under St. Leger to the western part of Cheit°r coun ty, to threaten Fort Stanwix on the Mohawk ; St Leger^s disappointment — ^Burgoyne's calculations. — Bennington described as an obscure village between the forks of the Hossac. — The gathe.'ing of the American forces from New England. — The nec.jsdtie.i of tiie Britis'i forces. — The German dragoons, Canadian rangers, with other forces. — Baume's orders. — Burgoyne's position. — Baume's march. — Stark's strength. — The Americans made the attack. — The disposition of Baume's troops ; his serious attack on the 15th. — The morning of the 16tli ; the day and the events ; the impetuosity of the attack ; Baume's confidence deceived him ; the fierceness ot the engagement, v,'hen men were engaged hanJ. to hand ; the result p. 2.59 to 2f)2 Capture of Burgoyne ; his previous manifesto answered by Washington. — The origin of Burgoyne, and services, &c. &,c. — Tlie situ- CONTENTS. vii ation of the American army.— The officers, Gates, Lincoln, Schuyler, Brooks, Dearborn, Hull, Morgan, Arnold, Poor. — A descrip tion of the battle-ground, and the places of note marked out ; this account was drawn up by General E. Hoyt, and is the best fur nished by any former historian of this great event p. 263 to 268 Count Pulaski mortally wounded; congress resolve to erect a monument to his meraory. — Description of the attack upon Savannah ; the prodigality of blood shed on the occasion. — The miUtia scattered. — The life and character of Count Pulaski p. 273, 274. CHAPTER IL FROM THE CAMPAIGN OF 17S0 TO THE TERMINATION OF TIIE WAR OP THE REVOLUTION. Siege of Charleston. — Sanguinary conduct of Colonel Tarleton. — Enterprises of Colonel Sumpter.^Battle near Camden. — Sumpter surprised by Colonel Tarleton. — Sumpter still keeps in the field. — Destitute state of the general army. — Action near Springfield. — French troops arrive under Rochambeau. — Treachery of General Arnold. — -Execution of Andr6. — Sanguinary warfare in the Caro linas. — Defeat of Tarleton at Cowpens. — Cornwallis pursues the Americans. — Defeat of General Greene; he returns to South Caro lina. — Several forts surrender to the Americans. — General Greene's unsuccessful attack on Ninety-Six. — Battle of Eutaw. — The com bined American and French forces proceed to Virginia. — French fleet arrives in the Chesapeake. — Position of Lord Cornwallis at Yorktown. — The combined army invests Y'orktown. — Two British redoubts stormed. — Destruction of the British fortifications. — Sur render of the British army by Lord Cornwallis. — General rejoicing and thanksgiving in America. — Destruction cf New London by Arnold.— Bank of North America established. — Confederation completed. — Pacificatory proceedings of the British parliament, — Change ofthe ministry. — ^New administration open negotiations for peace. — Congress refuse to treat without their allies. — Delay oc casioned by changes in the cabinet. — Points of difierence between France and America. — Preliminary treaties signed. — Proclama tion by congress. — Independence acknowledged by foreign nations. — Definitive treaty signed. — State of the American army at the close of the war. — The army disbanded. — ^New York evacuated. — Washington resigns his command. — Reflections on the issue of the contest p. 276 to 301, Additions to the English Edition. General Greene ; his first appearance in the army at Cambndge ; Washington's attachment to him ; Greene was with Washington when he crossed the Delaware ; also at the battle of Brandywine, and covered the retreat ; June, 1777, he led the right wing in the battle of Monmouth; joined Sullivan at Newport; sent to Charleston. — The battle at Guilford court-house; that at Eutaw Springs. — The sufferings of the army. — Tlie charact-3r of General Greene , , ..p. 284 to 286. The anxiety of the British parliament and ministry to avoid the unwelcome event of consenting to the independence of the United States. — Sir William Jones and the supposed fragment of Polybius ; the Athenians in regard to their colonies ; their claims on the Chians and others provoked these colonies to join against Athens ; the allies of the colonies ; the success of those arrayed against the Athenians, and the unwillingness of the latter to acknowledge the independence of the colonies ; the conversation ofthe ambassadors from .Athens, who argued the Athenians should not be driven to the wounding of their pride, and that a treaty without such an acknowledgment would effect the same purpose.— The story, ingenious as it was, did not take with Franklin and Jay, tho American ministers p. 290, 29L The close of the revolutionary struggle. — The situation of the army at that period. — The celebrated Newburgh letter to the army. — Washinoton's address to the officers of the army ; the effects this speech produced p. 294 to 297. The literary and patriotic character of the leaders of the revolution. — Washington's literary acquirements ; his great labours of mind as well as of body during his whole command. — The lights kindled up to shine upon the path of the people in their march to inde pendence. — ^The conventions called for the purpose of establishing a constitution for the United States. — The books to be studied to get a clear idea of the progress of events in that memorable period — Botta's History ; the Remembrancer ; the Federalist ; the laws — The debating talent — The Uterature of theology, and of other professions p. 298 to 308. CHAPTER HL Washington's administration. Insurrection in Massachusetts.^ Washington elected president of the United States. — Congress adjourns. — Report of the secretary of the treasury ; act for funding the national debt.— -North Carolina and Rhode Island adopt the constitution. — Indian wars. — Perma nent seat of government — Offensive conduct of M. Genet — Defeat of the Indians by General Wayne. — Insurrection in Pennsylva nia. — Treaty with Great Britain. — Washington refuses to lay the instructions sent to Mr. Jay before the house of representatives. — The house at length carry the treaty into eflFect — Treaty with Spain and Algiers. — Changes in the American cabinet. — Conduct of France towards the United States. — Washington's Farewell Address ; retires to his seat at Mount Vernon p. 301 to 315. Addition to ihe English Edition. V^ashington's Farewell Address p. 310 to 314 CHAPTER IV. THE administrations OP JOHN ADAMS AND JEFFERSON. John Adams elected president; his inaugural speech. — Differences with the French directory. — Congress summoned — Envoys to France appointed.— The French demand a sum of money.— War with Franco.— Naval actions.— Treaty of peace. — Death of Wash ington. — Seat of government removed to Washington. — Mr. Jefferson chosen prerfdent — Second census. — Louisiana purchased from France.— Indian lands ceded to the United States. — HostiUty of Tripoli.— A squadron sent into the Mediterranean. — Bombard ment of Tripoli.— Destruction of the Intrepid and her crew.— Expedition of Eaton against Tripoli.— Cession of territory by the Del aware Indian.;.— _Mr. Jefferson re-elected.— Conspiracy of Colonel Burr.— British orders in council, and Berlm decree.— Right of vill CONTENTS. search claimed by Great Britain. — Attack on the Chesapeake. — Congress lays an embargo on Americari ships. — President's message — Retirement of Mr. Jefierson p. 315 to 331. Additions to the English E'liiion. The history of the American navy from 1794.— Humphries and Hacket great in naval architecture.— The quasi war of 1798 produced un paralleled exertions in building and equipping vessels of war for the defence of our commerce. — Truxton, Shaw, and other naval he roes. — The war with Morocco and Algiers; Tunis and Tripoli. — The gallantry of our naval commanders, Morris, Preble, and olhcra- — The Americans gained laurels in every struggle.— The character of our seamen ; their conduct — Political reflections . p. 325 t . ¦¦!28- General Eaton ; his birth, and education at Dartmouth CoUege ; acted as schoolmaster; then soldier, on the frontiers, with Wavhe. where he gained the reputation of a gallant soldier ; his connexion with Hamet Bas.haw; his battie at Derne, in which he con tended with ten times his number.— The liberality of the state of Massachusetts p. 328 to 330 CHAPTER V. AD.MINISTRATION OP MR. MADISON. Mr. Madison elected. — Negotiations respecting commercial intercourse. — Action between the President frigate and the Little Belt- Governor Harrison's expedition against the Indians. — Reparation made for the attack on the Chesapeake. — Hostile preparations — - Declaration of wa, — Surrender of General Hull; and of' Van Rensselaer. — Naval actions. — Message of the president to congress. — Emperor of Russia offers his mediation. — Congress convened. — Events in Canada. — Massacre at Frenchtown. — Capture of York by the Americans. — Unsuccessful attack of the British on Sackett's Harbour. — Devastations of the British fleets on the American coast — Naval actions. — British and Indian attack on Port Sleph mson. — Defeat ofthe British on the Thames. — Surrender of De troit. — Proclamation of General Harrison. — American squadron blockaded in New London. — Indian hostilities in the southern states. -—Descent of the British upon Siybrook. — .'Vdnriiral Cochrane's declaration of blockade. — Counter proclamation. — Increased difficul ties of the American government. — Operations on the northern frontier. — Bittle of Chippewa. — The British defeated in an attack on Plattsburgh. — Washington taken, and the capitol burnt. — Surrender of Alexandria. — Battle near Baltimore. — Naval actions. — Operations in Louisiana. — Preparations for the defence of New Orleans. — The British invest the city, and make a general assault, but are repulsed with great slaughter. — Death of Sir E. Pakenham. — Great disparity of loss. — Defeat of the American troops on the west side. — The British re-embark. — Rejoicings throughout the uniim. — Consultation of tho northern states. — Treaty of jieace signed and ratified. — Hostile acts of Algiers. — Expedition sent to Algiers ; effects an honourable peace. — President's message . .p. 331 to 349. Additions io the English Edition. The progress of the arts in the United States ; Hinton's omission on this topic. — The Edinburgh Review, and its doctrines in regard to American manufactures. — The peculiarity of the commencement of our system of government — A brief history ofthe arts to our times. — The use of the arts to national prosperity and glory. — The famous navigation act passed in 1651. — The progress of the arts in our eariy history.— The uses of iron in this country p. .344 to 348. CHAPTER VL ADMINISTRATION OF JAMES MONROE, TIIAT OF JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, AND PART OP TIIAT OF ANDREW JACKSON. Mr. Monroe elected president — Mississippi admitted into the union. — Amelia Island taken possession of by M'Gregor. — Illinois, Ala bama, Arkansaw, and Maine, admitted. — Slave trade punishable with death. — Possession taken of the Floridas. — Missouri admitted. — Convention lor suppressing the African slave trad". — Convention with Russia. — Arrival of General La Fayette.- — Mr. Adams elected president; his speech. — Treaties with the Creelcs ; the Kansas ; the Osages; and tlie republic of Colombia. — Death of Ad ams and Jeflierson p. 349 to 427. .Additions to the English Edition. The laying of the corner-stone of the Bunker HiU monument, on the fiftieth anniversary of the battle, June 17, 1775, in the presence of Lafayette and a hundred thousand citizens p. 3.^6. Lafayette's departure from Washington ; the ceremonies on this occasion ; Mr. Adams's patriotic, pathetic, and eloquent address to the nation's guest on tliat occasion ; the general's reply, and his embarkation ; an instance of national gratitude ^vhich has no par allel in history p. 360 to 364. Mr. Webster's address on the death of Adams and Jefferson, who expired July 4th, 1826 p. 3 '5 to .S73. Provision made by law for certain revolutionary officers ; the resolutions and eloquent speeches on that subject p. 371 to 380. March 4, 1829, General Jackson took the oath of office as president of the United States; his inaugural address p. 380 to .'!8^ An account of the cholera, in the United States particularly, by Dr. Yates of New York p. :jV2 to 385 The novel doctrines of Carolina on the subject of state rights. — The arguments in congress on these doctrines, fiom Mr. Hayne and Mr. Webster, containing a whole body of constitutional law p. 38.5 to 423 President Jackson's proclamation, setting forth his views of the doings of the convention of South Carolina, which was satisf ictory to the people of tiie United States in general. — Jackson's second election p. 384 to 427 PREFACE TO THE AMERICAN EDITION. When I assumed the responsibility of preparing the History of the United States, from the pen of the Rev. Joh-k Howard Hinton, for the American press, I thought that this excellent writer had left me but little to perform ; but, on a, more minute examination of the work, I perceived that some touches, to give the picture a more familiar and doraestic character, were wanted. The American reader has not been accustomed to much generalizing in the history of his country ; as former writers were often minute in their narrations, and both political and religious in their discussions. Mr. Hinton's summary is honest and spirited, and his views philosophical, and show at once that he was master of all the details in the subject, but thought it not necessary to mention them. But I have taken up the opinion, that some of these details might be thro^vn in by way of notes, and made acceptable to most American readers. I agree with hira in the general views he has taken of the settlement of this country ; but have, perhaps, extended my own a little further than he- has. Some of these views will be found in my notice of Carver, in a note under the head of Massachusetts. In that sketch of the first pilgrim-governor, I have gone into more remote causes of the success of the puritans in this new world, than Mr. Hinton has done. In other places in the work, I have expressed my mind freely upon the course which was pursued io bring us to our present state of strength and iraportance ; and whenever I have differed from others, have given a reason for it. The struggles of the colonies, in their early period, are not dwelt upon by Mr. Hinton, as one born in this country, and who can trace his ancestors to other days of our national existence. The native feels identified with every portion of romantic history that his progenitor was engaged in, however humble the act may have been in comparison with the conflicts of modern arraies. If a handful of men drove off a band of savages, and bis grandsire was there, he would not, he should not, suffer that deed to sink into oblivion. Such acts have had their influence in every age of our history, and a bearing upon the destinies ofthe nation, up to the present time. Some of these events and connexions I shall attempt to show, in my part ofthe work. All these things are not, perhaps, important to the stranger, but are essential to us. The battles fought previous to the revolution, we could not expect a foreign writer to describe with accuracy or feeling. These could not be very interesting to him. The battles of the revolutionary war also seem to have attracted his attention only as facts that must be noticed, as making a part of American history. By some unaccountable mistake, Mr. Hinton forgo; to mention, in any way, the battles of Lexington and Bunker Hill. These are, indeed, the most memorable events of our history, as they were the first military efforts of the revolution. These omissions I have supplied, and inserted them in the text of the author, where they should have been found originally. The battle of Lexington is unique in the history of ancient or modern warfare. It showed how deeply the hatred to oppression was laid; and, at the same time, the determined spirit there vi'as in a free people. The battle of Bunker Hill was not less extraordinary. For the accuracy of the description of these battles, I take the entire responsibility, having often examined the ground, with every assistance from those engaged in these struggles. The campaign of 1776 is not very fully detailed by Mr. Hinton. Some few facts will be added. To, the capture of Burgoyne, I shall add an article written but a few years since, by a military man, who surveyed the battle ground for the purpose of sealing some difficulties in previous accounts of that event. As the capture of that army was of great importance, in a political and national point of view, settling at once the question of American independence, every particular o-f it should be preserved. Until this event was known in Europe, the great nations considered our exertions for national existence as partial insurrections, now attended with success, and then followed by disaster ; but when the news was spread, that an experienced British general, with a splendid army, had- surrendered prisoners of Avar,- the opinion was. changed, and France, with other nations, dared wish America god-speed. The other events ofthe war are better told; but still there are many things omitted, which would add no small interest to, the work. Some of these I shall attempt to supply. The events ofthe war being passed over, and peace established, Ms.. 6 PREFACE TO THE AMERICAN EDITION. Hinton takes a very fair, if not a very full, view of our proceedings as a new people, in building up our institutions. This is a part of our history, well calculated to seize a moral, religious, and philosophical mind, such as that of Mr. Hinton. He has carefully eschewed all party feeling in the account he has given of the changes in the character of the administrations ofthe American government. This was well, for we have quite sufficient of that among ourselves. The war of 1812 he has passed over rapidly; and this, perhaps, was the best course, at the time he was preparing his work for the press. The wounds of either nation were not then healed, and nothing but a narrative of facts, without commentary, could have satisfied all, although some might have wished for more particulars. The effects produced by that war upon the pursuits of our people, he has not even glanced at ; these I have endeavoured to show, by a pretty full article upon the subject They were instantaneous, important, and irrevocable, and of great consequence to the United States, and probably of no serious injury to Great Britain. The commerce of the world will no doubt be benefited by this change, for " they trade best who are not forced io make a bargain." Mr. Hinton has brought his history down to 1825. I shall continue it to the close of 1832. The statements, of course, will be general, and free from any parly feeling. The second part of Mr. Hinton's History of the United States, is topographical, embracing " geography, geology, mineralogy, zoology, and botany ; agriculture manufactures, and commerce; laws, manners, customs, and religions; with a topographical description ofthe cities,, towns, sea-ports, public edifices, canals, &c. &c." This part of Mr. Hinton's work IS far more valuable than the former, notwithstanding its great merits ; for he has collected and published a mass of information on the above named important subjects, much greater and more accurate than any of his predecessors ; that which we previously possessed, being scattered through many volumes, in the libraries of the learned, and quite out of the path of the general reader. With this excellent collection, he has interspersed many splendid remarks, which do honour to his head and heart He felt, as he read and gathered up, that this was a country that had grown, and was still increasing, as it were, by magic. All the books he consulted for this part of his labours, were of recent date; he had no doomsday book to find the ancient value ofthe soil, for it had none until the period when his history began ; and even while he was noting his data for his pages. Time was sweeping onward, with the Spirit ofthe age, creating wonders. Mountains and rivers alone remained, as a prior age had seen them; while cities, sea-ports, towns, and villages, arose in rapid succession. Manufactures and comraerce had increased almost beyond belief; and their parent, Agriculture, was extending her blessings fo regions but lately explored. Laws and manners were not the same as preceding generations had known them. All must have seemed a dream; and a change was passing over that drpam, so rapid was the progress of improvement Mr. Hinton caught the influence of the spirit of the age, and has given us a sketch of the character and improvement of our country, that should be spread on unnumbered wings, not only in Europe, for the emigrant and the philosopher, but for every citizen ofthe United States. They should know the value ofthe heritage they enjoy, in order to transrait it unirapaired to posterity. The American editor has himself searched, and called on his scientific friends to aid him, in adding to this collection whatever may have escaped the sagacity of this foreign benefactor of the United States. The publisher, the editor, and the friends of science, unite in their wishes to make the work as acceptable as possible to readers of all classes, at home and abroad. To John W. Francis, M. D. of the city of New York, the editor is indebted for much valuable statistical and topographical matter; and to Samuel L. Metcalfe, M. D. for articles on geology and electricity, abounding in interest; and to C C. Yates, M. D. for his article on cholera. The American editor has no wish to change the dedication, or to add another name as a patron of this work, for he who has done so much to add to the literature of his country heretofore, cannot be indifferent to it hereafler. The editor has made free use of the labours of his predecessors, as well as of his own previous exertions. AMERICAN EDITOR. PREFACE TO THE ENGLISH EDITION. Although many volumes have been written on the United States of America, an accurate knowledge of that country, as a whole, is by no means generally possessed. No work, indeed, so far as is recollected, has treated of it as a whole. Net only has^ its very interesting history been uniformly narrated by itself, apart from the general and equally interesting topics with which it is closely allied ; but the writers who have applied themselves to an exhibition of the physical and moral, the political and social, aspects of the Union, have, with scarcely an exception, taken up these subjects partially, as might be dictated either by their route as travellers, or their place of more permanent residence. Hence it has arisen, that, even if we have read many books concerning the North American republic, our knowledge has no unity, no completeness. It consists only of fragments, each indeed valuable and tolerably perfect, but all disjointed, and many perhaps absolutely and widely separated. It cannot be an uninteresting or unimportant object to attempt a remedy of this defect ; to bring into appropriate juxta-position the accounts which have been given of various dis tricts, so as to exhibit the entire aspect of this extensive and diversified region ; to present a general view of the state of society, in its principal aspects, and in its widely-varying features ; to combine the social state with the political institutions of the people, these again with their trading activity and commercial resources, and all the preceding with the physical structure and natural history of the territory ; and finally, to con nect these topics with an historical narrative, tracing the origin and progress of the inhabitants, exhibiting the principal events which have occurred to them, and developing the causes which have either facilitated or retarded their advancement. Such, in one sentence, is the design of this work. If it has been executed with a competent measure of industry and care, it can scarcely fail of being valuable in no ordinary degree ; since it relates to a country of greater extent, resources, and beauty, than is possessed by any other single nation under heaven ; and to a people, of recent origin indeed, but developing immense powers and making gigantic progress ; a people above all others interesting to the nations of Europe, (and, among these, more especially to Great Britain,) as having sprung from their own bosom, as presenting a refuge for their children in distress, as exhibiting a noble example for their imitation, and as exercising no feeble influence on their destiny. The work has no claim to originality, nor indeed did the design present any opportunity for it. No new materials were required. On the contrary, they were already abundant, and demanded little more than an effort of selection and combination. It was incumbent on the projectors of these volumes to suffer nothing of considerable pretension to remain unexamined, to glean from every quarter what might be material to the illustration of the general subject, and to regulate their statements by the best authorities. In a word, there have been required of them only the moderate quahfications of industry, candour, and carefulness. These they have endeavoured to exercise, and they hope not altogether without success. In the plan of the work, it was natural that History should occupy the most prominent place. To this, accordingly, the first volume is entirely devoted. No portion of the world's history can be more interesting to the present generation ; and, although o.f comparatively recent occurrence, it has acquired by neglect much .if the freshness and fascination of novelty. 8 PREFACE TO THE ENGLISH EDITION, Immediately alter the close of the contest which terininated in the estabUshment and recognition of tho independence of the United States of North America, several histories of the war of the revolution, some of them comprising partial accounts of the provinces in their colonial state, issued from the press. Of these, the work of Steadman, who served under Howe, Clinton, and Cornwallis, and that of Gordon, who resided for a considerable time in the United Staies, and had access to a variety of public records, and to the private papers of Washington, Gates, Greene, Lincoln, and others, are justly esteemed as, in most points, of standard authority. It cannot for a moment be supposed, nevertheless, that works written at that period have super seded the necessity of subsequent pubhcations, since the progress of time has aflbrded far more ample and satisfactory materials for the pen of the historian. The French revolution, however, which followed closely on the American, having absorbed the public attention, and the atrocities committed during the reign of terror having rendered the very name of a republic odious in the estimation of the people of Great Britain, it is not a matter of surprise that American history should have been, in a great measure, overlooked in this country during the last forty years. It has been far otherwise in the United States. There the press has teemed with publications relating to the country in its colonial state — its various wars with the Indians and the French — the war of the revolu tion — the confederation — the present constitution — the late war — and, indeed, on every point connected with the past or present condition of the several states which now compose the Union. The peculiarity of the republic, in its consisting of many different sovereign states, has tended very considerably to multiply the number of publications, each author being naturally desirous to detail most minutely the ci'rcumstances which occured in his own state. To the several Historical Societies established in the United States the public are indebted for much interesting information, especially on the early history of the colonies, and to the Congress for several volumes of diplomatic correspondence. The last edition of Holmes's American Annals justly deserves to be noticed with commendation, as collecting together a mass of facts in the best possible form for reference, though not for continuous perusal : a history of our own country upon a simi lar plan would be a decided acquisition to that department of our literature. The work of Pitkin, on the Civil and Political History of the United States, manifests extensive research, and is of great value on that branch of the subject. The North American and American (Quarterly Reviews, which are conducted with great ability, especially the former, have also collected much interesting matter for the historian. The Editor cannot refrain from expressing his surprise that several English writers, who have recently preceded him in some portions of his undertaking, have deemed it consistent with their object as historians to avail themselves in so slight a degree of the abundant materials which the press of the United States has afforded. It will scarcely be denied, that this omission has arisen from the unjust estimate which the inhabitants of the " mother country" are apt to form of the capabilities and exertions of their transatlantic contemporaries an error leading to results as injurious in the field of literature, as on several occasions it obviously produ ced in the sphere of naval and military operations. The history of the United States is in many respects a humiliating and painful one to the feelings of Englishmen ; and it is difficult to write it without, on the one hand, yielding to the influence of a bias in favour of our own country, or, on the other, subjecting one's-self to the suspicion of a bias in favour of America. On this point it is not for the Editor to pronounce judgment on himself. He can only say, that he has endeavoured to be impartial, and to be careful that no fact should be distorted, or receive a false colouring. Where, as is frequently the case, a considerable difference exists between various authorities, he has endeavoured to exercise an unbiassed judgment, and to adopt that statement which appeared on the whole most consistent with truth. He would not, however, attempt to conceal that the great principles of freedom, the contest for which in America aroused the slumbering nations of Europe, engage his ardent admiration ; and that he has no hesitation in adopting, respecting the united colonies, the words of the immortal Chatham, " I rejoice that they have resisted." At this moment the whole nation, which then, with a few honourable exceptions, was willing to aid her rulers in trampling on the neck of her transatlantic sons, is now sealing her approval of the principles which actuated American patriots, by her own efforts to establish the truth, that " taxation without representation is tyranny." The second volume of this work is devoted to what we have ventured to call the Topography of the United States ; very well aware that we have comprehended under this term more than its strict import will warrant, and having no other apology to offer for the latitude we have given it, than that we could find none to which, in the same application, equal or greater violence would not have been done. The sub- PREFACE TO THE ENGLISH EDITION. 9 ects introduced into this volume are of great diversity, and are thrown into the following order. Book 1 treats of the Physical Geography, or natural features of the territory of the Union, which, it is well knowU; are of great magnificence and beauty. Book II. relates to its Natural History, in the well-defined depart ments of Geology, Mineralogy, Zoology, and Botany, in all of which the western continent presents objects of high curiosity. The third book is entitled Statistics ; and enters into various authentic details respecting Agriculture, Manufactures, Commerce and Navigation, Finances and Population. In the fourth book, under the State of Society, are noticed Political Institutions and Jurisprudence ; Religion ; Literature, Arts, and Manners; with the state of the Indians and' the Negroes. The concluding book is devoted to Topo graphy properly so called ; and contains a brief, though it is hoped not a meagre account of what is most prominent and interesting in the several divisions of the Union, and in the principal cities and towns which have risen so rapidly on its bosom. For the illustration of these various topics, the Editor can truly say that the writers whose labours have passed under his review have spared no labour, as the projectors of this publication have spared no expense. Without affirming that every extant work has been consulted, from which valuable matter might have been drawn, it may be stated that volumes of great number and variety have been, not merely referred to, but thoroughly examined; and that (as the references contained in the notes will in great part demon strate) no work of standard authority has been overlooked. In the book which treats of Statistics, and which certainly contains a mass of information as novel in this country as it is important, the writers have derived essential facilities from the kindness of the gentlemen connected with the American embassy in London, through whose politeness they have been permitted to consult the library of the embassy, and to extract from the latest oflicial documents of the United States' government whatever matter was pertinent to their design. For this privilege, as well as for the aid received from the various authors, quoted or unquoted, whose talented labours, thus concentrated and arranged, constitute almost all that is valuable in this work, the Editor thus presents his public and grateful acknowledgments. If it were not an axiom that a "faultless" production of human skill would be a "monster," the Editor is certain that those who have performed the laborious part in the present publication would not imagine that they had approached such an elevation. It is felt even deeply, that, after all, the view now given ot the United States is far from being complete. On the one hand, the necessity of compression has not infrequently been painfully yielded to ; while, on the other, all the works hitherto published are far from doing justice to the vastness of the field, and the multiplicity of the objects it contains. The Editor may reasonably hope, however, that the volumes now presented to the public have more completeness than any other work on the subject; and he may add that, as in this design he and his companions have led the way, so they will be truly happy to see themselves outdone. It is with pleasure that reference can be made to the plates by which this history is illustrated. They exhibit to the eye, in no inferior style of art, a more extended series of American views than has hitherto been given to the public in any form, and tend more to familiarize the mind of a foreigner with American objects and scenery than the most accurate verbal description. The series of maps, likewise, which have been prepared for this work, have not heretofore been accessible in so commodious a form. They constitute a complete Atlas of the United States. As with almost all important subjects, so with the History and Topography of the American Union, — it is impossible, in writing on it, to give universal satisfaction, or even to avoid grave, if not desperate offence. On this subject, particularly in England, there exist two very strong antagonist opinions. By some the United States are highly eulogized; by others they are eagerly depreciated. It is probable we shall give satisfaction to neither of these parties. If we are far from the humour of sweeping contempt, neither can we concur in indiscriminate praise. We confess, however, that we think by far the greater error to be committed by those whose estimate of the republic is low; an error which is the more to be regretted, because it tends to sanction and augment a feeling of acrimonious unkindness, already too deeply cherished on this side of the Atlantic, and too promptly returned from the other. We are aware that the circum stances in which this last of the nations came to the birth, and the republican character of its institutions, are adapted to produce soreness in the minds of a large portion of influential persons among us, and large allowance might be made on this ground for the generation more immediately afiected; but ought it not to be enough that our fathers have fought this battle, without the strife being bequeathed, as an heir-loom, to their children? It is true wisdom to sufler antipathies to die with the generation which has fostered them, Vol. T.— No. 1. C 10 PREFACE TO THE ENGLISH EDITION. Surely the time is now come, when any Englishman may do justice to what in transatlantic England is worthy of esteem, and take no notice of her faults, but, as a brother or as a parent, to stimulate and aid the noble eflfort of correcting them. We believe that the bulk of Englishmen would speedily do so, were it not for the noxious influence of one part of the periodical press, which has made repeated efforts to excite or to perpetuate feelings of antipathy between two nations, whose only rivalry ought to be in the knowledge and practice of those principles of moral and political science, which are adapted to promote both the happiness of individual states, and the welfare of mankind at large. Whatever weight these volumes may have, it is thrown decidedly, though not without discrimination, into the favourable scale; and if the course we have adopted should bring upon us, from any quarter, a bitter hostility, we shall have the consolation of knowing that it is not for our own sakes, but for that of our principles, — and for these we shall be content to bear it. To give a just and impartial view of the rise, progress, and establishment of the republic of the United States, has been the aim of the following volumes ; an aim which the Editor hopes has been, in a good measure at least, successfully pursued. If they shall be instrumental in dispelling from amongst us the ignorance of that fine country which has to a considerable extent prevailed ; — if they shall be successful in removing the prejudice which has existed in the minds of not a few ; — if they shall in any degree convert contempt into respect, and antipathy into esteem, he and his companions will rejoice in having conferred a benefit alike on those whom they have undeceived, and on the states, whose origin, progress, and prospects, have been the subject of so much misconception or misrepresentation. Should the work which is now ushered into the world be favourably received in the United States, the Editor trusts that it will not disappoint any reasonable expectation. If Americans find that we have not written with the enamoured fondness which characterizes many productions of their native press, nor in any other respect ministered to their vanity, they will find also, it is hoped, that a full measure of justice is rendered to their excellencies, and a candid construction put on what cannot be approved. This view of their country and institutions, more complete and more comprehensive than any yet constructed, Ave present to them with a cheerful confidence, because we are conscious that we have written in a spirit of cordial kindness and esteem. Not to have aimed at their benefit, would have been equally an injustice to them, and a dishonour to ourselves ; and grievous would be the day for America — we are confident it will never arrive — when complacency in advantages possessed should slacken the pursuit of national and individual improvement. It is not, however, either for England, or for America, that these volumes have been prepared. They have been written for all nations, and for every age. To mankind at large the subject of them is interesting; and the Editor and his fellow-labourers will be most especially thankful, if they have been enabled so far to surmount contracting aud local influences, as to form views, and to imbibe a spirit, adapted to advance the improvement of the world. '^ Ki fe] .a S3 ITlfr,,,!, .l^f.JMf^. SaJf /i-r,.v/m/./'u/'/ty/,,JA' .S'.minr/ lh~r//.:r HISTOEY OF THE UNITED STATES. BOOK L DISCOVERY AND COLONIZATION OF NORTH AMERICA. CHAPTER L FKOM THE DISCOVERIES OF THE CABOTS TO THE SETTLEMENT OP VIRGINIA. The early history of most nations is of fabulous, or, at best, of doubtful character, and affords abun dant opportunity for the exhibition of romantic con jecture. It might, however, have been naturally ex pected that no doubtful claims to the first visitation of a country so recently brought within the pale of history as the American continent, should be found to exist ; but this expectation is far from according with fact. Cambrian ambition, unsatisfied with claim ing for her heroes the honour of being aboriginal Britons, would invest her sons also with the wreath of fame, as the discoverers of the western hemisphere. Dr. Powel (in his history of Wales) would have us believe that Madoc, son of Owen Gwyneth, prince of North Wales, reached the American shores in the year 1170 ; most probably, however, this worthy young prince did not extend his voyage of discovery beyond the coast of Spain, by no means an inconsiderable exploit for that age.* * " Madoc, another of Owen Gwyneth his sonnes, left the land m contention betwi.xt his brethren, and prepared certaine ships, with men and mimition, and sought adventures by seas, sailing ¦west, and leaving the coast of Ireland so farre north, that he came onto a land tmknowen, where he saw many strange things. This land must needs be some part of that countrey of which the Span- yards affirme themselves to be the first finders since Hanno's time. Whereupon it is manifest that that countrey was by Britaines di,s- covered, long before Columbus led any Spanyards thither. Of the voyage and returne of this Madoc there be many fables fained, as the coramon people doe use in distance of place and length of time, rather to augment than to diminish: but sure it is, there he was. And after he had returned home, and declared the pleasant and fruiifull counireys that he had scene without inhabitants, and upon the contrary part, for what barren and wild ground his brethren Of a far more probable character, though by no means uncontested, are the assertions of the Nor wegian historians, who claim for their countrymen, confessedly the most adventurous navigators of the northern waters of the Atlantic in the earlier ages, the discovery of this vast continent, in the year 1001, designated Vinland by Biorn, their chief, from tbe profusion of wild grape-vines he found luxuriating in the plains. The discussion of this point, as also the narrative of the Zeni, we shall leave to those whose labours are less required in the more important prac tical researches which the nature of our undertaking especially embraces.! In entering the region of indisputable authenticity, England ranks scarcely second to Spain, in the merit and the success of naval enterprize. It is a circum stance, however, too remarkable to be passed unno ticed, that England, Spain, and France, all derived their transatlantic possessions from the science and energy of Italian navigators, although not a single colony was ever planted in the newly-discovered con tinent by the inhabitants of Italy. Columbus, a Ge noese, acquired for Spain a colonial dominion great and nephewes did murther one another, he prepared a number of ships, and got wilh him such men and women as were desirous lo live in quietnesse : and taking leave of his friends, tooke his jour ney thitherward a,jaine. Therefore it is to be supposed that he and his people inhabited part of those countreys : for il appearelh by Francis Lopez de Gomara, that in Acuzamil and other places the people honored the crosse. Whereby it may be gathered ihat Christians had bene there before the comming of the Spanyards. But because this people were not many, they followed the maners of the land which they came unto, and used the language they found there."— Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. iii. p. 1. + Those of our readers who are desirous of indulging then curiosity on this subject, can refer to Murray's Historical Account of the Discoveries and Travels in North America, volume i. p. 1 4 to 36. 12 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. enough to satiate the most craving ambition ; but, I reaping no personal advantage from his labours, ex cepting an unprofitable fame, after having been ig nominiously driven from the world he had made known to Europeans, he died in poverty and dis grace.* Cabot, a Venetian, sailing in the service of England, conferred on that nation a claim, the mag nitude and importance of which he never lived to comprehend. t A'erazzani, a Florentine, explored America for the benefit of France ; but, sailing hither a second time, for the purpose of establishing a colony, fie perished at sea.1: Amerigo Vespucci gave his name to the new world, and thus rendered hLs reputation as durable, probably, as the world itself, but without ac quiring any advantage for his native country. § From this slight digression we return to the disco veries of Cabot. The exploits of Columbus having excited a great sensation among the English mer chants, and at the court of Henry VII., the adven turous spirit of John Cabot, heightened by the ardour of his son Sebastian, led him to propose to the king to undertake a voyage of discovery, with the two-fold object of becoming acquainted with new territories, and of realizing the long-desired object of a western passage to China and the Indies. A commission was accordingly granted, on the Sth of March, to him and his three sons, giving them liberty to sail to all parts of the east, west, and north, under the royal banners and ensigns, to discover countries of the heathen, unknown to Christians ; to set up the king's banners there ; to occupy and possess, as his subjects, such places as they could subdue ; giving them the rule and jurisdiction of the same, to be holden on condition of paying to the king one fifth part of all their gains. By virtue of this commission a small fleet was equipped, partly at the king's expense, and partly at that of private individuals, in which the Cabots embarked, with a company of three hundred mariners. Our knowledge of this voyage is collected from many detached and imperfect notices of it in different authors, who, while they establish the general facts in the most unquestionable manner, difler in » Irving's Life of Columbus. t Belknap's Biog. vol. i. p. 33. Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 295—300. t Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 6, et seq. § Bandini, Vita e Littere d'Amerigo Vespucci. II " An extract taken out of the map of Sebastian Cabot, cut by Clement Adams, concerning: his discovery of the West Indies, which is to be seene in her Majesties prive gallerie at Westmin- f'.er: — In the vcre of our Lord, 1497, lohn Cabot, a Venetian, and bis Sonne Sebastian, (with an English fleet, set out from Bristolh) discovered that land which no man before that time had attempted, ou llie ¦24th of June, about five ofthe clocke, early in the morning. This Ijnd he called Prima Vista, that is to say, first seene, because, Hs i suppose, it was that part whereof they had the first sight from sea. That island which lieth out before the laud, he called the many particular circumstances.!! The most probabl account is, that Cabot sailed north-west a few weeks, until his progress was arrested by floating ice-bergs, when he shaped his course to the south-west, and soon came in sight of a shore, named by him Prima Vista, and generally believed to be some part of La brador, or Newfoundland. Thence he steered north ward again, to the sixty-seventh degree of latitude, where he was obliged to turn back by the discontent of his crew. He sailed along the coast, in search of an outlet, as far as the neighbourhood of the gulf of Mexico, when a mutiny broke out in the ship's com pany, in consequence of which the farther prosecu tion of the voyage was abandoned. Cabot reached England with several savages and a valuable cargo, although some writers deny that he ever landed ; and it is certain, that he did not attempt any conquest or settlement in the countries which he discovered. This voyage was not immediately followed by any important consequences ; but it is memorable as be ing the first that is certainly ascertained to have been effected to this continent, and as constituting the title by which the English claimed the territories that they subsequently acquired here. Through a singu lar succession of causes, during more than sixty years from the time of this discovery of the northern division of the continent by the English, their mo narchs gave but little attention to this country, which was destined to be annexed to their crown, and to be one principal source of British opulence and power, till, in the march of events, it should rise info an in dependent empire. This remarkable neglect is in some measure accounted for by the frugal maxims of Henry VII., and the unpropitious circumstances of the reign of Henry VIIL, of Edward VI., an-^1 of the bigoted Mary ; reigns peculiarly adverse to the exten sion of industrjr, trade, and navigation. While English enterprise lay dormant, both France and Spain were on the alert. The French flag had not yet, indeed, waved on the western shores of the Atlantic. A monarch of such spirit as Francis I., however, could not be content to see Charles, his Island of St. lohn, upon this occasion, as I thinke, because it was discovered upon the day of lohn the Baptist. The inhabitants of this island use to ¦weare beasts skinnes, and have them in as great estimation as we have our finest garments. In Iheir warres they use bov.es, arrowes, pikes, darts, woodden clubs, and slings. The soile is barren in some places, and yceldeth litle fruit, but it is full of white beares and stagges, farre greater than ours. It yeeldelh plenty of fish, and those very great, as scales, and those which commonly we call salmons : there are soles also above a yard in lenglh : but especially there is great abundance of that kinde of fish which the savages call baccalaos. In the same island also there breed hauks, but they are so blacke that they are very like to ravens, as also their partridges and eagles, which are in like sorte blacke." — Hakluyt, vol. iii. n. 6, HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 13 rival, carrying oif all the brilliant prizes offered by the new world. He hstened readily to the suggestion, that he too should send an expedition to the west, for the discovery of kingdoms and countries un known ; and Juan Verazzano, a Florentine, who had distinguished himself by successful cruises against the Spaniards, was sent with a vessel, called the Dolphin, to the American coast. In this voyage he discovered, with a considerable degree of accuracy, the coast of Florida. The whole extent of his dis covery was upwards of 700 leagues of the North American coast, which he named New France.* He made another voyage the next year ; but its records are equally brief and fatal : — Ramusio gives neither date, nor place, nor country ; but states, that having landed with some of his crew, Verazzano was seized by the savages, and killed and devoured in the pre sence of his companions on board, who sought in vain to give any assistance. Such was the fate of one of the most eminent navio-ators of that age, whom Forster ranks as the type of Cook, both as to his exploits during life, and the dreadful mode of his death. The gloomy impression produced by the tra gic fate of Verazzano, seems to have deterred others for some time from such enterprises ; and, for several succeeding years, neither the king nor the nation seem to have thought any more of America. After a lapse of ten years, on a representation made by Philip Chabot, admiral of France, of the advantages that would result from establishing a colony in a country from which Spain derived her greatest wealth, these enterprises were renewed, and Jacques Cartier, a bold seaman of St. Malo, who pro posed another voyage, was readily supplied with two ships, under the direction of the Sieur de Melleraye, then vice-admiral of France. He set sail on the 20th of April, 1534, and on the 10th of May came in view of Cape Bonavista. As large masses of ice, however, were still floating about the coast, he deemed it wise to enter a harbour, which he called St. Catherine, and to remain there ten days. The sea then becoming favourable, he came out, and stood to the north, sailed almost round Newfoundland, and discovered the Baye des Chaleurs. and the Gulf of St. Lawrence. Having sailed to the fifty-first degree of latitude, in the fruitless hope of passing to China, he returned, in April, to France, without making a settlement. A larger expedition was equipped the next spring, and they proceeded direct to Newfoundland. Disco vering now the river of Canada, which gradually * Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 295 — 300, where is Verazz.ano's own ac count of his voyage, sent to Francis I. written in Dieppe the Sth of July, 1524. See also "Universal History, vol. xsixix, p. 406. Vol. I.— No. 2. D obtained the name of St. Lawrence, he sailed up inia noble stream three hundred leagues, to a great and swift fall ; formed aliances with the natives ; took pos session of the territory ; built a fort ; and wintered in the country, which he called New France. In sail ing up the St. Lawrence, he discovered Hazel or Fil bert Island, Bacchus Island, since called the Isle of Orleans, and a river, which he called St. Croix, since called Jacques Cartier's River, where he laid up his ships. From this river, before his final departure, partly by stratagem and partly by force, he carried off Donnacona, the Indian king of the country. He at this time visited Hochelaga, a large Indian settle ment, which he called Montreal, where the French were Avell received ; but they were soon infected with the scurvy, of which a considerable number died. The next spring, Cartier, taking with him Donna^ cona, and several of the natives, returned with tha remains of his crew to. France, and expatiated to the king on the advantages that would probably re sult from a settlement in this country, principally by means of the fur trade ; but the fallacious opinion, then prevalent among all the nations of Europe, that such countries only as produced gold and silver were worth the possession, had such influence on the French, that they slighted the salutary advice of Cartier, and deferred making any establishment in Canada. But, although this object was generally neglected, individuals entertained just sentiments of its importance, and among the most zealous for pro secuting discoveries and attempting a settlement there, was John Francois de la Roche, lord of Ro-. berval, a nobleman of Picardy. King Francis I., convinced at length of the expediency of the mea^ sure, resolved to send Cartier, his pilot, again, with Roberval, to that country. He accordingly furnished Cartier with five vessels for the service, appointing him captain-general, and Roberval his lieutenant and governor in the countries of Canada and Hochelaga. When the fleet was ready for sea, Roberval was not prepared with his artillery, powder, and munitions ; but Cartier, having received letters from the king, requiring him to proceed immediately, sailed with five ships on the 23d of May, and after a very long and boisterous passage arrived at Newfoundland. Having waited here a while in vain for Roberval, he proceeded to Canada ; and on the 23d of August ar rived at the haven of St. Croix. After an interview with the natives, Cartier sailed up the river, and pitched on a place about foui Forster, Voy. p. 432 — 436. Belknap, Biog. vol. i. p. 33. Har ris's Voy. vol. i. p. 810. Purchas, vol. i. p. 769. Chambers, vqJ, i. p. 512. 14 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. leagues above St. Croix, to lay up three of his ships for the winter ; the other two he sent to France, to inform the king of what they had done, and the dis appointment of his expectations in the non-arrival of Roberval. At the new harbour there was a small river, aud on the east side of its entrance, a high and steep cliff. On the top of this cliff he built a fort, and called it Charlesbourgh. Below, the ships were drawn up and fortified. After the fort was begun, Cartier went up the river with two boats furnished with men and provisions, Avith the intention of pro ceeding to Hochelaga ; leaving Viscount Beaupre to govern during his absence. Having again explored the St. Lawrence, viewed the falls on that river, and had interviews with the natives, Cartier returned to the fort. Finding, on his return, that the Indians had discontinued their visits and traffic, and shown signs of hostility ; that his provisions were spent, and that Roberval had not arrived, he prepared to return to France. Meanwhile, Roberval had been engaged in the prosecution of his design of reinforcing Car- tier, and carrying forward the projected settlement of Canada. Whatever had retarded his embarkation, he at length sailed from Rochelle with three ships and two hundred persons, and arrived at St. John's har bour in Newfoundland ; and while there, Cartier and his company arrived at the saine harbour from the St. Lawrence. He informed Roberval of his intended return to France ; yet commended the country of Canada as very rich and fruitful. Though the vice roy had brought a sufficient supply of men, military stores, and provisions, to dispel the fearful apprehen sions of the adventurers, and had commanded Car- tier to remain with him ; yet Cartier, persisting in his purpose, eluded him in the night, and sailed for Bre- tagne. Roberval proceeded up the St. Lawrence, four leagues above the island of Orleans, where, find ing a convenient harbour, he built a fort, and re mained through the winter. In the following spring, he went higher iqi the river, and explored the coun try ; but he appears soon after to have abandoned the enterprise. The colony was broken up ; and for half a century the French made no farther attempt to establish themselves in Canada. For the sake of continuity of narrative, in record ing the attempts of France to colonize a portion of North America, we have been necessitated to deviate slightly from the direct order of chronological succes sion. It was in the year 1528, thcit Pamphilo de Narvaez, having obtained from Charles V. of Spain, the indefinite grant of all the lands lying from the River of Palms to the Cape of Florida, with a com mission to conquer and govern the provinces within these limits, sailed in March from Cuba, with five ships, on board of which were four hundred foot and twenty horse, for the conquest of that country. Land ing at Florida, he marched to Apalache, a village consisting of forty cottages, where he arrived on the 5th of June. Having lost many of his men by the natives, who harassed the troops on their march, and with whom they had one sharp engagement, he was obliged to direct his course toward the sea. Sailing to the westward, he was lost with many others, in a violent storm, about the middle of November ; and the enterprise was frustrated. Calamitous as was the issue of the expedition of Narvaez, it did not prevent, in that age of enterprise, captains of eminence from pursuing ardently the same course. Fernando de Soto, a native of Badajos, ori ginally possessing only courage and his sword, had been one of the most distinguished companions of Pizarro, and a main instrument in annexing to Spain the golden regions of Peru : but in the conquest of Peru his part had been secondary — the first prize had been carried off by another ; and he now sought a country, the glory of conquering and the pride of ruling which should be wholly his ; and his wishes were fulfilled. He was created Adelantado of Flori da, combining the offices of erovernor-general and commander-in-chief On the 18th of May, 1539, Soto sailed from Havannah, on the Florida expedition, with nine vessels, nine hundred men besides sailors, two hundred and thirteen horses, and a herd of swine. Arriving on the 30th of May at the bay of Espiritu Santo, on the western coast of Florida, he landed three hundred men, and pitched his camp ; but, about the break of day the next morning, they were attacked by a numerous body of natives, and obliged to retire.* Having marched several hundred miles, he passed through the Indian towns of Alibama, Talisee, and Tescalusa, to Mavila, a village enclosed with wooden walls, standing near the mouth of the Mobile. The inhabitants, disgusted with the stran gers, and provoked by an outrage committed on one of their chiefs, brought on a severe conflict, in which two thousand of the natives and forty-eight Spaniards were slain. A considerable number of Spaniards died afterwards of their wounds, making their entire loss eighty-three ; they also lost forty-five horses. The village was burnt in the action. After this en gagement, Soto retreated to the territory of Chica(ja, where he remained until April of this year. His army, now resuming its march through the Indian territory, was reduced to about three hundred men * Herrera, d. 6. lib. 7. u. 9. Belknap, Biog. ^ri. So'ro. Biblhoth. Americ. p. 37. Purchas, vol. v. p. 1528—) 565. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 15 and forty horses. Soto, having appointed Lewis de Moscoso his successor in command, died at the con fluence of the Guacoya and Mississippi. To prevent the Indians from obtaining a knowledge of his death, his body was put into an oak, hollowed for that pur pose, and sunk in the river. Soto was only forty- two years of age, and had expended 100,000 ducats in this expedition. The small remains of his army, consisting of three hundred and eleven men, arrived at ,Panuco on the 10th of September, 1543 ; and the great expedition to Florida terminated only in the poverty and ruin of all who were concerned in it. We must now advert to some of the most interesting but lamentable events that the history of colonization affords, in which the deadly poison of religious bigot ry was deeply intermingled with the hostility excited by commercial jealousy. — The decided indications of a violent spirit of persecution, on the part of the Catholic priesthood of France, induced the brave Coligny to make an experiment, which might have issued in the provision of a safe retreat for a consi derable portion of the oppressed Protestants. He formed a party of Huguenots, among whom were several of high respectability, who sailed under the command of Ribault, an officer of considerable spirit, with the intention of colonizing Florida. After a favourable voyage he arrived at the entrance of a river which he called May, from the month in which he reached the coast. He here erected a fort, and then, imprudently sailed for France, to bring out a re-enforcement. Albert, to whom he delegated his authority during his absence, appears to have been both unworthy and incompetent for so important a situation. From his extreme severity and ill ma nagement, the colonists formed an inveterate hatred ao-ainst him, which terminated in his death. In the excitement of internal dissensions, the settlers had paid little or no attention to the production of food ; and were compelled, after exhausting nearly all their stores, to make the desperate attempt of re-crossing the Atlantic with the small remainder of their provisions. Being detained by a calm, they had commenced preying upon one another, when they were providentially delivered from their unhappy condition by an English vessel, which conveyed them to their own country. During the abode of these unfortunate men in Florida, Coligny had been so deeply engaged in the dissen.sion at home, which had ripened into an open rupture and a civil war, that he was prevented from sending his intended re-enforcement ; but no sooner had peace been concluded, than he despatched a fresh expedition, under M. Rene Laudonniere, who arrived in the river May, on the 25th of June, 1564, After sailing northward about ten leagues, he returned to the May, and erected a fort, which, in honour of his sovereign, he styled Fort Caroline. He proved, how ever, inadequate to the difficult task of presiding over a number of spirited young men, in a state of great excitement from the disappointment of their expecta tions, which had dwelt upon the prospect of golden harvests and unbounded wealth. Plots were formed against his life, and he was on the point of leaving, with the remains of his colony, for Europe, when a new expedition, under the command of Ribault, entered the river. That officer superseded Laudon niere, only, however, to experience still more melan choly disa-sters. Scarcely a week had passed after his arrival, when eight Spanish ships were seen in the same river, where several of the largest French vessels were lying at anchor. As the Spanish fleet made towards them, the French cut their cables, and put out to sea. Although they were fired upon and pursued, they escaped ; but, finding that their ene mies had landed on the shores of the river Dolphin, about eight leagues distant, they returned fo the May. Ribault now called a council at Fort Caroline, which decided, that they ought to strengthen the fort with all possible diligence, and be prepared for the enemy. He was himself, however, of a different opinion. Apprehensive of the defection of the friendly and auxiliary natives, if they should discover that, at the first approach of the Spaniards, they should confine themselves to their camp and fortifications, he judged it best to proceed against the enemy at once, before they could collect their forces and construct a forti fication in their vicinity. To strengthen this view, he produced a letter from Admiral Coligny, contain ing these words : "While I was sealing this letter, I received certain advice that Don Pedro Menendez is departing from Spain, to go to the coast of New France. See that you suffer him not to encroach upon you, and that you do not encroach upon him." It was, indeed, the fleet of Menendez, which had just arrived on the coast, and given the alarm. Philip II. had given him the command of a fleet and an army, with full power to drive the Huguenots out of Florida, and settle it with Catholics. Fixed in his purpose, Ribault instantly took all the best of his men at Fort Caroline, and set sail in pursuit of the Spanish fleet, leaving Laudonniere in charge of the fort, without any adequate means of defence. Most unfortunately he was overtaken by a tremen dous storm, which destroyed all the vessels, the men only escaping. Menendez now began to consider what advantage 16 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. he could take of this state of affairs. It a])peared to him, that, by pushing across the country, he would have every chance of reaching the fort before cir cumstances would admit of Ribault's return. He set forth immediately with five hundred of his best troops, and, after overcoming the formidable obsta cles of swamps swelled by torrents of rain, on the evening of the fourth day arrived within view of the fort. At day-break, Menendez mounted the hill, and saw no appearance of any watch, and, before Lau donniere could muster his little garrison, the Span iards had rushed in and begun an indiscriminate massacre of men, women, and children. Laudon niere, though worn down with sickness, escaped from the fort with about twenty others, who con cealed themselves in the woods. In this extremity, six of them ventured to throw themselves on the mercy of the Spaniards ; but they were cruelly massacred in sight of their companions. Laudon niere, seeing no way of escape but by getting over the marshes to the ships at the mouth of the river, led the way, and several of his men followed him through the swamp into the water. Unable to pro ceed, he sent two of them, who could swim well, to the ships for help. At length he was carried on board a French shallop, which was in search of them, and, having picked up the remaining fugitives, who were concealed among the reeds, carried them to a little ship at the mouth of the river. In this they undertook to reach their native country; on their voyage they encountered want, cold, hunger, and thirst, but they ultimately entered, in a miserable state, the port of Bristol, where they met a hos pitable reception. A more tragic end awaited Ri bault ; all his vessels were dashed to pieces (as we have before observed) in the tempest, which lasted some days. With great difficulty the crews suc ceeded in reaching the shore, and directed their steps towards the fort. After a toilsome journey of nine days through a rugged country, what was their amazement and grief to find the fort in the hands of the inveterate enemies, alike of their enterprise and their faith ! Many of them were for enduring the worst extremity, rather than fall into the hands of the Spaniards ; but Ribault, judging their situation otherwise wholly desperate, determined to open a treaty with Menendez, who received them in the most courteous manner, and pledged himself, on the faith of a soldier and a gentleman, that they should be well treated, and sent back to their country. Upon this pledge, the French delivered up their arms ; but when they were all assembled on a plain in front of the castle, Menendez, with his sword, drew a lii e round them on the sand, and then ordered his troops to fall on, and make an indiscriminate massacre. The bodies were not only covered with repeated wounds, but cut in pieces, and treated with the most shocking indignities. A number of the mangled limbs of the victims were then suspended to a tree, to which was attached the following inscription : — " Not because they are Frenchmen, but because they are heretics and enemies of God." When intelligence of this barbarous massacre reached France, it excited an almost universal feel ing of grief and rage, and inspired a desire for ven geance of corresponding intensity. Though Charles IX. was invoked in vain, by the prayers of fifteen hundred widows and orphans, to require of the Span ish monarch that justice should be awarded against his murderous subjects, there was, in the nation itself, an energy which provided an avenger. Dominique de Gourgues determined to devote himself, his for tune, and his whole being, to the achievement of some signal and terrible retribution. He found means to equip three small vessels, and to put on board of them eighty sailors, and one hundred and fifty troops. Having crossed the Atlantic, he sailed along the coast of Florida, and landed at a river about fifteen leagues distance from the May. The Spaniards, to the nura ber of four hundred, were well fortified, principally at the great fort, begun by the French, and afterwards repaired by themselves. Two leagues lower, towards the river's mouth, they had made two smaller forts, which were defended by a hundred and twenty sol diers, well supplied with artillery and ammunition. Gourgues, though informed of their strength, pro ceeded resolutely forward, and, with the assistance of the natives, made a vigorous and desperate assault. Of sixty Spaniards in the first fort, there escaped but fifteen ; and all in the second fort were slain. After a conipany of Spaniards, sallying out from the third fort, had been intercepted, and killed on the spot, this last fortress was easily taken. All the surviving Spaniards were led away prisoners, with the fifteen who escaped the massacre at the first fort ; and, after having been shown the injury that they had done to the French nation, were hung on the bows of the same trees on which the Frenchmen had been previously suspended. Gourgues, in retaliation for the label Menendez had attached to the bodies of the French, placed over the corpses of the Spaniards the following declaration : — " I do not this as to Spaniards nor as to mariners, but as to traitors, robbers, and murderers."* Having razed the three * Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 356 — 360 ; and Charlevoix, Nouv. France, vol. i. p. 95— 106. • HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 17 forts, he hastened his preparation to return ; and on the 3d of May embarked all that was valuable in the forts and set sail for La Rochelle. In that Protestant capital he was received with the loudest acclamations. At Bordeaux these were reiterated, and he was advised to proceed to Paris, where, however, he met with a very different reception. Philip had already an embassy demanding his head, which Charles and Catherine were not disinclined to give, and had taken steps for bringing him to trial, but they found the measure so excessively unpopular, that they were obliged to allow him to retire into Normandy. Subsequently he regained royal favour, and found ample employment in the service of his country. Thus terminated the attempts of the French Pro testants to colonize Florida. Had the efforts of Ribault or Laudonniere been supported by the government, France might have had vast colonial dependencies before Britain had established a single settlement in the New World, instead of inscribing on the pages of history a striking instance of the ruinous and enduring effects of religious hatred, alike on individual and national fortune. It has been observed, by one of the most eminent statesmen this or any other country ever produced — one who took a peculiar interest in the progress of the New World — that the present age bears in many points a striking resemblance to that of Queen Eliza beth, and certainly in no respect are the periods more assimilated, than in the singular, and to many, the inexplicable combination of commercial activity and general distress. That poverty among the lower and middling ranks of society was one of the strongest motives to colonization in the days of Elizabeth, as well as our own, the records of history * Edward Haies, in his report of the voyage of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, has the following observations on the motives to colonize which then prevailed : — " If his motives be derived from a vertuous and heroycall minde, preferring chiefly the honour of God, com passion of poore infidels captived by the devill, tyrannizing in most wonderfull and dreadful! maner over their bodies and soules, advancement of his honest and well disposed countreymen, wiUing to accompany him in such honourable actions, reliefe of sundry people within this realme distressed : all these be honorable purposes, imitating the nature of the munificent God, wherwith he is well pleased, who will assist such an actour beyond expectation of man. And the same, who feeleth this inclination in himselfe, by all like lihood may hope, or rather confidently repose in the pre-ordinance of God, that in this last age of the world, or likely never, the time is compleat of receiving also these Gentiles into his mercy, and that God will raise him an instrument to eifect the same : it seem ing probable, by event of precedent attempts made by the Span- yards and French sundry times, that the countreys lying north of Florida, God hath reserved the same to be reduced unto Christian civility by the English nation."- Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 144. Sir George Peckam also bears testimony to the correctness of this opinion. " God," he says, " had provided the means of coloniza tion ; for that, through his great mercy in preserving the people Vol. I.— No. 2. E do not permit us to doubt ;* and if benefits accrue to the world, in the proportion in which the extent of emigration now exceeds that of the period of our present researches, posterity will see reason to admire the dispensations of Providence, which, however unwelcome to the present, are so richly beneficial to the future ages. Before entering on the transactions which are so highly honourable to the reign of Elizabeth, it is our duty to record an event which almost may be said to counterbalance, in its baneful results, all the advan^ tages, either to the Old World or the New, that ren der celebrated the era of the British Queen — the commencement of the slave trade. The first Eng lishman who brought this guilt upon himself and his country was Sir John Hawkins, who afterwards attained so much nautical celebrity, and was created an admiral, and treasurer of the British navy. A subscription was opened and speedily completed by Sir Lionel Ducket, Sir Thomas Lodge, Sir William Winter, and others, who plainly perceived the vast emolument that might be derived from such a traffic. By their assistance Hawkins was enabled to set sail for Africa in the year 1562, and, having reached Sierra Leone, he began his commerce with the negroes. t While he trafficked with them in the usual articles of barter, he took occasion to give them an inviting description of the country to which he was bound, contrasting the fertility of its soil and the enjoyments of its inhabitants with the barrenness ot Africa and the poverty of the African tribes. The negroes were ensnared by his flattering promises, and three hundred of them, accepting his offer, consented to embark along with him for Hispaniola. On the night before their embarkation, they were attacked by a hostile tribe ; and Hawkins hastening for so many years from slaughter, plague, and pestilence, they were in such penury and viant, Ihat many would hazard their lives for a year's food and clothing, without wages ; and this armament might be most cheaply equipped." — Murray, vol. i. p. 191. t "With this companie he put ofli' and departed from the coast of England in the moneth of October, 1562, and in his course touched first 0.1 Teneriffe, where he received friendly entertainement ; from thence he passed to Sierra Leona, upon the coast of Guinea, which place, by the people of the countrey, is called Tagarin, where he stayed some good time, and got into his possession, partly by the sworde, and partly by olher meanes, to the number of three hun dred negroes, at the least, besides other merchandises which that countrey yeeldelh. With this praye hee sayled over the ocean se? unto the island of Hispaniola, and arrived first at the port of Isa bella, and there hee had reasonable utterance of his English com modities, as also of some part of his negroes, trusting the Span iards no further, then that by his owne strength he was able still to master them. From the port of Isabella he went to Puerto dc Plata, where he made like sales, standing alwaies upon his guard ; from Ihence, also, hee sayled to Monte Christi, another port on the north side of Hispaniola, and the last place of his touching, where he had peaceable traffique, and made vent of the whole numoer ul his negroes." — Hakluyt, vol. iii, p. 500. 18 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. with his crew to their assistance, repulsed the assail ants, and carried a number of them as prisoners on board his vessels. The next day he set sail with his mixed cargo of human creatures, and, during the passage, treated the negroes who had voluntarily accompanied him in a different manner from his prisoners of war. On his arrival at Hispaniola, he disposed of the whole cargo to great advantage, and endeavoured to inculcate on the Spaniards who purchased the negroes, the same distinction in the treatment of them which he himself had observed. But the Spaniards, having given the same ratio for the one as for the other, considered them as slaves of the same oondition, and treated them all alike.* The Spaniards have many cruellies to answer for, not only in their islands, but on the continent of South Ameri ca. They never knew the true philosophy of self-interest in their treatment of their slaves. They never learned the maxim, that kindness is more effectual than severity in subduing ignorant and savage man. The Spaniards were, notwithstanding their love of enterprise and v/ar, naturally an indolent race of people, and rejoiced in find ing those vpho could take the labours of agriculture off their hands. Men, deceived, as most of those were who came with Hawkins, were not very docile ; and their masters found in their tempers excuse for rigid discipline. While the nefarious traffic of Sir John Hawkins was attended Tvith the advantages of a profitable though iniquitous speculation, the meritorious exer tions of others were fraught with destruction to themselves, and disappointment to the nation at large ; affording a powerful lesson that the charac ters of men are not to be estimated by their financial success, but by the honourable motives by which their conduct is actuated. The efforts which follow ed those of the founder of the slave trade were directed to the discovery of a passage to India by the north of America ;t but, notwithstanding the Utmost exertions of the most eminent naval cha racters, Frobisher, Davis, and Hudson, they proved * On another occasion Hawkins took advantage of a conflict between the hostile tribes. " In that present instant," says the narrator, " there came to us a negro, sent from a king, oppressed by other kings, his neighbours, desiring our aide, with promise that as many negros as by these warres might be obtained, as well of his part as of ours, should be at our pleasure ; whereupon, we concluded to give aide, and sent a hundred and tv.-enty of our men, which, the 15lh of Januarie, assaulted a towne of the negros of our allies' adversaries, which had in it eight thousand inhabitants, being very strongly impaled and fenced after their manner ; but il was so well defended, that our men prevailed not, but lost .sixe men aud fortie hurt, so that our men sent forthwith to me for more helpe, whereupon, considering that the good successe of this enter prise might highly further the commoditie of our voyage, I went myselfe, and wilh the helpc of the king on our side, assaulted the to^,\'ne, both by land and sea, and very hardly wilh fire, (their Ileuses being covered with dry palme leaves) obtained the towne. entirely abortive, at least, as to the accomplishment of their immediate object. In the same year, however, in which Frobisher's third voyage terminated so unsuccessfully, Sir Wal ter Raleigh, in conjunction with his half-brother and kindred spirit. Sir Humphrey Gilbert, projected the establishment of a colony in that quarter of America which the Cabots had visited in the reign of Henry VII.; and a patent for this purpose was procured without difficulty in favour of Gilbert, from Eliza beth. As this is the first charter to a colony granted by the crown of England, the articles in it merit particular attention, as they unfold the ideas of that age with respect to the nature of such settlements. Elizabeth authorizes him to discover and take pos session of all remote and barbarous lands, unoccupied by any Christian prince or people ; invests in him the full right of property in the soil of those coun tries whereof he shall take possession ; empowers him, his heirs and assigns, to dispose of whatever portion of those lands he shall judge meet, to per sons settled there, in fee simple, according to the laws of England ; and ordains, that all the lands granted to Gilbert shall hold of the crown of Eng land by homage, on payment of the fifth part of the gold or silver ore found there. The charter also gave Gilbert, his heirs and assigns, full power to con vict, punish, pardon, govern, and rule, by their good discretion and policy, as well in causes capital or criminal as civil, both marine and other, all persons who shall, from time to time, settle within the said countries ; and declared, that all who settled there should have and enjoy all the privileges of free deni zens and natives of England, any law, custom, or usage to the contrary notwithstanding. And finally, it prohibited all persons from attempting to settle within two hundred leagues of any place which Sir Humphrey Gilbert, or his associates, shall have occu pied during the space of six years. t Invested with these extraordinary powers, Gilbert and put the inhabitants to flight, where ¦r'c tooke t^n'o hundred and fifty persons, men, women, and children, and by our friend the king of our side, there were taken sixe hundred prisoners, whereof we hoped to have had our choice ; but the negro, in which nation is seldom or never found truth, meant nothing lesse, for that night he remooved his campe and prisoners, so that we were faine to content us with those few which wc had gotten ourselves. Now had we obtained between four and five hundred negroes, wherwith we thought it somewhat reasonable to seeke the coast of the Wett Indies, and there, for our negroes and our other merchandize, we hoped to oblaine, whereof lo counlervaile our charges with some gaines." — Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 522. t In the reign of Edward VI. it was also the general opinion that a passage to India might be found by coasting along the north ern shores of Europe; and, when in pursuit of (his object, Sir Hugh Willoughby and his gallant crew were frozen to death.' t Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 1 35. HISTORY OP THE UNITED STATES. 19 began to collect associates, and to prepare for em barkation. The first equipment, however, of Sir Humphrey, may be said to have failed, even before it set out. Being composed in a great measure of " voluntary men of diverse dispositions," there was a great falhng off when it came to the point, and Sir Humphrey was at last obliged to set out with only a {e-w of his own tried friends. He encountered the most adverse weather, and was necessitated to return, " with the loss of a tall ship, and, more to his grief, of a valiant gentleman. Miles Morgan." This was a severe blow, as Sir Humphrey had embarked a large portion of his property in this undertaking. However, his determination continued unshaken ; and by the aid of Sir George Peckham, Sir Walter Raleigh, and other persons of distinction, he was enabled to equip another expedition, with which, in the year 1583, he again put to sea. On the 30th of July, Gilbert discovered land in about 51° of north latitude ; but, finding nothing but bare rocks, he shaped his course to the south ward, and on the 3d of August arrived at St. John's harbour, at Newfoundland. There were at that time in the harbour thirty-six vessels, belonging to various nations, and they refused him entrance ; but, on sending his boat with the assurance that he had no ill design, and that he had a commission from Q,ueen Elizabeth, they submitted, and he sailed into the port. Having pitched his tent on shore in sight of all the shipping, and being attended by his own people, he summoned the merchants and masters of vessels to be present at the ceremony of his taking possession of the island. When assembled, his com mission was read and interpreted to the foreigners. A turf and twig was then delivered to him ; and proclamation was immediately made, that, by virtue of his commission from the queen, he took possession of the harbour of St. John, and two hundred leagties every way around it, for the crown of England. He then, as the authorized governor, proposed and deli vered three laws, to be in force immediately; by the first, public worship was established according to the church of England; by the second, the attempting of any thing prejudicial to her majesty's title was declared treason ; * Hakluyt has presei'ved a very masterly performance from the pen of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, entitled, " A Discourse to prove a Passage by the North-west, to the East Indies," &c. Although the recent expeditions, under Captains Ross and Parry, have fully de monstrated that no passage, of an available nature at least, exists between America and the North Pole, it may be interesting to our readers to form some idea of the reasons by which Sir Humphrey convinced himself, and endeavoured to persuade others, of the cer- Jaintv of a north-west passage ; we, therefore, extract the contents of this discourse : — " Cafitolo I. To prove by authoritie a passage to be on the by the third, if any person should utter words to the dishonour of her majesty, he should lose his ears, and have his ship and goods confiscated. When the proclamation was finished, obedience was promised by the general voice, both rf Englishmen and stran gers. Not far from the f lace of meeting, a pillar was afterwards erected, upon which were engraved the arms of England. For the better establishment of this possession, several parcels of land were granted by Sir Humphrey, by which the occupants were gua ranteed grounds convenient to dress and dry their fish, of which privilege they had often been debarred, by those who had previously entered the harbour. For these grounds they- covenanted to pay a certain rent and service to Sir Humphrey Gilbert, his heirs or assigns, for ever, and to maintain possession of them, by themselves or assignees. This formal possession, in consequence of the discovery by the Cabots, is considered the foundation of the right and title of the crown of England to the territory of Newfoundland, and to the fishery on its banks. Gilbert, intending to bring the southern parts of the country within his patent, the term of which had now nearly expired, hastened to make farther discoveries before his return to England. He therefore embarked from St. John's harbour with his little fleet, and sailed for the Isle of Sable, by the way of Cape Breton. After spending eight days in the navigation from Cape Race towards Cape Breton, the ship Admiral was cast away on some shoals before any discovery of land, and nearly one hundred persons perished ; among these was Stephen Parmenius Budeius, a learned Hungarian, who had accompanied the adventurers, to record their disco veries and exploits. Two days after this disaster, no land yet appearing, the waters being shallow, the coast unknown, the navigation dangerous, and the provisions scanty, it was resolved to return to Eng land. Changing their course accordingly, they passed in sight of Cape Race on the 2d of September ; but when they had sailed more than three hundred leagues on their way home, the frigate, commanded by Sir Humphrey Gilbert himself, foundered in a vio lent storm at midnight, and every soul on board perished.* north side of America, to goe to Cataia, China, and to the East India. Cap. II. To prove by reason a passage to be on the north side of America, to go to Cataia, MoIuccee, &c. Cap. III. To prove by experience of sundry men's travailes, the opening of this north-west passage, whereby good hope remaineth of the rest. Cap. IV. To prove by circumstance, that the north-west passage hath bene sailed throughout. Cap. V. To prove that such Indians as have bene driven upon the coastes of Germanic came not thither by the south-east and south-west, nor from any part of Afrike ot America. Cap. VI. To prove that the Indians aforenamed cam* not by the north-east, and that there is no thorow passage navigabll 20 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES CHAPTER II. HISTORY OF VIRGINIA, FROM ITS SETTLEMENT TO THE FRENCH WAR OF 1756. Terrible as was the fate of Gilbert and his associates, the ardour of Raleigh was not daunted, nor his energies depressed. High in favour with Elizabeth, he found no difficulty in procuring a pa tent similar to that which had been granted to his unfortunate brother. Prompt in the execution, as intrepid in the projection of his plans, he speedily equipped two small vessels, under Amadas and Bar low, to obtain further information of the coasts, the soil, and the inhabitants of the regions he designed to colonize. Approaching America by the Gulf of Florida, they touched first at the island of Ocakoke, which runs parallel to the greater part of North Caro lina, and then at Roanoke, near the mouth of Albe marle Sound. In both they had some intercourse with the natives, whom they found to be savages, with all the characteristic qualities of uncivilized life — bravery, aversion to labour, hospitality, a pro pensity to admire and a willingness to exchange their rude productions for English commodities, espe cially for iron, or any of the useful metals of which they were destitute. After spending a few weeks in this traffic, and in visiting some parts of the adjacent continent, Amadas and Barlow returned to England, and gave a most fervid description of the country they had been sent to explore. Their own words, as contained in their report to Sir Walter Raleigh,* will convey a better idea of the mode of narrative adopted, and the effect produced, than any language of ours. " The soile," say they, " is the most plen- tifull, sweete, fruitfuU and wholsome of all the worlde ; there are above fourteene severall sweete smelling timber trees, and the most part of their un derwoods are bayes and such like ; they have those okes that we have, but farre greater and better. Af ter they had bene divers times aboord our shippes, myselfe, with seven more, went twentie mile into the river that runneth towarde the citie of Skicoak, which river they call Occam ; and the evening fol lowing, we came to an island, which they call Rao- that way. Cap. VII. To prove that these Indians came by the norlh-Ai'est, which induceth a certain'.ie of this passage by experi ence. Cap. viii. What several reasons were alleged before the queenes majestic, and cerlain lords of her highnesse privie coun- c,l, by BI. Anth. lenkinson, a gentleman of great travaile and ex perience, to prove this passage by the north-east, with my severall ausweres then alleaged lo the same. Cap. IX. How that this pas sage by the north-west is more commodious for our traffike, then (he other by the north-east, if there be any such. Cap. X. What coramodities would ensue, this passage being once discovered." — Hakluyt, vol iii. p. 11. noak, distant from the harbour by which we entered seven leagues ; and at the north end thereof was a village of nine houses, built of cedar, and fortified round about with sharpe trees to keep out their ene mies, and the entrance into it made like a turnepike, very artificially ; when we came towardes it, stand ing neere unto the waters' side, the wife of Granga- nimo, the king's brother, came running out to meete us very cheerfully and friendly ; her husband was not then in the village ; some of her people shee commanded to drawe our boate on shore for the beating of the billoe, others she appointed to cary us on their backes to the dry ground, and others to bring our oares into the house for feare of stealing. When we were come into the utter roome, having five roomes in her house, she caused us to sit down by a great fire, and after tooke off our clothes and washed them, and dried them againe ; some of the women plucked off our stockings, and washed them, some washed our feete in warm water, and she her self tooke great paines to see all things ordered in the best manner she could, making great haste to dresse some meate for us to eate. After we had thus dryed ourselves, she brought us into the inner roome, where shee set on the boord standing along the house, some wheate like furmentie ; sodden venison and roasted ; fish, sodden, boyled and roasted ; me lons, rawe and sodden ; rootes of divers kindes ; and divers fruites. Their drinke is commonly water, but while the grape lasteth, they drinke wine, and for want of caskes to keepe it, all the yere after they drink water, but it is sodden with ginger in it, and black sinamon, and sometimes sassaphras, and divers other wholesome and medicinable hearbes and trees. We were entertained with all love and kindnesse, and with as much bountie, after their maner, as they could possibly devise. We found the people most gentle, loving, and faithfull, voide of all guile and treason, and such as live after the maner of the golden age. The people onely care howe to defend themselves from the cold in their short winter, and to feed themselves with such meat as the soile afforem ; their meat is very well sodden, and they make broth very sweet and savorie ; their vessels are earthen Although the lapse of time has evinced the futility of the specu lation of Gilbert, the style of this treatise places this author on a level with the most distinguished writers of this age. In the Senate he was admired for his eloquence, not less than for hi.s patriotism and integrity ; but the most interesting feature in his character was the strength of his piety. In the extremity of dan ger at sea, he was observed sitting unmoved, with a bible in his hand, and heard lo say, " Courage, my lads ! we are as near hea ven at sea as at land." ¦* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 248, 249, HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 21 pots, very large, white, and sweete ; their dishes are wooden platters of sweet timber. Within the place where they feede was their lodging, and within that their idoll, which they worship, of whom they speake incredible things. While we were at meate, there came in at the gates two or three men with their bo wes and arrowes from hunting, whom, when we espied, we beganne to looke one towardes another, and offered to reach our weapons ; but as soone as shee espied our mistrust, shee was very much mooved, and caused some of her men to runne out, and take away their bowes and arrowes and breake them, and withall, beate die poore fellowes out of the gate againe. When we departed in the evening, and would not tarry all night, she was very sory, and gave us into our boate our supper half dressed, pottes and all, and brought us to our boate side, in which we lay all night, removing the same a prettie dis tance from the shoare ; shee perceiving our jelousie, Wcis much grieved, and sent divers men and thirtie women to sit all night on the banke-side by us, and sent us into our boates five mattes, to cover us from the raine, using very many wordes to intreate us to rest in their houses ; but because we were fewe men, and if we had miscarried the voyage had bene in very great danger, we durst not adventure any thing, although there was no cause of doubt, for a more kinde and loving people there cannot be found in the worlde, as far as we have hitherto had triall." Delighted with the prospect of possessing a terri tory so far superior to any hitherto visited by her subjects, Elizabeth was pleased to honour both the newly discovered country and herself, by bestowing upon it the title of Virginia. These favourable circumstances not only encou raged the enterprising spirit of Raleigh, but, by their effect on public opinion, assisted him in his arrange ments to form a permanent settlement ; and he was soon enabled to despatch seven ships, under the com mand of Sir Richard Grenville, one of the most valorous spirits of the age, with Ralph Lane, as governor of the colony, accompanied by Heriot, a mathematician of celebrity, and some other men of science. Sailing from Plymouth on the 9th of April, they proceeded to Virginia by the way of the West Indies, and, having narrowly escaped shipwreck at Cape Fear, anchored at Wocokon, on the 26th of *- " Most things they saw wilh us, as mathematicall instruments, sea-compasses, the verlue of the loadstone, perspective glasses, burning glasses, clocks to goe of themselves, bookes, writing, guns, pnd such like, so far exceeded their capacities, that they thought they were rather the workes of gods then men, or at least the gods had taught us how to make them, which loved us so much better than them ; and caused many of them to give credit to what we spake concernir ,; onr God. In all places where I came, I did my Vol.. I.— No. 2. F June. From this island Grenville went to the £0ii- tinent, accompanied by several gentlemen, and disco vered various Indian towns. He then proceeded to Cape Hatteras, where he was visited by Granganimo, the prince seen by Amadas and Barlow the preceding year ; and having viewed the island of Roanoke, he eimbarked for England, leaving one hundred and seven persons under the government of Mr. Lane, tp, form a plantation, and to commence the first Englisl^ colony ever planted in America. The chief employ ment of this party, during their year's residence in the New World, consisted in obtaining a more correct and extensive knowledge of the country ; a pursuit in which the persevering abilities of Heriot were ex ercised with peculiar advantage. His unremitting endeavours to instruct the savages, and diligent in quiries into their habits and character, by adding to the stock of human knowledge, rendered the expedi tion not wholly unproductive of benefit to mankind. He endeavoured to avail himself of the admiration expressed by the savages for the guns, the clock,, the telescopes, and other implements that attested the superiority of the colonists, in order to lead their minds to the great source of all sense and science.* But, unfortunately, the majority of the colonists were much less distinguished by piety or prudence, than by a vehement impatience to acquire sudden wealth : their first pursuit was gold ; and eagerly listening to the agreeable fictions of the natives, the adventurers consumed their, time, and endured amazing hardships, in pursuit of a phantom, to the utter neglect of the means of providing for, their future subsistence. The stock of provisions brought from England was ex hausted ; and the colony, reduced to the utmost dis tress, was preparing to disperse into different districts of the country in quest of food, when Sir Francis ¦ Drake appeared with his fieet, returning from a suc cessful expedition against the Spaniards in the West Indies. A scheme which he formed, of furnishing Lane and his associates with such supplies as might enable them to remain with comfort in their station. was disappointed by a sudden storm, in which the vessel he had destined for their service was dashed' to pieces ; and as he could not supply them with another, at their joint request, as they were worn out with fatigue and famine, he carried them home to England.!' best lo make his immortall glory knowne ; and I told them, although the bible I shewed them contained all, yet of itselfe, il was not of any such verlue as I thought tbey did conceive. Notwithstanding, many would be glad lo touch it, to kisse, and embrace il, lo hold it to their breasts and heads, and stroke all their body over with il." — Smith's History of Virginia, p. 11. t Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 255—280. 22 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. Had the Virginia adventurers, however, remained hut a little time longer at their plantation, they would have received supplies from home ; for, a few days after their departure, a ship, sent by Sir Walter Ra leigh to their relief, arrived at Hatteras, and made diligent search for them, but, not finding them, re turned to England. Within a few days after this ship had left the coast. Sir Richard Grenville arrived at Virginia with three new vessels laden with provi sions. Searching in vain for the colony that he planted, but yet unwilling to lose possession of the country, he left fifty' of his crew to keep possession of the island of Roanoke, and returned to England. This was, indeed, but an inauspicious commencement for English attempts at transatlantic colonization ; but, though its immediate results did not realize the high expectations which had been formed, its conse quences were indirectly very beneficial. It gave Heriot opportunity to describe its soil, climate, pro ductions, and the manners of its inhabitants, with a degree of accuracy which merits no inconsiderable praise, when compared with the childish and marvel lous tales published by several of the early visitants of the New World. Another consequence of this abortive colony is important enough to entitle it to a place in history. Lane and his associates, by their constant intercourse with the Indians, had acquired a relish for their favourite enjoyment of smoking to bacco ; to the use of which, the credulity of that people not only ascribed a thousand imaginary virtues, but their superstition considered the plant itself as a gracious gift of the gods, for the solace of human kind, and the most acceptable offering which man can present to heaven. They brought with them a spe cimen of this new commodity to England, and taught their countiymen the method of using it ; which Raleigh and some young men of fashion fondly adopted. From its being deemed a fashionable ac quirement, and from the favourable opinion of its salutary qualities entertained by several physicians, the practice of smoking spread rapidly among the English ; and by a singular caprice of the human species, no less inexplicable than unexampled, it has become almost as universal as the demands of those appetites originally implanted in our nature. Amidst all the discouraging circumstances with which the settlement of Virginia was attended, Ra leigh still remained devotedly attached to the object ; and early in the year 1587, equipped another com pany of adventurers, incorporated by the title of the Borough of Raleigh, in Virginia. John White was » Hakluyt says fifteen, but Smith fifty, which is the more pro bable number. constituted governor, in whom, with a council of twelve persons, the legislative power was vested. They were directed to plant at the bay of Chesapeake. and to erect a fort there. This expedition sailed from Plymouth on the Sth of May, and about the 16th of July fell in with the Virginian coast. Arriving at Hatteras on the 22d of July, the governor, with a select party, proceeded to Roanoke, and landed at that part of the island where the men were left the year preceding ; but discovered no signs of them excepting the bones of one man, who had been slain by the savages. The next day the governor and several of his company went to the north end of the island, where Lane had erected his fort, and had built several decent dwelling houses, hoping to obtain some intelligence of his fehow-countrymen ; but, on com ing to the place, and finding the fort razed, and all the houses, though standing unhurt, overgrown with weeds and vines, and deer feeding within them ; they returned, in despair of ever seeing the objects of their research alive. Orders were given the same day for the repair of the houses, and for the erection of new cottages ; and all the colony, consisting of one hun dred and seventeen persons, soon after landed, and commenced a second plantation. In the month of August, Manteo, a friendly Indian, who had been to England, was baptized in Roanoke, according to a previous order of Sir Walter Raleigh ; and, in reward of his faithful service to the English, was called lord of Roanoke. About the same period, Mrs. Dare, daughter of the governor, and wife of one of the assistants, was delivered of a daughter in Roanoke, and baptized the next Lord's day by the name of Vir ginia, being the first English child born in the coun tiy. Before the close of the month of August, at the urgent solicitation of the whole colony, the governor sailed for England to procure supplies. Unfortu nately, on his arrival, the nation was wholly engrossed by the expected invasion of the grand Spanish Ar mada ; and Sir Richard Grenville, who was preparing to sail for Virginia, received notice that his services were wanted at home. Raleigh, however, contrived to send out White with two more vessels ; but they were attacked by a Spanish ship of war, and so severely shattered, that they were obliged to return. It was not till 1590 that another expedition reached Virginia, when they beheld a similarly dreadful scene to that which had been presented on the former oc casion. The houses were demolished, though still surrounded by a palisade ; and a great part of the stores was found buried in the earth ; but as no trace was ever found of this unfortunate colony, there is HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 2S every reason to apprehend that the whole must have miserably perished.* Thus terminated the noble and persevering efibrts of Raleigh in the western hemi sphere ; in which he sent out in four years several expeditions, at a cost of £40,000, without any pro fitable return. It cannot be a matter of surprise, therefore, that he should be induced to assign his right of property in that country, with all the privi leges of his patent, to other hands, especiaUy as he was engaged in several other projects which now presented, to his imagination at least, a much more promising appearance. Sir Thomas Smith, and a company of mercantile men, were invested with the patent ; but, finding it difficult, probably, to procure emigrants for a spot which had proved the grave of so many of their brave companions, they satisfied themselves with the traffic carried on by a few small barks, and made no attempt to take possession of the country. Thus, after a period of a hundred and six years from the time that Cabot discovered North America in the service of Henry VII., and of twenty years from the time that Raleigh planted the first colony, not a single Englishman remained in the New World ; and the colonization of America awaited the energy of a new impulse. In the last year of Elizabeth, the voyage of Bar tholomew Gosnold tended to revive the spirit of emi gration. He set sail in a small bark from Falmouth, with thirty-two persons, for the northern parts of Virginia, with the design of beginning a plantation. Instead of making the unnecessary circuit by the Canaries and West Indies, he steered, as steadily as the winds would permit, due west, and acquired the honour of being the first Englishman who came in a direct course to this part of America.t After a pas sage of seven weeks, he descried the American coast ; and sailing along the shore, arrived at a head land, in the latitude of 42", where they came to anchor. Having taken a great number of cod at this place, they designated it Cape Cod. On the day following * Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 281— 294. Murray, vol. i. p. 204. "And thus we left seeking our colony, that was never any of them found, nor seene to this day, 1622. And this was the conclusion of this plantation, after so much time, labour, and charge consumed; whereby we see, ' Not all at once, nor all alike, nor ever hath it beene. That God doth offer and confer his blessings npon men.' " Smith, p. 16. ¦f Smith (Hist. Virg. p. 16) says, " this course was shorter than heretofore by five hundred leagues." — Belknap, Biog. vol. i. p. 231 ; ii. 100. Robertson, b. 9. t " Point Care is supposed by Dr. Belknap to be Maleharre, or Sandy Point, forming the south-eastern extremity of the county of Barnslable, in Massachusetts. Martha's Vineyard was not the is land which now bears that name, but a small island, now called No- Man's Land Dover Cliff ¦was Gay Head. Gosnold's Hope they coasted the land southerly ; and, in attempting to double a point, came suddenly into shoal water, at a place they called Point Care. On the 24tn they discovered an island, which they called Dover Cliff; and the next day came to anchor, a quarter of a mile from the shore, in a large bay they termed Gosnold's Hope. On the northern side of it Avas the main ; and on the southern, four leagues distant, was a large island, which, in honour of the queen, they deter mined should bear the name of EUzabeth. Consult ing together on a fit place for a plantation, they concluded to settle on the western part of this island. In it they found a small lake of fresh water, two miles in circumference, in the centre of which was a rocky islet ; and here they began to erect a fort and storehouse. While the men were occupied in this work, Gosnold crossed the bay in his vessel, went on shore, trafficked amicably with the natives, and, having discovered the mouth of two rivers, returned to the island.! In nineteen days the fort and store house were finished ; but discontents arising among those who were to have remained in the country, the design of a settlement was relinquished, § and the whole company returned to England.il However inconsiderable this voyage may appear, its results were by no means insignificant. It was now discovered that the aspect of America was very inviting far north of any portion the English had hitherto attempted to settle. The coast of a vast country, stretching through the most desirable cli^ mates, lay before them. The richness of its virgin soil promised a certain recompense to their industry. In its interior provinces unexpected sources of wealth might open, and unknown objects of commerce might be found. Its distance from England was diminished almost a third by the new course which Gosnold had pointed out ; and plans for establishing colonies began to be formed in different parts of the kingdom. The accession of James to the English crown was also highly favourable to the colonization of America, and was Buzzard's .Bay. The narrator in Purchas saj^s, ' it is one of the stateliest sounds that ever I was in.' Elizabeth Island was the westernmost of the islands which now bear the name of Elizabeth Islands. One of the two rivers discovered by Gosnold, was that near which lay Hap's Hill ; and the other, that on the banks of which the town of New Bedford is now built."— Holmes's Annals of America, vol. i. p. 118. § " The iSth beganne some of our companie that before vowed to stay, to make revolt ; whereupon, the planters diminishing, all was given over."— Purchas. " In 1797, Dr. Belknap, with several other gentlemen, went to the spot which was selected by Gosnold's company on Elizabeth Island, and had the supreme satisfaction to find the cellar of Gosnold's storehouse ; the stones of which were evid:ently taken from the neighbouring beach ; the rocks ct the islet being less moveable, and lying in ledges." — Belknap, Biog, vol. ii. p. 115. II Smith's Hist. Virg. p. 16—18. 24 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. fatal to the illustrious projector of this design. Peace was immediately concluded with Spain ; and Eng land, in the enjoyment of uninterrupted tranquillity, was enabled to direct to more bloodless pursuits the energies matured in a war which had strongly excited the spirit of the nation without impairing its strength. These projects were powerfully aided by the judi cious counsel and zealous encouragement of Richard Hakluyt, prebendary of Westminster, a man of emi nent attainments in naval and commercial knowledge, the patron and counsellor of many of the English expeditions of discovery, and the historian of their exploits. By his persuasion, two vessels were fitted out by the merchants of Bristol, to examine the dis coveries of Gosnold, and ascertain the correctness of his statements. They returned with an ample con firmation of his veracity. A similar expedition, equipped and despatched by Lord Arundel, not only produced additional testimony to the same effect, but reported so many additional particulars in favour of the countiy, that all doubts were removed ; and an association sufficiently numerous, wealthy, and pow erful, to attempt a settlement, being soon formed, a petition was presented to the king for the sanction of his authority to its being carried into effect. Fond of directing the active genius of his English subjects towards occupations not repugnant to his own pacific maxims, James listened with a favoura ble ear to the application. But as the extent as well as value ofthe American continent began now to be better known, a grant of the whole of such a vast region to any one body of men, however respectable, appeared to him an act of impolitic and profuse liberality. For this reason he divided that portion of North America, which stretches from the thirty- fourth to the fifty-fifth degree of latitude, into two districts nearly equal ; the one called the first or south colony of Virginia, the other, the second or north colony. He authorized Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Summers, Richard Hakluyt, and their associates, mostly resident in London, to settle any part of the former which they should choose, and vested in them a right of property to the land extend ing along the coast fifty miles on each side of the place of their first habitation, and reaching into the interior country a hundred miles. The latter district he allotted, as the place of settlement to sundry knights, gentlemen, and merchants of Bristol, Ply mouth, and other parts of the west of England, with a similar grant of territory. The supreme govern ment of the colonies that were to be settled, was * Stith, Virg. Appendix, No. 1, and Hazard, Coll. vol.i. p. 50 — 58, contain entire copies of this patent. vested in a council, resident in England, named by the king, with laws and ordinances given under his sign manual ; and the subordinate jurisdiction was committed to a council, resident in America, which was also nominated by the king, and to act conform ably to his instructions. The charter, while it thus restricted the emigrants in the important article of internal regulation, secured to them and their de scendants all the rights of denizens, in the same manner as if they had remained or had been born in England ; and granted them the privilege of holding their lands in America by the freest and least bur densome tenure. The king permitted whatever was necessary for the sustenance or commerce of the new colonies to be exported from England, during the space of seven years, without paying any duty ; and, as a farther incitement to industry, he granted them liberty of trade with other nations ; and appropriated the duty to be levied on foreign commodities, as a fund for the benefit of the colonies, for the period of twenty-one years. He also granted them liberty of coining for their own use, of repelling enemies, and of detaining ships that should trade there without their permission.* " In this singular charter," says Robertson, "the contents of which have been little attended to by the historians of America, some articles are as unfavourable to the rights of the colonists as others are to the interest of the parent state. By placing the legislative and executive powers in a council nominated by the crown, and guided by its instructions, every person settling in Amerid., seems to be bereaved of the noblest privilege of a free man ; by the unlimited permission of trade with foreigners, the parent state is deprived of that exclusive com merce which has been deemed the chief advantage resultinof from the establishment of colonies. But in the infancy of colonization, and without the guidance of observation or experience, the ideas of men, with respect to the mode of forming new settlements, were not fully unfolded or properly arranged. At a period when they could not foresee the future grandeur and importance of the communities which they were about to call into existence, they were ill qualified to concert the best plan for governing them. Besides. the English of that age, accustomed to the high pre rogative and arbitrary rule of their monarchs, were not animated with such liberal sentiments, either concerning their own personal or political rights, as have become familiar in the more mature and im proved state of their constitution. "t We may regard the colonies of North and South t History of America, b. ix. p. 290. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 25 Virginia, or Virginia and New England, as they were subsequently denominated, as forming, from this period, the subject of two distinct and continuous histories ; that of the former, being earliest in point of time, will continue to occupy our attention during the reinainder of this chapter. The proprietors of the royal patent lost no time in carrying their plans into effect. It cannot, however, be said, that they commenced their operations on a scale at all worthy of the magnitude of the under taking, as their fleet consisted only of three ships, conveying one hundred emigrants ; and, although some persons of rank were among the number of proprietors, their pecuniary resources were but scanty. The charge of this embarkation was com mitted to Christopher Newport, already famous for his skill in western navigation. He sailed from the Thames on the 20th of December, 1606, having, in a sealed box, the royal instructions, and the names of the intended colonial council, with orders not to break the seal till twenty-four hours after the expe dition had eflTected a landing ; to which singular policy, may be attributed the dissensions which soon commenced among the leaders, and which continued to distract them during a voyage long and disas trous.* Captain Newport had designed to land at Roanoke ; but fortunately, being driven by a storm to the northward, he stood into the spacious bay of Chesapeake, that grand reservoir into which are poured almost countless tributaries, which not only fertilize the country through which they flow, but open to it a commercial intercourse which can scarcely be said to be surpassed in any portion of the globe. The promontory on the south of the bay was named Cape Henry, in honour of the prince of Wales ; and that on the north. Cape Charles, after the then duke of York. At night the box, contain ing the sealed instructions, was opened, in which Bartholomew Gosnold, John Smith, Edward Wing- field, Christopher NcAvport, John Ratcliffe, John Martin, and George Kendall, were constituted the council of government, with power to elect a presi dent from among their number. The adventurers were employed in seeking a place for settlement until * Chalmers, Political Annals, b. i. c. 2. " Their animosities ¦were powerfully inflamed by an arrangement which, if it did nnt originate with the king, at least evinces a strong afl[inity to ihal ostentatious mystery and driflless artifice which he affected as the perfection of political dexterity." — Grahame, vol. i. p. 47. t " It would perhaps be difficult to find any individual who ex perienced more gallant adventures and daring enterprises, of a highly romantic character, in various countries, than Captain Smith. His life, without any fictitious additions, might easily be taken for a mere romance. He appears to have possessed many great qualities, and to have been deficient in nothing but that mean Vol. I.- -No. 3. G the thirteenth of May, when they took possession of a peninsula, on the north side of the river Powhatan, called by the emigrants James River, about forty miles from its mouth. To make room for their pro jected town, they commenced clearing away the forest, which had for centuries afforded shelter and food to the natives. The members of the council, while they adhered to their orders in the choice of their president, on the most frivolous pretences ex cluded from a seat among them, the individual, who was probably of all others the best fitted for the office, Captain Smith,t though nominated by the same in strument from which they derived their authority. His superior talents, and the fame he had previously acquired in war, excited their en-vy, while possibly they induced him to assume, that a greater deference was due to his opinion than his coadjutors were willing to admit. At length, however, by the prudent exhortations of Mr. Hunt, their chaplain, the animo sities which had arisen were composed. Smith was admitted into the council, and they all turned their undivided attention to the government of the colony. In honour of their monarch, they called the to'wn, the erection of which they now commenced, James Town. Thus was formed the first permanent colony of the English in America. The vicinity of the settlement was a vast wilder ness, though a luxuriant one, inhabited by a race of Indian savages, possessing both the virtues and the vices peculiar to their state. At first, they treated the colonists with kindness ; but misunderstandings, from various causes, ere long interrupted the peace, and annoyed the proceedings of the English. Nor was the hostility of the natives the only occasion of discomfort ; the extreme heat of the summer, and the intense cold of the succeeding winter, were alike fatal to the colonists. From May to September, fifty per sons died, among whom was Bartholomew Gosnold, a member of the council. The storehouse at James Town accidentally taking fire, the town, thatched with reeds, burned with such violence, that the forti fications, arms, apparel, bedding, and a great quantity of private goods and provision, were consumed. These distresses naturally led them to reflect upon cunning and sordid spirit, by the aid of which inferior men were able to thwart his views, and deprive him of those stations and rewards which his services amply merited. He was one of tha earliest and most ardent of those who undertook the seulement ol Virginia ; his bravery and capacity more than once saved that in fant colony from destruction, and kept the enterprise Trom being abandoned for several years, though the absurdity of the schemes, and the profligacy, folly, and dishonesty of those who were to ex ecute them, exposed the colony for many years to every calamity, and often brought it lo the brink of ruin."— North American Re 1 1 view, vol. iv. p. 146. 26 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. their situation ; and having become sensible of their injustice to Smith, his personal talents and activity were, in their adversity, appealed to with that regard and deference which, in prosperous times, are yielded only to vested authority and official station. From some unaccountable jealousy on the part of the go vernor, the fort had been left in an unprotected state, hut, by the advice of Smith, it was now put into a state to defend them against the attacks of the Indians. To procure provisions and explore the country, he made frequent and distant excursions into the wilder ness. In one of these, he seized an Indian idol, made with skins stuffed with moss, for the redemption of which as much corn was brought him as he required. Some tribes he gained by caresses and presents, and procured from them a supply of provisions ; others he attacked with open force, and defeating them on every occasion, whatever their superiority in numbers might be, compelled them to impart to him some por tion of their winter stores. As the recompense of all his toils and dangers, he saw abundance and content ment re-established in the colony, and hoped that he should be able to maintain them in that happy state, until the arrival of ships from England in the spring, But in the midst of his energetic measures, while exploring the source of the river Chickahominy, he was surprised and attacked by a party of Indians. He defended himself bravely until his companions were killed, when he took to flight ; but running in cautiously, he sunk up to his shoulders in a swamp, and was takeii prisoner. The exulting savages con ducted him in triumph through several towns to Werowocomoco, where Powhatan, their king, resided in state, with a strong guard of Indians around him. When the prisoner entered the apartment of the sovereign, all the people gave a shout. The queen of Appamatuck was appointed to bring him water to wash his hands ; and another person brought a bunch of feathers, instead of a towel, to dry them. Having feasted him in their best manner, they held a long consultation, at the conclusion of which, two great stones were brought before Powhatan. Smith had now reason to consider his career as drawing to a close ; by the united efforts of the attendants, he was forcibly dragged, his head laid upon one of the stones, and the mighty club up-raised, a few blows from ? Smith's Hist. Virg. p. 49. t " So to lames Tonme with twelve guides Powhatan sent him. That night they quarterd in the woods, he still expecting (as he had done all ihis long lime of his imprisonment) every houre to be pul to one death or other, for all their feasting. But Almighlie God (by his divine providence) had mollified the hearts of those Sterne barbarians with compassion. The next morning betimes they came to the fort, where Smith having used the salvages wilh what kindnesse he could, he showed Rawhunt PowhalE^n's trusty ser- I which were to terminate his existence. But a very unexpected interposition now took place. Pocahontas, the favourite daughter of Powhatan, was seized with emotions of tender pity, and ran up to her father, pathetically pleading for the life of the stranger. When all entreaties were lost on that stern and savage potentate, she hastened to Smith, snatched his head in her arms, and laid her own on his, declaring that the first blow must fall upon her. The heart even of a savage father was at last melted, and Pow hatan granted to his favourite daughter the life of Smith.* It appears at first to have been the intention of the savage monarch to have detained the captive, and employed him in manufacturing utensils and orna ments for his majesty's use ; but from some cause he speedily changed his mind, and in two days after his deliverance, sent him, to his high gratification, with a guard of twelve of his trusty followers, to .Tames Town, upon condition that he should remit two culve- rins and a millstone as his ransom.t After an absence of seven weeks. Smith arrived barely in time to save the colony from being aban doned. His associates, reduced to the number of thirty-eight, impatient of farther stay in a country whore they had met with so many discouragements, were preparing to return to England ; and it Avas not without the utmost difficulty, and alternately employ ing persuasion, remonstrance, and even violent inter ference, that Smith prevailed with them to relinquish their design. Pocahontas, persevering in her gene rous designs, continued to supply the colony with provisions till a vessel arrived from England with supplies. Having preserved the settlement during the winter by his active exertions and his careful management. Smith embraced the earliest opportunity, in the following manner, to explore the extensive and multifarious ramifications of the Chesapeake. In an open barge, with fourteen persons, and but a scanty stock of provisions, he traversed the whole of that vast extent of water from Cape Henry, where it meets the ocean, to the river Susquehannah ; trading with some tribes of Indians, and fighting with others. He discovered and named many small islands, creeks, and inlets ; sailed up many of the great rivers ; and explored the inland parts of the country. During vam, two demi-culverings and a mill-stone to carry Powhatan ; they found them somewhat too heavie, but when they did see him discharge them, being loaded with stones, among the boughs of a great tree loaded with isickles, the yee and branches came so tum bling downe, that the poore salvages ran away halfe dead wilh feare. But al last we regained some conference wilh them, and gave them such toyes, and sent to Powhatan, his women, and chil dren, such presents as gave them in generall full content." — Smith's Hist. Virg. p. 49. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. this enterprise, the Susquehannah Indians visited him, and made him presents. At this early period they had hatchets, and utensils of iron and brass, which, by their own account, originally came from the French of Canada. After sailing about three thou sand miles. Smith returned to James Town. Having made careful observations during this excursion of discovery, he drew a map of Chesapeake Bay, with its tributary rivers, annexing to it a description of the countries, and of the nations inhabiting them, and sent it to the council in England.* The superior abilities of Smith had now been so manifestly subservient to the general welfare, that they had silenced, at least, the malignity of envy and faction, and although it was comparatively a short period since he had been so unjustly calunmiated, and deprived of his seat at the council-board, imme diately after his return from his voyage, he was, by the election of the council and the request of the settlers, invested with the government, and received letters-patent to be president of the colony. The wisdom of his administration inspired confidence, its vigour commanded obedience, and the military exer cises, which he obliged all to perform, struck the Indians with astonishment, and inspired them with awe.t The colony continued to proceed, under the ad ministration of President Smith, as favourably as the nature of its materials would perrait. They were, indeed, by no means of the most desirable description, being chiefly "poor gentlemen, tradesmen, serving- men, libertines, and such like, ten times more fit to spoil a commonwealth than either to begin or main tain one." As they went out usually with extrava gant hopes of sudden and brilliant wealth, they paid little regard to any solid or substantial pursuit, and scorned even the slight labour which was necessary to draw subsistence from this fertile soil. The caprice and suspicion of the Indians also assailed him with numberless trials. Even Powhatan, not withstanding the friendly ties that united him to his ancient guest, was induced, by the treacherous arti fices of certain Dutchmen, who deserted to him from * This map was made with such admirable exactness, that it is the original from which all subsequent maps and descriptions of Virginia have been chiefly copied. In Purchas, and in some copies of Smith's Hisloi^y of Virginia, his own original map is still to be found, but il is very rare. t " About this lime there was a marriage betwixt lohn Laydon and Anne Burras, which was the first marriage we had in Virgi nia."— Smith's Hist. Virg. p. 73. t Copies of this second charter, containing the names of the proprietors, are preserved in Stith, Virg. Appendix, No. ii. and in Hazard, Coll. i. 58 — 72. By this charter the company was made "one Body or Commonalty perpetual," and incorporated bythe name of " The Treasurer and Company of Adventurers and 2? James Toun, first to form a secret conspiracy, aud then to excite and prepare open hostility against the colonists. Some of the fraudful designs of the royal savage were revealed by the unabated kindness of Pocahontas, others were detected by Captain Smith, and from them all he contrived to extricate the co- lony with honour and success, and yet with little, and only defensive bloodshed. But Smith was not permitted to complete the work he had so honourably begun. His adrainistration was unacceptable to the corapany in England, for the same reasons that ren dered it beneficial to the settlers in America. The patentees, very litde concerned about the establish ment of a happy and respectable society, had eagerly counted on the accumulation of sudden wealth by the discovery of a shorter passage to the South Sea, or the acquisition of territory replete with mines of the precious metals. In these hopes they had been hitherto disappointed ; and the state of affairs in the colony was far from betokening even the retribution of their heavy expenditure. The company of South Virginia, therefore, treated for, and obtained from king James a new charter, with more ample privileges.! This measure added materially to the list of proprietors, among whom we find some of the most respectable and wealthy, not only of the commoners, but of the peers of the realm. The council of the new company appointed Lord Delaware governor of Virginia for life ; Sir Thomas Gates, his lieutenant ; Sir George Somers, admiral ; and Christopher Newport, vice-admiral ; and fitted out seven ships, attended by two .small vessels, having on board flve hundred emigrants. Lord Delaware did not, however, accompany this expedition, not from any want of attachment to the cause, but from a desire to preside for a period over the council at home, and to make more efficient arrangements for further reinforcements. The ship in which the three other officers § sailed, becoming separated from tho rest of the fleet in a violent storm, was wrecked on the Bermudas Islands, where all the company, con sisting of one hundred and fifty persons, were provi dentially saved. One small vessel was lost in the Planters of the City of London, for the First Colony in Virginia.' Charter. To them were now granted in absolute properly, what seem formerly to have been conveyed only in trust, the lands ex tending from Cape Comfort along the sea coast southward, two hundred miles ; from the same promontory two hundred miles northward ; and from the Atlantic \veslward lo the South Sea ; and also all the islands lying within one hundred miles along tho coast of both seas of the aforesaid precinct. — Chalmers. § Each of these had a commission; and the first who shoul' arrive, was authorized to recall the commission that had been granted for the government of the colony ; but " because they could not agree for place, it was concluded they should go all in one ship."— Smith's Hist Virg. p. 89. 28 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. storm ; the other ships, much damaged and distressed, arrived about the middle of August at James river ; but so little were they expected, that when they were flrst descried at sea, they were mistaken for enemies ; and these apprehensions, which were dissipated by the nearer approach of the fleet, only gave place to more substantial and more formidable evils, arising from the composition of the reinforcement which it brought to the colonial body.* A great proportion of these new emigrants consisted of profligate and licentious youths ; indigent gentlemen, too proud to beg, and too lazy to work ; idle retainers ; depend ants too infamous to be decently protected at home, less fitted to found a commonwealth than to destroy one. In fact, the whole colony was speedily involved in distress and disorder by the anarchical state intro duced by their pride and folly, while the Indian tribes were alienated and exasperated by their turbu lence and injustice. A systematic design was now meditated against the whole colony by the sovereign of the country ; but it was providentially discovered and frustrated. Pocahontas, the tutelary friend of Virginia, though but a child of thirteen years of age, went in a very dark and dreary night to James Town, and, at the hazard of her life, disclosed to the president a plot of her father to kill him and all the English. This timely notice put the colony on its guard ; and some favourable occurrences soon after contributed still farther toward its preservation. An Indian, appa rently dead through the effect of a charcoal fire in a close room, was, on the application of vinegar and aqua vitse by the president, reanimated. This sup posed miracle, with an explosion of pow^der, which killed two or three Indians, and scorched and wound ed others, excited such astonishment, mingled with such admiration of English power and art, that Powhatan and his people came to them with pre sents of peace ; and the whole country, during the remainder of Smith's administration, was entirely free from molestation, and the colonists pursued * Speaking of this company, Smith says, " To a thousand mis- tliiefes those lewd Caplaines led this lewd company, wherein were many unruly gallants, packed thither by their friends to escape ill destinies, and those would dispose and determine of the govern ment, sometimes to one, the next day to another ; to-day the old commission must rule, to-morrow the new, the next day neither ; in fine, they would rule all, or ruine all : yet in charitie we must en- Sure them thus to destroy us, or by correcting their follies, have brought the worlds censure upon us to be guillie of their blonds. Happie had we beene had they never arrived, and we for ever abandoned, as we were left to our fortunes ; for on earth, for the cumber, was never more confusion, or misery, then their factions occasioned. " The president seeing the desire those braves had to rule ; see ing how his authoritie so unexpectedly changed, would willingly have left all, and have returned for England. But seeing there their plans of improvement, both in agriculture and in some of the manufactures, with tolerable success. Unhappily, however, the president, while exerting himself with his usual energy in the concerns of the settlement, received a dangerous wound from the accidental explosion of a quantity of gunpowder. Completely disabled by this misfortune, and destitute of surgical aid, he was compelled to resign his com mand, and take his departure (and it was a final one) for England. " It was natural," observes Grahame, " that he should abandon with regret the society he had so often preserved, the settlement he had con ducted through difficulties as formidable as the in- fancy of Carthage or Rome had to encounter, and the scenes he had dignified by so much wisdom and virtue. But our sympathy with his regret is abated by the refiection, that a longer residence in the colo ny would speedily have consigned him to very subordinate office, and might have deprived the world of that stock of valuable knowledge, and his own character of that accession of fame, which the publication of his travels has been the means of perpetuating."]: The departure of Smith was, as might have been anticipated, a most inauspicious circumstance for the colony. The Indians, finding that the person whose vigour they had so often felt, no longer ruled the English settlers, generally revolted, and destroyed them wherever they were found. Captain Ratcliff, in a small ship, with thirty men, going to trade, and trusting himself indiscreetly to Powhatan, he and all his people, excepting two, were slain ; one boy was saved by the benevolent Pocahontas. The pro visions of the colony being imprudently wasted, a dreadful famine ensued, and prevailed to such ex tremity, that this period was many years distinguish ed by the name of " the starving time." Of nearly five hundred persons left in the colony by the late president, sixty only remained at the expiration of six months. In this extremity, they received unex pected relief from Sir Thomas Gates, and the compa- was small hope this new commission would arrive, longer he would not suffer those factious spirits to proceede. It would be too tedi ous, too strange, and almost incredible, should I particularly relate the infinite dangers, plots, and practices, he daily escaped amongst this factious crew, the chiefe whereof he quickly layd by the heeles, till his leasure better served to doe them justice." — Smith's Hist. Virg. p. 90. * " The History of the Rise and Progress of the United States of North America, till the Revolution in 1688. Ey James Grahame, Esq. 2 vols. 8vo." This work appears to have been the result of lengthened and extensive research, and we know not which most to commend, its general correctness, its vigorous and just con ceptions, or its decided advocacy of Christian principles; — and we take the liberty of expressing our hope that the volumes con taining the subsequent portions of the history will not be longer delayed. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 29 ny wrecked the previous year at the Bermudas, who, having built two small vessels, were at length able to leave the Island, and reached Virginia on the 23d of May. Finding the small remains of the colony in a famishing condition. Sir Thomas Gates consulted with Sir George Somers, Captain Newport, and the gentlemen and council of the former government; and the conclusion was, that they would abandon the country. It was their intention to sail for New foundland, where they expected to meet with many English ships, into which, it was hoped, they might disperse most of the company, and thus get back to England. On the 7th of June they all embarked in four small vessels, and about noon, fell down the viver with the tide. The next morning they disco vered a boat making toward them ; and it proved to be the long-boat of Lord Delaware, who had just arrived at the mouth of the river, with three ships and a hundred and fifty men. Hearing at the fort of the company's intention to return to England, he had despatched an officer with letters to Sir Thomas Gates, informing him of his arrival. Gates instantly changed his purpose, and that night relanded all his men at James Town. On the 10th, Lord Delaware came up with his ships, bringing plentiful supplies to the colony, which he proceeded to resettle.* Having published his commission, which invested him with the sole command, he appointed a council of six persons to assist him in the administration. An essential change now took place in the form of the ancient Virginia constitution; for the original aristocracy was converted into a monarchical govern ment, over whose deliberations the people had no control. Under the auspices of this intelligent and distinguished nobleman, the affairs of the colony were soon re-established. He allotted to every man his particular business ; — the French who had been imported for the purpose, he commanded to plant the vine; the English, to labour in the woodlands; and he appointed officers to see his orders obeyed. All patiently submitted to an authority, which expe rience had taught them to be wise and necessary; and peace, industry, and order, now succeeded tu mult, idleness, and anarchy. Lord Delaware speedi ly erected two more forts for the more effectual protection of the colony; the one he designated Fort Henry, the other Fort Charles. On the report of his deputy governors of the plenty they had * Smith, Virg. p. 106. Stith, p. 115. Beverly, p. 34, 35. Bel knap, Biog. Art. Delaware. The narrator, in Purchas, gives this vivid description of the scene : — " The three and twentieth day of May we cast anchor before James Towne, where we landed, and our much grieved governour first visiting the church, caused the bell to be rung, at which all such as were able to come forth of Vol,, L— No, 3, H found in Bermudas, he despatched Sir George Somers to that island for provisions, accompanied by Captain Samuel Argal in another vessel. They sailed to gether until, by contrary winds, they were driven towards Cape Cod; whence Argal, after attempting, pursuant to instructions, to reach Sagadahock, found his way back to Virginia, He was next sent for provisions to the Potomac, where he found Henry Spelman, an English youth, who had been preserved from the fury of Powhatan by Pocahontas ; and by his assistance procured a supply of corn. Somers, after struggling long with contrary winds, at length arrived safely at Bermudas, and began to execute the purpose of his voyage ; but, exhausted with fatigues, to which his advanced age was inadequate, he soon after expired. Previously to his death, he had charged his nephew, Matthew Somers, who commanded under him, to return with the provisions to Virginia ; but, instead of obeying the charge, he returned to Eng land, carrying the body of his deceased uncle for interment in his native country. The health of Lord Delaware not permitting him to remain in his office of captain general of the Virginia colony, he departed for England, leaving above two hundred people in health and tranquillity. Not long after his departure. Sir Thomas Dale arri ved at Virginia with three ships, three hundred emi grants, and a supply of cattle, provisions, and other articles needful for the colony. In August, Sir Tho mas Gates also arrived with six ships, two hundred and eighty men, and twenty women, a considerable quantity of cattle and hogs, military stores, and other necessaries; and assumed the government. Finding the people occupied with but little amuse ments, and verging towards their former state of penury, he directed their employment in necessary works. The colony now began to extend itself up James river, where several new settlements were effected, and a town built, enclosed with a pali sade, which, in honour of prince Henry, was called Henrico. To avenge some injuries of the Appamatuck Indi ans, Sir Thomas Dale assaulted and took their town, at the mouth of the river of that name, about five miles from Henrico. He kept possession of it, call ing it New Bermudas, and annexed to its corporation many railes of champaign and woodland ground, in several hundreds. their houses, repayred to church, where our minister. Master Eucke, made a zealous and sorrowfuU prayer, fimding all things so contrary to our expectations, so full of misery and misgovernment. After service our governour caused mee to reade his commission, and Captaine Percie (then president) delivered up unto him his con>» mission, th? old patent, and the councell se^J?," 30 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. In the following year, application was made to the icing, by the patentees, for a new charter. The prin cipal objects which they were desirous of obtaining, and in which they succeeded, were, their investiture with the islands situated within three hundred leagues of the coast ; the prolongation of the period of their exemption from the payment of duties on their ex ports ; power to raise additional funds by lottery ; and some fresh regulations in the internal manage ment. The Bermudas, lying within the liraits assigned by their new charter, were sold by the company to one hundred and twenty of its own members, who, in honour of Sir George Somers, named them the Somers Islands. To these islands they sent a colony of sixty persons, with Richard Moor as their govern or. These colonists having landed in June on the * To give a detail of the history of this Indian princess seems scarcely compatible wilh a due regard to olher departments of our work ; and yet it is of too remarkable and interesting a character to be omitted. We therefore insert, as a note, Captain Smith's own account, in a narration made to the Clueen of James I. — " Some ten yeeres agoe being in Virginia, and taken prisoner by the power of Powhatan, their chiefe king, I received from this great salvage exceeding great courlesie, especially from his sonne Nanlaquaus, the most manliest, comeliesl, boldest spirit, I ever saw in a salvage, and his sister Pocahontas, the king's most deare and wel-beloved daughter, being but a childe of twelve or ihirleene yeeres of age, whose compassionate pitiful! heart, of my desperate estate, gave me much cause to respect her ; I being the first Chris tian this proud king and his grim attendants ever saw : and thus inthralled in their barbarous power, I cannot say I felt the least occasion of want that was in the power of those my mortall foes to prevent, notwithstanding al their threats. Afier some six weeks fatting amongst those salvage courtiers, al the minute of my exe cution, she hazarded the beating out of her owne braines to save mine, and not onely that, but so prevailed with her father, that I was safely conducted to lames Towne, where I found about eight and thirtie miserable poore and sicke creatures to keepe possession of all those large territories of Virginia. Such was the weaknesse of this poore commonwealth, as had the salvages not fed us, we directly had starved. "And this reliefe, most Gracious Glueene, was commonly brought us by this Lady Pocahontas ; notwithstanding all these passages when inconstant fortune turned our peace lo warre, this tender virgin would still not spare' lo dare to visit us, and by her our janes have beene oft appeased, our wants still supplyed ; were it the policie of her father thus to imploy her, or the ordinance of God thus to make her his instrument, or her extraordinarie affec tion lo our nation, I know not ; bul of this I am sure, when her father with the utmost of his policie and power, sought to surprize mee, having but eighteene with me, the darke night could not af fright her from comming through the irksome woods, and with watered eies gave me intelligence, wilh her best advice, to escape his furie, which had hee kno-wne, hee had surely slaine her. lames Towne, with her wild Iraine, she has freely frequented as her fathers habitation ; and, during the time of two or three yeers, she neit, under God, was still the instrument to preserve this colonie from death, famine, and utter confusion, which, if in those limes, lad once beene dissolved, Virginia might have lyne as il was on our first arrivall to this day. Since then, this businesse having beene turned and varied by many accidents from that I left it at, il is most certaine, after a long and troublesome warre after my departure, betwixt her father and our colonie, all which time she was not heard of; about two yeeres after shee herselfe was taken prisoner, being so detained neere two yeeres longer, the principal island, in August subscribed to articles of government; and in the course of the year received an accession of thirty persons. The Virginia com pany, at the same time, took possession of other small islands discovered by Gates and Somers, and prepared to send out a considerable reinforcement to James Town. The expense of these extraordi nary efforts was defrayed by the profits of a lottery, which amounted nearly to £30,000. It was in the year following the grant of the new charter, that the marriage of Pocahontas, the famed daughter of Powhatan, Avas celebrated ; an alliance which secured peace to Virginia many years. Hav ing been carefully instructed in the Christian reli gion, it was not long before she renounced the idolatry of her country, made profession of Christi anity, and was baptized in the name of Rebecca.* colonic by that meanes was relieved, peace concluded, and at last, rejecting her barbarous condition, was married lo an English gen tleman, wilh whom at this present she is in England ; the first Chris tian ever of that nation, the first Virginian ever spake English, or had a childe in marriage by an Englishman, a matter surely, if my meaning bee truly considered and well understood, worlhy a princes understanding. "Being about this lime preparing lo set saile for New England, I could not stay to doe her that service I desired, and she -ftel! de served ; but hearing shee was al Brenford wilh divers of my friends, I went to see her. After a modesi salutation, without any word, she turned about, obscured her face, as not seeming well contented ; and in that humour her husband, with divers others, we all left her two or three houres, repenting myselfe to have writ she could speake English ; bul not long after, she began lo lalke, and remem bered mee well what courtesies she had done, saying, ' you did promise Powhatan what was yours should bee his, and he the like loyou; you called him father, being in his land a stranger, and by the same reason so must I doe you;' which, though I would have excused, I durst not allow of that title, because she was a kings daughter; wilh a well set countenance, she said, 'Were you not afraid to come into my fathers counlrie, and caused feare in him and all his people, (bul mee,) and feare you here I should call you father 1 I tell you then I ¦will, and you shall call mee child, and so I will bee for ever and ever your countrieman. They did tell us alwaies you were dead, and I knew no olher fill 1 came to Plimolh, yet Powhatan did command Vitamatomakkin lo seeke you and know the truth, because your countriemen will lie much.' " The treasurer, councell, and companie, having well furnished Caplaine Samuel Argall, the Lady Pocahontas, alias Rebecca, with her husband and others, in the good ship called the George, it pleased God, at Gravesend, to take this young lady lo his mercie, where she made not more sorro^w' for her ¦unexpected death, than joy to the beholders, lo heare and see her make so religious and godly an end." — Smith's Hisl. Virg. p. 121 — 123. As this eulogy of Pocahontas does not give us such a detail as the reader might wish lo have, the American editor adds the foi lowing from " Knapp's Female Biography." Pocahontas. In every age and nation, rare instances of genius and benevolence have been found; but in the whole range of un educated nations, no female can be produced that has superior claims to Pocahontas, the Indian princess, daughter to the sachem of Virginia, Powhatan. This princess was born somewhere aboui 1594, according lo Captain Smith's conjecture, for the savages have no methods of keeping an exact register of births, or deaths, and their compulations by seasons or moons -were seldom accurate. The first that was known of Pocahontas was in the year 1607, when that prince of chivalry, Captain John Smith, whose fame had filled the old world, came to this continent for adventures, HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 31 In some measure connected with this event, by the influence so powerful an alliance was calculated to have upon the minds of the natives in the vicinity, was the treaty which Sir Thomas Dale effected with the Chickahominy tribe of Indians, a bold and free people, who now voluntarily relinquished their name, for that of Tassantessus, or Englishmen ; and solemn ly engaged to be faithful subjects to King James. During the interval of tranqtiillity procured by the alliance with Powhatan, an important change was raade in the state of the colony. Hitherto no right and in exploring the country about James's river, was taken pri soner by some of the warriors of the tribes under Powhatan, and brought this powerful chief to be disposed of according lo his will and decree. The fame and exploits of Smith had reached Pow hatan. ¦ The prowess he had shown when taken was sufficient for their justification in taking him off; for he had been a wonder and terror to all his foes. Powhatan was as far an absolute despot as can exisl in a slate of nature. But the chief did not decide alone upon Captain Smith's fate ; he called a council of his chiefs upon his case. In this convention the most wonderful stories of the white man's prowess, since he had been in this country, were told. Smith understood enough of the Indian language to comprehend the course of the debate, and made up his mind lo die. Poca hontas was a listener in the council. Heroism and beauty have always an eflect on the female heart ; and even age and philoso phy are not proof against these magicians. It was decided that he must die, as being too formidable a foe to sutfer lo escape. His death was to be by beating him on the head with clubs while he was in a recumbent posture, wilh a stone for a pillow. He was first bound, and then thrown down, and the clubs were uplifted, when Pocahontas, then a mere child, rushed forward and threw herself on the body of Smith, and protected his life at the risk of her own. The fierce savage hearts of the warriors were affected, aud Smith was at once released and became an inmate, for a while, of the wigwam of Powhatan, and soon afterwards released, carry ing wilh him a grateful sense of the services rendered him by this noble daughter of the forest. Sometime after this the Indians became alarmed, by witnessing the extraordinary feats of Smith, and laid a plan to get him into their power, under the pretence of wishing an interview with him in their territory. But Pocahontas, knowing the designs of the warriors, left the wigwam after her father had gone to sleep, and ran more than nine miles ihrough the woods to inform her friend Captain Smith of the dangers that awaited him, either by stratagem or attack. For this service. Captain Smith offered her some trinkets ; but young as she was, and no doubt had a natural fondness for finery, which belongs lo her age, sex, and nation, yet she refused to accept any thing, or stop to refresh herself, for fear of being discovei'ed by her father, or his wives. She returned before any one awaked, and laid herself gently in her blanket near where her father slept. For several years she continued to assist the whiles against her father's plots for their destruction. Although she was a great favourite with her father, he was so incensed against her for favour ing the English, that he sent her to a chief of a neighbouring tribe ; or, perhaps, he feared that the other chiefs of his own might, in Indian style, sacrifice her for want of patriotism. Such a sacrifice would not be a rare occurrence in Indian history. Here she remained for some time, when Captain Argall coming up the Potomac, and finding out that she was with Jopazaws, templed the deceitful wretch to deliver her lo him as a prisoner, for the bribe of a brass krltle, of which the chief had become enamoured, as the biggest trinket he had ever seen. Argall thought, by hav ing her as a. hostage, he should be able lo bring Powhatan to lerms of peace, but he refused to ransom her on the hard, terms proposed by the colonists. He ofiered five hundred bushels of corn for her ransom, which was not accepted. She ¦H'as -ivell treated wfiile a prisoner, and Mr. Thomas Rolfe, a pious young of private proverty in land had been established. The fields that were cleared had been cultivated by the joint labour of the colonists; their product was carried to the common storehouses, and distributed weekly to every family, according to its number and exigencies. However suitable such an arrangement miffht have Deen deemed for the commencement of a colony, experience proved that it was decidedly oppo sed to its progress in a more advanced state. In order to remedy this. Sir Thoraas Dale divided a considerable portion of the land into small lots, and man, and a brave officer, nndertook to teach her the English lan guage, as it was an object to have an influential interpreter among them. From a knowledge of what she had done for his friend Smith, and from finding her intelligent, brave, and noble, he became attached to her, and offered her his hand. This was communicated to Powhatan, who gave his consent to the union, and she was married after the form of the church of England, in presence of her uncle and two brothers. She was then but little past seventeen years of age. Powhatan did not attend the mar riage, perhaps from a fear that some treachery might be in the business, but finding none, he extended the hand of friendship to his new allies as long as he lived. The colony was now relieved from war, and for a while seemed lo flourish. Pocahontas was a great favourite among the colonists, and her husband having business in England, it was thought best for her to make the voyage with him. She took several Indians of both sexes with her, such a number as her brothers and uncle thought belonged to her lineal honours. In England she was bap tized and called Rebecca. She was there a subject of great curi osity, and was treated by all classes as a princess. She had made great progress in the English studies, and spoke the language with wonderful fluency. In London she was visited by Captain Smith, whom she supposed to have been dead. When she first beheld him, she was overcome wilh emotion, and shrunk from him as from one from the grave, hiding her face wilh her hand. An explana tion soon took place, and she again used the endearing appellation of father, in conversation with her old friend. The only solution of this deception is, that the colonists wished to bring about a match between her and some one of their number, and feared, jierhaps, that she cherished too fond a recollection of the gal lant Smith, to think of uniting herself to another, while he was living. Captain Smith wrote a memorial to the queen in her behalf, selling forth in a free and noble manner the services of the Indian princess, rendered lo himself and to the colony; and the queen became her personal friend. She only lived long enough in Eng land to prove to them that genius and virtue are the productions of every age and clime. She died as she was about lo embark for her native land, at Gravesend, leaving an infant son. She was deeply lamented in England, and sincerely mourned in Virginia. The son she left, was educated by his uncle in England, and afterwards became a worthy and highly respectable character in Virginia, from whom has descended several distinguished families, now of that state. Several works of fiction have been founded on the incidents in the life of Pocahontas, but they have not been successful. The whole of her story surpasses all that fiction could create, and the embellishments were not wanted along side of the simple character of this child of nature. A thousand artificial flowers, in gilded vases, have not, to the true botanist, the beauty and perfume of the rose in the garden where il grew ;. nor can ths Geraldines and Cherubines, those monsters of loveliness in fiction, reach the unsophisticated elegance of character displayed in Poca hontas. There is now " strong sympathy felt and acknowledged for the Indians. Books are written tc defend them from many slanders which have been thrown upon them by former historians^ and when this race has become nearly extinct, all will feel hOT» greatly they have beer injuredv 32 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. granted one of these to each individual in full pro perty. From the moment that industry had the certain prospect of a recompense, it advanced rapid ly. The articles of primary necessity were cultivated with so much attention as secured the means of sub sistence; and such schemes of improvement were formed as prepared the way for the introduction of opulence into the colony. The increased industry of the colonists was not long before it found a new and somewhat singular channel — the cultivation of tobacco ; indeed, so in considerately and exclusively were their energies directed to that object at this time, that the most fatal consequences were rendered alraost inevitable. The land which ought to have been reserved for raising provisions, and even the streets of James Town, were planted with tobacco. Various regulations were framed to restrain this ill-directed activity ; but, frora eagerness for present gain, the planters disregarded every admonition. Tobacco, however, had many trials to pass through before it reached its present established station. King James declared himself its open enemy, and drew against it his royal pen. In the work which he entitled " Counterblast to To bacco," he poured the most bitter reproaches on this " vile and nauseous weed." He followed it up by a proclamation to restrain the disorderly trading in tobacco, as tending to a general and new corruption of both men's bodies and minds. Yet tobacco, like other proscribed objects, throve under persecution, and achieved a final triumph over all its enemies. The prosperity of the colony, in a financial point of view, may now be considered as rapidly advancing ; but its government was by no means in a satisfactory state. After the brief and somewhat lax administra tion of Mr. Yeardley, the office of presiding over the Eiffairs of the colony devolved on Captain Argal. The severity of his measures occasioned a multipli city of complaints, though some of them appear to have been for the general benefit. The representa tions made by the colonists to the company in Lon don, induced Lord Delaware, who ever took a lively interest in their welfare, to venture a second time to embark for America. He took with him two hun dred passengers and abundant supplies. He was not, however, permitted to realize his benevolent pur poses, but died on the voyage, in or near the bay which bears his name. His ship safely arrived at Virginia, and was soon after followed by another, with forty passengers. On the death of Lord Dela ware, the administration of Argal, deputy governor of Virginia, became increasingly severe. Martial law, which had been proclaimed and executed during the former turbulent times, was now made the com mon law of the land. He published several edicts of most absurd severity : as a specimen of his tyranny we quote his decree, " That every person should go to church on Sundays and holidays, or be icept con fined the night succeeding the offence, and be a slave to the colony the following week ; for tie second of fence, a slave for a month ; and for the third, a year and a day." The tidings of the death of Lord Delaware were followed to England by increasing complaints of the odious and tyrannical proceedings of Argal ; and the corapany having conferred the office of captain-gene ral on Mr. Yeardley, the new governor received tl honour of knighthood, and proceeded to the scene Oi his adrainistration. He arrived in April, and imme diately proceeded, in a truly liberal spirit, to take measures for convoking a colonial assembly, which accordingly raet at James Town, on the 19th of June. The people were now so increased in their numbers, and so dispersed in their settlements, that eleven corporations appeared by their representatives in this convention, where they exercised the noblest rights of freemen, the power of legislation. They sat in the same house with the governor and council, and acted as one body.* This was the first legisla ture which ever asserabled in the transatlantic states, and may be considered the progenitor of the most pure and effective systera of representative govern ment which the world has ever witnessed. The laws which they enacted were transmitted to Eng land for the approbation of the treasurer and com pany, who passed an ordinance by which they ap proved and established this constitution of the Vir ginian legislature, reserving to themselves the crea tion of a council of state, which should assist the governor, and form a part of the colonial assembly, This period of the history of the colony is distin guished by several other occurrences, fhe narration of which may be regarded as the history of the "home department" of the colony. We shall first notice the efforts which were made to introduce edu cation, both among the natives and the settlers. King James having formerly issued his letters to the seve ral bishops of the kingdom for collecting money to erect a college in Virginia for the education of In dian children, nearly £1500 had been already paid towards this benevolent design. Henrico had been selected as a suitable place for the seminar^'-, and the Virginia company granted 10,000 acres of land, to be laid off for the university of Henrico ; a donation ? Stith, p. 160, 161. Smith's Hist. Virg. p. 126. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 33 which, while it embraced the original object, was in tended also for the foundation of a seminary of learn ing for the English. Two other circumstances, of a different character to that which we have now re corded, occurred about this tirae. The company were directed by James to transport to Virginia one hundred idle and dissolute persons, then in custody for various misdemeanors. They were distributed through the colony as servants to the planters. Much has been said on this subject by writers; but the influence of these outcasts was not of long continuance, for nearly the whole number of them died single. The stain upon the colony is unjustly continued by modern historians, who copy their predecessors without examining the sources of the information they retail. In this manner, error and prejudice are often perpetuated, and, when once fixed, however inconsistent with the whole current of events, if they have a slight foundation, gain strength by the lapse of years. In 1620, a Dutch man-of-war brought into James River twenty Africans, and landed them for sale. The scarcity of labourers made them acceptable to the planters. These were the first seen in North America. The other colonies soon followed the example. The race, prolific every where, soon multiplied in the colonies, and became new sources of wealth to their owners, greatly in creasing the exports of the country. At this early period of colonial enterprise, it may readily be supposed that few females had ventured to cross the ocean. This was necessarily a great im pediment to the prosperity of the colony, as it not only prevented the increase of the population, but prohibited the settlement being regarded as a perma nent residence. Most of the adventurers sought only to amass wealth with all possible expedition, that they raight return to their native country, where only the enjoyments of domestic life were attainable. It was therefore proposed by some intelligent mem bers of the company in London to send out a num ber of agreeable and virtuous young women, and no less than ninety were prevailed on, by the high pro bability of forming respectable matrimonial engage raents, to embark for Virginia. The speculation proved so acceptable to the planters, and so profitable to the company, that, in the following year, sixty more were sent over, and, like the former, were very speedily disposed of to the young planters as wives. » Stith, p. 166, 197. Robertson, book ix. Holmes's American Annals, vol. i. p. 165. Grahame's History, vol. i. p. 86. t " The two and twentieth of March, as also in the evening before, as at other times they came unarmed into our houses, with deere, turkies, fiish, fruits, and other provisions to sell us, yea, in some places set downe at breakfast with our people, whom immedi ately, with their o-wn tooles, they slew most barbarously, not sparing either age or sex, man, woman, or childe, so sudden in their execu- VoL. I.— No. 3. I The price was at first one hundred, and afterwards one hundred and fifty, pounds of tobacco, then valued at three shillings per pound ; and it was ordered, that debts contracted for wives should be paid in pre ference to all others.* The full tide of prosperity was now enjoyed by the colony. Its numbers greatly increased, and its settlements became widely extended. At peace Avith the Indians, it reposed in perfect security, and realized the happiness its fortunate situation and favourable prospects afforded, without suspecting the sudden and terrible reverse of fortune it was doomed to experi ence. Opechankanough, the successor of Powhatan, had adopted with ardour all the early enmity of his native tribe against the settlers ; and he formed one of those dreadful schemes, so frequent in Indian annals, of exterminating the whole race at one blow. Such was the fidelity of his people, and so deep the power of savage dissimulation, that this dire scheme was matured without the slightest intimation reach ing the English, who neither attended to the move ments of the Indians, nor suspected their machina tions ; and though surrounded by a people whom they might have kno-wn from experience to be both artful and vindictive, they neglected those precautions for their own safety that were requisite in such cir cumstances. All the tribes in the vicinity of fhe English settlements were successively gained, except those on the eastern shore, frora whom, on account of their peculiar attachment to their new neighbours, every circumstance that might discover what they in tended was carefully concealed. To each tribe its station was allotted, and the part it was to act pre scribed. On the raorning of the day consecrated to vengeance, each was at the place of rendezvous ap pointed ; and at midday, the moment they had previ ously fixed for this execrable deed, the Indians, raising a universal yell, rushed at once on the English in all their scattered settlements, butchering raen, women, and children, with undistinguishing fury, and every aggravation of brutal outrage and savage cruelty. In one hour, three hundred and forty-seven persons were cut off, almost without knowing by whose hands they fell.t Indeed, the universal destruction of the colonists was prevented only by the consequences ot an event, which perhaps appeared but of little im- tion that few or none discerned the weapon or blow that brought them to destruction ; in which manner also they slew many of our people at severall works in the fields, well knowing in what places and quarters each of our men were, in regard of their familiarilia with us, for the effecting that great masterpiece of work, their conversion ; and by this means fell, that fatall morning, under the bloudy and barbarous hands of that perfidious and iahumane people, three hundred and forty-seven men, women, and children, most by 34 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. portance in the colony at the time when it took place — the conversion of an Indian to the Christian faith. On the night before the massacre, this man was raade privy to it by his own brother, but as soon as his brother left him he revealed the dreadful secret to an English gentleman in whose house he was re siding, who immediately carried the tidings to James Town, and communicated thera to some of the near est settlers, scarcely in tirae to prevent the last hour of the perfidious truce from being the last hour of their lives.* The horrid spectacle before them roused the English from repose to vengeance ; and peace was succeeded by a vindictive and exterminating war. The colonists were victorious, destroying many of their enemies, and obliging the remainder to retire far into the wilderness. But tlieir own number melted away before the miseries of war ; their settle ments were reduced from eighty to eight, and famine again visited them with its afflicting scourge. These calamities, and the dissensions which had agitated the company, having been represented to King James and his privy council as subjects of complaint, a commission was issued under the great seal, to in quire into all matters respecting Virginia, from the beginning of its settlement. A writ of quo warranto was also issued by the court of king's bench against the company. The colony, however, had received infor mation of the whole proceedings in England, and had already in its possession copies of several papers which had been exhibited against it. A general assembly was called, which met on the 14th of February, and drew up answers to the charges in a spirited and masterly style, appointing an agent to go to England to advocate its cause. The quo warranto was brought to trial in the court of king's bench, and, as was usually the case with the courts in this reign, judgment was given in favour of the king, and against the company; James, therefore, availed himself of the opportunity, vacated the char ter, and dissolved a company which had consisted of gentlemen of noble and disinterested vievi^s, who expended more than 100,OOOZ. of their own fortunes, and sent out more than nine thousand per- their own weapons ; and not being content with their lives, they fell againe upon the dead bodies, making as well as they could a fresh murder, defacing, dragging, and mangling their dead car- leases into many peeces, and carrying some parts away in derision, with base and brutish triumph." — Smith's Hisl. Virg. p. 145. * " The slaughter had beene universal, if God had not put it into the heart of au Indian, who, lying in the house of one Pace, was urged by another Indian, his brother, that lay with him the night before, to kill Pace, as he should doe Perry, which was his friend, being so commanded from their king, telling him also how the next day the execution should be finished : Perry's Indian presently sons from the mother country, to plant the first English colony in America. It is true that success, though considerable, had not equalled the expendi ture, either of money or of human life. The annual exportation of commodities from Virginia to England did not exceed 20,000^. in value ; and, at the disso lution of the company, scarcely two thousand per sons survived. King James now issued a new commission for the government of Virginia, continuing Sir Francis Wyat governor, with eleven assistants or counsellors. The governor and council were appointed during the king's pleasure; and, in correspondence with the arbitrary tendencies of the father of Charles I., no assembly was mentioned or allowed. Though the commons of England were submissive to the dictates of the crown, yet they showed sorae regard to the interest of Virginia, in petitioning the king that no tobacco should be imported but of the growth of the colonies ; and his majesty condescended to issue a new proclamation concerning tobacco, by which he restrained the culture of it to Virginia and the Somer Islands.t James I. died on the Sth of April, 1625 ; and the demise of the crown having annulled all former ap pointments for Virginia, Charles I. reduced that colo ny under the immediate direction of the crown, ap pointing a governor and council, and ordering all patents and processes to issue in his own name. His proclamation " for settling the plantation of Virginia," is dated the 13th of May. It partakes of all the self- sufficiency and tyrannical ideas of royal prerogative which so fatally distinguished that unfortunate mo narch. "Our full resolution is," says Charles, "that there may be one uniforme course of government in and through the whole monarchic, that the govern ment of the colony of Virginia shall ymmediately depend upon ourselfe, and not be commytted to aiiie company or corporation, to whom itt male be proper to trust matters of trade and commerce, but cannot be fitt or safe to communicate the ordering of state affairs, be they of never soe mean consequence." That his Majesty possessed no eminent capacity for " ordering state affairs," the issue of his reign aflbrd arose and reveales it to Pace, that used him as his sonne; and thus them that escaped was saved by this one converted iniidell ; and though three hundred and fortie-seven were slaine yet thou sands of ours were by the meanes of this alone thus preserved, for which Gods name be praised for ever and ever. Pace, upon this, securing his house, before day, rowed to lames Towne, and told the governor of it, whereby they were prevented, and at such olher plantations as possibly intelligence could be given." — Ibid, p 147. t Belknap, Biog. vol. ii. p. 85—98. Rymer's Foedera, vol. xvii, p. 618- HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 35 ample proof; and it was speedily evident to the Vir ginians, whose commerce was injured by the re straints, as their persons were enslaved by the prero gatives of " ourselfe."* ' The first governor appointed by Charles to preside over the "state affairs" of Virginia was Sir George Yeardley ; but his early death prevented the evils of the despotic principles, of which he was the represen tative, from being felt to their full extent. He was succeeded by one who was the very type of his royal master. Sir John Harvey. He exercised his authority with insolence, and even with cruelty ; and took pains to evince that the system of tyranny he was selected to conduct, was perfectly congenial with his disposition. Indeed, such was his excessive solici tude to play the part of a tyrant in a bold style, that even Charles himself deemed it expedient at first to appear to check his career. Roused at length by reiterated provocation, the Virginians seized the per son of Harvey, and sent him a prisoner to England, along with two deputies, charged to represent the grievances of the colony, and the misconduct of the governor. So far from redressing their wrongs, however, Charles regarded their conduct as little short of rebellion ; he refused even to hear a single charge against Harvey, and sent him back to Vir ginia, with an ample renewal of the powers which he had so grossly abused, where he resumed and aggravated a tyrannical sway that has entailed infa my on himself and disgrace on his sovereign. Had his government been continued much longer, it must have ended in tho revolt or the ruin of the colony. But a great change was now at hand, which was to reward the patience of the Virginians with a blood less redress of their grievances. After a long inter mission, Charles was forced to contemplate the re assembling of a parliament ; and, well aware of the ill humour which his government at home had exci ted, he had the strongest reason to dread that the displeasure of the commons would be inflamed by complaints of the despotic sway he had exercised over Virginia. There was yet time to soothe the irritation, and even to secure the adherence of a peo ple, who, in spite of every wrong, retained a gene rous attachment to the prince whose sovereignty was felt still to unite them with the parent state. Harvey * Chalmers' Political Annals, p. 110—113. t " By these it was agreed, among other things, that the inha bitants of the colony should remain in due obedience and subjection to the commonwealth of England ; should enjoy such freedom and privileges as belonged to the free-born people of England; and that the former government, by commission and instruction, be null and void ; that the grand assembly should convene and trans act the affairs of the colony ; but nothing was to be done contrary to the laws of the commonwealth ; that thev should have as free was therefore recalled, and the government of Vir ginia committed to Sir William Berkeley, a person distinguished by every popular virtue in which Harvey was deficient. The new governor was instructed to restore the colonial assembly, and to invite it to enact a body of laws for the province. Thus, all at once, and when they least expected it, was restored to the colo nists the system of freedom which they had originally derived from the Virginia Company ; universal joy and gratitude were excited throughout the colony; and the king, amidst the hostility that was gathering around him in every other quarter, was addressed in the 'language of affection and attachment by this peo ple. Indeed, such was their gratitude to the king for this favour, that, during the civil wars, they were faithful to the royal cause, and continued so even after he was dethroned, and his son driven into exile. The parliament was irritated by this conduct of the Virginians, and it was not the mode of that age to' wage a war of words alone. The efforts of a high spirited government in asserting its own dignity were prompt and vigorous. A powerful squadron, with a considerable body of land forces, was despatched to reduce the Virginians to obedience. Berkeley, obtain ing the assistance of some Dutch vessels, with more spirit than prudence, opposed this formidable arma ment ; but, after making a gallant resistance, was obliged to yield. His bravery, though unsuccessful in its primary object, obtained the most favourable terms for the colony,t while he disdained to make any stipulations in his own favour, with those whose authority he disowned. Withdrawing to a retired situation, he lived beloved and respected by the peo ple whom he had governed. The political state of the colony, from the time ol this capitulation to the restoration of Charles II. has not, until lately, been perfectly understood. The early historians of Virginia have stated, that, during this period, the people of that colony were in entire subjection to the government of Cromwell ; and that the acts of parliament in relation to trade were there rigidly enforced, while they were relaxed in favour of the New England colonies. Recent researches, however, prove these statements to be incorrect. t Under the articles of capitulation, parliament and the trade as the people of England do enjoy, to all places and with all nations, according lo the laws of that commonwealth, and enjoy all privileges, equal with any plantations in America ; and likewise be free from all taxes, customs, and impositions whatsoever, and none to be imposed upon them, without the consent of the grand assembly." — Pitkin's Civil and Political History, vol. i. p. 74. t See Henning's Statutes at large. The publication of these statutes, comprising the whole from the commencement of the colony of Virginia, in thirteen or fourteen volumes, throws much 36 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. lord protector, left the inhabitants of the colony to govern themselves. The burgesses, or grand assem bly, elected their governor and councillors, and all other officers, and the people enjoyed a free trade with all the world. The inhabitants, indeed, expected instructions and orders from England concerning the government, but none were sent during this whole period. The commissioners of parliament as sumed the government for a short time, but in April, 1652, the grand assembly met, and, with the consent of the comraissioners, proceeded to elect a governor and councillors. Richard Bennet, one of the com missioners, was appointed governor, until the further pleasure of the commonwealth - should be known. In 1655, Edward Digges was chosen governor by the house of burgesses, and after him, in 1657, Samuel Matthews. After the resignation of Richard Crom well, the house expressly declared, that the supreme power of government should reside in the assembly, and that all writs should issue in the name of the " grand assembly of Virginia," until such a command and commission come out of England, as should be by the assembly judged lawful. At the same session. Sir William Berkeley was appointed governor,* and, by a special act, was directed to call an assembly once in two years at least, and oftener if necessary. He was empowered to choose a secretary and council of state, with the approbation of the assembly, and restrained frora dissolving the legislature, without the consent of a major part of the house. The colonists of Virginia, or a majority of them, were episcopalians, and attached to the church of England ; the religion of that church, indeed, was established by law in the colony ; and it is evident that they were strongly in favour of the royal cause. Their warm-hearted loyalty could not fail to be exhi- lirating to the spirits of Charles II. , during his ba nishment. He transmitted from Breda a new com mission to Sir William Berkeley, as governor of Virginia, declaring his intention of ruling and order ing the colony according to the laws and statutes of England, which were to be established there. Thus, while that prince was not permitted to rule over a foot of ground in England, he exercised the royal jurisdiction over Virginia. On receiving the first account of the restoration, the joy and exultation of light on the history of that colony, and does great credit to the industry and researches of the publisher, and to the state, under ivhose patronage, it is understood, the publication was made. * Robertson, following Beverley and Chalmers, gives a differ ent account of these transactions ; but he is incorrect, at least as to the government being appointed by Cromwell. " On the death of Matthews, the last governor named by Cromwell," observes Robertson, " the sentiments and inclination of the people, no longer under the control of authority, burst out with violence. They the colony were universal and unbounded thougft not of long continuance. It had been observed with concern, during the commonwealth, that the English merchants for seve ral years past had usually freighted the Hollander's shipping for bringing home their own merchandise, because their freight was lower than that of the Eng lish ships. For the same reason the Dutch ships were made use of for importing American products from the English colonies into England. The Eng lish ships meanwhile lay rotting in the harbours _ and the English mariners, for want of employment, went into the service of the Hollanders. The govern ment, therefore, not unnaturally, turned its attention towards the most effectual mode of retaining the co lonies in dependence on the parent state, and of secu ring to it the benefits of their increasing commerce. With these views the parliament enacted, " That no raerchandise, either of Asia, Africa, or America, in cluding also the English plantations there, should be imported into England in any but English built ships, and belonging either to English or English plantation subjects, navigated also by an English commander, and three fourths of the sailors to be Englishmen ; excepting such merchandise as should be imported directly from the original place of their growth or manufacture in Europe solely ; and that no fish should thenceforward be imported into England or Ireland, nor exported thence to foreign parts, nor even from one of their own home ports, but what should be caught by their own fishers only." The first house of commons after the restoration, instead of granting the colonies that relief which they ex pected from the restraints on their commerce imposed by Cromwell, not only adopted all their ideas con cerning this branch of legislation, but extended them further. Thus arose the navigation act, the most important and memorable of any in the statute-book with respect to the history of English commerce. By these several and successive regulations, the plan of securing to England a monopoly of the coramerce with its colonies, and of shutting up every other channel into which it might be diverted, was per fected, and reduced into complete systera. On one side of the Atlantic these laws have been extolled as an extraordinary effort of political sagacity, and have forced Sir William Berkeley to quit his retirement ; they unani mously elected him governor of the colony : and as he refused to act under a usurped authority, they boldly erected the royal standard, and acknowledging Charles II. to be their lawful sovereign, pro claimed him with all his titles ; and the Virginians long boasted, that as they were the last of the king's subjects who renounced their allegiance, they were the first who returned to their duty." Robertson's History of America, b. is. Chalmers, p. 125. Be verley, p. 55. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 37 been considered as the great charter of national cora merce, to which the parent state is indebted for its opulence and power ; on the other, they have been regarded as instruments of oppression, more charac terized by ignorance of the trfie principles of political economy, than by legislative wisdom. At this rao ment that branch of the colonial code which regu lates, or rather restrains, the intercourse of the West India islands with the United States, forras the sub ject of continued negotiation between the American and British governments.* This oppressive system excited great indignation in Virginia, where the extensive comraerce and pre eminent loyalty of the people rendered the pressure of the burden raore severe, and the infhction of it more exasperating. No sooner was the navigation act known in Virginia, and its effects experienced, than the colony warmly reraonstrated against it as a grievance, and petitioned earnestly for relief, but without success ; so that the discontents, far frora being abated by the lapse of tirae, were aggravated by the constant pressure of the coramercial restric tions. Various additional causes concurred to in flame the angry feelings of the colonists ; a consider able native population had now grown up in Virginia, whose dissatisfaction was not mitigated by the fond remembrance which emigrants retain for the parent state, which is also the land of their individual nati vity ; and a complication of exasperating circum stances brought the discontents of the colony to a crisis. The indignation of the people became gene ral, and was worked up to such a pitch, that nothing was wanting to precipitate them into the most despe rate acts, but some leader qualified to unite and to direct their operations. Such a leader they found in Nathaniel Bacon. He was a lawyer, educated in London, and was appointed a meraber of the council a short time after his emigration to Virginia. Young, bold, ambitious, with an engaging address, and cora- manding eloquence, he harangued the colonists upon their grievances ; inflamed their resentment against their rulers ; declaimed particularly against the lan- * " Great Britain has, in her colonial regulations, deemed it ex pedient, on the ground of political necessity, to overlook our just claims in measuring out general privileges to all nations. She might have had some excuse, barely plausible, however, for decli ning to negotiate on this question in 1826 ; bul she can now have no sound apology for persevering in the same course towards those who advocated the acceptance of her colonial commerce, on the terms proposed by the acts of Parliament in 1825. Should she continue to suffer her commercial interests to be controlled and sacrificed through a jealousy of us ; should her councils be too much influenced by the apprehension expressed by one of her late ministers, that ' in commerce, in navigation, in naval power, and maritime pretensions, the United Slates are her most formida ble rival ;' she must pardon us for responding that sentiment, and Vol. L— No. 4. K guor with which the war, then existing with the In dians, had been conducted ; and such was the effect of his representations, that he was elected general by the people. To give some colour of legitimacy to the authority he had acquired, and perhaps expecting to precipitate matters to the extremity which his in terest required that they should speedily reach, he applied to the governor for an official confirmation of the popular election, and offered instantly to march against the common enemy. This Sir William Berkeley firmly refused, and issued a proclaraation comraanding the dispersion of the insurgents. Bacon had advanced too far to recede ; and he hastened, at the head of six hundred armed followers, to James Town, surrounded the house where the governor and council were assembled, and repeated his demand. Intimidated by the threats of the enraged multitude, the council hastily prepared a commission, and, by their entreaties, prevailed on the governor to sign it. Bacon and his troops then began their march against the Indians ; but no sooner were the council relieved from their fears, than they declared the commission void, and proclaimed Bacon a rebel. Enraged at this conduct, he instantly returned, with all his forces, to James Town. The aged governor, unsupported, and almost abandoned, fled precipitately to Accomack, on the eastern shore of the colony ; collecting those who were well affected towards his administration, he began to oppose the insurgents, and several skir mishes were fought, with various success. A party of the insurgents burned James Town, laid waste those districts of the colony which adhered to the old ad ministration, and conflscated the property of the loyalists. The governor, in retaliation, seized the estates of many of the insurgents, and executed seve ral of their leaders. In the raidst of these calamities, Bacon sickened and died. Destitute of a leader • to conduct and animate them, their sanguine hopes of success subsided ; all began to desire an accommo dation ; and after a brief negotiation with the go vernor, they laid down their arms, on obtaining a promise of general pardon. for adopting the most efficient measures to countervail a spirit and policy so unfriendly to our navigation. If her peculiar conduct towards us should drive us to measures of specific retaliation — to a more extensive and effective interdiction of our intercourse with her colonies — she will have no just reason lo complain, that we have not afforded her every opportunity to re-establish our inter course on terms of the most general and friendly reciprocity. It will remain for Great Britain to determine, whether she will open the whole of her vast empire to our commerce on mutually ad vantageous terms ; or whether, by persisting in excluding us from a part of her dominions, she will allow olher nations to supersede her in the trade with North America." — Report of the Committee on the Commerce and Navigation of the United States, 1830, p, 47, 48. 38 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. Thus terminated an insurrection, which, in the annals of Virginia, is distinguished by the name of Bacon's rebellion. During seven months this daring leader was raaster of the colony, while the royal governor was shut up in a remote and ill-peopled corner of it. In addition to the cause already re ferred to, the prejudicial influence of the navigation laws, this popular commotion was probably much influenced by the extremely low price of tobacco ; the splitting of the territory into proprietaries, con trary to the original charters ; the extravagant taxes to which the colonists were subjected ; and the inef fective manner in which the governor and council had protected the inhabitants against the Indians. It is said to have injured the colony to an amount not less than 100,000Z. As soon as Berkeley found hira self reinstated in his office, he called together the re presentatives of the people, that by their advice and authority public order might be re-established. Al though this assembly met while the memory of reci procal injuries was still recent, and when the passions excited by such a fierce contest could scarcely have subsided, its proceedings were conducted with a mo deration seldom exercised by the successful party in a civil war. No man suffered capitally, and a small number only were subjected to fines. The council made, however, a somewhat singular exception to their charitable forbearance. While they spared the living, they wreaked their vengeance on the dead, and passed an act of attainder against Bacon long after he was beyond the reach of their enmity. On hearing of the disturbances in Virginia, Charles despatched, though with no great haste, a fleet with some troops for its pacification. These did not ar rive, however, till they might well have been dis pensed with. With them came Colonel Jeffreys, appointed to recall and replace Sir William Berkeley in the government of the colony. This brave and benevolent man did not long survive his dismissal, and may justly be said to have lived and died in the service of Virginia. The only event of importance during the adminis tration of Colonel Jeffreys, was the conclusion of the Indian war, which, by the aid of the troops he brought with him, he speedily effected, and arranged a treaty which afforded universal satisfaction. On the death of Jeffreys, the government devolved on Sir Henry Chicheley. During his presidency, the extensive and unjustifiable grants of the crown, which had long been a most ruinous grievance, were recalled, and the colony enjoyed an interval of repose pre vious to the arbitrary rule of Lord Culpepper, who had been sometime appointed by Charles, but, hap pily for the colony, delayed the assumption of his office. In May, 1680, Lord Culpepper commenced his administration, in the true spirit of a representative of the then British monarch ; and, as a masterpiece of tyrannical legislation, he endeavoured to silence all complaints, both against his despotism and his plun der, by creating a law which prohibited, under the severest penalties, all disrespectful allusions to his per son, and all observations on his proceedings. A just discontent, thus denied its natural and legitimate mode of expression, broke forth as it should do, as much for the good of the oppressor as the oppressed, in a raore substantial form ; and an insurrection en sued, which would have been attended with veiy serious consequences, had not the prudence, kindness, and vigour of Sir Henry Chicheley been ready at hand. Having diffused terror through the colony by his trials and executions. Lord Culpepper proceed ed to England to report the success of his experi ments on colonial government. His services do not appear to have been appreciated even by the kindred spirit of his royal master ; for, on his arrival, he was ordered into confinement for returning wilhout leave ; and being brought to trial, he was found guilty, and deprived of his commission.* In the exercise of his royal pleasure, Charles select ed, for the loyal colony of Virginia, a governor very little better than his predecessor. Lord Effingham, among other instructions equally illiberal, brought with him an order that no person should use a print ing press in the colony on any pretence whatever ! — an example, by the way, which both our African and Indian colonial governments have frequently evinced a considerable inclination to imitate. Hav ing thus set the press perfectly free from all its labours, he felt himself at ease in the pursuit of plans of ag grandizement, which have frequently formed a most important branch of t'ae science of colonial political economy ; and, in order to attach to plunder the sanction of a mock legality, he established a court of chancery, with suitable powers, appointing himself the judge ! He instituted fees worthy of so high an office, provided that nearly the whole should centre in himself, and even divided with the clerks of the court the emoluments which nominally appertained to them. Although the press was silenced, the governor could not prevent the assembly from delegating an agent to advocate their cause in England, and to urge his removal. But before Lord Effingham oi * Chalmcr.s, p. 340—345. HISTORY OF THE TJNITED STATES. 39 his accuser could cross the Atlantic, the revolution of 1668 had happily occurred. Some of the requests forwarded by Colonel Ludwell were complied with, but William was either unable or unwilling to dis place the officers appointed by the preceding go vernment ; and Lord Effingham was continued till 1692, when he was replaced by Sir Edmund Andros, who, as might have been anticipated from his pro ceedings in New England, was no less obnoxious to the colonists. It was during this year that William and Mary, at the solicitation of the general assembly of Vir ginia, granted a charter for " The College of Williara and Mary in Virginia." The preamble states, "that the church of Virginia raay be furnished with a seminary of ministers of the gospel, and that the youth may be piously educated in good letters and manners, and that the Christian faith may be propa gated among the Western Indians, to the glory of Almighty God" — their trusty and well beloved sub jects, constituting the general assembly of their colony of Virginia, have had it in their minds, and have proposed to themselves, to found and establish a cer tain place of universal study, or perpetual college of divinity, philosophy, languages, and other good arts and sciences, consisting of one president, six masters or professors, and a hundred scholars more or less, according to the ability of said college, and its sta tutes, to be made by certain trustees nominated and elected by the general assembly of the colony.* An attempt was also made at this time to establish a post throughout Virginia. A patent was laid before the Virginian assembly, for making Mr. Neal post master-general of that and other parts of America; but, though the assembly passed an act in favour of this patent, it had no effect. The reason assigned is, that it was impossible to carry it into execution, on account of the dispersed situations of the inhabit ants. Frora this period to the French war in 1756, (which, as it affected the interests of all the settle ments, will forra a distinct chapter subsequent to the history of the several colonies,) there is scarcely any raemorable occurrence in the history of Virginia. Not^withstanding some unfavourable circumstances, * " Francis Nicholson, lieutenant-governor of Virginia and Maryland, and seventeen other persons nominated and appointed by the awembly, were confirmed as trustees, and were empowered to hold and enjoy lands, possessions, and incomes, to the yearly v.alne of 2000Z. and all donations, bestowed for their use. The Rev. James Blair, nominated and elected by the assembly, was made first president, and the bishop of London was appointed and confirmed by their majesties to be the first chancellor of the college. To defray the charges of building the college, and supporting the president and masters, the king and queen gave nearly 2000Z., and the colony continued to increase. The use of tobacco becoming general in Europe, gave constant employ ment to the industry of the planters, and diffused wealth among them. Its position, remote frora the settlements of the French in Canada, and of the Spaniards in Florida, was favourable to its quiet ; and New England and New York, on the one hand, Georgia and the Carolinas on the other, protected it from savage incursions. Ne'w England had no rest until the peace of 1763. The French and Indians were constantly harassing the frontier settlers, by massacres and conflagrations, while Virginia was building up her institutions. She had in her infancy drunk deeply ofthe cup of miseries which is filled by Indian warfare ; but rlUff it had passed from her, and peace and plenty were in all her borders — a most desirable situation for any country. CHAPTER III. MASSACHUSETTS. The world presents no parallel to the history on which we now enter. The love of glory or of gold has been the impelling cause of the commenceraent of other colonies, and the foundation of other empires ; but in this instance religion, and that of no ordinary kind, either as to its purity or its intensity, was the grand principle of colonization. It was a church rather than a kingdom that these master-spirits of the age sought to establish on the transatlantic shores ; and the selection of their location seems to have well accorded with their object. " Arrived at this outside of the world, as they termed it, they seemed to them selves to have found a place where the Governor of all things yet reigned alone. The solitude of their adopted land, so remote from the comraunities of kindred men that it appeared like another world,- — a wide ocean before them, and an unexplored wilder ness behind, — nourished the soleran deep-toned feel ing. Man was of little account in a place where the rude grandeur of nature bore as yet no trophies of his power. God, in the midst of its stern magnifl- cence, seemed all in all ; and with a warmer and endowed the college with 20,000 acres of the best land, together with the perpetual revenue arising from the duty of one penny per pound on all tobacco transported from Virginia and Maryland to the other English plantations. By the charier, liberty was given to the president and masters or professors to elect one mem ber of the house of burgesses of the general assembly. In grateful acknowledgment of the royal patronage aud benefaclitSi, the col lege was called William and Mary." — Holmes's American Annals^ vol. i. p. 143. 40 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. devouter fancy than that which of old peopled the groves, the mountains, and the streams, each with its tutelary tribe, they mused in the awful loneliness of their forests on the present Deity, saw him directing the bolt of the lightning, and pouring out refreshment in the flood ; throned on the cloud-girt hill, and smiling in the pomp of harvest. If ever the character of men has been seen more than any where else in powerful action or development, and operated on by the force of peculiar and strongly-moving causes, it was here. Nor, wrought on as all were by similar influences of place, fortune, and opinion, was ever any thing produced like a lifeless unpoetical mono tony of character. Nothing could be more opposed to this than was the spirit c^)uritanism. Wrong or right, every thing about these men was at least pro minent and high-toned. Excitement was their daily bread, as it is other men's occasional luxury ; and the diversities of character in this coraraunity, where, for the raost part, people thought so much alike, were more strongly marked than they have often been in other places in the most violent conflicts of opinion. To a religious model, by force or accord, every thing, even relating to the most private and secular con cerns, was made as far as might be to conform; for ' noe man,' saith Mr. Cotton, ' fashioneth his house to his hangings, but his hangings to his house.' Reli gion, politics, fashion, and war, never came elsewhere into so close companionship. The meeting-house and the armory were built side by side, as yet, by the force of old habit, they stand the country through. A desperate courage and dexterity in arms were en joined as religious duties. The old considered ques tions of polity at the meeting. The demure youth wont from testifying with his mouth in the assembly, to testify with his firelock in the field ; and the muf fled maiden lisped in biblical phrase her soft words of encouragement or welcome."* This is a powerful description ; but the reality will be found much to exceed it. We can barely allude to the attempt to form a settlement on the Sagadahock, or Kennebeck river, in the year 1607 ;t the voyage of Hudson in the ser vice of the Dutch, in 1609 ; and the discoveries of the celebrated Captain Smith. t Although these voy ages tended to keep alive the spirit of colonization, they did not produce any permanent results. It is not till the arrival of Mr. Robinson's church, in 1620, * North American Review, vol. xii. p. 480 — 482. + Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts, vol. i. p. 2. Holmes's Annals, vol. i. p. 130. Robertson, b. x. Grahame, vol. i. p. 184. Smith's Hist. Virg. and New England, p. 203. t Smith's Hist. Virg. and New England, p 207. Hinclanson, that the settlement of New England can date its origin. As the whole history of this important colony is so closely interwoven with the religious sentiments of its founders, it will be desirable briefly to notice the circumstances in which they originated. The re formation is an event, with the character of which, doubtless, all our readers are well acquainted ; but of all the churches that underwent the purifying process of that age, the English was placed, perhaps, in cir cumstances the least favourable. While governed by a proverbially libidinous and tyrannical monarch, who sought his own aggrandizement from the reve nues of the monasteries, and revenge on the papacy for opposition to his insatiable desires, rather than any beneficent influence on the corruptions of the clergy, little could be expected, and less was realized. The young and pious Edward would have effected a thorough reform, both in the constitution and the forms of the church, but his life was too brief to al low of the completion of his designs. The horrors of the reign of Mary had a powerful tendency to pro mote the spirit of puritanism which had arisen during the previous reigns ; and Elizabeth found that her most strenuous endeavours, though plentifully sealed with innocent blood, could not quell it, but only left her to indulge in unavailing self-reproach for the cruelties which disgraced her otherwise brilliant reign. The accession of James of Scotland to the Eng lish crown naturally excited the hopes of the puri tans. He had been bred a presbyterian, and was known to have publicly declared that the Scotch church was the purest under heaven, and that the English liturgy sounded to him like " an ill-mumbled mass ;" but availing himself liberally of that privi lege of altering his opinion with circumstances, which kings have at all times found a most convenient and truly royal prerogative, when he found himself safely seated on the English throne, he discovered that " a Scottish presbytery agreed as well 'with monarchy, as God with the devil." He gratified the puritans so far as to appoint a conference between them and the high church party, at Harapton Court, but the result showed that they had no reason to expect favour or justice at his hands. In these circumstances, many of them prepared to seek a refuge in Virginia, but were prevented from vol. i. p. 2. Hubbard, New England, c . 2. Mather's Magnal. b. i. c. 1. Chalmers, b. i. c. 4. Belknap. Biog. Art. Smith, vol. i. p 305. Robertson, b. x. Holmes's Annals, vol. i. p. 147. Grahame vol. i. p. 186. Murray, v51. i. p. 239. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 41 carrying their intentions into effect by a proclama tion, comraanding that none should settle in that colony without express license under the authority of the great seal. Thus harassed and oppressed, the puritans eraigrated in considerable numbers to the protestant states of Europe. Among these dis sentients, it might very naturally be expected that considerable variety of opinion should exist ; some were for a total separation from the established church, and would not even receive any as members of their association, who would hold any kind of communion with their episcopal and endowed brethren ; others were desirous only of a more effectual reformation of the corruptions of the church, and objected little, either to its episcopal form, or its emoluments. The former class were termed Brownists, from one of their principal ministers ; but Mr. Robinson* and his church were of the more liberal party : they retired to Amsterdam, in the year 1607, and subsequently reraoved to Leyden. After residing several years in that city, various causes influenced them to entertain serious thoughts of a removal to America. The unhealthiness of the low country where they lived ; the hard labours to which they were subjected ; the dissipated manners of the Hollanders, especially their lax observance of the sabbath ; the apprehension of Avar at the conclu sion of the truce between Spain and Holland ; the * Most of the historians of New England have confounded Mr. Robinson and his congregation wilh the Brownists. Robertson has done so ; and even Grahame, who is usually peculiarly accurate, has followed him. From the attention we have given this point, we agree with the opinion of the writer in the North American Review. " The term Brownist," says the reviewer, " is one by which the people, who emigrated to Leyden and afterwards found ed the Plymouth colony, were stigmatized by their contemporaries ; but it was an appellation which they disavowed, and which Dr, Prince, in his invaluable New England Chronology, has satisfac- orily shown did not belong to them. The Brownists were the most rigid sect of the puritans, and vehemently insisted on a total sepa ration from the church of England. Robinson, on the contrary, the father of the Leyden church, published a book, in which he allowed and defend<>d the lawfulness of communicating with the church of England ' in the word and prayer,' and allowed the pious members ofthe church of England, and of all the reformed churches, to communicate wilh his church. This liberality was so offensive to the Brownists, that they would hardly hold communion with the church of Leyden. The members of this church were more pro perly called Independents or Congregalionalists. Tbey acknow ledged all the doctrinal articles of the church of England, and dif fered from it only in matters of an ecclesiastical nature. In respect to these, they maintained the principles which are at the founda tion of the congregational churches of this country to this day. Robinson, in his farewell address to that part of his flock which embarked for this continent, after a discourse which breathes a noble spirit of Christian charity, not only remarkable at that day, but which has been often quoted with admiration in the present age, adds, ' I must also advise you to abandon, avoid, and shake off the name of Brownist. It is a mere nickname ; and a brand for the making religion, and the professors of^t, odious to the Christian ¦world.' The followers of Brown, who emigrated to Amsterdam, never came to this country. There is no truth, therefore, in tra- VoL. I.— No. 4. L fear, lest their young men would enter into the mili tary and naval service ; the tendency of their little community to become absorbed and lost in a foreign nation ; the natural and pious desire of perpetuating a church, which they believed to be constituted after the simple and pure model of the primitive church of Christ ; and a comraendable zeal to propagate the gospel in the regions of the New World ; all con curred to direct their attention to the selection of an abode free frora the evils they dreaded, and affording a field for the perpetuation and extension of their re ligious sentiments. In 1617, having concluded to go to Virginia,! and settle in a distinct body under the general government of that colony, they sent two of their brethren to England to treat with the Virginia company, and to ascertain whether the king would grant them liberty of conscience in that distant coun try. Though these agents found the company very desirous of the projected settlement, and willing to grant them a patent with as ample privileges as they had power to convey, yet they could prevail with the king no farther, than to engage that he would con nive at them, and not molest thera, provided they should conduct themselves peaceably. Toleration in religious matters by his public authority, under his seal, was denied ; the agents therefore returned to Leyden with tidings which tended to discourage the design of the congregation. Resolved to make ano- cing the origin of the New England settlements to ' the obscure sect of the Brownists.' " — North American Review, vol. ix. p. 368, 369. So far, indeed, from Mr. Robinson being a bigoi, he was in ad vance of his a.ge in the liberality of his sentiments ; and many who now boast much of their attachment to truth alone, would do well to attend to this excellent man's charge to his congregation delivered two centuries ago. " If God reveal anything lo you, by any olher instrument of his, be as ready to receive it as ever you were lo receive any truth by my ministry ; for I am verily per suaded, I am very confident, the Lord has more Iruth j^ei to break forth out of his holy word. For my part, I cannot sufficiently be wail the condition of the reformed churches, who are come to a period in religion, and will go at present no farther than the instru ments of their reformation. The Lutherans cannot be drawn tc go beyond what Luther saw ; ¦n-hatever part of his will our God has revealed lo Calvin, they will rather die than embrace it ; and the Calvinists, you see, stick fast where they were left by that greai man of God, who yet saw not all things. This is a misery much to be lamented, for though they were burning and shining lights in their times, yet they penetrated not into the whole counsel of God; but, were they now living, would be as willing to embrace farlhei light, as that which they first received. I beseech you remembei it, 'tis an article of your church covenant, that you be ready to re ceive whatever truth shall be made known to you from the written word of God. Remember that, and every other article of your sacred covenant. But I musl herewilhal exhort you to take heed what you receive as truth, Examine it, consider it, and compare it with olher scriptures of truth, before you receive it ; for 'tis not possible the Christian world should come so lately out of anti christian darkness, and that perfection of knowledge should break forth at once."— Mather, b. i. c. iii. § 8. + The whole of British North America at this period still re tained this appellation. 42 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. ther trial, they sent two other agents to England, in the following February, to make arrangements with the Virginia company ; but dissensions then arising in that body, the business was necessarily procrasti nated. After long attendance, the agents obtained a patent ; but, though procured with much expense and labour, it was never used, because the gentleman, in whose narae it was taken out, was prevented from executing his purpose of accompanying his intended associates. This patent, however, being carried to Leyden for the consideration of the people, with seve ral proposals from English merchants and friends for their transportation, they were requested to prepare immediately for the voyage. It was agreed that sorae of' their nuraber should go to America to make pre paration for the rest. Mr. Robinson, their minister, was prevailed on to stay with the greater part at Ley den ;* Mr. Brewster, their elder, was to accompany the first adventurers ; but these, and their brethren remaining in Holland, were to continue to be one church, and to receive each other to Christian com munion, without a forraal disraission, or testiraonial. Several of the congregation sold their estates, and made a coramon bank, which, together with money received from other adventurers, enabled them to purchase the Speedwell, a ship of sixty tons, and to hire in England the May-flower, a ship of one hun dred and eighty tons, for the intended enterprise. Preparation being thus raade, the emigrants having left Leyden for England in July, sailed on the 5th of August from Southampton for America ; but, on ac count of the leakiness of one of the vessels they were twice obliged to return. Dismissing this ship, as un fit for the service, they sailed from Plymouth on the 6th of September in the May-flower. After a boister- * " It was his intention to follow thera with the majoritv that re mained, but various disappointments prevented. He died March I, 1625, in the fiftieth year of his age, and in the height of his use fulness. Another portion of his church, wilh his witlow and child ren, afterwards came to New England." — Allen's Biography, p. 501. t It was as follows : — " In the name of God, amen. We, ¦H'hose names are under-written, the loyal subjects of our dread sovereign Lord, King James, &c., having undertaken, for the glory of God and advancement of the Christian faith, and honour of our king and country, avoj'age to plant the first colony in the northern parts of Virginia, do, by these presents, solemnly and mutually, in the presence of God, and of one another, covenant and combine our selves together, into a civil body politic, for our belter ordering and preservation and furtherance of the ends aforesaid ; and by virtue hereof, to enact, constitute, and frame such just and equal laws and ordinances, acts, constitutions, and officers, from time to time, as shall be thought most meet and convenient for the general good of the colony ; unto which we promise all due submission .ind obedience."— Pitkin's Civil and Political History of the United Stales, vol. i. p. 33. t John Carvir, the first governor of the Plymouth colony, was H native of England, and one of those who fled to Hollan4 with Mr. Robinson, to enjoy, in that Protestant country, without fear of OUS passage, they, at break of day, on the 9th of No vember, discovered the land of Cape Cod. Perceiving that they had been carried north of the place of their destination, they stood to the southward, intending to find some place near Hudson's river, for settle raent ; but they were ultimately induced, by the ad vanced season of the year, and the weakness of their condition, to relinquish that part of their original design. The master of the ship, availing hiraself of the fears of the passengers, and of their extreme solicitude to be set on shore, gladly shifted his course to the northward ; and it is said he had been clan destinely promised a reward in Holland, if he would not carry the English to the Hudson river. Steering again, therefore, for the cape, the ship was clear of danger before night ; and the next day, a storm com ing on, they dropped anchor in Cape harbour, where they felt themselves secure. Never were any civilized people placed more com pletely in a state of nature than this little band of pilgrims, as they have been justly called. They had, indeed, literally, a world before thom; but that world was a wilderness, and Providence was their only guide. Being without the limits of the South Virgi nia patent, they were destitute of any right to the soil on which they landed ; nor had they any powers of government derived from authority. Sensible of the necessity of some compact or form of civil govern raent among themselves, they voluntarily entered into, and subscribed a written constitution. t This brief but comprehensive code of civil government, was signed by forty-one persons. It contained the elements of those forms of government peculiar to the New AVorld. Under this system, John CarverJ was, by general consent, chosen their first governor. a hierarchy that dealt in fagots and stakes, the religion of their choice. New difficulties beset them here ; although they were not persecuted for their belief, they were apprehensive that their child ren would be led away by the people about Ihem, who were not sufficiently strict for those pilgrims. — The history of these adventu rers ought never to be forgotten. It is wonderful to think what changes have been produced in the world by the simple circum stance that a handful of men should have left one continent to find a resting place on another. On the 22d day of December, 1620, a small vessel, of a hundred and eighty tons burthen, not much larger than some of our coasting vesseis at this period, on board of which, according to the notions of modern comfort, not more than a dozen passengers could be accommodated for a short voyage, entered the harbour of Plymouth, and from her landed, with the intention of making il a permanent residence, one hundred and one persons. The bleak shores of New England received this little band of pil grims, at this inclement season of the year, after they had been a hundred and sixty-nine days from Holland, and a hundred and seven from England. The deed was one of daring, and one which could alone have been supported by religion, enthusiasm, and for titude : their minds were braced up to it ; there was something of that glow which beamed from the countenance of the first martyr in every breast of the pilgrims. They had lived nearly eleven years in a strange land, and had learned to concentrate their mental HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 43 " confiding," as the electors say, " in his prudence, that he would not adventure upon any matter of mo ment without the consent of the rest, or, at least, energies, and to bring them to bear on this one purpose— on find ing an asylum, where they could, Mithout being molested, enjoy their religion in their own way. The whole time of their exile was one conlinueil training for the enterprise, both as to body and mind. Their great leader and patriarch, Jolin Robinson, was a man of true evangelical piety, and of the most consummate poli tical sagacity ; his religious creed was simple and pure— the doc trines of his divine Master. He held in reverence the mighty names of the reformers, but he spurned the thoughts of holding on the skirts of the garments of mortal, sinful man, to raise him to eternal life, and he bade his followers beware of names. His part ing blessing to the pilgrims should have a brighter glory than being written in letters of gold, in temples reared by hands; they should be written on the hearts of every Christian republican. His doc trines were the essence of human reasoning, aided by the lights of revelation. He implored them in the name of his Father in hea ven ; by all they suffered, and by all they enjoyed, to become wiser and better. They followed his principles from love and duty; and every wind that lacerated the branches of the trees they planted, drove the roots deeper into the soil. The first days of Ihe pilgrims were dark and sorrowful ; before the return of spring, many of them had paid the debt of nature : mourning was in every family, and the cold and snowy bosom of the virgin earth had been consecrated by the ashes of their beloved dead, and hallowed by the hopes of the resurrection and the life to come, before the soil had been turned up for the planting of a sin gle vegetable for their sustenance, or a flower had sprung from it by the hand of cultivation. Forty-four had died before the end of March, and the rest were weary and heavy laden with many cares ; but the sickened soul has a communion with God that no language can reach ; it rests on the promises of revelation, and has a fore taste of immortality. The settlement of Massachusetts Bay, ten years after the land ing of the pilgrims, was in pursuance of the same great plan of enjoying their oivn thoughts in their own way. This expedition was on a tenfold broader scale than the former, with a better di gested .system of operations, and, of course, was more successfully executed : bul those settlers had days of sickness, of heart-ache, of hardships and trials; but in their march, they cheered the pilgrims, and made their safety a common cause. The usual view of this subject is, that the settlement of New England grew out of the re ligious persecutions in En.gland, after the death of Elizabeth. I am not content wilh so confined a view, and will venture on a wider range of thought than this ; for I consider the discovery and set tlement of this country the greatest event in the history of man, saving and excepting the introduclion of our holy religion ; and I think I see Ihrough the vista of history the finger of God pointing to it for six centuries before its accomplishment. The crusades open ed the drama ; they did indeed exhaust Europe, ignorant and fana tical Europe, of her best blood and tieasure ; but they brought home many lessons of experience. They learnt much from the virtues of the infidels they went out to extirpate or proselyte. In fhe Saracenic character was a sturdiness of virtue, far transcend ing thai which passed well in the Christian world at that time ; and that they were far better informed, cannot now be questioned. Every battle, and all the bloodshed of the crusades sprung, from the excitement which at that period awakened the human mind to ac tion ; and out of the sum of human errors were brought many true results. In the year 1453, the Turkish emperor turned his sword on Europe ; and Constantinople, so long the proud seat of the Greek emperors, fell before his conquering arm. The Christian world was amazed and terrified beyond d'escription : they saw in the standard of the Turk, a meteor, that was to blaze over Europe. Churches were to sink before niinarels and mosques ; and the Al coran was to supplant the Sacred Scriptures : but short sighted man was disappointed most happily in this : the arras of the conqueror went no farther, and the seeming evil produced abundance of good. The Mussulman drove out, from this ancient and lovely scat of learning, the Greek scholars and philosophers who had long con- advice of such as were known to be the wisest among them." Government being thus established, sixteen meiij gregated there, and made them schoolmasters for all Europe. They brought out with them many rich manuscripts, which had been con cealed from ihe greatest portion of the world for ages. Kings, nobles, and sovereign pontiff's, contended wilh one another for the possession of these treasures ; but while they were engaged in this noble strife, the art of printing was discovered ; and almost fault less copies ofthe classics were multiplied, until the humblest scho lar could enjoy the company of the poets and orators of ancient days, with the same freedom as the potentates of Ihe earlh. From this moment the intellectual world was changed. This invention was at once the sign and the proof, that the world should never again be deluged by a flood of ignorance : not only were the classics disseminated, but the Scriptures also were put into every one's hands. The human mind began to throw off its shackles, and a spirit of free inquiry went abroad. Every one was active in the pursuit of knowledge. This was not all : about this time gun powder, which had been previously discovered, came into general use, in military and naval warfare, and the campaign was now raore often decided by science and skill than by mere physical force. This change in warfare was absolutely necessary to the settle ment of this country, in order Ihat Ihe .skill of the few should be equal to the strength of the many. This skill saved the New England colonies in the Pequot war. 1[ printing had not been discovered, in all probability, Columbus would not have received sufficient of the elements of geometry to have assisted him in tra versing the Atlantic ; and if fire-arms and cannon had not been in use, the handful of Spaniards would not have got a fooling on the continent. The discovery of the new world gave a new spring lo huinan enterprise, opened new trains of thought, new paths of gain and of information. Man, before this period, was more dependant on his own thoughts for improvement than afterwards, when by a rapid circulation of books his mind became enriched by the rays of light from len thousand other minds. Guided by these n ew impuL ";s, he arose and swept away the thousand liltle errors of thinking, and grappled with dogmas, which in former days he feared lo touch. The sovereign pon tiff, whose ecclesiastical reign was not bounded by seas and empires, grew more proud hy this extent of authority, and more lavish of his wealth, believing that the western world was full of gold. Still the fulness of time had not come for planting a colony in New England. It was necessary not only that man should become enlightened and polished, but that his morals should become stricter, and his reason ing powers made more acute and discriminating, before he could set out upon the doctrine of self-government, and lo fix his own articles of belief. The awful responsibility of reasoning for one's self had not been for ages as.sumed. Scintillations of freedom oi thought were seen here and there, when Luther burst in a blaze upon the errors of the pontiff, the church, and all who had sustain ed them. Like other reformers, he was often more zealous than wise, and sometimes laboured harder lo correct a folly, than lo de stroy a lalse principle ; but his ends were noble, and his means ho nest and primitive. He dared, single-handed, to pluck the iHzard beard of hoary error ; to meet the idols of wealth and power, with rea.son and scripture, as his only weapons. He wrestled with ig norance and sophistry ; fought bigotry ; and unappalled, met tyranny and oppression. With the natural courage of a Cesar, he united the inflexible spirit of the Christian martyr. His labours ¦were wonderful, and their effects still more .so. In imitation of his di vine master, he entered the temple with a scourge, and drove out the changers of money, the extortioners, and those -H'ho daily pol luted the sacred fane. But one man, however great his powers, could not reform an age, or correct a church, grown callous and proud, and grasping at still greater sway over the minds of men. Another reformer followed wilh equal genius, and equal zeal. Lu ther attacked practices and habits ; bul Calvin, striving to root out false principles, plunged into the depths of metaphysics, and set the world to rea.soning on all abstruse subjects. He came more lo re form thoughts and opinions, than acts and deeds ; still he was Dol 44 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. well armed, with a few others, were sent on shore the same day, to fetch wood and make discoveries ; but they returned at night without having found any person or habitation. The company, having rested unmindful of these things. In the ways of God, the wrath of man shall praise him ; so do his weaknesses, his follies, and his passions ; the quarrel between Henry VIII. and the Pope, was another cause of the advancement of true religion. Henry's case proved that all that was done on earth, by man assuming to be holy, was not rati fied in heaven ; for England flourished nolvathslanding all the ana themas launched from the Vatican. After men had begun to rea son for themselves in every part of Europe, seels grew up, and boldly assailed the established order of things. Some of them rose in frenzy, and died in shame ; but others have continued, and will continue, because they were founded upon immutable principles. Among those who held their faith steadfast and immoveable, were our pilgrim Fathers ; for their belief contained whal no other creed ever did before — a declaration that it was susceptible of improve ment, and with this frank avowal — that God has more truth yet to break forth from his holy word ; and it was their firm persuasion, that new lights would constantly arise, and new and refreshing views of the will of God would be given from the Scriptures; that man, as a religious being, was to be progressive, as well as an intellec tual one. The pilgrims were of the order called Puritans, and of the sect improperly called Brownites; bul the great divine at their head conjured them to sink the name, and they did so among themselves, after they arrived in this country ; bul the appellation of Pilgrims they retained wilh fondness ; for the first child born among them, on Ihese shores, they baptized Peregrine, in allusion to their wan derings. Thus the moral, intellectual, religious, and poliiical seed so^vvn on these northern shores, was as pure and as full of life as any ever sown on anysoil in anyageof the world. In examining the course pursued by the pilgrims, every one must be struck with the strong moral honesty in their first intercourse with each olher. A com munity of interests they soon found would not answer their purpose, and they came to an amicable understanding of having separate worldly interests, preserving the integrity of ecclesiastical, legisla tive, and military power. There were still so few of them for many years, and they were so closely connected in every thing, that they understood each other's minds, dispositions, and course of thinking, as well as acting. They were truly one people, of one heart, and of one mind. Labour gave them muscular strength, and their habits of reasoning upon every thing, taught them saga city and quickness of thought. The philosophy of man as a think ing and an immortal being, tried by the standard of the Scriptures — the nature of governments — the tloctrine of equal rights — the du ties of ruler.s — how far obedience to civil institutions should extend — were constant topics of discussion in the labours of the field, in the chase over the hunting grounds, in the fishing smack, or on their travels in search of their foes. The constant alarm they were in for their personal safely, and the protection of their dwellings, in structed them in the true grounds of human courage — a confidence in themselves and in one another. Almost any man will fight bravely who is sure of the courage of I is associates. They knew with whom they went out lo fight, against whom Ihey were lo fight, and for what they fought ; not only for their own existence, but for their wives and little ones. It was necessity that made them war riors ; there was no prince or polenlale to reward their valour ; no spoil of an opulent enemy to gain and divide ; no wreaths of glory; no huzzas of a grateful people were known to them. To fight well, was an every day duly, and their ties grew stronger by every shock. They were anxious for their offspring ; and not for their immediate descendants alone, but for more remote posterity. They wisely came to the conclusion, that a republican government could not be supported without a more than ordinary share of intelligence, and they set about establishing schools on the broadest basis ; and declared, that as the community shared in the benefits of a general diffusion of Icnowledge, they should be at the expense of educating the whole mass of the children. In the seventeenth year of the settlement of Ma.ssachusetts Bay, (May, 1647,) they passed this or- during the sabbath, disembarked on Monday, the 13th of November ; and soon after proceeded to explore the Ulterior of the country. In their researches they discovered heaps of earth, one of which they dug dinance, the most remarkable on the page of history. It was at once a proud tribute to their ancestors, and a spirited determination of their own, not to suffer their descendants to degenerate. They ordered that every town containing fifty families, or householders, should maintain a school for reading and writing ; and that every town that numbered one hundred families or householders, should support a grammar school. The reasons given may seem quaint at the present day, but they are most admirable, and should never be forgotten. Some have attempted lo lake from them the honour of first eslablishhig public schools at the common expense ; this was a vain attempt; our records show the fact wilhout difficulty; and we know that our records are true. The ordinance was car ried into effect, if possible, in a more republican manner than one would expect from the very letter of the ordinance ; for when a town was divided into school districts, each district was taxed in proportion to its properly, and the school money was divided among the districts in proportion to the number of persons in il. And this principle, in many parts of New England, is still extant. The ordinance referred to runs thus : " It being one chief project of Satan, to keep men from the knowledge of the Scriptures, as in former times, keeping them in unknown tongues, so in these latter times, by persuading from the use of tongues, that so at least the true sense and meaning of the original might be clouded and cor rupted wilh false glosses of deceivers ; to the end that learning may not be buried in the graves of our forefathers in church and commonwealth, the Lord assisting our endeavours ; it is ordered," &c,, making the requisitions we have mentioned. In May, 1671, the penally for neglecl of this ordinance was increased ; and in Oc tober, 1683, it was ordered, that every town, consisting of more than five hundred families or householders, should support two grammar schools and two writing schools. At the very threshold of their political existence, a college was founded ; and from that time to this, most liberally supported. The system of parish, town, and county government, gave all, who strove for il, an opportunity to display their talents in some public way ; there was no particular rank aside from the elective franchise, for the aspiring youth to bow to for office or favour. A man must then have had regard to the feel ings of a virtuous and an enlightened people to rise into power. The government was in its form simple ; bul there is more wisdora in simplicity than in complexity. The machinery of government was understood by all, for there were no concealed wires or hidden springs known lo a favoured few, but unknown to the mass of the people ; and there was but very little party spirit existing among them. The good of the whole was the happiness of each. For the first century their growth was slowj but solid and hardy. Their numerous wars, and their traffic to the unhealthy climate of the West Indies, made great inroads upon the ranks of those just entering, and of those who had just entered, into life. The whole community were like that class in olher countries, in which it has been said, that nearly all virtue and intelligence centres; in the class which has not reached opulence, and yet is above want. Our forefathers put in no claims for ancestral honours or ,splendid alli ances, but they were justly proud of a pure honest blood ; there were no left-hand marriages among them, and none of the poison of licentiousness, or the taint of crime. The women were as brave as the men, and a heroic mother seldom has a coward son. He who learns his lessons of valour on the knee of her who bore him, never shrinks from tales of fear, told by olher tongues. Pure principles, early instilled into the human mind, where there are no evil communications to corrupt them, generally last through life, The olher portions of New England were settled principally by emigrants from the old colony and Massachusetts Bay, and pos sessed the same characteristics, and have retained them quite as well as the parent states. Carver did not live long to enjoy this land of religious freedom, for a"*er enacting a few laws, and making a treaty with the In- HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. open, but, finding within implements of war, they concluded these were Indian graves ; and therefore, replacing what they had taken out, they left them inviolate. In different heaps of sand they also found baskets of corn, a large quantity of wliich they car ried away in a great kettle, found at the ruins of an Indian house. This providential discovery gave them seed for a future harvest, and preserved the in fant colony from famine.* On the 6th of December the shallop was sent out with several of the princi pal men, to sail round the bay in search of a place for settlement. During their researches, part of the company travelled along the shore, where they were surprised by a flight of arrows from a party of In dians ; but, on the discharge of the English muskets, the Indians instantly disappeared. The shallop, after irarainent hazard from the loss of its rudder and mast in a storm, and from shoals, which it narrowly escaped, reached a small island on the night of the Sth ; here the company reposed, theraselves, grateful for their preservation during the week ; and on this island they kept the sabbath. The day following they sounded the harbour, and found it fit for ship ping ; went on shore, and explored the adjacent land, where they saw various corn-fields and brooks ; and, judging the situation to be convenient for a settle ment, they returned with the welcorae intelligence to the ship. On the 23d, as many of the company as could, with convenience, went on shore, and felled and car ried timber to the spot appropriated for the erection of a building for common use. On the 25th, they commenced the erection of the first house. A plat form for their ordnance demanding the earliest atten tion, they formed one upon a hill, which comraanded an extensive prospect of the plain beneath, of the ex panding bay, and of the distant ocean. They divided their whole company into nineteen families ; mea sured out the ground ; and assigned to every person by lot half a pole in breadth, and three poles in length, for houses and gardens. In grateful remem brance of the Christian friends whom they found at the last town they left in their native countiy, they called their settlement Plymouth. Thus was founded the first British town of New England. t The climate was found much more severe than the colonists had anticipated ; and they had arrived when winter was nearly one third advanced. They had dians, he died suddenly on the 23d of March, 1621, and was suc ceeded by Mr. Bradford, as governor. Carver was a man of ta lents and integrity, and was a great loss to the infant colony, — as these pioneers of religious and political liberty required all that was firm in purpose and steadfast in faitli to surmount the diffi culties that beset them, — American Editor. every thing to do, and in this season could do very little, even of what was indispensable. Their shelter was wretched ; their sufferings were intense ; their dangers were not sraall, and were rendered painful by an absolute uncertainty of their extent. All these evils they encountered with resolution, and sustained with fortitude. To each other they were kind : to the savages they were just : they loved the truth of the gospel ; embraced it in its purity ; and obeyed it with an excellence of life, which added a new wreath to the character of raan. " Such," says Dr. Dwight, " was the first coloni zation of this country. Almost every countiy on this globe has been originally settled by savages ; or, if settled by civilized people, has been peopled solely for political or coramercial purposes. Here the en joyment and perpetuation of civil and religious liberty, conformity to the dictates of conscience, and a reve rential obedience to the law of God, were the con trolling principles. It is not contended that every individual was governed by these principles ; but that this was the character of the great body is un answerably evinced, if histoiy can evince any thing. The manner in which they acted, and the spirit with which they endured distress, both in England and in Holland ; the cool determination with which they resolved on so difficult an enterprise ; the honour able testimonies which they received from the Dutch magistrates and people ; the sacrifices which they made of property, safety, and comfort ; the affection which they manifested to each other ; the serenity, firmness, and submission with which they sustained the distresses of their voyage ; the undiscouraged perseverance with which they encountered danger and suflering after they had landed ; the wisdom of the government which they established ; the steadi ness of their submission to its regulations ; their ardent piety to God ; and the equity, gentleness, and good-will with which they treated the Indians, form a constellation of excellence eminently brilliant and distinguished. No intelligent Englishman would hesitate to acknowledge it as a lurainous spot on the character of his nation ; were he not, in a sense, corapelled to remember, that he may be descended from those very men, by whose injustice these pil grims were driven into this melancholy exile."t James I. about this time, being dissatisfied with the limited extent of the colony which had proceeded to * " Before the close of Ihe month, Mrs. Susannah White ¦was delivered of a son, who was called Peregrine ; and this was the first child of European extraction born in New England." t Hubbard's History of New England, c. 9. p. 35—61. Smith's Hist. Virg, p. 230—233. I, Mather's Hist. New England, p. 5. t Dwight's Travels, vol. i. p. 107. 46 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES, establish his dominion on the vast tract over which he claimed the sovereignty ; and the old chartered company of Plymouth having done nothing effectual towards any permanent settlement, he issued a new charter to the duke of Lenox, the marquis of Buck ingham, and several other persons of distinction in his court, by which he conveyed to them a right to a territory in America, still more extensive than what had been granted to the former patentees, incorpora ting them as a body politic, in order to plant colonies there, with powers and jurisdictions similar to those contained in his charters to the companies of South and North Virginia. This society was distinguished by the name of the Grand Council of Plymouth for planting and governing New England ; and their patent was the only civil basis of all the subsequent patents and plantations Avhich divided this country. The expectations of the king respecting his new com pany were, however, disappointed ; and after many schemes and arrangements, all the attempts towards colonization proved unsuccessful. While this was transpiring in England, the New Plymouth colonists were advancing under favourable circumstances. After commencing their town, they took the earliest opportunity to ascertain the state of the surrounding country ; and they found, to their surprise, that it had been absolutely depopulated, throughout a considerable extent, by the small pox, a short time before their arrival. This event opened to them a place of settlement, not only without any jealousy, but even with the good wishes of their aboriginal neighbours. The people who had been destroyed were Wampanoags. Massasoit, the chief sachem of his tribe, was continually threatened, after this destruction of his people, by their formidable neighbours, the Narrhag-ansetts. Having rained some knowledge of the character of the Engflish from one of his own people, named Squanto, or Tisquan- tiim, (one of twenty-four Indians kidnapped, carried off, and sold to the Spaniards of Malaga, by Thomas Hunt, as slaves, but afterwards conveyed to London, and thence again to America.) Massasoit believed, that the colonists might be made useful allies in the present state of his affairs. Accordingly he soon came to Plymouth, and entered into a treaty, offensive and defensive, with the colonists, which he maintained without any serious interruption to his death. He appears to have been a fair, honest, benevolent man. All these circumstances were favourable to the * " Morton took Ihe counsel of the wicked husbandraen about the vineyard in the parable ; for making the company merry one night, he persuaded them to turn out Filcher, and keep possession for themselves, promising himself to be a partner with them, and tell- English, but they deemed it prudent to use the means of farther security. They accordingly surrounded the town with fortifications, and erected three gates, which were guarded every day, and locked every night. In the succeeding sumraer they built a strong and handsome fort, on which cannon were mounted, and a watch kept ; it was also used as a place of public worship. During this year, Thomas Weston, a raerchant of good reputation in London, having procured for him self a patent for a tract of land in Massachusetts Bay, arrived with two ships and fifty or sixty men, at his own charge, to settle a plantation at a place since called Weymouth, midway between Plymouth and Boston. But the colonists were of a dissolute character, and therefore totally unqualified for such an enterprise. The Indians whom they abused formed a plot for their destruction, but it was pre vented from issuing fatally by the interference of the Plymouth settlers. The colony, however, was ruin ed the next year. Several other attempts of a simi lar nature were made soon after, but failed. Of these fruitless efforts, we can only nofice very briefly that of Robert Gorges, son of Sir Ferdinando sent by the Plymouth council as general governor ot New England, who arrived at Massachusetts Bay with several passengers and families, and purposed to begin a plantation at Wessagusset ; but he return ed home, with scarcely saluting the country within his government. Gorges brought with him William Morrell, an episcopal minister, who had a commission from the ecclesiastical courts in England to exercise a kind of superintendence over the churches which were, or might be, established in New England : but he found no opportunity to execute his commis sion. This was the first essay for the establishment of a general government in New England ; but, like every succeeding attempt, it was totallj'- unsuccessful. Among the attempts at forming settlements at this time was one of a character as peculiar as it was undesirable. Captain Wollaston began a plantation, which he named after himself One Morton, of Furnival's inn, was of this company. He was not left in command, but contrived to make himself chief, changed the name of Mount Wollaston to Merry Mount, set all the servants free, erected a may-pole, and lived a life of dissipation, until all the stock intended for trade was consumed.* He was charged with furnishing the Indians with guns and ammuni- ing them, that otherwise they were like all to be sold for slaves, as were the rest of their fellows, if ever Rasdale returned. Thi? counsel was easy to be taken, as suiting well with the genius of young men, lo eat, drink, and be merry, ¦while the good things last- HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 47 tion, and teaching thera the use of them. At length, he made himself so obnoxious to the planters in all parts, that, at their general desire, the people of New Plymouth seized him by an armed force, and confin ed hira, until they had an opportunity of sending him to England. During the year 1628, the Plymouth colonists obtained a patent for Kennebeck ; and up this river, in a place convenient for trade, erected a house, and furnished it with corn and other commodities ; and while the trade of their infant colony was thus com mencing toward the East, it became also gradually extended toward the west. After this coraraence ment of trade, the Dutch often sent goods to the same place, and a traffic was continued several years. The offers of commercial intercourse made by the Dutch, who were settled upon the Hudson, were willingly accepted; and the arrangements then entered into laid the foundation of an advantageous trade, which was carried on for many years between the English and Dutch plantations, rauch to their mutual benefit.* The time was now at hand, when the causes which had induced the voluntary exile of the Leyden con gregation should produce an effect far more exten sive. Applications to the Plymouth company from puritan congregations were now becoming frequent ; and, in the year 1628, the council of Plymouth sold to Sir Henry Roswell and others, their heirs and associates, that part of New England which lies between two boundaries, one three miles north of the Merrimac, and the other three miles south of Charles river, from the Atlantic to the South sea. The same year Mr. Endicot, one of the patentees, came to New England, and planted himself, with a sraall colony, in Naurakeag, now Salera. The following year they were joined by about two hundred others, making three hundred in the whole, one hundred of whom, however, reraoved the sarae year, and settled them selves, with the consent of Mr. Endicot, governor of the colony, at Mishawum, now Charlestown. The second Salem company brought with them a consi derable nuraber of cattle, horses, sheep, and goats ; which, after a little period, becarae so numerous as to supply all the wants of the inhabitants. Powers of governraent were granted to these colonists by Charles I., which constituted them a corporation, by the name of the Governor and Company of Massa- ed, which was not long, by that course which was taken with them, more being flung away m some merry meetings, than, with fru gality, would have maintained the whole company divers months. In fine, they improved what goods they had, by trading with the Indians awhile, and spent it as merrily about a may-pole ; and, as if they had found a mine, or spring of plenty, calif." the place chusetts Bay, in New England, with power to elect annually a governor, deputy governor, and eighteen assistants ; four great and general courts were to be held every year, to consist of the governor, or, in his absence, the deputy governor, the assistants, or at least six of them, and the freemen of the company. These courts were authorized to appoint such offi cers as they should think proper, and also to make such laws and ordinances for the good and welfare of the company, and for the government of the colo ny, as to thera should seem meet, provided such laws and ordinances should not be contrary or re pugnant to the laws of England. The readiness with which this appfication was acceded to, and the principles on which this charter was constituted, are not easily accounted for, except that Charles and his ecclesiastical counsellors were desirous, at this time, to disencumber the church, in which they me ditated extensive innovations, of a body of men, from whora the raost unbending opposition to their mea sures might be expected. The arbitrary proceedings of the British court, m affairs both of church and state, continued without any abatement, and induced many gentlemen of wealth and distinction to join the Plymouth com pany, and remove to New England. In 1629, many persons of this character, and among them the dis tinguished names of Isaac Johnson, John Winthrop, Thomas Dudley, and Sir Richard Saltonstall, pro posed to the company to remove, with their farailies, on condition that the charter and government should be transferred to New England. To this the com pany assented, and in the course of the next year, John Winthrop, who had been chosen governor, with about one thousand five hundred persons, embarked. The fleet consisted of ten sail, one of which was of three hundred and flfty tons, and, from Lady Arabella Johnson, who sailed in her, was called the Arabella. Among the passengers were a number of erainent nonconformist rainisters. The most highly esteemed was Mr. Wilson, the son of a dignitary of the church, who, by his connexions and talents, might have aspired to its highest honours, but chose to renounce all, in order to suffer with those whom he accounted the people of God. But the circumstance which threw a greater lustre on the colony than any other, was the arrival of Mr. John Cotton, the most esteemed of all the puritan Merry Mount. ' Thus stolen waters are sweet, and bread eaten in secret is pleasant,' till it be found, that ' the dead are there, and her guests in the depths of hell.' " — Hubbard's Hist. New England, p. 103, 104. ? Hubbard's Hist. New England, p. 100. 48 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. ministers in England. Becoming an object of the persecuting fury of Laud, he left Boston in disguise, and spent some time in London, seeking a proper opportunity to emigrate. There went out with him Mr. Hooker and Mr. Stone, who were esteemed to make a glorious triumvirate, and were received in New England with the utmost exultation. Mr. Cotton was appointed to preach at Boston, now the principal town in Massachusetts Bay, and was mainly employed in drawing up the ecclesiastical constitu tion of the colony. On the arrival of the principal ships of the fleet at Charlestown, the governor and several of the patentees, having viewed the bottom of the Bay of Massachusetts, and pitched down on the north side of Charles river, took lodgings in the great house built there the preceding year, and the rest of the company erected cottages, booths, and tents, about the town hill. Their place of assembling for divine service was under a tree. When the fleet had safely arrived, a day of thanksgiving was kept in all the plantations. Early attention was paid to the great object of the enterprise. On the 30th of July, a day of solemn prayer and fasting was kept at Charlestown, when Governor Winthrop, Deputy Governor Dudley, and Mr. Wilson, first entered into church covenant ; and at this time was laid the foundation of the church of Charlestown, and of the first church in Boston. On the 27th of August, the congregation kept a fast, and chose Mr. Wilson their teacher. " We used imposition of hands," says Governor Winthrop, "but with this protestation by all, that it was only a sign of election and confir mation, not of any intent that Mr. Wilson should renounce the ministiy he received in England." On the 23d of August, the flrst court of assistants, since the arrival of the colonists, was holden at Charlestown. The first question proposed was. How the rainisters should be raaintained? The court ordered, that houses be built, and salaries raised for them, at the common charge. At the second court of assistants held at Charlestown, it was ordered, that no person should plant in any place within the limits * Cotton Mather, in his Magnalia, bestows this just, though somewhat quaint tribute to their character. " Of those who soon dy'd after their first arrival, not the least considerable was the Lady Arabella, who left an earthly paradise in the family of an earldom, to encounter the sorrows of a wilderness, for the emer- lainments of a pure worship in the house of God ; and then ira mediately left that wilderness for the heavenly paradise, ¦n'hereto the corapassionate Jesus, of whom she was a follower, called her. We have read concerning a noblewoman of Bohemia, who forsook her friends, her plate, her house, and all ; and because the gates of the city were guarded, crept through the common sewer, that she might enjoy the institutions of our Lord at another place where they might be had. The spirit which acted that noble wo of the patent, without leave from the governor and assistants, or the major part of them ; that a warrant should presently be sent to Agawam, to coraraand those who were planted there to come immediately away ; and that Trimountain be called Boston ; Matapan, Dorchester ; and the town on Charles river, Watertown. The governor, with most of the assistants, about this time removed their families to Boston ; having it in contemplation to look for a convenient place for the erection of a fortified town. The first general court of the Massachusetts colo ny was also held this year at Boston ; when many of the first planters attended, and were made free of the colony. It was now enacted, that the freemen should in future elect assistants, who were empow ered to choose out of their own number the governor and deputy governor, who, with the assistants, were to have the power of making laws, and choosing officers for their execution. This measure was fully assented to by the general vote of the people ; but when the general court met, early the next year, it rescinded this regulation, and ordained, that the governor, deputy governor, and assistants, should be chosen by the freemen alone. The colony was now gaining strength from its numbers and organization ; but it had also its trials to contend with, not the least of which was the sick ness arising from the severity of the cliraate, or, more truly, from the raeans of counteracting the injuri ous tendencies of the climate not being yet properly understood. Among those who fell an early sacri fice, none were lamented more than Lady Arabella Johnson and her husband, who had left the abodes of abundance and of social comfort for the American wilderness, purely from religious principle.* As soon as the severity of the winter was abated suffi ciently to admit of assemblies being convened, the colonists proceeded to enact laws for their internal regulation. It has been before observed, that those who so resolutely ventured to cross the ocean, and to brave the hardships attendant on clearing the American forests, sought rather to establish churches, than to found a kingdora ; it will naturally be sup- man, we may suppose, carried this blessed lady thus to and thro' the hardships of an American desert. But as for her virtuous husband, Isaac Johnson, Esq., He try'd To live wilhout her, lik'd it not, and dy'd. His mourning for the death of his honourable consort was too bitter to be extended a year ; about a month after her death, his en sued, unto Ihe extreme loss of the whole plantation. But at the end of this perfect and upright man, there was not only peace, but joy ; and his joy particularly expressed itself, that God had kept his eyes open so long as lo see one church of the Lord Jesus Christ gathered in these ends of the earth, before his own going away to heaven," — Cotton Mather's Magnalia, p, 21, 22. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 49 posed, therefore, that their legislation partook largely of an ecclesiastical character. Indeed the history of this colony (though we shall endeavour to make it as prominently a civil history as the case will admit) presents more matter for the ecclesiastical than the civil historian. At the very first court of election, a law was passed, enacting that none should hereafter be admitted freemen, or bo entitled to any share in the government, or be capable of being chosen ma gistrates, or even as serving as jurymen, but such as had been or should hereafter be received into the church as members.* " This was a raost extraordi nary order or law," says Hutchinson, " and yet it continued in force until the dissolution of the governraent, it being repealed in appearance only after the restoration of King Charles II. Had they been deprived of their civil privileges in England by an act of parliament, unless they would join in cominunion with the churches there, it might very well have been the first in the roll of grievances. But such were the requisites to qualify for church- membership here, that the grievance was abun dantly greater." This is a very interesting, though reprehensible, feature in the histoiy of the New England states. It has been justly observed, by a living author, that the puritans, whora the English dissenters claim as their * " None may now be a freeman of that company, unless he be a church member among them ; none have voice in elections of governor, deputy, and assistants ; none are to be magistrates, officers, or jurymen, grand or petit, but freemen. The miuisteis give their votes in all elections of magistrates. Now the most of the persons at New England are not admitted of their church, and therefore are not freemen ; and when they come to be tried there, be il for life or limb, name or estate, or whatsoever, they must be tried and judged too by those of the church who are, in a, sort, their adversaries. How equal that hath been, or may be, some by experience do know, others may judge," — Lechford, " This law ai once divested every person who did not hold the prevailing opi nions, not only on the great points of doctrine, but with respect to the discipline of the church and the ceremonies of worship, of all the privileges of a citizen. An uncontrolled power of ajiprovrng or rejecting the claims of those who applied for admission into com munion wilh the church, being vested in the ministers and leading raen of each congregation, the most valuable civil rights were made lo depend on their decision with respect to qualifications purely ecclesiastical. Even at a later period, when the colonists were compelled, by the remonstrances of Charles II,, to make some alteration of this law, they altered it only in appearance, and en acted that every candidate for the privilege of a freeman, should produce a certificate from some minister of the established church, that they were persons of orthodox principles, and of honest life and conversation — a certificate which they who did not belong to the established church necessarily solicited with great disadvantage. The consequence of such laws was to elevate the clergy to a very high degree of influence and authority ; and, happily for the colony, she was long blessed with a succession of ministers whase admira ble virtues were calculated to counteract the mischief of this inor dinate influence, and even to convert il into an instrument of good. Various persons, indeed, resided in peace within the colony, though excluded from political franchises ; and one episcopal minister is particularly noted for having said, when he signified his refusal to Vol. I.— Nos. 5 & 6 N ancestors, had none of, what he is pleased to term, the latitudinarian ideas which the moderns possess. It docs not appear that they disapproved of the prin ciples of persecution ; but rather of the extent to which it was carried, and of themselves being its objects. They adhered firraly to the doctrine that the sword of the raagistrate should be employed to prevent the promulgation of sentiments differing from their own, never, apparently, having perceived that the principle would also justify the Romish church, and would call upon heathen magistrates to repel all christian instructors by a similar method : thus, what they regarded as pious in themselves, they felt to be iniquitous in others. Surely the dreadful results to which this erroneous principle so speedily led even these excellent men, to their irretrievable disgrace, raust stagger, if not convince, the most ardent advo cate for the intermixture of the civil power with the spiritual. In censuring, we must however bear in mind, that the light of experience had not shone on thera with the lustre it sheds on the present genera tion, although it must be admitted, that the truth on this point was clearly stated to them by some of the objects of their persecution, especially by Roger Williams,t whose history we shall have more parti cularly to record. It has already been observed, that the small-pox join any of the colonial congregations, that, as he had left England because he did not like the lord bishops, so they might rest assured he had not come to America to live under the lord bnihren." — Grahame, vol, i, p, 263, 264, t Dr, Dwight makes the following apology for the founders ol Nev/ Englaud. " Every government in the Christian w-orld claim ed, at that lime, the right to control the religious conduct of its sub jects. This claim, it is true, finds no warrant in the scriptures ; but its legitimacy had never been questioned, and therefore never in vestigated. All that was then contended for was, that it should be exercised wilh j-ustice and moderation. Our ancestors brought with them to America the very same opinions concerning this sub ject which were entertained by their fellow-citizens, and by all olher men of all Christian countries. As they came to New Eng.^ land, and underwent all the hardships incident to colonizing it, for the sake of enjoying their religion unmolested, they naturally were very reluctant that others, ¦ivho had borne no share of their bur thens, should wantonly intrude upon this favourite object, and dis turb the peace of themselves and their families. With these views, they began to exerci-se the claim which I have mentioned, and, like the people of all olher countries, carried the exercise to lengths which nothing can justify, Bul it ought ever to be remembered, that no other civilized nation can take up the first stone to cast against them. An Englishman certainly must, if he look into the ecclesiastical annals of his own country, be for ever silent on tfi» subject. It ought also to be remembered, that they scrupulously abstained from disturbing all others, and asked nothing of others, but to be unmolested at home," — Dwight, vol, i, p, 134, " It is sufficient to remark," says a writer in the North American Re view, " that they never professed themselves the advocates of tole ration. Toleration was not a virtue of the age in which they lived ; and they ought not to be reproached wilh the want of it, since they cannot be charged with the opposite error, beyond every other Christian sect of that day. Their grand object was to wor ship God according lo the dictates of conscience, and for this object 50 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. had devastated the neighbourhood of the English settlements to a very considerable extent. As several of the vacant Indian stations were well chosen, such was the eagerness of the English to take possession of them, that their settlements became more numerous and more widely dispersed than suited the condition of an infant colony. This led to an innovation which totally altered the nature and constitution of the government. When a general court was to be held in 1634, the freemen, instead of attending it in person, as the charter prescribed, elected representa tives in their different districts, authorizing them to appear in their name, with full power to deliberate and decide concerning every point that fell under the cognizance of the general court. Before the court pro ceeded to the choice of magistrates, they asserted their right to a greater share in the government than they had hitherto been allowed, and passed several reso lutions, defining the powers of the general court, and ordaining trial by jury. After the election of magis trates, they further determined, that there should be four general courts every year ; that the whole body of freemen should be present at the court of election only ; and that the freemen of every town might choose deputies to act in their names at the other general courts, which deputies should have the full power of all the freemen. The legislative body thus became settled ; and, with but inconsiderable altera tions, remained in this forra during the continuance of the charter. The colony raust henceforward be considered, not as a corporation whose powers were defined, and its mode of procedure regulated by its they sought an asylum in the wilderness of this continent, where they should be removed frora the sight of antichristian errors of every description. Nothing was farther frora their thoughts, than to build up a republic, in which sectarians and fanatics of every denomination under hea^en mighl mingle their multifarious rites, aud confound their modes of Christian worship wilh their own," — North American Review, vol. ix, p, 375. " In the first moment that they began to taste of Christian liberty themselves, they for got that other men had an equal title to enjoy it. With an incon- •sistency, of which there are such flagrant instances among Chris tians of every denomination, that it cannot be imputed as a reproach peculiar to any sect, the very men who had themselves fled from persecution became persecutors ; and had recourse, in order to en force their own opinions, lo the same unhallowed weapons, against the employinent of which they had lately remonstrated with so much violence." — Robertson's Hist, America, b. x. • Lest our readers should be incredulous that many of these po sitions, which are now considered as indubitable truths, and acted on by most civilized nations, ¦n'cre then regarded as criminal errors, by men who weie justly considered the excellent of the earth, we refer them to the following extracts from the authentic histories of Hubbard and Mather, " Mr, Williams proceeded vigorously to vent many dangerous opinions ; as amongst many others, these that follow are some : 1, FirsI, that it was the duly of all the female sex to cover them selves -n'ith veils when they ¦went abroad, especially when they ap peared in the public assemblies, 2, Another notion diffused by hira, Occa.sioned more disturbance ; for, in his zeal for advancing the charter, but as a society, which, having acquired or assumed political liberty, had, by its own voluntary deed, adopted a constitution or government framed on the model of that in England. The baneful influence of the erroneous principles of the union of the civil and ecclesiastical power now became apparent, in the persecution of the most libe rally minded man in the colony, Roger Williams. It is true, that he enthusiastically supported sorae tenets which were deemed heterodox, and occasioned con siderable excitement by inveighing against the use of the cross in the national flag. In consequence of the spread of his opinion, some of the troops would not act till the relic of popery, as they considered it, was cut out of the banner, while others would not serve under any flag from which it was erased. At length a compromise was entered into, by which it was agreed that the obnoxious emblem should be omitted from the banners of the militia, while it was retained in those of the forts. This, however, was only one of the errors charged against Williams ; it is said that he maintained that no female should go abroad unless veiled ; that unregenerate men ought neither to pray nor to take oaths ; that, indeed, oaths had better be altogether omitted ; that the churches of New Eng land should not acknowledge or communicate with the hierarchy from which they had separated ; that infants should not be subjects of baptism ; that the magistrate should confine his authority wholly to temporal affairs ; and that James or Charles of Eng land had no right at all to grant away the lands of the Indians without their consent.* For the zealous purity of reformation, and abolishing all badges of superstition, he inspired some persons of great interest in that place, that the cross in the king's colours ought lo be taken away, as a relic of antichris tian superstition, 3, Thirdly, also he raaintained, that it is not lawful lor an unregenerate man to pray, nor to take an oath, and in special not the oath of fidelity to the civil government ; nor was it lawful for a godly man to have any communion, either in family prayer, or in an oath, wilh such as they judged unregenerate, and therefore he hiraself refused the oath of fidelity, and taught others so to do, 4, And that it was not lawful, so much as to hear the godly ministers of England, when any occasionally went thither ; and therefore he admonished any church members that had so done, as for heinous sin. Also he spake dangerous words against the patent, which was the foundalion of the government of the Mas sachusetts colony, 5, He affirmed also, that magistrates had nothing to do wilh matters of the first table, bul only the second, .and that there should be a general and unlimited toleration of all religions, and for any man to be punished for any matters of his conscience, was persecution." — Hubbard's General History of New England, p, 204—206. " I tell my reader that there was a whole country in America like to be set on fire by the rapid motion of a windmill in the head of one particular man. Know, then, that about the year 1630, ar rived here, one Mr, Roger Williams, who, being a preacher that had less light than fire in him, hath, by his own sad example, preached unto us the danger of that evil, which the apostle men tions in Rom, x, 2, ' They have a zeal, but not according to know ledge," He violently urged, that the civil magistrate might not HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 51 propagation of these sentiments, he was deemed wor thy of banishment from the colony of Massachusetts. The order of the court was, that he should be trans ported to England ; but he escaped the limits of their jurisdiction, repaired to the Narraganset country, and became the founder of a new colony. There is scarcely any writer that has done the sentiments or character of this eminent, though some what eccentric man, even tolerable justice ; all his historians are his opponents ; and they have evidently laboured hard to justify the proceedings of his perse cutors, while they could not conceal the benevolent and unexceptionable character of the far greater por tion of his life.* His reputation has, however, been placed in its true light by at least one of the Ameri can writers. " The first legislator who fully recog nised the rights of conscience," says Mr. Verplanck, " was Roger Williams, a name less illustrious than it deserves to be ; for, although his eccentricities of con duct and opinion may soraetiraes provoke a smile, he was a man of genius and of virtue, of admirable firm ness, courage, and disinterestedness, and of unbounded benevolence. After some wanderings, he pitched his tent at a place, to which he gave the narae of Provi dence, and there became the founder and legislator of the colony of Rhode Island. There he continued to rule, sometimes as the governor, and always as punish breaches of the first table in the laws of the ten command ments ; which assertion, besides the door v/hich it opened unto a. thousand profanities, by not being duly limited, il utterly took away from the authority all capacity to prevent the land, which they had purchased on purpose for their own recess frora such things ; its becoraing such a sink of abominations, as would have been the re proach and ruin of Christianity in these parts of the world. The church taking the advice of their fathers in the state, on this occa sion Mr. Williams removed unto Plymouth, where he was accept ed as a preacher for the two years ensuing. These things were, in deed, very disturbant and offensive ; but there were two other thin.gs in his quixotism, tliat made it no longer convenient for the civil authority lo remain unconcerned about him; for, first. Whereas the king of England had granted a royal charier unto the governor and company of this colony, which patent was, indeed, the very life of the colony, this hot-headed man publicly and furiously preached against the patent, as an instrument of injustice, and pressed both rulers and people to be humbled for their sin in taking such a patent, and utterly throw il up, on an insignificant pretence of wrong thereby unto the Indians, which were the natives of the country, therein given to the subjects of the English crown. Se condly, An order of the court, upon some just occasion, had been made, that an oath of fidelity should be, though not imposed upon, yet offered unto the freemen, the better to distinguish those whose fidelity might render them capable of employment in the govern ment ; which order this raan vehemently withstood, on a pernicious pretence, that it was the prerogative of our Lord Christ alone to have his office established wilh an oath ; and that an oath being the ¦worship of God, carnal persons, whereof he supposed there were many in the land, might not be put upon it. These crimes at last pro cured a sentence of banishment upon him.'' — Mather, b, vii, chap. ii. * Grahame has followed Mather, Hubbard, and Hutchinson, too closely ; and has by no means perceived the true merit of his cha racter. We are surprised he should have censured so strongly tho objectionable trails, (vol. i. p. 268,) while he has passed over, with the guide and father of the settlement, for forty-eight years, employing himself in acts of kindness to his former enemies, affording relief to the distressed, and offering an asylum to the persecuted. The govern ment of his colony was formed on his favourite prin ciple, that in matters of faith and worship, every citizen should walk according to the light of his own conscience, without restraint or interference from the civil magistrate. During a visit which Williams raade to England, in 1643, for the purpose of procu ring a colonial charter, he published a formal and laboured vindication of this doctrine, under the title of The Bloody Tenet, or a Dialogue between Truth and Peace. In his work, which was written with his usual boldness and decision, he anticipated raost of the arguraents, which, fifty years after, attracted so much attention, when they were brought forward by Locke. His own conduct in power was in perfect accordance with his speculative opinions ; and when, in his old age, the order of his little community was disturbed by an irruption of quaker preachers, he combated them only in pamphlets and public dispu tations, and contented himself with overwhelming their doctrines with a torrent of learning, invective, syllogisms, and puns. It should also be remembered, to the honour of Roger Williams, that no one of the early colonists, without excepting William Penn him- bul a slight notice, those principles which immortalize the name of Roger AVilliams. Murray is brief, but, in this case, exercises more penetration, and is more impartial. Even the North American Re view seems embarrassed by an attempt to commend both parlies : " We are not prepared to defend the proceedings against Roger Williams, and especially the ultimate sentence ; bul many consi derations in extenuation, may be offered. The setllemenl was in its infancy. Some of the opinions which he pertinaciously incul cated, were dangerous to the establishment; and his conduct, in several particulars, may be justly viewed as seditious. In a more advanced state of the colony, his peculiar sentiments might have been inculcated wilhout hazard, and would, probably, have been less .seriously regarded. The new settlement had enemies uf power ful influence, and its leaders were compelled to observe the most vigilant course in every transaction, Williams was continually gaining adherents by his perseverance and zeal, and some of his tenets were so extravagant, that their adoption would have con vulsed and degraded the country. The leading characters, both in church and state, solicitious for the preservation of the system of religious and civil polity which they had sacrificed and suffered so much to erect, were desirous of recomraending it to others by a discreet deportment, which raight invite sober and considerate raen to unite with them, and repel the malignant suggestions of their eneraies." The fact is, the puritan emigrants were decidedly wrong in the principle they laid down as the basis of their common- ¦ivealth ; and the proof of their error is abundant in the absurdity, injustice, cruelty, and murder, to which it seduced the noblest and purest spirits of the age, results which never arose frora the influ ence of truth. All that can be said in their palliation is, that all the world, except the banished Roger Williams and a fe.'s others, were in the same error ; and that hundreds of learned and pro fessedly enlightened men found it very hard to abandon the error in the nineteenth century, till touched by the magic wand of the greatest captain of the age, and the first lord of the richest trea sury in the world. 52 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. self, equalled him in justice and benevolence towards the Indians."* While the colonies were occupied with internal disputes, the English parliament, inquiring into the grievances of the nation, had turned their attention to the charters of the New England states ; and deeming thera injurious monopolies, both that of Plymouth and Massachusetts were declared forfeited to the king, and the colonies removed from the juris diction of the companies to that of the crown, an ar rangement which, for some time, proved rather bene ficial than detrimental. During the year 1635, no less than three thousand persons arrived in New England.? Among them was Henry Vane, a young man of noble family, ani mated with a devotion to the cause of rehgion and liberty, which induced him to relinquish all his hopes in England, and settle in an infant colony which as yet afforded little more than a bare subsistence to its inhabitants : he was naturally received in New Eng land with high regard and admiration, and was in stantly complimented with the freedom of the colony. Enforcing his claims to respect by the address and abihty which he showed in conducting business, he was elected governor in the year subsequent to his * Anniversary Discourse, delivered before the New- York Histo rical Society, December 7, 1818, by Gulian C, Verplanck, Esq, p, 23—26, t It was at this time thai Charles I. prevented Pyra, Harapden, and Crorawell, frora emigrating to New England, "The destitution of foresight wilh which despots are frequently visited, cannot but be admired as one of the most excellent arrangements of a merci ful Providence, Two Charleses now have set their seal lo the truth of this proverb, " duem Deus vult perdere, prius deraental," t It often happens, that persons live in an age loo early lo have their merits duly estiraated. This was the case of Galileo and others, who have done much for raankind. It often lakes whole ages to set history right upon matters of fact and opinion. No person, iu our annals, has suffered more obloquy wilhout cause, than Mrs, Hutchinson, She came with her husband from Lincoln shire to Boston, in 1636. Her husband -was a man of note, being a representalive of Boston, and in good repute. Mrs, Hutchin son was a well educated, shrewd woman ; she was a great admirer of Mr, Colton, then a popular preacher in Boston, with whom, it is probable, she was well acquainted in England, as they came from the same county. She was arabitious and active, and ¦was delight ed wilh metaphysical subtleties and nice distinctions. She had a ready pen, and a fine memory, and from the habit of taking notes ia church, she possessed herself of all the points in Mr. Cotton's sermons, which she was fond of commimicating to others of less retentive faculties. She held conference meetings at her own house, and commented on the great doctrines, of salvation. She entertained several speculative opinions, that, in the present slate of intelligence, would be considered as harmless as a poet's dream, but which, at that time, " threw the whole colony into a flame," Every household was fevered by religious discussions upon cove nants of faith and covenants of works, always the most bitter of all disputes. In all prob?bility, the vanity of Mrs. Hutchinson was raised, to see that she could so easily disturb the religious and metaphysical world about her ; and no doubt, but that the persecu- iions she suffered, made her more obstinate than .she otherwise would have been. If they had let her alone, her doctrines would have passed away with a thousand other vagaries ; but the clergy arrival, by the universal consent of the colonists, and with the highest expectations of an advantageous ad ministration. These hopes, we shall find in the se quel, were by no means realized. He entered too deeply into polemical theology, to allow him to devote the energies of his mind to the civil and political duties which afforded so abundant a field for their exercise. During his administration, the increase which had taken place in the colony promoted the settlement of Connecticut, and indirectly led to the war with the Pequod Indians, both of which circum stances we shall notice in the history of that state. A brief period elapsed after the expulsion of Roger WiUiams, before the repose of the colony Avas again interrupted by religious dissensions. The puritans had transported, with their other religious practices, that of assembling one evening in the week to con verse over the discourses of the preceding sabbath ; a proceeding well calculated to keep alive that zeal which arises from the vigorous exercise of private judgraent, but not to proraote the subserviency requi site to a quiet submission to the uniformity of autho rized opinions. These meetings had been originally confined to the brethren ; but Mrs. Hutchinson,! a lady of respectable station in life, of considerable would not suffer this to be, notwithstanding they risked something in calling this popular ¦n'oman to an account. She was considered wiser and more learned in the scriptures than all her opponents. She had powerful friends. Sir Henry Vane, the governor, a popu lar young raan, of large wealth, was her friend, and Cotton and Wheelwright, the ministers, were her warra supporters, and had a profound respect for her talents and virtues ; but still the majority of the clergy was against her. In 1637 a synod was called, the first in our history, which was held in conclave at Cambridge. It was composed of the governor, the deputy governor, the council of assistants, and the teachers and the elders of churches. They sat in conclave for fear of the people, particularly Mrs, Hutchinson's followers. Her friend, Sir Henry Vane, was no longer in the chair of state. In this body she was charged wilh heresy, and called upon to defend herself before these inquisitors. The charges and specifications were numerous, as is proved by the judgment of the court. Before the tribunal she stood for three weeks, defending herself against a body of inqui sitors, who were at once the prosecutors, the witnesses, and the judges. The report of the trial is said to be from the minutes of Governor Winthrop, certainly not from her own brief The charges frora the governor, who presided, were vituperations and vague, consisting of general matters, rather than of special allega tions ; to all of which she returned the most acute and pregnant answers, evincing a mind of the first order. One after another of her judges questioned and harangued, but she never lost her self- possession. The only circumstance in the whole case that shows the sincerity of her judges, is the report they have made of her trial. Her judges were the first in the land, comprising every one in the colony, who had not fallen under the suspicion of ha\dng been her friend. That intolerant old Dudley, the lieutenant governor, was the most inveterate of her enemies. Cotton, who was called as a witness, behaved well, and, grave and holy as he was, was treated wilh great severity as a witness. On the whole, they proved nothing against her, but that she had expressed her o^svn opi nions freely, and supported thera manfully, by unanswerable texts of scripture. No defence ever recorded in piofane history has ever been equal to this. Socrates before his judges did not meet his ac- HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 53 native talent, and of affable manners, deemed it de sirable that the sisters should also exercise a similar privilege. Unfortunately, it was not long before this lady and her associates discovered that thero would be much more propriety in their instructing their ministers than in the reverse process, which had hitherto prevailed. They adopted that most conve nient dogma, that good works are no evidence of being a true Christian, or one of the elect ; and that the only testimony to a state of justification, was the overpowering assurance of the mind, produced by the immediate influence of the divine Spirit. It is not our place to discuss doctrines, but to record facts ; or it would not be diflicult to demonstrate, that it is through the incongruous and irrational ideas which have existed among the great mass of those who have been accustomed to deem themselves sound in doctrine, that these vagaries have acquired and maintained so utterly undeserved a prominence in what is termed the religious world. It has ever been a prime manoeuvre of the great enemy of man, to connect the most raagnificent truths with the raost absurd errors ; and thus to raise a cloud which en circles itself with the brilliancy of that very orb whose rays it obscures. The disturbance occasioned by the propagation of these offensive sentiments, was aggravated by the circumstance of the governor, Mr. Vane, being their decided advocate. Veheraent discussions and bitter accusations abounding ; but the antinomian party, though most zealous, were least numerous ; and at the annual election, Mr. Vane was displaced by Mr. Winthrop, by a very decided majority. After various cusers with half the acuteness. Eugene Aram's defence had not the same di eclness and power nor that of Maria Antoinette more high mindedness. St, Paul's alone, before the Areopagii, can bear any comparison. He was charged of introducing a new God, which, by an Athenian law, was death, to prevent an increase of their catalogue of divinities. He escaped by declaring that he had not enlarged their number, but that he taught thera who was the unknown God, whose teraple he had seen among them, and whose name was inscribed on its walls. Instead of raising a monument, as they should have done, to this most acute metaphysician and eloquent defender of herself, they found her guilty of more than eighty heretical opinions; but fortu nately for theraselves, they did not venture to specify thera in her sentence, but ordered her to recant and renounce them, under the penally of excommunication and banishment. Mrs. Hutchinson was firm; she made a fair explanation, but would not renounce what she conscientiously believed to be right, and was accordingly banished. She went to Rhode Island, but did not long remain there. After the death of her husband, in 1642, she went to the Dutch country beyond New Haven, and was, with most of her large family, massacred by the Indians, This, ihe superstitious considered as a judgment, " for many evils in her conversation, as well as for corrupt opinions ;" and to Ihis day she is called an artful %oman, but not one of her accusers dare narae one of those evils of conversation, and but two or three of those corrupt opinions. The writer feels ashamed of the land of his birth, in reading the whole course of this fanatical and unjust sentence,. bu.t tyould not measures had been resorted to, in order to bring the dissentients within the pale of orthodoxy, a synod was called, which determined that the sentiments of Mrs. Hutchinson and her followers were grievously erroneous, and, as they still refused submission, the favourite measure of banishment was had recourse to. Another accession was thus made to the " allu- vies," as Mather terms it, of Rhode Island ; but not finding that land of liberty perfectly to her taste, Mrs. Hutchinson removed to a Dutch plantation, wliere, not long after, she was basely murdered, with many of her family, by the Indians.* While these transactions were occtirring in Ame rica, the enemies of the colonists in England were busily engaged in promoting the destruction of the Massachusetts charter. That of Plymouth had been already surrendered. " The principal reasons as signed for this surrender were, that the people of Massachusetts had improperly extended the limits of their patent, so as to include lands granted to others, and that in civil and ecclesiastical affairs, they had made themselves independent of the council, as well as the crown. These evils, the council said, they were unable to remedy ; and therefore deemed it ne cessary for his majesty to take the whole business into his own hands. t Soon after the surrender of the Plymouth charter, a quo warranto was issued against that of Massachusetts. The writ was served only on those in England, who either then were, or had been members of the company ; but no notice was given to the company in New England. Some on whom the writ was served in England appeared, and disclaimed any right under the charter, others have it erased frora the records, as it is calculated to hurable the pride of the infallible bigot, and serves as a good lesson for modem times, in more than in one instance. That woman must have been of virtuous life, that such a band of inquisitors could not find cause to condemn, except as to opinions. The whole story is a lesson, for it shows, that men, in a body, may do that which but few of them, separately, would dare to support. In that body were to he found the learned Phillips, the aposlle Elliot, the honest Welde, with many other excellent men, who voted against the great female metaphysician of her time. Three only of the synod had the courage to dissent from the judgraent. It seems, after all, that the sentence was more a matter of policy than of law, as may be drawn from the scantiness of the record on this head ; for Win throp was an acute lawyer, and if he had found any thing which he dared to put on record, in justification of this body, it would have been found there. That they should have erred, is not sur prising ; but that historians of a later age should have continued to justity them, is astonishing, and shows how liltle independence or original thinking there is among those who venture to call them selves historians, — American Editor. * Various other persons, besides the immediate adherents of Mrs, Hutchinson, were dissatisfied with the proceedings of the synod and council of Massachusetts, migrated from the colony, and assisted in the formation of the settlements of Rhode Island, New Harapshire, and Maine ; the circumstances of whith will t)« recorded at length in the history of those states. t Pitkin,, vol. i. p. 33. 64 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. Were defaulted, and the rights and franchises in the charter were seized and taken into the hands of the king, so far as those in England were concerned, and the other patentees were outlawed. No judgment, in form, was ever rendered against the corporation itself. Not satisfied with this proceeding, a special order was sent by the lords of trade and plantations, to Massachusetts, in April, 1638, requiring the go vernor, or such other person as had the custody of the charter, to transmit the same by the return of the ship which carried the order, with a threat, in case of neglect or refusal, that the king would resume the whole plantation into his own hands. The general court of Massachusetts, before whora this order was laid, resolved not to send the charter, but presented an humble petition to the commissioners. The colo nists found on this, as on many other occasions, the advantage of the delay arising from their distance from the mother country ; for, while these negotia tions were pending, the disputes between Charles and his parliament acquired an importance that left little opportunity for the monarch to trouble himself with colonial affairs ; and thus the charter of Massachu setts, and the liberties of New England, were pre served.* Scarcely had the venerable founders of New Eng land felled the trees of the forest, when they began to provide means to insure the stability of their co lony. Learning and religion they wisely judged to be the firmest pillars of the commonwealth. The le gislature of Massachusetts, having previously founded a public school or college, had, the last year, directed its establishment at Newtown, and appointed a com mittee to carry the order into effect. The liberality of an individual now essentially contributed to the completion of this wise and benevolent design. ? A copy of Charles's " comm.i.ssion for regulating the planta tions;" of the "letter of the lords of the council for the patent of the plantation to be sent to them;" and of the " humble petition of the Massachusetts in the general court there assembled ;" are all to be found in Hubbard's History, chap, xxxvi. t Hubbard, chap, xxxii. p, 237, There were several benefac tors to this college, be.sides Mr, Harvard ; and " the other colonies sent some sraall help lo the undertaking; tnd several gentlemen did raore than whole colonies to support and forward it," — Mather's Magnalia, b, iv, p. 126, " There were probably, at that lime, forty or fifty sons of the university of Cambridge in Old England, one for every two hundred or two hundred and fifty inhabitants, dwell ing in the few villages of Massachusetts and Connecticut. The sons of Oxford were not few." — Savage : note upon Winthrop. t " A printing house was begun at Cambridge by one Daye, al the charge of Mr, Glover, who died on sea hitherward. The first thing which was printed was the freemen's oath ; the next was an Almanack, made for New England by Mr, William Peirce, ma riner ; the next was the Psalms, newly turned into raetre," Win throp, vol, i. p. 289. Ib, Hisl. Canib, Maiis, Hist. Soc, vol, vii, p. 19, Thomas's History of Printing in America, vol, i, p. 227, " Mr. Glover was a worthy and wealthy nonconformist minister. John Harvard, a worthy minister, dying this year at Charleston, left a legacy of nearly 800^. to the pub hc school at Newtown. In honour of their benefac tor, the collegiate school was, by an order of court, named Harvard College ; and Newtown, in compli ment to the institution, and in memory of the place where many of the first settlers of New England re ceived their education, was called Cambridge.t At this time also, Rowley, in Massachusetts, was founded by about sixty industrious families from Yorkshire, under the guidance of Ezekiel Rogers, an eminent minister. These settlers, many of whom had been clothiers in England, built a fuUing mill ; employed their children in spinning cotton wool ; and were the first who attempted to make cloth in North Ame rica. A still more iraportant branch of business was introduced this year, that of printing, the first press ever used in North America being established at Cambridge.t The colony of Massachusetts, as well as its rural neighbours, continued rapidly to increase. In the year 1639, a settlement was begun on the north side of Merrimack, called Salisbury ; and another at Winicowet, called Hampton. New England was henceforth to be left almost ex clusively to her own resources. The state of affairs in England was now reversed ; and the persecuting power of Charles was wrested from his grasp. The principal motive to emigration, therefore, no longer existed ; indeed, several of the most considerable colonists, and raany of the ministers in New Eng land, returned to their native country ;§ but the great majority of the settlers had experienced so much happiness in the societies which had been formed in the colony, that they felt themselves united to New England by stronger feelings than those of attach- He contributed liberally toward a sum sufficient to purchase print ing materials ; and for this purpo.^e solicited the aid of others in England and Holland. He gave to the college a fount of printing letters, and sorae gentlemen of Amsterdam gave, towards furnish ing of a printing press wilh letters, forty-nine pounds, and some thing more." — Records of Harvard College; American Annals, vol. i. p. 255. § " Now that fountain began to be dried, and the .stream turned another way, and many that intended to have followed their neigh bours and friends into a land not so^wn, hoping by the turn of the ¦ limes, and the great changes that were then afoot, to enjoy that at their o^wn doors and homes, which the other had travelled .so far to seek abroad, there happened a total cessation of any passengers coraing over ; yea, rather, as at the turn of a tide, many carae back with the help of the same stream, or sea, that carried them thither; insomuch, that now the country of New England was to seek of a way to provide themselves of clothing, which they could not attain by selling of their cattle as before ; which now were fallen from that huge price forementioned, 251., first to 14Z. and lOl. an head, and presently after (at least, within a year) to bl. a piece ; nor was there at that rate ready vent for them neither,"— Hubbard, p, 238. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 65 ment to their native soil, and resolved to reraain in the region which their virtue had converted from a wilderness into a garden. There does not appear to be any authentic state ment of the population of the New England colonies at this period. It would seera to have been under twenty thousand.* In the twenty years which had elapsed since the settleraent of Plymouth, nearly three hundred vessels had transported more than twenty- one thousand persons across the Atlantic, at the im mense cost of nearly 200,000^. an amazing sum in that age, which nothing but the determined and per severing zeal which animated the puritans could have induced them to expend, in the laborious work of converting a vast wilderness into the abode of civilized man.t The following year, the general court of Massa chusetts established one hundred laws, called The Body of liiberties.t Having already been submitted to the court, and sent into every town for considera tion, they were now amended, and were to remain in force for the term of three years ; after that period, to be again revised, and established in perpetuity. As it is in the laws of an infant people that we trace their principles, and discover their policy, a sketch of the most remarkable laws in the first New Eng land code is introduced. It was enacted, that there never should be any bond-slavery, villanage, or cap tivity, among the inhabitants of the province, except in lawful captives taken in just wars, or such as should willingly sell themselves, or be sold to them ; and such should have the liberties and Christian usage which the law of God, established in Israel concerning such persons, morally requires : That if any strangers, or people of other nations, professing the Christian religion, should fly to thera from tyran ny or oppression of their persecutors, or from famine, wars, or the like necessary and compulsory cause, they should receive entertainment and succour : That there should be no monopolies, but of such new in ventions as were profitable to the country, and those for a short time only : That all deeds of conveyance, * Grahame says, " about twenty-one thousand persons," (vol. i. p. 302,) but this is evidently the gross number of those who emi grated during the twenty years ; and the probability is, that the actual population at this period was considerably short of that number. i " They, who then professed to be able to give the best account, say, that in two hundred and ninety-eight ships, which were the whole number from the beginning of the colony, there arrived twenty-one thousand two hundred passengers, men, women, and children, perhaps about four thousand families. A modest compu tation then made of the whole charge of transportation of the per sons, their goods, the stock of cattle, provisions until they could support themselves, necessaries for building, artillery, arms, and ammunition, amounts to 192,000Z, sterling. A dear purchase, if whether absolute or conditional, should be recorded, that neither creditors might oe defrauded, nor courts troubled with vexatious suits and endless contentions about sales and mortgages : That no injunction should be laid on any church, church officer, or member, in point of doctrine, worship, or discipline, whether for substance or circumstance, besides the institution of the Lord ; and that, in the defect of a law, in any case, the decision should be by the word of God. The dispersed situation of the New England colo nists rendered union among thera necessary, not only for their mutual defence against the savages, but also for protection and security against the claims and encroachments of the Dutch. This union, or con federation, was formed in 1643, by the name of The United Colonies of New England. It had been pro • posed by the colonies of Connecticut and New Ha ven, as early as 1638, but was not finally completed until five years after. This confederacy, which con tinued about forty years, constituted an interesting portion of the political history of New England. It consisted of the colonies of Massachusetts, New Ply mouth, Connecticut, and New Haven. By the arti cles of confederation, as they were called, these colo nies entered into a firm and perpetual league of friendship and amity, for offence and defence, mutual advice and succour, upon all just occasions, both for preserving and propagating the truth and liberties of the gospel, and for their own mutual safety and wel fare. Each colony was to retain its own peculiar jurisdiction and government ; and no other planta tion or colony was to be received as a confederate, nor any two of the confederates to be united into one jurisdiction, without the consent of the rest. The affairs of the united colonies were to be managed by a legislature, to consist of two persons, styled com missioners, chosen from each colony. The commis sioners were to meet annually in the colonies, in suc cession, and when met, to choose a president, and the determination of any six to be binding on all.§ This confederacy, which was declared to be perpe- they had paid nothing before to the council of Plymouth, and no thing afterwards to the sachems of the country. Well migh' they complain, when the titles to their lands were called in question by Sir Edmund Andros ; their labour in clearing and improving them was of more value than the lands after they were improved, and this other expense might be out of the question."- Hutchinson, vol, i, p, 93. t " They had been composed by Mr. Nathaniel Ward, minister of Ipswich, who had formerly been a student and practitioner at )aw." — American Annais, vol, i. p. 260. § " These commissioners had power to hear, examine, weigh, and determine all affairs of war, or peace, leag-ues, aids, charges, and number of men for war, division of spoils, and whatsoever is gotten by conquest, receiving of more confederates for plantatious. 56 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. tual, continued without any essential alteration, until the New England colonies were deprived of their charter by the arbitrary proceedings of James II. This union evidently served as the basis of the great confederacy afterwards formed between the thirteen states of America. An examination of the two sys tems will prove a similarity not only in names, but in general principles.* The contest between the king and the parliament at lengtii resulted in open war ; and the New Eng land colonies, actuated by the same feeling as the puritans in England, embraced with ardour the cause of the latter. The parliament, however, did not lose sight of its right to govern the colonies ; and in 1643, they passed an ordinance, no less remarkable for the extent of power exerted, than for the extraordinary regulations it established. By it, the Earl of War wick was appointed governor-in-chief and lord high- admiral of the colonies, with a council of five peers and twelve commoners to assist him. It empowered him, in conjunction with his associates, to examine the state of their affairs ; to send for papers and per sons ; to remove governors and officers, appointing others in their place ; and to assign over to these such part of the powers that were then granted as he should think proper. Such was the authority which the parliament exerted over its transatlantic dominions. The colonists implicitly admitted its rectitude, by applying to the commissioners for pro tection and patents. The right of parliament, in deed, was not doubted in those days ; it was the ir regular exertion of prerogative, and not the authority into combination with any of the confederates, a.nd all things of a like nature, which are the proper concomitants and consequences of such a confederation for amity, offence and defence, not inter meddling with the government of any of Ihe jurisdictions, which, by the third ariicle, is preserved entirely to theraselves. The ex penses of all just wars to be borne by each colony, in proportion lo its nu^niber of male inhabitants, of whatever quality or condition, between the ages of sixteen and sixty. In case any colony should be suddenly invaded, on motion and request of three magistrates of such colony, the olher confederates were immediately lo send aid lo the colony invaded, in men, Massachusetts one hundred, and the olher colonies forty-five each, or for a less number, in the same proportion. The commissioners, however, were very properly di rected, afterwards, to lake into consideration the cause of such war or invasion, and if it should appear that the fault was in the colony invaded, such colony was not only lo make satisfaction to the invaders, but to bear all the expenses of the war. The com missioners were also authorized to frame and establish agreements and orders in general cases of a civil nature, wherein all the plan tations were interested, for preserving peace among themselves, and preventing, as much as laay be, all occasions of war, or dif ference with others, as about the free and speedy passage of jus tice, in every jurisdiction, to all the confederates equally as to their own, receiving those that remove from one plantation to another, wilhout due certificates. It was also very wisely provided in the articles, that runaway servants, and fugitives from jnstice, should be returned to the colonies where they belonged, or from which they had fled. If any of the confederates should violate any of of the legislature, that was dreaded as unconstitu tional, or feared as oppressive. The increasing prosperity of the colony naturally tended to heighten the value of its political fran chises ; and the increasing opulence of the dissen tients, already alluded to, seemed to aggravate the hardship of their disfranchisement. Some of them having assumed privileges from which they were excluded by law, they were punished by Mr. Win throp, the deputy governor. They complained to the general court of this treatment by a petition, which contained a forcible remonstrance against the injustice of depriving thera of their rights as free men, and of their privileges as Christians, because they could not join as members with the congrega tional churches, or because, when they sohcitcd ad mission into thera, they were arbitrarily rejected by the ministers. " They prayed," says Hutchinson,* '' that civil liberty and freedom might be forthwith granted to all truly English, and that all members oi the church of England or Scotland, not scandalous, might be admitted to the privileges of the churches of New England ; or, if these civil and religious liberties were refused, that they might be freed from the heavy taxes imposed upon them, and from the impresses made of them, or their children, or ser vants, into the war ; and if they failed of redress there, they should be under a necessity of making application to England to the honourable houses of parliament, who they hoped would take their sad condition into consideration." The party in favour of the dissenters had suflicient interest to obtain a the articles, or in any way injure any one of the other colonies, such breach of agreement, or injury, was to be considered and or dered by the commissioners of the other colonies." — Pitkin's PoU tical History, vol. i. p, 51, * " The principles upon which this famous association was formed were altogether Ihose of independency, and it cannot easily be supported upon any olher. The colonies of Connecticut and New Haven had at that time enjoyed no charier, and derived iheir title lo their soil from mere occupancy, and their powers of govern ment from voluntary agreement. New Plymouth had acquired a right to their lands from a grant of a company in Englantl, which conferred, however, no jurisdiction. And no other authority, wilh regard lo the making of peace, or war, or leagues, did the charter of Massachusetts convey, than that of defending itself, by force of arms, against all invaders, Bnt, if no patent legalized the confe deracy, neither was it confirmed by the approbation of the govern ing powers in England, Their consent was never applied for, and was never given. The various colonies, of which that ccdebrated league Was coraposed, being perfectly independent of one another, and having no olher connexion than as subjects of the sarae crown, and as territories of the same state, might, with equal propriety and consistency, have enlered into a similar compact with alien colonies, or a foreign nation. They did make treaties wilh the neighbouring plantations of the French and Dutch; and in this light was their conduct seen in England, and at a subsequent pe riod did not fail to attract the attention of Charles II." — Chalmer's Political Annals, b, i, chap, viii, p, 178, t Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts, vol. i. p, 146. HISTORY OP THE UNITED STATES. 57 vote to require Mr. Winthrop to answer in public to the complaints against him. On the day appointed for his trial he descended from the tribunal, and placing himself at the bar, in presence of a nume rous assemblage of the inhabitants, he proceeded to vindicate his conduct to his judges and fellow-citi zens. Having proved that his proceedings were war ranted by law, and that it had no other end than to maintain the existing institutions, he was not oj:ily honourably acquitted by the sentence of the court, and the voice of the public, but recommended so powerfully to the esteem of his fellow-citizens by this and all the other indications of his character, that he was chosen governor of the province every year after, as long as he lived.* His accusers were visited with public displeasure ; their petition was dismissed, and a charge was drawn up against them ; but it was in timated, that if they would acknowledge their offence they should be forgiven ; they, however, refused, and were flned in various sums, two or three of the ma gistrates dissenting. The petitioners, animated by opposition, rather than overborne by oppression, re solved to lay their condition before the supreme power ; and, with this design, two deputies were sent to England. The famous Cotton had asserted, in one of his sermons, " that, if any shall carry writings or complaints agahist the people of God in that coun try to England, it would be as Jonas in the ship ;" and a storm unfortunately arising during the voyage, the mariners, often prone to superstition, recollected this prediction, and insisted that all obnoxious papers should be thrown overboard ; thus the deputies were constrained to consign their credentials to the waves. The parliament, probably influenced by the intrigues of the agents, or too much engaged in their own im portant affairs, took no cognizance of this extraordi nary transaction ; and the petitioners never received any redress.t * We cannot refrain from presenting our readers with an ex tract of his admirable and powerful address : — " The questions," said Mr. Winthrop, " that have troubled the country, have been about the authority of the magistracy and the liberty of the people. It is you who have called us unto this office ; but being thus called, we have our authority from God. I entreat you to consider, that when you choose magistrates, you take thera from araong yourselves, men subject unto like passions with yourselves. If you see our in firmities, reflect on your own, and you will not be so severe cen surers of ours. The covenant between us and you is the oath you have exacted of us, which is to this purpose, ' That we shall govern you and judge your causes according to God's laws and the parti cular statutes of the land, according to our best skill.' As for our skill, you must run the hazard of it; and if there be an error only therein, and not in the will, il becomes you to bear it. Nor would I have you to mistake in the point of your own liberty. There is a liberty of corrupt nature, which is affected both by men and beasts, to do what they list. This liberty is inconsistent with au thority; impatient of all restraint, 'tis the grand enemy of truth and peace, and all the ordinances of God are bent against it. But Vol. I.— Nos. .5 & 6 O How refreshing is it to turn from the mutuitl recri minations of religious controversy, and the hateful sight of ecclesiastical persecution, to the conterapla tion of that expansive benevolence which is the true genius of Christianity ! History is essentially bio graphical to a considerable extent ; but there are oc casions when her pencil is called to trace, with pecu liar vividness, the moral dignity and beauty of her heroes ; and what name shall arouse her boldest ef forts, if that of Elliot does not call them forth ? When the wreaths of hterary, scientific, and even the most glittering, though least enviable of all, of military fame, whose leaves have never been tinged with the unction of eternity, shall fade amidst the brilliancy of holier and more resplendent honours, whose crown will shine more brightly than that of the Indians' father and friend ? His labours form the redeeming trait of an age, that might justly be termed one of the most vigorous religious selfish ness. Why were not the gigantic energies more than wasted in the pugnacious defence of men-made forms of Christianity, devoted to spread its essence among the heathen, by whom they were surrounded, or to whom they could have obtained access ? Hardships for the sake of religion the puritan colonists endured, indeed, abundantly ; but that it was for their own enjoyment rather than the benefit of others, is evident, frora their treating those who differed from their opi • nions as though they robbed thera of their property. But Elliot was of a nobler mould ; he banished not others for his fancied good, but himself, for the wel fare of the ignorant and oppressed. Elliot was one of the ministers of Roxbury. Strongly penetrated with a sense of the duty of re- deeraing to the dominion of religion and civilization the wastes of human character that lay in ignorance and idolatry around him, he had for some time been labouring to overcome the primary obstacle to its per- there is a civil, a moral, a federal liberty, which is the proper end and object of authority: it is a, liberty for that only which is just and good. For this liberty you are to stand wilh the hazard of your very lives; and whatsoever crosses it is not authority, but a distemper thereof. This liberty is maintained in a way of subjec tion to authority ; and the authority set over you will, in all ad- mini.stralions for your good, be quietly submitted unto by all bu such as have a disposition to shake off the yoke, and lose their true liberty by their murmuring at the honour and power of authority," We cordially agree wilh Mr. Grahame, when he says, " The cir cumstances in which this address was delivered, remind us of scenes in Greek and Roman history; while the wisdom, worth, and dignity that it breathes, resemble the magnanimous vindicatioti of the judge of Israel;" and we must add, that the whole history ot the rise and progress of these states is more calculated to instruct and elevate the mind, than the scenes of ancient history ; and that it is a great discredit to our schools, colleges, and universities, that the study of modern history in general, and this porlion of it par- ticularly, does not form an essential part of a liberal education, + Chalmer's Annals, b, i, chap, viii, p, 180. 58 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. formance ; at length he attained such acquaintance with the Indian language as enabled him to construct a system of grammar.* His kindness of manner soon gained him a favourable hearing from many of the natives ; and both parties being sensible of the ex pediency of altering the civil and domestic habits that counteracted the impressions which he attempted to produce, he obtained from the general court an allot ment of land hi the neighbourhood of the settlement of Concord, in Massachusetts. A considerable body of Indians resorted to the land allotted them by the colonial government, and exchanged their wild and barbarous habits for the modes of civilized livinff and industry. Mr. Elliot was continually among them, instructing, animating, and directing them. In endeavouring to extend their missionary influ ence among the surrounding tribes, Mr. Elliot and his associates encountered a variety of issues corres ponding to the varieties of human character. Many, indeed, expressed the utmost abhorrence and con tempt of Christianity ; but, in spite of every discou ragement, the missionaries persisted, and at length their labours were rewarded with astonishing suc cess. t That our readers may have authentic testimony on which to form a correct idea of its extent — the more as it affords a striking contradiction to the still lurking half-prevailing antinomianism, that the Eternal, whose very nature is benevolence, withholds his sanction and blessing from the labours of his faithful servants out of pure sovereignty — we insert the following document : — * Dr, Cotton Mather has, almost humorously, described the dif ficulty of acquiring the Indian language, and giving it a graphic forra: " Behold new difficulties to be surmounted by our indefati gable Elliot I He hires a native to teach him this exotic language, and, with a laborious care and skill, reduces it into a grammar, which afterwards he published. There is a letter or two of our alphabet which the Indians never had in theirs ; but if their alpha bet be short, I am sure the ¦\vords composed of it are long enough to tire the patience of any scholar in the world ; Ihey are sesqnipedalia verba, of which their lingo is composed ; one would think they had been growing ever since Babel, unto the dimensions to which they are now extended. For instance, if my reader will count how many letters there are in this one word, Nummalchekodiania-inooon- ganunno^iash, when he has done, for his reward I'll tell him, it signifies no more in English, than ' our lusts ;' and if I were to translate ' our loves,' it must be nothing shorter than Noowoman- tammooonkanuHonnash. Or, to give my reader a longer word than either of these, Kuiiimogkodonattoottnvimooetiteaongannuniionash, is, in English, ' our question ;' but I pray. Sir, count the letters ! Nor do we find in all this language the least affinity to, or derivation from, any European speech that we are acquainted with," — We think the folly of good men as useful to posterily as their virtues; and we claim sacred story as our authority; and therefore we con tinue ihe extract : — " 1 know not whal thoughts it will produce in my reader when 1 inform him, that once finding that the demons in a possessed young woraan understood the Latin and Greek and Hebrew languages, my curiosity led me to make trial of this Indian " A Letter concerning the Success op the Gospel amongst the Indians in New Eng land. " Written by Mr. Increase Mather, Minister of the Word of God, at Boston, and Rector of the College at Cambridge, in New Englatid, to Dr. John Leusden, Hebrew Professor in the Univer sity of Utrecht. " translated out of latin into ENGLISH. " Worthy and much Honoured Sir, " Your letters were very grateful to me, by which I understand that you and others in your fa mous university of Utrecht desire to be informed concerning the converted Indians in America : take, therefore, a true account of them in a few words : — " It is above forty years since that truly godly man, Mr. John Elliot, pastor of the church at Rocks- borough, (about a mile frora Boston, in New Eng land,) being warmed with a holy zeal of converting the Americans, set himself to learn the Indian tongue, that he might more easily and successfully open to them the mysteries of the gospel, upon account of which he has been (and not undeservedly) called the Apostle of the American Indians. This reverend person, not without very great labour, translated the whole bible into the Indian tongue ; he translated also several English treatises of practical divinity and catechisms into their language. About twenty- six years ago he gathered a church of converted In dians in a town called Natick ; these Indians con- language, and the dsemons did seem as if they did not understand it !"— Mather's Magnalia, b. iii, p, 193. t " It is a remarkable feature in Elliot's long and arduous career, that the energy by which he was actuated never sustained the slightest abatement, but, on the contrary, evinced a steady and vigorous increase. As his bodily strength decayed, the energy of his being seemed to retreat into his soul, and at length all his facul ties (he said) seemed absorbed in holy love. Being asked, shortly before his departure, how he did, he replied, ' I have lost every thing, my understanding leaves me, my memory fails me, my ut terance fails me ; but I thank God my charily holds out still, I find that rather grows than fails.' He died in the year 1690. While Mr, Elliot and an increasing body of associates were thus employed in the province of Massachusetts, Thomas Mayhew, a man who combined, in a wonderful degree, an affectionate mildness that no thing could disturb with an ardour and activity that nothing could overcome, together wilh a few coadjutors, not less diligently and successfully, prosecuted the same design in Martha's Vineyard, Nantucket, and Elizabeth Isles, and within the territory compre hended in the Plymoutlf patent."— Grahame, vol, i, p, 326, 329, " On the publication of the accounts of the hopeful progress of the Indians in New England in the knowledge of the gospel, the attention of the English nation was excited to the subject. Ey the solicitation of Edward Winslow, then in England as agent for the United Colonies, an act of parliament ¦was passed, by which the Society for propagating the Gospel in New England was incorpo- '¦'¦'•"^ "—Holmes's American Annals, vol. i. p, 290, rated.' HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 59 fessed their sins with tears, and professed their faith in Christ, and afterwards they and their children were baptized, and they were solemnly joined toge ther in a church covenant ; the said Mr. Elliot was the first that administered the Lord's supper to them. ' The pastor of that church now is an Indian, his name is Daniel. Besides this church at Natick, araong our inhabitants in the Massachusetts colony, there are four Indian assemblies, where the name of the true God and Jesus Christ is solemnly called upon ; these asserablies have sorae American preach ers : Mr. Elliot formerly used to preach to thera once every fortnight, but now he is weakened with labours and old age, being in the eighty-fourth year of his age, and preacheth not to the Indians oftener than once in two raonths. There is another church, con sisting only of converted Indians, about fifty railes from hence, in an Indian town, called Mashippaug. The first pastor of that church was an Englishman, v/ho, being skilful in the American language, preached the gospel to thera in their own tongue. This Eng lish pastor is dead, and instead of hira that church has an Indian preacher. There are, besides that, five assemblies of Indians professing the name of Christ, not far distant from Mashippaug, which have Indian preachers. John Cotton, pastor of the church at Plymouth, (son of my venerable father-in-law, John Cotton, formerly the famous teacher of the church at Boston,) both made very great progress in learning the Indian tongue, and is very skilful in it ; he preaches in their own language to the last five mentioned congregations every week. Moreover, of the inhabitants of Saconet, in Plymouth colony, there is a great congregation of those who, for distinction sake, are called praying Indians, because they pray to God in Christ. Not far from a promontory called Cape Cod, there are six assemblies of heathens who are to be reckoned as Catechumens, amongst whom there are six Indian preachers. Samuel Treat, pas tor of a church at Eastham, preacheth to these con gregations in their own language. There are like wise among the islanders of Nantucket a church, with a pastor who was lately a heathen, and several meetings of Catechumens, who are instructed by the converted Indians. There is also another island about seven leagues long, called Martha's Vineyard, where are two American churches planted, which are more famous than the rest, over one of which there presides an ancient Indian as pastor, called Hiacooms. John Hiacooms, son of the Indian pas tor, also preacheth the gospel to his countrymen. In another church in that place, John Tokinosh, a con verted Indian, teaches. In these churches ruling elders of the Indians are joined to the pastors ; the pastors are chosen by the people, and when they had fasted and prayed, Mr. Elliot and Mr. Cotton laid their hands on thera, so that they were solemnly or dained. All the congregations of the converted In dians (both the Catechumens and those in church order) every Lord's-day meet together ; the pastor or preacher always begins with prayer, and without a form, because from the heart ; when the ruler of the assembly has ended prayer, the whole congregation of Indians praise God with singing ; sorae of them are excellent singers ; after the psalm, he that preaches reads a place of scripture (one or more verses as he will) and expounds it, gathers doctrines from it, proves them by scriptures and reasons, and infers uses from them after the manner of the Eng lish, of whom they have been taught ; then another prayer to God in the name of Christ concludes the whole service. Thus do they meet together twice every Lord's-day. They observe no holy-days but the Lord's-day, except upon some extraordinary oc casion, and then they solemnly set apart whole days, either in giving thanks, or fasting and praying, with great fervour of mind. " Before the English came into these coasts, these barbarous nations were altogether ignorant of the true God ; hence it is that in their prayers and ser mons they use English words and terms ; he that calls upon the most holy name of God, says, .Jeho vah, or God, or Lord, and also they have learned and borrowed many other theological phrases from us. In short, there are six churches of baptized In dians in New England, and eighteen assemblies of Catechumens professing the name of Christ. Of the Indians there are four-and-twenty who are preachers of the Word of God ; and besides these there are four Enghsh rainisters, who preach the gospel in the Indian tongue. I ara now myself weary with writ ing, and I fear lest, should I add more, I should also be tedious to you ; yet one thing I must add, which I had almost forgot, that there are many of the In dians' children who have learned by heart the cate chism, either of that famous divine, William Perkins, or that put forth by the assembly of divines at West minster, and in their own mother tongue can answer to all the questions in it. But I must end ; I salute the famous professors in your university, to whom 1 desire you to communicate this letter, as written to them also. Farewell, worthy Sir ; the Lord preserve your health for the benefit of your country, his church, and of learning. Yours ever, " Increase Mather. "Boston, in New England, July 12, 1687." 60 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. To return to the secular affairs of the colony. In the year 1651, the long parhament having fully es tablished its authority in England, determined to have its power expressly acknowledged through all the dependencies of the British empire. An order was therefore transmitted to Massachusetts to send the charter of the colony to London, and to take out a new patent. Alarmed at this requisition, and dreading the power of parliament, the general court resorted to its usual expedient of petitioning, which was, of course, productive of the desired delay ; and the colony being in high favour with Cromwell, it is probable his influence was exercised in its behalf, as the parliament do not appear to have followed up their requisition with any further proceedings. In the following year, the inhabitants of the pro vince of Maine were, by their own request, taken under the protection of Massachusetts. Commis sioners, appointed by the general court, repaired to Kittery and Agamenticus, summoned the inhabitants to appear before them, and received their submission. Agamenticus was now named York ; the province made a county by the same name ; and the towns, from this time, sent deputies to the general court at Boston.* New Hampshire had been added to Massa chusetts in the year 1641. The evil principle of the interference of the civil power again displayed itself Mr, Grahame has re corded these transactions so impartially, and reasoned upon thera so justly, that we shall at once give our readers an interesting portion of history, and an ex cellent specimen of that valuable work, by quoting the passage. " Of all the instances of persecution that occur in the history of New England," says that author, " the most censurable in its principle, though happily also the least A^ehement in the severities which it produced, was the treatment inflicted on the anabaptists by the government of Massachusetts. The first appearance of these sectaries in this pro vince was in the year 1651, when, to the great asto nishment and concern of the community, seven or eight persons, of whom the leader was one Obadiah Holmes, all at once professed the baptist tenets, and separated from the congregation to which they had belonged, declaring that they could no longer take counsel, or partake divine ordinances, with unbaptized men, as they pronounced all the other inhabitants of the province to be. The erroneoust doctrine which • Hutchinson, vol, i, p, 177, Chalmers, b, i. p, 480, 499, 501, t We do not wish lo be understood as according with Mr. Gra hame, in the application of this epithet, nor in that of the term aim- baplisl. t " The baptists who were exiled from Massachusetts were al lowed to settle in the colony of Plymouth, (Hulchinson, vol. ii, p. thus unexpectedly sprang up, was at this time regarded with peculiar dread and jealousy, on account of the horrible enormities of sentiment and practice with which some of the professors of it in Germany had associated its repute ; and no sooner did Holmes and his friends set up a baptist conventicle for themselves, than complaints of their proceedings, as an intolerable nuisance, came pouring into the general court from all quarters of the colony. The court at first pro ceeded no farther than to adjudge Holmes and his friends to desist from their unchristian separation ; and they were perraitted to retire, having first, how ever, publicly declared that they would follow out the leadings of their consciences, and obey God rather than man. Some time after, they were apprehended on a Sunday, while attending the preaching of one Clark, a baptist, from Rhode Island, who had come to propogate his tenets in Massachusetts. The consta bles who took them into custody carried them to church, as a more proper place of christian worship, where Clark put on his hat the moment that the minister began to pray. Clark, Holmes, and another, were sentenced to pay small fines, or be flogged ; and thirty lashes were actually infficted on Holmes, who resolutely persisted in choosing a punishment that would enable him to show with what constancy he could suffer for what he believed to be the truth. A law was at the same time passed, subjecting to banishment from the colony every person who should openly condemn or oppose the baptisra of infants who should atterapt to seduce others from the use or approbation thereof, or purposely depart from the congregation when that rite was administered, " or deny the ordinance of the magistracy, or their lawful right or authority to make war."t The eagerness with which every collateral charge against the bap tists was credited in the colony, and the vehement impatience with which their claim of toleration was rejected, forcibly indicate the illiberality and delusion by which their persecutors were governed ; and may suggest to the christian philo-sopher a train of reflec tions, no less instructive than interesting, on the self- deceit by which men so commonly infer the honesty of their convictions, and the rectitude of their pro ceedings, from that resentful perturbation which far more truly indicates a secret consciousness of injus tice and inconsistency. There is not a more com mon nor raore pernicious error in the Avorld, than 478,) whence it may be strongly inferred, that they did not in rea lity profess (as they were supposed by the people of Massachusetts lo do) principles adverse to the safety of sociely. The charge pro bably originated in the extravagance of a few of their own num ber, and the impatience and injustice of their adversaries.."— Gra hame, vol, i, p, 345, 346 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 61 that one virtue may be practised at the expense of another. Where sincerity without charity is profess ed, there is always reason to suspect the professor of a dishonest disregard of the secret surmises of his own spirit. The severities that were employed proved in the end totally ineffectual to restrain the growth of the baptist tenets ; though, for the present, the pro fessors of these doctrines appear to have either desisted from holding separate assemblies, or to have retired from Massachusetts."* These proceedings against the baptists were mild ness itself when compared with subsequent coercive measures adopted towards the quakers. There ap pears, indeed, to have been in the latter case a far greater degree of exciting, though by no means amounting to a justificatory cause. We are far from being inclined to give their persecutors full credit for their representation of the conduct of the quakers ;t but after making every abatement for the prejudice of such narrators as Mather and others, there still remains an alraost incredible araount of folly on the part of these enthusiasts, as of cruelty in the ruling party. It was in the raonth of July, 1566, that two females, Mary Fisher and Ann Austin, arrived in New England from Barbadoes ; and not long after, nine more individuals, of the same tenets, came from England. They were very speedily brought before the court of assistants, where they gave what were deemed very contemptuous replies to the interrogatories which they were required to answer ; and the court did not hesitate to commit them to prison. The court ultimately passed sen tence of banishment against thera all ; and required the captain who brought thera from England to find sureties to a heavy amount, that he would carry them out of the colony, detaining them in prison till the vessel was ready to sail. Up to this period there had been no special law for the punishment of quakers ; but they had been proceeded against under the general law respecting heretics. At the next sessions ofthe general court, an * Grahame, vol. i. p, 343—346. t It is the more difficult to realize the absurd errors and the in sane vehemence which were manifested by the quakers of the seventeenth century, since those of the present day are surpassed by none in peaceable and decorous demeanour, in their attachment to civil order, devoted acts of benevolence, and deep interest in the distribution of the sacred volurae. t " Great opposition was made to this law, the raagistrates were The most zealous, and in general for it; bul it was rejected at first by the deputies, afterwards, upon reconsideration, concurred by twelve against eleven, wilh an amendment, that the trial should be by a special jury. Captain Edward Hulchinson, and Captain Tho mas Clark, tw.0 of the court, desired leave to. enter their dissent against this law." — New England Judged. f Mi\lher haj3 collected from the history of the quakers of that day act passed, laying a penalty of one hundred pounds upon the master of any vessel who should bring a known quaker into any part of the colonj'-, ahd requiring him to give security to carry him back again; enacting also, that the quaker should be immediately sent to the house of correction, receive twenty stripes, and afterwards kept to hard labour until transportation. They also laid a penalty of five pounds for importing, and the like for dispersing quakers' books, and severe penalties for defending, their heretical opinions. The next year an addi tional law was made, by which all persons were subjected to the penalty of forty shillings for every hour's entertainment given to any known quaker ; and any quaker, after the first conviction, if a man, was to lose one ear, and a second time the other ; a woman, each tirae to be severely whipped ; and the third time, man or woman, to have their tongues bored through with a red-hot iron ; and every qua ker who should become such in the colony to be subjected to the like punishments. In May, 1658, a penalty of ten shillings was laid on every person present at a quakers' meeting, and five pounds upon every one speaking at such meeting. Notwithstand ing all this severity, the number of quakers, as might well have been expected, increasing rather than diminishing, in October a further law was made for punishing with death all quakers who should return into the jurisdiction after banishment.! It would appear that the enactment of severe laws only heightened the enthusiasm of the advocates of quakerism, especially among its female adherents. Every si^ecies of abuse and reviling of magisterial authority was practised ;§ the divine worship of the colonists was interrupted by their violent conduct ; and even the public decency outraged by (an un doubted fact, though almost incredible) the appea rance of females entirely destitute of clothing in the streets and in their religious asserablies.il It is even said that a quaker, ofthe narae of Faubord, of Grin dletoii, was detected in the act of sacrificing his son. the following epithets, which were applied, he says, to Dr. Owen, and olher worlhy men : " 'Thou fiery fighter and green-headed trumpeter ; thou hedgehog and grinning dog ; thou bastard, that tumbled out of the mouth of the Babylonish bawd ; thou mole ; thou tinker ; thou lizard; thou bell of no melal, bul the tone of a kettle; thoti wheelbarrow; thou whirlpool ; thou whirlegig ; O thou firebrand; thou adder and scorpion ; thou louse ; thou cow-dung; thou moon calf; thou ragged tatterdemalion ; thou Judas ; thou livest in phi losophy and logic, which are of Ihe devil." — Mather's Magnalia, b. vii. p, 26. II " One of the sect apologizing for this behaviour said, ' If the Lord did stir up any of his daughters to be a sign of the naked- ne.ss of others, he believed it to be a great cross to a modest woman's spirit, but the Lord must he obeyed^' " — HutchinsoB p. 204. 62 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. as an imitation of the example of Abraham.* Not withstanding the recently enacted law, rendering every quaker who returned after banishment liable to the punishraent of death, there were several who braved the awful penalty. Robinson, Stephenson, and Dyer, were brought to trial, and for their rebel lion, sedition, and presumptuous obtruding themselves after banishment upon pain of death, were sentenced to die ; the two first were executed the 27th of Octo ber. t Dyer, upon the petition of William Dyer, her son, was reprieved, on condition that she departed the jurisdiction in forty-eight hours, and if she returned to suffer the sentence. She was carried to the gallows, and stood with a rope about her neck until the others were executed. She was so infatu ated as afterwards to return, and was executed June 1, 1660. The court evidently appears to have felt some compunction after these deeds of blood. Honourable repentance is but rarely deemed consistent with the dignity of a public body ; it was resolved, therefore, to put forth a vindication ; and as it is an official document, which places the fact of the execution of persons for their religious tenets, or their propagation of them, at least, by the New England puritans, beyond doubt to the most skeptical, we have given the document at length.! These executions, how ever, notwithstanding their vindication, excited con- • Hutchinson, p. 204. t " Mr. Winthrop, the governor of Connecticut, laboured to pre vent their execution, and Colonel Temple went to the court and told thera, ' that if, according to their declaration, Ihey desired their lives absent, rather than their deaths present, he would carry them away, and provide for them at his own charge ; and if any of them should return, he would fetch them away again,' This motion was well liked by all the magistrates, except two or three, and they proposed it to the deputies the next day, but those two or three ma gistrates, with the deputies, prevailed to have execution done." — Hutchinson, p, 200, t " A Declaration of ilie General Court of Massai^hitsetis, holden at Boston, October 18, 1659, and printed by their Ord.er. Edward Rawson, Secretary. '¦ Although the justice of our proceedings against William Ro binson, Marmaduke Stevenson, and Mary Dyer, supported by the authority of this court, the laws of the country, and the law of God, may rather persuade ns to expect encouragement and com mendation from all prudent and pious men, than convince us of any necessity to apologize for the same ; yet, forasmuch as men of weaker parts, out of pity and commiseration, (a commendable and christian virtue, yet easily abused, and susceptible of sinister and dangerous impressions,) for want of full information, may be less satisfied, and men of perverser principles may lake occasion hereby lo calumniate us aud render us as bloody persecutors — to satisfy the one and stop the mouths of the olher, we thought it re quisite lo declare, That, about three years since, divers persons, professing themselves quakers, (of whose pernicious opinions and practices we had received intelligence from good hands, both from Barbados and England,) arrived at Boston, whose persons were only secured to be sent away by the first opportunity, without cen sure or punishment, although their professed tenets, turbulenl and contemptuous behaviour to authority, would have justified a severer animadversion, yet the prudence of this court was exercised only siderable clamour against the government; many persons were offended by the exhibition of severities, against which the very existence of the colony seem ed designed to be a perpetual testimony ; and raany were touched with a corapassion for the sufferings of the quakers, that effaced all recollection of the dis gust that their principles had heretofore inspired The people began to flock in crowds to the prisons, and load the unfortunate quakers with demonstrations of kindness and pity. At length the rising senti ments of humanity and justice attained such general and forcible prevalence, as to overpower all opposition. On the trial of Leddra, the last of the sufferers, another quaker named Wenlock Christison, who had been banislied upon pain of death, came boldly into court with his hat on, and reproached the magis trates for shedding innocent blood. He was taken into custody, and soon after put upon his trial. When sentence of death was pronounced upon him, he desired his judges to consider what they had gained by their cruel proceedings against the qua kers. " For the last man that was put to death,' said he, " here are five come in his roora ; and if you have power to take my life from me, God can raise up the same principle of life in ten of his servants, and send them among you in my room, that you may have torment upon torment." The law now plainly appeared to be unsupported by in making provision lo secure Ihe peace and order here established against their attempts, whose design (we were well assured of by our own experience, as well as by the example of their predeces sors in Munster) was lo undermine and ruin the sarae. And, ac cordingly, a law was raade and published, prohibiting all raasters of .ships lo bring any quakers into this jurisdiction, and themselves from coming in, on penalty of the house of correction till they could be sent away. Notwithstanding which, by a hack door, they found entrance, and the penalty inflicted upon theraselves proving insufficient lo restrain their impudent and insolent obtrusions, was increased by the loss of the ears of those that offended the second lime ; which also being too weak a defence against their impetuous fanatic fury, necessitated us to endeavour our security ; and upon serious consideralion, after the former experiment, by their inces sant assaults, a law was made, Ihat such persons should be banished on pain of death, according lo the example of England in their provision against Jesuits, which sentence being regularly pro nounced at the last court of assistants against the parties above named, and they either returning or continuing presumptuously in this jurisdiction, after the lime limited, were apprehended, and owning themselves to be the persons banished, were sentenced by the court to death, according to the laT\' aforesaid, which hath been executed upon two of thera, Mary Dyer, upon the petition of her son, and the mercy and clemency of this court, had liberty to de part within two days, which she hath accepted of The considera tion of our gradual proceedings will vindicate us from the clamo rous accusations of severity; our own just and necessary defence calling upon us (other means failing) to offer the point which these persons have violently and wilfully rushed upon, and thereby be come /Wowes (Ze sc, which might have been prevented, and the sove reign law, salus popuH, been preserved. Our former proceedings, as well as the sparing of Mary Dyer upon an inconsiderable inter cession, will manifestly evince we desire their lives, absent, rather than their death, present,"— Hubbard, p, 572, 573. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 63 public consent, and the magistrates hastened to interpose between the sentence and its execution. Christison, and all the other quakers who were in custody, were forthwith released, and sent beyond the precincts of the colony ; and in the first year after the restoration of Charles II., even this deg-ree of persecution was suspended, by a letter from the king to Mr. Endicot, and the other governors of the New England settlements. We have already strongly expressed our opinion on the persecuting principles manifested by this colony ; we shall now only repeat our deep regret, that those who professed to abhor the principles of a Laud or a Bonner, should have so nearly copied their criminal exaraple. It raust be admitted, however, as Dr. Dwight observes, that there is no nation which can cast the first stone at New England. All sects have been persecutors in turn ; if, indeed, we may not except, to their honour, the quakers and the baptists.* In the year 1660, Generals Whalley and Goffe, two of the judges who tried king Charles I., arrived at Boston. Having left London before the king was proclaimed, they did not conceal their persons or characters. They immediately visited Governor En dicot, who gave thera a courteous reception ; but, choosing a situation less public than Boston, they went, on the day of their arrival, to Cambridge. By the act of indemnity, which was brought over in November, it appeared that Whalley and Goffe were excepted from those to whom pardon was offered; and they soon after went to New Haven, where they remained in concealment. The following year, the king appointed the great officers of state a committee, touching the settleraent of New England. Coraplainis being raade to the king against Massachusetts, he comraanded the go vernor and council to send persons to England to answer these various accusations. The governor, on receiving intelligence of the transactions that were taking place in England to the prejudice of the colony, judged it inexpedient longer to delay the soleranity of proclaiming Charles II. Calling the court together, a forra of proclaraation was agreed to, and Charles was acknowledged to be their sovereign lord and king, and proclairaed to be lawful king of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, and all other territories thereto belonging. On receiving intelli gence of farther complaints against the colony of Massachusetts, the court appointed Simon Bradstreet, one of the magistrates, and John Norton, one of the ? It has been said that these sects were never in power; Rhode Island and Pennsylvania, howevs*', contradict this assertion. ministers of Boston, as agents for the colony, and sent an address by them to the king, which met with a gracious reception. The colony received a letter from Charles II., confirming and offering to renew its charter, tendering pardon to aU his subjects, for all offences, excepting such as stood attainted, but requi ring the following conditions ; — That all laws made in the late troubles, derogatory to the royal authority and government, should be repealed ; that the rules of the charter for administering the oath of allegi ance be observed ; that the administration of justice be in the king's name ; and chaj-ging the govern ment, that freedom and liberty of conscience, in the use of the Book of Common Prayer, be allowed ; and that all persons of good and honest lives and conver sations be admitted to the sacrament of the Lord's supper according to it, with an exception to any indulgence to quakers. The letter also enjoined, that there should be impartiality in the election of the governor and of magistrates, without any regard to any faction, with respect to their opinion or pro fession ; that all freeholders of competent estates, not vicious in their lives, and orthodox in religion, though of different persuasions concerning church govern ment, should be admitted to vote. The colonists had, from their first settlement, entertained such an opinion of the nature and extent of their allegiance and obligations to the crown of England, as did not tend to insure a prompt compliance with all these conditions. Believing they were subject to the king, and dependent on his authority, only according to their charter, which some of the requisitions might be thought to infringe, their com.pliance was slow and occasional, as pru dence would admit, or necessity impel them. The answer of the general court to his majesty's letter is characteristic of the colony. After a respectful intro duction, they say, " For the repealing of all laws here established since the late changes, contrary and derogatory to his majesty's authority and govern ment, we, having considered thereof, are not con scious to any of that tendency ; concerning the oath of allegiance, we are ready to attend it as formerly, according to the charter ; concerning liberty to use the Coramon Prayer Book, none as yet among us have appeared to desire it ; touching administration of the sacraments, this matter hath been under consi deration of a synod, orderly called, the result whereof our last general court comraended to the several congregations, and we hope will have a tendency to general satisfaction. "t -t Danforth Papers, in 2 Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. vol. viii. p. 4& Holmes's American Annals, vol. i. 323.. 64 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. The New England colonies had certainly evinced a repubUcan tendency ; it was not to be expected, therefore, that they should be favoured in the com mercial arrangements with the mother country ; indeed, the interests of the latter were generally raade an object of preference by the British legislature. In 1663 it was enacted, that no European commodity should be imported into the colonies, unless shipped directly from England, and in British vessels. By this regulation, in connexion with others that had been previously made, all the trade of the colonies was secured to Great Britain. They submitted reluctantly to these restrictions, and often raade thera the subject of complaint ; but the English ,»-overnment pertinaciously declined to repeal them. During the year 1664, the king despatched four commissioners to visit the several colonies of New England, to examine into their condition, to hear and decide complaints, and to make hira a report of their proceedings and observations. This measure appeared dictated by no friendly feeling, and was considered by most of the colonists as a violation of their charters. The first session of the coramission- ers was at Plymouth, where but little business was transacted ; the next in Rhode Island, where they heard complaints from the Indians, and all who were discontented, and made divers determinations re- .specting titles to land, which were but little regarded. In Massachusetts, the general court complied with such of their requisitions as they thought proper ; but, professing sincere loyalty to his majesty, declined acknowledging their authority, and protested against the exercise of it within their liraits. In conse quence of this assertion of their rights, an angry correspondence took place between them, at the close of which the comraissioners informed the jreiie- ral court, that they would lose no more of their labours upon them, but would represent their con duct to his majesty. From Boston, the commission ers proceeded to New Hampshire, where they exer cised several acts of governraent, and offered to release the inhabitants from the jurisdiction of Massa chusetts. This offer was almost unanimously reject ed. In Maine, they excited more disturbance. They encouraged the people to declare themselves inde pendent, and found raany disposed to listen to their suggestions ; but Massachusetts, by a prorapt and vigorous exertion of power, constrained the disaffected to submit to her authority. At the termination of the first half century from the arrival of the emigrants at Plymouth, the New England colonies were calculated to contain one hundred and twenty towns, and as raany thousand inhabitants, of whom sixteen thousand were capable of bearing arms. The habits of industry and econo my, which had been formed in less happy times. continued to prevail, and gave a competency to those who had nothing, and wealth to those who had a competency. The wilderness receded before these hardy and persevering labourers, and its savage inhabitants found their game dispersed, and their favourite haunts invaded. This was the natural consequence of the sales of land, Avhich they were at all times ready to make to the whites. But this result the Indians did not foresee ; and when they felt it in all its force, the strongest passions were awakened which could animate the savage breast. A leader only was wanting to concentrate and direct their exertions, and Philip, of Pokanoket, sachem of a tribe residing within the boundaries of Plymouth and Rhode Island, assumed that station. His father was the friend, but he had ever been the enemy of the whites ; and he exerted all the arts of intrigue, of which he was master, to induce the Indians, in all parts of New England, to unite their efforts for Iheii destruction. He succeeded in forming a confede racy, able to send into action more than three thou sand warriors. The English were apprised of the plots of the Indians, and made preparations to meet their hostili ties. They hoped, however, that the threatened storm would pass by, as others had, and that peace would be preserved. But the insolence of Philip, and the number of his adherents, increased daily ; and, in June, 1675, some of them entered the town of Swanzey, in Plymouth, where, after slaughtering the cattle, and plundering the houses, they fired upon the inhabitants, killing and wounding several. The troops of the colony marched immediately to Swan zey, and were soon joined by a detachment from Massachusetts. The Indians fled, and marked the course of their flight by burning the buildings, and fixing on poles by the way side, the hands, scalps, and heads of the whites, whom they had killed. The troops pursued, but unable to overtake them returned to Swanzey. The whole country was alarmed, and the nuraber of troops augmented, Ey this array of force, Philip was induced to quit his residence at Mount Hope, and fake post near a swamp at Pocasset. At that place the English attacked hira, but were repulsed. Sixteen were killed, and the Indians by this success were made bolder. Most of the settlements were surrounded by thick forests, and as the Indians lived intermixed with the whites, the former were acquainted, o^ course, with HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 65 the dwellings of the latter, and all the avenues to them ; could watch their motions, and fall upon them in their defenceless and unguarded moments. Many were shot dead as they opened their doors in the morning ; many while at work in their fields, and others while travelling to visit their neighbours, or to places of worship ; their lives were in continual jeopardy ; and no one could tell but that, in the next moment, he should receive his death shot from his barn, the thicket, or the way side. Whenever the eneray assembled in force, detachments were sent against them ; if weaker than these, they would retreat ; if stronger, assault and harass, or destroy them. Defenceless villages were suddenly attacked, the houses burned, and the men, woraen and children killed or carried into captivity. Their ruin was the work of a moraent ; and when accomplished, its authors vanished. The colonists found their num bers sensiblj'^ diminished, and their strength impaired; and they began to apprehend even total extinction. Nothing but a vigorous effort could save them. The commissioners of the three United Colonies met on the 9th of September, and it was concluded, that the war was just and necessary ; that it ought to be jointly prosecuted by all the United Colonies ; and that there should be immediately raised 1000 soldiers out of the colonies, in such proportions as the articles of confederation established : Massachusets, 527 ; Plymouth, 158 ; Connecticut, 315. At an adjourned meeting, the commissioners declared the Narragan- sets to be deeply accessory in the present bloody outrages of the Indians that were at open war, and deternuned that 1000 more soldiers be raised, for the Narraganset expedition, to obtain satisfaction of those Indians, or to treat them as enemies. On the Sth of December, the Massachusetts forces marched from Boston, and were soon joined by those of Plymouth. The troops from Connecticut joined them on the 18th, at Petaquamscot. At break of day the next morning they commenced their march, through a deep snow, toward the enemy, who were about fifteen miles distant in a swamp, at the edge of which they arrived at one in the afternoon. The Indians, apprized of an armament intended against them, had fortified theraselves as strongly as possible within the swamp. The English, without waiting to draw up in order of battle, marched forward in quest of the enemy's camp. The Indian fortress stood on a rising ground in the midst of the swamp, and was composed of palisades, which were encora- * " The assurance of the equity of our ancestors," says the compi- er of the American Annals, " in giving the natives an equivalent for tiieir lanas, is highly consoling, 'The upright and respected Governor Vol. I.— Nos. 5 & 6 P passed by a hedge, nearly a rod thick. It had but one practicable entrance, which was over a log, or tree, four or five feet frora the ground ; and that aperture was guarded by a block-house. Falling providentially on this very part of the fort, the English captains entered it, at the head of their com panies. The two first, with many of their men, were shot dead at the entrance : four other captains were also killed. When the troops had effected an entrance, they attacked the Indians, who fought desperately, and corapelled the English to retire out of the fort; but after a hard fought battle of three hours, they became masters of the place, and set fire to the wigwams, to the nuraber of five or six hundred, and in the conflagration raany Indian women and children perished. The surviving Indians fled into a cedar swamp, at a small distance ; and the English retired to their quarters. Of the English, there were killed and wounded about two hundred and thirty ; of the Indians, one thousand are supposed to have perished. From this blow, the confederated Indians never recovered ; but they still remained sufficiently strong to harass the settlements by continual inroads. In retaliation, the English sent several detachments into their territories, nearly all of whicli were suc cessful. Captain Church, of Plymouth, and Captain Dennison, of Connecticut, were conspicuous for their bravery and success. In the midst of these reverses, Philip remained firm and unshaken. His warriors were cut off; his chief men, his wife and family, were killed, or taken prisoners ; and at these suc cessive misfortunes, he is represented to have wept with a bitterness which proves him not to have been destitute of the noblest affections ; but he dis dained to listen to any offers of peace. He even shot one of his raen, who proposed submission. At length, after being hunted from swamp to swamp, he was himself shot, by the brother of the Indian he had killed. The death of Philip, in retrospect, makes different impressions from those which were made at the time of the event. It was then considered as the extinction of a virulent and implacable enemy ; it is now viewed as the fall of a great warrior, a penetrating statesman, and a mighty prince : it then excited universal joy and congratulation, as a pre lude to the close of a merciless war ; it now awa kens sober reflections on the instability of empire, and the peculiar destiny of the aboriginal race.* This event was certainly the signal of complete Winslow, in a letter dated at Marshfield, May 1, 1676, observes, ' I think I can clearly say, that before these present troubles broke out, the English did not possess one foot of land in this colony, bu'. 56 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. victory. The Indians in all the neighbouring coun try now generally submitted to the English, or fled, and incorporated themselves with distant and strange nations. Never was peace more welcome. In this short, but tremendous war, about six hundred of the inhabitants of New England, composing its principal strength, were either killed in battle, or murdered by the enemy ; twelve or thirteen towns were entirely destroyed ; and about six hundred buildings, chiefiy dwelling houses, were burnt. In addition to these calamities, the colonies contracted a very heavy debt ; while, by the loss of their sub stance through the ravages of the enemy, their resources were greatly diminished. But, in their deepest distress, they forbore to apply to the mother country for assistance ; and this omission excited surprise and jealousy. " You act," said a privy councillor, " as though you were independent of our master's crown ; and though poor, yet you are proud." The New England colonies, in their impoverished state, were destined to a new scene of trouble. Cora- plaints were brought against thera the preceding year, by the raerchants and manufacturers of England, for their disregard to the acts of navigation.* The governors of these colonies were therefore com manded to enforce a strict obedience to the commer cial regulations. Commissions were transmitted, empowering proper persons to administer an oath, framed to secure a strict observance of those laws.t These laws being enacted by a parliament in which the colonies were not represented, they were regarded as violations of their rights, and continued to be evaded with impunity. Edward Randolph was therefore sent over, commissioned as inspector of the customs in New England. He was also the bearer of a letter from the king, requiring that agents should be sent to the court of I.iondon, fully empowered to act for the colonies. It was well understood to be the intention of the king to procure from the agents a surrender of the charters, or to annul them by a suit in his courts, that he might hiraself place ofiicers over the colonies, who would be subservient to his what was fairly obtained by honest purchase of the Indian proprie tors. We first made a law, that none should purchase or receive of gift any land of the Indians, without the knowledge and allow ance of our court. And lest they should be straitened, we ordered Ihat Mount Hope, Pocasset, and several other necks of the best land in the colony, because most suitable and convenient for them, .should never be bought out of their hands.' " See Hubbard's Nar rative, (where this imporlant letter is inserted entire,) and Hazard, Coll. ii. p, 531—534. • " The complainants stated, that the inhabitants of New Eng land not onl}' traded to most parts of Europe, but encouraged fo reigners to go and traffic with thera ; that they supplied the other plantations ¦with those foreign productions which ought only to be views. The inhabitants of Massachusetts felt that to be deprived of their charter, which secured to thera the right of self-governraent, would be the great est of calamities ; and their agents were instructed in no emergency to surrender it. This being known to the king, a prosecution was instituted against the corporation, and, in 1684, a subservient court of chancery decreed that the charter should be forfeited ; and their liberties were seized into the king's hands. Thus fell the old charter of this ancient colony, under which the colonists, during fifty-five years, had enjoyed liberty and prosperity ; not without encountering frequent aggressions to preserve the one, and incessant difficulties to attain the other. But, though the charter was gone, the spirit which it had cherished, and the habits which it had forraed, were retained. Who would then have deemed it credible, that, within a century, its independence would be acknowledged by the parent state ? The impediments to the royal will being thus removed, James established a temporary government over the colony, first appointing Joseph Dudley governor, but he was soon superseded by Sir Edmund Andros. This latter .appointment caused the most gloomy forebodings. Sir Edmund had been governor of New York, and it was known that his conduct there had been arbitrary and tyrannical. Having secured a majority in the council, he assumed con trol over the press, appointing Randolph licenser. He established new and oppressive regulations con cerning taxes, public worship, marriages, and the settlement of estates. His subordinate officers, as well as himself, extorted enormous fees for their servi ces. He declared, that the charter being cancelled, the old titles to land were of no validity, and com pelled the inhabitants, in order to avoid suits before judges dependent on his will, to take out new patents, for which large sums were demanded. Happily, this despotic rule was not of long dura tion. In the beginning of 1689, a rumour reached Boston, that William, prince of Orange, had invaded England, with the intention of dethroning the king. Animated by the hope of deliverance, the peopfe sent to England; that, having thus made New England the great sta ple of the colonies, the navigation of the kingdom was greatly pre judiced, the national revenues were irapaired, the people were ex tremely impoverished ; that such abuses, at the same time that they will entirely destroy the trade of England, will leave no sort of dependence from that country lo this." — Holmes's American An nals, vol. i, p, 384, 385. t " To add weight to these measures, it was determined, that no Mediterranean passes should be granted to Ne^w England, to protect its vessels against the Turks, till it is seen what dependence it will acknowledge on his majesty, or whelher his custora-house officers are received as in other colonies," — Holmes's American Annals, yol, i, p, 385, Chalmers, b, i, p, 400—402. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 67 rushed spontaneously to arms, took possession of the fort, seized Andros, Randolph, and other obnoxious persons, and placed them in confinement. A council of safety, consisting of their former magistrates, was then organized, to administer the government until authentic intelligence should be received from Eng land. It was not raany weeks before the tidings that William and Mary were firmly seated on the throne arrived. This news was most joyfully recei ved. The people were now relieved frora anxiety as to the consequences of their late conduct, which must be allowed to have been more signalized by enthusiastic zeal, than by a calculating prudence. The proclamation of the accession of William and Mary was celebrated at Boston with greater cere mony than any previous event ; the governor and council, civil and military ofiicers, the merchants and principal gentlemen of the town and country, mounted on horseback, forraed a grand procession ; a splendid entertainment was provided in the town- hall ; and the soldiers were supplied with wine, in which to pledge their fidelity to their new sovereign. The people of Massachusetts now applied to the British government for the restoration of their old, or the grant of a new charter. A definitive answer was deferred, but the council was authorized to administer the government according to the pro visions of the old charter, until further directions should be given ; and Andros, Randolph, and others, were ordered horae for trial. In this unsettled state of the country, the French in Canada and Nova Scotia instigated the northern and eastern Indians to commence hostilities against the English settlements. Dover and Salmon Falls, in New Hampshire, Casco, in Maine, and Schenectady, in New York, were attacked by different parties of French and Indians, and the most shocking barba rities perpetrated on the inhabitants. The Indians liaving taken the fort at Pernaquid, and the French privateers from Acadie still infesting the coast of New England, the general court of Massachusetts determined to make an attempt on Port Royal. A fleet, with seven or eight hundred men, under the command of Sir William Phipps, sailed on that expe dition in the latter end of April. The fort at Port Royal, not being in a state to sustain a siege, surren dered, with little or no resistance; and Sir William took possession of the whole sea coast, from Port Royal to the New England settlements. Regarding Canada as the principal source of their miseries. New England and New York forraed the bold project of reducing it to subjection. By great exertion they raised an army, which, under the com mand of General Winthrop, was sent against Mont real, and equipped a fleet, which, coramanded by Sir William Phipps, was destined to attack Cluebec. The fleet, retarded by unavoidable accidents, did not arrive before Cluebec until the fifth of October. Phipps, the next raorning, sent a summons on shore, but received an insolent answer from Count Fronte nac. The next day he attempted to land his troops, but was prevented by the violence of the wind. On the Sth, all the effective men, amounting to between twelve and thirteen hundred, landed at the Isle of Orleans, four miles below the town, and were fired on from the woods by French and Indians. Having remained on shore three days, they received informa tion from a deserter of the strength of the place, and precipitately embarked. A tempest soon after dis persed the fleet, which made the best of its way back to Boston. A successful result had been so confi dently expected, that adequate provision was not made at home for the payment of the troops. In this extremity, the government of Massachusetts issued bills of credit, or paper money ; and these were the first that were ever issued in the American colonies ; but though it afforded relief at the moment, it produced in its consequences extensive and com plicated mischief When the colonists resumed their charter in 1689, they earnestly solicited its re-establishment, with the addition of some necessary powers ; but the king could not be prevailed on to consent to that mea sure, and a new charter was obtained. Sir William Phipps arrived at Boston in May, with this char ter, and a commission, constituting hira governor. The province coraprehended in the new charter, contained the whole of the old Massachusetts colo ny, to which were added the colony of Plymouth, the province of Maine, the province of Nova Sco tia, and all the country between the province of Maine and Nova Scotia, as far northward as the river St. Lawrence, also Elizabeth islands, and the Islands of Nantucket and Martha's Vineyard. Under the old charter, all the magistrates and officers of state were chosen annually by the general assembly; by the new charter, the appointment of the governor, lieutenant governor, secretary, and all the officers of the admiralty, was vested in the crown. Under the old charter, the governor had little more share in the administration than any one of the assistants ; he had the power of calhng the general court, but he could not adjourn, prorogue, or dissolve it. Under the new charter, there was to be an annual meeting ot the general court on the last Wednesday in May ; but the governor might discretionally call an assem 68 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. bly at any other time, and adjourn, prorogue, and dissolve it at pleasure, while no act of government was to be valid without his consent. He had also the sole appointment of all military officers, and of all officers belonging to the courts of justice ; and no money could issue out of the treasury but by his warrant, with the advice and consent of the council. The new charter contained nothing respecting an ecclesiastical constitution ; but, with the exception of papists, liberty of conscience, which was not mentioned in the first charter, was now expressly granted to all. The new government went into operation without any opposition frora the inhabitants ; and almost the first act of Sir William Phipps and his council, was the institution of a court to try the unfortunate vic tims of popular delusion, accused of witchcraft, at Salera. "A belief in the direct and sensible agency of supernatural beings has universally prevailed in ages of ignorance and superstition. It forraed the life of the pagan mythology ; and it has not been * Murray, Vol. i, p, 294. t From the mountains of Scotland, or from an indigenous growth of superstition, witchcraft had, in England, gained such an alarming height, as it was called, that a statute was passed against the crime in the thirty-third year of the reign of Henry VIII,, making it felony, without the benefit of clergy. Many miserable wretches suffered death under this law, but the evil was not dimi nished by severity. In the reign of Elizabeth, a reverend prelate, Bishop Jewell, loudly descanted before her upon the prevalence of the crime, and atterapted, by his harangue, to awaken the fears of the queen ; but she thought she knew as much as any old wo man in her realms. This sermon was preached in 1558, In 1584, Reginald Scot, a bold writer, in the strong spirit of common sense, in his treatise on the " Discoverie of Witchcraft," made a complete detection of the wretched fallacy. This work, say the historians, had a good effect for a while, but King James, in 1597, wrote his work on " Deraonologie," and the roy.al dupe to superstition had the most readers, and the good effects of Scot's work were, in a great measure, lost. Persecutions still went on, and the old and ignorant perished by the infatuation in great numbers. Our an cestors, 'hough a quiet and a religious people, brought wilh thera nil the prejudices of their kindred, as well as their own, Araongst these prejudices was that of a full belief in witchcraft, and as soon as they began to make laws of a permanent nature for offences, this crime was considered as capital, and enumerated the next after treason and murder in the records of the Old Colony, dated at New Plymouth, November 15, 1636, The language of the law, in defining the crime, is, "Solemne compaction, or conversing with the divell, by way of wU,:hcraft, conjuration, or the like." But on a care ful examination of all the Old Colony records, not a single indict ment was found until the month of March, 1676, when Mary Ing ham, wife of Tliomas Ingham, ofthe town of Scituate, was indicted for bewitching Mehitable Woodworth, daughter of Walter Wood- worth, of the same place. The woman was not convicted, and no other case occurred until the union under the charter of William and Mary. In other parts of the present Commonwealth there were several trials, and some convictions. In Charlestown, in 1648, Margaret Jones was tried for a witch and executed. She was the first executed in New England. In 1651, Mary Parsons, of Springfileld, was tried for witchcraft and murder. Slie was acquitted of the former, but found guilty of the latter crime. The next May, her husband, Hugh Parsons, was tried for witchcraft, and acquitted ; but in three years after wards, 1655, Mrs, Hibbons, ¦wife of an assistant to the Governor, was trje4i convicted, autl excQUled as a witch, EJer death was wholly effaced among the less enlightened professors of Christianity, especially amid those superstitious forms which defaced it during the dark ages. Even the first reformers, who displayed such vigour and independence of mind, and brought to light so many important truths, could not wholly shake off the delusions of the age. Luther's enemies are able to produce from his writings sorae comments of this nature, which appear almost incredible. The New Englanders brought with them this behef, still in a very prevailing state ; and all the circumstances of their situation tended to stamp on their minds solemn and supernatural impressions."* Mather, after Hale, defines a witch to be " a person who, having the free use of reason, doth knoAvingly and willingly seek and obtain of the devil, or of any other besides the true God, an ability to do or know strange things, or things which he cannot by his own huraan abili ties arrive unto. This person is a witch." The first trials for witchcraft in New England* occur- deeply felt, as most persons considered her a woman of fine intel lect and good character. This execution checked the infatuation for several years in the Commonwealth. Connecticut was the next in which it was found. It broke out there in 1662-71-73-83, and made no small disturbance ; some were executed and some escaped. In 1679, it again appeared in Massachusetts, at New bury ; but nothing serious followed. In 1687, and the next year, the cry of witchcraft was again heard in Boston. The four child ren of John Goodwin were declared to be afflicted by an old Irish woman, who was tried and executed. This last case was four years before the delusion reached Salem, and it is impossible for us to tell why that good town should bear the whole obloquy of the New England witchcraft, when she only followed the example of Boston, after it had been before her for thirty years. In most histories of delusions, the lower classes become frantic, and overwhelm the still small voice of the wise ; but il was not so here. It began in respectable families, but the good sense of the commonalty would have soon put it down, if divines, magistrates, and statesmen, had not aided the delusion by arguments from scrip ture, frora the opinion of English judges, and from the learned nonsense of the doctors of universities, Phipps, Stoughton, Ma ther, Hawthorn, and Norris, pursued witches as though they had been possessed by some evil spirits at war with the former ; and after all their efforts, jurymen often stood out and took the respon- .sibility of an acquittal upon their own consciences, and when forced by authority to convict some poor wretch, repented of it, and threw the blarae on the judges. One of the judges of that day had good sense enough lo see the folly and wickedness of the course pursued, and after a struggle to stera the current, but in vain, retreated from the scene of iniquity. This man was Judge Saltonstall, of Haver hill. He deserves a monument more durable than brass, — it will hereafter be erected. The friends of coramon sense and huraanity, at this time, found a powerful advocate in Mr. Robert Calef, a merchant of Boston. He, like Reginald Scot, breasted the current of popular opinion, and incurred the resentment of the Mathers. His book, a perusal of which is now so refreshing, was burnt in the yard of Harvard College, by the hands of the president of that institution. Calef published his work in England, in 1700, and it has lately been repub lished in Salera. It is a subject of philosophical inquiry, at the present time, to as certain the course of this delusion ; perhaps it will never be fully set tled. " Our fathers," says a writer of eminence, " looked upon na ture with more reverence and horror before the world was enlight ened by leEtrning and philosophy ; anij Igved to astonish themselves HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 69 red in the year 1645, when four persons charged with this crime were put to death in Massachusetts. For more than twenty years after, we hear but little of any similar prosecutions. But, in the year 1688, a woman was executed for witchcraft at Boston, after sn investigation conducted with a degree of solem nity that made a deep impression on the minds of the people. The suspicions of the people thus pow erfully awakened in this direction, the charges of witchcraft began gradually to raultiply, till, at length, there commenced at Salem that dreadful tragedy which rendered New England for raany raonths a scene of bloodshed, terror, and madness, and at one time seemed to threaten the subversion of civil so ciety. In February, 1692, a daughter and a niece of Mr. Paris, the minister of Salem, were afflicted with disorders affecting their bodies in a manner soraewhat singular. The physicians, unable to ex plain the nature of the disease, or to effect a cure, pronounced them bewitched ; and the children, hear ing of this, declared that an Indian woman who lived in the house was the cause of their torments. Mr. Paris concurred with the physicians. Several private fasts were kept at his house, and the gloom was increased by a solemn fast throughout the co lony. The Indian woman confessed herself guilty. The children were visited, noticed, and pitied. This encouraged them to persevere, and other children, either from sympathy, or the desire of similar atten tions, exhibited similar contortions. From this mo ment the evil spread daily wider and wider. Several females charged Mr. Burroughs, a clergyman, with using against them the arts of necromancy, and an indictment against him was speedily drawn up. Be ing brought to trial, he argued, " that there neither are nor ever were witches, that, having made a cora- with the apprehensions of witchcraft, prodigies, charms, and en chantments. There was not a village in England that had not a ghost in it ; the church yards were all haunted ; every large com mon had a circle of witches belonging to it ; and there was scarcely a shepherd to be met with that had not seen a spirit," This was not confined to England, but was in full credit in all the northern countries, " The gloomy state of New England probably facilitated the de lusion, for superstition flourishes in times of danger and dismay," Some portion of the people were mourning over the toiss of the, old charter; and others were grieving at the great expenses the, colonies had incurred in their abortive attempt on the Canadas, Moral causes often produce physical evils. But after all, the folly of receiving what they called " spiritual evidence," can never be atoned for. Men had indeed lost their reason. It was an evil ?.hat in time produced abundance of good. Superstition has never reared its head there successfully since. — American Editor. * " The statement afterwards given in by Deliverance Dane, Abigail Baker, and four other females, affords an affecting descrip tion of the impulses which induced them to adopt this criminal course. ' Joseph Ballard of Andover's wife being sick,' say they, ' he either from himself, or the advice of others, fetched two of the persons CEvUe4 the affiicted persons from Sa,lem villa.ge to Andover, pact with the devil, can send a devil to torment other people at a distance." This Avas a flight far beyond; the place or age ; his defence was declared altogether frivolous, and sentence of death was at once pro nounced. The evil, however, instead of being checked, spread more and more. The accused were multiplied in proportion to the accusers. Children denounced their parents, and parents their children. A word from those who were supposed to be affiicted, occasioned the arrest of the devoted victim ; and so firraly convinced were the magistrates that the prince of darkness was in the midst of them, using human instruments to accomplish hip purposes, that the slightest testimony was deemed sufficient to justify a comraitraent for trial. The court specially instituted for this purpose held a session in June, and after wards several others by adjournment. Many were tried, and received sentence of death, and twenty persons were executed, one of whora was pressed to death because he would not plead ! By a most un accountable departure frora the first principles of ju risprudence, all that confessed the crime, if imputed to thera, were reprieved ; and only those who main tained their innocence had capital, punishment in flicted on them. What was still more horrible, the confessed criminals were admitted- witnesses against the lives of their fellow-sufferers. By this absurd arrangement, those who were possessed of that high integrity, which will endure death rather than utter deliberate falsehood, fell under the hand of the exe cutioner, while the ignoble and dishonest preserved their lives.* Even amidst those who had been over come with the powerful temptation arising from the desire to esQ^pe tlie dreadful doom of those who per sisted in their innocence, there were some, who, on mature reflection, did not hesitate to retract their which was the cause of that dreadful calamity which befel us at Andover. We. were blindfolded, and our hands were laid on the afflicted persons, they being, in their fits, and falling into these fits at our coming into their presence, and then they said that we were guilty of afflicting them, whereupon we were all seized as prisoners by a warrant from the justice of peace, and forthwith carried to Salem; and by reason of that sudden surprisal, ¦we knowing ourseljves altogether innocent of that crime, we were all exceedingly astonished; and amazed, and consternated, and af frighted out of our reason ; and our dearest relations seeing us in that dreadful condition, and knowing our great danger, they, out of tender love and pity, persuaded us to confess what we did con fess ; and, indeed, that confession was no other than what was sug gested to us by sorae gentlemen, they telling us that we were witches, and they knew it, and we knew it, and they knew that we knew it, which made us think that we were so, and our understanding, and our reason, and our faculties being almost gone, we were not ca pable of judging of our condition ; as also the hard measures they used with us rendered us incapable of making any defence, but we said any thing and every thing they desired, and most of what we said was, in fact, but a coiisenting to what they said,' ".r^-J^eale, vol, ii, p, 160—162, ro HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. forced confessions, though death looked them full in the face. Samuel Wardmel was the first who ven tured to act so noble a part ; and he was immediately put on his trial, condemned, and executed ! Others were not prevented, however, from following this most meritorious example ; and this conduct shook the faith of many, and threw discredit on the nume rous confessions which had continually occurred.* The " defenders of the faith" in witchcraft, when summoned by their opponents to produce a confes sion free from just grounds of suspicion, felt them selves in a very difficult predicament, as all the con fessions raust lie under the imputation of being given to insure the important purpose of saving their necks frora the halter ; and how does posterity blush for them, when they tender, as their best defence, such miserable trash as the following confession of W. B. : " God having called me to confess my sin and apos tacy in that fall, in giving the devil advantage over me, appearing in the shape of a black man, in the evening, to set ray name to his book, as I have owned to my shame, he told me that I should not want, so doing. At Salem village, there being, a little off" the meeting-house, about a hundred fine blades, some with rapiers by their sides, which was called, and might be for aught I know, by B. and Bu, and the trumpet sounded, and bread and wine, which they called the sacrament ; but I had none, being carried over all on a stick, and never was present at any other meeting. I being at cart last Saturday all the day of hay and English corn, the devil brought my shape to Salem, and did afflict M. S. and R. F. by ditching my hand ; and on sabbath-day my shape afflicted A. M,, &c. The design was to destroy Sa lem village, and to begin at the minister's house, and to destroy the churches of God, and to set up Satan's kingdom, and then all will be well. And now I hope God hath made rae in some measure sensible of my sin and apostacy, begging pardon of God, and of the honourable raagistrates, and all God's people ; hoping, and promising, by the help of God, to set to my heart and hand to do what lieth in me to destroy such wicked worship ; humbly begging the prayers of God's people foi rae, I may walk humbly under all this great affliction, and that I may procure to myself the sure mercies of David."t * One poor girl, of the name of Mary Jacobs, deserves to be immortalized, more than half the names that shine so .splendidly on the page of history. She gives Ihe following account, in a letter to her raother : " I having, Ihrough the threats of the magistrates, and my own vile and wretched heart, confessed several things contrary lo my own conscience and knowledge, though lo the wounding of my own soul, the Lord pardon me for it ; but, oh ! the terrors of a wounded conscience who can bear ! But, blessed be the Lord, The nature of the evidence by which these chiirges of demoniacal possession were sustained, was quite consistent with the confession we have just quoted. A specimen from Mather Avill sufficiently attest the truth of this observation. " It is well known," says that historian, " that these wicked spectres did pro ceed so far as to steal several quantities of raoney from divers people, part of which individual money was dropt sometimes out of the air, before sufficient spectators, into the hands of the afllicted, while the spectres were urging thera to subscribe their cove nant with death. Moreover, poisons to the stan- ders-by, wholly invisibly, were sometimes forced upon the afflicted ; which, when they have, with much reluctancy, swallowed, they have swoln pre sently, so that the comraon medicines for poisons have been found necessary to relieve them. Yea, sometimes the spectres in the struggles have so dropt the poisons, that the standers-by have smelt them, and viewed them, and beheld the pillows of the miserable stained with them. Yet more, the mise rable have complained bitterly of burning rags run into their forcibly distended mouths ; and though nobody could see any such cloths, or indeed, any fires in the chambers, yet, presently, the scalds were seen plainly by every body on the mouths of the complainers, and not only the smell, but the smoke of the burning, sensibly filled the chambers. Once more, the miserable exclaimed extremely of branding irons heating at the fire on the hearth to mark them ; now, though the standers-by could see no irons, yet they could see distinctly the print of them in the ashes, and smell them too as they were carried by the not-seen ftiries unto the poor creatures for whom they were intended ; and those poor creatures were thereupon so stigmatized with them, that they will bear the marks of them to their dying day. Nor are these the tenth part of the prodigies that fell out among the inhabitants of New England. — Flashy people may burlesque these things, but when hun dreds of the most sober people in a country, where they have as much mother- wit certainly as the rest of mankind, know them to be true, nothing but the absurd and froward spirit of Sadducism can question thera. I have not yet raentioned so much as one thing that will not be justified, if it be required, by he would not let me go on in my sins, but in mercy, I hope, lo my soul, would not suffer rae to keep il in any longer ; but I was forced to confess the truth of all before the magistrates, who would not believe me, and God knows how soon I shall be put to death. Dear father, let me beg your prayers to Ihe Lord in my behalf, and send us a joyful and happy meeting in heaven." — Neale, vol. ii p. 146, 147. t Mather, b. vi. p. 81. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 7 J the oaths of more considerate persons than any that can ridicule these odd phenomena." To such an extent of idiocy did this folly proceed, that irrational animals did not escape suspicion, and a dog was actually hanged as being an accomplice with his master ! After this, we shall be excused, perhaps, taking our stand amongst the " flashy peo ple" who " burlesque these things ;" or rather amongst those who grieve that so much ignorance and folly could possibly exist, combined with such excellent mental and moral qualities, as those with which we find it associated, both in the parent country and the colonies, during the seventeenth century. Emboldened by their success, and carried away by the enthusiasm of deception, the accusers took higher aim, and levelled their shafts of malice against many of the most respectable as well as virtwous inhabit ants, including rainisters, and even the governor hiraself The community were thrown into conster nation. Each felt alarm for himself, his family, and his friends. The shock roused them to reflection. They considered more closely the character of the accusers ; the nature of the alleged crime ; the testi mony, often contradictory, and never explicit ; and more than all these, the high standing of some who were implicated ;* and they began to doubt whether they had not been too credulous and precipitate. Of fifty-six bills which were presented at the next ses sions, the grand jury threw out thirty, rejecting, in some instances, even the confession of the accused. Of the remaining twenty-six the petty jury condemn ed only three ; but the governor had now determined to make a general sweep of the whole proceedings. He pardoned all those under sentence, threw open the prison doors, and turned a deaf ear to all the outcries and groans of the afflicted ; and, in order to prevent the dissensions that might arise from retri- butory proceedings against the accusers and their witnesses, he proclairaed a general pardon to all persons for any concern they raight have had in the prosecutions for witchcraft. The believers in witch craft anticipated the raost gloomy consequences frora the free scope thus given to the operations of the powers of darkness. Great then was their surprise to find that from this moment all the troubles of the afflicted ceased, and were never more heard of. Many * The reasons given by the historian, were not the only oper ating causes in staying this wide spreading evil ; several actions for slander were brought by persons accused, against their fanati cal slanderers ; and the damages in these cases were laid to an amount so far above their means, that it was impossible for them to procure bail ; of course, the defendants were imprisoned, and this frightened the whole tribe of those who had, with impunity, falsely accused whom they pleased, and thus were they completely of the witnesses now came forward and published the most solemn recantations of the testimony they had formerly given, both against themselves and others ; apologizing for their perjury by a protestation, ol which all were constrained to admit the force, that no other means of saving their lives had been left to thera. Many ofthe jurymen subscribed and published a declaration, lamenting and condemning the delu sion to which they had yielded, and acknowledging that they had brought the reproach of innocent blood on their native land. The house of assembly appointed a general fast, and prayer, " that God would pardon all the errors of his servants and peo ple in a late tragedy raised among us by Satan and his instruments." Mr. Paris, the clergyman wh.o had instituted the first prosecutions, and promoted all the rest, sensible, at length, how dreadfully erro neous his conduct had been, hastened to make a public profession of repentance, and solemnly begged forgivcnes.s of God and man. But the people decla ring that they would never more attend the ministry of one who had been the instrument of mise-ry and ruin to so many of their countryraen, he was obliged to resign his charge, and depart from Salem. This scene of delusion and cruelty, which has justly excited the astonishment and reprehension of all civilized nations,t indicates most powerfully the truth, that the doctrines of Christianity were not designed by their Divine Promulgator to supersede the possession of general knowledge ; but that there is no department of knowledge, the acquisition of which does not tend to exhibit the beauties of Christi anity more fully, and give to its purifying efficacy a more expansive surface on which to operate. This is especially the case with mental and moral philoso phy. Had these excellent men been acquainted with the structure of the human mind, they would have at once devised far other methods to counteract the delusions of afflicted childhood and half civilized Indians, than the halter and the executioner ; and never would have disgraced the name of Christi anity, which they pre-eminently bear, with a degree of superstition and folly equal to that of the darkest ages of popery or of heathenism. Let some of those who now stand foremost in the ranks of Christian profession ask themselves faithfully, whether, in their silenced. This species of action has often been prosecuted since, with great benefit to sociely. — Am. Ed. + It is but justice to the inhabitants of New Eng]a,nd to observe, that though the present age may censure the past for its supersti^ tion neither England nor any other nation is entitled to cast the first stone at them. More persons were put to death in Englant} in a single county in a few months, than suffered in all Ihe coloni-as during the whole period of their existence. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. deficiency of general knowledge, and their rigid attachment to party, they do not imitate the repre hensible features of the puritan character, while they leave far behind their devoted zeal, manifested in the heroic sacrifices they raade for the all-iraportant truths to which they were so ardently attached. It is raatter of satisfaction to the historian, that his attention is net again to be diverted, in the annals of this state, frora his peculiar province, to record events which, had the intention of religion been rightly apprehended, would not have intermixed with civil affairs in fact, and therefore not in history. — The legislature, at its first session under the new charter, passed a law which indicates the sarae independ ent spirit that afterwards resisted the usurpations of the British parliament. It provided that no tax should be imposed upon any of his majesty's subjects, or their estates, in the province, but by the act and con sent of the governor, council, and representatives of the people, in general court assembled. It ia almost needless to add, that this law was disallowed by the king. The war with the French and Indians, which began in 1690, was not yet terminated. For several years were the frontier settlements harassed by the savages, and the English were employed in expedi tions against them. This continuance of the war on the part of the Indians, instigated and aided by the French, induced repeated applications for a force from the British government, to act in conjunction with land forces to be raised in New England and New York, for the reduction of Canada ; and it was at length determined, that an expedition should be undertaken for that purpose. A fleet was to be employed in the winter in the reduction of Marti- nico; and, after the performance of that service, was to sail to Boston, take on board a body of land forces under Sir Williara Phipps, and proceed to Cluebec. By attempting too much, the whole of this extensive project entirely failed. The attacks of the natives on the English continued with little intermission till the peace of 1697. They were carried on with Indian cunning, treachery, and cruelty. " To these causes of suffering were superadded the power of all such motives as the ingenuity of the Frejich could invent, their wealth furnish, or their bigotry adopt. Here all the implements of war and the means of sustenance were supplied ; the expedition was plan ned ; the price was bidden for scalps ; the aid of European officers and soldiers was conjoined ; the devastation and slaughter were sanctioned by the ministers of religion ; and the blood-hounds, while Iheir fangs •were yet dropping blood, were caressed and cherished by men regarded by them as superior beings. The intervals between formal attacks were usually seasons of desultory mischief, plunder, and butchery; and always of suspense and dread. The solitary family was carried into captivity ; the lonely house burnt to the ground ; and the traveller way laid and shot in the forest. It ought, however, to be observed, to the immortal honour of these people, distinguished as they are by so many traits of brutal ferocity, that history records no instance in which the purity of a female captive was violated by them, or even threatened."* The peace of Ryswick, which had been signed on the 20th of September, was proclaimed at Boston on the iOth of December, and the English colonies had a brief repose. By the seventh article it was agreed, that mutual restitution should be made of all the countries, forts, and colonists, taken by each party during the war. In the year 1702, Joseph Dudley arrived at Mas sachusetts, with a commission from Queen Anne, who had succeeded Williara and Mary on the Briti.'^h throne, to be captain-general and governor-in-chicf over that province. In his first speech to the coun cil and assembly, he informed the house of represent atives, that he was commanded by her majesty to observe to them, "that there is no other province or government belonging to the crown of England, ex cept this, where there is not provided a fit and con venient house for the reception of the governor, and a settled stated salary for the governor, lieutenant- Sfovernor, secretary, judges, and all other officers ; which, therefore, is recommended to you. And since this province is so particularly favoured by the crown, in raore instances than one, their more ready obedience is justly expected in this and all other occasions." The house, in their answer the next day, observed, " As for those points which, in obedience to her ma jesty's command, your excellency has laid before this house, we shall proceed with all convenient speed to the consideration of them." Having resolved that the sum of 5001. be at this time presented out of the public treasury to the governor, the bouse, in their answer to some parts of his speech, observed, "As to settling a salary for the governor, it is altogether new to us ; nor can we think it agreeable to our pre sent constitution, but we shall be ready to do accord ing to our ability, what maybe proper on our part for the support of the government." Shortly after, the governor directed that the speaker and represen tatives should be sent for up to the council chamber ; * Dwight's Travels, vol. i. p. 118, 119. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 73 and, after expressing his regret and disappointment at their procedure, and observing that there was a necessity of his seeing the other province and the frontiers, dismissed thera. Thus coramenced the dis pute between the governor and the general assembly of Massachusetts, upon the claims of the one, and the rights of the other, which lasted more than seventy years. It was a Gordian knot, which could not be untied, but which was severed at the revolution. In a few years war again broke out in Europe, and hostilities speedily recommenced in America. The first blow fell upon Deerfield. In February, 1704, it was surprised in the night, about forty persons were killed, and more than one hundred were raade prison ers, araong whom were Mr. Williams, the minister, and his family. The killed were scalped, and the prisoners commanded to prepare for a Jong march to Canada. On the second day, Mrs. Williams was so exhausted with fatigue that she could go no farther. Her husband solicited permission to remain with her ; but the retreating savages, according to their custom in such cases, killed her, and compelled him to proceed. Before the termination of their journey, twenty more became unable to walk, and were in like manner sac rificed. Those who survived the journey to Canada were treated by the French with humanity ; and after a capti'vity of many years, raost of them were redeem ed, and returned to their friends. New York having agreed with the French and the Western Indians to remain neutral, the enemy were enabled to pour their whole force upon Massachu setts and New Hampshire, the inhabitants of which, for ten years, endured miseries peculiar to an Indian war, of which the description we have given falls be low the truth. The enemy were at all times prowl ing about the frontier settlements, watching in con cealment for an opportunity to strike a sudden blow, and to fly with safety. The women and children retired into the garrisons ; the men left their fields uncultivated, or laboured with arms at their sides, and with sentinels at every point whence an attack could be apprehended. Yet, notwithstanding these precau tions, the Indians were often successful, killing some times an individual, sometimes a whole farailjr, sometimes a band of labourers, ten or twelve in num ber ; and so swift were they in their movements, that but few fell into the hands of the whites. It was computed, that the sura of one thousand pounds was expended for every Indian killed or made captive. In 1707, Massachusetts, New Hampshire and Rhode Island, despatched an armament against Port Royal, in Nova Scotia, then in possession of tbe French, which returned, however, without effecting Vol. I.— Nos. 7 & 8 a its object ; but in 1710, the troops of New England, assisted by a British fleet, succeeded in reducing the place ; and in compliment to Clueen Anne, changed its name to Annapolis. Encouraged by the success of this enterprise. Gen eral Nicholson visited England to concert an expe dition against Canada. His proposition was adopted, and in June, 1711, Admiral Walker, with a fleet of fifteen ships of war, and forty transports, bringing an army of veteran troops, arrived at Boston. Taking on board two additional regiments, he sailed from that port about the last of July. At the same time General Nicholson repaired to Albany, to take the command of the troops that were to proceed by land. When the fleet had advanced ten leagues up the river St. Lawrence, the weather became tempestuous and foggy. A difference of opinion arose concerning the course to be pursued ; the English pilots recomraend ing one course, and the colonial another. The ad miral, like raost English officers, preferred the advice of his own pilots to the colonial. Pursuing the course they recommended during the night, nine transports were driven upon the rocks and dashed to pieces. From every quarter cries of distress arose, conveying, through the darkness, to those who were yet afloat, intelligence of the fate of their comrades, and of their own danger. The shrieks of the drowning pleaded powerfully for assistance, but none could be afforded until the morning dawned, when six or seven hun dred, found floating on the scattered wrecks, were rescued from death, more than a thousand having sunk to rise no more. Weakened by this terrible disaster, the adrairal determined to return to England, where he arrived in the month of October. Tha New England troops returned to their homes, and Nicholson, having learned the fate of the fleet, led back his troops to Albany. In the year 1713, France and England made peace at Utrecht, and the Indian wars terminated at the same time. Colonel Shute, who bad served under tbe celebra ted duke of Marlborough, was appointed to succeed Governor Dudley, in the year 1716. On his arrival in the province, he found the people divided into two parties, one in favour of a public bank, which had just been established, the other of the incorporation of a private bank. Having attached himself to the interests ofthe former, the latter became hostile ; and, led by a Mr. Cooke, virulently opposed all his mea sures. At the election of speaker to the general court, in 1720, this party were successful. The choice was comraunicated to the governor, who interposed his negative. The house persisting in their choice, and denying his right to interfere, the HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. governor dissolved the assembly, and ordered a new election. The charter not giving to the governor a vote on the choice of a speaker, the people resolved to support their representatives, and nearly all of them were again elected. When met, to avoid a second dissolution, they chose a Mr. Lindall speaker ; but in a remonstrance to the governor, reasserted their right to choose their presiding ofiicer. The session was short, and displayed no abatement in the angry feelings of the house. Instead of 600Z., the usual grant to the governor for half a year's salary, they aiDpropriated but 500, and, in evident displea sure, deferred that act until near the close of the session. At their next meeting, the same feelings prevailed, and the same diminished sum was voted. The governor then informed thera, that he had been instructed by the king to recoraraend to the assembly to establish for hira a permanent and honourable salary. The house, aware of the importance of re taining the power of granting such suras as the go vernor might merit by his conduct, replied, that the subject was new, and expressed a wish that the court might rise ; with which request the governor com plied. This disagreement continued, the breach still widening, through several subsequent sessions. The representatives, confident of the support of the people, refused to establish a permanent salary for the governor, and often withheld the pittance they gave, until he had sanctioned the measures they had adopted. His residence in the province being thus rendered unplea sant, he suddenly and privately quitted it, in Decem ber, 1722. Upon his arrival in England, he exhi bited charges against the house, of having made various encroachments upon the king's prerogative, which the agents of the province were instructed to answer and repel. Shute remained in England until 1728, when he resigned his office, and William Burnet, then governor of New York, was appointed his successor. In his first speech, the new governor informed the house that ho had received positive instructions from the king to insist on a perraanent salary. The repre sentatives, generous of their raoney, but tenacious of their rights, appropriated 300Z. for the expenses of his journey, and 1400Z. towards his support, not spe cifying for what time. The first sum he accepted, but absolutely declined receiving any compensation for his services, except in the mode of a fixed salary. The delegates were equally decided ; and having transacted all their necessary business, requested the governor, by message, to adjourn them. He replied, that he could not comply with their request, as, if he did, he should put it out of their power to pay imme diate regard to the king's instructions. The court still persisted in its refusal to comply with the reite rated and earnest requests of his majesty's repre sentative. On this account the governor adjourned the assembly, to meet at Salem, intimating that they were too much under the influence of the inhabitants of Boston. The governor seemed determined to continue the assembly in session until the members complied with the royal mandate. In this situation, the house of representatives presented a memorial to the king, setting forth the reasons of their conduct in relation to the salary. They informed his majesty, that " it is, and has been very well known in this, as well as other nations and ages, that governors, at a distance frora the prince, or seat of government, have great opportunities, and sometimes too prevailing inclinations, to oppress the people ; and it is almost impossible for the prince, who is the most careful father of his subjects, to have such matters set in a true light." This address was referred to the board of trade, before whom there was a hearing in behalf of the crown, as well as on the part of the house. The board condemned the conduct of the latter, in refusing to comply with the royal instructions ; and in the conclusion of the report to the king and coun cil, discovered an extreme jealousy of the growing power and wealth of that province, and of the sup posed determination of its inhabitants to become independent of the crown. " The inhabitants," say the board, " far frora raaking suitable returns to his majesty, for the extraordinary privileges they enjoy, are daily endeavouring to wrest the small remains of power out of the hands of the crown, and to become independent of the mother kingdom. The nature of the soil and products are much the same with thoso of Great Britain, the inhabitants upwards of ninety- four thousand, and their militia, consisting of sixteen regiments of foot and fifteen troops of horse, in the year 1718, fifteen thousand men ; and by a medium, taken from the naval officers' accounts for three years, from the 24th of June, 1714, to the 24th of June 1717, for the ports of Boston and Salem only, it appears that the trade of this country employs con tinually no less than three thousand four hundred and ninety-three sailors, and four hundred and ninety- two ships, making twenty-five thousand four hundred and six tons. Hence your excellencies will be appri sed of what importance it is to his majesty's service, that so powerful a colony should be restrained within due bounds of obedience to the crown ; which, we conceive, cannot eflectually be done without the interposition of the British legislature, HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 75 wherein, in our humble opinion, no time should be lost."* The controversy was suspended for a time by the death of the governor, which was supposed to have been hastened by his unsuccessful contest with the house of representatives. His successor was Mr. Belcher, then agent in England. As he belonged to the popular party, his appointment gave rise to the expectation, that the instruction to obtain a permanent salary was withdrawn. But not only was it left un- rescinded, but enforced by a threat of punishment. The assembly were tcJd, that, in case of further re fusal, his majesty would find himself under a neces sity of laying the undutiful behaviour of the province before the legislature of Great Britain, not only in this single instance, but in many others of the same nature and tendency ; " whereby it manifestly appears," his majesty observes, " that this assembly, for some years last past, have attempted, by unwarrantable practices, to weaken, if not cast off, the obedience they owe to the crown, and the dependence which all colonies ought to have on their mother country." But neither the popularity of the new governor, nor the threats of the king, could induce a change of conduct on the part of the people of Massachusetts. Attempts were made to effect a compromise, but in vain. The assembly made a teraporary grant of lOOOZ., but the governor was instructed to assent to no other than a fixed and permanent salary. Satis fied that the house would never yield on this subject, the governor solicited a relaxation of his instruc tions, and the crown finally permitted him to assent to temporary grants. Thus, after a constant struggle of raore than thirty years, the crown was at last com pelled to yield to the bold and persevering opposition pf the people of that province. This controversy was not renewed in Massachusetts until 1773, when an atterapt on the part of the crown, to provide sala ries for the governors and judges of that province, independent of the assembly, was resisted with the same firmness ; and, as will hereafter appear, was one of the causes which induced the people of that province to declare themselves independent of the parent country.! For the present, however, these turbulent tiraes were succeeded by a calm ; during which the enemies of Governor Belcher, by incessant misrepresentation, deprived him of the favour of the ministry in England ; and, in 1740, he was replaced by Mr. WiUiam Shirley. In 1744, war again broke out between England and France, and the colonies were involved in its ca- ? Hutchinson, vol, ii. p. 230, lamities. To guard against the incursions of the French and Indians, five hundred men were impress ed, three hundred of whom were destined for the eastern frontier, and two hundred for the western. The ordinary garrisons were re-enforced, and gun powder was sent to the several townships to be sold to the inhabitants at the prime cost. In the spring of this year opportunely arrived in Boston the king's gift to Castle William of twenty pieces of heavy ar tillery, and two mortars ; and about the same time the legislature of Massachusetts voted a range of forts to be built between Connecticut river and New York boundary line. Coramerce in general, and especially the fisheries suffered great injury from privateers fitted out at Louisbourg, a French port on Cape Breton. Its situ ation gave it such importance, that nearly six millions of dollars had been expended on its fortifications. The place was deemed so strong as to deserve the appellation of the Dunkirk of America. In peace, it was a safe retreat for the ships of France, bound homeward frora the East and West Indies. In war, it gave the French the greatest advantage for ruining the fishery of the northern English colonies, and en dangered the loss of Nova Scotia. The reduction of this place was, for these reasons, an object of the highest importance to New England ; and Mr. Vaug han, of New Hampshire, who had often risited that place as a trader, conceived the project of an expedi tion against it. He communicated it to Governor Shirley, and being ardent and enthusiastic, convinced him that the enterprise was practicable, and inspired him with his own enthusiasm. Early in January, before he received any answer to the communications he had sent to England on the subject, he requested of the members of the general court, that they would la^, themselves under an oath of secrecy, to receive from him a proposal of very great importance. They readily took the oath, and he communicated to them the plan which he had formed of attacking Louis bourg. The proposal was at first rejected ; but it was finally carried by a majority of one. Letters were imraediately despatched to all the colonies, as far as Pennsylvania, requesting their assistance, and an era- bargo on their ports. Forces were promptly raised, and William Pepperell, Esq. of Kittery, was appoint ed commander of the expedition. This officer, with several transports, under the convoy of the Shirley snow, sailed from Nantucket on the 24th of March, and arrived at Canso on the 4th of April. Here the troops, joined by thoso of New Hampshire and Con ¦ t Pitkin, vol. i. p, 131. 76 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. necticut, amounting collectively to upwards of four thousand, were detained three Aveeks, waiting for the ice, which environed the island of Cape Breton, to be dissolved. At length Comraodore Warren, agreeably to orders from England, arrived at Canso in the Su- perbe, of sixty guns, with three other ships of forty guns each ; and, after a consultation with the gene ral, proceeded to cruise before Louisbourg. The ge neral soon after sailed with the whole fleet ; and on the 30th of April, coming to anchor at Chapeaurouge Bay, landed his troops. Lieutenant Colonel Vaughan conducted the first column through the woods within sight of Louisbourg, and saluted the city with three cheers. At the head of a detachment, chiefiy of the New Hampshire troops, he marched in the night to the north-east part of the harbour, where they burn ed the warehouses containing the naval stores, and staved a large quantity of wine and brandy. The smoke of this fire, driven by the wind into the grand battery, so terrified the French, that they abandoned it; and, spiking the guns, retired to the city. The next morning Vaughan took possession of the de serted battery; but the most difficult labours of the siege remained to be performed. The cannon were to be drawn nearly two miles over a deep morass within gun-shot of the enemy's principal fortifications ; and for fourteen nights the troops, with straps over their shoulders, sinking to their knees in mud, were employed in this arduous service.* The approaches were then begun in the mode which seemed most proper to the shrewd understandings of untaught mi litia. Those officers Avho were skilled in the art of war talked of zig-zags and epaulements ; but the troops raade themselves merry with the terms, and proceeded in their own way. By the 20th of May, they had erected five batteries, one of which mount ed five forty-two pounders, and did great execution. Meanwhile, the fleet cruising in the harbour had been equally successful ; it captured a French ship of * This error has been kept alive by one historian after another, to the astonishment of every one who has ever viewed the ground. It was impossible then, as now, to drag cannon over this morass jn the ordinary way, A boy of^ the weight of seventy pounds was sent on to the morass. He could only proceed a few feet. A pole was driven down thirty feet in the mud. That the cannon was then conveyed across the morass, there could be no doubt; how, was the question. While deliberating on this subject, I heard that a gentleman was living, then past ninety years of age, in Newbu ryport, in the commonwealth of Massachusetts, who had been an artificer at the siege of Louisbourg. 1 paid him a visit, and stated ray difficulties on this passage of history. Captain Noyes at once explained the whole matter. " We had (said he) several hundred jiairs of snow-shoes in camp, expecting a winter campaign. I had found that I could walk, with a pair of them, over this morass, and staled Ihc fact to General Pepperell. Secretly, I had drags built, twenty feet by sixteen, sraooth and flat at the bottora. Putting the cannon on these vehicles, and taking fifty men accustomed to travel sixty-four guns, loaded with stores for the garrison, to whom the loss was as distressing as to the besieg ers the capture was fortunate. English ships of war were, besides, continually arriving, and added such strength to the fleet, that a combined attack upon the town was resolved upon. Discouraged by these adverse events and menacing appearances, Duchambon, the French commander, determined to surrender ; and, on the 16th of June, articles of capitulation were signed. After the sur render of the city, the French flag was kept flying on the ramparts ; and several rich prizes were thus decoyed. Two East Indiamen, and one South Sea ship, estimated at 600,000Z. sterling, were taken by the squadron at the mouth of the harbour. This ex pedition was one of the most reraarkable events in the history of North Araerica. It was not less haz ardous in the attempt, than successful in the execu tion. "It displayed the enterprising spirit of New England ; and though it enabled Britain to purchase a peace, yet it excited her envy and jealousy against the colonies, by whose exertions it was acquired."! The intelligence of this event spread rapidly through the colonies, and diffused universal joy. Well might the citizens of New England be somewhat elated ; without even a suggestion from the mother country, they had projected, and with but comparatively little assistance achieved, an enterprise of vast importance to her and to them. Their commerce and fisheries were now secure, and their maritime cities relieved from all fear of attack frora a quarter recently so great a source of dread and discomfort. Fired with resentraent at their loss, the French raade extraordinary exertions to retrieve it, and to in flict chastiseraent on New England. The next sum mer they despatched to the American coast a powerful fleet, carrying a large number of soldiers. The news of its approach spread terror throughout New Eng land ; but an uncoramon succession of disasters de- with snow-shoes, and fixing a long rope to the drag, we walked the morass without difliculty, and placed the cannon where Colonel Vaughan wished them to be ; covering them with sea-weed until all our business was done, without any risk or extraordinary fatigue. All the materials for the battery were transported in the same manner ; and where there appeared only a mass of sea-weed at night, a formidable battery rose in the morning. This finished the siege." The veteran spoke of the detei'mined bravery of the troops as surpassing every thing the most experienced officers had wit nessed. Pepperell was knighted for the exploit; but Vaughan, Woolcot, Gorham, and Dwight, were the heroes of that campaign ; Vaughan commanded the New Hampshire troops; Woolcot the Connecticut ; Gorham, Dwight, and others, those of Massachusetts. — American Editor. + Coll. Mass, Hist, Soc. vol, i. p, 4 — 60, where there is an au thentic account of this expedition, from original papers. Holmes's American Annals, vol, ii, p, 27. Hulchinson, vol.. ii. e, 4. Bel knap. New Hampshire, vol, ji, p, 193 — 224. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. prived it of all power to inflict injury. After remain ing a short time on the coast, it returned to France, having lost two admirals, both of whom it was sup posed put an end to their lives through chagrin ; having also, by tempests, been reduced to one half its force, without effecting any of the objects anticipated. In the month of November, 1747, a great tumult occurred in the town of Boston, arising from the fol lowing circumstance : Comraodore Knowles, while lying at Nantasket with a number of men of war, losing some of his sailors by desertion, thought it reasonable that Boston should supply him with as many raen as he had lost. He therefore sent his boats early in the morning, and surprised not only as many seamen as could be found on board any of the ships, but pressed some ship carpenters' apprentices, and other labouring landsmen. This conduct was universally resented as outrageous ; and as soon as it was dusk, several thousand people assembled in King's- street, where the general court was sitting. Stones and brickbats were thrown into the council chamber through the windows. A judicious speech of the governor from the balcony, disapproving of the im press, promising his utmost endeavours to obtain the discharge of the persons impressed, but reprehending t!ie irregular proceedings of the people, had no effect. T'lc seizure and restraint of the commanders and other officers who were in town were insisted on, as the only effectual method to procure the release ofthe inhabitants aboard the ships. The militia of Boston was summoned the next day to the aid of government, but refused to appear. The governor, judging it in expedient to remain in town another night, withdrew to Castle William ; but kept up a communication with the commodore, urging the liberation of the townsmen. Meanwhile, the council and house of representatives passed some vigorous resolutions, and the turaultuous spirit began to subside. The inhabit ants, assembled in town meeting, while they express ed their sense of the great insult and injury by the impress, condemned the riotous transactions. The militia of the town the next day promptly made their appearance, and conducted the governor with great pomp to his house ; and the commodore dismissed most, if not all, of the inhabitants who had been im pressed ; and the squadron sailed, to the joy and re pose of the town. In October, 1748, a treaty of peace between England and France was signed at Aix la Cbapelle. By the articles of this treaty. Cape Breton was given up to the French, in a comproraise for restoring the French conquests in the low countries to the empress queen of Hungary and the States General, and for a general restitution of places captured by the other belligerant powers. It was naturally a mortification to the in habitants of New England, that what they termed, not unjustly, " their own acquisition," should be res tored to France ; but so long as peace continued, they sustained no disadvantage. In most respects, Mas sachusetts Bay was never in a more easy and happy situation, than at the close of this war. By the re imbursement of the whole charge incurred by the expedition rigainst Cape Breton, the province was set free from a heavy debt, and was enabled to exchange a depreciated paper medium, which had long been the sole instrument of trade, for the more substantial one of silver and gold, a commercial advantage which almost excited the envy ofthe other colonies, in which paper was the principal currency. The Indians up on the frontiers were so reduced, that new settlements were made without danger, which not only caused the territory settled to increase in value, but afforded materials for enlarging the commerce of the province. There was but little subject for controversy in the general assembly. Governor Shirley's administration had been satisfactory to the major part of the people. Indeed, the prosperous state of the province was very much owing to the success of his vigorous measures, of which he wished to give an account in person, and for that purpose, as well as to promote some arrange ments for the defence of the colony against the en croachments of the French, had obtained leave to go to England.Hostilities frora the Indians had ceased when peace was concluded with France ; but it was thought ne cessary on this, as on previous occasions, to have the peace formally recognized. Scarcely, however, was this effected in due form, before a circumstance oc curred which had nearly occasioned a new war. In the end of November, actuated by feelings of revenge for past injuries, some English inhabitants of a place in the county of York, called Wiscasset, killed an Indian, and dangerously wounded two others. Two persons were apprehended and brought to trial for the murder ; but they were, it appears, unjustly acquitted. " Many good people at this time," says Hutchinson, " lamented the disposition, which they thought was discovered, to distinguish between the guilt of killing an Indian, and that of killing an Englishman, as if God had not made of one blood all the nations cf men upon the face of the earth."* The Indians made an attempt to avenge themselves by the capture of Fort Richmond, on the Kennebeck, but were not successful ; they succeeded, however, in taking pri- ? History of Massachusetts' Bay, from 1749 to 1774. London, 182fl n HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. sOners several of the inhabitants who resided near the fort : but after a short time the injury was for gotten. In the following year, the colonies of Massachu setts and Connecticut were deeply engaged in a con troversy respecting their boundary line ; but the limits of our work will not permit a detail of the af fair, nor would it be interesting to the general reader. During this year also, the question of " paper against gold," which has occupied so much of the attention of the British legislature, and of the community at large, occasioned several tumults in Boston. Our readers will, however, be surprised to learn, that the dissatisfaction was occasioned, not by the introduc tion of paper, but by the substitution of gold and silver for Avhat has been elegantly termed the " old rag system." " The paper," they said, " was not worth hoarding, but silver and gold would all fall to the share of men of wealth, and would either be ex ported or hoarded up, and no part of it would go to the labourer, or the lower class of people, who must take their pay in goods, or go without. In a short time, however, experience taught them, that it was as easy for a frugal industrious person to obtain silver, as it had been to obtain paper ; and the prejudice in the town of Boston was so much abated, that, when a large number of people from Abingdon, and other towns near to it, came to Boston, expecting to be join ed by the like people there, they were hooted at, and insulted by the boys and servants, and obliged to re turn home disappointed."* It has already been observed, that the restoration of peace, and the almost entire extinction of the In dians on the frontiers, added much lo the security and to the value of the land ; these circumstances also afforded a prospect for a more extended settlement of the colony. A Mr. Waldo, proprietor of a large tract of land in the eastern frontier, induced many emigrants from Germany, and other foreign protes tant states, to accept conditional grants of land ; but Governor Hutchinson seems to be of opinion, that the expectations, both of the emigrants and of the pro prietor, were disappointed. The adnainistration of Mr. Phipps, who had acted as lieutenant-governor during Mr. Shirley's absence, was but short ; and, as was usually the case, the govern ment of lieutenants was little disturbed by any con troversy with the general court. Mr. Shirley return ed to Boston in August, 1753. During his abode in France, he took a step, which, according to Mr. Hutchinson's idea of it at least, "he had reason to * Hutchinson, p. 8, 9. repent of as long as he lived. At the age of three score he was captivated with the charms of a young girl, his landlord's daughter in Paris, and married her privately. This imprudence lessened hira in Lord Hahfax's esteera ; and, though he had shown himself to be very capable of his trust of commissary in France, as well as very faithful in the discharge of it, yet, as he failed of success, which, more fre quently than real raerit, entitles to reward, his private fortune was much hurt by his employment. Tho rumour of his marriage came to New England before his arrival, and some who were not well affected to him, were ready enough to insinuate that his French connexions might induce him lo favour the French cause, but his conduct evinced the contrary. He pronounced an accommodation desperate, that the sword must settle the controversy, and that it ought to be done without delay, otherwise the French would make theraselves too strong for all the force the Eng lish could bring against thera. "t The period of the French war of 1756 — 1763, the confines of which we now approach, will require a separate notice, after the history of the remaining colonies has been brought down to the same date. As it implicated the whole of the British settlements in North America, and promoted those ideas of fede rative union, which were subsequently attended with such important results, a combined view of the ope rations of the war will be preferable to allotting a share of its history to each of the colonies. It may be imagined by some of our readers, that we have been unduly severe on the errors of the noble-minded founders of the greatest republican empire the world has yet witnessed ; but we cannot plead guilty to such a charge. These errors, it is true, have been fully exposed ; but, great as they are, the characters of which they form but the exceptions can well stand the shock their development excites. The faults of great and good men should, after tho highest model of historical writing, be faithfully narrated. Their record is essential to prevent the mind, while it gives due weight to the example and opinions of past ages, from receiving its chief impulse from a source still impregnated with impure infu sions ; and to open a channel for the mighty tide of reason and of truth, whose waters purify as they carry forward the mass of example. Were the defects of the heroes of New England, however, far greater, and their virtues far less, they would yet throw into the shade of merited oblivion the characters of their defamers, either of the past or of the present age. t Hutchinson p. 15, 16. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 79 CHAPTER IV. NEW HAMPSHIRE AND MAINE.* The history of the colony of Massachusetts is, to a considerable extent, that of all the New England colonies ; but still it is requisite to give each of the states a distinct, though a more brief, notice. The first attempts at colonizing that part of North America, now designated as the states of New Harapshire and Maine, are to be traced to the zeal of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, one of the earliest and raost persevering of those who undertook to people with civilized inhabit ants the transatlantic wilds. Having obtained a grant frora the chartered company of Plymouth, already so frequently referred to, in conjunction with some other principal members of the company, among whom was Sir John Popham, lord chief justice of the court of King's Bench, with other persons of influ ence, he despatched two vessels to explore their newly acquired territory. One of these was seized by the Spaniards; but the safe return and favourable report of the other encouraged the adventurers to prosecute their undertaking. A colony was therefore orga nized, consisting of George Popham, as president, Raleigh Gilbert, as admiral, and six inferior officers, with about one hundred private individuals ; the imagination of the projectors having sketched the outlines of a large and flourishing state. They selected a small island at the mouth of the river Kennebeck for their place of residence, induced by the commodiousness of its situation as a port for fishermen. Arriving towards the close of the year, they were barely enabled to build and fortify a store house before the cold became intense ; and they were afterwards distressed by a rapid succession of unforeseen hardships. Having eraigrated in the expectation of enjoying a perpetual spring, their disappointraent, when exposed to the preraature and unusual severity of a northern winter, may be readily conceived. The loss of their store-house by flre, and the death of their president, had already depressed their courage, when tidings arrived of the death of Sir John Popham, who was the very soul of the expedition. Gilbert also returned to England in the spring, having succeeded to a rich inheritance fay the death of his brother. Sir John Gilbert. The resolution of the adventurers seeras to have sunk under these accumulated misfortunes, for the settle- <• Although the Maine was not constituted a state till subsequently to the declaration of independence, its early history is so connected wilh that of New Hampshire, that it is deemed desirable to unite rhem in this chapter. + " John Mason procured from the council of Plymouth a grant of all the land from the river of Naurakeag round Cape Ann to the ment was soon afterwards abandoned in despair. The disappointed colonists seemed anxious to hide their disgrace by invectives against the cold and sterile regions which they had forsaken ; and they were so far successful, that the company of Plymouth never made another effort of equal magnitude with the expedition to Sagadehoc. Many attempts were raade by Sir Ferdinando Gorges, individually, to establish colonies in North Virginia, with a perse verance worthy of better fortune than it obtained ; for, a/ter spending a large portion of his life and estate in these attempts, and involving himself in several vexatious suits, the whole issue of his exer tions was the establishment of an inconsiderable settlement in Maine. It was in the year 1623, that Sir Ferdinando Gor ges, John Mason,t and others, having obtained of fhe Plymouth or New England company grants of seve ral tracts of land, lying north of Massachusetts, sent from England, a few persons to begin a settlement. Part landed, and for a short time remained at Little Harbour, on the west side of Piscataqua river, and near its mouth, where they erected the first house, calling it Mason Hall ; the remainder, proceeding higher up the river, settled at Cocheco, afterwards called Dover. Fishing and trade being the principal objects of these emigrants, their settlements increased slowly. In 1635, a fresh distribution of territory was made by the Plymouth Company, when they obtained a grant of land, lying along the coast from Naurakeag river, near the northern boundary of Massachusetts, to the river Piscataqua, extending sixty miles into the country from their sources ; and the region, thus conveyed, was for the first time called New Hamp shire. As no more ancient patents stood in the way of the present, and as length of occupancy formed no bar. Mason acquired that kind of right to the soil which the law of England considered as valid ; but it gave hira none of the powers of government. He sent agents to dispose of his lands, and to take gene ral care of his interests ; but he soon after died, leav ing it to others to enjoy his rights, and to exercise his powers. At the same period, the company made a grant of a still larger territory, extending frora the northern limits of New Hampshire, north-eastward, to the river Kennebeck, and from them sixty miles into the country, to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, in abso- river Merrimack; and up each of those rivers to the farthest heat) of them, then to cross over frora the head of the one to the head o< the olher, with all the islands Iving within three miles of the coast. This district ¦was called Mariana." — Belknap's New Hampshire, vol. i. c. 1, 80 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. lute property with such powers of jurisdiction as the grantors possessed. The same year he despatched William Gorges, his nephew, to govern that territory, then called Somersetshire, who ruled, for some years, a few traders and fishers Avith a good sense equal to the importance of the trust. But, whether Gorges distrusted his own powers, or was actuated by the prudent caution which experience inspires, he obtain ed from the favour of his prince a patent of confirm ation, in April, 1639. His limits were now extended to one hundred miles from the rivers south-westward into the desert. This immense region was denomi nated Maine ; and he was invested with all the royal rights of a count-palatine, with a reference to the powers formerly exercised by the bishop of Durham. Animated by these attentions, and invested with these powers, he established a civil government within his province in the subsequent year. This constitution was, however, merely executive, without any of the powers of legislation ; nor was an assembly in which the people were represented, either mentioned or al luded to. He did not even offer liberal terms on which men might purchase and enjoy his lands, though this had been at all times proposed as the best means to promote settlement and augment population. The province consequently languished for years in hopeless feebleness. The persecuting policy of the Massachusetts colo ny peopled this country, when money and persuasion had been tried in vain. It has already been stated, that among those who were expelled frora the juris diction of Massachusetts, at the time of the dissensions occasioned by opposition to the spread of antinomian sentiments at Boston, was the Rev. John Wheelwright. Previously to the date of Mason's patent, he had pur chased the land of the Indians, and laid the founda tion of Exeter. In the year 1630, thirty-five persons residing in that town combined and established civil government ; and within a year or two afterwards, the inhabitants of Dover and Portsmouth followed their example, each town remaining distinct and in dependent. These towns did not long reraain in this dissocia ted state. There appears, indeed, to have been sorae difference of opinion, but the majority were for an incorporation with the colony of Massachusetts ; and, accordingly, the general court, in October, 1641, passed an ordinance, declaring that the people inha biting on the river Piscataqua shall henceforth be re puted under its power, as are already the other inhabitants ; that they shall have the same order for the administration of justice; that they shall be ex empted from all public charges, except such as shall arise among themselves, or shall be for their own benefit ; that they shall be allowed the same liberties of fishing, of planting, and of felling timber, as for merly ; and that they shall be allowed to send two deputies to the court at Boston. Thus New Hamp shire, at the end of six years only, ceased to be a separate province. The general court, having in this manner conferred on its neighbours the greatest ot blessings, general protection, and a regular adminis tration of justice, turned its next cares to their future welfare. It sent them several ministers. Moody, Cot ton, Reyner, and others, by whose care and diligence, as we are assured, the people were very much civil ized and reformed ; but Wheelwright and his folloAV- ers, who had formerly sought an asylum in the desert from the persecutions of their enemies, fled across the Piscataqua into the province of Maine, because, in the present change, they feared future injuries. This union proved perplexing to the proprietary, and ulti mately embarrassing to the councils of the parent state. It was in vain for Mason, who now acted as agent for his kinsmen, to protest against the daily encroachraents on their lands ; and it was to no pur pose he petitioned the general court. It had been stipulated as the groundwork on which was estab lished the subjection of New Harapshire, that the views of their opponents should be countenanced, and the assumed rights of the proprietors consequently depressed. Being now freed from the weighty cares of government ; being protected frora the attacks of their Indian enemies, and from their internal dissen sions, the people of New Hampshire, during the space of forty years, enjoyed the advantages and blessings of a regular adrainistration, and engaged successfully in all the pursuits that naturally tend to proraote the prosperity, wealth, and greatness of nations. In the year 1652, the inhabitants of Gorges' territories ofthe Maine also were induced to subnfit themselves to the government of Massachusetts. Having contended with the general court upwards of fourteen years to no purpose. Gorges and Mason made a tender of their claims to Charles II., who fa vourably received proposals which promised future advantages to his faraily, for he had entertained the design of forming New Hampshire and Maine into an establishraent for the duke of Monmouth, the most beloved of all his sons. The general court, re lying on its own construction of its patent, though it explained by its agents its conduct and pretensions, declined long either to give up possession, or to ap point deputies to defend its proceedings. The mo narch was wearied with continued solicitation ; and the committee of plantations at length determined to HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 81 propose to the Massachusetts government, either to receive commissioners authorized to decide amicably the claims of all, or to send agents to answer before the king in council : adding, what was probably de cisive, " that, should it still prove refractory, notwith standing the equity of this overture, every means would be used to interrupt the trade of the colony, which, by the acts of trade, may be given it." After sixteen years, in which the whole energy of govern ment had been exerted, the general court sent agents to England, who were empowered to consent to the final settlement of claims which had at last becorae serious. When the disputants appeared before Rains- ford and North, the two chief justices to whom this controversy was referred, the agents at once disclaim ed pretensions which had been so long defended with the greatest ability as sacred, because their counsel informed them that they could not possibly be de fended before such judges.* The limits of Massa chusetts were restrained to the literal expression of its charter, and its jurisdiction within the boundaries of the soil ; and the province of Maine was adjudged to Gorges, with such right of government as had been granted by the patent under which he claimed. Long had Charles II. been in treaty with the pro prietors of New Hampshire and Maine ; but his po verty, which was well known in New England, the wars that happened in the raean time, the intrigues of his adversaries, and the high expectations of the owners, all prevented the completion of a business which might have proved so advantageous both to prince and people. For years had the friends of Massachusetts warned her of the danger of suffering such claims to exist ; and ultimately, the agents pru dently purchased what had been so long disputed. The general court applied now, with an ability equal to the prudence with which it had made the acquisi tion, to derive some advantage from what had cost so rauch money and vexation. As proprietary, it ap pointed the deputy governor president of Maine, it named officers, it established various judicatories, and justice was administered in the mode prescribed by the patent of Gorges. No assembly, of whicii the representatives of the people composed a constituent part, was allowed, because none had been mentioned in the original grant ; a measure by no means satis factory to the inhabitants, who were thereby deprived of their rights as citizens. When the decision respecting Maine was confirm ed by Charles II., the province of New Hampshire was left without a regular government. It was de-_ * Chalmers, p. 485. Vol. I.— Nos. 7 & 8 R ternained, therefore, that New Hampshire should be constituted a separate province, to be ruled by a pre sident and council to be appointed by the king, and a house of representatives to be chosen by the peo ple. The first assembly, consisting of eleven mem bers, met in 1680, at Portsmouth. At this session, a code of laws was adopted, of which the first, in a style worthy of freemen, declared " that no act, im position, law, or ordinance, should be imposed upon the inhabitants of the province, but such as should be made by the assembly, and approved by the pre sident and council." Mason, who had been appointed a memDer of the council, arrived during the year in the colony. He assumed the title of lord proprietor, claimed the soil as his property, and threatened to prosecute all who would not take from him leases of the land they oc cupied. His pretensions were resisted by most of the inhabitants, who claimed the fee-simple of the soil by what they deemed a raore righteous, if not a raore legal title. The peace of the colony was long dis turbed by these conflicting claims. At the head of those who contended with Mason, stood Major Wald ron, of Dover. Against him and many others suits were instituted. No defence being made, judgments were obtained ; but so general was the hostility to Mason, that he never dared attempt to enforce them. After Sir Edward Andros was deposed, the inhabit ants of New Hampshire desired to be re-incorporated with Massachusetts ; their request being opposed by Samuel Allen, who had purchased Mason's title, it was refused, and Allen himself made governor of the colony. Under his adrainistration, the disputes oc casioned by adverse clairas to land continued to rage with increased violence. Other suits were instituted, and judgments obtained ; but the sheriff was forcibly resisted by a powerful combination, whenever he at tempted to put the plaintiff in possession. From Indian hostilities, this colony suffered raore severely than her neighbours. The surprise of Dover, in 1689, was effected with the most shocking barba rity ; though the natives having been ill-treated by one of the principal inhabitants may account for, if not palliate, their ferocious revenge. Having deter mined upon their plan of attack, the Indians employ ed their usual art to lull the suspicions of the inha bitants. So civil and respectful was their behaviour, that they occasionally obtained permission to sleep in the fortified houses in the town. On the evening of the fatal night, they assembled in the neighbour hood, and sent their woraen to apply for lodgings at the houses devoted to destruction. When all wa.s quiet, the doors were opened, and the signal given. 82 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. The Indians rushed into Waldron's house, and hastened to his apartment. Awakened by the noise, he seized his sword, and drove them back, but when returning for his other arms was stunned with a hatchet, and fell. They then dragged hira into his hall, seated hira in an elbow chair upon a long table, and insultingly asked him, " Who shall judge Indi ans now?" After feasting upon provisions, which they compelled the rest of the family to procure, each one with his knife cut gashes across his breast, saying, " I cross out my account." When weakened with the loss of blood, he was about to fall from the table, his own sword was held under him, which put an end to his tortures. At other houses, siniilar acts of cruelty were perpetrated ; in the whole, twenty-three persons were killed, and twenty-nine carried prisoners to Canada, who were mostly sold to the French. Many houses were burned, and much property was plundered ; but so expeditious were the Indians, that they had fled beyond reach before the neighbouring people could be collected. The war thus comraenced, was not easily terrainated. The French, by giving preraiuras for scalps, and by purchasing the English prisoners, animated the Indi ans to exert all their activity and address, and the frontier inhabitants endured the most aggravated sufferings. The peace of Ryswick, in 1697, closed the distressing scene till 1703, when another war began, which continued ten years. During the year 1719, above one hundred families, mostly presbyterians, emigrated from the north of Ireland, and settled in the town of Londonderry.* They introduced the foot spinning wheel, the manu- * " The setllemenl was at first called Nutfield ; but il was incor porated, in 1722, by the narae of Londonderry. Mr, James Mac- gregore was their first minister. He continued with them until his death; and his memory is still precious among them. He \\as a wise, affectionate, and faithful guide to them, both in civil and religious concerns," — Belknap's New Hampshire, vol. ii. p. 36 — 39, t "John Lovewell, a captain in the militia of Massachusetts, the hero of Pigwawkett, was the son of Zaccheus L., who was an ensign in the army of O. Cromwell, and who settled at Dunstable, and died there, aged 120, being the oldest person who ever died in New Hampshire, Zaccheus had three sons, Zaccheus, a colonel in the French war of 17 59; Jonathan, a preacher, representative, and judge ; and the subject of this article. In the Indian wars a large bounty being offered for scalps, Capt, Lovewell, al the head of a volunteer company of thirty men, marched lo the north of Winipiseogee lake, and killed an Indian, and took a boy prisoner, Dec. 19, 1724. Having obtained his reward at Boston, he aug raented his company lo seventy, and marched to the sarae place. There dismissing thirty men for the want of provisions, he pro ceeded with forty men to a pond in Wakefield, now called Love well's pond, where he discovered ten Indians asleep by a fire ; .Ihey were on iheir march from Canada to the frontiers. He killed ihera all, Feb. 20, 1725, and with savage triuraph entered Dover wilh their scalps hooped and elevated on poles, for each of which one hundred pounds was paid out of tiie public treasury at Boston, He marched a third time wil'i forty-six men. Leaving a few men facture of linen, and the culture of potatoes. They were industrious, hardy, and useful citizens. A few years only transpired before the inhabitants again suffered the afflictions of an Indian war. Fol lowing the example of the French, the government offered premiums for scalps, which induced several volunteer companies to' undertake expeditions against the enemy. One of these, coramanded by Captain Lovewell, was greatly distinguished. In May, 1725, with thirty-four men, he fought a famous Indian chief, named Paugus, at the head of about eighty savages, near the shores of a pond in Pequackett. Lovewell's men were determined either to conquer or die, although outnumbered by the Indians more than twice. They fought till Lovewell and Paugus were killed, and all Lovewell's raen but nine were either killed or dan gerously wounded. The savages having lost, as was supposed, sixty of their number out of eighty, and being convinced of the fierce and determined resolution of their foes, at lengtii retreated, and left them masters of the ground. The scene of this desperate and bloody action, which took place in the town that is now called Fryeburgh, is often visited with interest to this day, and the names both of those who fell, and those who survived, are yet repeated with exultation. t After the lapse of a considerable period from the transfer from Mason to Allen, it was discovered that the conveyance was so defective as to be void. In 1746, John Tufton Mason, a descendant of the ori ginal grantee, claiming the lands possessed by his ancestors, conveyed them, for fifteen hundred pounds, to twelve persons, subsequently called the Masonian at a fort, which he built at Ossapy pond, he proceeded with thirty- four men to the north end of a pond in Pigwawkett, now Fryeburg, in Maine, and there a severe action was fought with a party of forty-two Indians, commanded by Paugus and Wahwa, May 8, 1725. At the first fire, Lovewell and eight of his men were killed; the remainder retreated a short distance to a favourable position, and defended themselves, Wilh the pond in their rear, the mouth of an unfordable brook on their right, a rocky point on their left, and having also the shelter of some large pine trees, they fought bravely from ten o'clock till evening, when the Indians, — who had lost their leader, Paug-us, killed by Mr, Chamberlain, — retired, and fled from Pigwawkett. Ensign Robbins and two others were mor tally wounded ; these were necessarily left behind lo die. Eleven, wounded but able to march, and nine, unhurt, at the rising of the moon, quitted the fatal spot, Jonathan Frye, the chaplain, Lieut, Farwell, and another man, died in the woods, in consequence of their wounds. The others, wilh the widows and children of the slain, received a grant of Lovewell's town, or Suncook, now Pem broke, N, H., in 1728, in recorapense of their sufferings. The bodies of twelve were afterwards found by Col, Tyng, and buried, Capt. Lovewell had two sons ; John died in Dunstable, and Colonel Neheraiah in Corinth, Vermont. His daughter married Captain Joseph Baker, of Pembroke. The last of his company, Thomas •Ainsworth, died at Brookfield, January 1794, atred 85^"— Allen's Biography. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 83 proprietors ; who, to silence opposition, relinquished all title to the lands already occupied, and also granted townships on the most liberal terms. Re serving certain portions of the land for themselves, for ministers, and for schools, they required merely that the grantees should, within a limited tirae, erect mills and meeting-houses, clear and construct roads, and settle ministers. In the course of time, nearly all the Masonian lands, being about one fourth of the whole, were in this raanner granted ; and conten tions ceased to disturb the repose, or irapede the prosperity of the colony. CHAPTER V. CONNECTICUT. It appears incontrovertibly established, that the Dutch effected the first settlements on the river Con necticut ; and it seems impossible to account, on any just principles, for their being regarded as intruders by the English settlers. They had made the first discovery of Hudson's river, and had established thera selves upon its banks. They had obtained a patent from their governraent, who had as good a right to grant lands discovered by their subjects, as any other state. This patent included the lands on Connecti cut river, which was discovered by them before it was known by the English to exist, and before the grant of the New England patent. After trading with the Indians for several years, they purchased of them a tract of land, and built upon it a fort and tra ding house, before the country had been taken pos session of by the English ; and the people from the Plymouth and Massachusetts colonies, when they atterapted to drive them from it, carae without a sha dow of title frora the Plyraouth company, under whora they professed to claim.* The Connecticut colony consisted of people who first emigrated from England to Massachusetts, and, • Governor Bradford gives the following account of this trans action, which confirms the Dutch claim of previous purchase and possession, " But the Dutch begin now to repent," viz. of their in vitation to the English^" and hearing of our purpose and prepara tion, endeavour to prevent us, get in a little before us, make a slight fort, and plant two pieces of ordnance, threatening to stop our pas sage. But we having a great new bark and a frame of a house, with boards, naiks, &c., ready, that we might have defence against the Indians, who are much offended that we bring horae and restore the right sachems of the place called Watawanute, so as we are to encounter a double danger in this attempt, both the Dutch and In dians, When we come up the river, the Dutch demand what we intend, and whither we would go 1 We answer. Up the river to trade. Now our order was to go and seat above thera. They bid as strike and stay, or they would shoot us ; and stood by their ord nance ready fitted. We answer, Wo have a commission from the in the years 1630 and 1632, settled and formed them- selves into churches at Dorchester, Watertown, and Cambridge, where they resided several years. But either because the number of emigrants to Massa chusetts did not allow them all such a choice as they wished of good lands, or because some jealousies had arisen between their pastors and leaders, and the leading men of the colony, they took the resolution of seating theraselves again in the wilderness ; and in the years 1635 and 1636 they removed their fami lies to Windsor, Weathersfield, and Hartford, on the Connecticut river. Having made some preparation in the course of the summer for their winter's accommodation, to the number of about sixty, men, women, and children, set out on foot, about the middle of October, from Bos ton to Connecticut, through the pathless wilderness, accompanied by their cattle, swine, and other proper ty. After a long and tedious journey through a con tinued forest, and over rivers and mountains, they reached their place of destination very late in the season. " The winter set in this year rauch sooner than usual, and the weather was stormy and severe. By the 15th of November, Connecticut river was fro zen over, and the snow was so deep, and the season so tempestuous, that a considerable number of the cattle, which had been driven on from Massachusetts, could not be brought across the river. The people had so little time to prepare their huts and houses, and to erect sheds and shelters for their cattle, that the sufferings of raan and beast were extreme. In deed, the hardships and distresses of the first planters of Connecticut scarcely admit of a description. To carry rauch provision or furniture through a pathless wilderness was impracticable. Their principal pro visions and household furniture were therefore put on board several sraall vessels, which, by reason of delays and the tempestuousness of the season, were either cast away, or did not arrive. Several vessels were wrecked on the coasts of New England by the violence of the storms. Two shallops, laden with governor of Plymouth to go up the river to such a place; and if they shoot us, we must obey our order and proceed ; we would not molest them, but go on. So we pass along, and (he Dutch threaten us hard, yet they shoot not, Coraing lo our place, about a mile above the Dutch, we quickly clap up our house, land our pro visions, leave the company appointed, send ihe bark home, and af terwards palisade our house about, and fortify better. The Dutch send word home lo the Monhalos "what was done ; and, in process of time, they send a band of about seventy men, in warlike manner, with colours displayed, lo assault us; bul seeing ns strengthened, and it ¦n'ould cost blood, they come lo a parley, and return in peace. And this was our entrance there. We did the Dutch no wrong, for we took not a foot of any land they bought, bul went to the place above them, and bought that tract of land which belonged to the Indians we carried with us, and our friends, wilh whom the Dutch had nothing to do," — North American Review, vol. viii. p, 84, 85. 84 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. goods from Boston to Connecticut, in October, were cast away on Brown's Island, near the Gurnet's nose ; and the men, with every thing on board, were lost. A vessel, with six of the Connecticut people on board, which sailed from the river for Boston, early in No vember, was, about the middle of the month, cast away in Manamet Bay. The men got on shore, and after wandering ten days in deep snow and a severe season, without meeting with any human being, ar rived, nearly spent with cold and fatigue, at New Plymouth. By the last of November, or beginning of December, provision generally failed in the settle ments on the river, and famine and death looked the inhabitants sternly in the face. Some of them, driven by hunger, attempted their way, in this severe season, through the wilderness, from Connecticut to Massa chusetts. Of thirteen in one company who made this attempt, one, in passing the river, fell through the ice, and was drowned. The other twelve were ten days on their journey, and would all have perished, had it not been for the assistance of the Indians. In deed, such was the distress in general, that, by the 3d and 4th of December, a considerable part of the new settlers were obliged to abandon their habita tions. Sixty persons, men, women, and children, were necessitated, in the extremity of winter, to go down to the mouth of the river to meet their provi sions, as the only expedient to preserve their lives. Not meeting with the vessels which they expected, they all went on board the Rebecca, a vessel of about sixty tons. This, two days before, was frozen in twenty miles up the river ; but, by the falling of a small rain, and the influence of the tide, the ice be came so broken, and was so far removed, that she made a shift to get out. She ran, however, upon the bar, and the people were forced to unlade her to get her off. She was reladen, and in five days reached Boston. Had it not been for these providential cir cumstances, the people must have perished with fa raine. The people who kept their stations on the river, suffered in an extreme degree. After all the help they were able to obtain by hunting, and from the Indians, they were obliged to subsist on acorns, malt, and grains."* In the following spring, those who had made their escape from Connecticut returned, and they were ioined by the rest of those who had determined to make a part of the new colony. About the beginning of June, Mr. Hooker, Mr. Stone, and about a hundred men, women, and children, took their departure from Cambridge, and travelled more than a hundred miles ' TriimbuU's History of Connecticut, p, 62. through a hideous and trackless wilderness to Hart ford. They had no guide but their compass, and made their way over mountains, through swamps, thickets, and rivers, which were not passable but with great difficulty. They had no cover but the heavens, nor any lodgings but those which siraple nature afforded them. They drove with them one hundred and sixty head of cattle, and by the way subsisted on the milk of their cows. Mrs. Hooker was borne through the wilderness upon a litter. The people generally carried their packs, arms, and some utensils. They were nearly a fortnight on their journey. This adventure was the more re markable, as many of this company were persons of rank, who had lived in England in honour, afflu ence, and delicacy, and were entire strangers to fatigue and danger. t From the commencement of the Connecticut colo ny, the natives discovered a hostile disposition. Their principal enemy was the Pequods, the most nume rous and warlike nation within the limits of the state, and perhaps in New England. They inha bited the country which environs the towns of New London, Groton, and Stonington. Sassacus, the great prince of the Pequods, had under him six and twenty sachems, and could bring into the field seven hundred or a thousand warriors, who had been long accustomed to victory. The royal residence was at a large fort situated on a beautiful eminence in the town of Groton, which commans an extensive prospect of the sea and of the surrounding country. There was also another fortress, called Mystic fort. situated in the town of Stonington. After suffering repeated injuries, and the raurder of about thirty of their people, principally by the Pequods, the general court, which had been convened for the purpose, resolved on active hostilities, and iraraediately raised an array of ninety raen, half the effective force of the colony. These were to be joined by two hundred raen from Massachusetts, and forty from Plymouth. The court which declared war was holden on tho 1st of May ; the men were raised and embarked on the river, under the command of Captain Mason, on the 10th ; and, after being wind-bound several days, sailed frora the raouth of the river for Narra ganset bay on the 19th. They were accompanied by sixty Moheagan and River Indians, under Uncas, a Moheagan sachem. On reaching Narraganset bay, they landed to the number of seventy-seven English men, marched into the country of the Narragansets, and communicated their design to Miantonimoh, the + Trumbull's History of Conneclicutj p, 64. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 85 sachem of the country, who offered to join them. Information was here received that Captain Patrick had reached Providence, with a company of Massa chusetts troops, but it was resolved not to wait for this reinforcement. On the next day, they raarched twenty miles through the west part of Rhode Island, and reached Nihautick, which bordered on the Pe- * " In the morning, a considerable number of Miantonimoh's men came out and joined the English, This encouraged raany of the Nihanticks also lo join them. They soon formed a circle, and made protestations how gallantly they would fight, and what num bers they would kill. When the army marched the next morning, the captain had with him nearly five hundred Indians, He march ed twelve miles, to the ford in Pawcatuck river. The day was very hot, and the raen, through the great he.at, and a scarcity of provision, began to faint. The army, therefore, made a considera ble halt, and refreshed theraselves. Here the Narraganset Indians began to raanifest their dread of the Pequods, and lo inquire of Captain Mason, with great anxiety, what were his real intentions. He assured them, that it was his design to attack the Pequods in their forts, Al this they appeared to be panic struck, and filled with amazetnent. Many of them drew o.f, and returned to Narra ganset. The army marched on about three miles, and came to Indian cornfields ; and the captain, imagining that he drew near the enemy, made a halt ; he called his guides and council, and de manded of the Indians how far it was to the forts. They repre sented that it was twelve railes to Sassacus's fort, and that both forts were in a manner impregnable, Wequ.ash, a Pequod captain, or petty sachem, who had revolted from Sassacus to the Narr.agan- sets, was the principal guide, and he proved faithful. He gave such information respecting the distance of the forts from each other, and the distance which they were then at frora the chief sa chems, as deterrained him and his officers to alter the resolution which they had before adopted, of attacking them both at once, and 10 make a united attack upon Ihal at Mystic, He found his meii so fatigued in marching through a pathless wilderness wilh their provisions, arms, and amraunition, and so affected wilh the heat, that this resolution appeared to be absolutely necessary. One of Captain Underbill's raen became lame at the same lime, and began lo fail. The army, therefore, proceeded directly to Mystic, and continuing their march, came to a small swamp between two hills, just at the disappearing of the day-light. The officers supposing that they were now near the fort, pitched their liltle camp between or near two large rocks, in Groton, since called Porter's rocks. The men were faint and weary, and though the rocks were their pillows, their rest was sweet. The guards and sentinels were con siderably advanced in front of the army, and heard the enemy singing at the fort, who continued their rejoicings even until mid night. They had seen the vessels pa.ss the harbour some days be fore, and had concluded that the English were afraid, and had no courage to attack them. They were therefore rejoicing, singing, dancing, insulting them, and wearying themselves, on this account. The night was serene, and, towards morning, the moon shone clear. The important cri.sis was now come, when the very exist ence of Connecticut, under Providence, was to he determined by the sword in a single action, and to be decided by the good con duct of less than eighty brave men. The Indians who remained were now sorely dismayed, and though at first they had led the van, and boasted of great feats, yet were now all fallen back in ihe rear. About two hours before day, the men were roused with all expedition, and, briefly commending themselves and their cause to God, advanced immediately towards the fort. After a march of about two miles, they came lo Ihe foot of a large hill, where a fine country opened before them. The captain, supposing that the fort could not be far distant, sent for the Indians in the rear lo come up, Uncas and_ Wequash at length appeared. He demanded of them where the fort was. They answered, on the lop of the hill. He demanded of them where were the other Indians. They an swered, that they were much afraid. The captain sent to them not IQ fly, but to surround the fort al any distance they pleased, and see quods' country.* The army wheeled directly to Mystic fort, which was immediately attacked ; the contest, though tremendously severe, terminated in favour of the English, and in the destruction of the Indians. Although this victory was complete, the situation of the army was extremely dangerous and distressing. Several were killed, and one fourth of whether Englishmen would fight. The day was nearly dawning, and no time was now to be lost. The men pressed on in two di visions. Captain Mason to the north-eastern, and Captain Under bill to the western entrance. As the object which they had been so long seeking came into view, and while they reflected they were lo fight not only for themselves, but their parents, wives, children, and the whole colony, the martial spirit kindled in their bosoms, and they were wonderfully animated and assisted. As Captain Mason advanced within a rod or two of the fort, a dog barked, and an Indian roared out, ' O^wanux! Owanux I' That is. Englishmen! Englishmen! The troops pressed on, and, as the Indians were rallying, poured in upon them, ihrough the palisadoes, a general discharge of their muskets, and then wheeling offio the principal entrance, entered the fort sword in hand. Notwithstanding the suddenness of the attack, and the blaze and thunder of the arms, the enemy made a manly and desperate resistance. Captain Ma son and his party drove the Indians in the main street to^n'ards the west part of the fort, ¦n'here some bold men, who had forced their way, met them, and raade such slaughter among them, that the street was soon clear of the enemy. They secreted themselves in and behind their wigwams, and taking advantage of every covert, maintained an obstinate defence. The captain and his men enter ed the wigwams, where they were beset with many Indians, who took every advantage to shoot them, and lay hands upon thera, so that it was wilh great difficulty that they could defend theraselves with their swords. After a severe conflict, in which raany of the Indians were slain, some of the English killed, and others sorely wounded, the victory still hung in suspense. The captain, finding himself much exhausted, and out of breath, as well as his men, by the extraordinary exertions which they had made in this critical state of action, had recourse to a successful expedient. He cries out to his men, ' We must burn them,' He immediately, entering a wigwam, took fire an-.! put it into the mats with which the wig wams were covered. The fire instantly kindling, spread wilh such violence, that all the Indian houses were soon wrapped in one ge neral flame. As the fire increased, the English retired without the fort, and compassed it on every side, Uncas and his Indians, with such of the Narragansets as yet remained, took courage, from the example of the English, and formed another circle in the rear of them. The enemy were now seized with astonishment; and, forced by the fla.mes from their lurking places into open light, be came a fair mark for the English soldiers. Some climbed the pali sadoes, and were instantly brought down by the fire ofthe English muskets. Others, desperately sallying forth from their burning cells, were shot, or cut in pieces wilh the sword. Such terror fell upon thera, that they would run back from the English into the very flames. Great numbers perished in the conflagration. The greatness and violence of the fire, the reflection of the light, the flashing and roar of the arms, the shrieks and yellings of the raen, women, and children, in the fort, and the shoutings of the Indians without, just at the da^wning of the morning, exhibited a grand and awful scene. In little more than an hour, this whole work of de struction was finished. Seventy wigwams were burnt, and five or six hundred Indians perished, either by the sword, or in the flame.s. A hundred and fifty warriors had been sent on the evening beibre, who, that very morning, were to have gone forth against the Eng lish, Of these, and all who belonged to the fort, seven only es caped, and seven were made prisoners. It had been previously concluded not lo burn the fori, but to destroy the enemy, and take the plunder ; but the captain afterwards found it the only expedient to obtain the victory, and save his men. Thus parents and children., the sannup and squaw, the old man and the babe, perished in promis cuous ruin," — Trumbull's History of Connecticut, vol, i. p, 83 — 86. m HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. their number were wounded ; the remainder were exhausted with fatigue, and destitute of provisions ; they were in the raidst of an enemy's country, many miles from their vessels, and their ammunition was nearly exhausted ; they were but a few miles distant from the principal fortress of their foe, where there was a fresh array, which they knew would be exaspe rated in the highest degree on learning the fate of their brethren. In the midst of their perplexity, while they were consulting on the course to be pur sued, their vessels appeared in sight, steering with a fair wind directly into the harbour. The army was received on board with great mutual joy and con gratulation. The troops eraployed on this successful expedition reached their horaes before the expiration of a month from the day that the war was resolved upon. The Pequods, on the departure of Captain Mason, burnt their wigwams, destroyed their principal fort, and scattered theraselves throughout the country. Sassa cus, with a party of his chief warriors, abandoned his country, and moved by slow marches towards the Hudson river. They were followed by a party of Massachusetts and Connecticut troops ; and, in a great swamp in Fairfield, near the western part of Connecticut, they were overtaken, and a battle en sued. Sassacus, and about twenty of his most hardy men, escaped, and fled to the Mohawk country ; but there he found no safety ; he was surprised by the Mohawks, and killed, with all his party, except Mononotto,* who, after being wounded, made his escape. The Pequods who remained were divided between the Moheagans and Narragansets, and the nation became cxtinct.t The vigour and boldness with which this war was prosecuted on both sides, give it the air of romance. Its decisive termination, which was so fatal to one party, was productive of tlie most happy consequences to the other. It struck the Indians throuo-hout New England with such a salutary terror, that they were contented, in general, to remain at peace for nearly forty years. The sumraer of the year 1637 witnessed the ar rival of Mr. John Davenport, a celebrated London * " Among the Pequod captives were the wife and children of Mononotto. She was particularly noticed by the English for her great modesty, humanity, and good sense. She made it as her only request, that she might not be injured, either as lo her off spring, or personal honour. As a requital of her kindness to the captivated maids, her life and the lives of her children, were not only spared, but they were particularly recomraended to the care of Governor Winthrop. He gave charge for their protection and kind treatment." — Trumbull's History of Connecticut, vol. i, p, 92, t " The prisoners who were taken in this war were treated by the English with great cruelly. Many of them were put to death. Several sdchems were beheaded at Menunkaluch, and the spot has, from tbe cruel deed, been called Sachem's Head to this day. minister, accompanied by several eminent merchants, and other persons of respectability. The unmolested enjoyment of civil and religious liberty was the ob ject of their eiuigration. Not finding in Massachu setts sufficient room for themselves, and the nunierous friends whora they expected to follow them, and be ing informed of a large bay to the south-west of Connecticut river, commodious for trade, they applied to their friends in Connecticut to purchase for them, of the native proprietors, all the lands lying between the rivers Connecticut and Hudson ; and this pur chase they in part effected. In the autumn, some of the company made a journey to Connecticut to ex plore the lands and harbours on the coast, and pitch ed upon Q-uinnipiack for the place of their settle raent. Here they erected a hut, in which a few raen remained through the winter. The way being thus prepared, the rest of their company sailed frora Boston for Q,uinnipiack in the following March ; and, in about a fortnight, arrived at the desired port. On the 18th of April, they kept their first sabbath under a large spreading oak, where Mr. Davenport preach ed to them. They speedily entered into what they termed a plantation covenant. Determined to make an extensive settlement, these enterprising colonists paid early attention to the making of such purchases and treaties, as would give it stability. In Novem ber, they entered into an agreement with Momauguin, sachem of that part of the country, and his counsel lors, for the lands of Gluinnipiack. Momauguin, in consideration of being protected by the English from the hostile Indians, yielded up his right and title to all the land of Quinnipiack, of which he was the sole sachem, to John Davenport, and others, their heirs and assigns, for ever ; and they, in return, cove nanted that they would protect him and his Indians ; that they should always have a sufficient quantity of land to plant on the east side of the harbour.?: In December, they raade another purchase of a large tract, lying principally north of the other, extending eight railes east of the river Quinnipiack, and five iniles west of it towards Hudson's river. Near the bay of Quinnipiack they laid ont their town ir. The women and children were divided among the troops, and it io staled that 'the people of Massachusetts sent a number of the women and boys to the Wesl Indies, and sold them for slaves,' How op posed is this treatment lo the benevolent spirit that breathes in the letter ofthe amiable Robinson to the people of Plymouth, on learn ing that some of the natives had been killed, when he says, ' O, how happy a thing had it been that you had converted sorae before you had killed any I' " — North American Pv.eview, vol. viii. p. 93. t " By the way of free and grateful retribution, they gave him, his council, and company, twelve coats of Engli'ih cloth, twelve alchymy spoons, t^W'elve hatchets, twelve hoes, two dozen of knives, twelve porringers, and four cases of French knives aud scissors," — Holmes's American Annals, vol, i, p, 245. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 87 squares, on the plan of a spacious city, and called it New Haven. This town was the foundation of a flourishing colony of the same name, of which it be came also the capital.* It appears that these emigrants at first acknow ledged the authority of Massachusetts ; and that the general court of that colony was very reluctant to admit a separate jurisdiction.t But it being evident that the new colonists were wholly without the limits of the Massachusetts patent, they convened an as sembly at Hartford, and formed a constitution of go vernment, which was of the most popular kind, the leading objects of which were to maintain the liberty and purity of the gospel, the disciphne of the churches, and the administration of the government according to the laws.t The people of New Haven, also, the sarae year, formed a constitution similar to that of the neighbouring colony, except that it was a little more strict in not admitting any but church mera bers to the privileges of freemen. These continued to be the constitutions of the two colonies, until they were united under the new charter in 1661. The union of the several colonies of New England has already been described, both as to its causes, its nature, and its eflects on the colony of Massachusetts. It may, however, be observed, in addition to what has * Hubbard, c, 42. ' Mather, Magnal. b. i, p, 25, Trumbull, vol, 1. c. 6, p, 95 — too, Hulchinson, vol, i, p, 83, Chalmers, b, i, p, 290. " The last mentioned tract, bought in December, was pur chased of Montowese, son of the great sachem at Matlabeseck, and was len miles in lenglh, north and south, and thirteen miles in Breadth. It included all the lands v/ithin the ancient limits of the old towns of New Haven, Branford, and Wallingford, and almost the whole within the limits of those towns, and of the more raodern towns of East Haven, Woodbridge, Cheshire, Hamden, and North Haven. For this tract the English gave thirteen coats, and allow ed the natives groimd to plant, and liberty to hunt within the lands, P. Stiles' MSS, and Dr, Trumbull, frora New Haven Records,"— Holmes's American Annals, vol. i, p. 245, t " The annals of colonization, ancient or modern, can scarcely show the commencement of a settlement so extremely faulty as that of Connecticut, The territory, of which they thus took pos session, was not only already occupied by the Dutch, bul had been granted sixteen years before to the Plymouth company. The whole coast of New England was, not long after, divided into twelve different parts ; and, in the presence ol James I,, allotted lo so many distinct members of that body. And in April, 1635, that portion of it was assuredly granted to James, marquis of Hamil ton, as his share, which stretches from tho river Cor.neclicut, east ward, to the Narraganset bay ; and, from its source, one hundred miles into the continent. That part of it which extends frora Connecticut to Hudson's river was probably conveyed to the earl of Stirling as his proportion; and .since the patent was now .sur rendered, as we have seen, into the royal hands, the powers of go vernment, which had been formerly given in trust to that famous corporation, again reverted to the crown. The emigrants before- mentioned can be considered in no olher light, therefore, than as mere intruders on the rights of others. The jurisdiction supposed to be invested in English nobles was undoubtedly groundless ; and it is unnecessary to mention those governmental acts of Massa chusetts which proceeded from acknowledged usurpation," — Chal mers, b, i, chap, xii, p, 288, 289. t " The preaiftble states, that they, the inhabitants and residents already been stated, that, on the completion of the confederacy, several Indian sachems came in, and submitted to the English government, among whom were Miantonomoh, the Narraganset, and Uncas, the Moheagan chief. The union rendered the colonies formidable to the Dutch as well as the Indians, and respectable in the view of the French ; it also main tained general harmony among themselves, and secu red the peace and rights of the country. The Connecticut and New Haven people had been engaged in the raost vexatious and irritating quarrels with the Dutch, from the first settlement of their co lonies, the effect of which had been to excite thera to a state of the most bitter hostility. In the mean time, the English parliament declared v,rar against the United Provinces, and several obstinate naval battles were fought in the British channel ; thus opening the way for hostilities between the infant colonies of the two countries on this continent, if they were so disposed. On the 19th of May, 1653, a spe cial meeting of the commissioners of the United Colo nies was holden at Boston, in consequence of a rumour, that a plot had been formed between the Dutch at New Netherlands, and the Indians in all quarters of the country, to cut off, by a general mas sacre, the whole English population of New England. of those towns, well knowing, that, where a people are gathered together, the Word of God requireth, that, to maintain the peace and union of such a people, there should be an orderly and decent government established, according to God, to order and dispose ol the affairs of the people al all seasons, as occasion should require, do therefore associate and conjoin themselves to be as one public stale or commonwealth. The constilution provided, that there should be annually two general courts or assemblies, one on the second Thursday of April, and the other, on the second Thursday of September ; that at the first, called the court of election, there should be annually chosen a governor and six magistrates, who, being sworn according to an oath recorded for that purpose, should have power to administer justice according to the laws here esta blished, and, in defect of a law, according to the rule of the v;ord of God; and that as many other officers and magistrates might be chosen, as should be found requisite ; that all should have the right of election who were admitted freemen, had taken the oath of fidelity, and lived within this jurisdiction, having been admitted inhabitants by the town where they live ; and that no person might be chosen governor more than once in two years, 'The towns of Hartford, Windsor, and Wethersfield were severally authorized to send four of their freemen, as their deputies, to every general court ; and it was provided, that such other towns, as should afterwards be formed and adraitted into the body politic, should send a.s many as the court, upon the principle of apportioning the number of de puties' to the number of freemen, should judge meet. In this body was vested the supreme power of the commonwealth, executive, legislative, and judicial. This constilution has been thought to be one of the most free and happy consiitutions of civil govern ment ever formed. Its formation, at a period when the light of liberly was extinguished in most parts of the earth, and the rights of men were, in others, so liltle understood, does great honour to the colonists by whom it was framed. It continued, with little al teration, fo our own day ; and the liberty, peace, and prosperity, which it secured lo the people of Connecticut for nearly two centu ries, are seldom, if ever, found in the history of nations." — Holmes's American Annals, vol. i, p, 251. 88 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. The rumour of this plot was derived frora the In dians, and it was supposed to be corroborated by va rious circumstances. It was also reported, that the northern and eastern Indians had become insolent in their conduct towards the English ; and several In dians on Long Island, and in the neighbourhood of the Manhadoes, averred that they had been solicited, with the promise of liberal presents, to join the Dutch in a conspiracy to cut off the Enghsh. About the same time, the Dutch governor wrote to the govern ors of the New England colonies, proposing to enter into an engagement to remain neutral, unless contrary oiders should be given by their superiors, notwith standing the war subsisting between the two coun tries, and offering to send an agent to treat on the subject with the commissioners. This proposition was considered as altogether insidious, and tending to corroborate the rumours of hostile designs. Connecticut and New Haven became alarmed : a meeting of the Commissioners of the United Colonies was called, and evidence of the plot laid before them, A majority was in favour of war ; but the colony of Massachusetts, being remote from the danger, was averse to it. As she was much stronger than either of the others, it was, at the suggestion of her depu ties, resolved, that agents should first be sent to de mand of the Dutch governor an explanation of his conduct. The agents did not obtain what they con ceived to be a satisfactory explanation. On their return, another meeting of the coinmissioners was held at Boston, additional testimony was laid before ihein, and several rainisters of Massachusetts were in vited to assist at their deliberations, a practice not unusual at that period. The opinion of these rainis- teis being requested, they concluded, that it would be safest for the colonies to forbear the use of the sword. But all the coraraissioners, except one, were of opinion, that recent aggressions astified, and self-preservation dictated, an appeal to Jie sword. They were about to declare war, when the general court of Massachu setts, in what the other colonies conceived to be a direct violation of one of the articles of the confedera tion, resolved, " that no determination of the com missioners, though all should agree, should bind the colony to engage in hostilities." At this declaration, Connecticut and New Haven felt alarmed and indig- Uant. They considered the other colonies too weak, ¦Without the assistance of Massachusetts, to contend with the Dutch and their Indian allies. They argued, * Those of our readers who may be desirous to understand the merits of this controversy between the colonies, we refer to a very able and impartial extract in the North American Review, vol, iv. p, 90, et seq. We take this early opportunity to express our ae- entreated, and remonstrated, but without success.^ They then represented their danger to Cromwell, and implored his assistance. He, with his usual prompt itude, sent a fleet for their protection, and for the conquest of their eneraies ; but peace in Europe, in telligence of which reached New England soon after the arrival of the fleet, saved the Dutch frora subju gation, and relieved the colonies from the dread of massacre. Soon after the restoration, the Connecticut colony sent Mr. Winthrop, son of Governor Winthrop, of Massachusetts, to England, with an humble petition to the king, in which they solicited a charter under the royal signature. Mr. Winthrop was a gentleman of fine talents and address, and he succeeded in enga ging in his interest several gentlemen of influence at court. He was also possessed of a valuable ring, which had been given by Charles I. to his grandfa ther ; this, on his audience with the king, he present ed to his majesty, which is supposed to have materi ally influenced the king in his favour. On the 20th of April, 1662, he obtained a patent under the great seal, granting the most ample privileges, and confirm ing to the freemen of the Connecticut colony, and such as should be admitted freemen, all the lands which had been formerly granted to the earl of War wick, and by hira transferred to Lord Saye and Seie, and his associates. This charter established over the colony a form of government of the most popular kind, and continued the fundamental law of Connec ticut for the space of one hundred and fifty-eight years. " It is remarkable," says a writer in the North American Review, " that, although it was granted at a period of the world when the rights of the people were little understood and little regarded, and by a sovereign who governed England wilh a more arbi trary sway than any of his successors, the form of government established by this charter was of a more popular description, and placed all power within the more immediate reach of the people, than the consti tution for which it has been deliberately exchanged, in these modern days of popular jealousy and repub lican freedom." The colony of New Haven was included in the new charter of Connecticut ; but the inhabitants for several years refused to consent to the union, till the apprehension of the appointment of a general governor, and of their being united with sorae other colony, with a charter less favourable to liberty, induced them to yield a reluctant assent. knowledgment to the editors of that very ably conducted periodical, for the assistance it has rendered us in this, as in other portions of the history ; and to express the satisfaction we feel at the extensive circulation it is now acquiring in the British dominions. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 89 The circumstance which chiefly occasioned the apprehensions alluded to, was the grant of Charles II. to his brother, the duke of York and Albany, of a patent of a large territory in America, comprising lands from the west side of the river Connecticut, to the east side of Delaware bay. A fleet was imraedi ately despatched for the reduction of the Dutch in New Netherlands, and commissioners were appointed for taking possession of the newly granted territories, in which were embraced the whole of New Haven, and a large portion of Connecticut. They were not only intrusted with the governraent of this territory, but were also invested with extraordinary powers for visiting the New England colonies, and hearing all matters of complaint and controversy which might arise in them. The people of New Haven, on hear ing of the arbitrary disposition of these coraraission ers, thought it expedient, as the least of two evils, to shelter themselves under the Connecticut charter, and to unite with that colony in endeavouring to secure the privileges granted by it. Mr. Winthrop and others (a coraraittee appointed for the purpose) suc ceeded in obtaining from the commissioners the esta blishment of the eastern line of New York, nearly where it runs at the present day, and thus preserved the colony from being dismembered of the richest and raost populous section of its territory. Connecticut was destined to suffer, with the rest of the colonies, frora the violent acts committed in the last years of the reign of the Stuarts. Massachu setts had been deprived of her charter, and Rhode Island had been induced to surrender hers, when, in July, 1685, a writ of quo warranto was issued against the governor and company of Connecticut. The co lonial governraent was strongly advised by Vane to coraply with the requisition, and surrender the charter ; but it was deterrained neither to appear to defend the charter nor voluntarily to surrender it. Sir Ed mund Andros, whose appointment to the office of go vernor of the New England colonies has been related in the preceding chapter, made repeated applications for the surrender of the charter, but without success. The singular mode of its escape frora his demand in person, is thus recorded by Trumbull : " The assem bly met as usual, in October, 1687, and the govern ment continued, according to charter, until the last of the month. About this time. Sir Edmund, with his suite, and raore than sixty regular troops, carae to Hartford, where the asserably were sitting, demanded * Trumbull's History of Connecticut, p. 371, 372. t The records of the colony announce the fact in the following terms : — " At a general court at Hartford, October 31st, 1687, his excellency. Sir Edmund Andros, knight, and captain-general and governor of his majesty's territories and dominions in New Eng- Vol. I. -Nos. 7 «fc 8 S the charter, and declared the government under it to be dissolved. The assembly were extremely reluc tant and slow with respect to any resolve to surrender the charter, or with respect to any motion to bring it forth. The tradition is, that Governor Treat strongly represented the great expense and hardships of the colonists in planting the country ; the blood and trea sure which they had expended in defending it, both against the savages and foreigners ; to what hard ships and dangers he himself had been exposed fo' that purpose ; and that it was like giving up his life, now to surrender the patent and privileges so dearly bought, and so long enjoyed. The important affair was debated and kept in suspense until the evening, when the charter was brought and laid upon the table where the assembly were sitting. By this time, great numbers of people were asserabled, and men suffi ciently bold to enterprise whatever might be necessary or expedient. The lights were instantly extinguish ed, and one Captain Wadsworth, of Hartford, in the most silent and secret manner, carried off the charter, and secreted it in a large hollow tree, fronting the house of the Honourable Samuel Wyllys, then one of the raagistrates of the colony. The people ap peared all peaceable and orderly. The candles were officiously re-lighted, but the patent was gone, and no discovery could be made of it, or of the person who had conveyed it away."* Though Sir Edmund was thus foiled in his attempt to obtain possession of the charter, he did not hesitate to assume the reins of go- vernment,t which he administered in a manner as oppressive in this as in the other colonies. When, on the arrival of the declaration of the prince of Orange at Boston, Andros was deposed and im prisoned, the people of Connecticut resumed their pre vious form of government, having been interrupted little raore than a year and a half In the Indian war, in which Philip acted so con spicuous a part, Connecticut had her share of suffer ing, though it was not so great as that of sorae of her sister colonies. Hostilities were commenced by tho aborigines, on the Connecticut river, in the summei of 1675 ; and. on the 1st of September, the inhabit ants of Hadley were alarmed by the Indians during the time of public worship, and the people thrown into the utmost confusion ; but the enemy were re pulsed by the valour and good conduct of an aged, venerable man, who, suddenly appearing in the midst of the affrighted inhabitants, put hiraself at their land, by order frora his majesty, James IL, king of England, Scot land, France, and Ireland, the 31st of October, 1687, took into his hands the government of the colony of Connecticut, il being, by his majesty, annexed to Massachusetts, and other colonies under his excellency's government. Finis." — Ibid. 90 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. head, led them to the onset, and, after the dispersion of the enemy, instantly disappeared. This deliverer of Hadley, then imagined to be an angel, was Ge neral Goffe, (one of the judges of Charles I.,) who was at that time concealed in the town.* But a short time elapsed, before the colonists were again called on to defend their privileges from what they deemed an unjust encroachment. Colo nel Fletcher, governor of New York, had been vested with plenary powers to command the mflitia of Con necticut, and insisted on the exercise of that com mand. The legislature of Connecticut, deeming that authority to be expressly given to the colony by charter, would not submit to his requisitions ; but, desirous of maintaining a good understanding with Governor Fletcher, endeavoured to make terms with him, until his Majesty's pleasure should be further known. All their negotiations were, however, un successful ; and, on the 26th of October, he came to Hartford, while the assembly was sitting, and, in his majesty's name, demanded submission ; but the refu sal was resolutely persisted in. After the requisition had been repeatedly raade, with plausible explana tions and serious menaces, Fletcher ordered his com mission and instructions to be read in audience of the train bands of Hartford, which had assembled upon his order. Captain Wadsworth, the senior ofiicer, who was exercising his soldiers, instantly called out, " Beat the drums !" which, in a moment, overwhelmed every voice. Fletcher commanded silence. No sooner was a second attempt made to read, than Wadsworth vociferated, " Drum, drum ! I say." The drummers instantly beat up again, with the greatest possible spirit. " Silevce, silence," ex claimed the governor. At the first moment of a pause, Wadsworth called out earnestly, " Drum, drum, I say;" and, turning to his excellency, said, " If I ara interrupted again, I will raake the sun shine through you in a moment." Colonel Fletcher declined putting Wadsworth to the test, and aban doning the contest, returned with his suite to New York. — It has been already observed, that the history of the American colonies has been decidedly under valued and nesrlected ; this raust have been the case even with the best educated classes of society, or surely, after such speciraens of determined indepen dence of spirit as the history of this colony, and of Massachusetts, exhibits, the measures which ulti- * " Suddenly, j\nd in the midst of the people, there appeared a man of a very venerable aspect, who took the command, arranged and ordered them in the best military manner, and under his di rection they repelled and routed the Indians, and the town was saved. He immediately vanished, and the inhabitants could not account for the phenomenon, but by considering tha,t person as an , mately led to an entire separation would never have received the sanction of the British senate. In the year 1700, Yale college was founded. The project had been the subject of conversation for the space of two years, and at length eleven gentlemen, who had been agreed on as trustees, assembled at Branford, and laid the foundation of the college. In the year following, the trustees obtained from the general assembly an act of incorporation, and a grant of 120/. annually. It was originally established at Saybrook ; and, in 1702, the first degrees were there conferred. Elihu Yale made several donations to the institution, and from him it derives the name it bears. A succession of able instructors has raised it to a high rank among the literary institutions ot the country. The history of this college, as well as a description of its extensive buildings, will appeal in the topographical department of this work. The trustees of Yale College, asserabled at Guil ford, March 17th, 1703, addressed a circular letter to the ministers, proposing to hold a general synod of all the churches in the colony, to give their joint consent to a confession of faith, after the example of the synod in Boston, 1680. This proposal was uni versally acceptable ; and the ministers and churches of the several counties met in voluntary " consocia tion," and gave their consent to the Westminster and Savoy confessions of faith, and agreed upon certain rules of union in discipline, which were designed to be preparatory to a general synod. Still there was no visible and acknowledged bond of union among them ; and the disadvantages attendant upon a want of system were felt to a considerable extent. Under the infiuence of these considerations, the legislature passed an act , in May, 1708, requiring the rainisters and churches to meet by delegation at Saybrook, at the next commencement to be held there, and forra an ecclesiastical constitution, which they were directed to present to the legislature at their session at New Haven, the following October, to be consi dered of, and confirraed by thera. In the same act they directed the ministers, and churches of the colony, to meet (the churches by delegation) in the county towns of their respective counties ; there to consider and agree upon those rules for the manage ment of ecclesiastical discipline, which they should judge conformable to the word of God, and to appoint two or more of their number as members of angel, sent of God for their deliverance."— Sliles, Hist. Judges, p. 109. "From New Haven, Whalley and Goffe went to West Rock, a mountain about three hundred feet high, and about two miles and a half from the town, and were for some time concealed in a cave ' on the very top of the rock, about half or three quarters of a mile from the southern extremity.' " — Stiles, p. 72, 76. HISTORY OP THE UNITED STATES. 91 the synod at Saybrook. They also directed the synod to compare the results of these ecclesiastical meetings of the several counties, and out of them to draw a form of ecclesiastical discipline. The ex penses of all these meetings were to be defrayed out of the public treasury. The system agreed upon by the synod was presented to the legislature at the tirae specified ; upon whicli they passed the follow ing act : * The " Heads of Agreement" afford an authentic statement of he doctrine and discipline of the New England churches ; and, as they will most effectually vindicate these societies from misrepre sentation, and enable our readers to avoid misconception, we have quoted them at length. The " Platform," and the whole pro ceedings respecting it, may be found in the fifth book of Mather's Magnalia. " HE.1DS OP AGREEMENT ASSENTED TO BY THE UNITED MINISTERS, FORMER LY CALLED PRESBYTERIAN AND CONGREGATIONAL. " I. Of Churches and Church Members. — 1. We acknowledge our Lord Jesus Christ to have one catholic church, or kingdom, com prehending all that are united to him, whether in heaven or earth ; and do conceive the whole multitude of visible believers, and their infant seed, (commonly called the catholic visible church,) to be long to Christ's spiritual kingdom in this world ; but for the notion of a catholic visible church here, as it signifies its having been col lected into any formed society, under a visible human head on earlh, whether one person singly, or many collectively, we, with the rest of proteslants, unanimously disclaim it. 2. We agree, that particular societies of visible saints, who, under Christ their head, are statedly joined together, for ordinary communion with one another in all the ordinances of Christ, are particular churches, and are to be owned by each other as instituted churches of Christ, though differing in apprehensions and practice in some lesser things. 3. That none shall be admitted as members, in order lo communion in all the special ordinances of the gospel, but such persons as are knowing and sound in the fundamental doctrines of the christian religion, without scandal in their lives ; and to a judgment regulated by the word of God, are persons of visible ho liness and honesty, credibly professing cordial subjection to Jesus Christ. 4. A competent nuraber of such visible saints, as before described, do become the capable subjects of stated communion in all the special ordinances of Christ, upon their mutual declared consent and agreement to walk together therein according lo gospel rule. In which declaration, different degrees of explicitness shall no ways hinder such churches from owning each other as instituted churches. 5. Though parochial bounds be not of divine right, yet, for common edification, the merabers of a particular church ought (as rauch as conveniently may be) to live near one another, 6, That each particular church hath right to use their own officers ; and being furnished with such as are duly qualified and ordained ac cording to the go,spel rule, hath authority from Christ for exer cising government, and of enjoying all the ordinances of worship within itself. 7, In the administration of church power, it belongs to the pastors and other elders of every particular church, if such there be, to rule and govern, and to the brotherhood to consent, ac cording to the rule of the gospel, 8, That all professors, as before described, are bound in duty, as they have opportunity, to join themselves as fixed merabers of sorae particular church ; their thus joining being part of their professed subjection to the gospel of Christ, and an instituted raeans of their establishraent and edifica tion, whereby they are under the pastoral care, and, in case of scandalous or offensive walking, raay be authoritatively admonish ed or censured for their recovery, and for vindication of the truth and the church professing it. 9, That a visible professor thus joined lo a particular church ought to continue steadfast ¦with the i,aid church, and not forsake the ministry and ordinances there dis pensed, without an orderly seeking a recommendation unto another church, which ought to be given, when the case of the person ap parently requires it. " At a general court, holden at New Haven, Octo ber, 1708 : " The reverend ministers, delegates from the elders and messengers of this government, met at Saybrook, Septeraber 9th, 1708, having presented to this assem bly a Confession of Faith, and Heads of Agreement,* and regulations in the administration of church discipline, as unanimously agreed and consented to by the elders and churches in this government ; this " II, of Uk Ministry.— \. We agree that the ministerial office is instituted by Jesus Christ for the gathering, guiding, edifying, and governing of his church, and to continue to the end of the world 2, They who are called lo this office ought to be endued with com petent learning and ministerial gifts, as also with the grace of God, sound in judgment, not novices in the faith and knowledge of the gospel, without scandal, of holy conversation, and such as devote iheraselves to the work and service thereof. 3, That, ordinarily, none shall be ordained lo the work of this ministry, but such as are called and chosen thereunto by a particular church. 4, That in so great and weighty a matter as the calling and choosing a pastor, we judge it ordinarily requisite, that every such church consult and advise with the pastors of neighbouring congregations, 5, That after such advice, the person consulted about being chosen by the brotherhood of that particular church over which he is to be set, and he accepting, be duly ordained and set apart to his office over them ; wherein it is ordinarily requisite, that the pastors of neigh bouring congregations concur with the preaching elder or elders, if such there be, 6, That, whereas such ordination is only intend ed for such as never before had been ordained to the minisieria,; office ; if any judge, that in the case also of the removal of one formerly ordained to a new station, or pastoral charge, there ought to be a like soleran recommending him and his labours to the grace and blessing of God ; no different sentiments, or praclice herein, shall be any occasion of contention or breach of communion among us. 7. It is expedient, that they who enter on the work of preach ing the gospel, be not only qualified for communion of saints, but also, that, except in cases extraordinary, they give proof of their gifts and fitness for the said work unto the pastors of churches of known abilities to discern and judge of their qualifications, ihat they raay be sent forth with solemn approbation and prayer, which we judge needful, that no doubt raay reraain concerning their being called unto the work, and for preventing, as much as in us lielh, ignorant and rash intruders. " III, Of Censures. — 1, As it cannot be avoided, but that in the purest churches on earth, there will sometimes offences and scan dals arise, by reason of hypocrisy and prevailing corruption ; so Christ hath made it the duty of every church to reform itself by spiritual remedies appointed by him to be applied in all such cases, viz, admonition and excommunication. 2, Admonition being the rebuking of an offending member in order lo conviction, is, in case of private offences, lo be performed according lo the rule in Matt. xviii, 15, 16, 17, and in case of public offences, openly before the church, as the honour of the gospel, and the nature of the scandal, shall require ; and if either of the admonitions take place for the recovery of the fallen person, all further proceedings in a way of censure are thereon to cease, and salis.faclion to be declared ac cordingly, 3, When all due means are used, according to the order of the gospel, for the restoring an offending and scandalous brother, and he, notwithstanding, remains impenilent, the cen.sure of excommunication is to be proceeded unio; wherein the pastor, and other elders, (if there be such,) are lo lead and go before the church; and the brotherhood to give their consent in a way of obedience unto Christ, and lo the elders, as ovei thera in the Lord. 4. It raay sometimes come to pass, that a church member, not otherwise scandalous, may sinfully withdraw, and divide himsell from the communion of the church fo which he belongeth; in which case, when all due means for Ihe reducing him prove inef fectual, he having thereby cut hiraself off frora that church's com munion, the church may justly e.sicem and declare itself discharged of any further inspection over him. 93 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. assembly doth declare their great approbation of such a happy agreement ; and do ordain, that all the churches within this government, that are or shall be thus united in doctrine, worship, and discipline, be, and for the future shall be, owned and acknow ledged, and established by law ; provided always, that nothing herein shall be intended or construed to hinder or prevent any society or church that is, or shall be, allowed by the laws of this government, who soberly differ or dissent from the united churches hereby established, from exercising worship and dis cipline in their own way, according to their con sciences." Dr. Dwight gives the following concise and clear view of what he terms " the two ecclesiastical judi catories established in the state of Connecticut, — a particular church, and a consociation. A particular church, with its pastor at its head, has the power of exercising the discipline of the gospel with respect to all scandals which take place among its raerabers. With respect to this subject, it is declared to be the province of the pastor, together with the ruling elders, wherever they exist, to govern ; and that of the bro therhood to consent, and, of course, if they see occa sion, to dissent. This constitutes two distinct powers ; " IV. Of Communion of Churches. — 1. We agree that particular churches ought not to walk so distinct and separaie from each other, as not to have care and tenderness towards one another. But their pastors ought to have frequent meetings together, that, by mu tual advice, support, encourageraent, and brotherly intercourse, they may strengtlien the hearts and hands of each other in the ways of tho Lord, 2, That none of our particular churches shall be subordinate to one another, each being endued with equality of power frora Jesus Christ ; and that none of the said particular churches, their officer or officers, shall exercise any power, or have any superiority, over any other church or their officers, 3. That known members of particular churches, constituted as aforesaid, may have occasional communion with one another in the ordinances of the gospel, viz, the word, prayer, sacraments, singing of psalms, dispensed according to the mind of Christ, unless that church, with which they desire communion, hath any just exception against them. 4. That we ought not to admit any one to be a member of our respective congregations that hath joined himself to another, without endeavours of mutual satisfaction of the congregations concerned, 5, That one church ought not to blame the proceed ings of another, until it hath heard what that church charged, its elders or messengers, can say in vindication of themselves frora any charge of irregular or injurious proceedings, 6. That we are most willing and ready lo give an account of our church proceed ings to each other, when desired, for preventing or reraoving any offences that maj arise araong us. Likewise, we shall be ready to give the right hand of fellowship, and ¦walk together according to the gospel rules of communion of churches. " V. Of Deacons and Ruling Elders.— -'We agree, the office of a deacon is of divine appointment, and that it belongs to their office to receive, lay out, and distribute the church's stock to its proper uses, by the direction of the pastor and brethren, if need be. And, whereas divers are of opinion, that there is also the office of ruling elders, who labour not in word and doctrine; and others think otherwise; we agree that this difference make no breach among us, " VI, Of occasional Meeting of Ministers, &c, — I, We agree that, in order to concord, and in other weighty and difficult cases, it is needful, and according to the mind of Christ, that the ministers of one of which (the elder or elders) is to originate de cisions ; and the other has the right of a veto with respect to every decision. This certainly is a judi catory, attended with eircurastances of extreme deli cacy ; for, should the brotherhood refuse their consent, the measures originated mu.st regularly fall. It might not unnaturally be expected, that, in such a division of authority, most measures actually proposed would fail. The very same is, however, the constitution of every representative governraent, so far as a veto is concerned ; each branch of the legislature having, of course, a negative upon the other. Here, also, each branch has additionally the power of originating measures." " The general association of Connecticut is a body raerely advisory, yet its recoraraendations have no sraall part of the efficacy derived from au thority. The business transacted by it consists in a general superintendence of the prudential affairs of the churches ;* in receiving applications from the several ministers, individually and associated ; and from the several churches, particular or consociated, concerning their respective interests, or the general ecclesiastical interests of the state ; and giving their advice, recommending such measures originally as they judge to be beneficial." It is undeniably true, several churches be consulted and ailvised with about such mat ters, 2. That such raeetings may consist of sraaller or greater nurabers, as the matter shall require, 3. That particular churches, their respective elders and members, ought to have a reverential regard to their judgment so given, and not dissent therefrom with out apparent grounds from the ¦B'ord of God, "VII. Of our Demeanour towards the Civil Magistrate. — 1. We do reckon ourselves obliged continually to pray for God's protec tion, guidance, and blessing, upon the rulers set over us. 2, That we ought to yield unto thera not only subjection in the Lord, but support, according to our station and abilities. 3. That, if at any tirae it shall be their pleasure to call together any number of us to require an account of our affairs, and the stale of our congrega tions, we shall most readily express all dutiful regard to them herein. " VIII, Of a Confession of Faith. — As to what appertams to soundness of judgment in matters of faith, we esteem it sufficient that a church ack-nowledge the Scriptures to be the word of God, the perfect and only rule of faith and praclice, and own either the doctrinal part of those commonly called the Articles of the church of England, or the Confession or Catechisms, shorter or larger, compiled by the assembly al Westminster, or the confession agreed on at the Savoy, to be agreeable lo the said rule, " IX, Of our Duty and Deportment towards them that are not in Communion with us. — 1. We judge it our duty to bear a christian respect to all Christians, according to their several ranks and sta tions, that are not of our persuasion or communion. 2, As for such as may be ignorant of the principles of the christian religion, or of vicious conversation, we shall, in our respective places, as they give opportunity, endeavour to explain to them the doctrine of life and salvation, and to our utmost persuade them to be reconciled to God, 3, That such who appear to have the essential req lisites to church communion, we shall willingly receive them in the Lord, not troubling them with disputes about lesser matters,"— Mather's Magnalia, b, v. p, 59—61. » The general association is also now the incorporaied Mission ary Society of the state, both " foreign" and " domestic." HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 93 that some evils have ever been attendant on the pure ly congregational or independent system of church governraent ; but they have arisen rather from the absence of a proper spirit among the raerabers of the churches, than from the form of government itself The history of the proceedings of the " consociations" of Connecticut, affords but a poor recoraraend ation for their general adoption, as a reraedy for the disad vantages of independency ; although it must be ad mitted that the injurious tendencies of such associa tions was much aggravated by the intimate connexion which existed between the civil and ecclesiastical powers in this colony ; and, raost assuredly, the acts of the hierarchy of Connecticut fully evince, that the sword of the magistrate should never be entrusted to the hands, or to the influence, of any priesthood, how ever pure or exemplary. The tyrannical character of their proceedings was decidedly exhibited, in their treatment of many of the most devoted labourers, in that great moral renovation which pervaded almost every part of the colony in 1738, and the following years. It might be supposed by sorae of our readers, that a revival of religion is not a subject that should oc cupy a place in the general history of a state. It is true, that the advance or decay of any particular re ligious sect belongs to the ecclesiastical, rather than to the civil record ; but it is far otherwise with a great raoral change aflecting all classes of society : such a circumstance is of raore importance to the civil interests of society, than even the political insti tutions which are deemed essential to its prosperity. Originated by whatever circumstances, private virtue is the only basis on which the security of states can ever rest ; and with the extraordinary rise of the American republic as the peculiar subject of our con sideration, it would be unpardonable not to feel this sentiment in its fullest force. We are the more de sirous of giving faithfully the general outline of the proceedings which have been designated revivals, both because they have recently attracted a consider able portion of public attention, and because we con ceive they have not been regarded in a perfectly cor rect point of view, either by their opponents, or by their approvers. It was in the year 1735, that the flrst very decided indication of a revival spirit raanifested itself at North- arapton, Massachusetts, under the ministry of the Rev. Jonathan Edwards, afterwards president of the college in New Jersey. It appears to have commenced among the young people of his congregation. " Pre sently," says Dr. Edwards, " a great and earnest con cern about the things of religion and the eternal world became universal in all parts of the town, and among persons of all degrees and ages. All the conversation in all companies, and upon all occasions, was upon these things only, unless so rauch as was necessary for people to carry on their ordinary secular business. Other discourse than of the things of reli gion would scarcely be tolerated in any company. They seemed to follow their worldly business more as a part of their duty, than from any disposition they had to it. The temptation now seeraed to lie on this hand, to neglect worldly affairs too rauch, and to spend too rauch tirae in the iramediate exercises of religion. But although people did not ordinarily neglect their worldly business, yet there then was the reverse of what commonly is ; religion was with all the great concern." This state of feeling spread rapidly during the following seven years through raany of the towns of the New England states, and in sorae of those of New York and New Jersey. " This work," says Dr. Trurabull,* " was very extraordinary on raany accounts. It was rauch beyond what had been the coramon course of Providence. It was raore universal than had before been known. It extended to all sorts and characters of people, sober and vicious, high and low, rich and poor, wise and unwise. To all appearance, it was no less powerful in families and persons of distinction, in the places which it visited, than others. In former works of this nature, young people had generally been wrought upon, while elderly people and children had been little affected, if moved at all. But at this time old raen were af fected as well as others." " People, in a wonderful raanner, flocked together to places of public worship, not only on the Lord's-day, but on lecture days, so that the places of worship could not contain them. They would not only fill the houses, but crowd round the doors and windows without, and press together wherever they could hear the preacher. They would not only thus assemble in their own towns and pa rishes when the word was preached, but if they had the knowledge of lectures in the neighbouring towns and parishes, they would attend them. Soraetimes they would follow the preacher from town to town, and from one place to another, for several days to gether. In some instances, in places but thinly set tled, there would be such a concourse, that no house could hold them. There was, in the rainds of people, a general fear of sin, and of the wrath of God de nounced against it. There seeraed to be a general conviction, that all the ways of raan were before the eyes of the Lord. It was the opinion of men of dis- . - ., . . ,, — — « * liistory of Connecticttt^ tqI. ii. p, X41. 94 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. cernment and sound judgment, who had the best op portunities of knowing the feelings and general state of the people at that period, that bags of gold and silver, and other precious things, raight, with safety, have been laid in the streets, and that no man would have converted them to his own use. Theft, wanton ness, intemperance, profaneness, sabbath-breaking, and other gross sins, appeared to be put away. The intermissions on the Lord's-day, instead of being spent in worldly conversation and vanity, as had been too usual before, were now spent in religious conversa tion, in reading and singing the praises of God. At lectures there was not only great attention and serious ness in the house of God, but the conversation out of it was generally on the great concerns of the soul." There is a circumstance which considerably con tributed to accelerate the diffusion of a revival spirit, which must not be overlooked — the visits of-the cele brated contemporaries, Wesley and Whitefield, to the American continent, just at this period.* The ex traordinary exertions of the latter especially excited and emboldened many faithful rainisters of Connecti cut, whose labours and pecuniary sacrifices now be came greater than they had ever before experienced or imagined they could endure. They not only abounded in active exertions araong their own and neighbouring congregations, but preached in all parts of the colony, where their brethren would admit them, and in many places in Massachusetts, and the other colonies. They were very popular, and their labours were generally acceptable to their brethren, and use ful to the people. They were not noisy preachers, but grave, sentimental, searching, and pungent. Con- * Mr. Whitefield landed at Philadelphia the beginning of No vember, 1739. On his arrival, he was invited lo preach in all the churches, and people of all denominations flocked in crowds to hear him. After preaching a few days in Philadelphia, he made a visit to New York, and preached eight times in that place with great applause and effect. Thence he returned to Philadelphia, preach ing on the way, both going and returning. From thence he went to Georgia by land, preaching on the way as he proceeded. Num bers followed, some twenty, and some even sixty railes. He preach ed at Chester, Wilrainglon, Newcastle, and Whilley-creek, Al the last of these places, it was computed that his congregation con sisted of not less than len thousand hearers ; and the people seemed almost universally impressed. These reports reaching New Eng land, there was a great desire, both in ministers and people, to see and hear him; and Dr, Coleman and Mr, Cooper, of Boston, sent pressing invitations that he would pay them a visit, Mr, While- field, touched wilh a curiosity to see the descendants of the good old puritans, and their seats of learning, and hoping that he raight make some further collections for his favourite object, the orphan- house in Georgia, accepted their invitation. He arrived at Rhode Island on September 14th, 1740, Here a number of principal gen tlemen soon wailed on him. He preached there three days, twice a day, to deeply affected auditories. He then departed for Boston, where he was met on the road by the governor's son, several of the clergy, and other gentlemen of principal character, who con ducted him into the city. His assemblies there were so large, that the most capacious houses could not contain them, and he often necticut was, however, more remarkably the seat of the work than any part of New England, or of the Araerican colonies. In the years 1740, 1741, and 1742, it had pervaded, in a greater or less degree, every part of the colony. In raost of the towns and societies, it was very general and powerful. It has been estimated, that, during three years, frora thirty to forty thousand persons had their minds affected in the decided manner which has been de scribed. It raight naturally have been supposed, that, as raany of these impressions occurred at a period of extraordinary excitement, they would not have been generally productive of permanently beneficial results. The contrary, however, in a very great majority of instances, appears to have been the fact. " The ef fects on great numbers," says Dr. Trumbull, " were abiding and raost happy ; they were the most uniform, exemplary christians, with whom I was ever ac quainted. I was born, and had my education, in that part of the town of Hebron in which the work was most prevalent and powerful. They were extra ordinary for their constant and serious attention on the public worship ; they were prayerful, righteous, peaceable, and charitable ; they kept up their reli gious raeetings for prayer, reading, and religious con versation, for raany years ; they were strict in the re ligion and government of their families, and I never knew that any one of thera was ever guilty of scan dal, or fell under discipline. About eight or ten years after the religious revival and reforraation, that part of the town was raade a distinct society, and it was raentioned to Mr. Lothrop, the pastor elect, as an encouragement to settle with them, that there was preached on the coraraon. This was the beginning of the most ex traordinary revival of religion ever experienced in Boston, or in that part of New England, When Mr, Whitefield left Boston, it was for Northampton, He had read in England the narrative of Mr, Edwards, of the remarkable work of God in that place, in 1735, aud had a great desire to see him, and receive the account from his own mouth. On his way, pulpits and houses were every where open to him, and the sarae happy influence and effects at tended his preaching, which had been experienced in other places. When he arrived at Northarapton, about the middle of October, he was joyfully received by Mr. Edwards and the people. After leaving their interesting society, he preached in the neighbouring towns to large and deeply affected congregations. On the 23d of October, he reached New Haven. Here he was affectionately re ceived ; and, as the general assembly were then silting, he re mained several days, and had the pleasure of seeing nurabers daily irapressed. After the sabbath he preached al Milfoi', and prose cuting his journey to New York, and the southern colonies, he preached with his usual popularity and success. Taking leave of Connecticut, he preached at Rye and Kingsbridge, and, on the 30th of October, arrived at New York, Here he remained three days, and then departed, preaching through the southern colonies, as he had done before, bul apparently with still greater success. It appears he ¦K'as the instruraent of great good in New England, as well as in the southern colonies. He greatly quickened and animated ministers, as well as private Christians, especially in Massachusetts and Connecticut, HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 95 not a drunkard in the whole parish. While I lived in it, I did not know of one prayerless family among his people, nor ever heard of one. Some of those people, who dated their conversion from that period, lived until they were far advanced in life ; and after I was settled in the ministry, I became acquainted with thera in one place and another. They appear ed to be some of the most consistent practical Chris tians with whom I ever had an acquaintance. Their light shone before men, through a long life, and brightened as they advanced on their way. Some I was called to visit in their last moments in full pos session of their rational powers, who appeared per fectly to acquiesce in the will of God, to die in the full assurance of faith, and in perfect triumph over the last enemy." These proceedings, though so accordant with the principles and spirit of the reformation, the professed model of the Connecticut establishraent, did not re ceive its concurrence. In the midst of such a mani festation of popular feeling, there were some irregu larities which did not comport with the discipline, and some doctrinal variations from the creed, of " the Saybrook platform." Every deviation or excess was magnified into importance by the majority of the clergy, who were indisposed to any extraordinary ex ertion, and who dreaded the infectious zeal spreading among their fiocks. Numerous opposers appeared against what they were pleased fo term the " new light ;'' and, as in most similar cases, the oppugners of reform were supported by the aristocracy. The baneful effects of establishments and of " consocia tions," were also plenteously exhibited. A striking instance of the deplorable illiberality of the latter occurred in the case of Mr. Robbins, who, after a variety of vexatious proceedings on the part of the consociation of New Haven county, was deposed from his ofiice of pastor of the church at Branford, for having preached for a dissenting baptist minister at Wallingford, without the permission of the establish ed clergyman of the parish ! His own church, how ever, resolved, " that this society desire the Rev. Mr. Robbins to continue in the ministry among us, not withstanding his preaching to the Baptists, and what the consociation of New Haven county have done thereon ;" thus preferring to be excluded from the consociation, and become dissenters themselves, ra ther than submit to spiritual tyranny in so gross a form.* The edicts of the state were still more oppressive * Those of our readers who may be desirous of becoming more intimately acquainted with the ecclesiastical history of this colony than our limits will permit, can refer to Trumbull's History of 1 than those of the clergy, and remind us of the pater nal decrees of the Emperor Ferdinand II., who, from the " urgings of his tender conscience," and frora his " fatherly care" for the salvation of his kingdom of Bohemia, denounced ruin and desiruction against all who resisted his spiritual decrees. In May, 1742, the general assembly of Connecticut resolved as fol lows : — " 1. Be it enacted by the governor, council, and representatives in general court assembled, and by the authority of the same, that if any ordained minister, or any other person licensed as aforesaid, to preach, shall enter into any parish not immediately under his charge, and shall there preach and exhort the people, he shall be denied and excluded the benefit of any law of this colony, made for the support and encourage ment of the gospel ministry, except such ordained minister, or licensed person, shall be expressly invited and desired to enter into such parish, and there to preach and exhort the people, by the settled minister, and the major part of the church and society within such parish. " 2. And it is further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that if any association of ministers shall undertake to examine or license any candidate for the gospel ministry, or assume to themselves the decision of any controversy, or as an association, counsel and advise in any affair that, by the platform, or agree ment above mentioned, made at Saybrook, aforesaid, is properly within the province and jurisdiction of another association, then, and in such case, every member that shall be present in such association so licensing, deciding, or counsellingr, shall be each and every one of them denied and excluded the benefit of any law in this colony, for the encouragement and support of the gospel ministry. "3. And it is further enacted, by the authority aforesaid, that if any minister, or ministers, contrary to the true intent and meaning of this act, shall pre sume to preach in any parish, not under his iramedi ate care and charge, the minister of the parish where he shall so offend, or the civil authority, or any of the committee of said parish, shall give information thereof in writing, under their hands, to the clerk of the society or parish where such offending minister doth belong, which clerk shall receive such informa- tion, and lodge and keep the same on file in his office, and no assistant or justice of the peace in this colony shall sign any warrant for the collecting any minis ter's rate, without first receiving a certificate from Connecticut, a very valuable work, to which we are indebted for much of the information comprised in this chapter. 96 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. the clerk of the society, or parish, where such rate is to be collected, that no such information as is above mentioned hath been received by hira, or lodged in his oflice. " 4. And be it further enacted, by the authority aforesaid, that if any person whatsoever, that is not a settled or ordained minister, shall go into any parish, without the express desire and invitation of the settled minister of such parish, if any there be, and the major part of the church and congregation within such parish, and publicly teach and exhort the people, he shall, for every such offence, upon complaint raade thereof to any assistant or justice of the peace, be bound to his peaceable and good beha viour, until the next county court in that county where the offence shall be committed, by said assist ant or justice of the peace, in the penal sura of one hundred pounds lawful raoney, that he or they will not offend again in the like kind ; and the said county court may, if they see meet, further bind the said person or persons, offending as aforesaid, to their peaceable and good behaviour, during the pleasure of the court. " 5. And it is further enacted, by the authority aforesaid, that if any foreigner, or stranger, that is not an inhabitant of this colony, including as well such persons as have no ecclesiastical character, or license to preach, or such as have received ordina tion or license to preach, by any association or pres bytery, shall presurae to preach, teach, or publicly exhort, in any town or society within this colony, without the desire and license of the settled minister, and the major part of the church of such town and society, or at the call and desire of the church and inhabitants of such town and society, provided that it so happen that there be no settled minister there, — that every such preacher, teacher, or exhorter, shall be sent, as a vagrant person, by warrant from any assistant or justice of the peace, from constable to constable, out of the bounds of this colony." These enactments were afterwards rendered still more severe ; and, under their authority, several worthy ministers were arrested and imprisoned. This law was an outrage on every principle of justice, and on the raost inherent and valuable rights of the subject. It was a palpable contradiction, and gross violation, of the Connecticut bill of rights. It was equally an inva sion of the rights of heaven, and incompatible with the command, " Go ye into all the world, and preach the gospel to every creature." In obedience to this command, the primitive preachers went every where, preaching the word. They regarded no parochial limits, and when high priests and magistrates forbade their preaching, they answered, "Whether it be right in the sight of God to hearken unto you more than unto God, judge ye ; for we cannot but speak the things which we have seen and heard." This law was also contrary to the opinion and practice of all the reformers and puritans. The reformers all preached within the parishes and bishopricks of the Roman catholics, and by this means, under Divine Providence, effected the reformation. It never could have been effected without it. The puritans preached within the parishes of the church of England, and judged it their indispensable duty to preach the gos pel whenever and wherever they had an opportu nity. They did it zealously and faithfully, though exposed to fines, imprisonraent, and loss of living. Even in Connecticut, the Episcopalians were allowed to preach and collect hearers, erect churches, and forra ecclesiastical societies, in opposition to the established rainisters and churches. The law was therefore partial, inconsistent, and highly persecu ting. Another circumstance, of a character equally illiberal, occurred about the sarae period as the enactraent of these obnoxious laws. Two young men, of the name of Cleveland, were students at Yale College. Their parents had separated, with others, from the ministry of a Mr. Coggswell, at Canterbury, and had attended meetings at a private house. These young gentlemen, while at home during the vacation in September, attended the sepa rate raeetings with their parents. One of them, it seems, was a member of the separate church. For this, and their neglect to confess their fault in that respect, they were both expelled from college. The expulsion of these young men made a great clamour in the state, as unprecedented and cruel. It was considered as a severity exceeding the law of college respecting that case. The president and tutors allowed young men of the church of England, and of other denorainations, to be in college without renouncing their principles ; the treatment of these young men was therefore considered as partial, severe, and unjust. It began to be perceived, by many, that people had a right to worship God according to the dictates of their own consciences, and at such times, and in such places, as they plea sed ; that this was the principle on which tbe pro teslants and puritans acted, and the only one on which their separation and conduct could be justified. They discovered, that if christian legislatures and councils had a right to appoint the modes and places of worship, and confine Christians to them, that then the papists, and church of England, had a right U HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 97 bind all Christians to worship with them, and the reformers and puritans were totally wrong, and the persecutions raised against them were just. Hence they rejected the constitution, as then understood and acted upon, and the laws as really tyrannical and persecuting.* This circumstance tended considerably to increase the dissatisfaction which had already evinced itself by several separations from the established church, and these nrw became raore frequent and extensive. The ministers ofthe separatists were exposed to continual persecution at Canterbury. Some of them were ar rested, condemned, and sentenced to be bound in a bond of a hundred pounds not to offend again in the like manner ; but as they conceived it was their indispensable duty to exhort and teach the people, and as they determined to teach and exhort when they should have opportunity, they would not give Donds, and so were committed to prison, and kept a long time from their famihes, and from the worship and comraunion of their brethren, and endured rauch * " The act of the legislature, and the proceedings in conse quence of it towards ministers and others, and the procedure at college, were repugnant to the sentiments of Mr. Locke, and all tne best writers on toleration. The intolerant spirit of the president and governors of college at that time, will appear from an affair which happened soon after the law was raade to prevent disorders, &c. A nuraber of the senior class in college set a subscription on foot for the reprinting of Mr. Locke's essay on toleration, and ob tained a considerable number of subscribers, and were about to en gage, or had engaged, for the reprinting of it. The president found it out, and reprimanded them for such a piece of conduct, and or dered them to make a public confession for what they had done, or else they should not have their degrees. They all made their con fessions bul one ; he was of age, and a man of considerable pro perly, and had some knowledge of the credit of Mr, Locke's wri tings, and of that tract in particular, and he would make no con fession for his atterapts to obtain the reprinting of such a tract. The day before coraraenceraent he found his name was not in the catalogue of his" class, who were to have their degrees; bewailed on the president and corporation to know the reason ¦why his name was not in the catalogue ; he was told that he had been in the mis- ehievous business of carrying about subscriptions for the reprinting of Mr, Locke on toleration. He told them he was of age, and had property, and if he could not have his degree, he would appeal lo the king in council; that he had an attorney, and would enter il soon. Some tirae after, a freshraan was sent to hira, acquainting him that the president and corporation wished to see hira. He waited on them, and they treated him with much complaisance, and told him to appear with his class, and take his degree," — Trumbull, vol. ii, p, 183, t To know well the origin of our early institutions, and those shades of difference which mark different portions of the Union, in regard to our religious and literary establishments ; and, also, the cause of certain sectional feelings or prejudices, now less felt than formerly, is a subject of some interest. We profess not to be able, in every case, to give complete satisfaction, but we hope, in the examination of this subject, to show, generally, the origin of our institutions, to develop the character of the first settlers of our country, and to exhibit the causes which have given certain sectional trails to our people. We praise our ancestors, and deservedly too, for our literary, moral, and religious institutions ; but when we examine the sub ject with accuracy, we shall know what, and how much, to attri bute to accident, and what to design, "To do this, we must look YoL. I.— Nos. 9 & 10. T hardship in their long confinement. Others were ar rested and imprisoned for refusing to pay their min ister's rates which were laid upon them, though they had protested against his settlement, and withdrawn themselves wholly from his ministry. Others had their cattle and goods taken and sold at half thei'- value, to pay for the support of the minister of the parish. These violent measures, instead of checking the separation, and conciliating the minds ofthe peo ple, alienated them more and more from the constitu tion and standing churches, and confirmed them in their belief that they were right, and actually sufi'ering in the cause of christian liberty. The persevering opposition ofthe dissenters, though a circumstance of great annoyance to a large portion of the comraunity, was attended with results, remote indeed, yet highly beneficial. It put to the test the principles on which the Connecticut establishment was founded ; its constitution has consequently under gone successive modifications, until it has been render ed far more worthy of a liberal and enlightened state. t to the parent country, and ascertain, with brevity, the religious, and political state of England previous lo the settlement of this country, and see with what motives and feelings our progenitors were induced lo leave their native land, where were deposited the ashes of their ancestors, and dissolve all the ties of home and friendship, and emigrate to a wilderness, separated from the mo ther country by a great ocean. We go back to the time of Henry VIII., and take a short View of the stale of religion from that period to the time of the first settlements in our own country. During this period changes were effected which dissolved the lies by which England was held lo the papal See, and created other sects, which equally dissented frora the protestant episcopal church of England, At the comm.encemenl of the reign of Henry, the whole Chris tian world acknowledged the supremacy of the Pope, and every crowned head did him homage and received his dominions of him. In fad, all countries ¦were considered the dominions and actual pa- triraony of his holiness. Perhaps no prince was ever more devoted to the representative of St, Peter than Henry VIII, The holy father pressed him to his bosom as his most faithful child, Henry wrote a book in vindica tion of the Pope's supremacy in temporal and spiritual affairs, and in answer lo Martin Luther, a monk, who wrote and preached against the sale of indulgences by Leo X, For this act of filial de votion, Henry, in addition to his other .splendid titles, received frora his holiness that of " defender of the faith," a raark of confidence not before or sincebeslowed on any raonarch. This appendage he bore with peculiar complacency during his reign, and handed it down to his successors. But that capricious raonarch received an affront from tbe Pope, because he refused to grant him a divorce frora his queen, Catha rine of Arragon, He openly renounced all subjection lo his holi ness, and actually declared wav against hira. He breasted the spiritual thunders of the Vatican, which in former times had shook the most powerful kingdoms, and humbled to the dust the proudest monarchs, Henry seized upon the revenues of the church, which were considered sacred, and converted them to his own use , besides this, he put himself at the head of the English church, without materially affecting any articles of faith or forms oi worship. This was then considered by the Christian world a wicked and blasphemous usurpation ; and the life of Henry, as well as many subsequent monarchs of England, would badly fit them to stand al the head of those who minister at the altar of the living God 9S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. But the course pursued served in a degree to diminish the amount of general reverence for the Pope, and the head of the British church. Many were led to examine the pretensions of both, and 10 discard the arrogance of morials, who should dictate creeds and forms of worship. But at this period, there was universally adopt ed this principle, by all sects, that uniformity of faith was indis pensable to religion. It never entered their minds, that honest men could corae to different results upon so raomenlous and so im portant a subject, Wickliff, Huss, Jerome of Prague, Luther, and Calvin, and their respective followers, were equally sure of infal libility with the King and the Pope, They seem never to have seriously thought or actually believed, that the great object of the Christian religion was to make mankind lead pure and honest lives, and extend the principles of charity and benevolence, to in culcate forgiveness to eneraies, and give a confident hope in the hour of death. Hence we may trace the cruel persecutions in flicted by the dominant sects in succeeding reigns, Edward, the successor of Henry, is represented to have been a mild and amiable prince, but his reign ¦n-as short. H:' died before schemes of arabition and the pomp of power had corrupted his heart or inflamed his passions. He left the throne to Mary, with out ameliorating the condition of ecclesiastical affairs. His suc cessor w-as wholly devoted to the papal See, She threw hei-self inlo the arms of his holiness, and laboured lo atone for the heresy of her father, by a prodigal use of fire and sword, to produce uni formity in faith and worship, according to the canons of the Ro mish church. All who perished in these religious conflicts, were believed by their respective sects to have fallen martyrs to the true faith ; so that, in every change of power, the lines of party be came distinct, and the parties more confirmed in u. faith as positive a.s actual knowledge. Elizabeth, the successor of Mary, possessing all the masculine virtues, without a moderate share of the qualities which render the woman amiable in private life, was equally tenacious of pre- rugiitive as her father, Henry, and exerted her power to stop the progress of popery,— seated herself at the head of the church, and I eramber — a weak and inefficient minority. They could hardly be said to have acted theraselves from the spontaneous impulse of principle and chasten ed feeling, for they were continually surrounded by spies and in formers, to drag them to imprisonment, scourging, and death, Il is impos.sible that we should discern a complete development of their principles ; for, however daring and bold, they must have act ed under a partial disguise ; undoubtedly much of human passion was enlisted on their side, for it is in our nature, and never has been on neutral ground in long and protracted crinlroversy. How ever, we must behold them with admiration for Iheir courage, which nothing can overawe, and for their constancy and zeal, which could brave danger, imprisonment, and death. Neal, in his history of the Puritans, gives a detail of the hard.--hips and suffer ings of this sect, during the reign of Elizabeth, so cruel, that what ever allowances we make for the times and circumstances attend ing ihera, we raust see the unrelenting hand of a despot in a prin cess, where softness and sympathy mighl have been expected. The accumulated weight of distress heaped upon this class of Christ ians in England, France, and Germany, form a catalogue of hor rors useful only lo teach us moderation and forbearance in religious controversies; and that religion is a raatter of conscience, and lies between man and his Maker. James I., the successor of Elizabeth, came to the throne with as high notions of his unlimited power as any of his predecessors. His right to control the faith and consciences of men, was not to be questioned. James was a good nalured prince, and valued hira self rauch for learning, and his power of discussion upon all sub jects. His object in raatters of religion, was complete uniformity in faith and raodes of worship, the reasonableness of which he at tempted to show by argument, Il seems that here he was unsuc cessful; but what he wanted in argument and the arts of persua sion, he raade up by absolute power ; but this arguraenl, enforced by power, did not convince or deter the unyielding Puritans, They held fast their deterraination lo enjoy freedora in religion, and held equally fast the belief, that they were correct in raatters of faith and worship; so determined and so confident were Ihey in their principles, that civil liberty, disconnected wilh religious affairs, was hardly considered. Hence we find a whole congregation, wilh their minister, Mr, Robinson, in 1607, renounced their country and all its endearments, and settled in Holland, for the sole purpose of enjoying religious freedom. This was a most unequivocal mark of their sincerity, and devotion to their favourite object. At this period the manners of the Puritans were rigidly austere — their long periods of fasting, and the length of their prayers and devotional exercises, approached, in severity, monkish castiga- tion and corporeal chastisements. Their customs led to a belief, that they were the peculiar favourites of Heaven, and daily had peculiar converse and special tokens of favour from their Maker, But this removal lo Holland by this resolute congregation,was by no raeans suited to their feelings and principles, although they were protected in all their civil and religious rights. The raanners of the Dutch were not sufficiently austere. The youth of this con gregation were insensibly drawn aside from the narrow path of puritanic discipline and walk in life, by the cold and frigid man ners of the Dutch, The observance of the Sabbath was kept with a strictness surpassing the rigidity of the Jewish ceremony. Their fastings approached to starvation. No wonder, then, that the youth, and others who were not thoroughly saturated with enthusiasm, should intermix with the Dutch, and hail with pleasure, and even with gratitude to God, some relaxation from the severe duties of re ligion. The elders of this church were alarmed al the growing evil, and they resolved on another removal. Their attention was turned to the New World, where they should not be troubled by heretical neighbours, and ¦where the youth would be kept pure from the contagion of loose morals. ThiS congregation, having obtained permission from James lo settle in his territories, and also assurances from him of toleration in religion, determined to encounter the perils of the ocean, the hardships of the wilderness, and the dangers to which they must be exposed from the savage tribes who inhabited the shores ot this new world. James was undoubtedly ¦willing to rid his kingdom of subjects, which he could not subdue by confiscations, fines, im prisonment, and death — and indeed, of such as he could not quietly retain in his own kingdom. The public feeling was tired and sa tiated by frequent spectacles of horror, and the prisons had groan ed a long time, by being overcrowded wilh obstinate and confirmed heretics. James granted them no aid for the voyage, or any faci lities for commencing a new settlement. He undoubtedly expect ed that this wandering people would fall a prey Ic the hardships and diseases incidenl to new settlements, or be cut off bv the na- HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 99 tives, or should any survive, their obstinacy being subdued, and spirits broken, they would relent, and return with humble .submis sion to his royal will, and bring with them a lesson and example to the Puritans in England, which they would learn and imitate ; or should they brave and surmount all the difficulties to be expected, and mak^3 a permanent settlement in his waste and uncultivated lands, his power would be extended, and the resources of the na tion would be increased, without any expense to the crown. Perhaps no course of discipline could be contri^ved by the inge nuity of raan, so well adapted to prepare the raind and feelings for a great and hazardous project, as was imposed on the first settlers of New England in the mother country. The forty years travel of the children of Israel in the wilderness, directed by Deity himself, was not belter suited to them for a forcible entry into the promised land, Frederick the Great never enforced a discipline upon his troops more severe, nor half so salutary, to prepare them for conflict and victory, as was forced upon our progenitors, to fit them to settle in a new world. Oar forefathers were familiar with danger and dis tress in all its forms. They knew the ties of home and of country, and they had experienced the dissolution of them. They had en dured poverty, cold, hunger, stripes, and imprisonment, and rose above them, and even death was disrobed of his terrors. Such were the people who landed at Plymouth in the cold of winter, in 1620, and of this character were the settlers generally in New England, firm and resolute in action, and in matters of religion, unyielding, and fully persuaded in the coraplete rectitude of their o^wn peculiar creed, without a single ray of toleration, or any thing like charity for those who might differ from themselves in opinion. They insisted, with equal force and power, to coerce opinion, and control mailers of faith, and produce uniformity in it, as ever were practised by a Catholic or Protestant monarch. The early writers and historians of our country give us only the details of ecclesiastical affairs, the gathering of churches, dull and uninteresiing accovmts of ministers, church disturbances, the sup pression of heresy, and barbarous and cruel punishments inflicted against it, and various bloody conflicts with the Indians. But enough is told us to lead to a correct knowledge of the nature of the government, and of the spirit of the times. We have often been told, 'hat our first settlers were a race of stern republicans, who came here to enjoy civil and religious freedom. But no opi nion is more erroneous, Il is true they carae here to enjoy their 0"wn peculiar system of religious faith and mode of worship, but not to admit or tolerate any other. Our republican feelings, insti tutions, and habits, which made us free, were purely accidental, and were by no means designed by the first settlers. In 1629, about three hundred emigrants arrived at Salem from England, where they found a few families under the care of Mr, Endicott, These families rmdoubtedly were there to attend lo the fisheries and carry on a traffic with the natives, Mr, Hutchinson says, in the ten succeeding years, more than twenty-one thousand settlers came to New England. About 1640, eraigration ceased, owing to the ascendancy of the puritanic parly in England, headed by the famous Oliver Cromwell. The first General Court in the Province of Massachusetts Bay was held in 1629, on board the ship Arabella, moored in Charles River, This court resolved that every elector, or any person eligi ble to office, should be a member of some regular church. This edict, so often praised, made the government purely ecclesiastical, Thepower of the church to punish heresy, afterwards so frequently exercised, and also to determine, in all cases, what heresy was, laid prostrate all civil liberty. We shall notice the exercise of this power hereafter in several instances. There can be no question, that nearly all the males of every congregation would become mem bers of the church, and it was in fact a stigma upon a man then, as it would be now, not to possess the rights and privileges of his neighbour. All offices were then elective, and we may presume, that office then had charms, as well as at the present age. Office seekers then had their views to subserve, and the requisite means at hand, as they have at the present day. If long pra.yers, absti nence, and a piteous whine, were required to obtain an object, they were as readily performed, as professions of love of country and the happiness of the nation are made in the present slate of our republic. We may, perhaps, calculate the amount of sincerity in the early professors, as we now may calculate the amount of pa triotism of those who make loud and noisy professions of it. In both cases, perhaps, much credit will be given, but the man of ex perience will not be bound beyond the conclusions formed by the honest dictates of his own mind. To repel the attacks of the Indians, to acquire their lands, and to guard against the various avenues where heresy might advance and raake encroachments upon their religious system, were the only public employments of our ancestors. They were nearly as hostile to the deluded and mistaken heretic, as to the savage, arm ed wilh his tomahawk and scalping knife. It is true, that the he retic was first ordered lo recant and renounce his wicked and er roneous opinions, but on refusal he was doomed lo banishment, and on a return to the province was lo suffer death. But wilh the In dians there was not perpetual war ; there were times of peace and a friendly interchange of kind offices between them and the ¦n-hites, but there was neither truce nor peace wilh heretics. In 1634, Roger Williams, who had been a distinguished minis' ler at Plymouth, and afterwards at Salem, was banished the colony for holding many exceptionable lenels. He was enthusiastic in his sentiments, and had in great abhorrence every relic of popery, and any conformity to the protestant episcopal church of England ; yet he was no persecutor. His declared opinion was, " that to punish a man for any matters of conscience ^persecution," His attach ment to this principle, so worthy of an enlightened mind, was fully evinced by his subsequent life and conduct. Mr, Williams went south, wilhout the jurisdiction of the province, and settled in a place, now Providence, He obtained a charter from the crown of a district called Providence Plantations, of which he was a long time governor. Here he displayed all the mild and Christian vir tues. His province was the asylum of the oppressed and perse cuted of all sects and denominations, Mr, Williams possessed a mind more ihan a centuiy and a half in advance, in liberality and manly thinking, to his contemporaries'in New England, His exam ple is scarcely equalled in brightness at the present day. It is true we have not at present actual persecution in matters of religion or conscience, yel the hollow murraur of heresy loo often rolls through the gloomy recesses of the dark, and its labours soraetimes are ex posed to the light, attended with the fierce and intolerant spirit of ancient times. The case of Mrs, Hulchinson is worlhy of consideration, since it shows more unequivocally the temper of the times, the stale of the church, and the important and religious triflings of synods and councils, composed of the civil and religious dignitaries of the co lony, Mrs, Ann Hutchinson came to Boston, in 1636, Her hus band was a man of good estate, and of much note and esteem among the people. He several times represented the town in Ge neral Court. She was a woman of good education, of a lively imagination, and of distinguished zeal and piety. She attracted ra.uch attention in Boston, was greatly caressed by Sir Harry Vane, the governor, and treated with raarked respect by Mr, Cotton and Mr, Wheelwright, two very distinguished rainisters of that day. Her house became the resort of religious females, to whom Mrs, H. expounded the Scriptures, and raade her reraarks upon the ser- raons recently delivered. She was greatly extolled for learning and an ardent piety. At her lectures, she had an attentive and crowded auditory. Whether her popularity gave the alarm to the rainisters of the other sex, who chose rather that ¦«'omen should listen and obey — or that the good lady actually stepped aside frora the narrow and mysterious path of prescribed faith, we have not sufficient documentary evidence to determine. But cerlain il is, that she was charged with heresy, and brought before the gover nor, deputy governor, and council of assistants, Ihe teachers and elders of the churches, assembled in conclave al Cambridge, A historian of that day says, " the heresy she propagated divided the people, and came near bringing destruction upon church and stale," "Fortunately," says he, "bythe vigilance and prudence of Go vernor Winthrop, the evils and mischiefs of her heresy were brought upon herself," This grave and dignified assembly continued in session at Cam bridge for three weeks; and all this time they spent in fervenl prayer for divine light and direction, and in interrogatories put to the accused with all the subtlety peculiar to scholastic divinity. Every member of this synod was a grave inquisitor ; aiil whal i? remarkable in this transaction, is, that a female, unassisted by 100 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES counsel, should be able to stand this lenglh of time iu presence of this most dignified and learnedbody, and answer, defend and reply to it, individually and collectively. The council must have been gieatly embarrassed; and this is manifest from the long period of its session. But the charge of heresy was a crime hard to defend, and we have no records of a complete acquittal insuchacase. At the conclusion, the synod found that Mrs, Hutchinson enterlaiaed more ihtm eighty heretical opinions in mailers of rehgion ! These opi nions she was ordered lo recant and renounce, under the penalty of excommunication and banishraent from the jurisdiction of the pro vince, and not to return under pain of death t Mrs. Hutchinson did not renounce to the satisfaction of the church, and she left the province according to sentence. Our grave historian does not inform us ho^w many correct opi nions this lady had, but charity would lead us to conclude that she had some. So plain are Christian precepts and Christian doctrine, that it is a matter of surprise, that a person could entertain more than eighty distinct heresies. We have not the curiosity lo inquire more particularly into the doctrines or discipline of the church at that lime, Il is apparent that much, and perhaps the greater part, was mere serious and holy trifling, wherein the heart and under standing had very little to do. Il is manifest frora^ historj^ that the inquisitorial powers and ar bitrary proceedings of the Cambridge S3mod, were not wholly ap proved by the people. They raust have seen the hand of oppres sion iu the long and protracted inquiry, and cruelty in the sen tence pronounced against Mrs, Hutchinson, This may be fairly inferred from the nature of the transaction, unless we suppose the last feeling of sympathy and the generosity natural to man to be wholly e.xtinct. That this council was censured is evident; for al the next general court a law passed rendering it highly penal for any person to censure or comment npon Ihe doings of rainislers or magistrates. It was tantamount to saying that ministers and ma gistrates " could do no wrong." It was expected that numbers of Mrs. Hutchinson's friends and adherents were on the eve of embarking to this country. This gave alarm to. the people, and that they might guard against so great an evil, in 1637 the general court took the raatter into hand. They intended to preserve entire the absolute power of the church al the expense of humanity and ordinary justice. The general court passed a severe law against entertaining strangers in their houses, or selling lands to thera, or affording aid, as, we now con ceive, the coramon principles of humanity enjoin. By the two laws above mentioned, the right of expressing an opinion of censure, or making any comraents upon the doings of mini.sters or magistrates, and of showing hospitality and kindness lo strangers, were wholly laken away and rendered highly penal. It would require a ¦avon derful degree of chymical knowledge in politics and religion, to hnd a single principle, upon ¦n'hich our republican liberty of any kind could claira growth and residence at this time. For the liber ties of our country we raust look to other sources than the princi ples of our ancestors at that day, or till long after the restoration of Charles II, For the governraent was completely ecclesiastical, and equally arbitrary and despotic as any government in all Chris tendom, Our early historians dwelt much upon remarkable providences, and the frowns and favours of God ; so that His clear and manifest counsels were open and known to the people. If a heretic should die of a fever, break a limb, be taken captive by the Indians, or killed by them, they would see, in all this, the just anger of Hea ven, and deserved punishment and displeasure of God towards them. Should the same pious historians revisit New England, and see the great variety of sects, and not cme pursuing the course of the then dominant party, they ¦n'ould think that our Heavenly Fa ther had neglected his business, and ceased from his watchful care ; otherwise we should all have been exterminated without dislinc- lion, for having violated the primitive and puritanic faith. They raight bewail our departure, but if they possessed the kindly feel ings of humanity, they ¦would rejoice to see errors corrected, abuses reformed, and the principles of justice and charity widely extended ; so that, except in some strongly excited people, shadow ed by ignorance and strong and gloomy prepossessions, the different sects live in harmony, without any provocation, unless it be "to provoke one another to love and good works." Our ancestors separated frora all olher religious sects by their own acts, and guarding at every corner against heresy, soon be came sensible that lime would shortly lessen the number of elders and teachers, and many more would be required lO supply destitute flocks, daily increasing by natural growth of population, and by emigration. Those who could afford to send Iheir sons lo the mother country for an education, would not harbour the thought of exposing them lo the heresies of the established church of Eng land; and above all, on their return lo the province, these sons- would be a medium to communicate doctrines so much detested.. There were very few in the province of sufficient wealth to give their sons an education in a distant country. All these circum stances combined, our progenitors looked to their own resources,, and resolved to educate their sons at home for the ministry, the only liberal profession of that day, and in fact, all thai ¦was great and good in society. For this purpose, a GoUege was established in Cambridge as early as the year 1638, for the sole and express purpose of educating and raising up a learned ministry. Common and public schools were also established, that the youth might be able to read the scriptures and the standard works of puritanic faith and discipline in our churches. Cotton Mather, who wrote voluminously and reasoned sparingly, if he reasoned at all, stales explicitly the object of the founders of our college, and the object of our coramon and public schools. This writer says nothing upon the principles of civil liberty, nor does he any where advocate the rights of conscience and private judgraent in matters of religion. These were unknown in his day, and his writings serve only to show the darkness of Ihe mental at mosphere, Dr, Malher filled a great space in his tirae, both in church and slate — for church included both. In his writings we have specimens of the greatest fanaticism, the most shameless cre dulity, that ever escaped the lips or pen of mortals. His account of the flying vessel and the Salera witchcraft, and the latter upon his own knowledge, are enough to give a, lasting, stamp upon his own character, and mark in capitals the spirit of the times. We hope not to offend by our remarks ; but we would rather wish that our institutions, so wisely calculated for the happiness of our na tion, and as blazing examples to the world, should be traced to their true and legitimate sources. We have so long been in the habit of extolling our brave and venerable forefathers, as if they carae pure frora the regions of blessedness, pious, devout, and patriotic, that they with political foresight laid the foundation of our republican liberties, that we shall not be disappointed if we do not obtain full credence, when we state, that our liberties, both civil and religious, were accidental, rather than designed. We have no need to call to our aid any thing like a fabulous origin of our race — we have no need of a " she wolf" to nurture our ancestors, or to carry off in a tempest the founders of our churches, Wc have only to fol low the raarch of mind, attended with local eircurastances, to ac count for our freedom and our goodly institutions. We ought to value highly every thing done by our fathers, the fruits of which ¦ne daily reap ; but by no raeans ought we to suppose that our an cestors had powers and faculties, or wisdom, superior to those of the present generation — for we must remember, that their whole business was to repel the Indians, and acquire possession of their lands, to preserve uniformity of faith and praclice in matters of re ligion, and to guard with sleepless vigilance against heres}'. It is not the present object to censure with severity the acts of the ecclesiastic government of the colony, and much less to .npolo- gize for them. We could not offer any thing to extenuate the cruelty, or even guilt, of punishing four Quakers in Boston, with death, about the year 1660, for heresy. This rigour in discipline has often been passed over, if not with applause, certainly with the plea of necessity — this necessity we could never understand, Dr, Increase Mather, once a promoter of these cruel and blc>ody pro ceedings, in tirae relented, and denounced this intolerant spirit. The colonies of Plymouth and Massachusetts obtained no advan tages by such proceedings over Rhode Island, Pennsylvania, and Maryland, where religious persecutions have never been known. Governor Winthrop, in the last davs of his life, when urged lo sign a warrant, lo carry inlo effect the decrees of spiritual domina tion, said, " I have done too much of this business already," and refused his signature. When such men as Governor Winthrop and Dr, Increase JMather, in the cool of the evening of jfe, ¦'.vhen HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 101 objects of earthly power were in subjection to reason and con science, gave their decided and unequivocal opinion against cruel eoercion in matters of faith and modes of worship, what must we think of those of the present day, who stand their professed apolo gists, and represent the present, compared with former limes, as the period of impiety and irreligion 1 We know that our fathers have been praised with the extrava gance of eulogy, and we acknowledge that they have strong clairas upon us for respect and reverential regard, but we cannot bestow upon them any thing of comraendation for piety and love of reli gion beyond what now belongs to the present age. We would ask the most enthusiastic admirer of the puritans, whelher he would now desire to exchange his turn of existence, and spend his life wilh such a people, or wait and stay with the present generation, till he returned to the dust 1 We believe that he would not be inclined for a change, and we are confident that the present circumstances of our country are such, that no period since the first settlement of it has been equally propitious to the man of science, the artisan, agriculturist, and merchant. The man of benevolence and charity will hail the present as the holyday of holy affections, compared to any former period. We, in fact, belittle ourselves, as did many of the Patrician families in Rome, by a constant strain of panegyric upon our venerable forefathers, and pious pilgrims. Liberty is natural lo man, and we can scarcely find an instance since the creation of Adam, that man has not exercised that li berty when in his power. Our ancestors did this, and were cau tious in leaving a single trace of neglect in their course. But they did no more than what has been done in the mother country. The British parliament from the time of King John, when they wrested from him his magna charter, which he nor his successors ever ob served, unless in extreme peril, and to avoid a revolution, have seized upon every circumstance to extend the liberty of the subject. Even what the British call their constitution at the present day, is au invasion upon what was once the acknowledged rights of the king. The increase of knowledge, directing physical force, is the origin of modern liberly ; and this liberty is more or less extensively enjoyed according to the degree of knowledge and other accompa nying circumstances favourable or unfavourable to the attainment of the object. The love of liberty was as great in Britain at the coraraenceraent of our revolution as in America, but circumstances in regard to the enjoyment of it were different in these two portions of the world. We would not here be understood that Great Britian was then ruled in despotism. The person, property, and reputation of the subject, were as well secured and protected at that period in the realm, as at any subsequent time, in this or any other country. Where these rights are secured by permanent and equal laws, aided bythe trial by jury, there must be liberty, let the fima of go vernment be what it may. We have, in a great measure, in poli tics, said what our ancestors often repeated in regard to religion, that none could be genuine, except the one of our own creed. The object of religion is to make men good, and the- object of govern ment is to make the governed secure in their rights, promote in dustry, encourage learning and enterprise, and make Ihe nation contented, safe, and happy. When these objects are attained, the names and forms are of minor consideralion. The mind of man has never been able to devise a systera of governinent so well adapt ed lo the feelings, habits, and circumstances of a people, as our own is for us ; but we should- greatly err, should we suppose that our constitution and form of governraent were suited, under exist ing circumstances, to almost any other nation in the world. Prom the first landing of our ancestors, in New England, till the year 1692, if we except the rule of Sir Edmund Atidros, which lasted about two years, all officers were elective, Plymouth and the Massachusetts colonies were as free in the raanagement of their affairs in the- election and .support of iheir rulers, as the Common wealth is now. The lands were parcelled out in such manner that every one had enough, and- few had any to spare. A monopoly was not sought, except by Mason and Gorges, who probably failed in the accomplishment of their wishes, for this very reason. In dustry and rigid economy were requisite among. the early settlers, lo obtain the means of subsistence, Alraost every settler had a freehold estate, that he would claim as absolute property — he had ao tithes, rents, or service to perform, as the condition of his te nure. This raised him to the d'.gnity of a peer of the realm, in all respects, but a seat m the house of lords. He acknowledged himself a loyal subject, but felt no gratitude lo the king, for he or his ancestors never received any acts of parental kindness for which they should return any sincere acknowledgments. The story ofthe wrongs which were suffered at home, and the actual labours and hardships endured here, without aid or assistance, were ei.ough to extinguish all sincere regard for king, queen, lords, and commons ; and above all, the abhorrence wilh which they beheld the religion of the court, amonnted to absolute hatred. But from the influence which the French had with the natives, the common enemies of the whiles, by means of the Jesuits, our ancestors could look only to the mother country for aid in case of extremity. This almost continual and common danger operated powerfully to restrain and keep ¦within bounds the common and uniform feelings of the colonists towards the parent country. The great number of people, lo whom our ancestors were connected by family and friendship, at home, was another tie which bound thera to remeraber Great Britain with partial affection. Our fathers had rauch more loyalty upon their lips than was Cell, in their hearts. Until the arrival oi" the new charter under William and Mary, ex cepting the short government of Andros, the colonies exercised all the rights and privileges they could desire, and these continued for a period of more than sixty years. Many of the settlers were born and bred wilh this free exercise of right ; so that they could not be divested of it, without an invasion of their best a.nd dearest pri-. vileges. The crown took care to control their commerce, and pro fit by it. The duties levied on goods in England, exported lo the colonies, were acquiesced in wilhout a murraur, and these duties be ing paid by the consuraer, were scarcely felt or thought of here. Sir Williara Phipps, the first governor under the charter of Williara and Mary, arrived here in 1692. B)' this charier, the governor, deputy governor, and secretary, were appointed by the crown. The judicial department was appointed by the executive, at the head of which was the governor, who represented majesty itself. The people chose their representatives, who, in general court, elected a council, to assist in executive duties. The general court could make no laws to have any force or effect, if the crown should disapprove of them within three years from the time they were enacted. Power was reserved to parlianjent, to, make laws, to regulate our trade, and legislate for us in olher cases ; and these statutes were to be binding upon us. This charter prohibited any religious lest in regard to the elective franchise. By this, an end was put to ecclesiastical tyranny ; and frora the time the provisions of this charter went into operation, we may date the cry of the de-. cay of religion in our country. We may also, with more truth, state the gradual decay of hypocrisy, and from this period, the coraraencement of bold and correct reasoning, and the introduction of comraon law and common sense in courts of justice. By all these our liberties were, deeply rooted, had their growth, and have arrived to maturity. When Governor Phipps came here, he found the colonies dis tracted with ecclesiastical matters, at the old business of hunting, out and punishing heresy, to the alraost total neglect of civil affairs. Although the people were deprived of a voice in the choice ol some of their rulers, they gained much in olher respects. They were freed from ecclesiastical domination, under which republi can liberty never has, and probably never will be enjoyed. The one depends on an accurate development of our natural rights, and the methods to raake them secure against passion, pride, avarice, and hostile attacks at home, and from our enemies abroad; thn other depends wholly upon the credulity of the people, and a com plete surrender of private, ju.dgment and the reasoning powers to fallible man, inflated with spiritual pride, and armed with physical force. This charter, framed with so much caution as to restrain the co lony in all acts of legislation, unless these acts were conformable to royal will and pleasure, left not a trace ofliberty to the subject. The resistance to the measures of Great Britain afterwards made by the colonists, could not be for a violation of any rights secured by this charter. The rights exercised under forraer charters were expressly taken away by this ; but the love and fondness of former rights and privileges were increased by privation, and enkindled into a flame the bosoms of the thinking and intelligent men of our. 102 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. country. They saw nothing but complete and absolute subjection winch awaited them. The habits of the people firraly fixed, and the great increase of population, and a good share of knowledge generally diffused among them, and this knowledge, and those ha bits, all favourable to resist encroachments upon natural rights, ex cited ihe jealousy of Britain, and caused her lo adopt measures that could not be borne, and such measures as were successfully re sisted. In practice and in principle, Ihe colony lost nothing, but gained much in the emancipation from religious lyranny. Whatever of liberly had been granted ¦H'as enjoyed, while practicable, and was never forgotten. The recollection of past privileges remained in their minds, fresh as the existence of perpetual spring. These feelings and habits were not lo be controlled by charters, and they afford a lasting exaraple of the complete futility of compacts of a national character, when these compacts are opposed to national habits and feelings. In the great question ¦which separated this coimtry from Britain, our fathers did not confine themselves to the provisions of the charter of William and Mary, but claimed the right of representation in parliament, as a condition upon which a revenue should be raised in this country for the use of the crown. This representation they knew was impracticable; and in regard to the revenue, il had been iraposed upon them ly exactions at home, and acquiesced in for a long period. In fact, our remon- sJrant-es and petitions acknowledged the right of parliament " to regulate our trade," even at the commencement of the American revolution. This undoubtedly raeant the imposition of import and export duties. We cannot see any difference in principle, whether these duties were collected in a port of Great Britain, or in Boston, But the difference of places in the exaction of revenue could not alter the principle on which il was exacted ; yel place had a powerful effect upon the minds of the scrutinizing and watchful public. Our leading raen knew the power and influence which office has upon the people; they knew that these revenue officers were numerically so many spies upon their liberties; and that by style of living and caresses, these officers would allure some, and by that hauteur and raanner, the frequent concomitant of hand some salaries, would deter more to a coraplete acquiescence to the raising a revenue here. The resistance to the acts of these exact ors shows a degree of sagacity in raeeiing the insinuating influence of raen of rank, from the highest grade down to the petty place man, and raust command our admiration and applause. The great Earl of Chatham, Burke, and others, who knew well our character, and who were the reputed advocates of the colonies, never pretended that parliament had invaded chartered rights; but Ihe measures pursued by ministers were inexpedient and impolitic, that they had a direct tendency to exasperate the colonists, and in jure the dignity and happiness of the British nation. They re commended measures to soothe our feelings and hold fast our trade, but not to surrender a single principle for which we then contend ed. Had such measures been adopted and pursued, as recom mended by the noble earl, the independence of the colonies would have been retarded for raore than half a century. The leaders of our revolutionary struggle clairaed rights and privileges granted by .'ormer charters, which had been annulled, and reasoned from the impulse of habits, and upon the true principles of civil liberly, and they came to results which gained our complete emancipation, Wilh thera independence was the grand object frora the first and serious diffictdties wilh the parent country. We presented humble and loyal petitions to king and parliament wilh one hand, while we held the sword in the olher. It is not a matter of astonishraenl, that these petitions were not graciously received. Had the colo nies been sufficiently strong, and their strength sufficiently concen trated, these humble petitions would have never been sent across ihe Atlantic, nor would the dale of Lexington battle have been the first in order of conflict. If positive resistance was not intended, why were companies of minute men organized Ihrough the whole colony 1 Whal meant our coraraittees of safety and corre.spondencel Why were magazines of warlike stores placed in various parts of the country 1 And for what purpose were the British troops under General Gage so nar rowly watched, and their particular movements raade known in all parts of the colony, while the troops ivere closely besieged in Bos ton by public opinion 7 Hancock, Patrick Henry, the Adamses, and other distinguished men of that day, knew too well the pride and power of the British nation, to petition the throne in hope of suc cess under such warlike and daring attitudes. They did whal will be done in all countries, where the education, habits, and moral feelings of the people, concur lo promote so noble an enterprise. We have seen that the foundation of Harvard College ¦was laid in the fear of propagating heresy, and receiving any thing from the mother country which could possibly entail upon us so great an evil, Il must be confessed, that New England, at the lime of founding the college, had many learned men among them. But their learning was chiefly confined to the clergy; and ¦we may here acknowledge, insincerity, that the clergy have been the main depo sitories of science here from the first settlement of the country, nearly to the present day ; and from this class of men, we have re ceived more light and knowledge than from all others. Our fa thers looked well to their own resources, and have seldom been re miss in making the most of ihem. From this we musl atiribute the degree of advancement in science and the arts, to which New England has attained beyond most of her neighbours. We find the effect of this in the per.^evering enterprise of our young men and citizens, who have, with much advantage, incorporated them selves wilh our sister States, In fact, the common and general good has thereby been greatly increased ; an impulse has been com municated, which will be fell for generations yet to come, Virginia, the oldest slate in the Union, settled at the expense of the crown, nuriured foryearsasan only cJiild, fell not the neces- .sity to look lo her own resources. She ¦n-as al^ways dandled in the lap of complaisance. Her religion 'B'as congenial to the mother country, and she drew her nourishment from the breast of parental kindness. She had all the assurance and importance of ihc child of a rich and indulgent father. She sent her youth to Cambridge and Oxford, in England, lo be educated, where they were, in many things well inslrucied, and where ihcy drank deeply of Ihe preju dices against Ihe puritans. To deride with ability our New Eng land habits and principles, and beat poor .Jonathan soundly, wa,t the first point in a complete Virginia education. He felt the dig nity of his church, he remembered with pride the loyally of his colony, during the Rump and the protectorate of Cromwell, he con trasted the manners in religious worship between his own and the colonies of New England; while he repeated his liturgy wilh the " ore rotundo," he could not tul feel a hearly disrelish to the sing song manner of the purilEins, who distorted their faces, and tortur ed their language, lo resemble nothing which belonged to the protest- am episcopal church. These northern peculiarities became his pastime, and to transmit thera down lo succeeding generations, was a labour of some exertion and much pleasure, but at present exerciser with limited success. In Massachusetts every thing which belonged to the episcopal church ^was treated as antichristian, and carried the mark of the beast. Christmas holydays were forbidden by law. Perhaps no two colonies ever existed wilh more strongiy marked and defined antipathies than the Massachusells and Virginia, Unlike in edu cation and habits, the one driving from her jurisdiction all puri tans, the other equally unbending and stern to all episcopalians, se parated by a great extent of country, they scarcely fell for each other according to the dictates of a common humanily. - While a law imposing five shillings fine for observing a Christ mas holyday in Massachusetts was in force, Virginia gave lull .scope to all the festivities usual on such o«;asions in the raother country. The social and convivial feelings of man could not, wilh alacrity, forego all pastime, and be resigned lo abject sobriety in the forra of religion. Our ancestors well knew this, and set apart one day in the year, previous to Christmas, as a day of public thanksgiving and praise to our Heavenly Father, for the m, rcies and favours of the past year. Bul tn this, there should be no re semblance of an episcopal Christmas. We may here observe, that our puritanic institution answered all the purposes of bringing to gether family, friends, and connexions, and afforded a multitude of enjoyraents of the social kind in the short space of one day, before satiety could degenerate into disgust, and much more conveniently suited to good morals and the condition of the people, than the t^welve days of Christmas observed bythe episcopal church, Thers can be no doubt that we varied in our food, and substituted pump- HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. im kin pie in room of the antichristian plumb pudding, and used some exertion that our thanksgiving should not resemble a Christmas dinner. Our pies, and manner of reading, and devotional exer cises, now caricatured by our southern neighbours, are sufficient proofs that we were offensive to the southern colonies ; and from our own establishments and customs, we cannot suppose that they were our favourites. Virginia was the great mother and leader in tht south. She was proud of her ascendency in the affections of the court, and took to herself a peculiar complacency in regard to religion. She drove from her colony all dissenters from the protestant episcopal church ; and, by this ill timed and cruel policy, built up Maryland to become a rival in trade. In return for her affections for the crown and the church, she obtained extensive credit at home, im ported largely the luxuries of Europe, and assuraed a style of living, and a grandeur of deportment, far beyond any sister colony. It is hard to retrench when the charms of good living are well known to a people. The expense of educating their sons in England, and by private tutors at home, was no addition to economy or frugal habits among the Virginians. Their expenditures were great beyond ordinary income, so that in time a large European balance of debt had gradually increased, and amounted, accord ing lo their own statement, to more than they were then able to pay- While our southern friends lived in much ease and great splen dour, eating the luxuries of Europe, and wearing foreign fabrics, and their sons drinking at the full fountains of science in England, we were looking well to our own resources, avoided a large co lony debt, and left individuals unembarrassed in their circumstan ces. Our sons drank of the wells dug by their fathers, and pre served their identity wilh their countrymen; and if not so learned, they made a favourable impression upon the public on the side of economy aud simplicity of raanners. All this was accomplished here from the fear of heresy and hatred of the episcopal church. We cannot trace the origin of our college, and the establishment of our schools, to other sources. This fear and hatred did not ex ist in Virginia, and there public education was wholly neglected. The college of William and Mary was early established, bul has had only a languishing existence. The fact is, the people took no degree of interest in the establishment, and sent most of iheir sons abroad, or without the colony, to be educated. This raust ever be the issue of all literary esiablishments under the like circum stances. During this period, our New England colleges were well ap preciated by the people, and generously patronized ; and have proved sources of great moral and political worth to the public. From them, we have obtained a rank in the literary world be yond our neighbours of the south, and the moral impulse given by them to all classes of people here, are such as distinguish u. Mr. Williams himself, and by others, but it was soon discontinued. Th» HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 107 tical community. Nor was his benevolence confined to his civilized brethren ; he laboured to enlio-hten, improve, and conciliate the savages ; he learned their in consideralion of thirty pounds received frora the itihabitants of said place, do freely and fully pass, grant, and make over equal right and power of enjoying and disposing of the same grounds and lands, unto ray loving friends and neighbours, Stukely West cott, William Arnold, Thomas James, Robert Cole, John Greene, John Throckmorton, William Harris, William Carpenter, Thomas Olney, Francis Weston, Richard Waterman, Ezekiel HoUiman, and such others as the major part of us shall admit inlo the same fellowship of vote with us : — As also I do freely make and pass over equal right and power of enjoying and disposing of the lands and gromids reaching from the aforesaid rivers unto the greal river Pawtuxet, wilh the grass and meadows thereupon, which was so lately giiren and granted by the aforesaid sachems lo me. Wit ness my hand, "ROGER WILLIAMS," On the 20lh of December, 1661, the following deed was execu ted. It is inserted here, because it is an interesting document, and it throws much light on the transactions which we are con sidering. " Be it known unto all men by these presents, that I, Roger Williams, of the town of Providence, in the Narraganset Bay, in New England, having, in the year one thousand six hundred thirty-fonr, and in the year one thousand six hundred thirty-five, had several treaties wilh Canonicus and Miantinomo, the two chief sachems of the Narraganset, and in the end purchased of them the lands and meadows upon Ihe two fresh rivers called Mos hassuck and Wanasquatucket, the two sachems having, by a deed, under their hands, two years after the sale thereof, established and confirmed the bounds of these lands from the rivers and fields of Pawtucket, the great hill of Notaquoncanot on the north-west, and the town of Mashapaug on the west, notwithstanding I had the fre quent promise of Miantinomo, my kind friend, that it should not be land that I should want about these bounds mentioned, provided that I satisfied the Indians there inhabiting, I having made cove nant of peaceable neighbourhood with all the sachems and natives round about us, and having, of a sense of God's merciful Provi dence unto me in my distress, called the place Providence, I de sired it might be for a shelter for persons distressed for con science, I then considering the condition of divers of my distress ed countrymen, I communicated my said purchase unto my loving friends, John Throckmorton, William Arnold, William Harris, Stukely Wescotl, John Greene, Senior, Thomas Olney, Senior, Richard Waterraan, and others, who then desired to lake shelter here with me, and in succession unto so many others as we should receive into the fellowship and society of enjoying and disposing of the said purchase; and besides the first that were admitted, our town records declare, that afterwards we received Chad Brown, William Field, Thomas Harris, Senior, William Wickenden, Ro bert Williams, Gregory Dexter, and others, as our town book de clares ; and whereas, by God's merciful assistance, I was the pro curer of the purchase, not by moneys nor payment, the natives be ing so shy and jealous that moneys could not do it, but by that lan guage, acquaintance, and favour with the natives, and olher advan tages, which it pleased God to give me, and also bore the charges and venture of all the gratuities, which I gave to the great sachems and other sacheras and natives round about us, and lay engaged for a loving and peaceable neighbourhood wilh them, to ray greal charge and travel ; it was therefore thought fit by sorae loving origin of the epithet New may have been, a desire to distinguish the town from the island of Providence, one of the Bahama islands, on which a plantation was begun in 1629. Holmes's Annals, vol. i, p, 201. This island has since received the name of New Providence. The town of Ro ger Williams was entitied to the precedence. * This seems to be loosely expressed. Mr. Williams could not mean that he delivered the deed to the grantees in 1637, for several of the per sons named did not arrive in Providence till after April, 1638. (Backus, vol, i. p, 92,) His own deed of cession is dated Oct. 8, 1638. He proba bly meant, that he dehvered the deed, signed by the sachems in 1637, to language, travelled among them, and gained the en tire confidence of their chiefs ; and had often the happiness, by his influence over them, of saving from friends, that I should receive some loving consideralion and graj tuity, and it was agreed between us, that every person, that should be admitted into the fellowship of enjoyingland and disposing of the purchase, should pay thirty shillings unio the public stock; and first, about thirly pounds should be paid unto myself, by thirty shil lings a person, as they were adraitted; this sum I received, and in love to ray friends, and with respect to a town and place of succour for the distressed, as aforesaid, I do acknowledge the said sura and payment as full satisfaction ; and whereas in the year one Ihousana six hundred and thirty-seven,* so called, 1 delivered the deed sub« scribed by the two aforesaid chief sachem.s, so much thereof as concerneth the aforementioned lands, from rayself and from my heirs, unto the whole number of the purchasers, wilh all my power, right and title therein, reserving only linto myself one single share equal unto any of the rest of that number ; I now again, in a more formal way, under my hand and seal, confirm ray former re* signation of that deed of the lands aforesaid, and bind myself, my heirs, my executors, my administrators and assigns, never to molest any of the said persons already received, or hereafter to be received inlo the society of purchasers, as aforesaid ; but that they, their heirs, executo-s, administrators and assigns, shall at all times quietly and peaceably enjoy the premises and every part thereof, and I do further by these presents bind myself, my heirs, my executors, my administrators and assigns, never to lay any claim, nor cause any claira to be laid, to any of the lands afore mentioned, or unto any part or parcel thereof, raore than unto my own single share, by ¦virtue or pretence of any former bargain, sale or mortgage whatsoever, or jointures, thirds or entails made by me, the said Roger Williams, or of any other person, either for, by, through or under me. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set ray hand and seal, the twentieth day of Deceraber, in the present yeai one thousand six hundred sixty-one, " ROGER WILLIAMS, (SeaLt) " Signed, sealed, a^d delivered in the presence of us, Thoraaa Smith, Joseph Carpenter, Memorandum, the words, of the pur chase, were interlined before these presents were sealed, I, Mary Williams, wife unto Roger Williams, do assent unto the premises. Witness my hand, this twentieth day of December, in this present year one thousand six hundred sixty-one. The mark of (M, W,) MARY WILLIAMS,* " Acknowledged and subscribed before me, " WILLIAM FIELD, Assistant.. "Enrolled, April the 6th, 1662, pr, me, " THOMAS OLNEY, Junr,, Tram Clerk." From this document, it appears, that the twelve person to whom the lands, on the Moshassuck and Wanasquatucket rivers, were conveyed by Mr. Williaras, did not pay hira any part of the thirty pounds, which he received; but that the sura of thirty shillings wzis exacted of every person who was afterwards admitted, to forra a common stock. From this slock, thirly pounds were paid to Mr, Williams, for the reasons mentioned in the instrument last quoted. For the lands on the Pawtuxet river, however, Mr, Williams re ceived twelve-thirteenths of twenty pounds, frora the twelve persons naraed in the deed of October 8, 1638. On the same day, the fol lowing instrument was executed : — " It is agreed, this day abovesaid, that all the meadow grounds at Pawtuxet, bounding upon the fresh river, on both sides, are to be the purchasers. This deed was dated March 24, the last day of 1637, old style. ¦t An anchor, reclining, t We are surpried al the form of this signature. That Mrs. Williams could not write, would be incredible, if it were not rendered certain that she could write, by a reference to her letters, in a public document at Pre vidence. It is probable, that she wrote the initials, believing them to ho sufficient ; and some person added the words, the mark of, and wrota the name at length. 108 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. injury the inhabitants of the very colony which had proclaimed him an outlaw, and driven him into the wilderness.* Two or three years after this, the antinomian con- impropriated unto those thirteen persons, being now incorporaied logether in our town of Providence, viz, , Ezekiel Holliman, Fran cis Weston, Roger Williams, Thomas Olney, Robert Cole, Wil liam Carpenter, William Harris, John Throckmorton, Richard Waterman, John Greene, Thomas James, William Arnold, Stukely Westcott ; and to be equally divided among them, and every one to pay ou equal proportion lo raise up the sum of iwenly pounds for the same ; and if it shall come lo pass, that some, or any one, of these thirteen persons aforesaid, do not pay or give satisfaction of his or their equal proportion of the af'uresaid sum of Iwenly pounds, by this day eight weeks, which will be the 17 th day ofthe lOih month next ensuing, then they or he shall leave their or his proportion of meadow grounds unto the rest of those thirteen persons, to be at their disposing, who shall make up the ¦R'hole sum of Iwenly pounds, ¦vhich is to be paid to P^oger Williams," This money was punctually paid on the 3d of December follow ing, and was acknowledged as follows: — ¦ " According to former agreeraent, I received of the neighbours abovesaid the full sum of 131. lis. 'id. Per me, ROGER WILLIAMS," He thus retained an equal share in the lands on the Pawiuxet river, which were very valuable to the new settlers, on account of the natural meadows along ils banks. These lands were afterwards the occasion of a protracted contention. From the facts which we have stated, it appears, that Mr, Wil liams generously admitted the first twelve proprietors of the Provi dence purchase to an equal share with himself, without exacting from Ihera any rerauneration. The thirty pounds which he re ceived were paid by succeeding seltlers, at the rate of thirty shil lings each, Bul this sura of thirty pounds was not paid to him, as an equivalent for the land. It was, as he calls it, a " loving gra tuity," and was intended to remunerate him for the presents which he had given to the Indians, and for the expenses which he had incurred in procuring the lands. But he afiirmed, that all which be received was far less than he expended,'* The same may be said respecting the money paid for the Pawtuxet lands. The conduct of Mr, Williams, in these transactions, musl be acknowledged lo have- been highly honourable, disinterested, and liberal. He held the title lo the whole territory, and he might, ap parently, have amassed wealth and gratified ambition, by retaining the control of the town, and selling the lands, lo be held of him as the proprietor. But he renounced all plans of pcver and emolu ment ; he placed himself on an equality wilh^lhe other settlers, and surrendered the territory to the whole body of freemen, among whom he clairaed no other influence than that which sprung from his personal character. The sum which he received was not even a remuneration for his actual e.'cpenscs in procuring the territory. It does not diminish this praise, that the settlers were obliged lo satisfy the claims of many individual Indians, The grant from the sachems might, perhaps, have been considered as a full title ; but the justice and humanity of Roger Williams and his friends, led thera to raake compensation to the natives who occupied the territory. The whole sum paid to Mr, Williaras and to the In dians, for Providence and Pawluxei, was stated by Williara Har ris, in 1677,10 have been one hundred and sixty pounds, — Knowles's Memoir of Roger Williams, ¦• " He died in April, 1683, at the age of eighty-four years. He seems in the early part of his residence in this countiy to have f.een governed in some respecls by a blind zeal ; but his memory is deserving of lasting honour for the correctness of his opinions ix'specling liberty of conscience, and for the generous toleration which he established. So superior was he lo the meanness of re venge, and such wai his magnanimity, that he exerted all his in- • He found "Indian g-Ag" very costly. He was under the necessity of makin? frequent presents. He says, that he let the Indians have his shallop a id pinnace at command, transporting fifty al a time, and lodging af!y al his house ; that he never denied them any thing lawful ^ that when troversy, as it has been called, arose in MassacluT- setts, and Mrs. Hutchinson, Mr. Coddington, and others, were also banished from that colony. t These persons, with the assistance of Roger Williams, in fluence with the Indians in favour of Massachusetts, and ever evinced the greatest friendship for llie colony from which he had been driven. For some of its principal men he preserved the high est affection, and maintained a correspondence wilh Iheni, In his controversial writings, especially with Mr, Cotton respecting tole ration, he shows himself a master of argument. His talents ¦n'ere of a superior order. In Ihe religious doctrines which he embraced, he seems lo have been remarkably consistent. The Scriptures he read in the originals. Though his writings and his conduct in the latter periods of his life evince that he was under the influence cf the Christian spirit, yel his mind was so .shrouded in doubt and un certainty, that he lived in the neglect of the ordinances ofthe gos pel. He did not contend, like the quakers, that they werei.uperseded, bul found himself incapable of determining to what church it was his duty lo unite himself He would pray and preach with all who would hear him, of whatever denomination. If his conscience had been enlightened, one would suppose, it musl have reproved him for not partaking of the sacrament also wilh different seels. His first baptism he appears lo have renounced, not so much because he was dissatisfied with the lime or the mode of its administration, as because it was received in the church of England, which he deemed anli-christian. He published a Key to the Language of America, or, A Help to the Tongue of the New England Indians, 8vo, 1643, ¦n'hich has been lately reprinted in the collections ofthe Massachusetts Historical Society; An Answer to Mr, Cotton's Leiier, concerning the Power of the Magistrate in matters of Re ligion ; The Bloody Tenet of Persecution for the cause of Con science, 1644; The Bloody Tenet yet more Bloody by Mr, Colton's endeavour to wash it White in the Blood of the Lamb, &c,, to which is added, A Letter to Mr, Endicoi, 4to, 1652 ; The Hireling Ministry none of Christ's, or, A Discourse on the Propag- lion of the Gospel of Christ Jesus ; Experiments of Spiritual Life and Health, and their Preservatives, London, 1652 ; George Fox digged out of his Burrows, 1676, which was written against Fox and Bur- rowes, and gives an account of his dispute wilh the Cluakers, An answer to it was published in 1678, entitled, A New England Pire- Erand auenched. An interesting letter of Mr. Williams to Major Mason is preserved in the collections of the Historical Society."— Allen's Biography, p. 608, 609, t " Lastly, Samuel Gorton, and his eleven followers, descending the Narraganset Bay on the west side, seltled on V^arwick Neck, This flourishing abode of heresy and toleration soon inflamed the religious or official zeal of Governor Winthrop, and a Captain Cook, with an armed party of treble Gorton's number, was des patched wilh strict orders to bring ihe herelics to Boston, dead or alive. At the head of this crusade in miniature, marched a holy man, wilh strict injunctions to keep his soldiers regularly to their prayers, and to explain lo Gorton and his deluded followers the whole enormity of iheir errors before they put them lo death. What these errors were, it is iramaterial to relate ; suffice it to say, they had reference to the most abstruse and .speculative doctrines, and were wholly iraraalerial to christian piety and a good life, Gorton persisted sturdily in the argument against the nuncio of Winthrop, and thinking he had the best of it, refused to acknowledge himself convinced. Cook accordingly gave the word for the onset, and they were made prisoners, and conveyed to Boston, The women and children were dispersed in the woods, and as it was at a time when the ground was covered with sno^w, several of thera actually perished. The rest of these helpless fugitives, after sustaining in credible hardships, were protected, clothed, and hospitably enter tained—by savages,"— Johnson's Life of Greene, " Being brou'^ht before the court at Boston, the charge exhibited against Ihem -was in Ibe following words :— ' Upon much examination, and serious he estabhshed a trading house at Narraganset, Canonicus had freely what he desired ; and when the old chief was about to die he sent for Mr. WU liams, and " desired to be buried in my cloth, of free gift." HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 10? March, 1638, purchased of the Indians, the island of Aquetnee, since called Rhode Island. The settlers at Providence and Rhode Island, were, at first, dis tinct communities, and had separate governments. Both formed civil compacts for themselves. The in habitants of Providence, and " all new comers," at first promised " to submit themselves in active and passive obedience to all such orders and agreements as should be made for the public good of the body, in an orderly way, by major consent of the inhabit ants." At Rhode Island, the settlers, to the number of eighteen, subscribed to the following civil com pact : " We, whose names are underwritten, do here by solemnly, in the presence of Jehovah, incorporate ourselves into a body politic ; and as he shall help, will submit our persons, lives, and estates, unto our Lord Jesus Christ, the King of kings and Lord of lords, and to all those perfect and absolute laws of his, given in liis holy word of truth, to be judged and guided thereby." In 1640, being about forty in num ber, they combined in a plan of government, as best suited to promote peace and order in their circum stances. Wilham Coddington, was chosen a judge, to do justice and judgment, and to preserve the peace. In March, 1641, at a general court of election, it was unanimously declared, that the government was a democracy, or popular government, and that the power was in the body of the freemen, orderly assembled, or the major part of them, to make or constitute just laws, by which they should be regulated, and to de pute from among them such ministers as should see them faithfully executed. It was at the same time ordered, that none should be accounted delinquent for doctrine, provided it be not directly repugnant to the established government and laws.* When the New England colonies, in 1643, formed the celebrated confederacy, Rhode Island applied to be admitted into the union. Plymouth objected, on the ground that the settlements were within her boundaries. The commissioners decided that Rhode Island might enjoy all the advantages of the confede-, con.sideration of your writings, wilh your answers about thera, we do charge you to be a blasphemous eneray of the true religion of our Lord Jesus Christ and his holy ordinances, and also of civil authority among the people of God, and particularly in this juris diction,' Their writings were produced in evidence against ihera ; and they explained them in such a manner, that the governor, Mr, Winthrop, said he could agree wilh thera in their answer, though he could not in their writings ; but Mr, Dudley stood up, much raoved, aud said he would never consent to il while he lived, that they were one wUh them in those answers. The governor then asked Gorton what faith was 1 tie answered, in the words of the apostle, that " faith is the sub.slance of things hoped for, and the evidence of things not seen;" the governor told him that was true, but he could say more of faith than that. He desired lo be ex- eiised, and Mr, Bradstreet, prudently enough, excepted to such questions, unjess he was free to speak to them ; and thereupon they racy, if she would submit to the jurisdiction of Ply mouth ; this she resolutely declined, proudly preferring independence to all the benefits of dependent union.. In the year 1644, Roger Williams was deputed to, England to obtain of the commissioners of planta-- tions, appointed by Parliament, a new charter. These commissioners granted to the inhabitants of the towns of Providence, Portsmouth, and Newport, residing in a tract of country, called by the narae of Narraganset Bay, bordering northward and north-east on the pa tent of the Massachusetts, east and south-east on Plymouth patent, south on the ocean, and west and, north-wdst on the country ofthe Indians, called Nar ragansets, the whole tract extending about twenty-five English miles unto the Pequod river and country, "a free and absolute charter of incorporation, to be known by the name of the Incorporation of Providence plan tations in the Narragansets Bay, in New England, with full power and authority to rule themselves, and such others as shall inhabit in any part of the said tract of land, by such a form of civil government, as by voluntary consent of all, or the greater part of them, they shall find most suitable to their estate and con dition ; and for that end, to make and ordain such civil laws and constitutions, and to inflict such pu^ nishments upon transgressors ; and for the execution thereof, so to place and displace ofiicers of justice, aa they, or the greatest part of them, should, by free consent, agree thereto ;" with a proviso, that the laws, constitutions, and punishments, for the civil govern ment of the plantation, be conformable to the laws of England, so far as the nature and constitution of the place would admit. A court of commissioners, con sisting of six persons from each of the towns, was invested with legislative authority, but all acts passed by these commissioners were subject to be repealed by a majority of the freemen assembled in town meet ings called for that purpose. A president and four assistants were chosen annually, to be conservators of the peace, with civil powers, and by special com mission they were judges of the courts, assisted by were disraissed and remanded to prison. Their sentences were cruel. Gorton ¦n'as ordered to be confined to Charles-town, there to be kept at work, and lo wear such bolls and irons as raight hin der his escape ; and if he broke his confinement, or by speech or writing published or raaintained any of the blaspheraous aboraina- ble heresies wherewith he had been charged by the general court, or should reproach or reprove the churches of our Lord Jesll^i Christ in these united colonies, or the civil goveiriment, &c,, that upon conviction thereof, upon trial by jury, he should surfer death. The rest were confined to different towns, one in a town, and upon the same condiiions with Gorton; their cattle were seized and or dered lo be sold, and the charge of fetching them, and the expense- attending the trial and iraprisonraent, to be paid oui of the proceeds, and the overplus to be reserved for their future maintenance dii ring their confinement," — Hutchinson, vol, i. p. 120 — 122, ¦* Pitkin, vol. i. p. 47. 110 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. two wardens or justices of the peace in the towns in which the courts were held. Each town elected a council of six persons to manage their own a/Tairs. This council was also a town court, for the trial of causes of inferior magnitude, with a right of appeal to the court of president and assistants. This form of government continued, with little interruption, until a charter was obtained from Charles II. in 1663. The town of Newport was situated on one of the best harbours in America, and its inhabitants soon en gaged in commerce. Their commercial transactions were deemed of so much importance in 1647, as to re quire laws suited to commercial men and seamen. At this early period, therefore, it was ordered at the court of election, " that the sea laws, otherwise called the laws of Oleron, should be in force among us, for the benefit of seamen, (upon the island,) and the chief officers in the town should have power to summon the court for the case or cases prescribed.* Upon the application of the inhabitants, in 1663, Charles II. granted a charter to Rhode Island and Providence plantations. The supreme or legislative power was to be exercised by an assembly, which was to consist of the governor, of ten assistants, and of representatives from the several towns, all to be chosen by the freemen. The first meeting of the ge neral assembly, under the new charter, was on the 1st of March, when the government was organized. Among a great variety of ordinances which were en acted by the legislature of this colony, one was for declaring the privileges of his majesty's subjects. It enacted, " that no freeman shall be imprisoned, or deprived of his freehold, or condemned, but by the judgment of his peers, or the law of the colony ; that no tax shall be imposed or required of the colonists, but by the act of the general assembly ; that all men of competent estates, and of civil conversation, (Ro man Catholics only excepted,)! shall be admitted free men, or may choose or be chosen colonial officers." In 166.5, the general assembly enacted a law, autho rizing the seizure of the estates of quakers, who re fused to bear arms in defence of the colony ; but be ing generally condemned by the people, it was never carried into execution. The commissioners sent by Charles II. to inspect * Pitkin, vol. i. p. 49. t " The authenticity of the clause, ' Roman Catholics only ex cepted,' has been disputed ; and strictures have been made upon Chalmers, as maintaining ' that the toleration of Roger Williams did not extend lo P^omau Catholics,' and upon the author of Ame rican Annals, as having ' repeated this charge' That clause was an integral part of the ordinance, as recited by Chalraers, and Ihe omission of it would have been censurable. It has ,since been af firmed, on very respectable authority, that the act in question is the affairs of the New England colonies, were received at Rhode Island with more deference than in the neigh bouring colony of Massachusetts, arising, probably, partly from their religious sentiments, and partly from a sense of their comparative want of strength to cope with royal power. Their conduct received the warm est approbation of their monarch ; and he assured them, that he shrald never be unmindful of their du tiful behaviour, which, he observed, was set off with the more lustre by the contrary deportment of Mas sachusetts, as if, by its refractoriness, it had designed to recommend and heighten their merits.]; The ge neral strain of the government of Rhode Island and Providence was conciliatory, though independent, and seems to have given satisfaction to Charles II. during the remainder of his reign. On the accession of James II. to the British crown, the assembly of Rhode Island immediately transmitted an address, acknowledging themselves his loyal sub jects, professing obedience to his power, and begging protection for their chartered rights. Their supph- cations, however, could not protect them from the ef fects of those plans of reformation for New England which were now resolved on. Articles of high mis demeanour were exhibited against them before the lords of the committee of colonies, accusing them of breaches of their charter, and of opposition to the acts of navigation. These charges were referred, in July, 168-5, to Sawyer, attorney-general, with orders forthwith to issue a writ of quo warranto against their patent ; and formal notice of the legal process was soon afterwards communicated to the governor and company. But, without much hesitation, they resolved that they would not stand suit with their king. It was ordered by the committee of colonies, that Sir Edmund Andros, the governor of Massachu setts, should demand the surrender of their charter, and govern them as other colonies of New England, the king assuring them of his protection, and of his determination to extend no other rule of administra tion over them, than over the neighbouring planta tions. In December, 1686, Andros, agreeably to his orders, dissolved the government of Rhode Island, broke its seal, admitted five of its inhabitants into his legislative council, and assumed the administration in not lo be found in the records of Rhode Island, In copying the ordinance, the supposed implication of Mr, Williaras was not ad verted to; it was raerely a transcript of an article in our history. Whatever may have been the legislation of 1664, Roger Williams has a just claim to the honour of establishing, at the foundation of his colony, ' a free, full, and absolute liberty of conscience' "- American Annals, vol, i, p, 336, 337. X See the King's Letter, in New England Papers, vol, iii. HISTORY OF THE TJNITED STATES. Ill the place of that which he had thus annihilated. When the revolution put an end to his power, Rhode Island and Providence resumed their charter, on the ground that an act which was extorted by terror might be justly recalled when restraint no longer re mained. All the officers who had been displaced three years before were now restored. The benevolence, justice, and pacific policy of Williams, secured to the colony an almost total ex emption from Indian hostility. Its prosperity was proportionate to these favourable circumstances, and the population rapidly increased ; in 1730, the num ber of inhabitants was 18,000 ; and in 1761, it had augmented to 40,000. Brown University was founded at Warren, in 1764. On the petition of a number of respectable persons, a charter for founding a seminary of learning was grant ed by the general assembly of the colony ; the in corporation took place in the name of the " trustees, or fellows of the College or University in the English colony of Rhode Island and Providence plantations." The president must be a Baptist, but professors and other officers of instruction are not limited to any de nomination of Christians. The charter, in the spirit of the other institutions of that colony, declares, " AH the members of this institution shall forever enjoy full, free, absolute, and uninterrupted liberty of con science ; and the places of professors, tutors, and all other oflicers, the president excepted, shall be free and open for all denominations of protestants." In 1770,. the college was removed to Providence, where, by the generous donation of individuals, principally of the town of Providence, a large and elegant building was erected for the accommodation of the students. CHAPTER VII. NEW YORK. The history of the middle ages renders it very ap parent that many of the ideas which were entertained by the governments of Europe on the subject of title to property, both private and national, have been very incorrect. This was especially the case with respect to the claim to proprietorship, supposed to be con ferred by discovery, a doctrine which gave rise to many, by no means bloodless, disputes. Had the simple idea of priority of occupation been deemed the just ground of national or individual claims to colonial possessions, little difficulty would have arisen, though it would have been subversive of many of the lofty imaginations of regal or aristocratic ambition. This principle would have been just to the natives, who, as far as their occupancy extended, were the only parties who could convey a just title to the new comers to the American continent. What would have been the indignation of British pride, had some adventurous Indian sachem discovered, and granted to his faithful followers, some of the extensive and thinly inhabited wastes which Britain exhibited in the reigns of James or Charles 1 Yet, what other title could Charles urge to the territories of the brave king Philip, that the latter could not, had he visited the coast of England, have retorted on the former ? The absurdity of the principle of a legitimate title being conferred by discovery only, was nowhere more clearly evinced, than in the transactions of the colony of New York. In 1609, Henry Hudson, an English man employed by the East India Company of Hol land, set sail from the Texel for the discovery of a north-west passage to India. Not succeeding in the object of his voyage, he entered the bay of Chesa peake, where he found the infant settlement of the English.. He afterwards proceeded to Long Island, and sailed up the river Manhattan, on whose banks the chief fruits of his enterprise were destined to grow. It has been affirmed, that he sold his right to this territory to the Dutch ; but the assertion is as un supported by proof as it is improbable ; he could con vey to them no right which the voyage did not vest, by a much better title, in themselves. Several voya ges, were afterwards made from Holland to the river Manhattan, which subsequently received the name of the able navigator, by whom it had been introduced to the acquaintance of the Dutch. The favourable report of Hudson having been confirmed by othei voyagers, a body of Dutch merchants embraced the resolution of establishing a trading settlement ; and the States-General promoted the enterprise by granting them a patent for the exclusive trade of Hudsotfs river. They erected a fort near Albany, which they named Fort Orange, and a few trading-houses on the island of New York, then called by the Indians, Manhattan. If the Dutch settlers made proper arrangements with the natives, they had certainly now a right to be considered as the legitimate occupiers of the soil ; and no other European nation was entitled to dis pute their possession. The British monarch, how ever, was of a different opinien, as were his repre sentatives in America — pretending to found their claim on the discovery of the Cabots in the previous century, a claim which has found an advocate in so sensible a writer as Chalmers ; and the title of the- Hollanders is denied, because ^the sovereign o| 112 HISTORY OF THE CNITED STATES. France, in 1603, and the king of England, in 1606, had declared their intention to appropriate the sa/me region, which their subjects immediately planted."* Why the intention of the French or English was a better title than the occupation of the Dutch, or what definition is to be allotted to the term region, when no Europeati had a settlement within one hundred miles ofthe Dutch, Mr. Chalmers has left his readers to guess ; and if they exercise their rational faculties correctly, they will be far from countenancing his opinion. It was not long before the Dutch experienced the injurious effects of the unjust principle to which we have alluded. In the very first year of their settle ment. Captain Argal. who had proceeded from Vir ginia to drive the French from their settlements on the bay of Fundy, visited, on his return, the Dutch on Hudson's river. Claiming the country for his sovereign, he demanded their acknowledgment of his authority ; and being few in number, they pru dently submitted, without attempting to resist. In the yoar following, however, a new governor having arrived at the fort with an additional complement of settlers, the claim of the English to the stipulated dependence was forthwith defied, and the payment of tribute imposed by Argal resisted. For the better protection of their independence, the colonists now erected another fort on the south-west point of Long ? Annals, p, 568, t New Netherland, born repubUcan, might have been nuriured in free principles, made the healthy and vigorous representative of the parent republic, and Ihe deposilory for transmission to posterity of that liberty which was lo expire at horae. The infant colony, mighl. at least, have been saved frora the contamination which rendered profession a raockery in practice. The Wesl Indian Company were araply remunerated for all expenses and care which they bestowed ; and if magnaniraily in policy had prevailed over the unslalesman-like maxiras of gain and loss, they might have added lo their renown, ihe celebrity of founding the first republic in the new world. But actuated by different views, and calculating the progressive profits of trade only, they now determined, if we may judge from the amount of their last transhipment, to carry lo a fuller extent the coraraercial strength and spirit of the colony. Since their brilliant coramencement, they suffered within the last two years reverses and misfortunes frora the pirates, the Dunkirk free-boolers, and the public enemy. But in 1627, the capture of thirty of the enemy's ships, under the batteries of St, Salvador, by Admiral Peter Piclersen Heyn, after au unequal conflict on his * Seawan was the name of Indian money, of which there were two kinds; wompam (\\'hich signifies iphite) and suckauhoc!:, [sucki signifying black.) Wompam or wompampeagno, or simply peague, was, though im properly, also understood araong the Dutch and English, as expressive of the generic denomination, Wompam, or white money, was made of the stem or stock of the raeteauhock or periwinkle ; snckauhock, or black money, waa manufactured from the inside of the shell of the quahaug, {venus mcrccnaria,) a roimd thick sbell-fish, that buried itself but a little way in the sand, and was generally found lying on it in deep water, and gathered by rakes, or by diving after it. The Indians broke off about half on inch of a purple colour of the inside, and converted it into beads. These, before the introduction of awls and thread, were bored with sharp stones, and strung upon sinews of beasts, and when interwoven lo the breadth of the hard, more or le-:s, were called a beli of seawan or wom- Island. They continued for a series of years, in unmolested tranquillity, to mature their settlement, enlarge their numbers, and by the exercise of their national virtues of patience and industry, to subdue the first difficulties and hardships of an infant colony. In 1621, the Dutch repubhc, desirous of establish ing a colony in America on a firm basis, granted to the Dutch West India Company, an extensive terri tory on both sides of the Hudson, and entitled it New Netherlands. The boundaries were not accurately defined, but were considered by the company as including Connecticut river at the north, and Dela ware river at the south. Under the management of this company, the settlement was soon both consoli dated and extended. The city of New Amsterdam, afterwards called New York, was built on York Island, then known by the name of Monhattan ; and at the distance of a hundred and fifty miles higher up the Hudson, were laid the foundations of the city of Albany. In 1623, they erected a fort on the Delaware, which they called Nassau ; and ten years afterwards another on the Connecticut, which they called Good Hope. Near the forn;er, the Swedes had a settlement; and from the interfering claims of the two nations, quarrels arose between the settlers, which, ill a few years, terminated in the subjugation of the Swedes.t If the policy of the Dutch in extending their set- pan, in which skill was seconded by the most obstinate heroism, gave renewed vigour lo the corapany. These prizes were richly laden with sugar, tobacco, cotton, and some gold and silver. Sugar, linens, cloths, and stuffs of various fabric, formed a part of the imports inlo New Netherland, Its trade was wilh the na tives, who, as far as from (iuebec and Tadousac, brought furs to Fort Orange, But to this chief mart of ihe province, the five na tions introduced the greatest supplies. Fort Amsterdam was still the head-quarters, where ships rendezvoused, and whence smaller vessels coasted the country from Ne^w-porl-May to the Flat Corner, (De Vlack-hoeck ; the Dutch name for Cape Malabar,) Bul the above mentioned articles were unnecessary in the fur-trade, except ing cloth of a dark colour, suitable to the melancholy temperament of the Indians, who rejected fabrics in which the least whileness in their texture was discoverable. Cloth of this description, hoes, hatchets, awls, beads, and olher trinkets, looking glasses, Dutch trumpets in which the natives delighied, fire-arms, which originaled a mischievous traffic with ihe Mohawks, were the articles for the Indian trade. The circulating medium was seawan.* This was manufactured particularly by the Indians of Seaioan-hacky , (Long pam, A black bead, the size of a straw, about one third of an inch lon,"?, bored longitudinally, and well polished, was the gold of the Indians, and always esteemed of twice the value of the white; but either species wns con.sidered by them of much more value than F.iiropean coin. An Indian chief, to whom the value of a rix-dollar was explained by the first clergy man of Renselaerwvck, laughed exceedingly to think the Dutch set fo high a price uoon a piece of iron, as he termed it. Three beads of black, and SIX of white, were equivalent, among ihe F.nglish, to a penny, and among the Dutch, to a sluyver. But with the latter, the equiva'ent num ber sometimes varied from three and si.\, to four and eight. One of Go vernor Minuit's successors fixed, by placard, the price ofthe "good splen did seawan of Manhattan," at four for a stuvver, A strinp; of this money, 1 one fathom long, varied in price from five shillings, araong the New Eng- ; landers, (after the Dutch gave them a knowledge of it,) to four guilders HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 113 tlements so far eastward as Connecticut was to sup ply a defective title by extent and priority of occupa tion, it completely failed ; and they at length disco vered, that the early extent of their occupation only Island,) and of this, as well as the first mentioned articles, the New Netherlanders had on hand a surplus quantity. It is obvious, there fore, that for the purpo.se of vending these wares, a favourite po licy of Governor Minuit was to ascertain a new market. His trading vessels had visited Anchor-bay and Sloop-bay, situate on each side of Red-Island, (Roode Eytandt, corrupted inlo Rhode Island,) ascended the river, (Taunton,) flowing inlo the bay of Nassau, (Nar ragansett,) and trafficked ai Sawaans or Puckanokick, where Massas- soioat, the friend of the Plymouth people, held dominion. From hira and other Indians the latter had often heard of ihe Dutch, and from the same source the Dutch had no doubt received intelligence of the Eiiglish, But during the six years which had elapsed since the settlement of Plymouth, there had not been the least intercourse wilh New Netherland, This negative relation would have con tinued, if ihe commercial policy which has been suggested, had not now induced Governor Minuit to seek out New Plymouth, as the market which was most convenient lo intercourse, raost conge nial in temper and circumstances, and, therefore, preferable lo Vir ginia or Canada, for the purpose of establishing a treaty of com merce and amity. The people of Plymouth had a trading house at Manomet, (north side of Cape Cod,) but, comparatively unam bitious, their commerce, fortifications, and strength of men, were, as was acknowledged by ihem, far inferior to those of New Nether land, Confined in their operations to the vicinity of the barren and lonely spot on which they had been cast, their little trade was indispensable, and they ¦«'ere aggrieved thai the Dutch had en croached upon this trade, almost to their very doors. Having no transatlanlic comraerce, they, this year, (1627,) sent an agent lo Eng land and Holland, to make arrangements for such supplies as their wants or comraerce demanded. Such was the relative situation of Ihe two colonies, when in March, Givernor Minuit caused a deputation to the Governor and Council of Plvmoulh, wilh two letters, written in Dutch and French, dated at " Manhalas, in Fort Arasterdara, March 9th, 1627," (N, S,) signed " Isaac de Razier, Secretary," The Dutch governor and council congratulated tbe people of Plymouth on Ihe success of their praise-worthy undertaking, proffered their " good will and service in all friendly correspondency and good neighbourhood," invited a reciprocity of amicable feeling, suggested for this pur pose, among other things, " the propinquity of Iheir native coun tries, and their long continued friendship" — and concluded by de siring " to fall inlo a way of some coraraerce and trade" — offering " any of their goods that might be serviceable," and declaring that they should feci themselves bound lo accommodate and help " their Plymouth neighbours wilh any wares that they should be pleased to deal for,"* The answer of Governor Bradford and Council was as fol lows : — (one dollar sixty-six and a half cents,) among the Dutch, The process of trade was this : the Dutch and Enghsh sold for seawan, their knives, combs, scissors, needles, awls, looking-glasses, hatchets, hoes, guns, black cloth, and other articles ofthe Indian traffic, and with the seawan bought the furs, com, and venison, from the Indians on the seaboard, who also, with their shell money, bought such articles from Indians re- siduig in the mterior of the country. Thus by this circulating medium, a brisk commerce was carried on, not only between the while people and the Indians, but between different tribes anion? the latter. Fur the sea wan was not only their money, but it was an ornament to their persons. It distinguished the rich from the poor, the proud from the humble. It was the tribute paid by the vanquished lo those, the five nations for instance, who had exacted contribution. In the form of a belt, it was sent with all public messages, and preserved as a record of all public transactions be tween nations. If a message was sent without the bell, it was considered an eripty word, unworthy of remembrance. If the bell was retu'^ned, it was a rejection ofthe offer or proffer accompanying it. If accepted, it v/as a confirmation, and strengthened friendships or effaced injuries. The bell, with appropriate figures worked in it, was also the record of Vol, I.— Nos. 9 & 10 X served to bring their rights the sooner into collision with the pretensions of neighbours more powerful than themselves. These disagreeable results, how ever, were not experienced till after the lapse of " To the Honourable and Worshipful the Director and Council of New Netherland, our very loving and worlhy friends and Chii.slian neighbours, " The Governor and Council of Flymouth, in New England, wish your Honours and Worships all happiness and prosperity in this life, and eternal rest and glory wilh Christ Jesuo our Lord, in the world to come " We have received your letters wherein appearelh your good will and friendship towards us, but is expressed ¦with over high titles, and more than belongs to us, or than is meet for us to re ceive : but for your good will and congratulation of our prosperity in this small beginning of our poor colony, we are much hound unto you, and wilh manythanks do acknowledge the same, taking it both for a great honour done unto us, .ind for a cerlain testimony of your love and good neighbourhood. Now these are further to give your Honours, Worships, and Wisdoms, to understand, that it is to us no small joy to hear, that il hath pleased God lo move his Ma jesty's heart, not only to confirm that ancient amity, alliance, and friend,ship, and olher contracts formerly raade and ratified by his predecessors of famous memory, but hath himself, (as you say,) and we likewise have been informed, strengthened the same wilh a new union, the better to resist the pride of that comraon enemy, the Spaniards, from whose cruelty the Lord keep us both, and our native countries. Now for as much as this is sufficient lo unite us together in love and good neighbourhood in all our dealings, yet are many of us further tied by the good and courteous entreaty which we have found in your country, having lived there many years with freedora and good content, as many of our friends do lo this day, for which we are bound lo be thankful, and our children after us, and shall never forget the same, but shall heartily desire your good and prosperity as our own for ever. Likewise, for your friendly proposition and offer to accommodate and help us with any comraodilies or merchandise which you have, and we want, either for beaver, otters, or olher wares, is to us very acceptable, and we doublnotbut in shorttiraewemay haveprofitablecommerceand trade together. But you may please to understand that we are bul one particular colony or plantation in this land, there being divers others besides, unto whom it hath pleased those Honourable Lords of his Majesty's Council for New England, to grant the like com mission, and ample privileges to them, (as to us,) for their better profit and subsistence, namely, to expul.se or raake prize of any, either stra.ngcrs or other English, which shall atterapt either to trade or plant within their limits, (without their special license and corarais.sion,) which extends lo forty degrees : yet, for our parts, we shall not go about lo raolest or trouble you in any thing, but continue all good neighbourhood and corre.spondence as far as we may; only we desire that you would forbear to trade with the na tives in this bay, and the river of Narragansett and Sowamc«, domestic transactions. The confederation of the five nations was thus recorded. The cockle-sliells had indeed more virtue amongst Indians, than pearls, gold, and silver, had among F.uropeans. Seawan was the seal of a contract— the oath of fidelity. It satisfied murders and all other injuries, purchased peace, and entered into the religious as well as civil ceremonies of fheuaiives, A string of seawan %v.ns delivered by the orator in public council, at the close of every distinct proposition made toothers, as a ratification ofthe truth and sincerity of whal he said ; and the while and black strings of seawan were lied by thepa^an priest around tbe neck of the while dog suspended to a pole, and offered as a saerifii-.5 to T°/io- lonchyawaagov, the upholder of the skies, the god of the five nations. » E^itrnct from a manuscr'pt history of Plimouth, communicated by Hon, Francis P.aylies, of Massachusetts, Prince's New England Annals, p, 172, Morton's New F.nglpud Memorial, p, 91. Gov, Bradfird's Letter Book, IIT, Mass, Historical Collections, p, 51. Hulchinson, II. App. "To which (says Morton, secretary of Plimouth) the governor and council of Plimouth returned answerable enunr-ous acceptance of their loving propositions, respecting their good neighbourhood in general, ana particularly for commerce." 114 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. several years of uninterrupted peace, during the administration of Wouter Van Twiller, the first governor appoiuiad by the West India Company. It was near the close of his administration, that the which is, as it were, at our doors. The which, if you do, we think also no other English will go about any way lo trouble or binder you ; which otherwise are resolved to solicit his Majesty for re dress, if otherwise they cannot help themselves, " May it please you further lo understand, that for this year we are fully supplied with all necessaries, both for clothing and olher things ; but it may so fall out, that hereafter we shall deal wilh you, if your rates be reasonable : and therefore, ¦n'hen your people come again, we desire to know how you will lake beaver by the pound, and otters by the skin, and how you will deal per cent, for olher commodities, and whal you can furnish us with ; as like wise whal commodities frora us may he acceptable to you, as tobac co, fi-ih, corn, or other things, and what prices you will give, " Thus hoping ihal you will pardon and excuse us for our rude and imperfect writing in your language, and take il in good part, because, for want of use, we cannot so well express that we under stand, nor happily understand every thing so fully as we should : aud so we humbly pray the Lord, for his mercy's sake, that he will take both us and our native countries, into his holy protection and defence. Amen, " By the Governor and Council, your Honours' and Worships' very 'j;iod friends and neighbours," In August, Governor Minuit and council sent another deputy, and in reply, insisted upon their right lo trade lo the places which Go vernor Bradford and council had interdicled, that, " as the English clairaed authority under the King of England, so we, the Dutch, derive ours from the slates of Holland, and will defend it," The lelter was in olher respects very friendly, and, as if to preclude any interruption to the harmony of their projected intercourse, the mes senger was charged wilh a present of " a rundlel of sugar and two Ilolland cheeses," for which many thanks were returned in the answer by Governor Bradford : he also requested that a deputy might be sent to confer respecting their future trade and commerce, and with the most friendly zeal cautioned the Dutch lo avoid the Virginia ships or fishing vessels, which raight make prize of them, 53 they had a few years previously, of a French colony that had intruded within their limits ; apprised them of the patents of Queen Klizabcth, and advised them to solicit the Stales General, lo nego tiate wilh England for an amicable understanding upon Ihe subject. Governor Bradford communicated copies of the correspondence to the council for New England, and lo Sir Ferdinando Gorges, re questing advice. But now, as if apprehensive lest the conlera- plated intimacy with the New Netherlanders, raight give plau.sibility to their local pretensions, he wrote again to Governor Minuit in October, that he should suspend a decision on the question of trade, till the Plymouth agent should relurn from England and Holland, ? In the language of a contemporary of Gov, Minuit and Gov, Brad ford : — " If any tax mc for wasting paper with recording these small mat ters, such may consider, that small things in the beginning of natural or politic bodies, are as remarkable as greater, in bodies full grown," Thomas Dudley, the first deputy governor of Massiohusetts, in an epistle to "my very good lady, the Lady Bridget Countess of Lincoln," dated Boston, 1031, and published iu "Massachusetts, or the first Planters," &o, Boston, 1696, p, 'S^?. t Addressed to "Monsieur Monssignieur, William Bradford, governor in Nieu Piemeucn, ".-Vfter the wishing of all good unto you, this serves to let you under stand that we have received your (acceptable) letters, daled the 14th of last month, by .Tohn Jacobson of Wiring, who besides, by word of mouth, hath reported unto us vour kind and friendly entertainment of him : for which cause (by the good likin.L^ and approbation of the director and coun cil) I am resolved to come myself in friendship to visit you, that we may by word of mouth friendly communicate of things togelher; as also to report unto you the good will and favour that the Honourable Lords of tho authorized West Indian Company bear towards you; and to show our w illingness of your good accommodation, have brought with me some cloth of ihree sorts and colours, and a c'.est of white sugar, as also some English colonists extended their settlements beyond the boundaries of Massachusetts into the territory of Connecticut. He was succeeded in the following year by Wilham Kieft, a man more fitted to encounter whither he had been sent to make arrangements, before it was as certained that supplies could be obtained from the Dutch. He again advised them to adjust Iheir title to a settleraent " in these parts," lest in these " stirring evil times," il should become a source of contention, Bul before the reception of the last letter. Secretary Razier, ac tuated by the prior communication of Governor Bradford, resolved, with the approbation of the Governor and Council, lo be himsell the bearer of an embassage to Plymouth, In the bark Nassau, freighted with a few articles for traffic, manned with a retinue of soldiers and trumpeters, conformable to the fashion of the da)', and proportional to the dignity of his station, this second officer of the governraent, departed on an embassy, which was as imporlant in the primitive affairs of New Netherland and New Plymouth, as any of the magnificent embassies of the old world were to fuU- gro^n'n kingdoms,* The reader's fancy will follow the bark through the east river, (Oo5i rivier, called also Helle Gadt rivier,) into the great bay of the island of shells, (Long Island Sound,) and as it boldly swept over the bay, or cautiously glided along ils shores, skirted by thousands of wig wams, he will picture ihe wild and joyful gesticulations of the In dians, as they gazed upon the fantastic arrangeraents of the little vessel, or listened to the deep notes of the trumpeters. Arrived in safety al Manorael, (north side of Cape Cod,) the se cretary despatched to Governor Bradford a letter,t announcing his arrival, specifying the articles that comprised his cargo, and re questing sorae raode of conveyance to Plymouth, His request was granted, A boat was sent lo Manonscusset, (on the south side of Cape Cod,) and Razier, " honourably attended by a noise of trum peters," was ushered into fort Plymouth, Here he was kindly entertained several days. The meeting was not merely one of com mercial speculation and heartless formality. It was the first meet ing, in the solitude of the new world, of the friendly colonists of two allied European nations. Il was the joyful meeting of kindred as well as friends, for the wives and little ones of some of Ihe pilgrims had also their birth-place in Holland, Though the rigid simplicity of puritan costume and manners, the ,simple saluta tion, for instance, of goodraan and goody, were in direct opposition to the high-sounding titles, forraal stateliness, and warlike decora tions of the Dutch, yet the very spirit of amity consecrated the in tercourse upon this novel occasion. When the Dutch departed, they were accompanied to Manomet by the Plymouth people, by whom articles of their merchandise were purch.ised, particularly the seawan, which was then introduced into New England, and becarae the medium of profitable trade wilh the Eastern Indians,* Such was the harraony of the first communication between the two colonies, that the Dutch offered seawan, &c. not doubting but, if any of them maybe serviceable unto you, we shall agree well enough about the prices thereof Alco, John Jacobson aforesaid, hath told me that he came to you over land in six hours, but I have not gone so far this three or four years, \\ herefore I fear my feet will fail me ; so I am constrained to entreat you to aflbrd me the easiest means, that I may, with least weariness, come to congratulate with you : so leaving olher things to the report of the hearer, shall here with end ; remembering my hearly salutalions to yourself and friends, &c. From aboard the bark Nassau, the 4lh of October, 16-27, before French man's point, "Your affectionate friend, ISAAC DE RAZIER," t Dr, Chalmers (Pohtical Annals) says that Razier brought peltry and purchased corn. Hence it is inferred the Dutch had made little progress in agriculture. The conclusion is true, though the premises are not. It is doubtful whelher Plymouth raised corn enough for domestic consump tion. "But whatever were the honey in the mouth of that beast of trade, there was a deadly siini; in the tail. For il is said they fir-n brought our people to the knowledge of wampanipeag ; and the acquaintanou ihere- v,^ith occasioned tbe Indians of these parts to learn the skill to make il, hy which, as by the exchange of money, they purchased store of artillery both from the Enghsh, Butch, and French, which hath proved a fatal bu- HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 115 with spirit, than to stem with prudence, the troubles which now began to assail the possessions of the Dutch. Numberless causes of dispute were continu ally occurring between New Netherlands and the col-onies of Connecticut and New Haven. The -English charged the Dutch with disturbing, kidnap ping, and plundering their traders ; with enticing servants to rob and desert their masters ; and with selling arms and ammunition to the natives. Yet, notwithstanding their mutual disagreements, the Dutch and English colonists never suffered themselves to forget entirely either the forms of courtesy, or the more substantial rights of humanity; and when, their assistance against the French, if needed ; urged their friends to abandon the barren spot on which fate had cast them, and re move to the fertile banks of the Fresh River, ( Versche Rivier — the Connecticut,) The adoption of this advice might have perpetuated their good feeling, which, though afterwards supplanted by conten tion and bitterness, was for years the foundation of repealed inter course and profitable commerce. The Dutch frequently went lo Manorael, exchanged their linens and stuflSs for tobacco, which trade was extremely advantageous to the people of Plymouth, until the Virginians found cat the Dutch colony, a.nd drove them from this market by underselling ihera in tobacco. The Wesl Indian Corapany also enjoyed iramediately the salu tary fruits of this commercial interchange, for the year after il coramenced, (viz, 1628,) Governor Minuit, without the necessity of any fresh imports that year, exported to the Amsterdam depart ment more furs than at any olher prior period. The earnestness of Governor Bradford and his council, in ad vising the Dutch to clear up their right t'o settle in the land, evinces the light in which the forraer viewed that right, and their igno rance of any previous remonstrance upon the subject. It has, how ever, been affirmed that Sir Ferdinando Gorges, one of the paten tees of the New England charter of 1620, had remonstrated, in ] 624, lo King James, against the occupation of the Hudson, and that the States General, by their ambassador, disclaimed it, as merely a private undertaking of their West Indian Company,* II might admit inquiry whether the English charter, in its construc tive application, embraced that river ; for though it extended nomi nally to the fortieth degree, it contained an exception in favour of the possession of any Christian prince or slate. The Hollanders in 1620 had the possession. The policy of King James, not,-per- haps, very liberal on this subject, was pacific, and he probably pre ferred that the river should be settled upon by the Dutch rather than by the Spaniards or French, both of whora claimed the coun try. He was, if we credit English statements, aware that the Dutch had begim a setllemenl, and, perhaps, he caused the proviso in the great charter, as a tacit acquiescence. If therefore the re monstrance was made, no efficient interposition was obtained, nor was any regard paid to it by the West Indian Company : their measures with respect to New Netherland were not to be overawed by remonstrance, or varied by conflicting title, but proportioned to the success of their arms, consequently to the amplitude of their resources, and the adaptation of the province to a lucrative invest- sirtess to those that were concerned in it. Il seems the trade thereof was at first, by strict proclamation, prohibited by the king, ^ Sed quid non mortalia pcctora cogis — Auri sacra fames f The love of money is the root of all evil," &.c, Hubbard, Hist, New Eng. Mass. Hist, Col, V, 100, ¦•¦ This is put about the period of the meeting of the English parliament, in 'February, 1624. See Belk. Biog, vol, i, 369—375. But the loose man ner in which the complaint is told, without any authority cited, and par ticularly the reply which it is said the states made, viz. that if a settlement on the Hudson had been made, it was without their order, as they had only erected a company for the Wesl Indies, are circumstances which throw a suspicion over the statement. Thegrant to the company extend ed as far north aa Newfoundland. Perhaps this story is confounded with one of a similar kind in the time of Charles I. in the course of the same year, Kieft applied to New Haven for assistance against the Indians, the govern ment of this colony tendered the amplest contribution they could afford of provisions for men and cattle, to supply the scarcity that might have arisen from the Indian devastations, So unwarlike were the Dutch colonists in general, that they found it neces sary to invite Captain Underbill, who had been ban ished from Boston for his eccentricities in religion, to take command of the troops. Collecting a flying party of one hundred and fifty men, he was enabled to preserve the Dutch settlements from destruction. The number of Indians whom he killed in the course ment of capital. This year they achieved a victory over the eneray, so decisive, so complete, so unexampled in the raagnitude of iU trophies and advantages, as not only to enrich the members of the company, bul lend directly to the establishment of pennanenl colo nization in New Netherland, In September (1628) Admiral and General Peter Pieterson Heyn captured in the bay of Mautanzas a fleet of twenty vessels laden wilh silver, gold, and other precious articles, valued at more than twelve millions of guilders,t This was the famous Spanish silver fleet. The corapany during this and the preceding year took one hundred and four prizes frora the Spaniards and Portuguese, Profit had augmented to fifty per cent. The treasure now poured upon the bosom of the society was so in fatuating, that the States General found it necessary lo interpose some rules of government over foreign conquests, not leaving them to the arbitrary whim and caprice of the conquerors or naval com raanders, and on the olher hand found it not very difficult to per' suade Ihe company, to their own ruin ultimately, lo lurn iheir ope rations expressly for the advantage of the republic, and commence a " prince-like, instead of merchant-like war." But at this particu lar crisis, the interposition of their high mightinesses, for the be nefit of tran.smarine conquests and colonies, accompanied by a de cree, authorizing the different departments of the company to ap point a council of nine persons, who should be entrusted with the management of the whole, was the foundation of the appointment of commissioners over the affairs of New Netherland, and of the adoption by the college of XIX. of a charter of Liber ties, and exemptions for patroons, masters, and private individuals, who should plant colonics in New Netherland, or import thither any neat cattle. These privileges and exemptions were adopted in the spring of 1629, and recorded in the book of resolutions of the de partment of XIX,t A knowledge of the provisions of this charter is not only neces sary for understanding perfectly the civil basis on which the colony of New Netherland was erected, but the charter merits attention as an object of curious political speculation. It discloses the pecu liar notions of an armed mercantile society with regard to coloni zation. While it secured the right of the Indians lo the soil, and enjoined schools and churches, it scattered the seeds of servitude, slavery, and aristocracy. While it gave lo freemen as much land as they could cultivate, and exempted colonists from taxation for len years, it fettered agriculture, by restricting commerce and pro hibiting manufactures, — Moulton's History of New York, t 5,000,000 dollars. De Laet (History West India Co. book V,) says 11,509,624 guilders, exclusive of musk, ambergris, bezoar, and other pre cious articles in great quantity, besides the cargoes of two galleons and one small prize, t Lambrechtsen says they are to be found in the Notules of that de partment, March in, 162,3, (old style;) but in a deed from Gov, Kieft to ex-Governor Van Twiller, in 1638, of a tobacco plantarion at Sapoka- nickan, (Greenwich, in the city of New York,) the date of the grant of the liberties and exemptions is cited to have been the nh of June, 1629. Perhaps, as they were not published till 1630, they underwent modifica tions after they were first adopted, previously to their being finally con firmed as a charter. 116 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. of the war was supposed to exceed four hundred. In 1646, a severe battle was fought on that part of Horseneck called Strickland's Plain. The Dutch were victorious ; on both sides great numbers were slain ; and for a century afterwards the graves of the dead were distinctly visible, Kieft was succeeded, in the following year, by Pe ter Stuyvesant, a brave old officer, and one of the most magnanimous spirits of the republican service of Holland. By his prudence and vigour, he appears to have succeeded in restoring peace with the In dians, and preserving it uninterrupted during the whole of his administration. In 1650, he met the commissioners of the New England colonies at Hart ford, where, after much altercation, a line of parti tion between their respective territories was fixed by mutual agreement. Long Island was divided be tween them ; the Dutch retained the lands which they occupied in Connecticut, surrendering their claim to the residue. In the Delaware territory, Stuyvesant resolutely defended the claims of his countrymen against the invasions both of the English and the Swedes. In 1651, the Dutch built Fort Casimir, now called New castle, on Delaware. The Swedes claiming the country formally protested against this proceeding. Risingh, the governor, under the disguise of friend ship, came before the fortress, and landed thirty men, who were entertained by the commandant as friends ; but he had no sooner discovered the weakness of the garrison, than he made himself master of it ; and compelled several of the people to swear allegiance to Chiistiana, queen of Sweden. Stuyvesant was not of a disposition to submit tamely to such an outrao-e, or to content himself with a simple recapture of the fort. He determined to invade and subdue the whole Swedish settlement. But no sooner did they find themselves about to be attacked by this determined warrior, and perceived that their forts failed to inti midate the enemy, than they peaceably surrendered them, together with the whole of their establishments. Thus, unassisted by the parent state, fell the only colony that Sweden has ever possessed. During nearly ten years of peace, Stuyvesant used diligent exertion in extending and consolidating the colony of New Netherlands ; all his labours were, however, doomed to prove unavailing to the advan tage of his country. Charles II. had now ascended the British throne ; and although he had received, during his exile, more courtesy from the Dutch than from any other nation, he had conceived a peculiar aversion towards the people of Holland ; and did not hesitate to use every means to provoke the resentmetit of the States-General : among others, he asserted his claim to the province of New Netherlands ; and, without any attempt at negotiation with the States, he executed a charter, conveying to the Duke of York the whole territory, from the eastern shore of the De laware, to the western bank of the Connecticut. This grant took no more notice of the existing possession of the Dutch, than it showed respect to the recent charter of Connecticut, which, whether from design or ignorance, it tacitly, but entirely superseded. No sooner did the Duke of York obtain this grant, than he conveyed to Lord Berkeley and Sir George Carte ret all that portion now constituting the province of New Jersey. It was manifest that this grant would require a military force to carry it into effect. While the Dutch, notwithstanding the intimations they received from Stuyvesant, continued unsuspecting or incredulous, an armament, under the command of Colonel Nichols, who was also appointed governor of the province he was about to conquer, was prepared and despatched. After touching at Boston, the fleet sailed to Hudson river, and took a position before the capital of New Netherlands. Stuyvesant resolved to make a gallant defence, but his sentiments did not pervade the minds of the inhabitants, who, apprehending all resistance to the disciplined forces, and powerful artillery of the invaders, utterly hopeless, the most valorous and faithful satisfied themselves Avith the resolution not to remain the subjects of their tyrannical conqueror, but could not perceive the propriety of aggravating their distress by exposing their persons and habitations to the certainty of capture by storm, and the extremity of military violence. Colonel Nichols lost no time in sendinsf a summons to surrender the fortress, towns, and the whole terri tory, to the king of England, as his lawful right, which had been intruded on and usurped by the Dutch. As the reply of Stuyvesant gives what may be considered an authentic account ofthe grounds ofthe claims of the Dutch, a part of it is presented to the reader : " My Lords, " Your first letter, unsigned, of the 20 — 31 August, together with that of this day, signed according to form, being the 1st of September, have been safely delivered into our hands by your deputies, unfo which we shall say, that the rights of his majesty of Eng land, unto any part of America hereabout, amono-st the rest, unto the colonies of Virginia, Maryland, or others in New England, whether disputable or not, is that which, for the present, we have no design to debate upon. But that his majesty hath an indispu table right to all lands in the north parts of America. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. li is that, which the kings of France and Spain will disallow, as we absolutely do, by virtue of a commis sion given to me, by my lords, the high and mighty States-General, to be governor -general over New Hol land, the Isles of Curacoa, Bonaire, Aruba, with their appurtenances and dependencies, bearing date the 26th of July, 1646. As also by virtue of a grant and commission, given by my said lords, the high and mighty States-General, to the West India Company, in the year 1621, with as much power, and as au thentic, as his said majesty of England hath given, or can give, to any colony in America, as more fully appears by the patent and commission of the said lords the States-General, by them signed, registered, and sealed with their great seal, which were shewed to your deputies. Colonel George Carteret, Captain Robert Needham, Captain Edward Groves, and Mr. Thomas DelavaU, by which commission and patent, together, (to deal frankly with you,) and by divers letters, signed and sealed by our said lords the States- General, directed to several persons, both English and Dutch, inhabiting the towns and villages on Long Island, (which, without doubt, have been produced before you, by those inhabitants,) by which they are declared and acknowledged to be their subjects, with express command, that they continue faithful unto them, under penalty of incurring their utmost displea sure, which makes it appear more clear than the sun at noon-day, that your first foundation (viz. that the right and title of his majesty of Great Britain to these part-s of America is unquestionable) is absolutely to be denied. Moreover, it is without dispute, and ac knowledged by the world, that our predecessors, by virtue of the commission and patent of the said lords the States-General, have, without control and peacea bly, (the contrary never coming to our knowledge,) enjoyed Fort Orange about forty-eight or fifty years, the Manhattans about forty-one or forty-two years, the South River forty years, and the Fresh Water River about thirty-six years. Touching the second subject of your letter, viz. ' His majesty hath commanded me, in his name, to require a surrender of all such forts, towns, or places of strength, which now are pos sessed by the Dutch under your command ;' we shall answer, that we are so confident of the discretion and equity of his majesty of Great Britain, that in case his majesty were informed of the truth, which is, that -the Dutch came not into these provinces by any vio lence, but by virtue of commissions from my lords the States-General, — first of all in the years 1614, 1015, and 1616, up the North River, near Fort Orange, where, to hinder the invasions and massacres com monly committed by the savages, they built a little fort, and after, in the year 1622, and even to this pre sent time, by virtue of commission and grant to the governors of the West India Company ; and, more over, in the year 1656, a grant to the honourable the burgomasters of Amsterdam, of the South River, inso- much that, by virtue of the abovesaid commissions from the high and mighty States-General, given to the persons interested as aforesaid, and others, these provinces have been governed, and consequently en joyed ; as also in regard of their first discovery, un interrupted possession, and purchase of the lands of the princes, natives of the country, and other private persons, though Gentiles, — we make no doubt, that if his said majesty of Great Britain were well informed of these passages, he would be too judicious to grant such an order, principally in a time when there is so straight a friendship and confederacy between our said lords and superiors, to trouble us in the demand ing and summons of the places and fortresses which were put into our hands, with order to maintain them, in the name of the said lords the States-General, as was made appear to your deputies, under the names and seal of the said high and mighty States- General, dated the 28th of July, 1646. Besides what had been mentioned, there is little probability, that his said majesty of England, (in regard the articles of peace are printed, and were recommended to us to observe seriously and exactly, by a letter written to us by our said lords the States-General, and to cause them to be observed religiously in this country,) would give order touching so dangerous a design, being also so apparent, that none other than my said lords the States-General have any right to these pro vinces, and consequently ought to command and maintain their subjects ; and in their absence, we, the governor general, are obliged to maintain their rights, and to repel and take revenge of all threaten- ings, unjust attempts, or any force whatsoever, that shall be committed against their faithful subjects and inhabitants, it being a very considerable thing to af front so mighty a state, although it were not against an ally and confederate. Consequently, if his said majesty (as it is fit) were well informed of all that could be spoken upon this subject, he would not ap prove of what expressions were mentioned in your letter." The reasoning of Stuyvesant, as might have been anticipated, did not produce any effect on his oppo nents, who made immediate preparations for the reduction of the fort. These prompt measures in duced the governor to make another attempt at nego tiation ; but Colonel Nichols replied, that he could treat on no subject but that of surrender. Unsup- 118 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. ported as was Stuyvesant by his countrymen, he felt compelled to agree to a treaty of capitulation, which was concluded on the most favourable terms to the inhabitants ; and, to gratify the punctilious feelings of Stnyvc-ant, an article was introduced, that the English and Dutch limits in America should be set tled by the court of England and the States-General On the 27th of August, 1664, the commissioners on behalf of both parties, met at the governor's farm, and signed the articles of capitulation. The first article of the treaty declared, " That the States-General, or the West India Company, shall freely enjoy all farms and houses (except such as are in the forts ;) and that within six months they shall have free liberty to transport all such arms and munition, as now belong to them, or else they shall be paid for them." The third, that "All people shall still continue free denizens, and shall enjoy their lands, houses, goods, wheresoever they are within this country, and dispose of them as they please." The sixth, that "Any people may freely come from the Netherlands, and plant in this colony, and that Dutch vessels may freely come hither, and any of the Dutch may freely return home, or send any sort cf merchandise home, in vessels of their own coun try." The last of these conditions was manifestly in direct opposition to the navigation acts, and conferred a privilege it was not in the power of the crown to ratify, and which was consequently of very short duration. Favourable as were these conditions, it was not till two days after their signature by the commissioners, that the governor could be induced to add his ratificafion. Immediately after its subjugation. New Amsterdam received the name of New York ; the appellation was also extended to the whole province. Fort Orange, which capitulated before the close of the month, took the name of Albany. During his abode in that neighbourhood, Carteret, who had been despatched to reduce Fort Orange, had interviews with the chiefs of the Indians of the Five Nations, and entered into a treaty of friendship with them, the beneficial effects of which long continued to be realized by the colonists. Sir Robert Car was equally successful in the south, the garrison of the Delaware surrendering on the 1st of October, on which day the whole of the New Netherlands became subject to the British crown; and by an act of flagrant injustice, the States-General ceased to exercise any authority over the North American continent. All the early ^vriters agree in describing New Amsterdam as a • Grahame, vol, ii, p, 225, handsome well-built town. Indeed, the various pro visions that were introduced into the articks of sur render, to guard the comforts of the inhabitants from invasion, attest the orderly and plentiful state which these colonists had attained. No account has been preserved ofthe total populalion of the province and its dependencies ; but the metropolis, at this time, seems to have contained about three tliousand persons.* Few of the inhabitants thought proper to remove out of the country. Even Governor Stuyvesant himself continued to hold his estate, and died there. " Justice obliges me to declare," says Smith, " that for loyalty, and a pure attachment to the Protestant religion, the descendants of the Dutch planters are perhaps ex ceeded by none of his majesty's subjects."t Nichols immediately assumed fhe command of the territory he had conquered, as deputy governor for the duke of York ; and without delay proceeded to reduce the affairs of the state to one uniform consti tution and policy. In imitation of what had been previously established by the Dutch, he erected a court of assize, composed of the governor, the council, and the justices of the peace, which was invested with every power in the colony, legislative, execu tive, and judicial. The only liberal institution that he was allowed to introduce was trial by jury ; and to this admirable check on judicial proceedings all causes and controversies were subjected. The court having collected into one code the ancient customs, with such improvements as the change of circum stances rendered necessary, still regarding the laws of England as supreme, these ordinances were trans mitted to England, and confirmed by the duke of York the following year. A dispute having arisen between the inhabitants of Jamaica on Long Island respecting Indian deeds, it was ordered, that no purchase from the Indians should be deemed valid without the governor's license, executed in his pre sence. Several of the English methods of govern ment were gradually introduced into the province ; and on the 12th of June, the inhabitants of New York were incorporated under a ma3'-or, five alder men, and a sheriff. When the intelligence of the declaration of war against Holland reached New York, the governor naturally anticipated an attempt on the part of the Dutch to regain their territory of the New Nether lands, and proceeded to adopt measures calculated to insure a vigorous and successful defence. The inhabitants felt the pressure of the assessments made by the court of assize to furnish the requisite pecuni- t History of New York, p, 23. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 119 ary supplies the more keenly, since their trade, which had been almost exclusively carried on by Dutch shipping, was now nearly annihilated. In these circumstances. Governor Nichols nobly sacrificed the greater part of his fortune to supply the public exi gencies. Happily, however, the States-General, made no attempt to repossess themselves of New York during this war ; and at the peace of Breda it was ceded to England, in exchange for Surinam, by a general stipulation, that each of the two nations should retain what its arms had acquired since the commencement of hostilities. It was by this treaty also that Acadie was ceded to France, which had acted as the ally of Holland during the war, and was the only party that reaped advantage from it. Early in the following year. Colonel Nichols found himself compelled, froiu the pecuniary sacrifices he had made, to resign his appointment. He was both respected and beloved by the people over whose interests he had presided. The benefit of his exer tions devolved on his successor. Colonel l,ovelace, during whose administration the colony enjoyed nearly six years of content and prosperity, the only memorable occurrence being the unfortunate event that brought it to a close. During the second war with Holland, a small squadron was despatched to destroy the commerce of the English colonies ; and having performed this service with great effect, they were induced to attempt a more important enterprise. Repairing with secrecy to New York, they had the good fortune to arrive at the metropolis while Love lace was at a distance, and the command was exer cised by Colonel Manning, who sent down a mes senger, and treacherously made terms with the enemy. The Dutch sailed up the harbour, landed their men, and took possession of the fort and city without firing or receiving a shot. Captain Anthony Colve was appointed governor, but he retained the authority for a -^few months only ; peace being concluded the next year, the country was restored to the English by the treaty of Westminister. On this pacification, the dulce of York, to remove all doubt respecting his property in America, took out a new patent from the king. This grant recited and confirmed the former. It empowered the duke to govern the inhabitants by such ordinances as he or his assigns should establish, and to administer justice according to the laws of England, allowing an appeal to the king in council. It prohibited trade thither without his permission-. It » Collections of New York Historical Sociely, vol. iii, p, 347, 352, " It has been alleged, and il is not improbable, that the duke, upon becoming king, refused to confirm the privileges he had before granted, and determined to govern the province by his absolute allowed the piovincials to import merchandises, but required them " to pay customs according to the laws of the realm." Under the authority of this charter the duke ruled New York until his accession to the throne of England. He now commissioned Major Edmund Andros to be governor of all his territories from the western bank of the Connecticut to the farther shore of the Delaware. In October, the Dutch resigned their authority to Andros, who immediately received the submission of the inhabit ants. The administration of Andros and of his successor^ Anthony Brockholst, are not distinguished by any remarkable event. In 1682, Colonel Thomas Don gan was appointed governor. During his govern ment the inhabitants of New York first participated in the legislative power. The council, the court of assize, and the corporation of New York, having concurred in soliciting their royal patentee to permit the people to possess some share in the government, the duke had informed the deputy governor of the province that he intended to establish the same form of government as the other plantations enjoyed, "particularly in the choosing of an assembly," and Governor Dongan was accordingly instructed to call an assembly of the province. It was to consist of a council composed of ten members, and a house of representatives chosen by the people, composed of eighteen members ; but its laws were to be of no force without the ratification of the proprietary. Or ders were issued to the sheriffs, to summon the free holders for choosing representatives to meet the governor in assembly on the 17th of October. A session of the assembly was held, pursuant to the summons, and several important laws were passed. One of the acts of this assembly, passed on the 30th of October, is entitled, " The Charter of Liberties, and Privileges granted by his royal highness to the Inhabitants of New York and its dependencies." Another session was held the following year, but it is believed there was no other previous to the revo lution of 1688.* The interior of New York was originally inhabit ed by a confederacy, which consisted at first of five, and afterwards of six, nations of Indians. This confederacy was formed for mutual defence against the Algonquins, a powerful Canadian nation, and displayed much of the wisdom and sagacity which mark the institutions of a civilized people. By their power. It is therefore reasonable to suppose, that in the new com mission, or orders to Governor Dongan, the auihorily respecting- the assembly was omitted, or revoked."— Holmes's American Aj)* nals, vol. i. p. 410.. 120 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. union they had become formidable to the surround ing tribes. Being the allies of the English, the French were alarmed at their successes, and became jealous of their power. In the year 1684, De la Barre, the governor of Canada, marched to attack them, with an army of seventeen hundred men. His troops suffered so much from hardships, famine, and sickness, that he was compelled to ask peace of those whom he had come to exterminate. He invited the chiefs of the five nations to meet him at his camp, and those of three of them accepted the invitation. Standing in a circle, formed by the chiefs and his own officers, he addressed a speech to Garrangula, of the Onond.ago tribe, in which he accused the con federates of conducting the English to the trading grounds of the French, and threatened them with war and extermination if they did not alter their behaviour. Garrangxila, knowing the distresses of the French troops, heard these threats with contempt. After walking five or six times round the circle, he addressed Da la Barre in the following bold lan guage, calling him Yonnondio, and the English governor, Corlear : " Hear, Yonnondio, I do not sleep ; I have my eyes open, and the sun which enlightens me, disco vers to ma a great captain, at the head of a company of soldiers, who speaks as if he was dreaming. He says that he only came to smoke the great pipe of peace with the Onondagas. But Garrangula says, that he sees the contrary ; that it was to knock them on the head, if sickness had not weakened the arms of the French. We carried the English to our lakes, to trade there with the Utawawas, and Quatoghies, as the Adriondacs brought the French to our castles, to carry on a trade which the English say is theirs. We are born free ; we neither depend on Yonnondio nor Corlear. We may go where we please, and buy and sell what we please. If your allies are your slaves, use them as such ; command them to receive no other but your people. Hear, Yonnondio ! what I say is the voice of all the Five Nations. When tliey buried the hatchet at Cadaracui, in the middle ofthe fort, they planted the tree of peace in the same place, to be there carefully preserved, that instead of a retreat for soldiers, the fort might be a rendezvous for merchants. Take care that the many soldiers who appear there do not choke the tree of peace, and prevent it from covering your country and ours with its branches. I assjire you that our warriors shall dance under its leaves, and will never dig up the hatchet to cut it down, till their brother Yonnondio or Corlear shall invade the country which the Great Spirit has given to our ancestors." De la Barre was mortified and enraged at this bold reply ; but, submitting to necessity, he conclu ded a treaty of peace, and returned to Montreal. His successor, De Nonville, led a larger army against the confederates ; but fell into an ambuscade, and was defeated.- These wars within the limits ofthe colony kept Colonel Dongan actively employed, and served to perpetuate the enmity of the Indians against the French, and their attachment to the English. James II. having ascended the throne, determined to superadd New York and the Jerseys to the juris diction of the four colonies of New England ; a new commission was passed in March, appointing Sir Edmund Andros captain-general and vice-admiral over the whole. The constitution established on this occasion was a legislative and executive governor and council, who were appointed by the king, with out the concurrence of the people. The royal order lo Governor Dongan to deliver up the seal of the province to his excellency Sir E. Andros, was read in the provincial council on the 28th of July, and ordered to be entered among the records of the pro vince of New York. His rule was, however, of very brief duration. In the following year, the welcome intelligence of the accession of William and Mary to the British throne was joyfully received at New York, and the inhabitants waited with anxiety for orders to proclaim them ; but while the principal officers and magistrates were assembled to consult for the public safety, Jacob Leisler, a captain of the militia, seized the fort, and held it for the prince of Orange. William and Mary were proclaimed there in June ; and the province was for some time ruled by a committee of safety, at the head of which was Leisler. He was destitute of many of the qualifica tions necessary to conduct a difficult enterprise, but possessed the esteem and confidence of many of tha officers, and of the people. His sudden elevation excited the envy of those magistrates and citizens who had declined to join him in proclaiming King William. Unable to raise a party against him in the city, they retired to Albany, where their exertions were successful. To diminish their influence, and to allay the jealousy of others, Leisler invited several of the principal citizens to unite with him in admin istering the government, a trust which had been confided to him alone by the militia. In a few months, however, a letter arrived from the ministry in England, directed " to such as, for the time being, take care for administering the laws of the province," and conferring authority to perform all the duties df lieutenant-governor. Leisler considered this letter addressed to himself, assumed the authority conferred HISTORY OP THE UNITED STATES. 121 appointed his council, and issued commissions in his own name. Before these disturbances, Colonel Don gan had resigned his office, and embarked for England. Lieutenant-governor Nicholson, unable to contend with Leisler, absconded in the night. The people of Albany, led by Bayard, Courtlandt, formerly mayor of New York, and Livingston, acknowledged King William, but refused to submit to Leisler. Milborne was sent with a body of troops to enforce obedience, but, finding them united, he returned without attempting it. The next spring, going with a stronger force, he succeeded. Aban doning the fort to their rival, the leaders of the party took refuge in the neighbouring colonies ; and Leisler, with vindictive rashness, proceeded to con fiscate their estates. This arbitrary and unjust measure so exasperated the sufferers, that they long retained the most violent animosity against Leisler and his adherents. In this state of contention the colonists of New York* continued nearly two years, and the miseries of a foreign aggression were soon added to those of internal discord. War had been declared between France and England ; and De Nonville had been replaced in the governorship of Canada by Count Frontignac, a veteran officer, whose skilful and energetic measures, aided by a large re-enforcement, soon raised the affairs of the French from the brink of ruin, and enabled them to act on the offensive. Frontignac was indefatigable in his efforts to gain over the Five Nations, who had made two attacks upon Montreal, and murdered a great number of inhabitants. He held a great council with them at Onondaga ; and, as they seemed to be somewhat inclined to peace, he resolved to give their favourable disposition no time for change, and, at the same time, to inspirit his own drooping countrymen, by finding them immediate employment against the English colonies. On the 19th of January, a party of about two hundred French, and some Cahnuaga Indians, set out, in a deep snow, for Schenectady; they arri ved on the Sth of February, at eleven o'clock at night ; and the first intimation the inhabitants had of their design, was conveyed in the noise of their own bursting doors. The village was burnt, sixty per sons were butchered, twenty-seven suffered the worse fate of captivity, the rest made their way naked through the snow towards Albany, where some arrived in extreme distress, while many perished in the attempt. A party of young men, and some Mohawk Indians, set out from the latter place, pur sued the enemy, and killed or captured twenty-five. To avenge these barbarities, and others perpetra- VoL. I,— Nos. 11 & 12 Y ted in New England, a combined expedition agahist Canada was projected. An army, raised in New York and Connecticut, proceeded as far as the head of Lake Champlain, whence, finding no boats prepa red, they were obliged to return. Sir William Phipps with a fleet of more than thirty vessels, sailed from Boston into the St. Lawrence, and, landing a body of troops, made an attack by land and water upon Q-uebec ; but the return of the army to New York allowing the whole force of the enemy to repair to the assistance of the garrison, he was obliged to abandon the enterprise. Leisler, transported with rage when he was informed of the retreat, caused Winthrop, who commanded the New England forces, to be arrested, but was instantly compelled, by uni versal indignation, to release him. It was to the mis conduct or incapacity of Leisler and Milborne, (the latter of whom, as commissary-general, had made no adequate provision for the enterprise,) that the failure of this expedition was attributed. The messenger wlwm Leisler had despatched to convey his assurances of devoted loyalty to King William, had been most graciously received, and admitted to the honour of kissing his majesty's hand. But the latter lieutenant-governor, Nicholson, on his arrival in England, found means to induce the king not to recognise expressly the authority of Leisler, and so early as August, 1689, the government of New York was confided to Colonel Sloughter ; though this officer being engaged in affairs of more imme diate interest at home, did not arrive at New York till two years afterwards. Leisler felt himself so neglected by being thus superseded, and was so intoxicated with power, that he determined to retain it, and although twice summoned, refused to surren der the fort ; he, however, sent two persons to con fer with the governor, who, declaring them rebels, arrested and confined them. Alarmed by this mea sure, Ijcisler attempted to escape, but was appre hended with many of his adherents, and brought to trial. In vain did they plead their zeal for King William. In vain did Leisler insist that the letter from England authorized him to administer the government. They had lately resisted a gover nor with a regular commission, and this governor, and a subservient court, were resolved upon theit conviction. Leisler and Milborne were both con demned to death for high treason. Sloughter was, however, unwilling to sacrifice two men, who, though they had sometimes erred, had served his master with zeal ; but at length he yielded to the urgent persuasions of their enemies, and signed the warrant for their execution, which was speedily car- 122 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. ried into effect. On application to the king, their estates, which had been confiscated, were restored to their heirs. Sloughter's administration was terminated by his sudden death in July, 1691. It had been turbulent and ineffective ; the only portion of his government which appears to have been beneficial, was a confer ence which he held with the chiefs of the Five Na tions, who had manifested some disposition to enter into a treaty with the French ; but in consequence of Sloughter's explanations and persuasions, they ex pressed themselves willing to " brighten their ancient belt of friendship," and renew their offensive and de fensive league with the English. To put their friendship to the test, and to confirm it by calling it into exercise. Major Schuyler, who possessed great infiuence with the Indian chiefs, un dertook, at the close of this year, an expedition against Montreal. The attempt did not succeed as to the principal object of attack, but the spirit of hostility was so intensely aroused in the Indians of the Five Nations, that they continued to wage war on the French during the winter, though the colonial troops had retired. Count Frontignac was so exasperated with their continued assaults, that he condemned to a death, accompanied by all the torments French in genuity could devise, two Mohawk captives, whom the fate of war had thrown into his power. " Short ly before tbe execution, some Frenchman, less inhu man than his governor, threw a knife into the prison, and one of the Mohawks immediately despatched himself with it : the other, expressing contempt at his companion's mean evasion from glory, walked to the stake, singing in his death-chant that he was a Mo hawk warrior, that all the power of man could not extort an indecent expression of suffering from his lips, and that it was ample consolation to him to re flect that he had made many Frenchmen suffer the same pangs that he must now himself undergo. When attached to the stake, he looked round on bis execu tioners, their instruments of torture, and the assem bled multitude of spectators, with all the complacency • Grahame, vol, ii, p, 279, Srailh, p, 78, 79, t This speech is al once a speciraen of Colonel Fletcher, and of colonial governraent ; il is therefore inserted at length, " Gentle- nren, — There is also a bill for settling a ministry in this city, and some olher countries of the governraent. In that very thing you have shown a great deal of stiffness. You lake upon you, as if you were dictators, I scut down to you an araendment of three or four words in that bill, which, though very iramaterial, }'et was posi tively denied, I must tell 5rou,il seeras very unmannerly. There never was an amendment yet desired by Ihe council hoard, but whal was rejected. It is the sign of a stubborn ill temper, and this I have also passed. But, gentlemen, I raust take leave to tell you, if you seera to understand by these words, that none can serve with out your collation or establishraent, you are far mistaken. For I of heroic fortitude; and, after enduring for some hours, with composed mien and triumphant language, a series of barbarities too atrocious and disgusting to be recited, his sufferings were terminated by the in terposition of a French lady, who prevailed with the governor to order that mortal blow, to which human cruelty has given the name of coup de grace, or stroke oi favour."* Colonel Fletcher was appointed to succeed Slough ter, as governor of New York. He was active and energetic, but of sordid disposition and violent temper. One of his first exploits, the assertion of his claim to command the militia of Connecticut, and the recep tion given him by Captain Wadsworth, has already been related in the history of that colony. It was a fortunate circumstance that he yielded to the superior information and advice of Major Schuyler in all af fairs relating to the Indians, who were thus kept from embracing the offers of peace which were continually presented them by Count Frontignac. It had been the favourite object of all the gover nors of New York to assimilate the language and religion of the inhabitants, and to remove, as much as possible, the more striking indications of the Dutch origin of the colony. No one pursued this object with more zeal than Fletcher, who was bigotedly at tached to the church of England. In two successive sessions he introduced the subject to the attention of the assembly ; but the members, being generally in favour of the church of Holland, to his great mortifi cation, disregarded his recommendations. The mat ter being again laid before them in a subsequent session, they passed a bill providing for the settlement, in certain parishes, of ministers of the gospel, to be chosen by the people. The council added an amend ment, giving to the governor the power of approval or rejection ; but the house refused to concur in the amendment, at which Fletcher was so much enraged, that he commanded them instantly to attend him, and addressing them in an angry speech, prorogued them to the next year.! The remainder of Fletcher's administration was have the power of collating or suspending any rainister in my go vernraent, by their majesties' letters patent ; and whilst I stay in Ihe government, I will take care that neither heresy, sedition, schism, or rebellion, be preached among you, nor vice and profanity encou raged. It is my endeavour to lead a virtuous and pious life amongst you, and to give a good example : I wish you all lo do the same. You ought to consider, that you have but a third share in the legislative power of the government; and ought not lo take all upon you, nor be so peremptory. You ought to let the council have a share. They are in the nature of the house of lords, or upper house ; but you seem to lake the whole power in your hands, and set up forevery thing. You have set a long time to little purpose, and have been a greal charge to the country. Ten shillings a day is a large allowance, and you punctually exact it. You have beea HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 123 not signalized by any occurrence worthy of record. The war between the French and the Five Nations sometimes languished by the address of Frontignac's negotiations, but was oftener kindled into additional rage and destruction by his enterprise and activity ; and as their hostilities were prolonged, the French and the Indians seemed to be inspired with a mutual emulation of cruelty in victory, no less than of prow ess in battle. The priso/.ers on both sides were made to expire in horrible tortures.* " On one occasion, when Frontignac succeeded in capturing a Mohawk fort, it was found deserted of all its inhabitants e:!«;ept a sachem in extreme old age, who sat with the com posure of an ancient Roman in the capitol, and salu ted his civilized compeer in age and infirmity with ilignified courtesy and venerable address. Every hand was instantly raised to wound and deface his time-stricken frame ; and while French and Indian knives were plunged into his body, he recommended to his Indian enemies rather to burn him with fire. that he might teach their French allies how to suffer like meii."t In 1697, the peace of Ryswick, which was conclu ded between Great Britain and France, gave security and repose to the colonies. The next year, the earl of Bellamont was appointed governor. He was par ticularly desirous of clearing the American seas of the pirates with Which they had for some time been grievously infested. The government, hovvever, de clining to furnish an adequate naval force, the earl engaged with others in a private undertaking against them. Among the associates were Lord Chancellor Summers and the duke of Shrewsbury ; the king himself, too, held a tenth share. The company, ha- ¦ving procured a vessel of war, gave the command to Captain Kidd, and despatched him on a cruise against the pirates. He had been but a short time at sea, when he made a new contract with his crew, and, on the Atlantic and Indian oceans, became himself a daring and successful pirate. Three years afterwards he returned, burned his ship, and, with a strange in fatuation, appeared in public at Boston. The earl always forward enough to pull down the fees of olher rainisters in the government. Why did you not think it expedient lo correct your own to a more moderate allowance'! Gentlemen, I shall say no raore at present, but that you do withdraw lo your private aflfairs in the county, I do prorogue yon to the 10th of January next, and you are hereby prorogued to the 1 0th day of January next ensuing." —Smith, p. 84, 85, • We shall give but one instance out of raany, " The prisoner being first made fast to a stake, so as to have roora to raove round it, a Frenchman began the horrid tragedy, by broiling the flesh of the prisoner's legs, from his toes to his knees, with the red-hot bar rel of a gun. His example was followed by an Utawawa, who, being desirous to outdo the French in their refined cruelty, split a furrow from the prisoner's .shoulder to his garter, and filling it wilh gunpowder, set fire to it. This gave him exquisite pain, and of Bellamont wrote to the secretary of state, desiring that Kidd might be sent for, and a man-of-war was despatched upon this service ; but being driven back by a storm, a general suspicion prevailed in England, that there was collusion between the ministry and the adventurers, who were thought unwilling to pro duce -Kidd, lest he might discover that the chancellor and the other associates were confederates in the pi racy. So powerful was this feeling, that a motion was made in the house of commons, that all who were concerned in the adventure might be deprived of their employments ; but it was rejected by a great majority, and all subsequent attempts to implicate the unfortunate shareholders, only proved more satisfac torily their entire innocence of any participation either in the designs or the profits of Captain Kidd ; although their imprudence in selecting a person whose previous character was very indifferent, was evident and undeniable. Ultimately Kidd was conveyed to England, where he was tried and executed. The stale in which l,ord Bellamont found the go vernment at New York was thus emphatically de scribed by him in his first address to the assembly : " I cannot but observe to you, what a legacy my pre decessor has left me, and what difficulties to struggle with ; a divided people, an empty purse, a few miser able, naked, half-starved soldiers, not half the num ber the king allowed pay for ; the fortifications, and even the governor's house, ^ ery much out of repair ; and, in a word, the whole government out of frame." After this introduction, he puts them in mind that the revenue wa-s near expiring. " It would be hard," he adds, " if I that come among you with an honest mind, and a resolution to be just to your interest, should meet with greater difficulties, in the discharge of his majesty's service, than those that have gone before me. I will take care there shall be no misap plication of the public money. I will pocket none of it myself, nor shall there be any embezzlement by others ; but exact accounts shall be giA^en you, when, and as often, as you shall require."! The abuses and corruption of the late governor, raised excessive laughter in his lormenttu's. When they found his throat so much parched that he was no longer able to gratify their ears with his howling, they gave hira water, to enable hira to con tinue their pleasure longer, Bul at last his strength failing, an Utawawa flayed ofl^ his scalp, and threw burning hot coals on his scull. They then untied him, and bid him run for his life. He began lo run, tumbling like a drunken raan. They shut up the way to the east, and made him run westward, the country, as they think, of departed miserable souls. He had still force left to th'row stones, till they put an end to his misery by knocking him on the head. After ihis every one cut a slice from his body, to conclude the tragedy wilh a feast." — Smith, p. 88. + Grahame, vol, ii, p, 287. t Smith's History of New York, p. 93, 94. 124 HISTORY OF f HE UNITED STATES. however, were by no means the most severe disorders which marred the peace of the colony ; the increasing animosity of two numerous factions, consisting of the friends and the enemies of the unfortunate Leisler, were a still greater evil. Their mutual antipathy was roused by the occurrence of fresh opportunities to indulge it, and the public business of the province was seriously impeded. The character and manners of Lord Bellamont were adapted to compose these dissensions, although his just displeasure against the conduct of his predecessor extended itself to every person who had held office along with him, and in this class were comprehended the principal adversa ries of Leisler. The assembly now consisted chiefiy of the friends of Leisler, and they voted the sum of lOOOZ. to be paid to his son, to be levied immediately on the province, as a compensation for the damage he had sustained by the violent proceedings against his father. The administration of Lord Bellamont, which was proceeding with a degree of integrity and wisdom calculated to excite hopes of very beneficial results to the colony, was terminated by his sudden demise, in March, 1701. In the appointment of a successor, that principle appears to have been acted upon, which has been so extensively injurious to the prosperity and to the loyalty of British colonies : the convenience of the ministry at home, and not the welfare of the state, induced them to send into honourable and gain ful exile, the grandson of the celebrated earl of Cla rendon. Possessing not one of the virtues of his ancestor. Lord Cornbury was mean, profligate, and unprincipled ; a burden to his friends at home, they procured for him an appointment beyond the reach of his creditors. He declared himself aii anti-Leisle- rian, and, by his influence, the first assembly that he summoned was composed principally of men of that party. They provided liberally for his expenses ; yet several sums of money rai,sed for public purposes, being entrusted to him as governor, were chiefly ap propriated to his own use. His extravagance and oppression exposed him to the reprehensions of the house of assembly. A committee of grievances was appointed, and the resolutions proposed by them were adopted by the assembly. Although this took place at the beginning of the session, the haughty governor was so subdued by the opposition against him, and so dispirited through indigence, that he not only omitted to justify himself, but to show even an impotent re sentment ; for, after all the censures of the house, he tamely thanked them for passing a bill to discharge him from a small debt. Among the resolutions adopt ed by the assembly is one too remarkably indicative of the tendency to independence which existed even at this period, to suffer it to pass unnoticed. It de clares, " That the imposing and levying of any mo nies upon her majesty's subjects of this colony, undei any pretence or colour whatsoever, without consent in general assembly, is a grievance, and a violation of the people's property ;" an open avowal of the sen timent which subsequently occasioned the revolution. The profligate and indecent manners of the gover nor rendered him universally odious. It was not uncommon for him to dress himself in a woman's habi,t, and then to patrol the fort in which he resided. Such freaks of low humour exposed him to the uni versal contempt ofthe people, while their indignation was kindled by his despotic rule, and injustice, not only to the public, but even to his private creditors ; for he left some of the lowest tradesmen in his em ployment unsatisfied in their just demands.* In 1708, the assemblies of New York and of New Jersey, of which colony he was also governor, complained to the queen of his misconduct. She removed him from office ; he was soon after arrested by his creditors, and remained in custody until the death of his father, when he returned to England and took his seat — where pauperism and crime were no disqualification for the highest honours and the most important du ties — in the house of lords. Lord Lovelace, who had been appointed to succeed Lord Cornbury in the spring of 1708, did not arrive till the middle of December. The oppressive character of the preceding adminis tration had rendered the people very desirous of a change, and the new governor was received with every demonstration of respect, and indeed with uni versal joy. His lord.ship informed them, in his speech at the opening of the session of the assembly, " that he had brought with him large supplies of soldiers and stores of war, as well as presents for the Indians," than which nothing could be more agreeable to the people. Although the assembly, in their answer, heartily congratulated his lordship on his arrival, and thanked the queen for her care of the province, yet they sufficiently intimated their disinclination to raise the revenue which the governor had requested. Lord Cornbury's conduct had rendered them utterly averse to a permanent support for the future, and yet they were unwilling to quarrel with the new gover nor. The project of providing annually for the sup port of government, however, as it rendered the governor and all the other servants of tbe crown de pendent upon the assembly, would, doubtless, have produced a rupture between the several branches ot » Smith's History of New York, p, 207. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 125 the legislature, but the very day on which the vote passed the house, his lordship died of a disorder con tracted at his first arrival. His lady continued to reside at New York long after his death, soliciting for the sum voted to her husband, but nothing was allowed till several years had transpired. When General Hunter, who had been appointed to succeed Lord Lovelace, arrived in the colony, he brought with him nearly three thousand Germans, some of -whom settled in New York, and some in Pennsylvania. During the disgraceful administra tion of Lord Cornbury, the assembly had obtained from Q,ueen Anne permission, in cases of special ap propriations, to appoint their own treasurer. They now passed a bill, confiding to this officer the dis bursement of certain sums appropriated for ordinary purposes. The council proposed an amendment. The house denied the right of that body to amend a money bill. Both continuing obstinate, the governor prorogued them, and at their next session dissolved them. In the year 1709, expensive preparations were made for an attack upon the French settlements in Canada ; but the promised assistance not arriving from England, the enterprise was abandoned. In 1711, however, the project was resumed ; and a fleet sailed up the St. Lawrence to attack Quebec, while an army of four thousand men, raised by New York, New Jersey, and Connecticut, marched to invade Canada, by the route of lake Champlain. The fleet, shattered by a storm, was compelled to return ; and the army, informed of the disasters of the fleet, retired without accomplishing the object proposed. To defray the expenses of this expedition, the newly elected assembly passed several bills, which the council persisted in amending. Between these two bodies another contest ensued. The represent atives, deriving their authority froin the people, con sidered themselves bound to watch over the expendi ture of the money. The council, deriving their au thority from the same source as the governor, were desirous of increasing his influence by giving him the management of the revenue. During this and a subsequent session both continued inflexible. The governor, provoked at the persevering determination of the representatives, again dissolved the assembly. At the ensuing election, which was warmly contested, most of the members chosen were opposed to the go vernor. This assembly was dissolved by the death of the queen. The next met a similar fate from the governor soon after it met, a majority of the represent atives being known to be unfriendly to his views. At length, however, the people became weary of con tending ; and most of the members chosen at the succeeding election were favourable to the governor, and, for several years, the utmost harmony existed between the different branches of the legislature. General Hunter quitted the province in 1719, and his authority devolved on Peter Schuyler, the oldest member of the council. The next year, William Burnet, son of the celebrated bishop of that name, was appointed governor. "He was," says Smith, " a man of sense and polite breeding, a well-read scholar, sprightly, and of a social disposition. Being devoted to his books, he abstained from all those excesses into which his pleasurable relish would otherwise have plunged him. He studied the art of recommending himself to the people, had nothing of the moroseness of a scholar, was gay and conde scending, affected no pomp, but visited every family of reputation, and often diverted himself in free con verse with the ladies, by whom he was very much admired. No governor before him did so much business in chancery. The office of chancellor was his delight. He made a tolerable figure in the exer cise of it, though he was no lawyer, and had a foible very unsuitable for a judge, I mean, his resolving too speedily, for he used to say of himself, ' I act first, and think afterwards.' "* Mr. Burnet's long acquaint ance with his predecessor in office gave him an excellent opportunity, before his arrival, to obtain correct information respecting those by whom he was now surrounded ; and as the late governor recom mended all his old friends to the favour of his suc cessor, he made few changes among them. Of all the governors of New York, none had more just views of Indian affairs, and of the dangers arising from the vicinity of the French, than Burnet. Turning his attention towards the wilderness, he perceived that the French, in order to connect their settlements in Canada and Louisiana, to secure to themselves the Indian trade, and to confine the English to the sea coast, were busily employed in erecting a chain of forts from the St. Lawrence to the Mississippi. He endeavoured to defeat their design, by building a trading-house, and afterwards a fort, at Oswego, on Lake Ontario. But the French had the command of more abundant resources, and appli ed them to the accomplishment of their object with great activity and zeal. They launched two vessels upon that lake ; and, going farther into the wilder^ ness, erected a fort at Niagara, commanding the entrance into it ; they had previously erected Fort Frontignac, commanding the outlet. The Jesuit ? History of Ne-w York, p. 15,?. 126 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. Charlevoix does no more than justice to Mr. Burnet, in declaring that he left no stone unturned to defeat the French at Niagara. Besides supplanting his favourite trade at Oswego, these operations tended to the defection of the Five Nations ; and, in case of a rupture, exposed the frontiers of the southern colo nies to the ravages of the French and their allies. Mr. Burnet, upon whom these considerations made the deepest impression, laid the matter before the house, remonstrated against the proceedings to Lon- giiiel, in Canada, wrote to the ministry in England, who complained of them to the French court, and met the confederates at Albany, endeavouring to convince them of the danger they themselves would be in from an aspiring, ambitious neighbour. He spoke first about the affair privately to the sachems, and afterwards, in the public onference, informed them of all the encroachments which the French had made upon their fathers, and the ill-usage they had met with, according to La Potherie's account, pub lished with the privilege ofthe French king, at Paris, in 1722, He then reminded them of the kind treat ment they had received from the English, who con stantly fed and clothed them, and never attempted any act of hostility to their prejudice. This speech was extremely well drawn, the thoughts being con ceived in strong figures, particularly expressive and agreeable to the Indians. The governor required an explicit declaration of their sentiments concerning the French transactions at Niagara, and their answer was truly categorical. " We .speak now in the name of ali the Six; Nations, and come to you howling. This is the reason why we howl, that the governor of Canada encroaches on our land, and builds there on." After whicli they entreated him to write to the king for succour. Mr. Burnet embraced this favoura ble opportunity to procure from them a deed, surren dering their country to his majesty, to be protected for tlieir use, and confirming their grant in 1701, concerning which there was only an entry in the books of the secretary for Indian aflairs. It was an unfortunate circumstance, which tended to prevent the execution of Mr. Burnet's vigorous designs, that the electors of the colony had become dissatisfied at the length of time which had elapsed since they had been called on to exercise their func tions. The assembly elected in 1716 had been on such good terms with the governor, that he continued its existence during the long period of eleven years. In the year 1727, however, the clamours of the peo ple induced him to dissolve it ; and, as might be expected, that which next met, was composed almost exclusively of his opponents. The court of chancery. in which he presided, had become exceedingly unpopular. It had been instituted by an ordinance of the governor and council, without the concurrence ofthe assembly, and some ofthe decisions had given great offence to powerful individuals. The house passed resolutions, declaring it " a manifest oppres sion and grievance," and intimating that its decrees were void, Mr. Burnet no sooner heard of these votes, than he called the members before him, and dissolved the assembly. They occasioned, however, an ordinance in the spring following, as well to reme dy sundry abuses in the practice in chancery, as to reduce the fees of that court, " which, on account of the popular clamours, were so much diminished," says Smith, " that the wheels of the chancery have ever since rusted upon their axles, the practice being contemned by all gentlemen of eminence in the pro fession." Mr. Burnet was soon after appointed governor of Massachusetts, and was succeeded at New York by Colonel Montgomery, who devoted himself so much to his ease that he has left nothing else to distinguish his brief rule. Upon his death, in 1731, the supreme authority devolved upon Rip Van Dam, the senior member of the council. Under his inefficient ad ministration, the French were permitted to erect a fort at Crown Point, within the acknowledged boun daries of Ncav York, from which parties of savages were often secretly despatched to destroy the English settlements. In August, 1732, Van Dam was superseded by William Cosby. Having been the advocate in par liament of the American colonies, he was at first popular, but he soon lost the affection and confidence of the people. One of his most unpopular acts was the prosecution of Zenger, the printer of a newspa per, for publishing an article derogatory to the dignity of his majesty's government, bringing him to trial, after a severe imprisonment of thirty-five weeks from the printing of the offensive articles. Andrew Hamilton, an eminent lawyer of Philadel phia, though aged and infirm, learning the distress of the prisoner, and the importance of the trial, Avent to New York to plead Zenger's cause, which be did so effectually, that the jury brought in the prisoner not guilty. The common council ofthe city of New York, for this noble and successful service, presented Mr. Hamilton the freedom of their corporation in a gold box. Governor Cosby was succeeded, in 1736, by George Clark. During his administration, the con test which had ended, twenty years before, in the victory gained by Governor Hunter over the house HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 127 of representatives, was revived. The colony being in debt, the house voted to raise the sum of 6000Z. ; but, in order to prevent its misapplication, declared that it should be applied to the payment of certain specified debts. Offended by this vote, Clark imme diately dissolved the assembly. At the election which ensued, the popular party was triumphant. In their second session, the house voted an address to the lieutenant-governor, in which, after stating some of the vital principles of free government, and referring to recent misapplications of money, they say, " We therefore beg leave to be plain with your honour, and hope you will not take it amiss when we tell you, that you are not to expect that we will either raise sums unfit to be raised, or put what we shall raise into the power of a governor to misapply, if we can prevent it ; nor shall we make up any other deficiencies than what we conceive are fit and just to be paid ; nor continue what support or revenue we shall raise for any longer time than one year ; nor do we think it convenient to do even that, until such laws are passed as we conceive necessary for the safety of the inhabitants of this colony, who have reposed a trust in us for that only purpose, and which we are sure you will think it reasonable we should act agreeably to ; and, by the grace of God, we shall endeavour not to deceive them," With men so resolute in maintaining their rights, Clark wisely declined to contend ; and promised his cordial co-operation in all measures calculated to promote the prosperity of the colony. Harmony did not, however, long continue. Clark, in his speech at the opening of the next session, declared that unless the revenue was granted for as long a time as it had been granted by former assemblies, his duty to his majesty forbade him from assenting to any act for continuing the excise, or for paying the colonial bills of credit. The house unanimously resolved, that it would not pass any bill for the grant of money, unless assu rance should be given that the excise should be continued and the bills of credit redeemed. The lieutenant-governor immediately ordered the members to attend him. He told them that " their proceedings were presumptuous, daring, and unprecedented, that he could not look upon them without astonishment, nor with honour suffer the house to sit any longer ;" and he accordingly dissolved it. In April, 1740, the assembly again met. It had now risen to import ance in the colony ; and the adherence of the repre sentatives, to their determination, not to grant the revenue for more than one year, made annual meetings of the assembly necessary. Their attach ment to liberty was construed by the lieutenant- governor into a desire for independence : in a speech delivered in 1741, he alludes to " a jealousy which for some years had obtained in England, that the plantations were not without thoughts of throwing off their dependence on the crown." George Clinton superseded Clark in the govern ment of the colony in 1743. Like most of his pre decessors he was welcomed with joy ; and one of his earliest measures confirmed the favourable accounts which had preceded him, of his talents and libe rality. To manifest his confidence in the people, he assented to a bill limiting the duration of the present and all succeeding assemblies. The house evinced its gratitude by adopting the measures he recom mended for the defence of the province against the French, who were then at war with England. In 1745, the savages in alliance with France made frequent invasions of the English territories ; and their hostilities were continued, with little intermis sion, till the war which terminated the French domi nion in Canada. In the middle of the seventeenth century, the whole colony of New York contained scarcely one hundred thousand inhabitants,.* not half the number which the city of New York alone can now boast. That the population would have been much more nume rous at this time, had not the inhabitants been so continually exposed to the irruptions of the French and their Indian allies, is evident from its rapid increase when those unfavourable circumstances ceased to exist. The consideration of this period belongs, however, to another department of the work. CHAPTER VIII. NEW JERSEY. The rival settlements ofthe Swedes and the Dutch in New Jersey have been referred to in the preceding chapter. It was not till the year 1640, that any attempt to colonize this portion of the continent was made by the English, and then they were success fully resisted. The Swedes built a fort on the spot from which the Enghsh had been driven ; and thus acquiring the command of the river, claimed and exercised authority over all vessels that entered it, even those of the Dutch, their late associates. They continued in possession of the country on both sides of the Delaware until 1655, when the governor of the New Netherlands, as has already been related, con- * Smith's History of New Yoik, p. 207. 128 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. quered all their posts, and transported most of the Swedes to Europe. The Dutch, consequently, pos sessed themselves of the whole territory of New Jersey, New York, and Delaware. The settlements in New Jersey shared the fate of those on the Hudson, when, in the year 1664, they were captured by the English, under Colonel Nichols. In the same year, the duke of York conveyed that portion of his grant lying between Hudson and Delaware rivers to Lord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret. This tract was called New Jersey, in compliment to Sir George, who had been Governor of the island of Jersey, and had held it for the king in his contest with the parliament. The two pro prietors formed a constitution for the colony, securing equal privileges and liberty of conscience to all, and appointed Philip Carteret governor, to whom, on his arrival in 1665, Nichols reluctantly surrendered the government. Carteret fixed the seat of government at Elizabeth Town, purchased land of the Indians, and sent agents into New England to invite settlers from that quarter. Recommended by the salubrity of its climate, in addition to many other advantages,* it is not surprising that New Jersey was soon consi dered a very desirable residence. The proprietaries, still buoyed up with the hope of revenue from their province, used every exertion to circulate the intelli- gcnce of its advantages, both in Europe and America, and vessels from England were freighted with settlers ami stores to reinforce the numbers and supply the necessities of the colony. But the period to which they had looked for the fulfilment of their hopes only demonstrated their fallacy. The first demand of the quit-rents excited general disgust among the colonists, who refused to acknowledge the title of the proprie taries, and, in opposition to it, set up titles which they had obtained for themselves from the Indians. For two years the governor maintained an ineffectual struggle to enforce the claims of the proprietaries, till at length the popular discontent broke forth in an insurrection ; and he was compelled to return to England, stripped of his functions, which the colonists forthwith conferred on a natural son of Sir George Carteret, by whom their pretensions had been abetted. It was impossible for the proprietaries to impute blame to their governor, or to hesitate to replace him. This measure, however, was retarded by the unexpected events of the following year, when New York for a short period reverted to the dominion of Holland, and New Jersey was re-united to the province of New Netherlands. * Chalmers says, " It was in those days accounted by raen of peculiar dispositions as worthy of the name of paradise, because it When the treaty of London re-established the authority of England in New Jersey, the duke of York appointed Andros his heutenant over his terri tories, extending from the v.estern bank of the Con necticut to the farther shore of the Delaware, because he deemed his former grant of New Jcsey annulled by the conquest. Andros took possessior of his charge in November, 1674; confirming the late proceedings of the Dutch, because the law of nations had already declared them in force, and continuing the taxes im posed by the conquerors, because they supported his power. Lord Berkeley, dissatisfied with an estate which brought him neither profit nor honour, assigned his pretensions to William Penn and his three asso ciates, who, perceiving the disadvantage of a joint proprietorship, divided the province with Carteret; and thus the country became partitioned into East and West Jersey. The former was released hi July, 1676, by the assignees of Lord Berkeley, to Carteret, and he in return conveyed to them the latter, Ihe government of which the duke retained as a depen dency of New York, while that of the first was resigned to Carteret. These arrangements created a confusion of jurisdiction, and an uncertainty of pro- pert,y, which long distracted the people, and at length ended in the annihilation ofthe rule of the proprietors. Philip Carteret returned to East Jersey in the beginning of 1675, and was now kindly received by the inhabitants, because they had felt the rigours of conquest, which had not been softened by Andros. Having postponed the payment of quit-rents to a future day, and published new concessions with re gard to the tenure of lands, tranquillity was perfectly restored. Desirous to promote the commercial inte rests ofthe colony, because he perceived its neighbour growing great and rich by trade, Carteret began, in 1676, to clear out vessels from East Jersey ; but he was steadily opposed by Andros, who claimed juris diction over the Jerseys, insisting that conquest by the Dutch divested the proprietors of all their rights. He forcibly seized, transported to New York, and there imprisoned, those magistrates who refused to acknowledge his authority. He imposed a duty upon all goods imported, and upon the property of all who came to settle in the country. The inhabitants made repeated and energetic com plaints of this injustice to the duke of York ; and at length, wearied with their continual importunity, this prince consented to refer the matter to commissioners, who ultimately agreed to adhere to the opinion of Sir William Jones. had no lawyers, or physicians, or parsons." — Political Annals, p, 616. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 129 The document containing the arguments in sup port of the views of the colonists, was drawn up by the celebrated William Penn and others, chiefly quakers, and is a fine specimen of the combined mildness and firmness in the pursuit of liberty, which characterize the proceedings 'of that sect and their associates. " To all prudent men," says the remon strance, " the government of any place is more inviting than the soil. For what is good land without good laws ? the better the worse. And if we could not as sure people of an easy, and free, and safe government, both with respect to their spiritual and worldly pro perty, — that is, an uninterrupted liberty of conscience, and an inviolable possession of their civil rights and freedoms, by a just and wise government, — a mere wilderness would be no encouragement ; for it were a madness to leave a free, good, and improved country, to plant in a wilderness, and there adventure many thousands of pounds to give an absolute title to another person to tax us at will and pleasure. We humbly say, that we have lost none of our liberty by leaving our country ; that the duty imposed upon us is without precedent or parallel ; that, had we fore seen it, we should have preferred any other plantation in America. Besides, there is no limit to this power : since we are, by this precedent, taxed without any law, and thereby excluded from our English right of assenting to taxes, what security have we of any thing we possess 1 We can call nothing our own, but are tenants at will, not only for the soil, but for our personal estates. Such conduct has destroyed governments, but never raised one to any true great ness." The commissioners pronounced their judgment, in conformity with the opinion of Sir W. Jones, " that as the grant to Berkeley and Carteret had reserved no profit or jurisdiction, the legality of the taxes could not be defended." In consequence of this adjudica tion, the duke resigned all his claims on West Jersey, and confirmed the province itself in the amplest terms to its new proprietaries ; and soon after granted a similar release in favour of the representatives of Sir George Carteret in East Jersey. The whole of New Jersey thus rose to the rank of an almost inde pendent state, maintaining only a federal connexion with the British crown. The accession of numerous companies of settlers now rapidly promoted the population and prosperity of West Jersey. In the year 1681, the first repre sentative assembly was held ; and during its session * Though Penn thus became a proprietary of East Jersey, his connexion both with its concerns, and with those of West Jersey, was henceforward almost merely nominal. He had now acquired Vol. L— Nos. 11 & 12 Z were enacted the " Fundamental Constitutions," and other laws for the preservation of property, and the punishment of criminals. Frequent disputes arising between the proprietary government of East Jersey and the colonists, the trustees of Sir George Carteret, apprehending they should derive little emolument from retaining the government under their control, offered their rights in the province for sale, and accepted the proposals of William Penn, to whom, and his associates. East Jersey was conveyed.* Among the new proprietors was the author of the well-known " Apology ;" and his colleagues, by a unanimous vote, conferred on him the office of governor for life, with the extraordinary permission to appoint a deputy instead of his residing at the scene of his authority. The number of proprietors, and the frequent trans fers and subdivisions of shares, introduced such confusion in titles to land, and such uncertainty as to the rights of government, that, for twenty years afterwards, both Jerseys were frequently in a state of disturbance and disorder. In 1702, the proprietors, weary of contending with each other, and with the people, surrendered the right of government to the crown. Clueen Anne reunited the two divisions, and appointed Lord Cornbury governor over the provinces of New Jersey and New York. From the period of his appointment till his deprivation of ofiice, the his tory of New Jersey consists of little else than a detail of his contests with the colonial assemblies ; and exhibits the resolution with which they opposed his arbitrary conduct, his partial distribution of justice, and his fraudulent misapplication of the public money. After repeated complaints, the queen yielded to the universal indignation ; and he was superseded, in 1709, by Lord Lovelace. These provinces continued, for several years, to be ruled by the same governor, but each chose a sepa rate assembly. In 1738, the inhabitants, by petition to the king, desired that they might, in future, have a separate governor ; and their request was granted. The distance of New Jersey from Canada, the source of most of the Indian wars which afflicted the nothern colonies, gave it a complete exemption from those direful calamities, while the Indian tribes in the neighbourhood, which were far from numerous, were almost always willing to cultivate a friendly relation with the Europeans. The gravity, simpli city, and courtesy of quaker manners, seem to have been particularly acceptable to these savages ; and^ for himself the province of Pennsylvania, which occupied all his! interest, and diverted his attention from New Jersey."-^Graharae vol. ii. p. 350. 130 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. added to the careful observation of the principles of equity in the proceedings of the colonists, established an amicable intercourse, to the manifest advantage both of themselves and of the natives. CHAPTER IX. PENNSYLVANIA AND DELAWARE. During a considerable period the colony of Dela ware was attached to that of Pennsylvania, without even a separate assembly ; and after it acquired that privilege, it remained for some time longer under the same governor : its history requires, therefore, to be blended with that of Pennsylvania, although it was settled at a much earlier period. It does not appear that the date of the first Euro pean plantation on South River, or the Delaware, can now be ascertained with any precision ; some autho rities, however, assert, that a Swedish colony settled at Cape Henlopen as early as the year 1627 ; although Chalmers is of opinion that, " though various Euro peans may have trafficked in Delaware, their planta tions had not yet embellished her margin, probably in the year 1632," Shortly after that time, however, it is evident that a Swedish factory existed near the confluence of the Delaware on the eastern bank ; for we fmd a governor of the Dutch colony of New Ne therlands making a remonstrance on the subject, in which he declares " that the whole South River had been in the Dutch possession many years, above and below beset with forts, and sealed with their blood."* The Swedes, however, did not regard either the asser tions or threats of their rivals, but continued their operations, which, through the limited extent of their means, did not extend beyond the purchase of some comparatively small tracts of land of the Indians. Being frequently molested by the Dutch, who claim ed a right to the country, they built forts at Christi na, Lewiston, and Tinicum. The lat.t was their seat of government, and there John Printz, their gover nor, erected a mansion, which he named after him self The Dutch, jealous of the progress of the Swedes, in the year 1651 built a fort at New Castlo. Printz considering this place to be within the territories of liis government, formally protested against the pro ceeding. Risingh, his successor, made a visit under the guise of friendship, to the commander of the fort, and being accompanied by thirty m^n, treacherously • Smith's History of New York, p, 4. took possession of it while enjoying his hospitahty, Peter Stuyvesant, the Dutch governoi of New York was not of a temper to permit an injury, thus com mitted, to pass unavenged. Accompanied by an ar mament, a part of which was furnished for the occa sion by the city of Amsterdam, in Holland, he, in 1655, returned the visit of the Swedes. He first re duced the fort at New Castle ; then that at Christina creek, where Risingh commanded ; and afterwards the others. Some of the Swedes, on taking the oath of allegiance to Holland, were permitted to remain ; the rest were sent to Europe. The settlements on the Delaware continued under the control of the Dutch, until 1664, when the New Netherlands were conquered by the English. They were considered as a part of New York, till, in the year 16S2, William Penn pur chased of the duke of York the town of New Castle, and the country twelve miles around it ; and, by a subsequent purchase, obtained the land lying upon the Delaware, and between New Castle and Cape tienlopen. These tracts, which constitute the present state of Delaware, were called the " Territories," and were, for twenty years, governed as a part of Penn sylvania. The colony which forms the chief subject of this chapter, was founded, in the year 1681, by the cele brated William Penn. A slight sketch of the early history of this remarkable man, will enable the reader more justly to appreciate his subsequent exertions. He was the son of Sir William Penn, a British admi ral, who, under the protectorate of Cromwell, effected the conquest of the important island of Jamaica, and annexed it to the British empire. After the restora tion of Charles II. he enjoyed high favour at court, and naturally entertained ambitious hopes of the ad vancement of his son, whom he had entered as a gentleman commoner at Oxford. He was, however, doomed to experience a bitter disappointment. Young Penn imbibed a strong predilection for quaker senti ments, which he had heard extolled by some itine rating member of that society. He espoused the cause with so much warmth, that, with several others, ho was expelled the university. His father, having in vain endeavoured to prevail upon him to abandon his principles, at length devised a method of sapping what he could not overthrow; and for this purpose, sent his son to travel, with some young men of qua lity, in France, duakerism and Christianity were checked alike, for a time, in the mind of Penn ; but after his return, having repaired to Ireland to inspect an estate that belonged to his father, he met with the same itinerant preacher who had impressed his mind so powerfully ten years before. His quaker senti- HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 13! ments were now revived with increased zeal, and quickly produced a public and resolute expression of his attachment to the tenets of that sect. He could not even be persuaded to take off his hat in the pre sence of the king, or of his parent. For this inflexi bility he was abandoned and denounced by his father. He then commenced itinerant preacher, and gained many proselytes. Though sometimes imprisoned, he still persevered ; and such was his integrity and pa tience, that his father became reconciled to him. In 1668, he published a book, entitled. The Sandy Foun dation Shaken, for which he was imprisoned seven months. In 1670, he was apprehended for preaching in the street, and was tried at the Old Bailey, where he pleaded his own cause with the magnanimity of a hero. The jury returned a verdict of not guilty. On the death of his father he received a plentiful estate, but he continued to preach, to write, and to be imprisoned as before ; and it was chiefiy owing to his exertions, in conjunction with those of Barclay and Keith, that the fraternity of the Friends was formed into order. The attention of Penn to colonization was attract ed by his connexion with New Jersey, which lias been referred to in a former chapter. While he was en gaged in the government of that territory, he received information of the country situate to the westward of the Delaware, which induced in his mind the desire of acquiring an estate in that quarter. He therefore presented a petition to Charles II. , urging his claim for a debt incurred by the crown to his father, and soliciting a grant of land to the northward of Mary land, and westward of the Delaware. After a con ference with the duke of York and Lord Baltimore, to ascertain that the grant would not interfere with any prior claims of theirs, a charter, making convey ance of that territory, was signed and sealed by the king. It constituted William Penn and his heirs true and absolute proprietaries of the province of Pennsyl vania, saving to the crown their allegiance and the sovereignty. It gave him, his heirs, and their depu ties, power to make laws, by advice of the freemen, and to erect courts of justice for the execution of those laws, provided they be not repugnant to the laws of England.* * The following account of the origin of the name Pennsylvania, given by its founder, in a lelter daled January 5, 1681, is curious and interesting, " This day," says Penn, " after many waitings, walchings, solicitings, and disputes, in council, my country was confirmed to me under the great seal of England, wilh large pow ers and privileges, by the name of Pennsylvania — a name the king would give it in honour of my father, I chose New Wales, being a hilly country ; and when the secretary, a Welshman, refused to call it New Wales, I proposed Sylvania, and they added Penn to il ; though I much opposed it, and went to the king to have it The charter being thus obtained, Penn invited pur chasers by public advertisement. Many single per- sonSj and some families, chiefly of the denomination of quakerSj were induced to think of a removal ; and a number of merchants and otherSj forming them selves into a company, purchased twenty thousand acres of this land, which was sold at the rate of twenty pounds for every thousand acres. In May he despatched Markham, a relative, with a few asso ciates, to take possession of the newly granted terri^ tory ; and in the autumn three shipsj with a consider able number of emigrants, sailed for the same desti nation. The philanthropic proprietor sent a letter to the Indians, informing them that " the great God had been pleased to make him concerned in their part of the world, and that the king of the country where he lived, had given him a great province thei-ein ; but that he did not desire to enjoy it without their con sent ; that he was a man of peace, and that the peo ple whom he sent were of the same disposition ; and if any difference should happen between them, it might be adjusted by an equal number of men chosen on both sides." The position selected by these emi grants for their abode, was immediately above the confluence of the Schuylkill and the Delaware. In the following April, Penn published " the frame of government for Pennsylvania," The chief inten tion of this famous charter was declared to be, " for the support of power in reverence with the people, and to secure the people from the abuse of power. For, liberty without obedience is confusion, and obe dience without liberty is slavery." In prosecution of these salutary objects, the chief aim of the proprie tary was to establish the supreme power, legislative and executive, upon proper principles. The assembly, therefore, was directed to consist at first of the whole of the freemen, afterwards of two hundred, but never to exceed five. A provincial council was established, consisting of seventy-two members, to be chosen by the freemen ; of these counsellors there was to be an annual succession of twenty-four new ones, the same number annually going out ; and the governor was to preside, invested with a treble vote. Thus com posed, the council was not only invested with the whole executive powers, but, as in the Carolinian con- slruck out. He said 'twas past, and he would take it upon him ; nor could twenty guineas move the under-secrelary to vary th. narae ; for I feared it should be looked on as a vanity in rae, anu not as a respect in the king to my father, as it really was. Thou may- est communicate my grant to my friends, and expect shortly my proposals. 'Tis a dear and just thing, and my God, that has given it me through many difficulties, will, I believe, bless and make i the seed of a nation, I shall have a tender care to the govert ment, that it be well laid at first." 132 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. stitutions, with the authority of preparing such bills as ought to be presented to the assembly. As a sup plement to the frame of government, a body of laws, agreed upon in England by the adventurers, was pub lished in May, which was intended as a great char ter ;* and Chalmers allows that " it does great honour to their wisdom as statesmen, to their morals as men, to their spirit as colonists. "t Of all the evidences of superior wisdom, none can be more decisive than entertaining ideas of moral truth, or devising plans of practical utility, which, though rejected in the times in which the individual lives, receive the sanction of future ages. This is eminently the case with Bacon and with Locke ; and that it is no less so with the founder of Pennsylvania, the almost universal approbation of the principles on which his penal code was formed, fully attests. That system of laws justly claims for him the praise of original excellence and enlightened humanity : its re gulations have been productive of lasting benefit to mankind. Only two capital crimes, treason and mur der, were recognised by this code; and, in all other cases, the reformation of the offender was esteemed a duty not less imperative than the punishment of the offence. To this end it was enacted, that all prisons should be workhouses, where offenders might be re claimed, by discipline and instruction, to habits of in dustry and morality, and political benefit educed from the performance of Christian duty. The institutions that resulted from this benevolent enterprise, in legis lation, have reflected honour on Pennsylvania, and dif fused their advantages extensively in America and * " Among olher regulations propounded in it, il was declared, that the character of freemen of the province should belong lo all purchasers or renters of a hundred acres of land ; to all servants or bondsraen who, at the expiring of their engageraents, should cul tivate the quota of land (fifty acres) allotted to them by law, and lo all artificers and other inhabitants or residents who should pay scot and lot to the government ; that no public tax should be levied from the people ' but by a law for that purpose made,' and that whoever should collect or pay taxes not so sanctioned, should be held a public enemy of the province, and a betrayer of its liberties ; ' that all prisons shall be workhouses ;' that a thief should restore twice the value of his theft, and, in default of olher means ade quate to such restitution, should work as a bondsman in prison for the benefit of the party injured ; that the lands, as well as the per sonal property, of a debtor, should be responsible for his obligations, except in the case of his having lawful children, for whose use two thirds of the landed eslale were appointed lobe reserved ; that all factors and correspondents in the province wronging their em ployers, should, in addition lo complete restitution, pay a surplus amounting to a third of the sura they had unju,stly detained ; that all dramatic entertainments, garaes of hazard, sports of cruelly, and whatever else raight contribute to proraote ferocily of temper or habits of dissipation and irreligion, should be discouraged and punished ; and ' that all children within this province, of the age of twelve years, shall be taught some useful ti-ade or skill, to the fnd none may be idle, but the poor may work to live, and the rich, if they become poor, may not want,' 'This regulation, so congenial to primitive quaker sentiment; and to republican spirit and simpli- Europe. It is deeply to be regretted, however, that no civilized nation has been more slow in its mitiga tion of the cruel and bloody character of a penal code derived from a barbarous age, than our own. To prevent all future pretence of claim to the pro vince by the duke of York, or his heirs, Penn obtain ed of the duke his deed of relea.se for it ; and, as an additional territory, he procured of him also his right and interest in that tract of land, which was at first called the territories of Pennsylvania, afterwards, " The three lower counties on Delaware." Having completed these arrangements by the month of August, Penn embarked for America, accompanied by a considerable number of passengers, chiefly of his own religious sentiments. He landed at New Castle on the 24th of October ; and the very next day the people were summoned to the court house, where, after possession of the country had been legally given him, he made a speech to the magistrates and the peo ple, acquainting them with the design of his coming, and the nature and end of the government he came to establish ; assuring them of liberty of conscience and civil freedom, and recommending them to live in sobriety and peace. He then proceeded to Upland, afterwards called Chester, and there called an assem bly on the 4th of December. This assembly passed an act of union, annexing the three lower counties lo the province -,1 and an act of settlement, in reference to the frame of government. The Dutch, Swedes, and other foreigners, were then naturalized ; and all laws agreed on in England were passed in form. He selected the site, and marked out the plan, of an ex- city, was admirably calculated not less to proraote fellow feeling than lo secure independence. It contributed to preserve a sense of the natural equality of mankind, by recalling to every man's re raerabrance his original destination to labour ; and while it tended thus to abate the pride and insolence of wealth, it operated no less beneficially to reraedy the decay of fortune, peculiarly incident to wealthy settlers in a country where the dearness of all kinds of labour rendered idleness a much more expensive condition than in Europe, It was further declared, that no persons should be per mitted lo hold any ofiSce, or to exercise the functions of freemen, but ' such as profess faith in Jesus Christ, and are not convicted of ill farae, or unsober and dishonest conversation ;' and that all persons acknowledging the one alraighty and eternal God to be the creator, upholder, and ruler of Ihe world, and professing to be con scientiously engaged to live peaceably and justly in sociely, should be wholly exempted from molestation for their more particular opinions and practices, and should never al any lime be corapelled to frequent or maintain any religious place, ministry, or worship whatever," — Grahame, vol, ii, p, 402 — 404. t Political Annals, p, 642, t Until this union wilh Pennsylvania, ihese counties, from the year 1667, had been holden as an appendage lo the government of New York, Encyclop, Brit, vol, v, p. 719, The want of the royal authority for this act, wilh the operation of olher causes, produced difficulties, which afterwards rendered this union void; and the three lower counties had a separate assembly, though under the same governor, Belknap, Biog, vol, ii, p, 412, Franklin, p, 16, HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 133 tensive city, to which he gave the name of Philadel phia, or the city of love. Before the end of the year 4t contained eighty dwellings. The colonies in general merit little praise for their wisdom and discretion in their conduct with the Indians. They were too prone to look on the wild man as an inferior being, and set themselves up as lords over his rights and property, without remem bering that they were intruders on his soil, or conde scending to meet him, even in the land of his fathers, on equal and amicable terms. But the memorable interview of Penn with the Indians, on the banks of the Delaware, exhibited a different scene ;* the even scales of justice, and the mild persuasion of Christian love, were the poAverful engines with which he swayed the barbarian mind, and taught the savage to confide in the sincerity of the white man ; and the first page in the annals of Pennsylvania is one of the brightest in the history of mankind, recording an event not more to the credit of the wise and benevo lent legislator through whose agency it happened, than honourable to humanity itself. At a spot which is now the site of one of the suburbs of Phila delphia, the Indian sachems, at the head of their assembled warriors, awaited in arms the approach of the quaker deputation. Penn, distinguished from his followers only by a sash of blue silk, and holding in his hand a roll of parchment that contained the confirmation of the treaty, arrived, at the head of an unarmed train, carrying various articles of merchan dise, which, on their approach to the sachems, were spread on the ground. He addressed the natives through an interpreter, assuring them of his friendly and peaceable intentions ; and certainly the absence of all warlike weapons was a better attestation of his sincerity than a thousand oaths. The conditions of tbe proposed purchase were then read ; and he deli vered to the sachems not only the stipulated price, but a handsome present of the merchandise which he had spread before them. He concluded by present ing the parchment to the sachems, and requesting that they would carefully preserve it for three gene rations. The Indians cordially acceded to his propo sitions, and solemnly pledged themselves to live in * Tradition tells us, that the treaty of 1682 was held at Shacka maxon, under the wide-spread branches of the great elm-tree which grew near the margin of the Delaware, and which was prostrated du.nng a storm in the year 1810. The trunk measured twenty-four feet in circumference, and its age was ascertained to he two hun dred and eighty-three years, having been a hundred and fifty-five years old at the time of the treaty. This tree Mr, We.st has intro duced inlo his celebrated picture representing the treaty. The first deed of the Indians is dated June 23, 1683, — Memoirs of Pennsyl vania Historical Society, vol, i, pp, 65, 82, 96, 97. t Penn's letter, containing an accpunt of the climate, products, love with William Penn and his childi-en as long as the sun and moon should endure.! The prudence with which Penn conducted himselfi was strictly consistent with ^ sincere attachment to, his own opipious, He evidently appreciated more correctly the rights pf his fellow-men than his north ern neighbours, the puritan colonists. He believed, apd aifted on the belief, that the Indians had as much right to hold the peculiarities of their creed, as he had to holij his pwn religious tenets ; and he never gaye theoi unnecessary offence by treating their sen timents -with bitterness, or, what is more keeijly felt,. by contempt.! This prudent conduct,^ together with, a still more extraordinary reliance upon the protectiorii of Providence in refusing to maintain any armed force, although surrounded with the warlike abori gines, was attended by a no less singular exemption from evils arising to every other European colony- without exception, froip the neighbourhood of the Indian tribes. Whatever animosity the Indians might conceive against the European neighbours of the Pennsylvanians, or, even against Pennsylvanian colo nists who did not belong to the quaker society, they never failed to discriininate the fqllq-wers of Penn, as persons whom it was impossible for them to include within the pale of legitimate hostility. This unique and interesting fact has, doubtless, availed more than all arguments in support of the alleged imrjiorality of all kinds of resistance which can result in the deprivation of human life. Irrespectively of the peculiar talents and character of the founder, none of the colonies commenced under such favourable auspices as that of Pennsyl vania. The experience of half a century had dis closed the evils to be avoided, and pointed out the course to be pursued. The soil being fertile, the, climate temperate, and the game abundant, the first emigrants escaped most of the calamities which afflicted the more northern and southern provinces, and the increase of population exeeeded all former example, A second assembly was held at Philadelphia, in March, 1683. During this session, Penn created a second^ frame of government, to which he readily and native inhabitants of the country, though too long to insert in this work, will well repay the perusal of the curious. It is to be found in Proud's History of Pennsylvania, vol, ii, ch, 5, t " The following adventure, indicative of his extreme caution of giving offence, was coraraunicated by Penn hiraself to Oldmixon. He was visiting an Indian sachera, and had retired for the night, when a young woman, the sachem's daughter, approachieg his bed^ lay dpwii beside hira, Penn was much shocked ; but, unwilling to oflend by rejecting an intended compliment, he lay still without taking any notice of her, till she thought proper to return to he?, own couch. Vol. i. p. 398, second edition. A New England pi^ 134 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. procured the assent of the assembly. This frame diminished the number of the council and assembly, and was in other respects difierent from the first. It was ordained, " that, to prevent lawsuits, three arbi trators, to be called peace-makers, should be chosen by the county courts, to hear and determine small differences between man and man ; that children should be taught some useful trade, to the end that none might be idle, that the poor might work to live, and the rich if they should become poor ; that factors wronging their employers should make satisfaction, and one third over ; that every thing which excites the people to rudeness, cruelty, and irreligion, should be discouraged, and severely punished ;* that no one, acknowledging one God, and living peaceably in society, should be molested for his opinions or his practice, or compelled to frequent or maintain any ministry whatever." This assembly also established various salutary regulations. Abrogating the com mon law with regard to the descent of land, which had been introduced by the charter, it enacted, " that the estate of the intestate shall be disposed of, one third ofthe personal property absolutely, and one third of the lands during life, to the widow, two thirds of both among the children, the eldest son having a double share." However consonant it might have been to feudal principles to give the lands of the feu- dary undiminished to him who was first able to defend them, this policy was extremely unsuitable to colonists who had a wilderness to cultivate ; evidently, by giving property to every one, the exertions of all were invigorated. By the promulgation of such laws, the growing prosperity of the province was promoted ; and to their salutary influence must be attributed the qualities of diligence, order, and econo my, for which the Pennsylvanians are so justly cele brated. Within four years from the date of the grant to Penn, the province contained twenty settle ments, and Philadelphia two thousand inhabitants. Having received information from his agent that his presence was necessary in England, Penn departed from Araerica in August, 1684, leaving his province in profound peace, under the administration of five commissioners chosen from the provincial council. The unfortunate James II. ascended the throne soon after Penn's arrival. "As he has," said Penn, "been my friend, and my father's friend, I feel bound in justice to be a friend to him." He adhered to him iriarch, in such circumstances, would probably have excited the en mity of the whole Indian tribe by his expressions of disgust and reprobation," — Grahame, vol, ii, p, 415, • Sorae of these clauses, it will be perceived, were only re-en actments of the resolutions of ihe first assembly, ? Dr, Franklin mentions an instance some years after, of a re- while seated on the throne ; and for two years aftei he was expelled from his kingdom, the government of the province was administered in his name. By this display of attachment to the exiled monarch, he incurred the displeasure of William III. On vague suspicion and unfounded charges, he was four times imprisoned. The king took the government of Penn sylvania into his own hands ; and Colonel Fletcher was appointed governor of this province, as well as of New York. On the arrival of Colonel Fletcher at Philadelphia, the persons in the administration appear to have surrendered the government to him, without any notice or order to them, either from the crown or the proprietary. By the severest scrutiny, however, it was rendered apparent, that Penn had not suffered personal gratitude to lead him to any serious derelic tion of duty, and he consequently regained the good opinion of King William ; and being permitted to resume and exercise his rights, he appointed William Markham to be his deputy-governor. In the year 1696, the assembly having presented a remonstrance to Governor Markham, complaining of the breach of their chartered privileges, a bill' of set tlement, prepared and passed by the assembly, was approved by the governor, forming the third frame of government in Pennsylvania. A bill for raising 300/., professedly for the relief of the distressed Indians be yond Albany, but really in compliance with the demand of the governor of New York, to aid in the prosecution of the war, was passed by the same legis lature. t During several years the colony continued in a course of prosperity, without any occurrence requiring historical record. In the year 1699, Penn revisited his Pennsylvanian associates, accompanied by his family, with an intention of spending the remainder of his life amongst them. Several circumstances now existed, which occasioned differences of opinion be tween himself and the legislature ; more particularly that prolific source of evil — negro slavery, and tho frauds and abuses that disgraceti the character of the colonists in their traffic with the Indians. With the view of providing a remedy for both these evils, he presented to the assembly three bills which he had himself prepared ; the first, for regulating the morals and marriages of the negroes ; the second, for regu lating the trials and punishments of the negroes ; and the third, for preventing abuses and frauds upon the quisilion addressed to the assembly of Pennsylvania for a grant of 2000Z, for the purchase of gunpowder: to which the asserably re plied, that, consistently with quaker principles, they could not grant a farthing for such a purpose, but had voted 2000?, for the purchase of grain. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 135 Indians. Th* assembly instantly negatived the first and last of these bills, acceding only to that which related to the trial and punishment of their slaves. Though disappointed of the more extensive influence, which, as a political legislator, he had hoped to exercise, he was yet able, in his ecclesiastical ministry among the quakers, to introduce into their discipline regulations and practices relative to the purposes of the rejected bills, the spirit of which, at least, was, by the example of this powerful sect, forcibly recom mended to general iraitation. But the progress of reform, by moral causes, is slow ; the enactment of laws must follow up and sustain whatever is gained by persuasion. The memory is assisted by the written page, while we soon forget the voice of entreaty, however strong the argument. Penn had now determined again to leave America and return to England, and he naturally desired to have some frame of government finally established before his departure. In 1701, he prepared and pre sented one to the assembly, which was accepted. It confirmed to them, in conformity with that of 1696, the right of originating bills, which, by the charters preceding that date, had been the right of the gover nor alone, and of mending or rejecting those which might be laid before them. To the governor it gave the right of rejecting bills passed by the assembly, of appointing his own council, and of exercising the tvhole executive power. Immediately after his fourth frame was accepted, Penn returned to England ; but he had scarcely ar rived there, when the disputes between the province and the territories broke forth with greater bitterness than ever ; and in the following year, the separate legislature of Delaware was permanently established at Newcastle. In addition to the tidings of these pro longed disagreements, and of the final rupture be tween the two settlements, P^nn was harassed by complaints against the administration of Governor Evans ; and having ascertained, by a deliberate ex amination of them, that they were too well founded, he appointed in his place Charles Gookin, a gentle man of ancient Irish family, who seemed qualified to give satisfaction to the people o.ver whom he was sent to preside. Finding his people still in a discon tented state, Penn, now in his sixty-sixth year, for the last time addressed the assembly, in a letter re plete with calm solemnity and dignified concern. This letter is said to have produced a deep and pow erful impression on the more considerate part of the assembly, who now began to feel for the father of his country, and to regard with tenderness his vene rable age ; to remember his long labours and to ap preciate their own interest in his distinguished fame : but it is very doubtful if this change of senti ment was ever known to its illustrious object, who was attacked shortly afterwards by a succession ol apoplectic fits, which impeded, in a great degree, the exercise of his memory and understanding, and ulti mately terminated his life. It would be injustice to suffer the great founder of the Pennsylvanian republic to pass from our view without glancing at the excellencies of his character. The keenness of foresight, the sagacity and penetra tion of judgment, the fertility in inventing, and clear ness of discernment in applying resources, which the events of his life display, are no less remarkable than the pure spirit of universal benevolence, which seems to have been the governing principle of all his actions, as it was the leading tenet in his particular views of religion. By steadily adhering to the maxims oi gospel charity in the establishment of his common wealth, he secured it against many of those violent shocks, which at that time threatened the dissolution of some of the elder and more robust colonies, espe cially from the hostility of the savages, over whom, by pacific measures, kind treatment, probity, and equitable dealing, he gained an ascendancy far more complete than any exhibition of military force could have ac quired. It is not strictly true, indeed, as asserted by some writers, that he was the first of the colonists to treat with the savages on an equal footing, and to obtain their lands by honourable purchase ; for nu merous instances occur in the history of other colo nies, where the same respect was shown to the pri meval lords of the soil : but although William Penn did not first set the example of this moderation, he and his followers alone persevered in the practice of it, and thus preserved the good will of their savage neighbours, while, in other parts of the country, a different course of conduct on the part of the colonists subjected them to a series of wasteful and vindictive wars, which ended only with the extermination of some ofthe most powerful among the aboriginal tribes. The same enlightened spirit of benevolence, which led Penn to consult his true interest in adopting peaceful means of avoiding the enmity ofthe savages, dictated the memorable clause in the code drawn up by him for the use of his colony, that "all persons living in the province, who confess and acknowledge the one almighty and eternal God to be the creator, upholder, and ruler of the world, and hold them selves obliged in conscience to live peaceably and justly in civil society,, shall in no wise be molested for their religious persuasion or practice in matters ol faith and worship." The constant assertion of this golden rule of civil society, and that too by oat 136 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. whose life and fortune were devoted to the task of gaining proselytes for that peculiar sect of which he was so illustrious a member, evinces a liberality of feeling rarely equalled in that or any other age. The legislatures and governors continuing to act on the noble principles and example which their founder left for their imitation, the colony acquired, by well-conducted purchases from the Indians, a most extensive and unembarrassed territory, and proceeded rapidly in its prosperous course. The only circum stance which appears to have created any internal disunion worthy of notice, was a dispute between the governors and the assembly, on the question of ex empting the land of the proprietaries from the gene ral taxation — a claim which the inhabitants deemed very inequitable. In January, 1757, the assembly of Pennsylvania voted a bill for granting to his majesty the sum of 100,000Z. by a tax on all the estates, real and personal, and taxables, within the province. On submitting it to Governor Denny for his sanction, he refused it. " The proprietaries," he observed in his message, " are willing their estates should be taxed in the manner that appears to them to be reasonable, and agreeable to the land-tax acts of parliament in our mother coimtry." He stated, that " his majesty's service, and the defence of this province, render it necessary to raise immediate supplies ;" and earnest ly recommended it to the assembly to frame such a bill as it was in his power to pass, " consistent with his honour, and his engagements to the proprietaries." The messag-e was regarded as an invasion of the rights of the colonists ; and the assembly remonstrated with the governor. In that spirited document they say, " We have, in the due exercise of our just rights by the royal and provincial charters, and the laws of this province, and as an English representative body, framed this bill consistent with those rights." Hav ing assigned their reasons to sustain the remonstrance, they conclude it in these M^ords : " We do therefore, in the name of our most gracious sovereign, and in behalf of the distressed people we represent, unani mously demand it of the governor as our right, that he give his assent to the bill we now present him, for granting to his majesty 100,000/. for the defence of this province, (and as it is a money-bill, without alteration or amendment, any instructions whatsoever from the proprietaries notwithstanding,) as he will answer to the crown for all the consequences of his refusal at his peril." This declaration produced no other effect upon the governor, than that of confirm ing his refusal, and of drawing from him a laboured justification, " grounded upon parliamentary usage in England, and the supposed hardship of taxing the unimproved lands of the proprietaries." The govern ors of Pennsylvania thus adhering to their instruc tions, not to assent to any tax bill that did not ex empt the estates of the proprietaries, the assembly of that province deputed the celebrated Benjamin Franklin as an agent to London, to petition the king for redress. The subject was discussed before the privy council ; and Mr. Franklin acceded to a proposal to enter into engagements that the assess ments should be fair and equitable, a bill for levy ing a general tax, which had previously received the governor's assent, though after the agent's depar ture from the province, was stamped with the royal approbation. These disputes, by calling the energetic mind of Benjamin Franklin into a new field of exer tion, enlarged the sphere of his observation, and fit ted him for those extraordinary services in which he acquired his greatest glory by contributing to that of his country. CHAPTER X. MARYLAND. The founder of the state of Maryland was Cecil, Lord Baltimore. His father had been secretary of state to James 1., and one of the original associates of the Virginia Company. He visited that colony in the year 1622, to ascertain if some portion of its rich ter ritory could not be rendered subservient to the inte rests of his family, and at the same time afford a de ¦ sirable retreat for persecuted professors of the Romish faith, to which he had become a convert. He subse quently prevailed on Charles I. to bestow on him the desired grant, and had made considerable preparations for carrying his design into effect, when death put an end to his projects, which were, however, adopted, and zealously prosecuted by his son. On his behalf, the king, in June, 1632, executed the charter whicli his father had solicited ; and conferred on the new colony the title of Maryland, as a tribute of respect to Henrietta Maria, his queen. The new province was declared to be separated from Virginia, to which its territory had belonged, and subject only to the cro-wn of England. Lord Baltimore was created the absolute proprietary of it, and was empowered, with the assent of the freemen, or their delegates, whom he was required to assemble for that purpose, to make laws for the province, and to administer them. The territory was erected into a palatinate ; and the pro prietary was invested with all the royal rights of the palace, as fully as any bishop of Durhim had evei HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 137 enjoyed ; he was authorized to appoint ofiicers, to re pel invasions, and to suppress rebellions ; what is still more remarkable, the charter contained no obligation on the proprietary to transmit the acts of assembly for confirmation or disallowance bythe king ; and it also possessed the peculiarity of being the first ex ample of the dismemberment of a colony, and the creation of a new one within its limits, by the mere act of the crown. Having obtained so favourable a charter. Lord Bal timore proceeded to carry its provisions into execu tion. He appointed his brother, Leonard Calvert, go vernor of the new province, and concurred with him in the equipment of vessels, which conveyed a nume rous body of emigrants, chiefly Roman Catholics, and many of them gentlemen of rank and fortune. After a circuitous voyage, the governor arrived, accompanied by his brother George, at Point Comfort, in Virginia, in February, 1634. Early in March, he proceeded up the bay of Chesapeake to the northward, and en tered the Potomack, up which he sailed twelve leagues, and came to an anchor under an island, which he named St. Clement. Here he erected a cross, and took possession " in the name of the Saviour of the world, and of the king of England." Thence he went fifteen leagues higher to the Indian town of Po tomack on the Virginia side of the river, how call ed New Marlborough, where he was received in a friendly manner. Arriving at the town of Piscata- wa, on the Maryland side, he found Henry Fleet, an Englishman, who had resided several years among the natives, and was held by them in great esteem, who was very serviceable as an interpreter. An in terview having been procured with the werowance, or prince, Calvert asked him, whether he was willing that a settlement should be made in his country; he replied, " I will not bid you go, neither will I bid you stay ; but you may use your own discretion." Having convinced the natives that his designs were honour able and pacific, the governor now sought a suitable station for commencing his colony. He visited a creek on the northen side of the Potomack, on which he found an Indian village. Here he acquainted the prince of the place with his intentions, and by pre sents to him and his principal men, conciliated his friendship so much as to obtain permission to reside .n one part of the town until next harvest, when it was agreed that the natives should entirely quit the place. Both parties entered into a contract to li ve to gether in a friendly manner. After Calvert had given a satisfactory consideration, the Indians readily yield ed a number of their houses, and retired to the others. Thus, on the 27th of March, 1634, the governor took ToL. I.— Nos. 11 (fe 12. 2 A peaceable possession of the country of Maryland, and gave to the town the name of St. Mary, and lo the creek, on which it was situate, the name of St. George. The desire of rendering justice to the natives by giving them a reasonable compensation for their lands, is a trait in the character of the first planters, which will always do honour to their memory. Circumstances favoured the rapid population of the colony. The charter granted more ample privileges than had ever been conceded to a subject ; the coun try was inviting ; the natives were friendly ; frora the south churchmen drove puritans, from the north puri tans drove churchmen, into her borders, where all were freely received, protected, and cherished. The co lony was soon able to export Indian corn and other pro ducts to New England and Newfoundkmd, for which they received in return dried fish and other provisions. The Indians also killed many deer and turkies, which they sold to the English for knives, beads, and other small articles of traffic, while cattle, swine, and poul- tr3r, were procured from Virginia. During the first years of the colony, when the free men were few in number, each attended the general assembly in person, or authorized some other freeman to vote in his stead. The increase of population, however, soon rendered itnecessary to adopt a differ ent mode of legislation ; and in 1639 an act was passed, constituting a house of assembly, to be com posed of such as should be chosen by the people, of such as should be summoned or appointed by the proprietor, and of the governor and secretary. These were to meet together, and the laws which they should frame were to possess the same validity as though the proprietors and all the people had concurred in en acting them. The colony was not entirely free from internal troubles. In the year 1631, Charles I. had granted a license to one William Cleyborne, who was described as one of the council, and secretary of state of Virginia, " to traffic in those parts of America for which there is already no patent granted for sole trade." Cleyborne and his associates, with the spirit of exclusion so common in those days, attempted to monopolize the trade of the Chesapeake ; and with this intent, they appear to have planted a small colo ny on the isle of Kent, which commands both the shores of Chesapeake Bay, where it washes Annapo lis, the present capital of Maryland. The Virginians boasted that the colonists of Kent sent burgesses tc their assembly, and were subjected to their jurisdic tion before Maryland had a name, and the province found abundant cause to regret, that a people had taken up their abode within its limits, who paid uil willing obedience to its laws. Cleyborne continued 138 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. to claim Kent Island, and to refuse submission to the jurisdiction of Maryland. Lord Baltimore, however, gave orders, in September, 1634, to seize the refrac tory trader, if he did not submit to his government ; judging wisely, that subordination would cease, should an independent jurisdiction be established in the cen tre of his province. Still continuing to resist, and to excite rebellion in others, he was at length indicted, and found guilty of murder, piracy, and sedition ; but he fled from justice, and his estate was seized, as forfeited to those laws which he had formerly con- tenrned as invalid. The afflictions of this period are indicated by a statute of the assembly, which recites, " that the province had been wasted by a miserable dissension and Unhappy war, which had been closed by the joyful restitution of a blessed peace." To promote the restoration of tranquillity and mutual confidence, an act of general pardon and oblivion was passed, from the benefits of which only a few leading characters were excepted ; and all actions were dis charged for wrongs that might have been perpetrated during the revolt. " B^r a singular reverse of fortune," says Chalmers, " Cleyborne lived to command iu the province whence he was now driven with infamy, to feel the pangs of old age when accompanied with poverty, to apply to a prince for support, whose bene ficence was not even extended to those who had suf fered for his family and himself"* It is a fact, which reflects the greatest credit on these early colonists, that fifteen years after they first landed, the general assembly of the people passed an act, entitled, "An Act concerning Religion," in which the great principles of religious toleration and liberty are so extensively recognised. The following is an extract from the act itself : " Whereas the enforcing of the conscience in matters of religion hath frequently fallen out to be of dangerous consequence in those commonwealths where it hath been practised ; and for the more quiet and peaceable government of this province, and the better to preserve mutual love and unity among the inhabitants, no person or persons whatsoever, within this province, or the islands, ports, harbours, creeks, or havens thereunto belonging, pro- fessino' to believe in Jesus Christ, shall from hence- forth be any ways troubled, molested, or discounte nanced, for, or in respect of, his or her rehgion, nor in the free exercise thereof, within this province, or the islands thereunto belonging, nor any way com pelled to the belief or exercise of any religion against his or her consent, so that they be not unfaithful to the lord proprietary, or molest or conspire against the ? Political Annals, p. 211. civil government established, or to be established, in this province, under him or his heirs."t This law was passed by an assembly composed entirely of Roman Catholics, and is the more remarkable, as being the first legislative act which is recorded to have been passed by any government, administered by members of the Romish hierarchy, in favour of the unlimited toleration of all Christian sects. In 1650, the legislative body was divided into two branches — the delegates chosen by the people consti tilting the lower house, and the persons summoned by tiie proprietors, th-e upper house. An act of recognition of the undoubted right of Lord Baltimore to the proprietaryship of the province was passed in the same session. The assembly not only submitted to his authority, but obliged its constituents and their posterity for ever to defend him and his heirs in his royal rights, and besought him to accept this act as a testimony of gratitude for the manifold bene fits which the colony had derived from him. In prosecution of its patriotic labours, the assembly also proceeded to enact kiws for the relief of the poor, and the encourag-ement of aari culture and commerce : and a short season of prosperity preceded the calami ties which the province was again to experience from the evil genius of Cleyborne, and the interposi tion of the parent state. After the parliament had triumphed over the king, they appointed commissioners for reducing and govern ing the colonies within the bay of Chesapeake, among whom was Cleyborne. The proprietor of Maryland, on acknowledging the authority of the parliament, was permitted to retain his station, but was unable to preserve tranquillity. The distractions of England, finding their way into the colony, occasioned a civil war, which ended in the discomfiture of the Roman Catholics. The next assembly, which was entirely under the influence of Cleyborne and the victorious party, ordained that persons professing the catholic religion should not be considered within the protec tion of the laws ; the catholics being thus ungratefully persecuted by men whom they had takeii to their bosom, and in a colony which they had founded. Laws unfavourable to the quakers were also enacted; and here, as in England, the upper house was voted to be useless. At the restoration, in 1660, Philip Calvert was appointed governor, and the ancient order of things was restored. The recent usurpations were passed over in silence, and buried in a generous oblivion ; toleration was re-estabhshed, and the in habitants of Maryland once more experienced the t Bacon's Law.?, 1649, chap, L HISTORY OP THE UNITED STATES. 139 blessings of a mild government and internal tranquil lity.* General subordination had manifestly the effect of quickening the march of prosperity ; industry, amply recompensed, was animated and cheerful, and closely connected with independence and improvement of condition was general respect. To such a degree did this arise, that it became common for ruined tradesmen and indigent labourers in England to repair to this colony for retrieving or improving their condition. No emigrants were more successful in bettering their condition than female servants ; they invariably obtained an immediate and respectable establishment in marriage.t In 1676, Cecil, Lord Baltimore, the father of the province, died. For more than forty years he had directed its affairs as proprietor, and displayed in all his conduct a benevolent heart and enlightened un derstanding. Although he lived in an age of bigotry, he was liberal in his opinions ; and for all his exer tions to contribute to the happiness of his fellow-beings, he desired no reward but their gratitude. This reward he received. The records of the Maryland assembly contain frequent memorials of the respect and affection of the people. He was succeeded, as proprietor, by his eldest son, Charles, who had ^r several years been governor of the colony, and dis played the same amiable qualities which had rendered his father respected and beloved. The closing years of the proprietary government were embittered by a circumstance similar to that which the institution of the colony of Maryland had inflicted on Virginia. The grant which had been made by Charles II. to the celebrated Penn included the territory of Dela ware, whicli Lord Baltimore had always considered within the limits of his patent. On the arrival of William Penn in America, a meeting took place be tween him and Lord Baltimore, in the hope of effect ing an amicable adjustment of the boundaries of their respective territorial grants. But the pretensions of the parties were so completely incompatible that it proved impossible at the time to adjust them in a manner satisfactory to both. Penn ultimately com plained to the English government, and, by his inte rest at court, procured it to be adjudged that the debateabl-e territory should be divided into two equal parts, one of which was appropriated to himself, and the other to Lord Baltimore. This adjudication was carried into effect ; and the territory which now composes the state of Delaware was thus dismem- oered from the provincial limits of Maryland. • Chalmers, pp, 224—226, 248. ¦? Alsop's Maryland, pp. 15, 16. Grahame's History of the United States, vol, ii, p, 34, In the year following the revolution of 1688, the repose of Maryland was again disturbed. A rumoiu was artfully circulated, that the catholics had leagued with the Indians to destroy all the protestants in the province. An armed association was immediately formed, for the defence of the protestant religion, and for asserting the rights of King William and Gtueen Mary. The magistrates attempted to oppose this as sociation by force ; but, meeting with few supporters, they were compelled to abdicate Ihe government. King William directed those who had assumed the supreme authority to exercise it in his name ; and for twenty-seven years the crown retained the entire control of the province. In 1716, the proprietor was restored to his rights; and he and his descendants continued to enjoy them until the commencement of the revolution. The people then assumed the govern ment, adopted a constitution, and refused to admit the claims of the representatives of Lord Baltimore either to jurisdiction or to property. CHAPTER XI. NORTH AND SOUTH CAROLINA. The interesting though calamitous attempts of the French protestants, under the brave Admiral Coligny, to colonize that part of North America which consti tutes the subject of the present chapter, but which was then known under the general denomination of Florida, have already been related. Those which were made in the reign of Elizabeth by Raleigh and Gilbert, have been comprised in the history of Virginia, of which colony the territory which now constitutes the Carolinas then formed a part. It was not till the 5rear 1630, that Sir Robert Heath, attorney-general of Charles I., obtained a grant of a territory stretching to the southward of Virginia from the 36th degree of north latitude, comprehending Louisiana, by the name of Carolina. He appears to have made no settlem.ent, and, subsequently, his patent was declared void, the conditions on whicli it had been granted not having been fulfilled. Between the years 1640 and 1650, persons suffering from religious intolerance in Virgi nia fled beyond her limits, and, without authority from any quarter, occupied that portion of North Ca rolina north of Albemarle Sound. They found the winters mild, and the soil fertile ; and as their cattle and swine procured their own support in the woods, and multiplied rapidly, with little labour they lived in the enjoyment of comparative abundance. Their number annually augmented : but they acknowledged 140 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. no superior upon earth, and obeyed no laws but those of God and nature. Several families from Massa chusetts also migrated to Carolina, and settled about Cape Fear ; but as the lands where they fixed them selves were not equally productive with those they had relinquished, and as the tvaters did not afford the same advantages of fishery, they for some years ex perienced the complicated miseries of want ; and the general court of Massachusetts, with an attention and humanity which do it honour, directed a general con tribution for their relief* The final settlement of this country originated with the earl of Clarendon, and other courtiers of Charles II. On their application for a charter, he granted them all the lands lying between the 31st and 36th degrees of north latitude ; and he constituted them absolute lords and proprietors of that tract of country, reserving to himself and his successors the sovereign dominion. The charter empowered them to enact and publish any laws which they should judge ne cessary, with the assent, advice, and approbation of the freemen of the colony ; to erect courts of judica ture, and appoint civil judges, magistrates, and officers ; to erect forts, castles, cities, and towns ; to make war, and, in cases of necessity, to exercise mar tial law ; to build harbours, make ports, and enjoy customs and subsidies, imposed with the consent of the freemen, on goods loaded and unloaded. One of the provisions of this charter deserves particular no tice. The king authorized the proprietors to allow the inhabitants of the province such indulgences and dispensations in religious affairs, as they, in their dis cretion, should think proper and reasonable : and no person, to whom such liberty should be granted, was to be molested, punished, or called in question, for any differences in speculative opinions with respect to re ligion, provided he disturbed not the civil order and peace of the community. The reason assigned in the charter for such a dispensing power is, " that it might happen that several of the inhabitants could not, in their private opinions, conform to the exercise of religion according to the liturgy and ceremonies of the church of England. "t The privy council, con sidering the present condition of Carolina, decided that all former grants were now void, because they had never been executed. Animated by this decision, the proprietors held their ? Chalraers, p, 516, t Mem, de I'Amerique, vol, iv, p, 554 — 585, where is a copy of the charter, in English and French, dated March 24th, 1662— April ith, 1663, The charter states, that the applicants, " excited by a laudable and pious zeal fof Ihe propagation of ihe gospel, beg a eertain country in the parts of America not yet cultivated and planted, and only inhabited by some barbarous people, who have no I first meeting in May, 1663, to agree on measures for the transporting of colonists, and for the payment of various expenses ; and they now published proposals to all who would plant in Carolina. Among other privileges, it was decided, that the emigrants present to the proprietaries thirteen persons, in order that they may appoint a governor and a council of six for three years ; that an assembly, composed of the governor, the council, and the delegates of the freemen, should be called as soon as the circumstances of the colony would allow, with power to make laws, pro vided they were not contrary to the laws of England, nor of any validity after the publication of the dis sent of the proprietaries ; that every one should en joy the most perfect freedom in religion ; that, during five years, every freeman should be allowed one hun dred acres of land, and fifty for every servant, paying one halfpenny only an acre ; and that the same free dom from customs which had been allowed by the royal charter, should be allowed to every one. The settlers on Albemarle Sound were, on certain condi tions, allowed to retain their lands. A government was organized over them, at the head of which a Mr. Drummond was placed. With the regulations im posed they were dissatisfied, and they revolted ; but their grievances were redressed, and, in 1668, they re turned to their allegiance. Notwithstanding the high professions of the proprietaries, not the slightest at tempt was made to provide for the spiritual instruc tion of the colonists, or the conversion of the Indians ; and the colony continued for a series of years with out any form of public worship. Having taken the command of the infant settle ment at Albemarle, the proprietaries directed a survey of the coast to the southward, and projected the esta blishment of a new colony in Clarendon country. which had been recently abandoned by the emigrants from New England. In furtherance of this object, they conferred on John Yeamans, a respectable planter of Barbadoes, the appointment of commander-in-chief of Clarendon country. In the autumn, he conducted from Barbadoes a body of emigrants, who landed on the southern bank of Cape Fear. He cultivated the good will of the natives, and insured a seven years peace. The planters, in opening the forest to make room for the operations of tillage, " necessarily pre pared timber for the uses of the cooper and builder, knowledge of God," The applicants, besides the earl of Claren don,, were George dake of Albemarle, William Lord Craven, John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley, Sir George Carteret, Sir William Berkeley, and Sir John Colleton, The grant included the territories of what afterwards constituted North Carolina, Snuta Carolina, and Georgia. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 141 which they transmitted to the island whence they had emigrated, as the first subject of a feeble commerce, that kindled the spark of industry which soon gave animation to the whole."* Another settlement was also projected to the southward of Cape Remain, which received the name of Carteret, and was placed under a separate governor. " The policy which the proprietaries were thus pursuing, in the establishment of a variety of separate and independent colonies in Carolina, each of which had its own distinct assem bly, customs, and laws, supplied them at a future pe riod with ample cause of regret, and contributed to the prolonged feebleness and distractions by whicli this province was unhappily distinguished."t By the surveys which had been made under their direction, the proprietors had now ascertained, that several tracts of land not included in the terms of their previous grant, would form a very desirable ac cession ; they therefore solicited, and obtained from the king, a second charter. It recited and confirmed the former grant, with the additional territory. Ca rolina was declared independent of any other pro vince, but subject immediately to the crown of Eng land ; and the inhabitants were never to be compelled to answer in other dominions of the crown, except ing within the realm. The limits of the territory are thus defined : " All that province, territory, or tract of ground, situate within our dominions of Ame rica, extending north and eastward as far as the north end of Carahtuke River, or gullet, upon a straight westerly line, to Wyanoake Creek, which lies within or about the degrees of 36 and 30 minutes northern latitude, and so west, in a direct line as far as the South Seas; and south and westward as far as the degrees of 29 inclusive northern latitude, and so west, in a direct line, as far as the South Seas, to gether with all and singular ports, harbours, bays, rivers, and islets, belonging to the province or terri tory aforesaid."! According to the limits fixed in this charter, St. Augustine, as well as the whole of what was afterwards Georgia, fell within the English do minions ; but the Spaniards alleged, that this grant was an invasion of their rights, and never admitted the limits of this charter at any subsequent treaty. Both the charters of Carolina were granted while Clarendon retained the chancellorship of Great Bri tain ; and it is somewhat curious to observe this zealous advocate for the prerogatives of the crown making no hesitation to place the great seal to * Chalmers, b. i. p. 520, 521. Yeamens was directed " to m.a'^e every thing easy-to the people of New England, frora which the greatest emigrations are expected, as the southern colonies are already drained-" charters which transferred the very highest of them almost absolutely to himself and his associates. Not less instructive is it to contemplate this renowned champion and his coUeagues recommending a line of ecclesiastical policy in their own colony diametrically opposite to that which, as the " confidential advisers" of his majesty, they adopted and promoted in the parent state. If bigotry must exist, it is more to be respected, though it be more injurious, when it does not bend to feelings of self-interest. Agreeably to the powers with which the proprietors were invested by their charter, they began to frame a system of laws for the government of their cplpny ; in which arduous task they availed themselves of the assistance of tbe illustrious John Locke. A model of government, consisting of no less than a hundred and twenty articles, was framed by this learned philoso pher, which they agreed to establish, and to the care ful observance of it, to bind themselves and their heirs for ever. As this constitution allies a name so justly celebrated with the history of Carolina, and is in itself a singular and ingenious piece of legislation, a brief abstract of it is both interesting and important. " The eldest of the eight proprietors was always to be palatine, and at his decease was to be succeeded by the eldest of the seven survivors. This palatine was to sit as president of the palatine's court, of which he and three more of the proprietors made a quorum, and had the management and execution of all the powers of their charter. This palatine's court was to stand in room of the king, and give their assent or dissent to all laws made by the legislature of the colony. The palatine was to have power to nomi nate and appoint the governor, who, after obtaining the royal approbation, became his representative in Carolina. Each of the seven proprietors wa,s to have the privilege of' appointing a deputy, to sit as his representative in parliament, and to act agreeable to his instructions. Besides a governor, two other branches, somewhat similar to the old Saxon consti tution, were to be established, an upper and lower house of assembly, which three branches were to be called a parliament, and to constitute the legislature of the country. The parliament was to be chosen every two years. No act of the legislature was to have any force unless ratified in open parliament during the same session, and even then to continue no longer in force than the next biennial parliament, unless in the mean time it be ratified by the hands t Grahame, vol, ii, p, 88, t Memoires de I'Amerique, vol, iv. p, 586 — 617; where this charter, in English and French, is inserted entire. It is dated ^3; —24 Juin, 1665,. 142 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. and seals of the palatine and three proprietors. The upper house was to consist of the seven deputies, seven of the oldest landgraves and caziques, and seven chosen by the assembly. As in the other pro vinces, the lower house was to be composed of the representatives from the different counties and towns. Several oflicers were also to be appointed, such as an admiral, a secretarjr, a chief-justice, a surveyor, a trea.surer, a marshal, and register ; and besides these, each county was to have a sheriff and four justices ef the peace. Three classes of nobility were to be established, called barons, caziques, and landgraves ; the first to possess twelve, the second twenty-four, and the third forty-eight thousand acres of land, and their pos.sessions were to be unalienable. Military officers were also to be nominated, and all inhabitants from sixteen to sixty years of age, as in the times of feudal government, when summoned by the governor and grand council, were to appear under arms, and, in time of war, to take the field. With respect to religion, three terms of communion were fixed ; first, to believe that there is a God ; secondly, that he is to be worshipped ; and thirdly, that it is lawful, and the duty of every man when called upon by those in authority, to bear witness to the truth : without acknowledging which, no man was to be per mitted to be a freeinan, or to have any estate or ha bitation in Carolina. But persecution for observing different modes and ways of worship was expressly forbid, and every man was to be left full liberty of conscience, and might worship God in that manner whicli he in his private judgment thought most con formable to the divine will and revealed word. Every freeman of Carolina was declared to possess absolute power and authority over his negro slaves, of what opinion or religion soever."* It must be admitted, that Locke manifests his usual intellectual ability and energy in this composition ; but his system proved in effect useless and impracti cable, t Several attempts were afterwards made to amend these constitutions, but all to little purpose; the inhabitants, sensible how little they were applica- * The world has, since the days of Mr, Locke, been taught to exclaim with surprise, on reading his constitution for Carolina ; but this sur prise ceases, when we consider the age in which the philosopher lived. He tri;Iy had no precedent before him, to support him in making a republican government, which he is blamed for not making, Virginia then was a royal colony, and of course was not a model ; and the settlements on the shores of the Atlantic, in New England, had not then risen to much notoriety in England, The pilgrims, who increased very slowly, had been in the country but forty-seven years, and those who settled the Province of Massachusetts Bay, but thirty- seven, when Locke drew up this forra of government ; therefore there was notliing to be derived from this country, at that time, to assist him. The ancient models of Greece and Rome were not suited to a people that he knew must necessarily he, for ages, widely scattered over the soil The example of republican government, as il was call- ble to their circumstances, never, either themselves ot by their representatives in assembly, gave their assent to them as a whole, and therefore they failed to obtain the force of fundamental laws in the colony. What regulations the people found applicable and useful they adopted, at the request of their governors ; but they observed them on account of their own propriety and necessity, rather than as a code imposed on them by British politicians. It is obvious that the Carolinian constitution was an experiment in political science, an attempt to plant an aristocratic scion in the American soil. That such an attempt should have been made by n;en ac customed to set a high value on distinctions of rank, is not surprising ; but it is still less surprising, that, under the circumstances of the case, it should have been utterly abortive. This result may be ascribed in part to the civil, rather than the military character ofthe North American settlements ; in part to the de gree of knowledge and civilization possessed by the colonists at the commencement of their social institu tions ; in part to the actual equality to which the con dition of the transatlantic wilderness reduced the whole body of its occupants ; and in part to the sub stantial independence acquired by the successful cul tivators of the soil, who were, almost from the first, in a situation to deride, as they afterwards found themselves able effectually to resist, the pretensions of distant lords. Notwithstanding these constitutions and legal pre parations, several years elapsed before the proprietors of Carolina made any serious efforts towards its set tlement. In 1667, they fitted out a ship, gave the command of it to Captain William Sayle, and sent him out to bring them some account of the coast. His report to his employers, as might naturally be ex pected, was favourable. He praised their possessions, and encouraged them to engage with vigour in the execution of their project. His observations respect ing the Bahama islands, which he had vi.sited, in duced them to apply to the king for a grant of them, and Charles bestowed on them by patent all those ed, under Crorawell, had not much in it to the taste of Mr, Locke, who saw no small degree of tyranny in the garb of freedom. Why do polit ical writers dwell upon the absurdity of palatines, barons, &c, &c,, pro vided for in the constitution from the pen of the profound metaphysi cian, and make no commentaries on the great and noble feature of this constitution, religious liberty ,' — a feature which had no prototype in the history of nations ; a principle without which there can be no freedom It is but a trifle to have the privilege of choosing men as rulers, if we cannot worship God as we please, Mr, Locke had seen the evils of a hierarchy on the one hand, and of a regular body of dissenters on the other. He, therefore, with a depth of philosophy wonderful in his age, or any age that had passed, struck one bold blow to sever church and state, or religious creeds from political em- ploymentB, — A.'u, Editor, HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 143 islands lying between the 22d and 27th degrees of north latitude. Nothing then remained but to make preparations for sending a colony to Carolina. Two ships were procured, on board of which a number of adventurers embarked, with provisions, arms, and utensils requisite for building and cultivation. Sayle was appointed the first governor, and received a com mission, bearing date July 26, 1669. The expenses of this first embarcation amounted to 12,000Z., a proof that the proprietors entertained no small hopes with respect to their palatinate. The number of men, however, must have been by no means adequate to the undertaking, especially considering the multitude of savages that Tanged through that extensive wilder ness. In what place Governor Sayle first landed is uncertain ; but he was dissatisfied with his first situa tion, and, moving to the southward, took possession of a neck of land between Ashley and Cooper rivers, where he laid out a town, which, in honour of the king then reigning, he called Charleston ; but dying soon after. Sir John Yeamans, who had for several years been governor at Clarendon, was appointed to succeed him. This new settlement attracted many inhabit ants from that at Clarendon, and ultimatelv entirely exhausted it. Being at a great distance from Albe marle, the proprietors established a separate govern ment over it, and hence arose the distinctive appella tions of North and South Carolina. The distress which attended the first efforts of the colonists was aggravated by the intrigues and assaults of the Span iards at Fort Augustine. They sent emissaries among the settlers at Ashley river, in the hope of moving them to revolt ; they encouraged indentured servants to abandon their masters, and fly to the Spanish ter ritory; and they laboured so successfully to instil into the savage tribes the most unfavourable notions of British heretics, that these deluded Indians took up arms to extirpate a race who had never injured them, but who desired to cultivate friendly relations with them. So much discontent and insubordination was produced by the calamities the colonies suffered, that it led to an insurrection, headed by Culpepper, one of the provincial officers ; but it was easily suppressed by the governor. The Spanish garrison at Augustine receiving intelligence of their dissensions, a party advanced from that fortress under arms, as far as the island of St. Helena, to dislodge or destroy the set tlers ; but fifty volunteers, under the command of Colonel Godfrey, marching against them, they eva cuated the island, and retreated to their fort. During the governorship of Sir John Yeamans, the colony received a considerable addition from the Dutch settlement of Nova Belgia. After its conquest by Sir Robert Car, many of the Dutch colonists determined to remove. The proprietors of Carolina offered them lands and encouragement in their palatinate, and sent vessels to transport a number of their families to. Charleston. Stephen Bull, surveyor-general of the colony, received instructions to mark out lands on the south-west side of Ashley River for their accommoda tion ; and a town was commenced, which was called James Town. The industry of the settlers sur mounted incredible hardships, and their success in duced many of their countrymen to follow them to. the western world, and extend themselves over the adjacent country. The Carolinian colonists were for several years dependant on the proprietaries in England for consi derable supplies of provisions and stores, and were by them liberally assisted to the extent of several thousand pounds ; but the proprietaries finding, instead of any indications of repayment with a corresponding profit, only demands for further supplies, became disheartened and disgusted with a result so contrary to their sanguine expectations ; and a mutual dis satisfaction commenced, which embittered all their fiiture intercourse, although it afforded instruction to the colonists which was very beneficial, as it led them to depend solely on their own resources. The pro prietaries ascribed their disappointment, in a great measure, to the mismanagement of Sir John Yeamans, who, early in this year, was compelled by the state of his health to resign his situation as governor, a relief that was ineffectual for the desired purpose, as he did not long survive. The factions and confusion in which the colony was shortly after involved, have rendered the annals of this period extremely per plexing, and have much obscured the connexion of events. When Yeamans abdicated his office, the council appointed Joseph West as his successor : and on this occasion the palatine thought proper to con firm the popular choice, whieh was amply justified by the prudence of his administration. The affairs of the northern colony must now oc cupy a portion of our attention. The fundamental constitutions, which have already been described were received by the colonists with disgust and dis union. Their promulgation produced no other effect than to excite the most inveterate jealousy of the de signs of the proprietaries ; till,, in process of time,, a refractory spirit took possession of the minds of the people, and was at length exasperated into sentiments as hostile to subordination, as the policy of the pro prietaries was repugnant to liberty. From this pe riod the history of the northern province, for a series of years, is involved in such confusion and contra- 144 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. diction, that it is impossible to render it interesting, and difficult to make it even inteUigible. Miller, a person of some consideration, was accused of sedi tion ; but being acquitted, he proceeded to England to complain to the proprietaries of the treatment he had undergone. Eastchurch, a man whose address and abilities had raised him to the dignity of speaker of the assembly, was deputed to represent to the pro prietaries the existing state of the province. The proprietaries, conceiving a favourable opinion of Eastchurch, appointed him governor of Albemarle ; and disapproving the treatment that Miller had re ceived, gave him the office of secretary. The com missioners ofthe customs appointed Miller, at the same time, the first collector of these duties in the province. These officers departed to take possession of their re spective offices ; but Eastchurch, finding an opportu nity of making a wealthy marriage in the West In dies, thought it prudent to remain there till his object was accomplished, and despatched his companion with directions to govern the colony as president till he himself should arrive. He found the colony at Albemarle to consist of a few inconsiderable planta tions, dispersed over the north-eastern bank of Albe marle River, and divided into four districts. In at tempting to reform some abuses, he rendered himself obnoxious ; and an insurrection broke out at Albe marle in December. The insurgents, conducted chiefiy by Culpepper, imprisoned the president and seven proprietary deputies ; seized the royal revenue ; established courts of justice ; appointed officers ; call ed a parliament ; and, for a considerable period, ex ercised all the authority of an independent state. After two years of successful revolt, the insurgents, apprehensive of an invasion from Virginia, despatched Culpepper and Holden to England, to offer submis sion to (he proprietaries, on condition of their past proceedings being ratified. The unfortunate Miller and his associate, who had languished in imprison ment, having found means to escape, appeared in England at the same time, and filled the court with accusations against their persecutors. Culpepper was, however, protected by Lord Shaftesbury, and was about to return, when he was impeached, by the com missioners of the customs, of the crimes of acting as collector without their authority, and of embezzling the king's revenue. It was in vain for him to ac knowledge the facts and to beg for mercy. His powerful accusers insisted that no favour might be shown him unless he refunded the duties which he had wrongfully seized, and he was tried in the court of king's-bench, on an indictment of high treason Though five witnesses committed without the realm. fully proved those circumstances which constituted the crime, yet Shaftesbury, who was then in the zenith of his popularity, appearing in his behalf, the jury acquitted him. The acquittal of Culpepper de^ termined the proprietors to adopt an entirely conciha tory system ; and to govern, in future, according to that portion of obedience which the colonists should be disposed to yield them. In prosecution of this determination, the proprietaries resolved to send thither Seth Sothel, who had lately purchased Lord Clarendon's share of the province, that, by his au thority, he might reduce the late distractions to or der. They were, however, still doomed to disap pointment — his conduct, far from restoring quiet and contentment, only increased the previous disorders. He proved one of the most corrupt and rapaciotis of colonial governors, plundering the innocent, and ac cepting bribes from felons. Six years the inhabitants endured his injustice and oppression ; they then seized him, with a view of sending him to England for trial: but, at his request, he was detained and tried by the assembly, who banished him from the colony. To return to the affairs of the southern colony, now under the administration of Joseph West. The situation of Old Charleston being found inconvenient, the inhabitants, in 1680, removed to Oyster Point, where a new city was laid out, to which the name of the other was given. In the same year commenced a war with the Westoes, a powerful tribe of Indians, which threatened great injury to the colony ; peace, however, was soon restored. Governor West was superseded by Sir Richard Kirle, an Irish gentleman, who died six months after his arrival in the coun try. After his decease. Colonel Robert Q,uarry was chosen his successor. During the time of his go vernment, a number of pirates put into Charleston, and purchased provisions with their Spanish gold and silver. Those public robbers, instead of being taken and tried by the laws of England, were treated with great civility and friendship, in violation of the laws of nations. Whether the governor was ignorant of the treaty made with Spain, by which England had withdrawn her former toleration from these plun derers of the Spanish dominions, or whether he was afraid to bring them to trial from the notorious cou rage of their companions in the West Indies, we have not sufficient authority to affirm ; but one thing is cer tain, that Charles II., for several years after the res toration, winkedattheirdepredations,andmany of them performed such valiant actions, as, in a good cause, would have justly merited honours and rewards ; he even knighted Henry Morgan, a Welshman, who had HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 145 plundered Porto BeUo and Panama, and carried off large treasures from them. For several years so formidable was this body of plunderers in the West Indies, that they struck a terror into every quarter of the Spanish dominions. Their gold and silver, which they lavishly spent in the colony, insured to them a kind reception among the Carolinians, who opened their ports to them freely, and furnished them with necessaries. They could purchase the favour of the governor, and the friendship of the people, for what they deemed a trifling consideration. Leaving their gold and silver behind them for clothes, arms, ammunition, and provisions, they embarked in quest of more. However, the proprietors, having intelli gence of the encouragement given to pirates by Go vernor Cluarry, dismissed him from the office he held ; and, in 1685, Landgrave Joseph Morton was appoint ed to the government of the colony. During the reign of King James II. the difficulty under which the people of Britain . laboured, and the troubles which they apprehended, added much strength to the colonies. The unsuccessful or unfor tunate part of mankind are easily induced to emi grate ; while the oppressed and persecuted are driven from their country, however closely their affections may cleave to it. Such manifest attempts were made by this prince against what the nation highly revered, that many protestants deserted it, preferring the hardships of the first state of colonization abroad to oppression at home. America gained considerable and valuable accessions also from the revocation of the edict of Nantz, when the flames of persecution broke out in France, and drove many of its best sub jects from that kingdom. Of the advantage which the colonies reaped from this impolitic measure of France, Carolina had a large share. Many of the protestant refugees, having purchased lands from the proprietors, embarked with their families for that colony, and proved some of its best and most indus trious inhabitants. Though Governor Morton was possessed of a con siderable share of wisdom, and was connected with several respectable families in the colony, yet so inconsistent were his instructions from England with the prevailing views and interests of the people, that he was unable, without great difficulty, to execute the duties of his trust. Some of his council differed vvidely from him in opinion with respect to public measures, and claimed greater indulgences for the people than he had authority to grant. Hence two parties arose in the colony ; one in support of the prerogative and authority of the proprietors, the other in defence of the liberties of the people. The former Vol. L— Nos. 13 & 14. 2B contended that the laws and regulations received from England respecting government ought to be strictly and implicitly observed : the latter kept in view their local circumstances, and maintained that the freemen of the colony were under obligations to observe them only so far as they were consistent with the inlerest of individuals and the prosperity of the settlement. In this situation of affairs, no governor could long support his power among a number of bold adven turers, who improved every hour for advancing their interest, and could bear no restraints which had the least tendency to defeat their favourite views and designs ; whenever he attempted to interpose his feeble authority, they insulted his person and com plained of his administration, till, at length, he was removed from office. Finding it prudent to change their governor when he became obnoxious to the people, the proprietors appointed James Colleton to supersede Morton. To give him the greater weight, he was created a land grave of the colony, to which dignity forty-eight thousand acres of land were unalienably annexed ; but, to his mortification, he soon found, that the pro prietary government had acquired but little firmness and stability ; and, by his imprudence and rigour, it fell into still greater contempt. Having called an assembly of the representatives in the end of the year 1686, he proposed to make some new regulations re specting the government of the colony. After exa mining the fundamental constitutions, and finding the people disposed to make many objections to them, he thought proper to nominate a committee, to considw wherein they were improper or defective, and to make such alterations and amendments in them as they judged might be conducive to the welfare of the country. Accordingly, a new code of laws was framed, consisting of many articles differing consi derably from the former, which they denominated standing laws, transmittin,g them to England for the approbation of the proprietors, who, however, reject ed them, and insisted on the observance of the fun damental constitutions ; while the people treated both with equal indifference and neglect. At this early period a dissatisfaction with the pro prietary government appeared, and began to gain ground among the people. A dispute having arisen between the governor and the house of assembly about the tenures of lands and the payment of quit rents, Colleton determined to exert his authority in compelling the people to pay up their arrears of quit-rents, which, though very trifling and inconside rable, were burdensome, as not one acre out of a thousand of these lands for which quit-rents were 146 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. demanded yielded them any profit. The interest of the proprietors and that of the people being thus placed in opposition to each other, the more rigo rously the governor exerted his authority, the more turbulent and seditious the people became. At last they proceeded to avowed usurpation ; they issued writs in their own name, and held assemblies in op position to the governor and the authority of the proprietors, and the community was turned into a scene of confusion, every man acting as he thought proper, without any regard to legal authority, and in contempt of the governor and other officers of the proprietors. Colleton, mortified at the loss of power, and alarmed at the bold and seditious spirit of the people, was not a little perplexed what step to take in order to recall them to the obedience of legal au thority. One expedient was suggested, which he and his council flattered themselves might be productive of the desired effect — to proclaim martial laM^, and try to maintain by force of arms the proprietary jurisdic tion. Accordingly, without letting the people into his secret design, he caused the militia to be drawn up*as if some danger from the Spaniards or Indians had threatened the country, and publicly proclaimed martial law at their head. This served only to exasperate the people the more. The members of the assembly met, and taking this measure under their deliberation, resolved that it was an encroachment upon their liberties, and an unwarrantable exertion of power, at a time when the colony was in no dan ger from any foreign enemy. The governor, however, insisted on the articles of war, and tried to carry martial law into execution ; but the disaffection was too general to admit of such a remedy. In the year 1690, at a meeting of the representatives, a bill was brought in and passed, for disabling Landgrave James Colleton from holding any office, or exercising any authority, civil or military, within the province ; and he was informed, that, in a limited time, he must depart from the colony. During these public commotions, Seth Sothel, one of the proprietors, having, as already stated, been driven from North Carolina, appeared suddenly at Charleston, and, aided by a powerful faction, assumed the reins of government. At first the people gladly acknowledged his authority, while the current of their enmity ran against Colleton ; especially as he stood forth as an active and leading man in opposition to that governor, and ratified the law for his exclusion and banishment ; but they afterwards found him void of every principle of honour, and even of honesty. Such was the insatiable avarice of this man, that every restraint of common justice and equity was trampled upon by him; and oppression, such as usually attends the exaltation of vulgar and ambitious scramblers for power, extended her rod of iron over the distracted colony. The fair traders from Barba does and Bermuda were seized as pirates by order of this popular governor, and confined until such fees as he was pleased to exact were paid him ; bribes from felons and traitors were accepted to favour their escape from the hands of justice ; and plantations were forcibly taken possession of, upon pretences the most frivolous and unjust. At length, the people, weary of his grievous impositions and extortions, agreed to take him by force, and ship him off for England. He then evinced the meanness of spirit generally as sociated with a disposition to tyranny, and humbly begged liberty to remain in the country, promising to submit his conduct to the trial of the assembly at their first meeting. When the assembly met, thirteen different charges were brought against him, and all supported by ,the strongest evidence ; upon which, being found guilty, they compelled him to abjure the government and country for ever. The revolution of 1688 excited httle attention in either of the Carolinas, which were but slightly af fected by the changes which the empire underwent. It was from the proprietaries alone that they could expect the interposition of a superior power to arrest or repair the misrule, oppression, and calamity, that had so long composed the chief part of the history, both of the northern and southern settlements. In the hope of accomplishing this desirable object, the proprietaries, on the deposition of Sothel, intrusted the government of the whole of their settlements to Colonel Philip Ludwell, a man of sense and humanity who possessed considerable experience of colonia affairs. He commenced his administration in a man ner that gave general satisfaction, and seemed to have completely allayed the prevailing ferments of the people. But this tranquillity was of short duration : the minds of men had been too long and too violently agitated to subside at once into a settled composure ; and a circumstance that at first promised to produce the happiest effects on the prosperity of the province, proved the immediate occasion of the revival of pub lic turbulence. The proprietors, having observed the good conduct of the French protestants, directed the governor to permit them to elect representatives, a privilege which they had never yet exercised. The English episcopalians, unwilling that any of their hereditary enemies, those, namely, who did not belong to their church, should be associated with themselves in the rights of freemen, were exasperated, and op posed the concession with great clamour and zeal. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 147 Excited by a spirit of opposition, they proposed to enforce with respect to them the laws of England against foreigners, insisting that they could not legally possess any real estate in the colony. They also declared that their marriages, being sokmnized by French ministers, were void, and that the children could not inherit the property of their fathers. By the display of a spirit so iUiberal and unchristian, these strangers were alarmed and discouraged ; but, being countenanced by the governor, they remained in the colony, and, for the present, withdrew their claim to the right of suffrage. In the midst of these disputes, and with the hope of appeasing them, the proprietaries at length deter mined to surrender to the general dislike of the people the "ftindamental constitutions." They ac cordingly enacted the following resolution : " That, as the people have declared they would rather be governed by the powers granted by the charter, without regard to the fundamental constitutions, it will be for their quiet, and the protection of the well- disposed, to grant their request." Thus perished the legislative labours of John Locke. Their abolition was unregretted by any party, for they had neither insured obedience to the government, nor afforded happiness to the people. Ludwell had been superseded in his office by Thoraas Smith, an eminent planter, and an upright and popular magistrate. His short administration was signalized by an occurrence that produced last ing and extensive effects on the prosperity of Carolina. A vessel from Madagascar, on her homeward voyage to Britain, happening to touch at Charleston, the captain presented the governor with a bag of seed rice, which he said he had seen growing in eastern countries, where it was deemed excellent food, and yielded a prodigious increase. The governor divided' it between several of his friends, who found the result to exceed their most sanguine expectations. From this circumstance Carolina dates the rise of her staple commodity, the chief support of her people, and the main source of her opulence. Notwithstanding the prudent administration of Smith, the colony still remained in a confused and turbulent state. Complaints from every quarter were made to the governor, who was neither able to quiet the minds of the people nor to afford them the relief they wanted. At length he wrote to the proprietors, and frankly told them, that he despaired of ever uniting the people in interest and affection ; that he, and many more, weary of the fluctuating state of public affairs, had resolved to leave the province ; and that he was convinced nothing would bring the settlers to a state of tranquillity and harm.ony, unless they sent out one of the proprietors with full powtr to redress grievances, and settle differences prevailing, and likely to prevail more, in their colony. The proprietors, astonished at the discontented spirit of the people, yet, anxious to prevent the settlement from being ruined, resolved to try the remedy Land grave Smith had suggested ; and they accordingly solicited John Archdale, a man of considerable know ledge and discretion, a quaker, and a proprietor, to accept the office. Great trust was reposed in him, and much was expected from his abilities. He succeeded in restoring order, but found the antipathy against the unfortunate French exiles too great to be encoun tered with any hope of success, until softened by time and their amiable deportment. These produced the effects which he anticipated ; and subsequently they were admitted by the general assembly to all the rights of citizens and freemen. It was not the inten tion of Archdale to remain longer in Carolina than was necessary for the adjustment of the existing con troversies ; and having effected this object in a degree that had surpassed the expectations of all parties, he returned to England in the close of the year 1696, loaded with the grateful benedictions of a people to whose peace and prosperity he had been so highly instrumental. To Archdale had been confided the power of nomi nating his successor ; and he conferred the office on Joseph Blake, nephew of the English admiral, a man of virtue, prudence, and nioderation, acceptable to the people, and a proprietary of the province, who go verned the colony wisely and happily for a period of four years. He appears to have made the most lau dable endeavours to promote the religious instruction of the people, and to facilitate the exercise of worship to all denominations of Christian professors. Though himself a dissenter, he caused a bill to be introduced into the assembly for settling a perpetual provision of 150Z. a year, with a house and other advantages, on the episcopal minister of that city. The person who then occupied this ministerial situation having gained universal regard by his piety and prudence, and the dissenters in the house acquiescing in the measure from regard to this individual, the bill was passed into a law. " Those who think that the dis senters acted amiss," says Grahame, " and stretched their liberality beyond the proper confines of this virtue, in thus promoting the national establishment of a church from which they dissented, will regard the persecution they soon after sustained from the episcopal party as a merited retribution for their practical negation of dissenting principles. Those 148 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. who judge more leniently an error (if it be such) which there is little reason to suppose will be ever frequent in the world, will regret and condemn the ungrateful return which the dissenters experienced from a party for whose advantage they had incurred so great a sacrifice."* Blake died in the year 1700, and with him ended the interval of tranquillity which had orignated with the government of Archdale. Under the rule of his successor, James Moore, the colony was agitated by religious disputes. Lord Granville, one of the pro prietors, a bigoted churchman, in conjunction with the governor, resolved to effect, if possible, the estab lishment of episcopacy. They Avere well aware that a majority of the people were dissenters, and that by art and intrigue only could their design be accom plished. Moore, who was avaricious and venal, became the tool of Granville. He interfered in the elections, and, by bribing the voters, succeeded in procuring a majority in the assembly who would be subservient to his wishes. A law was passed estab- Ushitig the episcopal religion, and excluding dissenters from a seat in the assembly. It was laid before the proprietors, without whose sanction it could not pos sess permanent validity. Archdale, who had returned to England, opposed it with ability and spirit. He insisted that good faith, policy, interest, and even piety, concurred to dictate its rejection. But Lord Granville declared himself in favour of it, and it received confirmation. The dissenters thus saw themselves at once deprived of those privUeges for whicli they had abandoned their native country, and encountered the dangers and hardships of the ocean and a wilderness. Some prepared to leave the colony and settle in Pennsylvania. Others proposed that a remonstrance against the law should first be presented to the house of lords, and this measure was adopted. The lords expressed, by a vote, their disapprobation of the law, and, upon their solicitation, Q,ueen Anne declared it void. Soon after Lord Granville died, and, controlled by more liberal councils, the colony again enjoyed the blessings of domestic tranquillity. In 1702, a rupture having taken place in Europe between England and Spain, the attention of the colony was directed to a different object, which afforded Governor Moore an opportunity of exercising his military talents, and a prospect of enriching him self by Spanish plunder or Indian captives. He proposed to the assembly an expedition against the Spanish settlement at Augustine. Many applauded the proposal, but men of cool reflection were averse ? History of the TJnited States, vol, ii, p, 168. from rushing into any hazardous enterprise. A great majority of the assembly, however, declared for the expedition, and a sum of two thousand pounds sterliuff was voted for the service of the war. Six hundred Indians were engaged, who, being fond of warlike exploits, gladly accepted of arms and ammu nition offered them for their aid and assistance. Six hundred provincial militia were raised, and schooners and merchant ships were impressed for transports to carry the forces. Port Royal was fixed upon as the place of general rendezvous, and there, in Sep tember, the governor, at the head of his warriors, embarked in an expedition as rash and fool-hardy on one side, as it was unprovoked on the other. In the plan of operations, it had been agreed that Colonel Daniel, who was an officer of spirit, should go by the inland passage with a party of militia and Indians, and make a descent on the town from the land, while the governor with the main body should proceed by sea, and block up the harbour. Colonel Daniel lost no time, but advanced against the town, and entered and plundered it before the governor got forward to his assistance ; but the Spaniards having laid up pro visions for four months in the castle, on his approach they retired to it, with all their money and most valuable effects. Upon the arrival of Governor Moore, the place was invested with a force against which the Spaniards could not appear, and they therefore kept themselves shut up in their strong-hold. The governor finding it impossible to dislodge them without such artillery as are necessary to a siege, despatched a sloop to Jamaica, on purpose to bring cannon, bombs, and mortars, for attacking the castle ; and Colonel Daniel embarked and sailed with the greatest expedition to bring them. During his ab sence two Spanish ships, the one of twenty-two guns ' and the other of sixteen, appeared off the mouth of the harbour, and struck such a panic into the governor, that he instantly raised the siege, abandoned his ships, and made a precipitate retreat to Carolina by land ; ih consequence of which, the Spaniards in the garri son were not only relieved, but the ships, provisions, and ammunition, belonging to the Carolinians, fell also into their hands. Colonel Daniel, on his return, standing in for the harbour of Augustine, to his sur prise, found the seige raised, and made a narrow escape from the enemy. Upon his return to Carolina, as might naturally have been expected, many severe reflections were thrown out against the governor. The expedition entailed a debt of six thousand pounds sterling on a poor colony, which, at that period, was a grievous burden. A bill was passed by the assembly for HISTORY OF THE TJNITED STATES. 14« stamping bills of credit to answer the public expense, which were to be sunk in three years by a duty laid upon liquors, skins, and furs. This was the first paper money issued in Carolina, and, for five or six years after the emission, ft passed in the country at the same value and rate with the sterling money of England ; but as the quantity was subsequently augmented, the value decreased in proportion. Governor Moore resolved to retrieve his character in a new field of enterprise. Exasperated by the insults and injuries which the Apalachian Indians were instigated by the Spaniards to commit, he deter mined by one vigorous effort to break their power. At the head of a strong detachment of the colonial militia, attended by a body of Indian allies, he marched into the hostile settlements, defeated the enemy with the loss of eight hundred men, and compelled the whole district of Apalachia to submit to the English government. To render his conquest permanent, he transplanted fourteen hundred of the Apalachian In dians to the territory which is now denominated Georgia ; a measure which appears to have paved the way to the subsequent settlement of the English in that part of the country. In 1706, the Spaniards from Florida, aided also by the French, made an attack on Carolina. Nathaniel Johnson, who had succeeded Moore as governor, having received intimation of their approach, erected fortifications, and made arrange ments to obtain, on short warning, the assistance of the militia. When the enemy's fieet appeared before Charleston, the whole strength of the colony was summoned to defend it ; and these vigorous demon strations insured its safety. Satisfied with the de struction of a few detached buildings, the enemy retired, leaving one of their ships, and ninety men, in possession of the Carolinians. The northern colony continued to receive acces sions to its strength from several of the European states. In 1707, a company of French protestants arrived, and seated themselves on the river Trent, a branch of the Neuse ; and three years afterwards a large number of palatines, fleeing from religious per-. secution in Germany, sought refuge in the same part of the province. To each of these bodies of emigrants the proprietors granted a hundred acres of land. On their newly acquired possessions they were living in peace, in the enjoyment of liberty of conscience, and in the prospect of competence and ease, when sud denly a terrible calamity fell upon them. The Tus carora and Coree Indians, smarting under recent aggressions, and dreading total extinction from the encroachment of these strangers, with characteristic secrecy, plotted their entire destruction. Sending their families to one of their fortified towns, twelve hundred bowmen sallied forth, and in the same night attacked, in separate parties, the nearest settxements of the palatines. Men, women, and children, were indiscriminately butchered. The savages, with the swiftness and ferocity of wolves, ran from viUage to village. Before them was the repose of innocence ; behind, the sleep of death, A few escaping alarmed the settlements more remote, and hastened to South Carolina for assistance. Governor Craven imme diately despatched to the aid of the sister colony nearly a thousand men, under the command of Colo^ nel Barnwell. Hideous was the wilderness through which Colonel Barnwell had to march, and the utmost expedition was requisite. There was no road through the woods upon which either horses or carriages could pass ; and his army had all manner of hardships and dangers to encounter, from the climate, the wilder ness, and the enemy. In spite of every difficulty, however, Barnwell advanced against them, and being much better supplied with arms and ammunition than his enemy, he did great execution among them, kill ing in the first battle three hundred Indians, and taking about one hundred prisoners. The Tusca roras then retreated to their town, fortified within a wooden breastwork ; but there Barnwell surrounded them, and forced them to sue for peace ; and some of his men being wounded, and others having suf fered greatly by constant watching, and much hunger and fatigue, the savages the more easily obtained their request. After having killed, wounded, or captured nearly a thousand Tuscaroras, Barnwell returned to South Carolina. The peace was, however, of short duration, and upon the recommencement of hostilities, assistance was again solicited from the southern colony. Colonel James Moore, an active young ofl[icer, was immediately despatched, with forty white men and eight hundred friendly Indians. He found the enemy in a fort near Cotechny river; and after a siege, which continued more than a week, the fort was taken, and eight hundred Indians made prisoners. The Tuscaroras, disheartened by this defeat, migrated, in 1713, to the north, and joined the celebrated confederacy, denominated the Five Nations. The others sued for peace, and afterwards continued friendly. The northern colony had scarcely recovered from the scourge of Indian war, when the southern was exposed to the same calamity. All the tribes from Florida to Cape Fear, had been for some time en gaged in a conspiracy to extirpate the whites. On the day before the Yamassees began their bloody opera tions, Captain Nairn and some of the traders observ 150 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. ing an uncommon gloom on their savage counte nances, and apparently great agitations of spirit, which to them prognosticated approaching mischief, went to their chief men, begging to know the cause of their uneasiness, and promising if auA injury had been done them, to give them satisfaction. The chiefs replied, they had no complaints to make against any one, but intended to go a-hunting early the next morning. Captain Nairn accordingly went to sleep, and the traders retired to their huts, and passed the night in seeming friendship and tranquiUity. But next morning at day-break, the 15th day of April, all were alarmed with the cries of war. The leaders were all out under arms, calling upon their followers, and proclaiming aloud designs of vengeance. The young men, burning with fury and passion, flew to their arms, and in a few hours, massacred above ninety persons iiiPocotaligo town and the neighbour ing plantations ; and many more must have fallen a sacrifice on Port Royal island, had they not provi dentially been warned of their danger. Mr. Burrows, a captain of the militia, after receiving two wounds, by swimming one mile and running ten, escaped to Port Royal, and alarmed the town. A vessel hap pening fortunately to be in the harbour, the inhabi tants, in great hurry, repaired on board, and sailed for Charleston ; a few families of planters on that is land, not having timely notice, fell into the barbarous hands of the Indians, and of them some were mur dered, and others made prisoners of war. While the Yamassees, Avith whom the Creeks and Apalachians had joined, were advancing against the southern frontiers, and spreading desolation and slaughter through the province, the colonists on the northern borders also found the Indians among- their settlements in formidable parties. The Carolinians had foolishly entertained hopes of the friendship of the Congarees, the Catawbas, and Cherokees ; but they soon found that they had also joined in the con spiracy, and declared for war. It was computed that the southern division ofthe enemy consisted of above six thousand bowmen, and the northern of between si.x hundred and a thousand. In the muster-roll at Charleston, there were no more than one thousand two hunderd men fit to bear arms, but as the town had several forts into which the inhabitants might retreat, Governor Craven resolved to march with this small force into the woods against the enemy. He pro claimed martial law, and laid an embargo on all ships, to prevent either men or provisions from leaving the country. He obtained an act of assembly, empower ing him to impress men, and seize arms, ammunition, and stores, wherever they were to be found, to arm such trusty negroes as might be serviceable at a junc ture so critical, and to prosecute the war with the utmost vigour. Being no stranger to the ferocious temper of his enemies, and their horrid cruelty to prisoners, the governor advanced against them by slow and cautious steps, always keeping the strictest guard round his army. He knew well under what advantages they fought among their native thickets, and the various wiles and stratagems they made use of in conducting their wars ; and therefore he was watchful above all things against surprises, which might throw his foUowers into disorder, and defeat the end of his enterprise. The fate of the whole pro vince depended on the success of his arms, and his men had no other alternative but to conquer or die a painful death. As he advanced, the straggling par ties fled before him, until he reached Saltcatchers where they had pitched their great camp. Here a shai-p and bloody battle ensued from behind trees and bushes, the Indians whooping, hallooing, and giv ing way one while, and then again and again return ing with double fury to the charge. But the govern or, notwithstanding their superior number, and their terrible shrieks, kept the provincials close at their heels, and drove them before him like a fiock of wolves. He expelled them from their settlement at Indian River, pursued them over the Savannah, and entirely freed the province of this formidable tribe of savages. Wliat number of the army was killed does not appear ; but in the whole war nearly four hun dred unfortunate inhabitants of Carolina fell a prey to Indian cruelty, property of great value was de stroyed, and a large debt contracted. The proprietors, though earnestly solicited, refus ed to afford any relief, or to pay any portion of the debt. The assembly, therefore, determined to remu nerate the colony, by disposing of the land from which the Indians had been driven. The terms of fered were so favourable, that five hundred Irishmen immediately came over, and planted themselves on the frontiers. The proprietors, most unwisely as well as unjustly, refused to sanction the proceedings of the assembly, and deprived these emigrants of their lands. Reduced to extreme poverty, some perished from want, while others resorted to the northern colo nies ; and thus a strong barrier between the old set tlements and the savages was removed, and the coun try again exposed to their incursions. The people were exasperated, and longed for a change of mas ters ; and the corrupt and oppressive conduct ol Trott, the chief justice, and Rhett, the receiver-gene ral, increased the discontent. Of the former, the go vernor and councU complained to the proprietors, and HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. loi solicited his recall ; but, instead of removing him, they thanked him for his services, and removed the governor and council. With the governor next ap pointed, though a man generally beloved, the assem bly refused to have any concern or intercourse. They drew up articles of impeachment against Trott, ac cusing him of corruption and gross misconduct, and sent an agent to England, to maintain their accusa tion before the proprietors ; but hewas still continued in office. The patience of the people now became exhausted, and they waited only for a favourable opportunity to throw off their oppressive yoke. In 1719, at a gene ral review of the militia at Charleston, occasioned by a threatened invasion of the colony from Florida, the officers and soldiers bound themselves by a solemn compact, to support each other in resisting the tyran ny of the proprietors ; and the assembly, which was then in session, requested Governor Johnson to con sent to administer the government in the name of the king ; but he refused, and dissolved the assembly by proclamation. The members immediately met as a convention, and elected Colonel James Moore their governor.* He was a bold man, and exceedingly well qualified for a popular leader in a turbulent sea son. He accepted the appointment, and assisted by the convention, and supported by the people, adminis tered the affairs of the colony. The representatives of the people took a dislike to the name of a conven tion, voted themselves an assembly, and assumed the power of appointing all public officers. In place of * The declaration of this convention was as follows : " Whereas the proprietors of this province have of late assuraed to themselves an arbitrary and illegal power, of repealing such laws as the ge neral assembly of this settlement have thought fit to make for the preservation and defence thereof, and acted in many other things contrary to the laws of England, and the charter to them and us, freemen, granted ; whereby we are deprived of those measures we had taken for the defence of the settlement, being the south-west frontier of his majesty's territories in America, and thereby left naked to the attacks of our inveterate eneraies and next door neigh bours, the Spaniards, from whom, through the Divine Providence, we have had a miraculous deliverance, and daily expect to be in vaded by them, according to the repealed advices we have frora time to time received from several places : and whereas, pursuant to the instrnctions and authorities to us given, and trust in us reposed by the inhabitants of this settlement, and in execution of the resolu tions by us made, we did in -due form apply ourselves in a whole body, by an address, to the Honourable Robert Johnson, appointed governor of this province by the lords proprietors, and desired him, in the name of the inhabitants of this province, lo take upon him the government of the same, and in behalf of his majesty the king of Great Britain, Prance, and Ireland, until his majesty's pleasure had been known, ^ich the said governor refusing to do, exclusive of the pretended power of the lords proprietors over the settle ment, has put us under the necessity of applying to some other per son, to take upon him, as governor, the administration of all the affairs, civil and military, within the settlement, in the name and for the service of his most sacred majesty, as well as making treaties, alliances, and leagues, with any nation of the Indians, until his majesty's pleasure herein be further known : and whereas James Trott, they made Richard AUein chief justice. Ano ther person was appointed provincial secretaiy, in the room of Charles Hart. But Rhett, by becoming obsequious to the humours of the revolutionists, se cured the same office he held from the proprietors. Co lonel Barnwell was chosen agent for the province and embarked for England, with instructions and orders to apply only to the king, to lay a statement of their public proceedings before him, praying him to take the province under his immediate care and pro tection. The fortifications at Charleston they ordered to be immediately repaired, and Rhett was nomina ted inspector-general of the repairs. To their new governor they voted two thousand five hundred pounds, and to their chief justice eight hundred pounds, current money, as yearly salaries. To their agent in England one thousand pounds sterhng was transmitted ; and to defray those and the other expen ses of government, a law was passed for laying a tax on lands and negroes, to raise thirty thousand pounds, Carolina money, for the service of the current year. In short, this popular assembly imposed such burdens on their constituents, as under the proprietary go vernment would have been deemed intolerable griev ances. When, however, they began to levy those heavy taxes. Governor Johnson and some of his par ty refused to pay, giving for reason, that the act was not made by lawful authority. On account of his particular circumstances, Mr. Johnson was exempted ; but they resolved to compel every other person to sub mit to their jurisdiction, and yield implicit obedience Moore, a person well affected to his present majesty, and also zeal ous for the interest of the settlement, now in a sinking condition, has been prevailed with, pursuant to such our application, to take upon him, in the king's name, and for the king's service and safety of the settlement, the above-mentioned charge and trust : we, therefore, whose naraes are hereunto subscribed, the representatives and delegates of his majesty's liege people, and free-born subjects of the said settlement, now met in convention at Charleston, in their names, and in behalf of his sacred majesty, George, by the grace of God, king of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, in con sideration of his former and many great services, having great con fidence in his firm loyalty to our most gracious king, George, as well as in his conduct, courage, and olher great abilities, do here by declare the said James Moore his majesty's governor of this set tlement, invested wilh all the powers and authorities belonging ana appertaining to any of his majesty's governors in America, till his majesty's pleasure herein shall be further known. And we do here by, for ourselves, in the name and on the behalf of the inhabitants of the said settlement, as their representatives and delegates, pro- raise and oblige ourselves raost soleranly to obey, main lain, assist, and support the said Jaraes Moore, in the adrainistration of all affairs, civil and railitary, within this settlement, as well as in the execution of all his functions aforesaid, as governor for his sacred majesty. King George, And further, we do expect and command, that all officers, both civil and military, within the settlement, do pay him all duly and obedience as his majesty's governor, as they shall answer to the contrary at their utmost peril. Given under our hand, at the convention, this 21st day of December, 17 19."..^ History of South Carolina, vol, i, p. 276—278. l52 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. to their laws. They forcibly seized the effects or negroes of such as refused, sold them by public auc tion, and applied the money for the payraent of their taxes. Thus, in spite of all opposition, they estab lished themselves in the full possession of govern ment, both in their legislative and executive capaci ties. The agent for Carolina at length procured a hear- * About this period an incidenl occurred, which, as it eminently illustrates the nature, extent, and folly of religious enthusiasm, (as distinct from the sincere fervour of a rational faith as it is from the cold formality of pharisaism, or the desolating mania of skep- licism,) should not be passed unnoticed, especially as the spread of knowledge has not, in our own age, prevented similar disgraceful and blasphemous follies from procuring disciples and advocates. Perhaps some individuals, who have been accustomed lo confound the yet too limiled exertions of an evangelical benevolence with the folly of enthusiasm, may learn the immense breadih of a distinc tion, which it is not to the honour of their rational powers so long lo have overlooked, " The family of Dulartres, consisting of four sons and four daughters, were descendants of French refugees, who came into Carolina after the revocation of the edict of Nantz, They lived in Orange-quarter, and, though in low circumstances, always main tained an honest character, and were esteemed by their neighbours, persons of blameless and irreproachable lives. But at this lime a strolling Moravian preacher happening lo come to that quarter where they lived, insinuated himself inlo their family, and partly by conversation, and partly by Ihe writings of Jacob Behmen, which he put into their hands, iilled their heads with wild and fan tastic ideas. Unhappily for the poor family, those strange notions gained ground on them, insorauch that in one year they began to withdraw themselves from the ordinances of public worship, and all conversation with the world around thera, and strongly to iraa- gine they were the only family upon earth who had the knowledge of the true God, and whom he vouchsafed to instruct, either by the immediate impulses of his Spirit, or by signs and tokens from hea ven, Al length it carae to open visions and revelation, God raised up a prophet araong them, like unto Moses, lo whom he taught them lo hearken. This prophet was Peter Rombert, who had raarried the eldest daughter of the family when a widow. To this raan the Author and Governor of the world deigned lo reveal, in the plain est raanner, that the wickedness of man was again so great in the world, Ihot, as in the days of Noah, he was determined to destroy all men from off the face of it, except one family whora he would save for raising up a godly seed upon earlh. This revelation Peter Rorabert was sure of, and felt it as plain as the wind blowing on his body, and the rest of the family, wilh equal confidence and pre- suraption, firmly believed il, " A few days after this, God was pleased lo reveal hiraself a second time to the prophet, saying, Put away the woman whom thou hast for thy wife, and when I have destroyed this wicked generation, I will raise up her first husband frora the dead, and they shall be raan and wife as before, and go thou and take to wife her youngest sis ter, who is a virgin, so shall the chosen faraily be restored entire, and the holy seed preserved pure and undefiled in it. Al first the father, when he heard of this revelation, was staggered at so ex traordinary a coraraand frora heaven ; but the prophet assured him that God would give hira a sign, which accordingly happened ; upon which the old man took his youngest daughter by the hand, and gave her to the wise prophet immediately for his wife. Thus, for some lime, they continued in acts of incest and adultery, until that period which raade the fatal discovery, and introduced the bloody scene of blind fanaticism and madness, " 'Those deluded wretches were so far possessed with the false conceit of their own righteousness and holiness, and of the horrid wickedness of all others, that they refused obedience to the civil magistrate, and all laws and ordinances of men. Upon pretence that God comraanded them to hear no arms, they not only refused to comply wilh the militia law, but also the laws for repairing the ing from the lords ofthe regency and council iu Eng land, the king being at that time in Hanover • Avho gave it as their opinion, that the proprietors had for feited their charter, and ordered the attorney-general to take out a scire facias against it. In consequence of this decision, in September, 1720, they appointed General Francis Nicholson provisional governor of the province, with a commission from the king.* highways. After long forbearance, Mr, Simmons, a worlhy raa gistrate, and the ofiicer of the militia in that quarter, found it ne cessary to issue his warrants for levying the penalty of the laws upon them. But by this time Judith Dutartre, the wife of Ihe pro phet obtained by revelation, proving with child, another warrant was issued for bringing her before the justice to be examined, and bound over to the general sessions, in consequence of a law of the province, fraraed for preventing bastardy. The constable having received his warrants, and being jealous of meeting with no good usage in the execution of his ofiice, prevailed on two or three of his neighbours to go along wilh him. The family observing the constable coming, and being apprised of his errand, consulted their prophet, who soon told them that God coramanded them to arm and defend themselves against persecution, and their substance against the robberies of ungodly men, assuring them at the same lime that no weapon formed against them should prosper. Accordingly they did so, and laying hold of their arras, fired on the constable and his followers, and drove thera out of their plantation. Such beha viour was not to he tolerated, and therefore. Captain Siramons ga thered a party of militia, and went to protect the constable in the execution of his office. When the deluded family saw Ihe justice and his parly approaching, they shut themselves up in their house, and firing from it like furies, shot Captain Simmons dead on the spot, and wounded several of his party. The militia returned the fire, killed one woraan within the house, and afterwards forcibly entering it, took the rest prisoners, six in number, and brought them lo Charleston, At the court of general sessions, held in Sep teraber, 172-1, three of thera were brought to trial, found guilty, and condemned, Alas ! miserable creatures, what amazing infa tuation possessed them I They pretended they had the Spirit of God leading them lo all truth, they knew it, and felt it; but this spirit, instead of influencing them to obedience, purity, and peace, coramanded them to comrail rebellion, incest, and murder. What is still more astonishing, the principal persons araong them, I mean the prophet, the father of the family, and Michael Boneau, never were convinced of their delusion, but persisted in it until their last brealh. During their trial, they appeared altogether unconcerned and secure, affirming that God was on their side, and therefore, they feared not whal man could do unto them. They freely told the incestuous story in open court, in all its circumstances and ag gravations, with a good countenance, and very readily confessed the facts respecting their rebellion and murder, wilh which they stood charged, but pleaded their authority from God in vindication of themselves, and insisted they had done nothing in either case but by his express command. As it is comraonly the duty of clergy men to visit persons under sentence of death, both to convince them of their error and danger, and prepare them for death by bringing thera to a penitent disposition, Alexander Garden, the episcopal minister of Charleston, to whom we are indebted for this account, attended these condemned persons with great diligence and concern. What they had affirmed in the court of justice, they repeated and confessed to him in like manner in the prison. When he began to reason with them, and to explain the heinous nature of their crimes, they treated him with disdain. Their motto was. Answer him not a word ; who is he that shall presumeTo teach tliem, who had the Spirit of God speaking inwardly to their souls. In all they had done, they said they had obeyed the voice of God, and were now about to suffer martyrdom for his religion. But God had as sured them, that he would either work a deliverance for them, or raise them up from the dead on the third day. These things the three raen continued confidently to believe, and notwithstanding all the means used to convince them of their mistake, persisted HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 153 Several years afterwards, seven ofthe proprietors sold to the king their claim to the soil and rents, and all of them assigned to him their right of jurisdiction. The government of both Carolinas was subsequently administered in each colony by a governor and coun cil appointed by the crown, and by assemblies chosen by the people. After the purchase of the province, the first ob ject of the royal concern was, to establish the peace of the colony on the most firm and permanent foun dation ; and to attain this object, treaties of union and alliance with Indian nations were deemed essen tially necessary. For this purpose Sir Alexander Cumming was appointed, and sent out to conclude a treaty of alliance with the Cherokees, at this time a warlike and formidable nation of savages, occupying the lands about the river of Savannah, and extend ing to the Apalachian mountains. About the begin- ing of the year 1730, Sir Alexander arrived in Caro lina, and made preparations for his journey to the dis tant hills. After a conference with the chiefs, they consented to acknowledge King George as their so vereign, and several of them repaired to England, as a deputation, to do homage to the British king. We shall not pretend to describe their feelings on behold ing the metropolis of Great Britain, or their amaze- in the same belief until the moraent they expired. At their execu tion they told the spectators, wilh seeming triumph, they should soon see thera again, for they were certain they should rise from the dead on the third day, Wilh respect to the other three, the daughter Judiih being with child, was not tried, and the two sons, David and John Dutartre, about eighteen and twenty years of age, having been also tried and condemned, continued sullen and reserved, in hopes of seeing those that were executed rise from the dead, but being disappointed, they became, or at least seemed to become, sensible of their error, and were both pardoned. Yet, not long afterwards, one of them relapsed into the same snare, and murdered an innocent person, without either provocation or pre vious quarrel, and for no other reason, as he confessed, but that God had commanded him so to do. Being a second time brought to trial, he was found guilty of raurder, and condemned, Mr, Gar den attended him again under the second sentence, and, he acknow ledged, with great appearance of success. No man could appear more deeply sensible of his error and delusion, or could die a more sincere and hearty penitent on account of his horrid crimes. With great attention he listened to Mr. Garden, while he explained to him the terms of pardon and salvation proposed in the gospel, and seemed to die in the hurable hopes of mercy, through the all-suffi cient merits of a Redeemer. " Thus ended that tragical scene of fanaticism, in which seven persons lost their lives, — one was killed, two were murdered, and four executed for the murders. A signal and melancholy instance of the weakness and frailty of human nature, and to what giddy heights of extravagance and madness an inflamed imagination will carry unfortunate mortals." — History of Carolina, vol, i, p 302 — 307. ? " This treaty, that it might be easier understood, was drawn up in language as similar as possible to that of the Indians, which at this time was very little known in England, and given to them, certified and approved by Sir Alexander Cumming, In answer to which, Skijagustah, in the name of the rest, made a speech to the fcUowing effect : — ' We are come hither from a mountainous place, where nothing but darkness is to be found — but we are now in a Vol. I.— Nos. 13 & 14. 20 ment at the extent of the city, the number of the peo pie, and the splendour of the army and court. Being admitted into the presence of the king, they, in thi- name of their nation, promised to continue for evei his majesty's faithful and obedient subjects. A trea ty was drawn up, and signed by the secretary to the lords commissioners of trade and plantations on one side, and by the six chiefs on the other.* The Cherokees, however barbarous, were a free and independent people ; and this method of obtain ing a share of their lands by the general consent, was fair and honourable in itself, and most agreeable to the general principles of equity, and the English constitution. An agreement was made with them, in consequence of which the king could not only give a just tide to Indian lands ; but, by Indians becoming his voluntary subjects, the colonists obtained peace able possession. The Cherokees held abundance of territory from nature, and could spare a share of it with little injury to themselves ; but reason and jus tice required that it be obtained by their free consent. By such treaties mutual presents were made, mutual obligations were established, and, for the performance of the conditions required, the honour and faith of both parties were pledged. Even to men in a bar barons state, such policy was the most agreeable, as place where there is light, — There was a person in our country — he gave us a yellow token of warlike honour, which is left with Moyioy, of Telliquo — and as warriors we received it, — He came to us like a warrior from you, — A man he is; — his talk is upright — and the token he left preserves his meraory araong us, — We look upon you as if the great king were present ; — we lo .e you as re presenting the great king ; — we shall die in the same way of think ing, — The crown of our nation is different frora that which the great King George wears, and from that we saw in the tower, — - But lo us it is all one, — The chain of friendship shall be carried to our people, — We look upon the great King George as the sun, and as our father, and upon ourselves as his children, — For though we are red, and you are white, yet our hands and hearts are joined logether, — When we shall have acquainted our people v/iih whal we have seen, our children frora generation to generation will always reraeraber it, — In war we shall ahvays be one with }'ou. The eneraies of the great king shall be our enemies ; — his people and ours shall be one, and shall die together, — We came hilher naked and poor as the worms of the earth, bul you have every thing, — and we that have nothing must love you, and will never break the chain of friendship which is between us, — Here stands the governor of Carolina, whora we know, — This sraall rope we show you is all that we have to bind our slaves with, and it may be broken, — But you have iron chains for yours, — However, if we catch yoiw slaves, we will bind thera as well as we can, and deliver them to our friends, and take no pay for il, — We have looked round for the person that was in our country — he is not here ; — however, we must say he talked uprightly lo us, and we shall never forget hira, — Your white people may very safely build houses near us;— we shall hurt nothing that belongs to them, for we are children of one father, the great king, and shall live and die together,' Then laying down his feathers upon the table, he added, ' This is our way of talking, which is the same thing to us as your letters in the book are to you ; and to you, beloved men, we deliver these feathers in confirmation of all we have said, ' " — History of South Ca^olin^ vol. ii. p. 9, 1 0. 154 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. will afterwards clearly appear ; for the Cherokees, in consequence of this treaty, for many years remained in a state of perfect friendship and peace with the colonists, who followed their various employments in the neighbourhood of those Indians without the least terror or molestation. As a natural consequence of its domestic security, the credit of the province in England increased. The merchants of London, Bristol, and Liverpool, turned their eyes to Carolina, as a new and promising chan nel of trade, and established houses in Charleston for conducting their business with the greater ease and success. Hitherto, however, small progress in culti vation had been made, and the face of the country appeared like a desert, with little spots here and there cleared, scarcely discernible amidst the immense forest. Charleston, at this time, consisted of between five and six hundred houses, mostly built of timber, and neither well constructed nor comfortable ; but from this period the province improved in building as well as in agriculture ; many ingenious artificers and tradesmen of different kinds found encouragement in it, and introduced a taste for brick buildings, and more neat and pleasant habitations. In process of time, as the colony increased in numbers, the face of the country changed, and the planters made a rapid progress towards wealth and independence. At this period, for the relief of poor and indigent people of Great Britain and Ireland, and for the security of the southern frontier of Carolina, the settlement of a new colony between the rivers Alatamaha and Savannah was projected in England. The Carolinas now attracted general attention, and their population was increased by accessions from several of the states of Europe. Encouraged by the assurances and the arrangements of their countryman, John Peter Pury, a native of Neufchatel, in Switzer land, one hundred and seventy persons emigrated with him to this province, and not long after they were joined by two hundred more. The governor, according to agreement, allotted forty thousand acres of land for the use of the Swiss settlement on the north-east side of Savannah river ; and a town was marked out for their accommodation, which he called Purisburgh, from the name of the principal promoter of the settlement. These settlers, however, felt very severely the change of climate, to which many of their lives fell a sacrifice ; and for some years the survivors deeply regretted the voluntary banishment to which they had subjected themselves. In the same year, according to a plan that had been recently adopted in England for the more speedy population aud settlement of Carolina, eleven townships were marked out on the sides of rivers, in square plats each consisting of twenty thousand acres. Two of these townships were laid out on the Alatamaha ; two on the Savannah ; two on the Santee ; one on the Pedee ; one on the Wacamaw ; one on the Wateree ; and one on Black River. The lands in these townships were divided into shares of fifty acres for each man, woman, and child, who should come over to occupy and improve them. In 1737, multitudes of labourers and husbandmen in Ireland, unable to procure a comfortable subsistence for theii families in their native land, embarked for Carolina. The first colony of Irish, receiving a grant of lands near Santee River, formed a settlement, which was called Williamsburgh. In 1738, an alarming insurrection of the negroes occurred in the southern colony. A number of them assembled at Stono, and surprised and killed two men who had charge of a warehouse, from whicli they took guns and ammunition. They then chose a captain, and, with drums beating and colours flying, marched south-westward. They burned every house on their way, killed all the whites they could find, and compelled other negroes to join them. Governor Bull, who was returning to Charleston from the southward, accidentally met them, hastened out of their way, and spread an alarm. The news soon reached Wiltown, where, fortunately, a large congre gation were attending divine service. The men having, according to a law of the province, brought their arms to the place of worship, marched instantly in quest of the negroes, who, by this time, had become formidable, and spread terror and desolation around them, having killed about twenty of the whites. WhUe, in an open field, they were carousing and dancing, with frantic exultation at their late success, they were suddenly attacked ; some were kUled, and the remainder took to flight, but most of them were taken and tried. Those who had been compelled to join the conspirators were pardoned ; but the leaders and principal instigators suffered death. Under ap prehensions resulting, probably, from this rebellion, the legislature of South Carolina passed an act, that whoever shall teach, or cause any slave or slaves to be taught to write, or shall use or employ any slave as a scribe in any manner of writing whatsoever, shall, for every such offence, forfeit the sum of one hundred pounds.* From this period until the era of the revolution, n important event occurred in these colonies. They were sometimes distressed by Indian wars ; but the * Grimke's Public Laws of South Carolina. be " current money." The fine v-as lo HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 155 number of inhabitants, and the means of subsistence and comfort, were constantly increasing. Among other sources of wealth, the cultivation of the Indigo plant deserves particular notice. Some seed imported from the West Indies was sown as an experiment ; and it was so entirely successful, that several planters turned their immediate attention to its culture, and studied the art of extracting the dye. At the port of Charleston, during the year 1744, two hundred and thirty vessels were loaded, and fifteen hundred seamen were employed in the trade of Carolina. The Carolinas were frequently exposed to the in jurious effects of war from the French and Spaniards, as well as from some of the Indian tribes ; but after the treaty of Paris, the progress of these colonies was no longer retarded from that cause. The assembly of South Carolina, taking advantage of the peaceful state of the colony to encourage emigration, appro priated a large fund for bounties to foreign protestants, and such industrious poor people of Great Britain and Ireland as should resort to the province within three years, and settle on the inland parts. Two townships, each containing forty-eight thousand acres, were laid out ; one on the river Savannah, called Mecklenburgh, and the other on the waters of Santee at Long Cane, called Londonderry. Not long after, the colony received a considerable accession from Germany, the occasion of which was peculiar. Be tween five and six hundred poor Germans, seduced into England by deceitful promises, were commise rated by the citizens of London, who provided for their rehef. The king expressing a desire of trans porting them to Carolina, two ships were furnished for their accommodation, and provisions for their voyage, and a hundred and fifty stand of arms were ordered from the Tower, and given them by the king. On their arrival, in April, at Charleston, the assembly of the province voted five hundred pounds sterling to be distributed among them ; one of the two townships was allotted to them, and divided in the most equita ble manner into small tracts, for the convenience of each family; and all possible assistance was given toward their speedy and comfortable settlement. Caro lina also received at this time more than two hundred settlers from France. The province furnished them with the means of conveyance to Long Cane, where vacant lands were laid out for their use, to which they gave the name of New Bordeaux, after the capi tal of the province from which most of them had emigrated. Besides foreign protestants, several per sons emigrated from England and Scotland, and great multitudes from Ireland, and settled in Carolina. An accession was also derived from the northern colonies, from which, in the space of one year, above a thousand families removed thither. To these ad venturers, lands in small tracts were allotted on the frontiers, by which means the back settlements soon became the most populous part of the province, while the whole felt the important benefits resulting from such accessions to its population. CHAPTER XII. GEORGIA. The last of the colonies commenced previous to the war of independence was Georgia. It originated in the desire of the government to strengthen the southern frontier of the British dominions in America against the encroachments of the Spaniards ; and at the same time to afford an opportunity for emigration to a number of families in indigent circumstances. With these views, a company of wealthy, influential, and benevolent persons, was formed in England, who did not hesitate to embark a considerable sum in the promotion of their humane design. Having obtained a patent from George II., conferring on them the requisite powers, they enacted, among other regula tions, that the lands should neither be sold nor devised by the owners, but should descend to the male children only ; they prohibited the use of rum in the colony, and strictly interdicted the importation of negroes : but none of these regulations remained long in force. The trustees lost no time in the prosecution of their design. In November, James Oglethorpe, one of their number, embarked at Gravesend for Georgia, with one hundred and sixteen persons, destined for settle ment in the country. In the following January he arrived at Charleston, where he was treated with hospitality and respect by the governor and council of South Carolina, and received great encouragement and assistance. Having explored the country, he fixed on a high spot of ground, in the vicinity of an Indian town on the Savannah, called Yamacraw, as the most convenient and healthy situation. The new town, after the Indian name of the river which ran by it, was called Savannah. A fort having been completed, and the colony put in a state of safety, the next object of Oglethorpe's attention was to treat with the Indians for a share of their possessions. The territory was principally occupied by the Upper and Lower Creeks, who were computed to amount to about twenty-five thousand, including women and children ; and these tribes, according to a treaty formerly made with Governor Nicholson, laid claim to the lands lying Ii6 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. south-west of Savannah river. The tribe of Indians at Yamacraw was inconsiderable. It appeared, there fore, of the highest consequence to procure the friend ship, not of that tribe only, but of the more formidable Creeks. By the assistance of an Indian woman, who had married a trader from Carolina, and who could speak both the English and Creek languages, Ogle thorpe summoned a general meeting of the chiefs to hold a congress with him at Savannah, in order to procure their consent to the peaceable settlement of his colony. Being assembled, he represented to them the great power, wisdom, and wealth of the English ; and the advantages that would accrue to the Indian tribes from a connexion with this nation ; and ex pressed his hope, that, as they had plenty of lands, they would freely resign a share of them to his peo ple, who, for their benefit and instruction, had come to settle among thera. After he had distributed pre sents among the Indians, an agreement was made ; and Tomochichi, in the name of the Creek warriors, made a speech to him. Among other observations, he said, " Here is a little present," and then gave him a buffalo's skin, painted on the inside with the head and feathers of an eagle, and desired him to accept it, " because the eagle signified speed, and the buffalo, strength. The English," he proceeded, "are as swift as the bird, and as strong as the beast ; since, like the first, they fly from the utmost parts of the earth over vast seas, and, like the second, nothing can withstand them. The feathers of the eagle are soft, and signify love ; the buffalo's skin warm, and signifies protec tion ; he hoped, therefore, that they would love and protect their little families." Having concluded this treaty of friendship with the natives, and placed his colony in the best posture of defence, Oglethorpe returned to England, carrying with him Tomochichi, his queen, and several other Indians. On their arrival in London, these Indian chiefs were introduced to his majesty ; and during the whole time they were in England, nothing was neglect ed that might serve to engage their affections, and fill them with just notions of the greatness and power of the British nation. The nobility, curious to see them, aud observe their manners, entertained them magni ficently at their tables. Wherever they went, multi tudes flocked around them, shaking hands with the rude warriors ofthe forest, giving them little presents, aud treatino^ them with every mark of friendship and civility. Twenty pounds a-week were allowed them by the crown while they remained in England, and when they returned, it was computed they carried with them presents to the value of four hundred pounds. After staying four months, and seeing the grandeur of the English sovereign, they were carried to Gravesend in one of his majesty's carriages, where they embarked for Georgia, highly pleased with the generosity of the nation, and promising eternal fideli ty to its interest. This generous and kind method of treating barbarians was better policy than overawing them by force, and was attended, as might have been expected, with the happiest consequences. During the following year, five or six hundred poor persons arrived, and to each a portion of the wilder ness was assigned. But it was soon found that these emigrants, who were the refuse of cities, and had been rendered poor by idleness, and irresolute by poverty, were not fitted to fell the mighty forests of Georgia. A race more hardy and enterprising was necessary. The trustees, therefore, offered to receive those who had not by persecution or poverty been rendered objects of compassion, and to grant to all who should repair to the colony fifty acres of land. In consequence of this offer, more than four hundred persons from Germany, Scotland, and Switzerland, embarked for the colony in the year 1735. To the Highlanders, a township was allotted on the river Alatamaha, which was then considered as the bound ary between the British and Spanish territories. Here they built a fort, which they called Darien ; and a town, which they called New Inverness. In February, 1736, Oglethorpe arrived with two ships, which had on board three hundred passengers. More than half of these were Germans, who, with others of their countrymen who followed them, settled a town on Savannah, which they called Ebenezer. The celebrated John Wesley made a visit to Geor gia during this year, for the purpose of preaching to the colonists, and converting the Indians. Among the former he made some friends, but, it would ap pear, more enemies. He was accused of diverting the people from labour, of fomenting divisions, of claiming and exercising high and unwarranted ec clesiastical authority. Thirteen indictments for al leged offences were preferred against him ; but before the time of trial arrived he returned to England, where, as is well known, he pursued a successful and distinguished career of piety und usefulness. It was about this time that Oglethorpe took effect- tive measures to fortify the colony. A fort was erec ted on the banks of the Savannah river ; another on an island near the mouth of the river Alatamaha, where a town, called Frederica, was regularly laid out and built ; and ten mUes nearer the sea, on Cum berland island, was raised a battery, commanding the entrance into Jekyl sound, through which all ships of force must pass to reach Frederica. The Spa- HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 157 niards, taking umbrage at these fortifications of the English, sent from Havannah a commissioner, who, in a conference with Oglethorpe, demanded that he and his people should immediately evacuate the terri tories to the southward of St. Helena sound, as belong ing to the king of Spain. Oglethorpe having endea voured in vain to convince the commissioner cf the erroneousness of this claim, and the conference break ing up without any agreement, he embarked with all possible expedition for England. - ¦ On this occasion Oglethorpe was appointed general and commander-in-chief of all his majesty's forces in South Carolina and Georgia, and was sent out from England with a regiment of six hundred men for the protection of the southern frontiers of the British do minions ill America. During his absence, the Spaniards had made several attempts to seduce the Creeks, who were much attached to Oglethorpe ; and, at the time of his arrival, some of the Creek chiefs were at St. Augustine. When they returned, they found an in vitation from General Oglethorpe to all the chieftains to meet him at Frederica. A number ofthe head war riors immediately set out to meet him at the place appointed ; where the general thanked them for their fidelity, made them many valuable presents, and re newed with them the treaty of friendship and alliance. The Spaniards, however, hesitated at the employment of no means to prevent the establishment of British colonies on their northern frontier. Finding oppor tunity to corrupt an English soldier who had been in the Spanish service, a mutiny through his influence was excited in Oglethorpe's camp, and a daring attempt was made to assassinate the general ; but his life was preserved in an extraordinary manner, and the princi pal conspirators were shot. About this time the indefatigable George Whitefield arrived in the colony. He had already become con spicuous in England by his ardent piety, his extra ordinary eloquence, and his active zeal. He came to Georgia for the benevolent purpose of establishing an orphan-house, where poor children might be fed, clothed, and educated in the knowledge of Christianity. In the prosecution of this purpose he often crossed the Atlantic, and traversed Great Britain and America, so liciting aid from the pious and charitable. Wherever he went, he preached with sincerity and fervour, and with such success, as to found a sect, which soon be came both numerous and respectable. His orphan- house did not fiourish during his life, and after his death was entirely abandoned. Although his pro ceedings and character would form very interesting topics, they do not come properly within the sphere of this history ; and their principal incidents, as con nected, with America, have been noticed in a preceding chapter. In the year 1740, the trustees rendered an accoun of their administration. At that time nearly two thousand five hundred emigrants had arrived in the colony ; of whom more than fifteen hundred were indigent Englishmen, or persecuted protestants. The benefactions from government and from individuals had been nearly half a million of dollars ; and it was computed that, for every person transported and maintained by the trustees, more than three hundred dollars had been expended. The hopes which the trustees had cherished, that the colony would be pros perous, and the objects of their benevolence happy, were far from realized. Such was the character of the greater part of the settlers and the nature of the restrictions imposed, that the plantations languished and continued to require the contributions of the charitable. In the mean time events were preparing a rupture in Europe, and a war between England and Spain appeared inevitable. The plenipotentiaries, appointed for settling the boundaries between Georgia and Florida, and other differences and misunderstand ings subsisting between the two crowns, had met at Pardo in convention, where preliminary articles were drawn up ; but the conference ended to the satisfac tion of neither party. The merchants had lost all patience under their sufferings, and became clamorous for letters of reprisal, which at length they obtained ; all officers of the navy and army were ordered to their stations, and, with the unanimous voice of the nation, war was declared against Spain on the 234 of October, 1739. As soon as intelligence of the declaration of war reached Georgia, General Ogle thorpe passed over to Florida with four hundred select men of his regiment, and a considerable party of Indians ; and a few days after, he marched with his whole force, consisting of above two thousand men, regulars, provincials, and Indians, to Fort Moosa, within two mUes of St. Augustine. The Spanish garrison, evacuating the fort on his approach, and retiring into the town, put themselves in a posture of defence ; and the general, soon discovering that an attempt to take the castle by storm would be pre sumptuous, changed his plan of operations, and resolved, with the assistance of the ships of war which were lying at anchor off Augustine bar, to turn the siege into a blockade. Having made the necessary dispositions, he summoned the Spanish governor to a surrender ; but, secure in his strong-hold, he sent hinr for answer, that he would be glad to shake hands; with him in his castle. Indignant at this reply, the general ppeiied his batteries against the castle, and ^| 158 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. the siime time threw a number of shells in the town. The fire was returned with equal spirit from the Spanish fort, and from six half-gaUeys in the harbour; but the distance was so great that the cannonade, though it continued several days, did little execution on cither side. It appears that, notwithstanding the blockade, the Spanish garrison contrived to admit a reinforcement of seven hundred men, and a large supply of provisions. All prospect of starving the enemy being lost, the army began to despair of forcing the place to surrender. The Carolina troops, enfee bled by the heat of the climate, dispirited by sickness, and fatigued by fruitless efforts, marched away in large bodies. The naval comm-ander, in considera tion of the shortness of his provisions, and of the near approach of the usual season of hurricanes, judged it imprudent to hazard his fleet longer on that coast. Tlie general himself was sick of a fever, and his regiment was worn out with fatigue, and disabled by sickness. These combined disasters rendered it ne cessary to abandon the enterprise ; and Oglethorpe, with extreme sorrow and regret, returned to Frede- ,"'ica. After a lapse of two years, the Spaniards prepared to retaliate by the invasion of Georgia, intending, if successful, to subjugate the Carolinas and Virginia, On receiving information of their approach. General Oglethorpe solicited assistance from South Carolina : but the inhabitants of that colony, entertaining a strong prejudice against him, and terrified by the clanger which threatened themselves, determined to provide only for their own safety, though without avowing their intention. General Oglethorpe, how ever, raade preparations for a vigorous defence. He assembled seven hundred men, exclusive of a body of Indians, fixed his head-quarters at Frederica, on the island of St. Simon, and, with this small band, determined to encounter whatever force mia;ht be brought against him. It was his utmost hope that he might be able to resist the enemy until a rein forcement should arrive from Carolina, which he daily and anxiously expected. On the last day of June, the Spanish fieet, consisting of thirty-two sail, and having on board more than three thousand men, came to anchor off" St. Simon's Bay. Notwithstand ing all the resistance whicli General Oglethorpe could oppose, they sailed up the river Alatamaha, landed upon the island, and there erected fortifica tions. Convinced that his small force, if divided, must be entirely inefficient, Oglethorpe assembled the whole of it at Frederica. One portion he employed in strengthening his fortifications ; the Highlanders and Indians ranging night and day through the woods, often attacked the outposts of the enemy. The toil of the troops was incessant ; and the long delay of the expected succours, stiU unexpectedly withheld by South Carohna, caused the most gloomy and depressing apprehensions. Oglethorpe, at length, learning, by an English prisoner who escaped from the Spanish camp, that a difference subsisted between the troops from Cuba and those from St. Augustine, so as to occasion a separate encampment, resolved to attack the enemy while thus divided. Taking advan tage of his knowledge of the woods, he marched out in the night with three hundred chosen men, the Highland company, and some rangers, with the inten tion of surprising the enemy. Having advanced within two miles of the Spanish camp, he halted his troops, and went forward himself with a select corps to reconnoitre the enemy's situation. While he was endeavouring cautiously to conceal his approach, a French soldier of his party discharged his musket, and ran into the Spanish lines. Thus betrayed, he hastened his return to Frederica, and endeavoured to effect by stratagem what could not be achieved by surprise. Apprehensive that the deserter would dis cover to the enemy his weakness, he wrote to him a letter, desiring him to acquaint the Spaniards with the defenceless state of Frederica, and the ease with which his small garrison might be cut to pieces. He pressed him to bring forward the Spaniards to an attack ; but, if he could not prevail thus far, to use all his art and infiuence to persuade them to stay at least three days more at Fort Simon ; for within that time, according to advices he had just received from Carolina, he should have a reinforcement of two thousand land forces, with six British ships of war. The letter concluded with a caution to the deserter against dropping the least hint of Admiral Vernon's meditated attack upon St. Augustine, and with an assurance that for his service he should be amply re warded by the British king. Oglethorpe gave it to a Spanish prisoner, who, for a small reward, together with his liberty, promised to deliver it to the French deserter. On his arrival at the Spanish camp, however, he gave the letter, as Oglethorpe expected, to the commander-in-chief, who instantly put the deserter in irons. This letter perplexed and con founded the Spaniards ; some suspecting it to be a stratagem to prevent an attack on Frederica, and others believing it to contain serious instructions to direct the conduct of a spy. While the Spanish ofiicers were deliberating what measures to adopt, an incident, not within the calculation of military skill, or the control of human power, decided their counsels. Three ships of force, which the governor HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 15;i of South Carolina had sent out to Oglethorpe's aid, ap peared at this juncture off the coast. The agreement of this discovery with the contents of the letter convinced the Spanish commander of its real intention. The whole army, seized with an instant panic, set fire to the fort, and precipitately embarked, leaving several cannon, with a quantity of provisions and military stores ; and thus, in the moment of threatened conquest, was the infant colony providentially saved. Thus was Georgia, with triflmg loss, delivered from the most imminent danger. General Oglethorpe not only re trieved, but established his reputation. From the Caro linians, grateful for their preservation, and from the gov- emors of most of the northern colonies, he received cor dial congratulations upon his address and good fortune. But, on an impeachment brought forward before this in vasion, Oglethorpe still felt himself bound in honour to re turn to England, where, on trial, the charge was adjudged to be false, malicious, and groundless, and its author dis missed his majesty's service. The character of this able general now appeared in its true light ; and his contem poraries acknowledged, what impartial history records, that * " George Whitefield, an eloquent itinerant preacher, was born in Gloucester, England, December 16, 1714. After having made some progress in classical learning, he ¦was obliged to assist his mother, who kept an inn, in her business ; but at the age of eighteen, he entered one of the colleges at Oxford, Here he became acquainted with Messrs, John and Charles Wesley, whose piety was ardent and singu lar, like his own. From the strict rules and methods of life which these young men followed, they were called Methodists, and they were the founders of the sect thus denominated. Mr, Whitefield's benevolent zeal led him to visit the poor, and even to search out the miserable objects in the jails, not only to diminish their wants, but that he might impart to thera the consolations and hopes of the gos pel. He took orders, being ordained by the bishop, June 20, 1736, and preached his first sermon in the church at Gloucester. When a com plaint was afterwards entered with the bishop, that by this sermon he drove fifteen persons mad, the worthy prelate only expressed a wish, that the madness might not be forgotten before the next Sunday. Af ter preaching at various places, he was induced, hy a letter from Mr. Wesley, who was in Georgia, to embark for America. He arrived at Savannah May 7, 1738. After labouring in this place with unwearied fidelity for several months to promote the interests of religion, he embarked for England on the sixth of September. He was ordained priest, at Oxford, by Bishop Benson, January 14, 1739, In November he again arrived in America, and he travelled through the middle and southern colonies, dispensing the gospel to immense multitudes. In September, 1740, he arrived at Rhode Island from Savannah, having been invited by the ministers of Boston, and he preached in different parts of New England. At the end of October, he went to New York, and he soon returned to Georgia. He was much occupied in the es tablishment of an orphan house near Savannah, In January, 1741, he sailed for England. He arrived again in America in October, 1744, and he now spent between three and four years in this country. In March, 1748, he went to the Bermudas, and in July he reached London. When he commenced his career in England, the religion of the heart was much neglected, in the care to defend the outworks of Christianity against the assaults of infidels. If these assailants were repulsed, still the ingenious disquisitions of the day carried no terror into the enemy's camp ; and the over-anxious attempts to conciliate unhumbled reason, rather than to reduce the unholy heart to the obedience ofthe cross, could not fail to encourage the opposers of the truth, Mr, Whitefield, while aware of the necessity of enlightening tlio mind, knew also that there was much theological learning which had little influence upon the life. He therefore cliose to content him self with preaching the plain and imporlant doctrines of the gospel. These he presented so distinctly to the view, and enforced by such awful considerations, and with such energy and unexampled eloquence, that, through the divine agency, (without which he knew that his to him Carolina was indebted for her safety and repose, as well as Georgia for her existence and protection. Af ter this period, General Oglethorpe never returned to the province of Georgia, but upon all occasions discovered in England an uncommon zeal for its prosperity and ira provement. From its first settlement, the colony had hitherto been under a military government, executed by the general and such officers as he thought proper to nominate and appoint ; but now the tmstees 'established a kind of civil government, and committed the charge of it to a president and four assistants, who were to act agreeably to the instructions they should receive firom them, and to be accountable to that corporation for their public conduct. Great occasions bring forth great men. There was not one of the colonies that cannot claim several men of distinguished talents and virtues in their early history. They sometimes incurred the displeasure of those who were incapable of comprehending the extensive views of the pioneers in the great cause of freedom; but time has swept away the clouds which gathered around them, and left their reputations in the clcEirness of day. Not only Oglethorpe, but Whitefield* was a distinj;uished friend to labours would be utterly in vain,) he was the means of imparting the pure principles and the elevated hopes of religion to thousands, both in Great Britain and America, No preacher ever had such astonish ing power over the passions of his auditory, or was attended by such multitudes as he sometimes addressed in the fields. In the early pe riods of his life, he was guilty, in some instances, of uncharitableness and indiscretion ; but he afterwards bad the magnanimity to confess his fault. He was, in reality, a man of a very liberal and catholic spirit, for he had little attachment to forms, and embraced all who loved the Lord Jesus in sincerity. His life was spent in most disin terested and benevolent exertion. The following lines will show the opinion which was formed of his character by the evangelical poet Cowper : — ' He loved the world, that haled him", the tear That dropped upon his Bible was sincere : Assailed by scandal and the tongue of strife, His only answer was, a blameless life, — And he that forged, and he that threw, the dart, Had each a brother's interest in his heart, Paul's love of Christ and steadiness unbribed. Were copied close in him, and well transcribed : He followed Paul — his zeal a kindred flame, - His apostolic charity the same ; Like him, crossed cheerfully tempestuous seas. Forsaking country, kindred, friends, and ease ; Like him he laboured, and, like him, content To bear it, suffered sharae where'er he went. Blush, Calumny! and write upon.his tomb. If honest Eulogy can spare thee room. Thy deep repentance of thy thousand lies. Which, aimed at him, have pierced th' offended skies ; And say, Blot out my sin, confessed, deplored. Against thine image in thy saint, O Lord I ' " Mr, Whitefield's letters, sermons, and controversial and other tracte, with an account of his life, were published in seven volumes, civo 1771," The eloquence of Whitefield w.is of a high order. His voice was strong, clear, and perfectly under command. His st) 'e was marked with great simplicity ; yet he made, in the language ol dramatic criti cism, as many points as he could in his discourses, such as would secure the attention of his audience. He was figurative ; but his images all reflected nature with such accuracy, that the humblest capacity caught his meaning, and felt the effects of his illustrations. It was not the humble alone, who were pleased with his preaching. Many of the learned became his followers, and united in blazoning his farae. He was incessant in his labours to enlighten and direct the 160 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. Georgia. Whitefield, in his way, was as remarkable a personage as any of the founders of the colonies. Oglethorpe, at the breaking out of the revolutionary war, was offered the command of the English army in .\mcrica, after the return of General Gage. Ogle thorpe ¦^vas then a major-general in the service. He ofibred to accept the command, if he was authorized to as sure the colonies that justice should be done them ; but the command was given to Sir William Howe. General Oj^lethorpe died Au^st, 1785, having seen the independ ence of the Lhiited States, at the great age of ninety- seven : probably at his death he was the oldest field officer in Eiirop^s. He enjoyed, while living, the reputation of being one of the most humane soldiers that ever bore arms. In tlie year 1749, the colony was exposed to great clanger from a quarter as unexpected as it was singu- ininda of his hearers. Frequently he preached three sermons a day for weeks together, and this while he was labouring under an asth matic affection, Franklin speaks ofthe wonderful effects of his voice while preaching in the open air. Of the effects of his eloquence, the late learned and pious Lt, Governor Samuel Phillips, of Andover, Massaclmsetts, used to relate the following anecdote :— Mr, Phillips's grandfather was a rigid Presbyterian preaclior, and opposed to White- field's course ; but, wishing to know if there was any truth in the stories of the effects produced by his eloquence, sent his son and his grandson to hear tho orator. They reached the assembly, who were listening to Whitefield, without any partialities for the preacher. The two critics, in the bustle of tbe crowd, had been separated ; and each, looking around for the other, when the sermon grew pathetic, found that their eyes met streaming with tears. If Whitefield had many enemies, he had more friends, some of thera of the first order of intellect. On one of his excursions through New York, Nev/ Jersey, and New England, he was accompanied by the Rev, Aaron Burr, then, or soon afterwards, president of Nassau Hall, the college at Piinceton, New Jersey, Mr, Burr was one ofthe most learned aad eloquent men of the age, and deservedly popular with all classes of people. He w.as mild and gentle in his preaching, which formed a fine contrast to the whirlwind of Whitefield's eloquence, Il v',':is a common saying in New England, that " Whitefield should first break the stubborn heart, and Burr should follow to heal the anguish of the penitent sufferer ! " Burr had a clear, sweet voice, and modu- l.Lted il with great feiicity ; but it had not sufficient compass for field- preachinn^, which he never attempted ; but Whitefield's voice was fitted for "the open field by its volume and extent, Mtieli has been said against field-preaching in this country, and there can be no doubl that many evils flow from it, and Mr, Whitefield has been charged with having first set the example. It is a fact, that cannot be denied, that he was the first who commenced this Druidical firm of worship in the open air in later times ; but he was sustained by primitive examples. The apostles had but few other places to teach their religion. The temples of the heathen gods were shut against them. They were obliged to use mountains and vales as temples where to teach their doctrines ; for they did not erect edifices for public worship for ages. The first temple dedicated to Christian worship, was built at Tyre, on the site where once stood a iieathen temple. The forms and ceremonies used at this consecration, contained all, and more, than are used in such services at the present d.iy. If field-preaching should be discouraged in populous places, there being a sufficient number of churches and public edifices for all religious purposes, it is not so in a new country. In thinly-populated places, it IS of great advantage to the community to become acquaint ed with each otner ; and it is much better for them to meet under religious sanctions than political excitements. In political meetings there is often drinking, carousing, and gambling; but in tliese reli gious meetings, there is no such thing. These camp-raeetings are gen erally conducted with decorum and modesty, and no evils take place, ex cept now and tlien a trifling violation ofthe English language, which does but little injury, and gives but little offence. These assemblies are social and affectionate. As they are attended by both sexes, there is a softening of manners by this intercourse ; and many judicious matches are made, which serve to bring distant settlers to be friends and kin dred to each olher. In the hours which arc not devoted to spiritual concerns, the public welfare is discussed, particularly those branches lar. During the whole of his administration. Gene ral Oglethorpe had, fi-om motives of policy, treated an Indian, or rather half-breed woman, called Mary Mus- grove, afterwards Mary Bosomworth, ^vith particulai kindness and generosity. Finding that she had great influence among the Creeks, and understood their language, he made use of her as an interpreter) in order the more easily to fonn treaties of alliance with them ; allowing her, for her ser-vdces, one hun dred pounds sterling a year. Thomas Bosomworth, who was chaplain to Oglethorpe's regiment, had mar ried this woman, accepted a tract of land from the crown, and settled in the province. Being unsuc cessfiil in most of his speculations, he had recourse to one of an extraordinary kind. He persuaded his wife to assert herself to be the elder sister to Mala- of it which relate to schools and religious societies — and all is done in a Christian temper, for the ground, in their view, on which they stand, is holy. I am no fanatic, but I do not hesitate to confess, that I have spent many pleasant and instructive days in frontier camp-meetings, and feel it an incumbent duty to disabuse those who know them only hy unfavourable report, and have therefore condemned them ; and have also been desirous of vindicating the fame of the great father of field-preaching in America. He has not done any injury to raorals by his example. It would be unfair to judge of Whitefield's mental strength or elo quence by the sermons that pass as his. They were taken by inex perienced reporters, in short-hand, and then moulded to suit some tasteless fanatic. No man could have produced such effects as he is known to have done, by such sentiments and language as are found in these spurious sermons. There are some splendid passages still lin gering in the memory of the aged, that are entirely unlike the discon nected and tasteless style in which these sermons are published. It is a slander upon a great man's fame, to change the thoughts that breathe, and words that burn, to jejune and vulgar language, and to make him talk with crudity and ignorance, who shook the nations by his eloquence. It is now more than sixty-four years since his death > yet there are those, in various parts ofthe United States, still living, who dale their first serious impressions from his eloquent sermons, and who have now a very vivid recollection of his person, manner, and voice, — Mr. Whitefield died at Newburyport, in the county of Essex, and common wealth of Massachusetts, in September, 1770, and was buried in a tomb under the pulpit of the first Presbyterian church in that town. Tin" pastor of that church, the Reverend Jonathan Parsons, soon followed his friend to anotlier life, and, by his request, was laid by his side. The Reverend Mr, Prince, an interesting, pious, blind preacher, when dying, made the same request, and his remains were deposited thpr.> also. The tomb was then closed with a wail of brick, the Reverend John Murray, the successor of Mr, Parsons, expressing his wish to be placed in a common burying-ground. Here the ashes of the great field orator slumbered, without any monument to bear his name or record his deeds, until a few years since, when an opulent individ ual of that town, Williara Bartlett, Esq,, caused a beautiful marble monument to be erected in the church under which Whitefield was buried, sacred to the memory ofthe Christian orator and pious diviue. These monuments, cold philosophy may say, are nothing to t/ie dead. If that be true, they still teach the living many useful lesson.s. It is frora history that we draw the information that we possess, and the wisdom which is the guide of Hfe ; and what is history but the records of the deeds of men who have departed from this scene of ::,¦- tion, having finished their labours ,' The wise, as well as the rustic, require raemorials to quicken the heart, and to lead the mind to the contemplation of a future state. An elegant monuii.rnt, with just inscriptions, proves the state of the arts and of letters at the time it was erected,^ — and with letters and the arts is connect, d, in no small degree, the happiness of man. In the excess of modern philanthropy, it is often said, that money expended in building mom raents lo the dead, had served a better purpose, had it been given to the poor. He serves raan best, who honestly employs him iiinst. The labour requisite to erect a monument, is diffused through a hundred hands, and benefits the industrious labourer, and cherishes the genius who plans and gives the finishing touches of art to the work. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 161 tche, the Indian chief, and to have descended, by a maternal line, from an Indian king, who held from nature the whole territory of the Creeks ; and there fore to possess a right to them, superior not only to that of the trustees, but also to that of the king. Ac cordingly, Mary assumed the title of an independent empress, disavowing all subjection or allegiance to the king of Great Britain, otherwise than by way of treaty or alliance, such as one independent sovereign might voluntarily enter into with another ; a meeting of all the Creeks was summoned, to whom Mary made a long speech, in which she set forth the justice of her claim, and the great injury she and her beloved subjects had sustained by the loss of their territories, and urged them to a defence of their rights by force of arms. The Indians were fired with rage at the idea of such indignity, and to a man pledged them selves to stand by her to the last drop of their blood in defence of her royal person and their lands ; in consequence of which, queen Mary, escorted by a large body of her savage subjects, set out for Savan nah, to demand from the president and council a formal acknowledgment of her rights in the province. A messenger was despatched, to notify to the presi dent the royal family's approach, to say that Mary had assumed her right and title of sovereignty over the whole territories of the upper and lower Creeks, and to demand that all the lands south of Savannah river should be relinquished without loss of time ; adding, that she was the hereditary and rightful queen of both nations, and could command the whole force of her tribe, and, in case of refusal, she had deter mined to extirpate the whole settlement. Presideat Stephens and his council, alarmed at her high preten sions and bold threats, and sensible of her influence with the Indians, from her having been made a wo man of consequence as an interpreter, were not a little embarrassed what steps to take for the public safety ; they thought it best to use soft and healing measures, until an opportunity might offer of private ly laying hold of her and shipping her off to England. * The speech of the president at one of these conferences gives a very clear statement of the affair : — " Friends and brothers : When Mr. Oglethorpe and his people first arrived in Georgia, they found Mary, then the wife of John Musgrove, living in a small hut at Yamacraw ; he had a license frora the governor of South Caro lina to trade wilh the Indians ; she then appeared to be in a poor ragged condition, and was neglected and despised by the Creeks ; but General Oglethorpe, finding that she could speak both the English aud Creek languages, employed her as an interpreter, richly clothed her, and made her a woman of the consequence she now appears ; the people of Georgia always respected her, until she married Bosomworth, but from that time she has proved a liar and a deceiver. In fact, she was no relation of Malatche, but the daughter of an Indian woman of no note, by a white man: Gene ral Oglethorpe did not treat with her for the lands of Georgia, for Vol. I.— Nos. 13 & 14 2D In the mean time, the militia were ordered to hold themselves in readiness to march to Savannah, at the shortest notice. The town was put in the best possi ble state of defence, but its whole force amounted to only one hundred and seventy men able to bear arms ; a messenger was sent to Mary, while she was yet several miles distant from Savannah, at the head of her mighty host, to know whether she was serious in such wild pretensions, and to try the influence of per suasion to induce her to dismiss her followers, and drop her audacious design ; but finding her inflexible and resolute, the president resolved to put on a bold countenance, and receive the savages with firmness. Several interviews between the magistrates and the Indian chiefs took place on this strange occurrence, and the president* and council were flattering them selves with the idea of an amicable compromise of all the existing difficulties, and rejoicing in the re-es tablishment of friendly intercourse with the Creeks, when Mary, excited with liquor, and disappointed in her royal views, rushed in amongst them like a fury, told the president that these were her people, that he had no business with them, and that he should soon be convinced of it to his cost. The president calmly advised her to retire to her lodgings, and forbear to poison the minds ofthe Indians, adding, that he would otherwise order her into close confinement ; upon which, turning about to Malatche, in great rage, she repeated, with some ill-natured comments, what the president had said ; Malatche started from his seat, laid hold of his arms, calling upon the rest to fol low his example, and dared any man to touch the queen. The whole house was filled in a moment with tumult and uproar ; every Indian having his tomahawk in his hand, the president and council ex pected nothing but instant death. During this confu sion. Captain Jones, who commanded the guard, very seasonably interposed, and ordered the Indians im mediately to surrender their arms, endeavouring, how ever, not merely to overawe them, but using prudence to avoid coming to extremities : with reluctance the she had none; but with the old and wise leaders of the Creek na tion, who voluntarily surrendered their territories lo the king; the Indians at that time having much waste land, which was useless to themselves, parted wilh a share of it to their friends, and were glad that white people had settled among them, to supply their wants. He told them that the present discontents of the Creeks had been artfully infused into them by Mary, at the instigation cf her hus band; that he demanded a third part of the royal bounty, in order to rob the naked Indians of their rights ; that he had quarrelled with the president and council of Georgia, for refusing to answer his exorbitant demands, and therefore had filled the heads of the Indians with wild fancies and groundless jealousies, in order to ferraent raischief, and induce them to break their alliance wilh their best friends, who alone were able to supply theii wants, and defend them against their enemies." 163 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. Indians submitted, and Mary was conveyed to a pri vate room, where a guard was placed over her, and all further communication with the Indians denied her, during their stay in Savannah. Ultimately the soi-disant queen was compelled to abandon her pre tensions, and the Indians were induced to depart, to the great joy of the inhabitants, who had been so long harassed by their turbulent visit. The prosperity of the colony had been much retarded by the wars to which it had been subject, and by the mistaken though well-intentioned man agement of the trustees, who, embarrassing it by too much regulation, discouraged the emigiants, and checked its growth. Finding that the province lan guished under their care, and weary of the com plaints of the people, in the year 1752 they surren dered their charter to the king, and it was made a royal governraent ; in consequence of which, his majesty appointed John Reynolds, an officer of the navy, governor of the province, and a legislature similar to that of the other royal governments in Aiuerica. Great had been the expense which the mother country had already incurred, besides pri vate benefactions, for supporting this colony ; and smaU had been the returns yet made by it. The vestiges of cultivation were scarcely perceptible in the forest, and in England all commerce with it was neglected and despised. At this time the whole ex ports of Georgia did not amount to ten thousand pounds per annum. Though the people were now favoured with the sarae liberties and privileges en joyed by their neighbours under the royal care, yet several years more elapsed before the value of the lands in Georgia was known, and that spirit of in dustry broke out in it, which afterwards diffused its happy influence over the country. BOOK IL HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN COLONIES, FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE FRENCH WAR TO THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. CHAPTER I. FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS, A. D. 1756 — 1763. The formation and progress of all the colonies which constituted the North American republic at the era of its independence, have now been traced up to the middle of the eighteenth century. From that period circumstances tended rapidly to proraote that federation which eventually effected the independence of the colonies, and laid the basis of their future prosperity ; indeed, in the prosecution of the French war, which coramenced in 1756, the energies of the colonies were so united in the attainment of one comraon object, that the generalization of their political history from that period is not only render ed preferable, but almost inevitable. Before entering on the narrative of the war which was commenced by the French with the intention of limiting the English colonies in America to the vi cinity of the sea coast, but which terrainated in the transfer of by far the most extensive and valuable of their colonies to their rival, it is desirable to give a brief outline of the rise of the Gallic settlements, and of the relative position of the territories of the two nations previous to the commencement of hos tilities. The early discoveries of Cartier had turned the eyes of France towards the St. Lawrence and the neighbouring territory, and established her claira to it, according to that peculiar code by which Euro peans have deemed it proper to apportion araong themselves the rest of mankind. Although Canada had scarcely any raeasure of the smiling and luxu riant aspect of Florida, or even of Virginia, yet it opened into regions of vast extent ; and the tracing to distant fountains the sea-like abyss of its waters, presented more than common attraction to curiosity and adventure. The first who undertook to colo nize these northern regions, was a Breton, named De la Roche. He obtained from Henry IV. a patent of the same extensive character as those granted in England to Gilbert and Raleigh. But so little sym pathy did the nation exhibit in his views, that he was obliged to draw upon the jails for a great pro portion of the sailors, and his effort proved an entire failure. A more vigorous attempt was made by De Monts ; but Champlain, his successor, must be re garded as the real founder of Canada, or New France. He built and fortified Quebec, and having brought the adjacent country into a tolerable state of cultiva tion, he proceeded to explore the vast wilderness by which he was surrounded. The southern bank, both of the river and lakes, was found occupied by two powerful people, the Algonquins and the Hurons, who were engaged in deadly and almost ceaseless warfare with the Iroquois, a still fiercer and more warlike tribe, occupying all the southern shore of the St. Lawrence, and of Lakes Erie and Ontario. To promote his subjects of discovery and of interior intercourse, Champlain determined to take an active part with the two former. The Iroquois allied themselves with the English, to whom they rendered most valuable, though sometimes fierce and revolting, assistance in their contest with their rivals. By arduous and persevering labours, Champlain was enabled to forra an accurate idea of the extent and situation of Canada, which seeraed to afford ahr.ost indefinite scope both for trade and settlement. The company under whose direction the affairs of Canada were placed, however, did not second the ardour of Champlain, and his interest at court procured the abrogation of their charter. From its ashes rose one on a rauch grander scale, and which aimed to con vert New France into a colony of the first magnitude ; but unfortunately for these projectors, the English, animated by that hostUe feeling which was inspired by the persecution of the protestants, not only drove the French completely out of Acadia, but besieged and took Cluebec, so that this boasted colony seemed forcve 164 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. lost to the mother country ; but the court of London, strongly inclined for peace with France, agreed, on the 29th of March, 1632, to a convention, by which her sovereignty was reinstated both in Acadia and Q,uebec. For fifty years the attention of government was rather directed to the consolidation and internal im proveraent of the colony, than to exploring the ex panse of interior America. Tlie Count de Frontignac was, however, possessed of a raore enterprising spirit. He extended the range of settlement to the shores of Lake Ontario, built there the fort that bears his name, and opened an intercourse with the tribes who roam over the boundless plains westward of the Alleghany. Here he learned that afar along the western plain there rolled a river so mighty, that even the hitherto unequalled stream of the St. Law rence could not come into competition with it. This river poured its stupendous current not in any of the directions hitherto recognised in the streams of America, but towards some distant ocean, that lay far in the south and the west. In the existing dark ness as to the boundaries and details of the continent, it was concluded that this could only be the Mer Vermeio, or Gulf of California, by which it was hoped that the long-sought -for passage might be found to the golden regions of India. The strongest motives, therefore, impelled the count to strain every efibrt for its discovery. Frontignac found no want of bold and fitting instruments. M. Jolyet undertook, with two little Indian bark canoes, and three men in each, to explore these unknown secrets of the great interior America. The expedition proceeded first through the already explored lakes of Erie and Michigan, till they reached the north-western ex tremity of the latter. Two Miamis undertook to be their guides up the Fox River, and to see them embarked on the Wiscousan, which fell into the Mississippi. The voyage down the Wiscousan, was easy and prosperous, and they saw it with exultation opening into that grand stream of which they were in search, the broad Mississippi, descending from its distant northern fountains to the unknown southern sea in which it was to terminate. The enterprising voyagers prosecuted their journey, impeded only by accasional intercourse with the native tribes inhabit- in 2: the banks of the Mississippi, which were general ly friendly ; in a few days they heard frora the right a raighty roar of waters, and saw trees and floating islands rushing down into the channel. This was the influx of the great Missouri from its distant source in the Rocky or Chippewayan Moun tains, after a longer course, and with a larger body of water than the Mississippi itself; but it was a subject of regret that the channel, which before was clear and gentle, became now trou bled, muddy, and rapid. At length they came to the Arkansas, at the mouth of the great river Arkansaw. Here they were informed, not with strict accuracy, that they were within five days' sail of the sea. On comparing this statement with their actual position, they became convinced that tbe Mississippi emptied itself into the gulf of Mexico, not as they had expected and hoped into the sea of California. Considering, therefore, that by pro ceeding downwards they might fall into the hands of Spaniards, they determined to return to Canada. Subsequently La Salle, pursuing the same course, reached the Gulf of Mexico. He then returned to France, and procured the command of an expe dition to effect a settlement at the mouths of the Mississippi ; but sailing too far westward, he missed his object, and while endeavouring to penetrate to the Mississippi by land, was basely assassinated by some of his own men ; and, of the whole colony, all perished except seven, who finally reached Canada. In 1699, a more successful attempt was made by Mr. D'Ibberville, who entered the Mississippi, and laid the foundation of the first French colony in Lower Louisiana. The place chosen for a settle ment was near the raouth of the river Perdido, a very injudicious choice, frora the unhealthiness of the climate and the barrenness of the soil. From these circumstances, together with the improper management of the royal governors, and the profii- gate character of many of the settlers, the progress of the colony was very slow. In the year 1717, the city of New Orleans was founded. The most romantic and extravagant accounts of the country were now published. It was represented as abounding in the precious metals, and as combining all the delights ofthe most favoured spots on earth. Thousands of emigrants were allured by these descriptions, most of whom perished miserably from sickness and want of food. Agriculture had made little progress, and the disposition of the majority of the settlers led them rather to assimilate their habits to those of the savages, than to pursue a regular course of industry. About the year 1730, its affairs began to wear a prosperous aspect ; the settlements were gradually extended up the Mississippi, and the productions of the country were exported to some profit. Being in possession of the inland seas of Canada, as they are justly termed, and of the mouths of the grand receiver of most of the principal rivers of North I America, the French conceived the bold idea of HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES, 165 uniting their northern and southern possessions by a chain of forts along the banks of the Ohio and Missis sippi ; and by that means also to confine the English colonists to the eastern side of the Alleghanies. In their northern colonies their military strength was considerable ; duebec and Montreal were strongly fortified ; and at other points, Louisburg, Cape Breton, and the forts of Lake Champlain, Niagara, Crown Point, Frontignac, Ticonderoga, and several others, defended the frontiers. They had also erected a considerable fort at the junction of the Alleghany with the Monongahela, then called Du Q,uesne, but now forraing the site of Pittsburgh, the Birmingham of America. The various scenes of hostility which, with different success, were almost perpetually occur ring between the rival colonists, have, in a previous chapter, been related to the period when, for a short time, they were terminated by the peace of Aix la Cbapelle. It remains now to record the events of the war which terminated the dominion of France in the northern, and by far most valuable, portion of her territories in America. The grants of territory from the English crown were many of them frora the coast of the Atlantic, westward to the Pacific Ocean. It is evident, there fore, that the plans of the French, in extending their forts and their clairas frora north to south, directly crossed the path of the English colonists, and must be viewed by them with a spirit of opposition and a determination to resist. They naturally felt their vast superiority in point of numbers, their colonies containing at this tirae upwards of a million inhabit ants, while the population of Canada, Louisiana, and all the intermediate stations, scarcely exceeded fifty thousand. The immediate occasion of the interrup tion of the peace, which had endured only five years, was the alleged intrusion of the Ohio company, an association of influential men from England and Virginia, -who had obtained a grant of six hundred thousand acres of land in the vicinity of the river whose title they assumed, embracing a portion of territory the French deemed to be within the limits of their dominion. From these grants of lands to the Ohio company, the governor of Canada appre hended, that the English were pursuing a scheme which raight deprive the French of the advantages arising from the trade with the Twightees, and cut off the communication between Canada and Louisiana.* He had written to the governors of New York and * M. Du Gluesne, who succeeded M, de la Gallissionere in the government of Canada, having received instructions to take pos session of the countries on the Ohio for the crown of Prance, in the beginning of 1753 ordered the Sieur de St. Pierre, with a de- Pennsylvania, acquainting them that the English traders had encroached on the French territories by trading with their Indians, and that, if they did not desist, he should be obliged to seize them wherever found. This menace did not divert the Ohio com pany from prosecuting its design of surveying the country as far as the falls in Ohio River. While the survey was proceeding, a French party seized three British traders, and carried them to Presqu' Isle, on. Lake Erie, where a strong fort was then erecting. The British, alarmed at this capture, retired to the Indian towns for shelter : and the Twightees, resent ing the violence done to their allies, assembled, to the number of five or six hundred, scoured the woods, and finding three French traders, sent thera to Penn sylvania. The French, determined to persist, built a second fort, about fifteen miles south of the former, on one of the branches of the Ohio ; and another at the confluence of the Ohio and Wabash ; and thus completed their long projected communication be tween the mouth of the Mississippi and the river St. Lawrence. The Ohio corapany complaining loudly of these aggressions on the country which had been granted to thera as part of the territory of Virginia, Robert Dinwiddie, lieutenant-governor of that colony, consi dering the encroachment as an invasion of his province, judged it his duty to demand, in the name of the king, that the French should desist from the prosecution of designs, which he considered as a violation of the treaties subsisting between the two, crowns. This service, it was foreseen, would be rendered very fatiguing and hazardous, by the exten sive tract of country, almost entirely unexplored, through which an envoy must pass, as well as by the hostile dispositions of some of the Indian inhabitants, and the doubtful attachment of others. Uninviting, however, and even formidable, as it was, George Washington, then in his twenty-second year, hesitated not to engage in it. Attended by one person only, he set out from Williamsburg on the 31st of October. The season was uncommonly severe, and the length of his journey was above four hundred miles, two, hundred of which lay through a trackless desert, inhabited by Indians. On the 12th of December he arrived at a French fort, the head-quarters of M, Lagardier de St. Pierre, commanding officer on the Ohio, to whom he delivered the letter of Governor Dinwiddie. The chief officers retired to hold a tachment, to take post on the river Aux BcEufs, and there to remain until he received farther orders. St. Pierre took post there acr cordingly, and erected a fort for its security. Of this, Mr. ¦Din-. widdie, lieutenant-governor of Yirginia, had early intelligence. 166 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. eouncil of war ; and Washington seized that oppor tunity of taking the dimensions of the fort, and making every possible observation. The answer of St. Pierre stated, that he had taken possession of the country by direction of the governor-general of Canada ; that he -^rould transmit Governor Dinwid dle's letter to him; and that to his orders he should yield implicit obedience. This reply not being satisfactory to the governor, preparations were made in Virginia to maintain by force the rights of the British crown. Troops, con stituting a regiment, were raised, the command of which, on the death of the colonel first appointed, was given to Mr. Washington. At the head of about four hundred men, he advanced early in the spring into the territory in dispute. On his route he met, attacked, and defeated, a French party, under the command of one Dijonville, who approached him in a manner indicating hostile intentions. He pro ceeded towards the fort Du duesne, situate at the junction ofthe Alleghany and Monongahela. Frora this fort Dc Villier, at the head of nine hundred men, marched out to attack him. Hearing ofthe approach of this party. Colonel Washington halted, and hastily erected some imperfect works, by means of which he hoped to prolong his defence until the arrival of rein forcements. He was closely besieged by De Villier, but making an obstinate defence, was offered the most honotirable terms of capitulation, which he ac cepted, and returned with his regiment to Virginia. The proceedings of tho French in America excited a strong interest in the minds of the British govern ment ; and deeming war inevitable, orders were sent lO the governors of the several colonies to repel force by force, and to dislodge the French from their posts on the Ohio. These orders were accompanied with a recommendation to form a union of the colonies for more effective defence. Delegates had already been appointed to meet at Albany, for the purpose of conferring with the Five Nations ; and Governor Shirley recommended that the subject of union should also be discussed at the convention. The commis sioners from Massachusetts had ample powers to co operate in the formation of a plan ; those from Mary land were instructed to observe what others did ; and those from New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Con necticut, Pennsylvania, and New York, had no in structions at all on the subject. As soon, however, as the friendship of the Indians was thought to be secured by a distribution of presents, the delegates ap pointed a committee to devise some scheme for the proposed confederation ; and the committee recom mended the adoption of a government analogous to that of the individual colonies. There was to be a grand councU, composed of deputies from the several provinces, and a president-general, appointed by the crown, with the power of negativing the acts of the council. The Connecticut delegates, however, dissented from this plan, because it placed too prepon derating a power in the hands of the crown. It was rejected by the British ministry for the very opposite reason ; they suggested, however, that the several governors, with one or two of their counsellors, should meet and adopt such measures as the common safety might demand. But this scheme was defeated by a provision, that they might draw upon the British trea sury for all necessary sums, which parliament would undertake to repay by imposing a general tax upon the colonies. The Massachusetts assembly sent spe cial instructions to its agent in London to oppose most strenuously any measure which had for its object the establishment of taxes on the colonies, under what ever plea of utility ; and Franklin, to whom the go vernor of Virginia had sent the proposition of the British rainister, states most distinctly in his letter in reply, the reasons which would ever prevent the Ame ricans from consenting to such a proposal. He ob serves, that it would inspire universal discontent among the Americans to atterapt the imposition of taxes by a parliament where they were not represent ed, a point of which neither the colonies nor the Bri tish governraent ever lost sight, frora this period till the contest it originated terminated in the entire se paration of the former from its dependence on the British crown. Early in the spring of 1755, the British govern ment despatched General Braddock to America, with a respectable force to expel the French, and keep possession of the territory ; and preparations having been made by France to ^despatch a reinforcement lo her armies in Canada, Admiral Boscawen was order ed to endeavour to intercept the French fleet before it should enter the gulf of St. Lawrence. In April, General Braddock met the governors of the several provinces to confer upon the plan of the ensuing campaign. Three expeditions were resolved upon ; one against Du Q,uesne, to be commanded by Gene ral Braddock ; one against forts Niagara and Frontig nac, to be commanded by Governor Shirley ; and one against Crown Point, to be commanded by General Johnson. This last originated with Massachusetts, and was to be executed by colonial troops raised in New England and New York. While preparations were making for these expedi tions, another, which had been previously concerted, was carried on against the French forts in Nova Sco- HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 167 tia. This province was settled by the French, but was ceded to the English by the treaty of Utrecht.- Its boundaries not having been defined, the French con tinued to occupy a portion of the territory clairaed by the English, and had built forts for their defence. To gain possession of these was the object of the expe dition. About two thousand militia, commanded by Colonel Winslow, embarked at Boston ; and being joined on their passage by three hundred regulars, ar rived in April at the place of their destination. The forts were invested, the resistance made was trifling and ineffectual, and in a short time the English gain ed entire possession of the province, according to their own definition of its boundaries. Three only of their men were killed. As soon as the convention of governors was dis solved, General Braddock proceeded to the post at Well's Creek, whence the army coramenced its march about the middle of June. Their progress was very much retarded by the necessity of cutting a road ; and, lest the enemy should have time to collect in great force, the general concluded to set forward with twelve hundred select men, while Colonel Dunbar should follow slowly in the rear, with the main body and the hea-vy baggage. Colonel Washington's regiment had been split into separate companies, and he had only joined the army as aid to the general. The roughness of the country prevented the advan ced corps from reaching the Monongahela till the Sth of July. It was resolved to attack Du Quesne the very next day ; and lieutenant-colonel Gage was sent in front with three hundred British regulars,, while the general himself followed at some distance with the raain body. He had been strongly caution ed by Colonel Washington to provide against an ambuscade, by sending forward some provincial companies to scour the woods ; but he held the provincials and the enemy in equal contempt. The Monongahela was crossed the second time, about seven railes frora Du Quesne ; and the array was pressing forward in an open wood,, through high and thick grass, when the front was suddenly thrown into disorder by a volley frora sraall arms. The main body was formed three deep, and brought to its support : the commander-in-chief of the enemy fell; and a cessation of the fire led General Brad dock to suppose that the assailants had fled ; but he was soon attacked with redoubled fury. Concealed * Braddock was mortally wounded, and taken on sashes, at first, from the field, and then a litter was made for him, on which he was carried forty miles from the battle ground, where he ex pired on the evening of the fourth day after his defeat. Seven hundred of his men were killed, araong whom were William Shir ley, of the staff, and Col. Sir Peter Halket. Among the wounded behind trees, logs, and rocks, the Indians poured upon the troops a deadly and incessant fire ; officers and men fell thickly around, and the survivors knew not where to direct their aim to revenge their slaughtered comrades. The whole body was again thrown into confusion ; but the general, obstinate and courageous, refused to retreat ; and instead of withdrawing them beyond the reach of the enemy's musketSj where their ranks might easily have been formed anew, undertook to rally them on the very ground of attack, and in the midst of a raost inces sant and deadly fire. He persisted in these efforts until three horses had been shot under him, and every one of his officers on horseback, except Colonel Washington, was either kUled or wounded. The general at length fell, and the rout became universal.'* The troops fled precipitately until they met the division under Dunbar,, then forty miles, in the rear. Sixty- four oflicers out of eighty-five and about half of the privates were killed or wounded. General Brad- deck died in Dunbar's camp ; and the whole army, which appears to have been panic struck, marched back to PhUadelphia. The provincial troops, whom Braddock had so lightly esteemed, displayed during the battle the utmost calraness and courage. Though placed in the rear, they alone, led on by Washing ton, advanced against the Indians, and covered the retreat ; and had they at first been permitted to en gage the enemy in their own way, they would easily have defeated them. The two northern expeditions, though not so disastrous, did not either of them succeed in at taining the object proposed. In that against Crown Point much delay was occasioned by the distracted councils of so many different governments ; and it was not till the last of August, that General Johnson, with three thousand seven hundred men, arrived at the fort of Lake George, on his v/ay to Ticonderoga. MeanwhUe the French squadron had eluded Admiral Boscawen ; and, as soon as it arrived at Quebec, Baron Dieskau, the coramander, resolved to march against Oswego with his own twelve hundred re gulars, and about six hundred Canadians and Indians. The news of General Johnson's move ment determined Dieskau to change his plan, and to lead his forces directly against the American camp. General Johnson called for reinforcements : eight hundred troops, raised as a corps of reserve by were Robert Orrae, Roger Morris, Sir John St, Clair, and several others of the staff, and Lieut, Cols. Button and Gage, Braddock was a brave and excellent officer. His mistake was in not study ing the character of the enemy. Franklin advised him to proceed wilh the utmost caulion; but the proud general thought the ad viser was a much better philosopher than soldier. — Am. Ed. 168 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. Massachusetts, were immediately ordered to his assistance ; and the same colony undertook to raise an additional number of two thousand raen. Co lonel Williams was sent forward with one thousand men to amuse and reconnoitre the enemy. He met them four miles from the camp, offered battle, and was defeated,* Another detachment shared the same fate ; and the French were now Avithin one hundred and fifty yards of the camp, when a halt for a short time enabled the Americans to recover their alarm, and to make good use of their artillery through the fallen trees, behind which they were posted. Dieskau advanced to the charge ; but he was so firmly received, that the Indians and militia gave way and fled : he was obliged to order a retreat of the regulars ; and, in the ardent pursuit which ensued, hewas himself mortally wounded and made prisoner. t A scouting party had, in the mean time, taken the enemy's baggage ; and when the retreating army came up, they attacked it so suc cessfully from behind the trees, that the panic-struck soldiers dropped all their accoutrements, and fled in the utmost confusion for their posts on the lakes. t This victory revived the spirits of the colonists, de pressed by the recent defeat of General Braddock, but the success was not improved in any proportion to their expectation. General Shirley, now the com- * Hendrick, a Mohawk chief, was killed in this battle. He ivas the son of a Mohegan chief, by a Mohawk woman. He mar ried into a Mohawk family, and becarae distinguished among the .six nations. His fame extended lo Massachusetts, for the comrais sioners, in 1751, consulted him on the great question of instructing certain youths of his nation. He was friendly to the English ; and m this battle with Dieskau, he comraanded three hundred Mo hawks, He was grave and sententious in council, and brave in fight. Some of hit. aphorisms are as wise as those of Solon, When il Avas proposed lo send a detachment to meet the enemy, and the number being mentioned, he replied: " If they are to fight, they are loo few ; if they are to be killed, they are too many," When il was proposed lo send out the detachment in three parties, Hendrick lOok three slicks, and said, " put them together, and you can not break them ; lake thera one by one, and you will break them easily." They followed the advice ofthe old warrior in this; and had they regarded the piecautions he suggested, in scouring the field by a flank guard, Williaras would not have fallen into the ambuscade, Hendrick is remembered among the friends of white men, who now and then have been found in the dilTerent ages of onr history, among Indians, — Am. Ed. t .Tohn Harraand Dieskau, baron, was a lieutenant general in Ihe French army. In 1755, he left Montreal wilh twelve hundred regulars, and six hundred Canadians and Indians, General John son, with three thousand seven hundred men, arrived at the fort ot Lake George, on his way to Ticonderoga, Baron Dieskau, hear ing of this movement of General Johnson, instead of proceeding lo Albany, as was his original intention, resolved to attack the American camp, A reinforcement of eight hundred troops was sent lo General Johnson's assistance ; and Colonel Williams, wilh one thousand raen, was ordered to reconnoitre the eneray. He raet the eneni)', but was defeated, and left among the slain. The loss of the French was also considerable; M, St, Pierre, com mander of the Indians, was mortally wounded. On the same day, the Sth of September, Baron Dieskau appeared in view of Colonel mander-in -chief, urged an attempt on Ticonderoga; but a council of war judging it unadvisable, Johnson employed the remainder of the campaign in fortify ing his camp. On a meeting of commissioners frora Massachusetts, and Connecticut, with the go vernor and council of New York, in October, it was unanimously agreed, that the army under General Johnson should be discharged, excepting six hun dred men, who should be engaged to garrison Fort Edward and Fort William Henry. The French still retained possession of Ticonderoga, and forti fied it. General Shirley,? who was to conduct the ex pedition against Niagara and Fort Frontignac, experienced such delays, that he did not reach Oswe go untU the 21st of August. On his arrival, he made all necessary preparations for the expedition to Niagara ; but, through the desertion of batteau men, the scarcity of wagons on the Mohawk River, and the desertion of sledgemen at the great cariying place, the conveyance of provisions and stores was so much retarded, that nearly four weeks elapsed before he could commence any further operations ; and frora a continued succession of adverse circum stances, in a council of war called on the 27th of September, it was unanimously resolved to defer the expedition to the succeeding year ; to leave Colonel Johnson's army, which was encamped on the banks of Lake George, defended on each side by a woody swamp. The Americans having recovered from the alarm which their first disaster had thrown them inlo, and being stationed behind some fallen trees, their su perior situation enabled them to raake good use of their artillery. Dieskau, encouraged by his previous success, advanced boldly to the charge ; but his Indians, more accustomed to the tomahawk and scalping knife, than to the roar of cannon, fled in dismay. His auxiliary troops being so dispersed, he was obliged lo order a re treat of the regulars. In the pursuit which followed, he was him self wounded, A soldier, seeking for plunder, found Dieskau alone, deserted by his troops, leaning on the stump of a tree, unable lo move from a wound in his leg. While he was searching for his watch, to deliver to him, the soldier supposing he was seeking for a pistol, poured a charge through his hips. He was conveyed to New York, where he was attended by Dr, Jones, He never en tirely recovered from the wound, which gradually impaired his constitution, and he died in consequence of it, at Surene, in France, September Sth, 1767, Hewas unquestionably a general of milita ry skill, — Ibid. t General Phineas Lyman was second in command in this battle. He was a brave man, of far superior abilities to Johnson ; and when the commander in chief was wounded, General Lyman took the command, and fought out the battle most gallantly, Lyman was a man of first rate talents and education, a lawyer, and a statesman. He sustained himself for five hours, on that day, and gave his orders like a veteran soldier ; but Johnson never mentioned his name in his account of the battle, from a most despicable feeling ot jealousy, Lyman continued for several campaigns to coraraand ihe Connecticut troops, and won laurels in every situation. The close of his life was dark and sad ; but his honour was never tar nished, — Bid. § Shirley was a good la^wyer, and a brave ofiicer. He was a man of literary taste and acquirements. He published a tragedy and some other dramatic works, — Slid. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 169 Mercer at Oswego, with a garrison of seven hundred men, and to build two additional forts for the securi ty of the place ; while the general should return with the rest of the army to Albany. Thus ended the campaign of 1755 : it opened with the brightest prospects ; immense preparations had been made, yet not one of the objects of the three principal ex peditions had been attained ; and by this failure the whole frontier was exposed to the ravages of the Indians, which were accompanied by their usual acts of barbarity. The colonies, however, far from being discouraged by the misfortunes of the last campaign, determined to renew and increase their exertions. General Shirley, to whom the superintendence of all the military operations had been confided, assembled a council of war at New York to concert a plan for the ensuing year. The plan adopted by the council embraced expeditions against Du Quesne, Niagara, and Crown Point, and the despatching a body of troops by way of the rivers Kennebeck and Chau diere, to create alarm for the safety of Quebec. Major-General Winslow* was appointed to lead the expedition against Crown Point. He was a popular officer, and the colonists felt a deep interest in the expedition ; but, for want of an established financial system, (their only taxes were upon lands and polls,) the requisite funds were raised with difficulty, and the recruiting service made very slow progress. Only seven thousand raen asserabled at the posts on Lake George. General Winslow declared, that, without more forces, he could not undertake the expedition ; and it would probably have been abandoned, had he not been reinforced by the timely arrival of some British troops. They came over with General Aber crombie, who had superseded General Shirley, and who soon after gave place to the Earl of Loudoun. These changes produced some unpleasant contests for priority of rank. General Winslow asserted frankly, that the provincials would never be cora manded by British officers ; and the Earl of Loudoun seriously propounded the question, whether the colo nial troops, with his majesty's arms in their hands, would refuse obedience to his majesty's comraanders ? He was answered in the affirraative ; and when he understood that the New England troops, in par ticular, had enlisted under the condition of being led by their own officers, he agreed to let those troops act separately. * Winslow was a grandson of the second governor of Plymouth, of that name. He was engaged as a captain in the expedition to Cuba, in 1740 ; as a raajor-general in the expeditions to Kennebec, Nova Scotia, and Crown Point, in the Spanish wars. The bold Vol. I.— Nos. 15 & 16 2 E While the English were adjusting these differences, and debating whether it would be expedient to attack Fort Niagara, or Fort Du Quesne, Montcalm, the successor of Dieskau, marched against Oswego wilh about five thousand French, Canadians, and Indians. His artillery played with such effect upon the fort, that it was soon declared untenable ; and to avoid an assault, the garrison, who were sixteen hundred in number, and had stores for five months, surrendered themselves prisoners of war. The fort had been an object of considerable jealousy to the Five Nations ; and Montcalm made a wise use of his conquest by demolishing it in their presence. The English and Araerican army was now thrown upon the defensive. Instead of attacking Ticonderoga, General Winslow Avas ordered to fortify his own camp ; Major-general Webb, with fourteen hundred regulars, took post near Wood Creek ; and Sir William Johnson, Avith one thousand railitia, was stationed at the German Flats. The colonists were now called upon for rein forcements ; and, as parliament had distributed among them one hundred and fifteen thousand pounds for the last year's expenses, they were enabled to answer the call with perhaps more promptitude than was anticipated. The recruits were on their way to the camp, when intelligence of the smaU-pox at Albany frightened them home again. The other provincials were equally alanned ; and all, except a New York regiment, were dismissed. Thus terminated the second campaign. The expedition up the Kenne beck had been abandoned ; that against Niagara was not commenced ; and not even a preparation had been made for that against Du Quesne. At the commencement of the following ye.ar a council was held at Boston, composed of Lord Loudoun, and the governors of the New England provinces and of Nova Scotia. At this council his lordship proposed that New England should raise four thousand men for the ensuing campaign ; and that a proportionate number should be raised by New York and New Jersey. These requisitions were complied with; and in the spring his lordship found himself at the head of a very considerable army. Admiral Holbourn arriving in the beginning of July at Halifax with a powerful squadron, and a reinforce ment of five thousand British troops, under George Viscount Howe, Lord Loudoun sailed from New York with six thousand regulars, to join those troops at the place of their arrival. Instead of the complex stand he took in favour of the militia at that time, has been quoted as a precedent since, and endeared his name lo every lover of mi litary honour, — Am. Ed. 170 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. operations undertaken in previous campaigns, his lordship limited his plan to a single object. Leaving the posts on the lakes strongly garrisoned, he resolved to direct his whole disposable force against Louis bourg ; Halifax having been determined on as the place of rendezvous for the fleet and army destined for the expedition. Information was, however, soon received, that a French fleet had lately sailed from Brest ; that Louisbourg was garrisoned by six thou sand regulars, exclusive of provincials ; and that it was also defended by seventeen line of battle ships, which were moored in the harbour. There being no hope of success against so formidable a force, the enterprise was deferred to the next year ; the general and admiral on the last of August proceeded to New York ; and the provincials were disraissed. The Marquis de Montcalm, availing himself of the absence of the principal part of the British force, advanced with an army of nine thousand men, and laid siege to Fort William Henry. The garrison at this fort consisted of between two and three thousand regulars, and its fortifications were strong* and in very good order ; and for the additional security of this important post, Geni^ral Webb was stationed at Fort Edward with an army of four thousand men. The French commander, however, urged his approaches with such vigour, that, within six days after the investment of the fort. Colonel Monro, the com mandant, having in vain solicited succour from General Webb, found it necessary to surrender by capitulation. The garrison was to be allowed the honours of war, and to be protected against the In dians until within the reach of Fort Edward ; but the next morning, a great number of Indians having been ? This is a great raistake ; the fort was built merely as a defence against Indians, and was entirely unfit for a siege, by a power who had the command of ordnance. The fort was not abandoned until the IeisI shot they had was fired. The conduct of the brave and gallant Montcalm, is inexplicable. Could not such a general, with so many regular troops, have restrained the Indians 1 His reputa tion was without stain until that hour. Some of the disarmed and wretched troops were compelled lo raake resistance, and wrenched the arms from their assailants, and defended theraselves with des peration. There are blood-stained pages in history we could wish were not there. This is one of them, — Am. Ed. i AVhile the army was in winter quarters, a circumstance oc curred which exhibits the watchful jealousy the colonists ever ex ercised over their liberties, " The general court had pro^vided barracks on Castle Island, for a regiment of Highlanders, which had been expected at Boston, Some recruiting officers soon after wards arrived at Nova Scotia ; and, protesting that their regiments would never be filled up if the men raust be lodged in these barracks, they required the justices of the peace to furnish quarters, accord ing to the act of parliament. The justices denied that the act of parliament extended lo this country. Lord Loudoun wrote the court a teller, and asserted roundly that it did ; that, moreover, he had ' used gentleness and patience' long enough ; and that unless the requisitions were complied wilh in forty-eight hours from the receipt of his lelter, he should be ' under the necessity' of ordering permitted to enter the lines, began to plunder ; anu meeting with no opposition, they feU upon the sick and wounded, whom they immedia'.ely massacred. Their appetite for carnage being excited, the defence less troops were attacked with fiend-like fury. Monro in vain implored Montcalm to provide the stipulated guard, and the massacre proceeded. All was turbu lence and horror. On every side savages were butchering and scalping their wretched victims. Their hideous yells, the groans of the dying, and the frantic shrieks of others shrinking frora fhe uplifted toraahawk, were heard by the French unmoved. The fury of the savages was permitted to rage without restraint until fifteen hundred were killed, or hurried captives into the wilderness. The day after this awful tragedy. Major Putnam was sent with his rangers to watch the motions of the enemy. When h^ came to the shore of the lake, their rear was hardly beyond the reach of musket shot. The pros pect was horrible in the extrerae ; the fort demolished ; the barracks and buildings yet burning; innumerable fragments of human carcasses still broiled in the decaying fires ; and dead bodies, mangled with toma hawks and scalping knives, in all the wantonness of Indian barbarity, were 'fevery where scattered around. Who can forbear exclaiming with the poet, " Man is to man the surest, sorest ill I" Thus ended the third campaignt in America ; happily forming the last series of disasters resulting from folly and mismanagement, rather than from want of means and military strength. The successes of the French left the colonies in a gloomy state. By the acquisition of Fort William Henry, they had ob tained full possession of the lakes Champlain and ' into Boston the three battalions from New York, Long Island, and Connecticut ; and if raore were wauling, he had iwo in the Jerseys al hand, besides those in Pennsylvania,' The general court now passed an act very similar to that of parliaraeni, on the subject of recruits; but it did not fully answer Lord Loudoun's expectations, nor did he fail to let them know it in a second epistle. The an swer of the general court was merely a reiteration of what we have so often heard from the same body. They asserted their rights as Englishmen ; said they had conformed to the act of par liament as nearly as the case would admit ; and declared that it was their misfortune, if a strict adherence lo their duty should give offence to Lord Loudoun, He, in turn, applauded the zeal of the province in the service of his majesty, affected to rely on its com pliance wilh his wishes, and countermanded his orders for the march of the troops. The general court sent his excellency a con ciliatory message, in which they asserted that they were entirely dependent on parliament ; that ils acts were the rule of all iheir judicial proceedings; that its auihorily had never been queslioned ; and that if they had not made this avowal ' in times past, it was be cause there had been no occasion for it,' Judge Marshall seems to think that this language was sincere, hut Mr, Minot attributes it to the desire of the court to keep friends with parliament till they were reimbursed for the expenses which they had incurred during Ihe war. The truth is probably between the two opinions."-- Sanford's Hist, ofthe United Stales, p, 145, 146. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. in George ; and by the destruction of Oswego, they had acquired the dominion of those other lakes Which connect the St. Lawrence with the waters of Missis sippi. The first afforded the easiest admission from the northern colonies into Canada, or from Canada into those colonies ; the last unhed Canada to Loui siana. By the continued possession of Fort Du Quesne, they preserved their ascendancy over the Indians, and held undisturbed control of aU the country west of the AUeghany mountains. The British nation was alarmed and indignant, and the king found it necessary to change his councils. At the head of a new ministry, he placed the celebrated William Pitt, afterwards earl of Chatham, who was raised by his talents from the humble post of ensign in ihe guards to the control of the destinies of a raighty empire ; under his administration public con fidence revived, and the nation seemed inspired with new life and vigour.' He was equally popular in both hemispheres ; and so promptly did the governors of the northern colonies obey the requisitions of his circular letter of 1757, that by May, in the following year, Massachusetts had seven thousand, Connecticut five thousand, and New Hampshire three thousand troops, prepared to take the field. The zeal of Mas sachusetts was particularly ardent. The people of Boston supported taxes which took away two thirds of the income on real estate ; one half of the effective * " William Pitt, earl of Chatham, one of the most able and suc cessful rainisters that England ever possessed, was born November 15, 1708, and was the son of Robert Pitt, Esq., of Boconnock, in Cornwall, His education he received al Eton, and at Trinity Col lege, O.xford. His entrance inlo public life was as a cornet of horse; and in 1735, through the influence of the duchess dowager of Marlborough, he wa,s returned to parliament, as meraber for Old Sarura, He subsequently sat for Seaford, Aldborough, and Bath, As a senator, he soon rendered himself so obnoxious to Walpole, that the minister, wilh equal injustice and impolicy, de prived him of his comraission. This unconstitutional act only en hanced his popularity, and sharpened his resentraent. After having been ten years in opposition, he was, early in 1746, appointed joint- vice-treasurer of Ireland ; and, in the same year, treasurer and payraasier general of the army, and a privy counsellor. During his treasurership, he invariably refused to benefit by the large ba lances of raoney which necessarily reraained in his hands. In 1755, he was dismissed; in 1756, he obtained a brief reinstate ment in power, as secretary of state, and was again dismissed ; but, in 1757, defeat and disgrace having fallen on the country, the imanimous voice of the people compelled the sovereign to place him at the head of the administration. Under his auspices, Britain was, during four years, triumphant in every quarter of the globe. Thwarted in his measures, after the accession of George III,, he resigned, in October, 1761, an ofiice which he could no longer hold with honour to himself, or advantage to the nation. A pension was granted to him, and his wife was created a baroness. On the downfall of the Rockingham administration, Pitt was appointed lord privy seal, and was raised to the peerage, with the title of earl of Chatham. He acquired no glory as one of the new and ill- assorted ministry, and he withdrew from it in November, 1768, Though suffering severely frora gout, he continued to speak in parliament upon all important questions. The American war, in parlicular, he opposed with all his wonted vigour and talent. On men in the province were on some sort of military duty ; and the transports for carrying the troops to Halifax were ready to sail in fourteen days from the time of their engagelnent. The mother country was not less active. WhUe her fleets blockaded or cap tured the French armaments, she despatched Admiral Boscawen to Halifax with a formidable squadron of ships, and an army of twelve thousand men. Lord Loudoun was replaced by General Abercrombie, who, early in the spring of 1758, was ready to enter upon the campaign at the head of fifty thousand men, the most powerful army ever seen in America. Three points of attack were raarked out for this campaign ; the first, Louisbourg ; the second, Ticon deroga and Crown Point ; and the third. Fort Du Quesne. On the first expedition Admiral Boscawen saUed from Halifax on the 28th of May, with a fleet of twenty ships of the line and eighteen frigates, and an army of fourteen thousand men, under the com mand of General Amherst, and arrived before Louis bourg on the 2d of June. The garrison of that place, commanded by the Chevalier de Drucourt, an officer of courage and experience, was composed of two thousand five hundred regulars, aided by six hundred ¦militia. The harbour being secured by five ships cf the line, one fifty gun ship, and five frigates, three of which were sunk across the mouth of the basin, it was found necessary to land at some distance from the Sth of April, 1778, while rising to speak in the house of lords, he fell into a convulsive fit, and he expired on the lllh of the fol lowing May, He was interred, and a monument raised to him, in Westminster Abbey, at the public expense ; and a perpetual an nuity of 4000Z, was granted to his heirs. Some short poems, and a volume of letters to his nephew, have appeared in print. The character of Lord Chatham is thus ably suraraed up by Grallan : ' There was in this raan something that could create, subvert, or reform ; an understanding, a spirit, and au eloquence, to summon mankind lo sociely, or lo break the bonds of slavery asunder, and to rule the wilderness of free minds wilh unbounded authority ; something that could establish or overwhelm empire, and strike a blow in the world that should resound Ihrough the universe,' " In Araerica, his name was held in the highest estimation. Every patriot did him honour. Country signs bore his semblance, or something the peop'e thought like his noble features. In the town of Dedham, in Massachusetts, Nathaniel Ames, the father of the great orator, Fisher Ames, a physician, philosopher, a.nd ma thematician, erected a granite column lo his memoiy, and sur- mounted it by a bust of the great friend lo liberty. It was thrown down by time, and suffered to lie in neglect for -many years; bul it has since been renovated, and stands now a monument to de parted genius and patriotism, " His eloquence formed an era in our language;" and the fire he breathed into the soul of freedora, ha,s not, and we trust never will, be extinguished. Genius, united lo letters and patriotisra, can never die. We forgive his last act; il was one of feeling and of national pride. Lord Chatham aided the projectors of canals wilh his whole soul, while politicians thought he had better have been doing almost any thing else ; bul his sagacity has been proved by the wonderful advantages which have resulted lo the nation from canals. Grallan should have added, that he foresaw the resources of tke nation, and commenced their development ; if not so rhetorical, it would have been literally Irue; and even the beauty of prophecy is its fulfilment, — American Edllur 172 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. the town. This being effected, and the artillery and stores brought on shore. General Wolfe was detached with two thousand men to seize a post occupied by the enemy at the Lighthouse Point, from which the ships in the harbour, and the fortifications in the town, might be greaUy annoyed. On the approach of that gallant officer, the post was abandoned by the enemy, and several very strong batteries were erected there by their opponents. Approaches were also made on the opposite side of the town, and the siege was pressed with resolution and vigour, though with great caution. A very heavy cannonade being kept up against the town and the vessels in the harbour, a bomb was at length set on fire and blew up one of the largest ships, and the fiames were coramunicated to two others, which shared the same fate. The English admiral now sent six hundred raen in boats into the harbour, to make an attempt on two ships of the line which still remained in the basin ; one of which, being aground, was destroyed, the other was towed off in triumph. This gallant exploit, putting the English in coraplete possession of the harbour, and several breaches being made practicable in the works, the place was deemed no longer defensible, and the governor ofiered to capitulate. It was required that the garrison should surrender as prison ers of war. These humiliating terms, though at first rejected, were afterwards acceded to ; and Louisbourg, with all its artillery, provisions, and military stores, as also Island Royal, St. John's, and their dependen cies, were placed in the hands of the English, who, without farther difficulty, took possession of the island of Cape Breton. The conquerors found two hundred and twenty-one pieces of cannon, and eighteen mortars, with a very large quantity of stores and ammunition. The inhabitants of Cape Breton were sent to France in English ships ; but the garrison, sea officers, sailors, and marines, amounting collectively to nearly six thousand men, were carried prisoners to England. The armies destined to execute the plans against Ticonderoga and Fort Du Quesne were appointed to rendezvous respectively at Albany and Philadelphia. The first was commanded by General Abercrombie, and consisted of upwards of fifteen thousand men, attended by a formidable train of artillery. On the 5th of July, the general embarked his troops on Lake * George Howe, lord-viscount, was comraander of 5000 British troops in Araerica, and was the most popular of all the leaders of the British armies, in Ihe conflicts with France, When Abercrom bie made his attack on Ticonderoga, he led the van-guard, and fell at the first fire. He was admired by all the provincials. Old Stark, the hero of Bennington, who knew him well, feared that he should not have been a true whig, in the revolution, if Lord Howe George, on board of one hundred and twenty-five whale boats, and nine hundred batteaux, and com menced operations against Ticonderoga. After debarkation at the landing place in a cove on the west side of the lake, the troops were formed into four columns, the British in the centre, and the provincials on the flanks. In this order they march ed toward the advanced guard of the French, which, consisting of one battalion only, posted in a logged camp, destroyed what was in their power, and made a precipitate retreat. While Abercrombie was con tinning his march in the woods towards Ticonde roga, the columns were thrown into confusion, and in some degree entangled with each other. At this June • ture. Lord Howe, at the head of the right centre column, fell in with a part of the advanced guard of the enemy which had been lost in the wood in retreating from Lake George, and immediately attacked and dis persed it, killing a considerable number and taking one hundred and forty-eight prisoners. This success was, however, dearly purchased, by the loss of the gallant nobloman who fell in leading: the attack.* The English array, without further opposition, took pos session of a post within two railes of Ticonderoga. Abercrorabie, having learned from the prisoners the strength of the eneray at that fortress, and from an engineer the condition of their works, resolved on an immediate storra, and made instant disposition for an assault. The troops having received orders to march up briskly, rush upon the enemy's fire, and reserve their own till they had passed a breastwork, marched to the assault with great intrepidity. Unlocked for impediments, however, occurred. In front of the breastwork, to a considerable distance, trees had been felled with their branches outward, many of which were sharpened to a point, by means of which the assailants were not only retarded in their advance, but, becoming entangled among the boughs, were exposed to a very galling fire. Finding it impracti- ble to pass the breastwork, which was eight or nine feet high, and rauch stronger than had been repre sented, General Abercrombie, after a contest of near four hours, ordered a reti ',at, and the next day re sumed his forraer carap on the south side of Lake George. In this brave but Ul-judged assault nearly two thousand ofthe assailants were killed and wound ed, while the loss of the eneray, who were covered had been alive. His death was mourned as a public calamilv. and Ihe Americans seemed to lose their spirit in his fall. The good people of Massachusetts caught the infection of grief from the soldiers, and erected a monument, by permission, for their admiret general, in Westminster Abbey, at their own expense, of two hun dred and fifty pounds sterling. It is still standing in Westrainste? Abbey,— jlm, Ed. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 1T3 during the whole action, was inconsiderable. Gen eral Abercrombie imraediately re-crossed Lake George, and entirely abandoned the project of capturing Ticonderoga.* The carapaign was not destined, however, to close with such ill-success. Colonel Bradstreet proposed an expedition against Frontignac ; a fort which, by being placed on the north side of the St. Lawrence, just where it issues from Lake Ontario, was the key to the communication between Canada and Louisi ana. It served also to keep the Indians in subjec tion, and was the general repository of stores for the enemy's western and southern posts. Late in the evening of the 25th of August, Colonel Bradstreet landed within a mile of the place, with three thou sand raen, eight pieces of cannon, and three mortars. The French had not anticipated an attack at this point, and the garrison consisted of only one hundred and ten men, with a few Indian auxiliaries. It was impossible to hold out long. Colonel Bradstreet posted his mortars so near the fort, that every shell took effect ; and ' the commander was very soon obliged to surrender at discretion. The booty con sisted of sixty pieces of cannon, great numbers of small arms, provisions, mUitary stores, goods to a large amount, and nine armed vessek of from eight to eighteen guns. Colonel Bradstreet destroyed the fort and vessels, re-crossed the Ontario, and re turned to the army. Had it not been for this fortunate enterprise, the unaccountable delay in preparing the expedition against Du Quesne would probably have left that fort a third time in possession of the enemy. It was not until June that the commander. General Forbes, set out from Philadelphia ; it was September, before Colonel Washington, with the Virginia regulars, was ordered to join the main body at Ray's Town ; and, owing to the difficulties of cutting a new road, it was as late as Noveraber, when the array appeared before Du Quesne. The garrison, deserted by the Indians, and without adequate raeans of defence, had * Major Rogers, with his rangers, was in this battle, and asked permission to scour the woods before the regular troops were led on ; but this was not granted. Major Robert Rogers was a native of Londonderry, or Dunbarton, in the state of New Hampshire, He was early kno-wn as a brave soldier, and was authorized by the British government to raise flve companies of rangers, as they were called. They were kept on the frontiers for winter as well as summer service, to watch the hostile Indians, who often, in the most inclement season, made attacks upon the defenceless inhabit ants of the frontiers. This body of troops was taken from the boldest and hardiest of the yeomanry of the land. They were doubly armed, and carried with them snow-shoes and skates for service. They generally made their head-quarters al the southern extremity of Lake George. Their .snow-shoes put thera on an equality with their foes, and with their skates they had greatly the escaped down the Ohio the evening before the arri val of the British, who had only to taken possession, therefore, in the king's narae. The fort was supplied with a new garrison, and the name changed to Pittsburg. The Indians, as usual, joined the strongest side. A peace was concluded with all the tribes between the Ohio and the lakes ; and the frontier inhabitants of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, were once more relieved from the terrors of fire and scalping knives. The campaign of 1758 was highly honourable to. the British arms, and the results of it very important. Of the three expeditions, two had completely succeed-. ed, and the leader of the third had made an imporr tant conquest. To the commanding talents of Pitt, and the confidence which they inspired, this change of fortune must be chiefiy attributed ; and in no respect were these talents more strikingly displayed than in the choice of men to execute his plans. The advantages of this campaign had, however, been purchased by an expensive effort and corresponding exhaustion of provincial strength ; and, when a cir cular letter from Mr. Pitt to the several governors induced the colonies to resolve upon making the most vigorous preparations for the next, they soon discovered that their resources were by no means commensurate with their zeal. Notwithstanding these difficulties, it was resolved to signalize the year 1759 by the complete conquest of Canada. The plan of the campaign was, that three powerful armies should enter the French pos sessions by three different routes, and attack all their strong-holds at nearly the sarae tirae. At the head of one division of the army, Brigadier-General Wolfe, a young officer who had signalized himself at the siege of Louisbourg, was to ascend the St. Law rence and lay siege to Quebec, escorted by a strong fleet to co-operate with his troops. The central and main army, composed of British and provincials, was to be conducted against Ticonderoga and Crown Point by General Amherst, the new commander in advantage of the Indians, Stark, Putnara, and several others, who were distinguished afterward in the revolutionary war, were trained in this school. Some of the well authenticated exploits ol this hardy band, seem like romance to us, in the present day. All along the borders of Lake George, spots are shown where the rangers fought 'desperate battles, in the winter season, sometimes with raore than twice their nurabers. This corps fought from 1755 to the fall of Uuebec, in 1759, They were put foremo^. in battle by Abercrorabie and Amherst, and some of them were sent to assisi Wolfe, Rogers states in his journal of these campaigns, that theit packs were generally of twice the weight of those commonly car ried by soldiers. Many of this band perished in their fronliei campaigns. For some particulars of the life of this singular mari, see Allen's Biography, — Am. E^. 174 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. chief, who, after making himself master of these places, was to proceed over Lake Champlain and by the way of Richelieu River to the Bt. Lawrence, and descending that river, form a junction with General Wolfe before the walls of Quebec. The third army, to be composed principally of provincials, reinforced by a strong body of friendly Indians, was to be com manded by General Prideaux, who was to lead this division first against Niagara, and, after the reduction of that place, to embark on Lake Ontario, and pro ceed down the St. Lawrence against Montreal. It has been observed by a recent author, " Had the elements been laid, and the enemy spell-bound, the whole of this brilliant plan could not have helped succeeding." This sentence, however, betrays a very limited view of a plan that was well worthy of the mind of Pitt. In this arrangement immediate advantage was not sacrificed ; while the more remote results exhibited a prospect highly calculated to ex cite the ambition of the leaders, and to arouse all the energies of the troops. It is in thus affording motives which tend to bring physical force into most effective and persevering action, that inteUectual superiority becomes manifest, confounding the calcu lations of ordinary minds. Early in the winter. General Amherst commenced preparations for his part of the enterprise ; but it was not till the last of May that his troops were assembled at Albany ; and it was as late as the 22d of July, when he appeared before Ticonderoga. As the naval superiority of Great Britain had prevented France from sending out reinforcements, none of the posts ill this quarter were able to withstand so great a force as that of General Amherst. Ticonderoga was immediately abandoned ; the example was fol lowed at Crown Point ; and the only way in which the enemy seemed to think of preserving their province was by retarding the English army with shows of resistance till the season of operation should be past, or till, by the gradual concentration of their forces, they should become numerous enough to make an effectual stand. From Crown Point they retreated to Ile-aux-Noix, where General Amherst understood there was a body of between three and four thousand men, and a fieet of several armed vessels. The English made great exertions to secure a naval superiority ; and had it not been for a succession of adverse storms upon the lake, they would raost probably have accoraplished the original design of forraing a junction at Quebec, instead of being obliged to go into winter quarters at Crown Point. In prosecution of the enterprise against Niagara, General Prideaux had embarked with an army on Lake Ontario ; and on the 6th of July landed without opposition within about three miles from the fort, which he invested in form. WhUe directing the operations of the siege, he was killed by the bursting of a cohorn, and the coraraand devolved on Sir Williara Johnson. That general, prosecuting with judgraent and vigour the plan of his predecessor, pushed the attack of Niagara with an intrepidity that soon brought the besiegers within a hundred yards of the covered way. Meanwhile, the French, alarm ed at the danger of losing a post which was a key to their interior empire in America, had collected a large body of regular troops from the neighbouring garrisons of Detroit, Venango, and Presqu' Isle, Avith which, and a party of Indians, they resolved, if pos sible, to raise the siege. Apprised of their intention to hazard a battle. General Johnson ordered his light infantry, supported by some grenadiers and regular foot, to take post between the cataract of Niagara and the fortress ; placed the auxiliary Indians on his flanks ; and, together with this preparation for an ens-affement, took effectual measures for securin"- his lines, and bridling the garrison. About nine in the morning of the 24th of July, the enemy appeared, and the horrible sound of the war whoop from the hostile Indians was the signal of battle. The French charged with great impetuosity, but were received with firnmess ; and in less than an hour were com pletely routed. This battle decided the fate of Niagara. Sir William Johnson the next morning opened negotiations with the French commandant ; and in a few hours a capitulation was signed. The garrison, consisting of six hundred and seven men, were to march out with the honours of war, to be embarked on the lake, and carried to New York ; and the woraen and children were to be carried to Montreal. The reduction of Niagara effectually cut off the coraraunication between Canada and Louisiana. The expedition against the capital of Canada was the raost daring and iraportant. Strong by nature. and still stronger by art, Quebec had obtained the ap pellation of the Gibraltar of America ; and every at tempt against it had failed. It was now command ed by Montcalm, an officer of distinguished reputa tion ; and its capture raust have appeared chimerical to any one but Pitt. He judged rightly, however, that the boldest and most dangerous enterprises are often the most successful, especiaUy when committed to ardent minds, glowing with enthusiasm, and emu lous of glory. Such a mind he had discovered in General Wolfe, whose conduct at Louisbourg had at tracted his attention. He appointed him to conduct HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 175 the expedition, and gave him for assistants Brigadier Generals Moncton, Townshend, and Murray ; all, like himself, young and ardent. Early in the season he sailed from Halifax with eight thousand troops, and, near the last of June, landed the whole army on the island of Orleans, a few miles below Quebec. From this position he could take a near and distinct view ofthe obstacles to be overcome. These were so great, that even the bold and sanguine Wolfe perceived more to fear than to hope. In a letter to Mr. Pitt, written before comraencing operations, he declared that he saw but little prospect of reducing the place. Quebec stands on the north side of the St. Law rence, and consists of an upper and lower town. The lower town lies between the river and a bold and lofty eminence, w^hich runs parallel to it far to the westward. At the top of this eminence is a plain, upon which the upper town is situated. Below, or east of the city, is the river St. Charles, whose chan nel is rough, and whose banks are steep and broken. At a short distance farther down is the Montmoren cy ; and between these two rivers, and reaching from one to the other, was encamped the French army, strongly entrenched, and at least equal in number to that of the English. General Wolfe took possession of Point Levi, on the southern bank of the St. Law rence, and there erected batteries against the town. The cannonade which was kept up, though it des troyed many houses, made but little impression on the works, which were too strong and too remote to be materially affected ; their elevation, aft the same time, placing them beyond the reach of the fleet. Con vinced of the impossibility of reducing the place, un less he could erect batteries on the north side of the St. Lawrence, Wolfe soon decided on more daring measures. The northern shore of the St. Lawrence, to a considerable distance above Quebec, is so bold and rocky as to render a landing in the face of an eneray impracticable. If an attempt were made be low the town, the river Montmorency passed, and the French driven from their entrenchments, the St. Charles would present a new, and perhaps an insuper able barrier. With every obstacle fully in view, Wolfe, heroically observing that " a victorious army finds no difficulties," resolved to pass the Montmorency, and bring Montcalm to an engagement. In pursuance of this resolution, thirteen companies of English gre nadiers, and part of the second battalion of royal Americans, were landed at the mouth of that river, while two divisions, under Generals Townshend and Murray, prepared to cross it higher up. Wolfe's plan was to attack first a redoubt, close to the water's edge, apparently beyond reach of the fire from the enemy's entrenchments, in the belief that the French, by at tempting to support that fortification, would put it in his power to bring on a general engagement ; or, if they should submit to the loss of the redoubt, that he could afterwards examine their situation with cool ness, and advantageously regulate his future opera tions. On the approach of the British troops, the re doubt was evacuated ; and the general, observing some confusion in the French camp, changed his original plan, and determined not to delay an attack. Orders were immediately despatched to the General Townshend and Murray to keep their divisions in rea diness for fording the river ; and the grenadiers and royal Americans were directed to form on the beach until they could be properly sustained. These troops, however, not waiting for support, rushed impetuously towards the eneray's entrenchments ; but they were received with so strong and steady a fire from the French musketry, that they were instantly thrown into disorder, and obliged to seek shelter at the re doubt which the enemy had abandoned. Detained here awhile by a dreadful thunSer storm, they were still within reach of a severe fire from the French ; and many gallant officers, exposing their persons in attempting to form the troops, were killed, the whole loss amounting to nearly five hundred men. The plan of attack being effectually disconcerted, the English general gave orders for repassing the river, and returning to the isle of Orleans. Compelled to abandon the attack on that side, Wolfe deemed that advantage might result from attempting to destroy the French fleet, and by dis tracting the attention of Montcalm with continual descents upon the northern shore. General Murray, with twelve hundred men in transports, made two vigorous but abortive attempts to land ; and though more successful in the third, he did nothing more than burn a magazine of warlike stores. The enemy's fleet was effectually secured against attacks, either by land or by water, and the commander in chief was again obliged to submit to the mortification of recall ing his troops. At this juncture, intelligence arrived that Niagara was taken, that Ticonderoga and Crown Point had been abandoned, but that General Amherst, instead of pressing forward to their assistance, was preparing to attack the Ile-aux-Noix. While Wolfe rejoiced at the triumph of his brethren in arms, he could not avoid contrasting their success with his own disastrous efforts. His mind, alike lofty and suscep tible, was deeply impressed by the disasters at Mont morency ; and his extreme anxiety, preying upon his delicate frame, sensibly affected his health. He was observed frequently to sigh ; and, as if life was oijly 176 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. valuable while it added to his glory, he declared to his intimate friends, that he would not survive the disgrace which he imagined would attend the failure of his enterprise. Nothing, however, could shake the resolution of this valiant commander, or induce him to abandon the attempt. In a council of his principal oflicers, called on this critical occasion, it was resolved, that all the future operations should be above the town. The camp at the Isle of Orleans was accordingly abandoned ; and the whole army having embarked on board the fleet, a part of it was landed at Point Levi, and a part higher up the river. Montcalm, apprehending from this movement that the invaders might make a distant descent, and come on the back of the city of Quebec, detached M. de BougainvUle, with fifteen hundred men, to watch their motions, and prevent tlieir landing. Baffled and harassed in all his previous assaults, General Wolfe seems to have determined to finish the enterprise by a single bold and desperate effort. The admiral saUed several leagues up the river, making occasional demonstr^ions of a design to land troops ; and, during the night, a strong detachment in flat- bottomed boats fell silently down with the stream, to a point about a mile above the city. The beach was shelving, the bank high and precipitous, and the only path by whicli it could be scaled, was now defended by a captain's guard and a battery of four guns. Colonel Howe, with the van, soon clambered up the rocks, drove away the guard, and seized upon the ba.ttery. The army landed about an hour before day, and by daybreak was marshalled on the heights of Abraham. Montcalm could not at first believe the intelligence ; but, as soon as he was assured of its truth, he made all prudent haste to decide a battle which it was no longer possible to avoid. Leaving his camp at Mont morency, he crossed the river St. Charles with the intention of attacking the English array. No sooner did Wolfe observe this movement, than he began to form his order of battle. His troops consisted of six ¦» On receiving his mortal wound, Wolfe was conveyed into the rear, where, careless about hiraself, he discovered, iu the agonies of death, the most anxious solicitude concerning the fate of the day, F'ora extreme faintness, he had reclined his head on the arm of an officer, but was soon aroused by the cry of " They fly, they fly!" "Who flyl" exclaimed the dying hero, "The French," answered his attendant, " Then," said he, " I die con tented," and immediately expired. A death more full of military glory has seldom been recorded by the pen of the historian, or ce lebrated by the pencil of the painter. General Wolfe was only thirty-three years of age. He possessed those military talents, which, wilh the advantage of years and opportunity of action, " to moderate his ardour, expand his faculties, and give to his intuitive perception and scientific knowledge the correctness of judgment perfected by experience," would have " ,-laced him on a level wilh battalions, and the Louisbourg grenadiers. The right wing was commanded by General Monckton, and the left by General Murray. The right flank was covered by the Louisbourg grenadiers, and the rear and left by Howe's light infantry. The form in which the French advanced indicating an intention to outflank the left of the English array. General Townshend was sent with the battalion of Amherst, and the two battalions of royal Americans, to that part of the line, and they were formed eii potence, so as to present a double front to the enemy. The body of reserve consisted of one regiment, drawn up in eight divisions, with large intervals. The dispositions made by the French general were not less masterly. The right and left wings were composed about equally of European and colonial troops. The centre consisted of a coliinm, formed of two battalions of regulars. Fifteen hundred Indians and Canadians, excellent marksmen, advancing in front, screened by surround ing thickets, began the battle. Their irregular fire I proved fatal to many British officers, but it was soon silenced by the steady fire of the English. About nine in the morning the main body of the French advanced briskly to the charge, and the action soon became general. Montcalm having taken post on the left of the French army, and Wolfe on the right of the Engish, the two generals met each other where the battle was raost severe. The English troops reserved their fire until the French had advanced within forty yards of their line, and then, by a general discharge, made terrible havoc among their ranks. Tbe fire of the English was vigorously maintained, and the enemy every where yielded to it. General Wolfe, who, exposed in the front of his battalions, had been wounded in the wrist, betraying no symp tom of pain, wrapped a handkerchief round his arm, and continued to encourage his men. Soon after, he received a shot in the groin ; but, concealing the wound, he was pressing on at the head of his grena diers with fixed bayonets, when a third ball pierced his breast.* The army, not disconcerted by his fall. the most celebrated generals of any age or nation," — Montcalm was every way worthy to be a competitor of Wolfe, He had Ihe truest military genius of any officer whom the French had ever employed in America. After he had received his mortal wound, he was carried into the city ; and when informed that it was mor tal, his reply was, " I am glad of it," On being told that he could survive but a few hours, " So rauch the belter," be replied, " I shall not then live to see the surrender of Cluebec," General Wolfe was eulogized in the following poem from tha pen of T, Paine : — " In a mouldering cave, where the wretched retreat, Britannia sat wasted with care ; She mourn'd for her Wolfe, and exclaim'd against fate. And gave herself up to despair. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 17? continued the action under Monckton, on whom the command now devolved, but who, receiving a ball through his body, soon yielded the command to General Townshend. Montcalm, fighting in front The walls of her cell .she had sculptur'd around With the feats of her favourite son ; And even the dust, as it lay on the ground, Was engrav'd with some deeds he had done. " The sire of the gods, from his crystalline throne. Beheld the disconsolate dame ; And mov'd with her tears, he sent Mercury down, And these were the tidings that came : Britannia, forbear, not a sigh nor a tear For thy Wolfe, so deservedly lov'd; Your tears shall be chang'd into triumphs of joy, For Wolfe is not dead, but remov'd, " The sons of the east, the proud giants of old, Ha^ve crept from their darksome abodes ; And this is the news, as in heaven it was told. They were marching to war wilh the gods; A council was held in the chambers of Jove, And this was their final decree : That Wolfe should be called to the army above. And the charge was intrusted to me, " To the plains of Quebec, with the orders, I flew. He begg'd for a moment's delay ; He cry'd, oh forbear, let me victory hear. And theu thy command I'll obey : With a darksome thick film I encompass'd his eyes, And bore him away in an urn. Lest the fondness he bore to his own native shore, Should induce him again to return." The French troops that served in Canada, being desirous of erecting a monument in honour of Montcalm, their general, who fell in the action at Gluebec, where the brave Wolfe also fell, a French colonel wrote to the Academy of Belles Lettres for an epitaph to be placed over Montcalm's tomb, ic a church in thai city, which occasioned the following letter from M, De Bougain ville, member of the Academy, to Mr. Pitt : Sir — The honours paid under your ministry, to Mr^WoIfe, as sure me that you will not disapprove of the grateful endeavours of the French troops, to perpetuate the meraory of the Marquis De Montcalm. The body of this general, who was honoured by the regret of your nation, is interred in Cluebec, I have the honour to send you an epitaph made for him by the Academy of Inscriptions, I beg the favour of you, sir, that you will be pleased to examine it, and, if not improper, obtain leave for me to send it to Cluebec, en graved on marble, and to be placed on the Marquis De Montcalm's tomb. Should such leave be granted, may I presume to request, sir, that you will be so good as to inform me of il, and, al the same time, to send rae a passport, that the raarble, with the epitaph en graved ou it, raay be received into an English ship, and Mr, Mur ray, governor of Cluebec, allow it to be placed in the Ursuline church. Yon will be pleased, sir, lo pardon me for this intrusion on your important occupations; but endeavouring to immortalize .llustrious raen and eminent patriots, is doing honour to yourself, I am, with respect, &c. DE BOUGAINVILLE, Sir — It is a real satisfaction to me, to send you the king's consent on a subject so affecting, as the epitaph composed by the Academy of Inscriptions, at Paris, for the Marquis De Montcalm, and which, it is desired, may be sent to Cluebec, engraved on marble, to be placed on the tomb of that illustrious soldier. It is perfectly beau tiful; and the desire of the French troops, which served in Cana da, to pay such a tribute to the memory of their general, whom they saw expire at their head, in a manner worlhy of them and himself, is truly noble and praiseworthy. Vol. I.— Nos. 15 & 16 2 F of his battalions, received a mortal wound about the same time ; and General Senezergus, the second in command, also fell. The British grenadiers pressed on with their bayonets. General Murray, brisklj I shall take a pleasure, sir, in facilitating, every way, such amia ble intentions; and on notice of the measures laken for shipping this marble, I will not fail immediately t'o transmit you the passpon you desire, and send directions lo the governor of Cluebec for its reception, I will beg of you, sir, lo be persuaded of my just sensibility oJ that so obliging part of the letter with which you have honoured mc relating to myself; and to believe Ihat I embrace as a happiness, the opportunity of manifesting the esteem and particular regard wilh which I have the honour lo be, &c, W, PITT, Lotidon, April 10, 1761 Here lielh. In either hemisphere to live for ever, Lewis Joseph De Montcalm Gozon, Marquis of St. Veran, Baron of Gabriac, Commendator of the Order of St. Lewis, Lieutenant-General of the French forces. Both an excellent subject and soldier. Whose memory will be immortalized both here and hereafler ; Coveting nothing but real glory ; Thoroughly conversant in all parts of polite literature. Conducting himself Ihrough all military employment wilh un blemished honour ; Not unacquainted with all the arts of war, with dangers, And knew how lo iraprove advantages by every opportunity that oflfered ; An active General In Italy, Bohemia, and Germany. Always behaving himself with that magnanimity That he mighl be pul upon Ihe same level with his ancestors ; Already eminent in dangers. Being sent to defend the province of Canada, He often repulsed the enemy's forces wilh a handful of men ; He made himself master of almost insurraountable fortifications, Defended by nuraerous garrisons. And furnished with plenty of warlike stores. He could endure cold, hunger, walchings, and fatigue. To a degree alraost incredible : Ever solicitous for the safety of his soldiers. He was regardless of his own ; A vigilant enemy, and accustoraed to conquer ; He supplied the deficiences of fortune by his bravery, Want of soldiers, hy experience and activity. He supported the tottering fate of that colony four years. By his prudence and fortitude. At length, having a long time baffled the efforts of his enemies. By manifold stratagems. Being obliged to engage a large array, Commanded by an active and courageous general. And supported by a fleet equipped wilh every thing necessary fot war ; Being mortally wounded at the head of his army. In the first onset. He died on the 14th of September, MDCCLIX, In the forty-eighth year of his age. Firmly relying on Divine Providence, Whose precepts he had rek'giously observed , Universally lamented by his own soldiers, And even regretted by his enemies. The mourning French have deposited the mortal remains Of this incomparable General, In a grave. Which an impetuous ball had previously dug. And commended them to the generous protection of their adversaries. 17S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. advancing with the troops under his direction, broke the centre of the French army. The Highlanders, drawing their broadswords, completed the confusion of the enemy ; and after having lost their first and second in comniand, the right and centre of the French were entirely driven from the field ; and the left was following the example, when Bougainville appeared in the rear, with the fifteen hundred men who had been sent to oppose the landing of the English. Two battalions and two pieces of artillery were detached to meet him; but he retired, and the British troops were left the undisputed masters ofthe field. The loss of the French was much greater than that of the English. The corps of French regulars was almost entirely annihilated. The killed and wounded of the English army did not amount to six hundred men. Although Quebec was still strongly defended by its fortifications, and might possibly be relieved by Bougainville, or from Montreal, yet General Townshend had scarcely finished a road in the bank to get up his heavy artillery for a siege, when the inhabitants capitulated, on condition that during the war they might still enjoy their own civil and religious rights. A garrison of five thousand men was left under General Murray, and the fleet sailed out of the St. Lawrence. The fall of Quebec did not immediately produce the submission of Canada. The main body of the French army, which, after the battle on the plains of Abraham, retired to Montreal, and which still consist ed of ten battalions of regulars, had been reinforced by six thousand Canadian railitia, aud a body of In dians. With these forces M. de Levi, who had suc ceeded the Marquis de IMontcalm in the chief com mand, resolved to attempt the recovery of Quebec, He had hoped to carry the place by a coup de tnain during the winter ; but, on reconnoitring, he found the outposts so well secured, and the governor so vi gilant and active, that he postponed the enterprise un til spring. In the month of April, when the upper part of the St. Lawrence was so open as to adrait a transportation by water, his artillery, military stores, and heavy bao;gage, were embarked at Montreal, and fell down the river under convoy of six frigates ; and M. de Levi, after a march of ten days, arrived with his army at Point au Tremble, within a few railes of Quebec. General Murray, to wlioiu the care of maintaining the English conquest had been entrust ed, had taken every precaution to preserve it ; but his troops had suffered so rauch by the extreme cold of the winter, and by the want of vegetables and fresh provisions, that instead of five thousand, the original number of his garrison there were not at this time above three thousand men fit for service. With this smaU but valiant body he resolved to meet the enemy in the field ; and on the 28th of April marched out to the heights of Abraham, where, near Sillery, he attacked the French under M. de Levi with great impetuosity. He was received with firraness ; and after a fierce encounter, finding hiraself outflanked, and in danger of being surrounded by superior num bers, he caUed ofi' his troops, and retired into the city. In this action the loss of the English was near a thousand men, and that of the French still great er. The French general lost no time in improv ing his victory. On the very evening of the battle he opened trenches before the town, but it was the 11th of May before he could mount his batteries, and bring his guns to bear on the fortifications. By that time General Murray, who had been indefatigable in his exertions, had completed some outworks, and planted so numerous an artillery on his ramparts, that his fire was very superior to that of the besiegers, and in a manner silenced their batteries. A British fieet most opportunely arriving a few days after, M. de Levi immediately raised the siege, and precipitately retired to Montreal. Here the Marquis de Vaudreuil, governor-general of Canada, had fixed his head quar ters, and determined to make his last stand. For this purpose he called in all his detachments, and col lected around him the whole force of the colony. The English, on the other hand, were resolved upon the utter annihUation of the French power in Canada ; and General Amherst prepared to overwhelm it with an irresistible superiority of numbers. Al most on the same day, the armies from Quebec, from Lake Ontario, and from Lake Champlain, were con centrated before Montreal : a capitulation was imme diately signed ; Detroit, Michilimackinac, and, indeed, all New France, surrendered to the English. The French troops were to be carried home ; and the Canadians to retain their civil and religious privi leges. The history of modern Europe, Avith whose desti ny that of the colonies was closely interwoven, may be designated as the annals of an interminable war. Her sovereigns, ever having the oily words of peace on their lips, have seldom had recourse to the olive branch but as the signal of a truce, the duration of which should be coeval with the reinvigoration of military strength. It was thus with France on the present occasion. Equally unsuccessful on both continents, and exhausted by her strenuous and con tinued efforts, she was at length induced to make overtures of peace ; and every thing seemed to be in a fair train for adjustment, when the treaty was sud- HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 179 denly broken off by an attempt of the court of Ver sailles to mingle the politics of Spain and of Germany with the disputes between France and Great Britain. A secret faraily compact between the Bourbons to support each other through evil and good, in peace and in war, had rendered Spain desirous of war, and induced France once more to try her fortune. As the interests of the two nations were now identified, it only remained for England to make a formal decla ration of hostUity against Spain. The colonies of New England being chiefly interested in the reduc tion of the West India Islands, furnished a consider able body of troops to carry on the war. A large fieet was despatched from England ; the land forces amounted to sixteen thousand ; and before the end of the second year. Great Britain had taken the import- * " The acquisitions of Great Britain, both from France and Spain, on the continent of North America, established by this treaty, whether they be considered in relation to the political or comraercial interests of the parent country, or in relation to the entire interests of the American colonies, merit parlicular atten tion. Every article, therefore, which has respect to America, is subjoined in the words of the treaty. By the second article, France renounces and guarantees to Great Britain all Nova Scotia or Acadia, and likewise Canada, the isle of Cape Breton, and all olher islands in the gulf and river of St. Lawrence. By the third article, it is stipulated, that the French shall have the liberty of fishing and drying on a part of the island of Newfoundland, as specified in the thirteenth article of the treaty of Utrecht; and the French may also fish in the gulf of St, Lawrence, so as they do not exercise the sarae but at the distance of three leagues from all the coasts belonging to Great Britain, as well those ofthe continent, as those of the islands in the said gulf. As to whal relates to the fishery out of the said gulf, the French shall exercise the same, but at the distance of fifteen leagues from the coasts of the isle of Cape Breton, By the fourth article. Great Britain cedes to France, lo serve as a shelter for the French fishermen, the islands of St, Peter and of Miquelon ; and his most Christian Majesty absolutely en gages not to fortify the said island, nor to erect any other buildings thereon, but raerely for the convenience of the fishery ; and lo keep only a guard of fifty raen for the police. By the sixth article it is stipulated, that the confines between the dominions of Great Bri tain and Prance, on the continent of North Araerica, shall be irre vocably fixed, by a line drawn along the raiddle of the river Mis sissippi, from its source, as far as the river Iberville, and frora ihence by a line drawn along the middle of this river, and of the lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain, lo the sea ; and to this purpose the most Christian King cedes in full right, and guarantees to his Britannic Majesty, the river and port of Mobile, and every thing that he possesses on the left side of the river Mississippi, except tlie town of New Orleans, and the island on which it is situated, which shall remain to Prance, provided that the navigation of the river shall be equally free to the subjects of Great Britain and Prance, in its whole breadth and length, from its source to the sea, and that part expressly which is between the said island of New Orleans and the right bank of that river, as well as the passage both in and out of its mouth ; and the vessels belonging to the sub jects of either nation shall not be stopped, visited, or subjected to the payment of any duty whatsoever. The stipulations in favour of the inhabitants of Canada, inserted in the second article, shall also take place with legard to the inhabitants ofthe countries ceded by this article ; that is, that the French in Canada may freely profess the Roman Catholic religion, as far as the laws of Great Britain permit ; that they may enjoy their civil rights, retire when they please, and may dispose of their estates to British subjects. By the ieventh article, it is stipulated, that Britain shall restore to France ant city of Havannah, the key of the Mexican Gulf together with the French provinces of Martinique, Grenada. St, Lucia, St. Vincent, and the Caribbee Islands. The progress of the British conquests, whicli threatened all the remaining colonial possessions of their opponents, was arrested by preliminary articles of peace, which, towards the close of 1762, were interchanged at Fontainbleau between the ministers of Great Britain, France, and Spain. On the 10th of February, in the following year, a definitive treat jr of peace was signed at Paris, and soon after ratified.* France ceded to Great Britain all the conquests whicli the latter had made in North America ; and it was stipulated between the two crowns, that the boundary- line of their respective dominions in the new hemi- the islands of Guadaloupe, Marigalante, Desirade, and Mariinieo, in the Wesl Indies, and of Belleisle, on the coast of Prance, with their fortresses; provided that the term of eighteen monlhs be granted lo his Britannic Majesty's subjects, settled there, and in other places here'oy restored lo France, to sell their estates, recover their debts, and to transport theraselves and eifects, wilhout bemg restrained on account of their religion, or any pretence, except fot debts, or criminal prosecutions. By the eighth article, France cedes and guarantees to Greal Britain the islands of Grenada and the Grenadines, with the sarae stipulations in favour of the inhabit ants as are inserted in the second article for those of Canada ; oud the partition of the islands called neutral, is agreed and fixed, sc that those of St, Vincent, Dominieo, and Tobago, shall remain in full right lo England, and that of St, Lucia shall be delivered lo France in full right, the two crowns reciprocally guar.mleeing to each olher the partition so stipulated. By the sixteenth article, it is stipulated, that his Britannic Majesty shall cause all Ihe fortifi cations to be demolished, which his subjects shall have erected in the bay of Honduras, and other places of the territory of Spain, in that part of the world. And his Catholic Majesty shall not, for the future, sufler the subjects of his Britannic Majesty, or thiir workmen, to be disturbed or molested under any pretence whatso ever, in their occupation of culling, loading, and carrying awaj' log-wood ; and for this purpose they may build, without hinderance, and occupy, without interruption, the houses and magazines neces sary fof them, for their families, and for their effects ; and his said Catholic Majesty assures to them, by this article, the entire enjoyraent of what is above stipulated. By the seventeenth arti cle, his Catholic Majesty desists from all pretensions which he may have forraed lo the right of fishing about the island of Newfound land, By the eighteenth article, il is stipulated, that the king of Great Britain shall restore to Spain all that he has conquered in the island of Cuba, with the fortress of Havannah; and that fort ress, as well as all the other fortresses of the said island, shall be restored in the sarae condition they were in when they were con quered by his Britannic Majesty's arras, Ey the Iwentielh article, his Catholic Majesty cedes and guarantees, in full right, lo his Britannic Majesty, Florida, with the Fort St, Augustine, and the bay of Pensacola, as well as all that Spain possesses on the conti nent of North Araerica, to the east, or to the .southeast ofthe river Mississippi ; and, in general, every thing that depends on the said countries and lands, with the sovereignly, properly, and possession, and all rights acquired by treaties, or otherwise, which the Catho lic king and the crown of Spain have had till now over the said countries." — Anderson, vol. iii, p, 339 — 433, where the preliminarv articles ofthe treaty are inserted entire; and voh iv, p, 1,2, vhero the most material alterations or explanations of those articles, as settled by the definitive treaty, are inserted,— American AnnaL voh ii, p, 113— 115. 180 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. sphere should run along the middle of the Mississippi, from its source as far as the Iberville, and along the middle of that river, and of Lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain. Thus terminated a war, which originated in an attempt on the part of the French to surround the English colonists, and chain them to a narrow strip of country along the coast of the Atlantic ; and ended with their giving up the whole of what was then their only valuable territory in North America. The immediate advantage the colonies derived from the successful issue ofthe contest was great and apparent. Although, for a short period after the conquest of Canada had been effected, they were subject to attacks from the Indian tribes attached to the French, and also from the Cherokees on their south-western bor ders, they were soon enabled to visit their cruelties with severe retribution, and to procure a lasting repose, as the Indians had no forts to whicli to repair for protection or aid. But the indirect results, though almost unperceived at first, were far more important, and prepared the way for those raoraentous efforts which issued in the loss to Great Britain of the fairest (lortion of her colonies, and the establishment of her vassal as a rival. The colonists became inured to the habits and hardships of a military life, and skilled in the arts of European warfare ; while the desire of revenge for the loss of Canada, which France did not fail to harbour, was preparing for them a raost efficient friend, and raaking way for the anomalous exhibition of a despotic sovereign exerting all his power in the cause of liberty and independence. CHAPTER II. THE REVOLUTION. FROM THE MOTION FOR WRITS OP ASSISTANCE TO THE REPEAL OF THE STAMP ACT. No period of the world's history exhibits events more deeply fraught with interest, or more full of moral and political instruction, than the era of American independence. Duly to appreciate the cha racter of the struggle, it is necessary to take a brief review of the circumstances in which the colonies originated, their progress for nearly a century and a half, and the nature of the connexion which existed betv.-een the colonies and the parent state. A considerable variety of circumstances attended the establishraent of the diflerent colonies. In some cases large sums were advanced, either by associated or by individual proprietors who remained in England, expecting, though in vain, to derive a profitable return for the advance oi their capital ; while in others, and those the most eminent, the colonies were founded solely at the expense and by the talent and laborious e.\ertion of the individuals who expatriated them selves, to obtain the uninterrupted enjoyment of rights which they sought in vain in their native land. In no instance can it be truly stated, that any Ame rican colony was established at the expense of the p-overnment or nation of Great Britain. The indi- viduals who had thus voluntarUy separated them selves frora their native land by a distance of three thousand raUes, stUl raaintained some connexion with the parent state, both because the new soil was claimed as an appendage of the crown, and in order to place theraselves under adequate protection against the hostile atterapts of any of the other European states. By royal charter, however, each colony was allowed its legislative assembly, and with such slight restric tions, that the colonists raight well be excused for entertaining the idea that they possessed their own parliaraent ; and their history evinces that this senti raent was widely extended and deeply impressed on the minds of the Americans. In no case were the civil institutions of the colonies less free than those of the British constitution — in many instances they were far more so ; while the simplicity and popular character of their ecclesiastical bodies, tended most powerfully to keep alive the spirit of civil freedom. The liberties they enjoyed were rendered still more valuable, in their esteem, frora the recollection of the sacrifices they had made to obtain them. What labour — what fatigue — what peril had they not en countered in an unknown and savage land ! — Exposed to the excessive rigour of the winter, and the over powering heat of the summer, of an Araerican cliraate, unraitigated by the protecting and consoling influ ences of civilization, an early death had been the fate of most of the first emigrants ; while those who survived the miseries of their situation had to defend their new habitations against the assaults of a ferocious foe, who disputed their title to the possession of lands they had so long regarded as exclusively their own. Did the aristocracy or the legislature of Great Britain share in these toils ? Did they dispense with any of their luxurious habits to relieve the v/ants, or sympathize in the difficulties or distresses of these brave and indefatigable raen ? Or did they not leave them un noticed till they became sufficiently wealthy to afford a lucrative banishment to some of the basest scions of nobility, and a prospect of yielding a revenue which might facihtate the enlargement of the pension list? HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 181 After the difficulties inevitably attendant on first attempts at colonization were overcome, the progress of the colonists in changing the luxuriant wilderness into a cultivated and well-regulated state was very rapid ; and to the abundance of nature, commerce soon added the accumulations of wealth. The secret of their prosperity undoubtedly is, that the colonies were left to themselves, without the officious inter meddling of the legislature of the parent state. The navigation acts form the only exception to this obser vation. These acts, it has already been observed,* prohibited both exportation and importation either in Britain or the colonies, except in English-built vessels manned by English sailors. These and other enact ments were designed to secure to England a monopoly of all American productions, from which her raerchants could derive a profit ; and had they been carried into full effect, they would have prevented all direct inter course between the British American colonies and those of Spanish Araerica, as well as with Europe and Asia. Through the laxity of their administration, however, an important traffic had long been carried on with Spanish settlements, the returns of which were principally in gold and silver, an object of great moment to the interest of the Enghsh colonies, and indeed very advantageous to Great Britain herself t A considerable trade was also carried on between New York and some other of the principal American sea ports, and Lisbon, the returns of which were made chiefly in specie, and the remainder in wine. These and other sources of commercial profit were closed by the strict enforcement of the navigation laws, their systematic evasion having attracted the attention of the British ministry ; and this raeasure was, in fact, one of the most powerful, though least avowed, incitements to revolutionary zeal. It must also be added, that for the aggrandizement of English manu factures, the colonists were prohibited from making some of the most simple and necessary articles, a measure which was, in the estimation of the Ame ricans, as degrading as it was unjust and oppressive. It must be evident to any impartial investigator, that for all purposes of internal governraent, in the New England colonies especially, the connexion between them and the British empire was little more than nominal ; and that, under the form of allegiance, the reality of independence had long existed. " It was not easy to devise,*' says Governor Hutchinson, whose testimony on this point at least must be admit ted to be of great weight, "a system of subordinate government less controlled by the supreme, than the * Book I. chap, ii, ; and chap, iii, t Stedman 's American War, 4lo, vol, i. p, 16. governments in the colonies. Every colony had been left to frame their own laws, and adapt them to the genius of the people, and the local circumstances of the colony, Massachusetts, in particular, was governed by laws varying greatly from, though not repugnant to, the laws of England. Not only their penal laws, their forms of administering justice, the descent of estates, varied from the English constitu tion, and were settled to their own minds ; but they had been allowed to establish a mode of religious worship, and a forra of church government and discipline, which, at most, might be said to be only tolerated in England."! Possessed of their own legislature, the colonists imposed and appropriated their own imposts, and perpetually resisted the at terapts of the crown to render the governors, judges, and other officers appointed by the sovereign, inde pendent of the colonial legislatures, by refusing them. The repeated declarations of sorae of the representa tive assemblies, that no power could lawfully require the imposition of any tax without the assent of the colonial assembly, plainly indicated their opinion as to their independence of the British parliament in all matters of internal government ; while their frequent resistance to the encroachments of the crown, in the conduct of the governors, proves equally their watch ful jealousy to keep the sovereign power within the narrowest limits, and to dispute its exercises whenever it interfered with their real or iraagina ry rights. The advocates of the liberties of America, preced ing and during the period of contest, appear to have been fully aware of the real state of the question; that their views were just, is testified by the almost unanimous concurrence of all enlightened statesmen of the present day. When Charles Townshend, at the conclusion of one of his speeches in favour of the right of the British parliament to tax the colonies, exclairaed, " And now will these Americans, planted by our care, nourished up by our indulgence, until they are grown to a degree of strength and importance, and protected by our arms — will they grudge to contribute their mite to relieve us from the heavy burden we lie under?" Colonel Barre replied : — " They planted by your care ! No, your oppression •planted them in America. They fied frora your tyranny, to a then uncultivated and inhospitable country, where they exposed themselves to almost all the hardships to which human nature is liable, and araong others, to the cruelties of a savage foe — the most subtle, and I will take upon me to say, the t Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts Bay, p. 35.3. 182 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. most forirddable, of any people upon the face of God's earth ; and yet, actuated by principles of true Eng lish liberty, they met all hardships with pleasure, compared with those they suffered in their own country, from the hands of those who should have been their friends. They nourished by your indul gence ! They grew by your neglect of thera. As soon as you began to take care about them, that care was exercised in sending persons to rule them in one department and another, who were deputies of deputies to some members of this house, sent to prey upon thera ; raen, who.se behaviour on raany occa sions has (;aused the blood of those sons of liberty to recoil within thera ; raen promoted to the highest seats of justice, some of whom, to my knowledge, were glad, by going to a foreign country, to escape being brought to a bar of justice in their own. They protected b3'' your arms ! They have nobly taken up arms in your defence, have exerted their valour, amidst their constant and laborious industry, for the defence of a country whose frontiers were drenched in blood, while its interior parts yielded all its little savings to your emolument. And believe me, that same spirit of freedom which actuated that people at first, will accompany thera still,"* The immediate and exciting causes of the spirit of opposition to the government were two-fold ; the rigorous execution of the navigation laws, which destroyed a most important and profitable, though contraband and illegal trade ; and the assertion by the British parliament of its right to tax the colonies. The latter so speedily followed the former, and afford ed so preferable a ground on which to make a stand, that the navigation laws were seldom exhibited as one of the chief grievances ; although, had not the stamp act and other similar measures been brought forward, the laws affecting the trade of the co lonies would inevitably have excited the sarae op position. The attempt to hold a people, circumstanced as were the American colonists, under the legislation of Great Britain, was as irrational as it was unjust. Financial embarrassments called forth the erroneous policy into action, which, as often happens in private life, deeply aggravated the evil it was design ed to remedy ; and the attempt to wring a few thou sands per annum from the colonists, terminated in plunging Great Britain into debt, and in depriving her of an immense territory, which, under a just and liberal management, might still have con- • Gordon's History of the American Revolution, vol, i, p. 160, 161. t Bissett's History, vol, i, p. 227, and M, Botta's Historic de la tinned one of the most illustrious appendages of the British crown. Plans of laying internal taxes, and of drawing a revenue from the colonies, had been at various times suggested to the ministry, and particularly to Sir Robert Walpole. This statesman, however, was too wise and sagacious to adopt them. " I will leave the taxation of the Americans," Walpole ansAvered, " for some of my successors, who raay have raore courage than I have, and be less friendly to commerce than I am. It has been a maxim with me," he added, " during my administration, to encourage the trade of the American colonies to the utmost latitude; nay, it has been necessary to pass over some irregularities in their trade with Europe ; for, by encouraging them to an extensive and growing foreign coramerce, if they gain five hundred thousand pounds, I am convinced that, in two years afterwards, full two hundred and fifty thousand of this gain will be in his majesty's exchequer by the labour and product of this kingdom, as immense quantities of every kind of our manufactures go thither ; and as they increase in the foreign American trade, more of our produce will be wanted. This is taxing them raore agreeably to their own constitution and laws."t The first Pilt, also, in his celebrated speech on the repeal of the stamp act, referring to the conduct of the several preceding administrations, says, " None of these thought, or even dreamed of, robbing tbe colonies of their constitutional rights. That was reserved lo mark an era of the late administration ; not that there were wanting some, when I had the honour to serve his majesty, to propose to me to burn my fin gers with an American stamp act. With the enemy at their back, with our bayonets at their breasts, in the day of their distress, perhaps tire Americans would have submitted to the imposition ; but it would have been taking an ungenerous and unjust advantage." Whatever might have been the views or wishes of any individual of the British cabinet, at any period relative to drawing a revenue directly from the co lonies, no one had been bold enough to make the at tempt until after the reduction of the French power in America. This was deemed a favourable moment to call upon the Americans for taxes, to assist in the payment of a debt, incurred, as was alleged, in a great measure, for their protection against a powerful enemy, now no longer an object of their dread.t A British statesman should have reflected, that, if the Guerre de I'Independence et des Etats-Unis d'Amerique. Edit. Franc, vol, i, p, 62, t Pitkin, vol, i. p. 157. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. J S3 Americans were relieved from the dread of their ancient enemy, they no longer required the protec tion of the parent country against that enemy ; and that the strongest hold on their dependence was gone when Canada was gained.* The conquest of Canada had scarcely been effected,t when rumours were extensively prevalent! that a dif ferent system of government was about to be adopt ed by the parent state ; that the charters would be taken away, and the colonies reduced to royal govern ments. The officers of the customs began to enforce with strictness all the acts of parliament regulating the trade of the colonies, several of which had been suspended, or had become obsolete. Governor Ber nard, of Massachusetts, who was always a supporter of the royal prerogative, appears to have entered fully in to these views, and to have indicated, by his appoint ment of confidential advisers, that his object would be to extend the power of the government to any limits which the ministry might require. The first demon stration of the new course intended to be pursued, was the arrival of an order in council to carry into effect the acts of trade, and to apply to the supreme judicature of the province for writs of assistance, to be granted to the officers of the customs. According to the ordinary course of law, no searches or seizures can be made without a special warrant, issued upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation. * " The disposition to ta.x the Americans, unless they would tax themselves equal lo the wishes of the ministry, was undoubtedly ,itrengthened by the reports of their gayety and luxury which reached the mother country; it was also said, that the planters lived like princes, while the inhabitants of Britain laboured hard for a tolerable subsistence. The oflicers lately returned represent ed them as rich, wealthy, and even overgrown in fortune. Their opinion might arise frora observations made in the Araerican cities and towns during the war, while large suras were spent in the country, for the support of fleets and armies. American produc tions were then in great demand, and trade flourished. The peo ple, naturally generous and hospitable, having a number of stran gers among them, indulged themselves in many uncommon ex penses. When the war was terminated, aud they had no further apprehension of danger, the power of the late enemy in the coun try being totally broken, — Canada, and the back lands lo the very banks of the Mississippi, with the Floridas, being ceded to Great Britain, — it was thought they conld not well make too much of those who had so contributed to their security. Partly to do honour to them, and partly, it is lo be feared, to gratify their own pride, they added to their show of plate, by borrowing of neighbours, and raade a great parade of riches in their several entertainments. The plenty and variety of provision and liquors enabled Ihem lo furnish out an elegant table, at a comparatively triflin|' expense, "^- Gordon's History, vol, i, p, 157, 158, t It will be perceived, that the contest respecting the writs of as sistance occurred nearly two years before the signature of Ihe treaty dX Paris ; but it has been deemed preferable to make a slight chro nological retrocession, than to dissever this occurrence from those wilh which it is so strictly allied in its moral and political cha racter, t " Nothing excited a greater alarm in the breats of those to whom it was communicated, than the following anecdote, viz. The Rev. Mr, Whitefield, ere he left Portsmouth, in New Hampshire, particularly designating the place to be searched and the goods fo be seized. But the writ of assistance was to command all sheriffs and other civil officers to assist the person to whom it was granted, in breaking open and searching every place where he might suspect any prohibited or uncustomed goods to be concealed. It was a sort of commission, during pleasure, to ransack the dwellings of the citizens, for it was never to be returned, nor any account of the proceedings under it rendered to the court whence it issued. Such a weapon of oppression in the hands of the inferior officers of the customs, might well alarm even innocence, and confound the violators of the law. The mercantile part of the community united in opposing the petition, and was in a state of great anxiety, as to the result of the question. The offi cers of the customs called upon Mr. Otis for bis official assistance, as advocate-general, to argue their cause : but as he believed these writs to be illegal and tyran nical, he resigned the situation, though very lucrative, and if filled by a compliant spirit, leading to the high est favours of government. The merchants of Salem and Boston applied to Otis§ and Thacher, who engaged to make their defence. The trial took place in the council chamber of the Old Town House, in Boston. The judges were five in number, including Lieutenant-Governor Hutchinson, who presided as on Monday afternoon, the 2d of April, 1764, sent for Dr, Langdon and Mr, Haven, the congregational ministers of the town, and upon their coming and being alone with hira, said, ' I can't in conscience leave the town without acquainting you with a secret. My heart bleeds for Araerica, O poor New England! There is a deep-laid plot against both your civil and religious liberties, and they will be lost. Your golden days are at an end. You have nothing but trouble before you. My inforraation comes from the best authority in Great Britain. I was allowed to speak of the aflTair in general, hut enjoined not to mention particulars. Your liberties will be lost,' " Gordon, vol. i. p. 143. Considerable jealou.sy appears to have been justly entertained by the Americans of the well known Society for Propagating the Gospel in Foreign Paris, The bishop of Llandaff observed, in a discourse on behalf of that institution, that the establishraent of episcopacy being obtained, " the Araerican church will go out of its infant slate, be able lo sland upon its own legs, and, without foreign help, support and spread itself, and then this society will be brought to the happy issue intended," Mr. Whitefield justly reraarks, in a letter lo Dr. Durell, " Supposing his lordship's assertions true, then I fear il will follow, that a so ciety, which, since its first institution, hath been looked upon as a sociely for propagating the gospel, hath been all the while rather a society for propagating episcopacy in foreign parts," « § Mr. Hulchinson insists that the opposition of Mr, Otis was originally excited by the governor's refusing the place of chief jus- lice of the suprerae court to his father ; and ,speaking of his conduct on this occasion, says, " Mr, Otis's zeal in carrying on these causes was deeraed as raeritorious as if il had sprung from a sincere con cern for the liberties of the people. His resentment against ths governor was not charged upon hira as the motive," Mr, Hutch inson may, however, be supposed at least as prejudiced against Mr, Otis, as his biographer or Mr. Adams may be in his favour. See Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts Bay, from 1749 to 1774, p 90—95. 184 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. chief justice ; and the room was filled with all the officers of government and the principal citizens, to hear the arguments in a cause that inspired the deep est solicitude. The case was opened by Mr. Gridley, who argued it with much learning, ingenuity, and dignity, urging every point and authority that could be found, after the most diligent search, in favour of the custom house petition ; making all his reasoning depend on this consideration, — " if the parliament of Groat Britain is the sovereign legislator of the Bri tish empire." He was followed by Mr. Thacher on the opposite side, whose reasoning was iiigeniousand able, delivered in a tone of great mildness and mode ration. " But," in the language of president Adams, " Otis was a flame of fire ; with a promptitude of classical allusion, a depth of research, a rapid summa ry of historical events and dates, a profiisieii of legal authorities, a prophetic glance into futurity, and a rapid torrent of impetuous eloquence, he hurried away all before him. American independence was then and there born. The seeds of patriots and heroes to defend the Non sijie Diis aniinosiis infji/.f.'^ to de fend the vigorous youth, were then aud there sown. Every man of an immense crowded audience appear ed to me to go away as I did, ready to take arms against writs of assistance. Then and ihere was the first scene ofthe first act of opposition to the ar bitrary claims of Great Britain. Then and there the child Independence was born. In fifteen ye:iTs, i. e. in 1776, he grew up to manhood and declared himself free,"t In consequence of this argument, it appears, the popularity of Otis was without bounds, and at the next election he was for the first time chosen a mem ber of the house of representatives by an almost unani mous vote. Sorae idea of the state of public senti ment at that period raay be derived from tbe following remarkable language of the governor, in his speech at the coramencement of the session, " Let rae re coraraend to you to give no attention to declamations tending to promote a suspicion of the civil rights of the people being in danger. Such harangues might suit well in the time of Charles and James, but in the times of the Georges they are groundless and un just. Since the accession of the first George, there has been no instance of the legal privileges of any corporate body being attacked by any of the king's ministers or servants, without public censure ensuing. His present majesty has given uncommon assurances * This allusion is to the alliance medal, struck in Paris; one side of which contains the head of Liberty, wilh the words Libertas Americana, 4th July, 1776; and on the reverse, a robust infant si-ruggling with the serpent, attacked by a lion, (England,) defcnd- how much he has at heart the preservation of the liberty, rights, and privileges of all his subjects. Can it be supposed that he can forfeit his word ; or that he will suffer it to be forfeited by the acts of any servant of his with impunity ? An insinuation so unreasonable and injurious I am sure will never be well received araong you." In the following session. Governor Bernard in formed the house of representatives that, during the recess of the legislature, he had appropriated a sraall sum towards fitting out the sloop Massachusetts to protect the fishery. The committee appointed to prepare an answer, reported to the house a message, in which, after desiring his exceUency to restore the sloop to her former condition, they add — " Justice to ourselves and to our constituents obliges us to remon strate against the method of making or increasing establishments by the governor and council. It is in effect taking from the house their most darling privilege, the right of originating all taxes. It is, in short, annihilating one branch of the legislature. And when once the representatives of a people give up this privilege, the government wUl very soon be come arbitrary. No necessity, therefore, can be suf ficient to justify a house of representatives in giving up such a privilege; for it would be of little consequence to the people whether they were subject to George or Louis, the king of Great Britain or the French king, if both were arbitrary, as both would be if both could levy taxes without parliament." " Treason, trea son !" cried one of the merabers, when these words were read ; but the report was accepted, and the raes sage sent unaltered to the governor. The same day he returned it, accompanied by a letter requesting that a part of it might be expunged, as disrespectful to the king. It was then proposed to insert an amendment in the message, expressive of loyalty ; but a certain member crying " Rase thera, rase thera," the obnoxious words, which had been underlined by the governor, were erased ; " it being obvious that the reraonstrance would be the same in effect with or without them." The governor sent a vindication of his conduct to the house, and prorogued the assem bly before there was time to answer it. In the mean tirae, the laws of trade were enforced with increasing strictness, greatly to the embarrass ment of American commerce, particularly that of the northern colonies, the whole of whose foreign trade seemed about to be ruined ; an event which would ed by Minerva, (France,) who interposes a shield with the fleurs de lis, and on which the lion fastens ; the motto, furnished by Sir William Jones, Non sine Diis animosus infans. t Tudor's Life of Otis, p, 61. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 185 leave them no means of making: remittances to Ens'- land for the purchase of manufactures, rendered so necessary by the severity of their cliraate, but direct exportations to that country; to which, the subjection of Canada having raade that province the seat of the fur trade, they had nothing to send, but the growth of their forests and the produce of their whale fishery. The apprehension of this evil induced them to urge their agents and correspondents in Great Britain to make every effort to procure a repeal, or to prevent the perpetuity, of the most obnoxious statutes, particu larly of the sugar and molasses act. Notwithstanding the approach of these evils, and the language of Mr. Otis in his argument on writs of assistance, the unconstitutional character of this and the other laws of trade does not appear to have been denied with a voice loud aud general enough to excite attention in Great Britain, or even in the southern colonies ; nor does the authority of parliament to enact thera appear to have been yet openly contested by any deliberative body. The colonies were not ready to throw off by force restraints which they had been accustomed to wear from their infancy, and whicli had not till lately pressed severely upon them. They now began to find them galling ; and perhaps the time when they would have grown up to such a size as to feel them selves cramped and shackled by them beyond endu rance, was not far distant. The ministry, however, chose to anticipate it; and in December, 1763, orders were published in America for the vigilant and unsparing enforcement of the most odious of these laws, with the avowed purpose of raising a revenue. The year 1764 was prolific in measures calculated to agitate and arouse the spirit of the Americans. Early in March an act was passed, which declared that the bills which had been issued by the several colonial governments, should no longer be regarded as legal currency ; an enactment which, although in some cases it raight have the beneficial effect of pre venting an injurious excess of paper, was very prejudicial to the interests, as well as galling to the feelings, of the colonists. On the 10th of March, the house of commons passed eighteen resolutions for imposing taxes and duties on the colonies. The execution of that which declared that it might be proper to impose certain stamp duties on them, was deferred to the next session ; but the others were immediately enforced by " An Act for granting certain Duties in Araerica ;" which, after stating that it was just and expedient to raise a revenue there, imposed duties on silks and coloured calicoes from Persia, India, or China, and on sugar, wines, coffee, and pimento, made the sugar and molasses act perpetual, Vol. I.— Nos. 15 i moraent, and then said, ' Dare you tax America 1 I wish to God I could see it.' Townshend replied, ' I will, I will,' " — MSS, papers of Dr, Wm, S, Johnson, then in England as agent for Connecticut, quoted iu Pitkin's History, vol, i, p, 217. t Pitkin, vol. i, p. 218, t Allen's History of the Revolution, vol. i, p. 107. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 197 been a favourite object of the British cabinet toestablish in the colonies a fund, from which the salaries of the go vernors, judges, and other officers of the crown should be paid, independent of the annual grants of the colo nial legislatures. As these officers held their places during the pleasure of the king, the people of Massa chusetts, it will be remerabered, had uniformly resist ed such establishraent, though repeatedly urged on the part of the crown. On this subject the house of representatives maintained, in resolutions indicative of great firmness, their former purpose. The house, also, during this session addressed a circular letter to the other colonies, stating the difficulties to be appre^ bended by the operation of the late acts of parlia ment, and requesting their co-operation for redress. When the question of addressing a circular to the colonies was first presented to the house it was op posed, as seeming to countenance the meeting of another congress, heretofore so offensive to the British governraent ; and the motion was negatived. The subject was afterwards reconsidered, and the letter so worded as to satisfy a large majority of the house. The other colonies approved of the proceedings of Massachusetts, and joined in applying to the king for relief. The circular letter of Massachusetts created no little alarm in the British cabinet. They viewed it as an attempt to convene another congress, to concert measures in opposition to the authority of parliament. Union and concert among the colonies was a peculiar object of dread with the ministers ; and they were determined, if possible, to prevent every raeasure leading to it. A letter from Lord Hillsborough, se cretary of state, was therefore addressed to the go vernor of Massachusetts, directing hira, at the next meeting of the general assembly of that colony, " to require of the house of representatives, in his majes ty's name, to rescind the resolution which gave birth to the circular letter of the speaker, and to declare their disapprobation of, and dissent to, that rash and hasty proceeding.'' If the house refused compliance, he was directed immediately to dissolve the assembly, and to transmit their proceedings to the king, that measures might be taken to prevent for the future *' a conduct of so extraordinary and unconstitutional a nature." This being communicated to the house of representatives of Massachusetts in June, 1768, the house, in the raost pereraptory manner, by ninety-two to seventeen, refused to rescind, or to disapprove of the proceedings of the preceding assembly ; declaring their rights as British subjects, in a respectful raan ner, to petition the king and parliaraent for a redress of grieva,nces, and to request the other colonies tp unite with them for the same purpose. The nouse viewed the letter of Lord Hillsborough as an unwar rantable atterapt on their rights ; and in their answer to the communication of the governor on this subject, express themselves with no little warmth. " If the votes ofthe house were to be controlled by the direc tion of a rainister," they say, " we have left us but a shadow of liberty." On the question to rescind, Mr, Otis, one of the representatives frora Boston, said — " When Lord Hillsborough knows that we will not rescind our acts, let him apply to parliament to rescind theirs. Let Britain rescind their measures, or they are lost for ever." On receivirjg information of the decision of the house, the governor immediately dissolved the assembly. The ministerial mandate to the other colonies was equally disregarded. The answer of the house of representatives of Maryland to the message of Go vernor Sharpe, communicating Lord Hillsborough's letter, evinces the independent and fearless spirit of the people of that province. " We cannot," say they, "but view this as an attempt, in some of his majesty's ministers, to suppress all communication of senti ments between the colonies, and to prevent the united supplications of America from reaching the royal ear. We have the warmest and most affection ate attachment to our most gracious sovereign, and shall ever pay the readiest and most respectful regard to the just and constitutional power of the British parliament ; but we shall not be intimidated by a few high-sounding expressions from doing what we think is right." The assemblies of New York, Delaware, Virginia, and Georgia, expressed similar sentiments, in language more or less decided. Indeed, all Ame ricans looked with astonishment at such a system of policy proceeding from a ministry of which Lord Cha tham constituted a part. They found it impossible to reconcile the conduct now adopted towards them with their ideas of his lordship's character. They had heretofore regarded him as a friend, in whose honest and liberal principles they might securely trust the management of all that concerned the colo nies ; but here was a melancholy evidence before their eyes of the insincerity of ministerial professions. In justice to the character of Lord Chatham, how ever, it raust be observed, that he was not in parlia ment during any part of the time that these measures of Mr. Town.shend were under discussion. The state of his health was such as not only to detain him from his seat in the house, but to render him in capable of attending to any of the duties of his high station ; and it appears that his opinion weighed biit little with the men whom he had raised to powef, 198 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. Charles Townshend, from whom all the troubles and commotions that were now rapidly spreading through the colonies in a great measure originated, did not live to witness their effects. He died in Sep tember, 1767, and was succeeded as chancellor of the exchequer by Frederick Lord North, ayoung nobleman, who was then but little known in the political world, but who wiU be found to make a conspicuous figure in the sequel of this history. Very soon afterwards. Lord Chatham, disgusted with the corrupt influence which manifested itself in every act of the court, and sick of the political world, resigned the privy seal, Avhich was iramediately put into the hands of the Earl of Bristol. It was thought necessary, about the same time, to create a new office — that of secretary of state for the colonies — which was given to Lord Hillsbo rough, a circumstance which indicated that they were becoming an object of the highest considera tion in the estimation of the cabinet. The colonists meanwhile were adopting all the peaceable means in their power to show their sense of the wrongs heaped upon them. Petitions, memo rials, and remonstrances to the king and parliament, and letters to the individual friends of AiTierica, were addressed from all the legislatures ; but the most favourable reply which any of them received was an exhortation to suffer with patience and in silence. To suffer tamely, and without seeking redress, how ever, was not the character of the sturdy sons ot freedom who inhabited the colonies. They entered into the same kind of resolutions of non-importation, the effects of which had been so severely felt by the traders in England under the stamp act. Bos ton, as before, took the lead. At a town meeting held in October, it was voted that measures should be iraraediately taken to promote the establishment of domestic raanufactories, by encouraging the consurap- tion of all articles of American manufacture. They also agreed to purchase no articles of foreign growth or manufacture, but such as were absolutely indis pensable. New York and Philadelphia soon follow ed the example of Boston ; and in a short tirae the merchants themselves entered into associations to im port nothing from Great Britain but articles that ne cessity required. The new board of commissioners of the customs established at Boston had now entered on the duties of their office. From the great exciteraent at that place, produced by the late proceedings of parliament, * Pitkinj vol, i, p. 229, t This was in direct violation of an act of parliament, (the 6th Anne,) which declared, that " no mariner, or olher person, who shall serve on board, or be retained to serve on board, any priva- a collision between the new custom-house officers and the people was by no means improbable. The in dignation of the people of Boston was at length excit ed to open opposition by the seizure of Mr. Hancock's sloop Liberty, for a violation of the revenue laws. The popularity of the owner, who was one of the most active friends of the people, added to the abhor rence already felt for the officers of the customs and the whole board of coraraissioners, combined to give a character of outrage to this seizure in the minds of the populace, which led to an alarnaing riot. Under the idea that the sloop would not be safe at the wharf in their custody, the custom-house officers had soli cited aid from a ship of war which lay in the har bour, the coramander of which ordered the sloop to be cut from her fastenings and brought under the guns of his ship. It was to prevent this reraoval that the raob collected — raany of the officers were severely wounded in the scuffle, and the mob being baffled in their attempts to retain the sloop at the wharf, repaired to the house of the collector, comp troller, and other officers of the customs, where they committed many acts of violence and injury to their property. This riotous disposition continued for se veral days, during which the commissioners applied to the governor for assistance, but his excellency no* being able to protect them, advised them to remove frora Boston ; they consequently retired, first on board the Ronrney man-of-war, and then to Castle Williara. A coraraittee ofthe council, in their report on this subject, say, that, although the extraordinary circumstances attending the seizure ofthe sloop, might, in some raeasure, extenuate the criminality of the riotous proceedings in consequence of it, yet, being of a very criminal nature, they declared their abhor rence of them, and requested that the governor would direct prosecutions against the offenders. This re port was accepted by the council, but in consequence ofthe dissolution of the assembly, was not acted upon by the house. Such, however, was the state of pub lic feeling, that no prosecutions could be successfully carried on.* The excitement at Boston was greatly increased about this time by the impressment of some seamen belonging to that town by order of the offi cers of the Romney .t The inhabitants of Boston were assembled on this occasion, and their petition to the governor, praying his interference to prevent such outrages for the future, shows to what a stale of alarm, anxiety, and even despair, they were then leer, or trading ship, or vessel, that shall be eraployed in Araerica, nor any mariner or person, being on shore in any part thereof, shall be liable to be irapressed or taken away by any officer or officers of or belonging to, her majesty's ships of war." HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 199 reduced. They state that, while waiting for a gra cious answer to their petitions to the king, they were invaded with an armed force, impressing and imprison ing the persons of their fellow subjects, contrary to an express act of parliament ; that menaces had been thrown out fit only for barbarians, affecting them in the most sensible manner, and that, " on account of the obstruction of their navigation, the situation of the town was nearly such as if war had been formally declared against it. To contend," they said, " against our parent state, is, in our idea, the most shocking and dreadful extremity; but tamely to relinquish the only security we and our posterity retain for the en joyment of our lives and properties without one strug gle, is so humiliating and base, that we cannot sup port the reflection." The general court of Massachusetts having been dissolved by Governor Bernard, who refused to con vene it again without his majesty's coramand, on the proposal of the selectmen of Boston to the several towns in the colony, a convention raet in that town on the 22d of Septeraber, to deliberate on constitu tional raeasures to obtain redress of their grievances. The convention, disclairaing legislative authority, petitioned the governor ; made loyal professions ; expressed its aversion to standing armies, to tumults and disorders, its readiness to assist in suppressing riots, and preserving the peace ; recommended pa tience and good order ; and after a short session dis solved itself. The day before the convention rose, advice was received that a man-of-war and some transports from Halifax, with about nine hundred troops, had arrived at Nantasket harbour. On the day after their arri val, the fleet was brought to anchor near Castle Wil liam. Having taken a station whieh commanded the town, the troops, under cover of the cannon of the ships, landed without molestation, and, to the number of upwards of seven hundred men, marched, with muskets charged, bayonets fixed, martial music, and the usual military parade, into the common. In the evening, the selectmen of Boston were required to quarter the two regiments in the town ; but they ab solutely refused. A temporary shelter, however, in Fanueil Hall, was permitted to one regiment that was without its carap equipage. The next day, the state- house, by order of the governor, Avas opened for the reception of the soldiers ; and, after the quarters were settled, two field pieces, with the main guard, were stationed just in its front. Everything was calcula ted to excite the indignation of the inhabitants. The lower floor of the state-house, which had been used by gentlemen and merchants as an exchange, the re presentatives-chamber, the court-house, Fanueil Hall — places with which were intimately associated ideas of justice and freedom, as well as of convenience and utility — were now filled with troops of the line. Guards were placed at the doors of the state-house, through which the council must pass in going to theii own chamber. The common was covered with tents. Soldiers were constantly marching and coun termarching to relieve the guards. The sentinels challenged the inhabitants as they passed. The sab bath was profaned, and the devotion of the sanctua ry disturbed, by the sound of drums and other military music. There was every appearance of a garrisoned town. The colonists felt disgusted and injured, but not overawed, by the presence of such a body of soldiery. After the troops had obtained quar ters, the council were required to provide barracks for them, agreeably to act of parliaraent ; but they resolutely declined any raeasure which might be con strued into a submission to that act. In a few weeks several more transports arrived at Boston from Cork, having on board part of the 64th and 65th British regiments, under Colonels Mackey and Pomeroy. It is evident that the British ministry little under stood the true interests of the kingdom in regard to the transatlantic colonies. They had certainly made sufficient experiments to ascertain that the Araericans were not to be intiraidated into a surrender of any of their rights ; and yet they persisted in measures which could only tend to alienate their affections, and to widen the breach which former atterapts had crea ted, and which a contrary policy raight have healed. These rigorous measures of the ministry, however, received the fullest sanction of both houses of parlia ment. The lords passed resolutions censuring the votes and proceedings of Massachusetts ; and pro nounced the election of deputies to sit in convention, and the meeting of that convention, daring insults offered to his majesty's authority, and audacious usur pations of the powers of government. The house of comraons concurred in these resolutions ; and both houses, in a joint address to his majesty, expressed their satisfaction in the measures that he had pursued ; gave the strongest assurances that they would effect ually support him in such further measures as might be found necessary to maintain the magistrates in a due execution of the laws in Massachusetts Bay ; and besought him " to direct the governor to take the most effectual methods for procuring the fullest information, touching all treasons or misprisions of treason, com mitted within the government since the 30th day «)f December, 1767, and to transmit the same, together with the names of the persons who were most active 200 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. in the commission of such offences, to one of the sec- reiaries of state, in order that his majesty raight issue a special coraraission for inquiring of, hearing, and determining, the said offences within the realm of Great Britain, pursuant to the provision of the statute of the 35th of Henry the Eighth." There is no portion of the conduct of the British government, in its contest with the colonies, which betrays stronger indications of tyranny, or evin ces more of the blindness happily so often found in connexion with it, than the last of these resolutions. It was evidently intended to terrify the leaders of the patriotic party ; but it certainly ought to have been foreseen, that it was far more calculated to give thera additional power, by affording another instance of the unjust and oppressive measures which the British legislature was prepared to sanction. If the object of the ministry had been to goad the colonists to resistance before they were overawed by numerous garrisons of royal troops, their conduct was intelligi ble and consistent ; but as that was evidently far from their design, we find in it another occasion of admiring the dispensations of Him " who setteth up one and putteth down another," in allotting so sraall a portion of prescience to the individuals who at this time counselled his Britannic majesty. Massachusetts had no general asserably when the address and resolutions of parliament became known in America, it having been dissolved by the governor ; but Virginia, uniformly prompt, intelligent, and deci ded, did not suffer them to pass unobserved. The house of burgesses, alarmed at the general danger, passed several resolutions, which the-y directed their speaker to transmit without delay to the speakers of the houses of assembly in the other colonies, whose concurrence in similar sentiments was earnestly re quested. On the next day, the house, foreseeing the event, raet on the instant of the ringing of the bell, and with closed doors received the report of their resolu tions, considered, adopted, and ordered them to be enter ed upon their journals ; which they had scarcely done, when they were summoned to attend the governor, and were dissolved. "Mr. Speaker," said he, "and gentlemen of the house of representatives, I have heard of your resolves, and augur ill of their effects ; you have made it my duty to dissolve you, and you are accordingly dissolved." But the dissolution of the house of burgesses did not change the materials of which it had been composed. The same members were re-elected without a single exception, and the same determined spirit of resistance continued to • Wirt's Life of Henry, p, 87, diffuse itself from the legislature over the colony which they represented, and to animate by sympathy the neighbouring colonies.* The assembly of South Carolina, the lower house in Maryland and the Dela ware counties, and the asserably of North Carolina, adopted sirailar resolutions. Towards the close of the year, the assembly of New York also passed resolutions in concurrence with those of Virginia. The general court of Massachusetts was at length convened on the 31st of May, not having been before called together by the governor since his raemorable dissolution of it, for refusing to rescind their resolution respecting the circular letter. Their first act was to send a committee to the governor, to declare, " that they claimed that constitutional freedom, which was the right of the assembly, and was equally important as its existence ; to assure his excellency, that it was their firm resolution to promote the welfare of the subject, and support his majesty's government in the province ; to make a thorough inquiry into the griev ances of the people, and to have them redressed ; to amend, strengthen, and preserve the laws of the land ; to reform illegal proceedings in administration, and to maintain the public liberty." " This resolution," they said, "deraanded parliaraentary freedora in the debates of the asserably ; and therefore they were constrained early to remonstrate to his excellency, that an armaraent by sea and land investing the raetropolis, and a military guard with cannon pointed at the very door of the state-house, where the assem bly had convened, was inconsistent with the dignity and freedom with which they had a right to deliber ate, consult, and determine. The experience of ages was sufficient to evince that the military power was ever dangerous, and subversive of a free constitution ; the council of the province had publicly declared that the aid of the military was unnecessa'ry''to support the. civil authority in Massachusetts ; nor feould they conceive that his majesty's service required a fleet and army at Boston, in a time of profound peace ; and they had a right to expect that his excellency, as the representative of the king, would give the necessary orders for the removal of the forces, both ofthe sea and ofthe land, out ofthe harbour, and from the gates of the capital, during the sitting of the assem bly." To this message of the house the governor replied, " that he had no control of the king's troops stationed in the town or province, and that he had received no orders for their removal. "t From the haughty teraper of Governor Bernard, it could not be expected that he would be condescending t Bradford's History of Massachusetts, p, 182. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 201 in the exercise of official authority ; yet it was hard ly to be supposed that he would causelessly give of- ff nee, by objecting to raany of the best friends of the people elected to the council board. He gave his nep-ative, however, to eleven gentlemen who had been chosen by the asserably, araong whom were Bowdoin, Brattle, and Haiicock ; and after the general court had been some days in session, because they were consulting upon means to preserve the liberties of the people and obtain redress of grievances, instead of giving their attention to the ordinary business of voting salaries and providing for replenishing the trea sury, he undertook to dictate to thera what were the proper subjects of legislation ; charged them with wasting the public money by needless debates, and threatened to adjourn the court to some other place, unless they should proceed in the usual, and, as he pretended, necessary course of business. The gene ral assembly was accordingly reraoved to Cambridge, where it was very inconvenient to be holden, as the records and the house erected for their accoraraoda tiou were in Boston. Thus the military were suffer ed to keep possession of the capital of the province, and the legislative assembly ordered to another place, because they chose not to be surrounded by armed men. They could not, however, be driven from their purpose of boldly remonstrating against all arbitrary measures, especially the obnoxious one of keeping a large mihtary force in the province, and of devising proper means for relief to the people. " The firmness and decision of this assembly," says Mr. Alden Brad ford, " are entitled to the highest praise. The reso lution and patriotisra they exhibited at this critical period have never, perhaps, laeen exceeded by our most meritorious statesmen." The occasion demand ed an energy and zeal which no dangers or threats could subdue. And the men whom the people had then trusted with their dearest rights, proved them selves equal to the peculiar exigencies of the times. Nothing was omitted on their part to show their ab horrence of despotism, their attachment to constitu tional liberty, and their determined purpose to deliver the people from oppression.* On the 6th of July, the governor sent a message to the court, with accounts of the expenditures al ready incurred by quartering his majesty's troops ; de siring funds to be provided for discharging the same, and requiring a provision for the further quartering of the forces in Boston and Castle Island, according to act of parliament. The next day the house of assem bly, among other resolutions, passed the following : * History of Massachusetts, p. 184. Vol. I.--N0S. 17& 18. 2 1 " That a general discontent on account of the revenue acts, an expectation of a sudden arrival of a mih tary power to enforce the said acts, an apprehensioi^ of the troops being quartered upon the inhabitants the general court dissolved, the governor refusing tr call a new one, and the people almost reduced to a state of despair, rendered it highly expedient and necessary for the people to convene by their com mittees ; to associate, consult, and advise the best means to promote peace and good order ; to present their united complaints to the throne ; and jointly to pray for the royal interposition in favour of their violated rights-— nor can this procedure possibly be illegal, as they expressly disclaim all governmental acts : that the establishment of a standing array in this colony, in tirae of peace, is an invasion of natu ral rights : that a standing array is not known as a part of the British constitution : that sending an armed force into the colony under pretence of assist- uig the civil authority, is highly dangerous to the people, unprecedented, and unconstitutional." On the 12th of July, the governor called on the court to answer, whether they would or would not make pro vision for the troops. The house, by message, after remarking on the mutiny or billeting act, answered, " As we cannot consistently with our own honour or interest, much less with the duty we owe to our con stituents, so we never shall make any provision of funds for the purposes in your several messages." On the reception of this raessage, the governor pro rogued tbe general court to the 10th of January, to meet at Boston. On the 1st of August, Sir Francis Bernard was re called. A few days before his departure, he received letters from the secretary of state, which, being circu lar to the several governors of the continent, were ap parently intended to be made public. One of the last acts of his adrainistration was his directing, or authorizing, the publication of the assurance to the people of the colonies in those letters, " that the ad ministration is well disposed to relieve' the colonics from all 'real' grievances arising from the late acts of revenue. And though the present ministers have concurred in the opinion of the whole legislature, that no raeasures ought to be taken which can derogate from the legislative authority of Great Britain over the colonies, yet they have declared, that they have at no time entertained a design to propose any further taxes upon America for the purpose of a revenue ; and that it is their intention to propose, in the next session of parliament, to take off the duties upon glass, paper, and colours, upon consideration of such duties being contrary to the true principles of commerce." 202 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. Governraent in England expected, by this assurance ' of intended favour, to incline the people to abate their opposition. But it had a very different effect. It was immediately the common language among the advocates for liberty, " Repealing the act upon prin ciples of commerce is a mere pretence, calculated to establish the grievance we complain of The true reason why the duty upon tea is to continue,. is to save the ' right' of taxing. Our acquiescing in the repeal of the rest will be construed into an acknow ledgment of this ' right.' The fear of trouble, from the discontent of merchants and manufacturers upon our non-importation agreements, has brought the ministry to consent to this partial repeal. A vigor ous enforcement of these agreements will increase the fear, and we shall certainly carry the point we con tend for, and obtain the repeal of the whole." A meet ing of the trading classes was called in Boston. The repeal of only part of the act was unanimously re solved to be a measure intended merely to quiet the manufacturers in Great Britain, and to prevent the setting up of manufactures in the colonies, and one that would by no means relieve trade from its diffi culties ; it was, therefore, further resolved, to send for no more goods from Great Britain, a few specified articles excepted, unless the revenue acts should be repealed. A coraraittee was appointed to procure a writteri pledge from the inhabitants of the town not to purchase any goods from persons who have import ed them, or who shall import them, contrary to the late agreement ; and another comraittee to inspect the manifests of the cargoes of all vessels arriving frora Great Britain, and to publish the names of all importers, unless they imraediately delivered their goods into the hands of a committee appointed to re ceive them. In the midst of these proceedings, ne cessarily productive of considerable disorder. Govern or Bernard left the administration to Lieutenant-go vernor Hutchinson, and embarked on board the Rip- pon, a man-of-war ordered frora Virginia to receive him, and sailed for England. Instead of the marks of respect commonly shown, in a greater or less de gree, to governors upon their leaving the province, there were many marks of public joy in the town of Boston. The bells were rung, guns were fired from Mr. Hancock's wharf, the liberty tree was covered with flags, and in the evening a great bonfire was raade upon Fort HUL* The year 1770 is rendered important by the eleva tion of Lord North to the premiership. Having been chancellor ofthe exchequer in the Duke of Grafton's » Dr. Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts Bay, from 1749 to 1774, chap, ii, p, '254, administration, on his grace's resignation, which took place in the end of January, he succeeded hira as first lord of the treasury, a pre-eminence he held till the close of the American revolution. His adminis tration will ever be celebrated by the fact, that during its existence Great Britain lost more territory and ac quired more debt than in any previous period of her history. His first measure was partially, and unhap pily only partially, of a conciliatory character — a motion for the repeal of the port duties of 1767, with the exception of the duty on tea, which his lordship expressly declared he desired to keep on as an asser tion of the supremacy of the parliament. In vain it was contended that the reservation of this single arti cle would keep up the contention which it was so desirable to allay ; that after giving up the prospect of a revenue from the colonies, it was absurd and im politic to persevere in the assertion of an abstract claim of right, which, if attempted in any mode to be carried into practice, would produce nothing but civil discord and interminable opposition ; that, in short, if nothing more was meant by this omission of the tea in the repeal, than the mere declaration of parliamentary supremacy, the law already in exist ence, under the title of the Declaratory Act, was abundantly sufficient for that purpose, and that the Americans had hitherto silently acquiesced in that law. To all these arguments Lord North replied, — " Has the repeal of the stamp act taught the Ameri cans obedience ? Has our lenity inspired them with moderation ? Can it be proper, while they deny our legal power to tax them, to acquiesce in the argu ment of illegality, and, by the repeal of the whole law, to give up that power ? No ! the most proper time to exert our right of taxation is when the right is denied. To teraporize is to yield ; and the au thority of the mother country, if it is now unsupport ed, will, in reality, be relinquished for ever. A total repeal cannot be thought of, tiU America is prostrate at our feet." Governor Pownall, who moved, as an amendment, to include the duty on tea, acknowledged, that even the total repeal of the duties in question, though it might be expected to do much, would not Testore satisfaction to Araerica. " If," said he, " it be asked, whether it will remove the apprehensions excited by your resolutions and address of the last year, for bringing to trial in England persons accused of trea son in America, I answer, No. If it be asked, if this commercial concession would quiet the minds of the Americans as to the pohtical doubts and fears which have struck them to the heart, throughout the conti nent, I answer, No. So long as they are left in HISTORY OP THE UNITED STATES. 203 doubt whether the habeas corpus act, whether the biU of rights, whether the common law as now exist ing in England, have any operation and effect in America, they cannot be satisfied. At this hour they know not whether the civU constitutions be not sus pended and superseded by the establishment of a mili tary force. The Americans think that they have, in return to all their applications, experienced a temper and disposition that is unfriendly, and that the en joyment and exercise of the coramon rights of free men have been refused to them. Never with these views will they sohcit the favour of this house ; never more wUl they wish to bring before parliament the grievances under which they conceive them selves to labour. Defeply as they feel, they suffer and endure with a determined and alarming silence ; for their liberty they are under no apprehensions. It was first planted under the auspicious genius of the constitution ; it has grown up into a verdant and flourishing tree ; and should any severe strokes be aimed at the branches, and fate reduce it to the bare stock, it would only take deeper root, and spring out again more durable than before. They trust to Providence, and wait with firmness and fortitude the issue." The event proved that Mr. Pownall knew, incomparably better than Lord North, the character and state of the colonies. During his residence in America, while successively governor of two of the provinces, he acquired that knowledge which the British ministry could not, and some provincial governors would not, acquire. It might have been supposed that the very unsatisfactory result of the previous half-measures of this kind would have deterred any minister from a repetition of them. It displays as little knowledge of the construction ofthe human mind, as attention to the history of popular agitations, to intermingle professions of kindness with threats, or concessions with expressions of insult. The colonies, however, would probably have as suraed a less agitated aspect, had not other circum stances existed to ferment and perpetuate feelings of hostUity. Among these, the introduction and main tenance of troops of the line in Boston was one of the most aggravating. The inhabitants felt that their presence was designed to overawe and control the ex pression of their sentiments, and the railitary appear to have viewed their residence in the town in the sarae light. Under the excitement that was thus occasioned, affrays were frequently occurring between the populace and the soldiers ; and it would appear that, as might be expected, neither party conducted • Bradford's History of Massachusetts, p. 205. themselves with prudence or forbearance. On fhe one hand, the soldiers are represented as parading the town, armed with heavy clubs, insulting and seeking occasion to quarrel with the people ;* while, on the other, the populace are declared to be the aggressor^, and the military to have acted on the de fensive. t Early in the evening of the 5th of March, the inhabitants were observed to assemble in different quarters of the town ; parties of soldiers were also driving about the street^, as if both the one and the other had something more than ordinary upon their minds. About eight o'clock, one of the bells of the town was rung in such manner as is usual in case of fire. This called people into the streets. A large number assembled in the market-place, not far from King-street, armed with bludgeons, or clubs. A small fray between some of the inhabitants and the soldiers arose at or near the barracks at the west part of the town, but it was of little importance, and was soon over. A sentinel who was posted at the custom house, not far from the main guard, was next insulted, and pelted with pieces of ice and other missiles, which caused him to call to the raain guard to pro tect him. Notice was soon given to Captain Preston, whose company was then on guard, and a sergeant with six men was sent to protect the sentinel ; but the captain, to prevent any precipitate action, follow ed them himself There seera to have been but few people collected when the assault was first made on the sentinel ; but the sergeant's guard drew a greater number together, and they were more insulted than the sentinel had been, and received frequent blows from snowballs and lumps of ice. Captain Preston thereupon ordered them to charge ; but this was no discouragement to the assailants, who continued to pelt the guard, daring them to fire. Some of the people who were behind the soldiers, and observed the abuse of them, called on them to do so. At length one received a blow with a club, which brought hira to the ground ; but, rising again, he immediate ly fired, and all the rest, except one, followed the ex ample. This seems, from the evidence on the trials and the observation of persons present, to have been the course of the material facts. Three men were killed, two mortally wounded, who died soon after, and several slightly wounded. The soldiers imme diately withdrew to the main guard, which was strengthened by additional companies. Two or three of the persons who had seen the action ran to the lieutenant-governor's house, which was about half a mile distant, and begged he would go to King-street, t Hutchinson, p. 270 204 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. where they feared a general action would come on between the troops and the inhabitants. He went imraediately, and, to satisfy the people, called for Captain Preston, and inquired why he had fired upon the inhabitants without the direction of a civil raa gistrate. The noise was so great that his answer could not be understood ; and some persons, who were apprehensive of the lieutenant-governor's danger frora the general confusion, called out, " The town- house, the town-house !'' when, with irresistible vio lence, he was forced up by the crowd into the council chamber. There deraand was immediately made of him, to order the troops to withdraw from the town- house to their barracks. He refused ; but calling f'rom the balcony to the great body of people who re mained in the street, he expressed his great concern at the unhappy event ; assured them he would do every thing in his power to obtain a full and impartial in quiry, that the law might have its course ; and advi sed them to go peaceably to their homes. Upon this there was a cry — " Home, home !" and a great part separated, and went home. He then signified his opinion to Lieutenant-Colonel Carr, that if fhe com panies in arms were ordered to their barracks, the streets would be cleared, and the town in quiet for that night. Upon their retiring, the rest of the inhabitants, except those in the council chamber, retired also. Lieutenant-Colonel Dalrymple, at the desire of the lieutenant-governor, came to the council cbaraber, while several justices were cxaraining persons who were present at the transactions of the evening. From the evidence it was apparent that the justices would commit Captain Preston, if taken. Several hours passed before he could be found, and the people sus pected that he would not run the hazard of a trial ; but at length he surrendered himself to a warrant for apprehending him, and, having been examined, was committed to prison. The next morning the soldiers who were upon guard surrendered also, and were committed. This was not sufficient to satisfy the people, and early in the forenoon they were in motion again. The lieutenant-governor caused his council to be suraraoned, and desired the two lieutenant-co lonels of the regiments to be present. The select men of Boston were waiting the lieutenant-governor's coming to council, and, being adraitted, made their representation, that, frora the contentions arising from the troops quartered in Boston, and above all, from the tragedy of the last night, the minds of the inhabit ants were exceedingly disturbed ; that they would presently be assembled in a town meeting ; and that, unless the troops should be reraoved, the raost terrible consequences were to be expected. The justices also of Boston and several of the neighbouring towns had asserabled, and desired to signify their opinion, that it would not be possible to keep the people under restraint, if the troops remained in town. The lieu tenant-governor acquainted both the select-men and the justices, that he had no authority to alter the place of destination of the king's troops ; but that he expected the commanding officers of the fwo regi ments, and would let them luiow the applications which had been made. Presently after their coming, a large committee from the town-meeting presented an address to the lieutenant-governor, declaring it to be the unanimous opinion of the meeting, that nothing could rationally be expected to restore the peace of the town, " and prevent blood and carnage," but the im mediate removal of the troops. The comraittee with drew into another room to wait for an answer. Sorae of the council urged the necessity of complying with the people's demand ; but the lieutenant-gover nor declared that he would, upon no consideration whatever, give orders for their removal. Lieutenant- Colonel Dalrymple then signified, that, as the 29th regiment had originally been designed to be placed at the castle, and was now peculiarly obnoxious to the town, he was content that it should be removed to the castle, until the general's pleasure should be known. The committee was informed of this offer, and the lieutenant-governor rose from council, intending to receive no further application upon the subject ; but the council prayed that he would meet them again in the afternoon, and Colonel Dalrymple desiring it also, he complied. Before the council met again, it had been intimated to them that the " desire" of the governor and councU to the comraanding officer to reraove tbe troops, would cause him to do it, though he should receive no authoritative " order." As soon as they met, a committee frora the town-meeting at tended with a second message, to acquaint the lieu tenant-governor that it was the unaniraous voice of the people asserabled, consisting, as they said, of near three thousand persons, that nothing less than a total and iraraediate reraoval of the troops would satisfy them.* Ultimately the scruples of the lieutenant- governor were overcome, and he expressed his desire that the troops should be whoUy withdrawn from the town to the eastle, which was accordingly done. The funeral of the victims was attended with extra ordinary pomp. Most of the shops were closed, all the bells ofthe town tolled on the occasion, and the corpses were followed to the grave by an immense concourse of people, arranged six abreast, the proces Hutchinson, p. 27? -275, HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 2b a sion being closed by a long train of carriages belonging to the principal gentry of the town.* Captain Preston and the party of soldiers were afterwards tried. The captain and six of the men were acquitted, and two were brought in guUty of manslaughter ; a result which refiected great honour on John Adaras and Josiah Q,uincy, the counsel for the prisoners, and on the jury.t This disastrous occurrence infused additional spirit into the asserably of the province, Accuraula- ted as the public business was, there having been but one session for eighteen raonths, the lieutenant- governor postponed the assembly from January, the time to which it had been prorogued by Governor Bernard, to the middle of March, and then ordered it to be convened at Carabridge. The reason which he gave for this measure was, that he had been so in structed by the British ministry. At the session in Cambridge, in his message to both houses respecting the state of the province, he said nothing to mitigate the alarm, or to • alleviate the distress, of the people. His duty to the king, his royal raaster, he said, he was resolved faithfully to discharge ; and he gave proraises of a readiness to unite with the assembly in all proper measures for the welfare of the province ; but of the recent tragical event he took no notice. * Gordon's History, vol, i, p, 290, t Q,uincy's Life of Josiah Q,uincy, p, 31 — 66, where there is a full account of the trial of Captain Preston, t " When complaints," said they, " are made of riots and tumults, it is the wisdom of government, and it becoraes the representatives of the people especially, to inquire into the real causes of them. If they arise from oppression, as is often the case, a thorough re dress of grievances will reraove the cause, and, probably, put an end to the complaint. It may be justly said of the people of this province, that Ihey seldora, if ever, have assembled in a tumultu ous manner, unless they were oppressed. It cannot be expected that a people, accustomed lo the freedora of the English conslitu tion, will be patient while they are under the hand of tyranny and arbitrary power. They will discover their resentraent in a raanner which will naturally displease their oppressors ; and in such a ease, the severest laws and the most rigorous execution will be to little purpose. The most effectual method to restore tranquillity, would be to remove their burdens, and to punish all those who have been the procurers of their oppression, "The instance your honour recoraraends to our attention, adraitling it to be true, cannot be raore threatening to governraent, than those enormities which have been known to be coraraitted by the soldiery of lale, and have strangely escaped punishraent, though repeated, in defiance of the laws and authority of governmeni, A railitary force posted among the people without their express consent, is itself one of the greatest grievances, and threatens the total subversion of a free constitu tion; much raore, if designed to execute a system of corrupt and arbitrai-y power, and even to exterminate the liberties of the coun try. The bill of rights, passed immediately after the revolution (of 1688,) expressly declares, that the keeping of a standing army within the kingdom, in a time of peace, wilhout the consent of the parliaraent, is against law : and we take this occasion lo say, with freedom, that the keeping of a standing army, within this province, in a time of peace, without the consent of the general assembly, is equally against law. Yet we have seen a standing array procured, posted and kept within this province, in a time of profound peace, not only without the consent of the people, but against the remon strance of both houses of assembly. Such a standing array mupt A few days afterwards he sent a special message to, inform the bouse of a trifiing affray at Gloucester, in, which a petty officer of the customs was said to have been abused ; and called on them to afford assistance in bringing the agents to punisbpienf . The reply of the house clearly indicated their deep sense of injury frora their own executive government, as well as frora the parent state, and the rapid strides they were ma king towards open resistance. t- Durin.g a great part of this session, the house of representatives and the. council were occupied with remonstrances against the removal of the general court to Cambridge. They contended, that law, usage, and convenience, were in favour of holding it in Boston ; that the governor had a discretionary power respecting the place, to be ex ercised only v/hen the public welfare required i;t in some peculiar exigency ; and that it was highly iih- proper and unjust for ministers to give instruQtions in the case, founded merely on political considerations. Protesting against the removal as unconstitutional, there being no necessity to justify it, and believing it was designed to harass the representatives of the people, whose deliberations and transactions ought lobe per fectly free, they declined proceeding to public business. The lieutenant-governor insisted that he was bound be designed to subjugate the people to arbitrary measures, Il is a most violent -infraction of their natural and constitutional rights. It is an unlawful assembly, of all others the most dangerous and alarming; and every instance of ils restraining the liberly of any individual, is a crime, which infinitely exceeds what the law intends by a riot. Surely, then, your honour cannot think this house can descend to the consideration of raatters, coraparatively trifling, vi'hile the capital of the province has so lately been in a slate ot actual imprisonment, and the government is under duress. We shall not enlarge on the multiplied outrages coraraitted by this un lawful asserably, in frequently assaulting his raajesty's peaceable and loyal subjects, in beating and wounding the magistrate when in the execution of his office ; in rescuing prisoners out of the hands of justice ; and finally, in perpetrating the most horrid slaughter ot a nuraber of the inhabitants, but a few days before the silling ot this assembly. Yet not the least notice has been laken of these outrageous offences ; nor can we find the most distant allusion tc the late inhuman and barbarous action, either in your speech al the opening of ihe session, or in this message to both houses. These violences, so frequently committed, added to the most rigor ous and oppressive prosecutions, carried on against the subjects, grounded on unconstitutional acts, and in the courts of admiralty, uncontrolled by the courts of common law, have been justly alarm ing to the people. The disorder, which your honour so earnestly recoraraends to. the consideralion of the assembly, very probably took its rise from such provocations. The use, therefore, which we shall raake of the information in your message, shall be to .in quire into the grounds of the people's uneasiness, and to seek a radical redress of their grievances. Indeed-, it is natural to expect that while the terror of arms continues in the province, the laws will be, in sorae degree, silent. But when the channels of justice shall be again opened, and the law can be heard, the person who has coraplained to your honour will have a, remedy. We yet en tertain hope, that the military power, so grievous to the people, will soon be removed from the province : till then, we have nothing to expect, but that tyranny and confusion will prevail, in defiance of the laws of the land, and the just and constitutional siulhorily oJ govei;nmeijt." 206 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. by his instructions ; that his commission required it of him ; and that it was competent for hira at any time to fix the place, as well as the day, for the meeting of the general court. To this statement the house made a long, elaborate, and able reply ; but the lieutenant-governor asserted his authority, and abso lutely refused to yield to the request of the asserably. Such was the situation of public affairs, that the house concluded it the most prudent to proceed to consult upon the common concerns of the province ; but resolved, " that they were induced thereto from absolute necessity," and declared, " that it was not to be considered as the renunciation of their claim to the legal right of sitting in general assembly, at its ancient place, the court-house in Boston." The ge neral court closed its session in November by proro gation, after having resolved, among other things, to promote industry and frugality, and to encourage the use of domestic manufactures throughout the pro vince ; and having appointed a committee of corres- spondence to communicate with the agents in Great Britain, and with the committees of the colonies. The first of these resolutions of the Massachusetts assembly, namely, to discourage the use of foreign articles, had been adopted in consequence of a deter mination of the merchants of Boston, made during the present session, by which they agreed to alter their non- importation agreement, and to adopt the plan, which had been for some time followed in New York and in Philadelphia, of importing all the usual articles of trade, except tea, which it was unanimously agreed should not be brought into the country, unless it could be smuffarled.* oo During the year 1771, nothing of raoraent occur red either in Boston or the colonies. The encourage ment given by the agreement of the merchants to smuggling, occasioned continual contests with reve nue officers ; and it appears that the magistrates, when appealed to, refused to interfere. One circumstance, however, transpired, which must not be omitted. Early in this year, Mr. Hutchinson received his ap pointment to the office of governor of Massachusetts, an office which his political opponents allege to have always been the darling object of his ambition ; while he maintains, that, however, in ordinary times, he might have desired it, he now " determined not only to desire to be excused from the honour intend ed for him, but to be superseded in his place of lieu tenant-governor ; and he wrote to the secretary of state accordingly, "t The occurrences of the year 1772, afforded new * Allen's History of the American Revolution, vol, i, p. 149. sources of mutual animosity. The destruction of his majesty's revenue schooner, Gaspee, was one of those popular excesses which highly incensed the British ministry. Lieutenant Doddington, M'ho com manded that vessel, had become very obnoxious to the inhabitants of Rhode Island, by his extraordinary zeal in the execution of the revenue laws. On the 9th of June, the Providence packet was sailing into the harbour of Newport, and Lieutenant Doddington thought proper to require the captain to lower his co lours. This the captain of the packet deemed repug nant to his patriotic feelings, and the Gaspee fired at the packet to bring her to : the American, however, still persisted in holding on her course, and by keep ing in shoal water, dexterously contrived fo run the schooner aground in the chase. As the tide was upon the ebb, the Gaspee was set fast for the night, and afforded a tempting opportunity for retaliation ; and a number of fishermen, aided and encouraged by some of the most respectable inhabitants of Provi dence, being deterrained to rid themselves of so uncivil an inspector, in the middle of the night manned seve ral boats, and boarded the Gaspee. The lieutenant was wounded in the affray ; but, with every thing belonging to him, he was carefully conveyed on shore, as were all his crew. The vessel, with her stores, was then burnt ; and the party returned unmo • lested to their homes. When the governor became acquainted with this event, he offered a reward of five hundred pounds for the discovery of the offenders, and the royal pardon to those who would confess their guilt. Commissioners were appointed also to investigate the offence, and bring the perpetrators to justice ; but, after remaining some time in session, they reported that they could obtain no evidence, and thus the affair terminated ; a circumstance which forcibly illustrates the inviolable brotherhood which then united the people against the government. While the conduct of the American populace thus continued to aggravate the exasperation of the British court, the measures of the government had an equal tendency to keep alive the feeling of hostility in the breasts of the Americans. It is vain, and unworthy of the character of any statesman, to urge that the measures adopted would not have given offence in other times ; the enactment of laws will ever be regard ed not with a view to the principles of abstract pro priety, but to the iraraediate object for which they are promulgated. This plea, however, in extenuation of the plan of rendering the governor, judges, and other officers of the crown, independent of the general court, t Hutchinson, p. 290. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 207 could only be raised* by persons inattentive (as, in deed, most English politicians appear to have been) to the political history of the colonies. The arrange ment which was now ordered to be carried into effect, that the governor and other officers should receive their salaries from the crown, had hitherto been suc cessfully opposed. The old contest on this subject was not yet forgotten, and the people, now greatly increased in numbers, were as little disposed as their ancestors to yield on this point. Opposition to this measure was not confined to the assembly, but numerous meet ings of the people themselves in various towns were held on the subject. At these meetings, not only this particular measure, but all the late ministerial and parliamentary proceedings in relation to the colonies, were examined and discussed with great freedom and boldness. At the suggestion of Samuel Adams, a committee, consisting of twenty-one, was appointed " to state the rights of the colonies, and of this pro vince in particular, as men, as Christians, and as sub jects." This committee was also directed to publish the same to the several towns in the province, and to the world, as the sense of the town of Boston on the subject of their rights, with the various infringements and violations Which had occurred. In this report, drawn with great ability, they claimed those natural and unalienable rights of man, with which no govern ment could interfere without their consent. As Bri tish subjects, they claimed equal rights with their fellow-subjects in England, rights secured to them by the constitution. The Christian religion, they said, not only sanctioned their views of civil liberty, but, in spiritual concerns, secured to them all the freedora and self-direction which they and their fathers had long enjoyed. In their letter to the several towns, the committee tell their fellow-citizens, that they had abundant reason to apprehend that a plan of despot ism had been concerted, and was hastening to a completion ; that the late raeasures of administration had a direct tendency to deprive them of every, thing valuable as men, as Christians, and as subjects enti tled to the rights of native Britons. "We are not afraid of poverty," say the comraittee, in conclusion, " but we disdain slavery. Let us consider we are * Steadraan's History of the American War, p, 81, ¦f Pitkin, vol, i, p, 2.47—250, t Mr, Hutchinson himself states that he " was greatly alarmed with so sudden aud unexpected a change in the state of affairs ; and he W81S greatly perplexed with doubts concerning his own conduct upon the occasion, -He had avoided engaging in a dispute upon .he authority of parliament, having good reason to think, that ad rainistration in England expected that the colonies would return to their forraer sta,te of submission to this authority, by lenient mea sures, without discussing points of right ; and he knew that great pams had been taken to persuade the people in England, as well as Struggling for our besl birthrights and inheritance, which, being infringed, renders all our blessings pre carious in their enjoyraent, and trifling in their value." Most of the towns held meetings, appointed committees of correspondence, and passed resolutions similar to those of Boston, and some of them even in still bolder language.t These proceedings greatly alarmed the governor and his political friends, who had hoped that the opposition to the British ministry would gradually cease ; and that,, through fear of ministerial and royal resentment, the people would be induced to submit.! After the votes and the circular address of Boston were adopted, and before the other towns had meetings to act upon thera, endeavours were made in many places to prevent the people frora ap proving the statement and report of the patriots in the capital.. But thee -attempts were generally with out effect. There were in every town some intelli gent raen, who perfectly understood the nature of the dispute with Great Britain, and who saw the evil ten dency of the claims of administration to govern the colonies. " They were," says Mr. Bradford, " also a sober, raoral, and religious people, who were actuated by principle ; and who, while they contended earn estly for that portion ofliberty secured to them by theii charter, and which they had long enjoyed, were indisposed to all unconstitutional means of redress. "§ In his speech at the opening of the assembly, in .Jan uary, 1773, the governor declared these meetings ot the inhabitants to be unwarrantable and of dangerous tendency ; and he called upon the assembly " to join in discountenancing such irregularities and innova tions." Alluding to these proceedings, and to the disordered state of the province, he says, " at length the constitution has been called in question, and the authority of the parliament of Great Britain to make and establish laws for the inhabitants of this pro vince has been by many denied." He maintained in the most explicit manner the supremacy of parliament over the colonies, agreeably to the principles of the declaratory act ; and his speech was conceived to be a challenge to the assembly on the great question between the two countries. This drew answers from the council and house in vindication of the proceedings the ministry, that this was all the people in America expected or desired ; and that suspicions of olher views, either in the body cl the people, or in men who had infiuence oyer them, were ground less, and had been caused by misrepresentations of governors, and olher crown officers in the colonies, in order to promote their own sinister views. But now, a measure was engaged in, which, if pursued to effect, must cause, not a return of the colonics to their former submission, but a total separation from the kingdom, by their independency upon parliament, the only band which could keep them united to it," — Hutchinson's History, p, 370, § History of Massachusetts, from 1764 to 1775, p,, 262 208 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. of the towns, and of the rights of the colonies, and of Massachusetts in particular ; to these the governor replied, and to this reply both the council and house rejoined. These state papers, as they may be jusUy called, were drawn with no ordinary ability on both sides. The governor was a gentleman of talents, as well as research, and no one was better acquainted with the history of the province over which he presid ed. The answers of the council and house were prepared by committees composed of men of the first talents in the assembly. They evinced not only a thorough knowledge of the rights of the colonists ge nerally, but of their own provincial history, and the various controversies that had subsisted between tbe parent country and the people of Massachusetts from their first settlement, as well as the views entertained and expressed at different tiraes by their ancestors on the subject of their rights. Active resistance to the measures of the British go vernment in relation to the colonies, had for some titne been principally confined to Massachusetts. The other colonists, however, had not been idle or indifferent spectators of the scenes that bad passed in Massachusetts. The leading patriots of America, no doubt, now began seriously to contemplate the mighty struggle to which the present state of things must finall^rlead. The parent country seemed determined not to relax, and the colonists were equally determin ed not to submit. To remain long in their present state seemed impossible ; and in the event of an op position by force, unity of action, as well as of senti ment, was all important. To promote this object, the house of burgesses in Virginia originated what ultimately proved a powerful engine of resistance — a comraittee for corresponding with the legislatures of the several colonies. It was resolved that it should be the business of this coraraittee, " to obtain the most early and authentic intelligence of such acts and re solutions of the British parliament, or proceedings of administration, as may relate to or affect the British colonies ; and to keep up and maintain a correspond ence and communication with our sister colonies, re specting these important considerations, and the re sult of their proceedings from time to time, to lay be fore the house." It was also resolved, " that the speaker of this house do transmit to the speakers of the different assemblies of the British colonies on this continent, copies of the said resolutions, and desire that they will lay them before their respective as semblies, and request them to appoint some person or persons, of their respective bodies, to communicate from time to time with the said committee." The request of Virginia was comphed with by the dif ferent assemblies ; and by this means a confidential communication and interchange of opinions was kept up between the colonies. The appointment of Lord Dartmouth in the room of Lord Hillsborough, as secretary of state for the American department, a person supposed to be more favourable to the colonies, revived the hopes of the colonists for a reconciliation on terras compatible with their rights. Animated with these hopes, both houses of the Massachusetts assembly addressed a letter lo the new secretary, in which they declare they should "rejoice at the restoration of the harraony and good will that once subsisted between the parent state and them." This happiness, however, they should expect in vain, they observed, during the continuance of their grievances, and while their chartered rights, one after another, were wrested from thera. " If your lordship should condescend to ask," they say, " what are the raeasures of restoring the harraony so much desired, we should answer, in a word, that we arc humbly of opinion, if things were brought to the ge neral state in which they stood at tbe conclusion of the late war, it would restore the happy harmony which at that tirae subsisted ;" and, in conclusion, they most earnestly request his lordship's influence in bringing about this happy event. But to retrace their steps was too humiliating to the pride of the British cabinet and nation. A change of men did not produce a change of principles, or any permanent change of lueasures. The British government, having determined to car ry into execution the duty on tea, attempted to effect by policy what was found to be impracticable by con straint. The measures of the colonists had already produced such a diminution of exports from Great Britain, that the warehouses of the East India Com pany contained about seventeen millions of pounds of tea, for which a market could not readily be pro cured. The unwillingness of that company to lose their comraercial profits, and of the ministry to lose the expected revenue from the sale of the tea in Ame rica, led to a compromise for the security of both. The East India Company were authorized by law to export their tea, free of duties, to all places whatever ; by which regulation, tea, though loaded with an ex ceptionable duty, would come cheaper to America than before it had been made a source of revenue. The crisis now approached, when the colonies were to decide whether they would submit to be taxed by the British parliament, or practically support their own principles, and meet the consequences. One sentiment appears to have pervaded the entire conti nent. The new ministerial plan was universally HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 209 considered as a direct attack on the liberties of the colonists, which it was the duty of all to oppose. A violent ferment was every where excited ; the cor responding comriiittees were extremely active , and it was very generally declared, that whoever should, directly or indirectly, countenance this dangerous in vasion of their rights, would be an enemy to his country. The East India Company, confident of finding a market for their tea, reduced as it now was in its price, freighted several ships to the colo nies with that article, and appointed agents for the disposal of it. Cargoes were sent to New York, Philadelphia, Charleston, and Boston. The inhabit ants of New York and Philadelphia sent the ships back to London, " and they sailed up the Thames to proclaim to all the nation that New York and Penn sylvania would not be enslaved." The inhabitants ef Charleston unloaded the tea, and stored it in cel lars, where it could not be used, and where it finally perished. At Boston, before the vessels arrived with it, a town-meeting was called to devise measures to pre vent the landing and sale within the province. The agreement not to use tea while a duty was imposed, was now solemnly renewed ; and a committee was chosen to request the consignees of the East India Company neither to sell nor unlade the tea which should be brought into the harbour. They com municated the wishes of the town to the merchants, who were to have the custody and sale of the tea ; but they declined making any such promise, as they had received no orders or directions on the sub ject. On the arrival of tbe vessels with the tea in the harbour of Boston, another meeting of the citizens was immediately called. " The hour of destruction," it was said, " or of manly opposition, had now come ;" and all who were friends to the country^ were invited to attend, " to make a united and successful resist ance to this last and worst measure of the administra tion." A great number of people assembled from the adjoining towns, as well as from the capital, in the celebrated Fanueil Hall, the usual place of meeting on such occasions, but the meeting was soon ad journed to one of tbe largest churches in the town. Here it was voted, as it had been at a meeting before the tea arrived, that they would use all lawful means to prevent its being landed, and to have it returned immediately to England. After several days spent in negotiations, the consignees still refused to return the tea, and, fearing the vengeance of an injured peo ple, they retired to the castle. The owner of the ship which brought the tea was unable to obtain a pass for her sailing, as the officer was in the interest Vol. I.— Nos. 17 &. 18. 2 K of the British ministers. Application was then made to the governor, to order that a pass be given for the vessel ; but he declined interfering in the affair. When it was found no satisfactory arrangement could be effected, the meeting broke up ; but, late in the evening, a number of men, disguised as Mohawk Indians, proceeded to the vessels, then lying at the wharf, which had the tea on board, and in a short time every chest was taken out, and the contents thrown into the sea ; but no injury was done to any other part of their cargoes. The inhabitants of the town, generally, had no knowledge ofthe event until the next day. It is supposed, the number of those concerned in the affair was about fifty ; but who they were has been only a matter of conjecture fo the pre sent day. This act of violence, which, in its effects, rapidly advanced the grand crisis, appears rather to have been the result of cool determination, than of a sudden ebullition. The populace appear to have been fiiUy warned by their leaders as to the important conse quences which would result from any destruction of the property of the East India Company^. " One of the citizens,* equally distinguished as a statesman and a patriot," says Bradford, " addressed the meeting with unusual warmth and solemnity. He seemed deepljr impressed with a sense of the serious conse quences of their proceedings on this interesting occa sion. The spirit then displayed, and the sentimenf.s ihen avowed, be warned them, should be such as they would be ready to approve and maintain at any future day. For, to retreat from the ground they should then take, would bring disgrace on themselves, and ruin on the country." That Mr. Quincy did not overrate the importance of that memorable day, will be very apparent in the sequel. CHAPTER IV. THE REVOLUTION. FROM THE BOSTON PORT BILL TO THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. The British ministry appear to have been highly gratified that the town of Boston, which they ever regarded as the focus of sedition in America, had ren dered itself, by the violent destruction of the property of the East India Company, obnoxious to their se verest vengeance. On the 7th of March, Lord North presented a message from his majesty to both houses of parliament, in which it was stated, that^ " in con- * Josiah Quincy, 210 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. sequence of the unwarrantable practices carried on in North America, and particularly of the violent and outrageous proceedings at the town and port of Bos ton, with a view of obstructing the coramerce of this kingdom, and upon grounds and pretences iraraedi ately subversive of its constitution, it was thought fit to lay the whole raatter before parliaraent, recom mending it to their serious consideration what further regulations or permanent provisions might be neces sary to be established." The minister, on presenting the papers, represented the conduct of Boston in the darkest colours. He said, " that the utraost lenity on the part of the governor, perhaps too much, had been already shown ; and that this town, by its late pro ceedings, had left government perfectly at liberty to adopt any raeasures they should think convenient, not only for redressing the wrong sustained by the East India Company, but for indicting such punishment as their factious and criminal conduct merited; and that the aid of parliaraent would be resorted to for this purpose, and for vindicating the honour of the crown, so daringly, and wantonly attacked and contemned." In reply to the royal message, the house voted, " that an address of thanks should be presented to the king, assuring his majesty that they would not fail to exert "ivery means in their power of effectually providing for the due execution of the laws, and securing the dependence of the colonies upon the crown and par liament of Great Britain." In a few days a bill was introduced " for the immediate removal of tbe officers concerned in the collection of customs from Boston, and to discontinue the landing and discharging, la ding and shipping of goods, wares, and merchandise, at Boston, or within the harbour thereof." The bill also levied a fine upon the town, as a compensation to the Bast India Company for the destruction of their teas, and was to continue in force during the pleasure of the king. The opposition to this measure was very slight, and it was finally carried in both houses without a division. This, however, was only a part of Lord North's scheme of coercion. He proposed two other biUs, which were intended to strike terror into the province of Massachusetts, and to deter the other colonies from following her exaraple. By one of these, the consti tution and charter of the province were completely subverted, all power taken ont of the hands of the people, and placed in those of the servants of the crown. The third scheme of Lord North was the introduction of " a bill for the impartial adrainistra tion of justice in Massachusetts." By this act, per sons informed against or indicted for any act done for the support of the laws of the revenuCj or for the sup pression of riots in Massachusetts, might, by the go vernor, with the advice of the council, be sent for trial to any other colony, or to Great Britain ; an en actraent which, in effect, conferred impunity on the officers of the crown, however odious might be theii violations of the law. Some distinguished statesmen opposed these plans of admimstration with great eloquence and zeal. The celebrated Burke declared that " it was only op pressive and unjust laws which the people had op posed ; that it was most unreasonable to condemn them without a hearing ; and that constitutional principles were not to be settled by the military arm." Pownall observed, that " it was no longer a matter of opinion with the citizens of Massachusetts ; that things had come to action ; that the Americans would resist all attempts to coerce them, and were prepared to do it ; and that if there should be a rebellion in that province, the question would be, who caused it ?" The Duke of Richmond, the Marquis of Rockingham, and other peers, insisted that the charter was a solemn contract, which neither the king nor parliament could justly annul or alter, without the consent of the sub jects in Massachusetts, unless they had forfeited their rights by an infraction of its provisions. Lord Chat ham also opposed these plans of the adrainistration with all his forraer energy and spirit ; although at this time he was in such a debUitated state that he seldom took part in the debates in parliament. He declared himself most decidedly in favour of concilia tory measures ; for he was of opinion that the pro vince had been oppressed, and the liberties of the subject therein most flagrantly violated. He believed that just measures on the part of ministers would quiet the colonies, and restore harmony.between them and tbe parent state. He denounced the proposed system as unconstitutional and tyrannical, and pre dicted that the people of Massachusetts would never submit to such palpable and repeated violations of their political rights. Colonel Barre also addressed the ministry on the last bill, in the following bold and energetic language : "You have changed your ground. You are becoming the aggressors, and of fering the last of human outrages to the people of America, by subjecting them to military execution. Instead of sending them the olive branch, you have sent the naked sword. By the olive branch, I mean a repeal of all the late laws, fruitless to you, and oppressive to them. Ask their aid in a constitu tional manner, and they Avill give it to the utmost of their abUity. They never yet refused it, when pro perly required. Your journals bear the recorded ac knowledgments of the zeal with which they have coa- HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. SI I tributed to the general necessities of the state. What madness is it that prompts you to attempt obtaining that by force, which you may more certainly procure by requisition ? They may be flattered into any thing, but they are too much like yourselves to be driven. Have some indulgence for your own like ness ; respect theii sturdy English virtue ; retract your odious exertions of authority ; and remeraber, that the first step toward making thera contribute to your wants, is to reconcile them to your government." These measures of the British ministry originated partly in mistaken views of the opinions and temper of the people. Great misrepresentations had been made for several years to the administration in England, respecting the state of the colonies. It was declared by the officers of the crown and sorae other individuals, that it was only a few ambitious persons who objected to the policy of the parent state, while the friends and agents of the people were not permitted to be heard in their attempts to show the general dissatisfaction. It is also true that Lord North, and several other members of the British cabinet at this period, possessed high notions of the supremacy of parliament, and of the sovereign power of the king : the more correct and just principles of civil liberty, recognised in 1689, and still received by many eminent statesmen in England, were not in fashion with the court party. Assuming the doctrine of the supreme and unlimited authority of parliament over all parts of the empire, (which, in a certain sense, restricted and qualified, however, by great constitutional principles, had been generally admitted in the colonies,) ministers insisted that the power of the parent government was entirely without control ; and contended for the legitimacy of measures which the patriots in both countries considered most arbitrary, and wholly destructive of the liberties of the subject. With these views of governraent, they maintained that any measures were justifiable for supporting the authority of the king and parliament; and they calculated upon bringing the refractory and disaffect ed to ready submission by severity and force. It will soon be apparent, however, that it was not a faction in Boston by which opposition was kept alive in America ; and that through this and the other provinces but one sentiment prevailed as to the oppressive and arbitrary conduct of the parent government, and one determination to oppose and prevent the continuance of such a system of policy. Notwithstanding these successive measures, from which such iraportant results were professedly ex pected, it is evident that the government entertained serious apprehensions that an appeal to arms was by no means improbable. The English cabinet sought, therefore, to ingratiate themselves with the newly acquired province of Canada, and the proceedings they adopted with this view appear to have been the only measures which were characterized by the slight est indications of wisdora. The Canadian noblesse had enjoyed great authority under the dominion of their native country, and they had recently been complain ing of the abridgment of their privileges, while the inhabitants, who were chiefiy catholic, had been viewing with jealousy the superior privileges of the protestants ;* Lord North, therefore, did not suffer the session to close without introducing a bill calcu lated- to insure the affections of the Canadians. It erected a legislative councU, nominated by the crown, on whom very, extensive powers were conferred, which was highly gratifying to the Canadian nobility ; the catholic clergy were established in their privileges, and a perfect equality between their religion and that of protestants Avas estabhshed ; the French laws were confirmed, and trial without jury permitted in all except criminal cases. To afford a wider field for ministerial raanoeuvres, the limits ofthe province of duebec were extended to the river Ohio. To these prudent concessions to the sentiments of the Canadians may be attributed, in a great measure, the singular fact of their remaining attached to the British government during the revolutionary contest, when it might not unreasonably have been antici pated that they would have been the first to throw off a foreign yoke, and declare their independence. As a measure indicative of a determination to con duct the proceedings against the refractory colonists with the utraost vigour, General Gage was appointed, with powers of the most unlimited extent, to super sede Governor Hutchinson. The offices of governor of the province of Massachusetts and coramander of his majesty's forces in America were united in his person. The intelligence of the passing of the Boston port bill had preceded General Gage a few days. The new governor, though it appeared that he entertained serious apprehensions of some disorderly or disrespectful conduct on the part of the people, was received by them with every raark of civility. He had soon occasion to perceive, however, that their politeness to him did not proceed from any fear of his authority, or from any relaxation in their purposes of resistance. On the day after his arrival, the general court having been dissolved by the late governor, a town-meeting was convened and very numerously attended. They declared and resolved • Bella, edit. Franc, vol, i, p, 270. 212 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. " That the impolicy, injustice, inhumanity, and cruelty of the act, exceed all their powers of expres sion ; and, therefore," they say, " we leave it to the censure of others, and appeal to God and the world.''* They also declared it as their opinion, that, " if the other colonies come into a joint resolution to stop all importations from, and exportation to. Great Britain, and every part of the West Indies, till the act be re pealed, the same would prove the salvation of North America and her liberties." The idea was probably entertained by the British ministry, that the other colonies would be inclined rather to avail themselves of the commercial advan tages which the closing of one of the chief sea-ports would open to them, than to make common cause with Boston, at the hazard of incurring a similar penalty. In this instance, as in most others, the go vernment made a great miscalculation ofthe American character. The several colonies lost no time in ex pressing the deepest sympathy for the sufferings of the inhabitants of Boston, and in contributing to their pecuniary necessities, as well as in affording them II. oral countenance. In this patriotic course Virginia took the lead : her house of burges^ses was in session when the act arrived, and they proceeded to pass an order, which, for the sentiments it expresses, well de serves to be introduced at length. " Tuesday, the 2ith of May, 14 Geo. III. 1774. " This house being deeply impressed with appre hension of the great dangers to be derived to British America, from the hostile invasion of the city of Boston, in our sister colony of Massachusetts Bay, whose commerce and harbour are, on the first day of June next, to be stopped by an armed force, deem it highly necessary that the said first day of June next be set apart by the members of this house, as a day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer, devoutly to implore the Di vine interposition for averting the heavy calamity which threatens destruction to our civil rights, and the evils of civil war ; to give us one heart and one mind, firmly to oppose, by all just and proper means. * " The Boston port bill," says Mr, Gluincy, in his celebrated observations on the act, "condemns a whole to^wn unheard, nay, ancited to answer; involves thousands in ruin and misery, without the suggestion of any crirae by them committed ; and it is so consti tuted, that enormous pains and penalties must ensue, notwithstand ing the most perfect obedience to its injunctions. The destruction of the tea, which look place without any illegal procedure of the tovra, is the only alleged ground of consigning thousands of its in habitants lo ruin, misery, and despair. Those charged with the most aggravated crimes are not punishable, till arraigned before disinterested judges, heard in their oavu defence, and found guilty ol the charge; but here a whole people are accused, prosecuted by they know not whom, tried they know not when, proved guilty they know not how, and sentenced to suffer inevitable ruin. Their hard fate cannot be iverted by the most servile submission, the every injury to American rights ; and that the minds of his majesty and his parliament may^ be inspired from above with wisdom, moderation, and justice, to reraove from the loyal people of America all cause of danger, frora a continued pursuit of measures pregnant with their ruin. " Ordered, therefore. That the members of this house do attend in their places, at the hour of ten in the forenoon, on the said first day of June next, in order to proceed with the speaker and the mace to the church in this city, for the purposes aforesaid ; and that the Rev. Mr. Price be appointed to read prajrers, and to preach a sermon suitable to the occasion." In consequence of this order. Governor Dunmore on the following day dissolved the house, with this brief speech : - " Mr. Speaker, and gentlemen of the house of burgesses : — I have in my hand a paper published by order of your house, conceived iu such terms as reflect highly upon his raajesty and the parliament of Great Britain, which makes it necessary to dissolve you, and you are dissolved accordingly." The members immediately withdrew to the Raleigh tavern, where they forraed themselves into a commit tee to consider of the most expedient and necessary raeasures to guard against the encroachraents which so glaringly threatened thera, and immediately adopted the following spirited declaration : " An association, signed by eighty-nine members of the late house of burgesses. We, his majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the late representatives of the good people of this country, having been de prived, by the sudden interposition of the executive part of this government, frora giving our countrymen the advice we wished to convey to them, in a legisla tive capacity, find ourselves under the hard necessity of adopting this, the only method we have left, of pointing out to our countrymen such measures as, in our opinion, are best fitted to secure our dear rights and liberty from destruction, by the heavy hand of power now lifted against North America. W^ith much grief most implicit obedience to this statute. The first intimation of it was on the 10th of May, and it took place on the 1st of June, Ihence lo continue in full force, till it shall sufficiently appear lo his majesty, that full satisfaction hath been made by, or in behalf of the inhabitants of Boston, to the East India Company, for ihe damage sustained by the destruction of their tea ; and until it shall be certified to his majesty, by the governor or lieutenant-governor of the province, that reasonable satisfaction has been made to the officers of the revenue and others, for the riots and insurrections mentioned in il. So short a space is given for staying the torrent of threatened evils, that the subject, though exerting his utraost energy, must be overwhelmed and driven lo madness by tei-ras of deliverance, which deny relief till his ruin is inevitable."— Pitkin, vol, i, p, 270. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES, 213 we find, that our dutiful applications to Great Britain for the security of our just, ancient, and constitution al rights, have been not only disregarded, but that a determined system is formed and pressed, for reducing the inhabitants of British America to slavery, by sub jecting them to the payment of taxes, imposed with out the consent of the people or their representatives ; and that, in pursuit of this system, we find an act of the British parliament, lately passed, for stopping the harbour and commerce of the town of Boston, in our sister colony of Massachusetts Bay, until the people there submit to the payment of such unconstitutional taxes ; and which act most violently and arbitrarily deprives them of their property, in wharves erected by private persons, at their own great and proper ex pense ; which act is, in our opinion, a most dangerous attempt to destroy the constitutional liberty and rights of all North America. It is further our opinion, that as tea, on its importation into America, is charged with a duty imposed by parliament, for the purpose of raising a revenue without the consent of the peo ple, it ought not to be used by any person who wishes well to the constitutional rights and liberties of Bri tish America. And whereas the India Company have ungenerously attempted the ruin of America, by sending many ships loaded with tea into the colonies, thereby intending to fix a precedent in favour of ar bitrary taxation, we deem it highly proper, and do accordingly recommend it strongly to our countrymen, not to purchase or use any kind of East India com modity whatsoever, except saltpetre and spices, until the grievances of America are redressed. We are further clearly of opinion, that an attack raade on one of our sister colonies, to compel submission to arbitrary taxes, is an attack raade on all British America, and threatens ruin to the rights of all, unless the united wisdora of the whole be applied. And for this pur pose it is recommended to the committee of correspon dence, that they communicate with their several cor responding committees, on the expediency of appoint ing deputies from the several colonies of British America, to m,eet in general congress, at such place, annually, as shall be thought most convenient ; there to deliberate on those general measures which the united interests of America may frora tirae to tirae require. A tender regard for the interest of our fellow-subjects, the raerchants and raanufacturers of Great Britain, prevents us from going further at this time ; most earnestly hoping, that the unconstitutional principle of taxing the colonies without their consent * " A censure of this kind, under the eircurastances of the times, and by such a character, renders them more deserving of grateful remembranco. They were, J, Bowdoin, S, Dexter, J, Winthrop, will not be persisted in, thereby to compel us, against our will, to avoid all commercial intercourse with Britain. Wishing them and our people free and happy, we are their affectionate friends, the late re presentatives of Virginia. " The 27th day of May, 1774." To give effect to the recommendation of a congress on the part of this colony, delegates were shortly after elected by the several counties,, to meet at Williams burgh on the 1st of August foUowing, to consider fur ther of the state of public affairs, and, more particularly, to appoint deputies to the general congress, which was to be convened at Philadelphia on the Sth of September following. The clear, firm, and animated instructions given by the people of the several coun ties to their delegates, evince the thorough knowledge of the great parliamentary question which now perva ded the country, and the determined spirit of the colo nists to resist the claim of British taxation. Similar expressions of determined opposition to the port bill, and assurances of support to the disfranchi sed ¦ citizens of Boston, were made wherever the act became known. In some places it was printed upon mourning paper, and hawked about the streets ; in others it was publicly burned, with every demon stration of abhorrence. At New York there was a considerable struggle between the friends of administra tion and the friends of liberty, but the latter at length prevailed by the infiuence and management of two individuals, who had on several occasions manifested great activity and zeal in their opposition to the ob noxious measures of the ministry. Addresses were also sent from Pennsylvania, the Carolinas, and some other provinces, to the committee of Boston, assuring them of support, and declaring that they considered the cause of Boston as the common cause ofthe country. With all these assurances of support and assistance, of sympathy and affection, from their sister colonies, there was still a fearful foreboding in the hearts of the members of the general court, when they assem bled at Boston on the 25th of May. Nor was this apprehension lessened by the first official acts of their new governor. At the opening of the court he gave the representatives notice, that, in a few days, he should remove thera to Salera ; and he also gave his negative to thirteen of the council chosen by the asserably.* The representatives of the people at this critical juncture did not shrink frora the high and imperative duties which devolved upon them in defence of political freedom. They had been selected under T, Danielson, B, Austin, W, Phillips, M, Parley, J, Prescott, J Adams, N, Cluincy, J, Bowers, E, Freeman, and J. Foster." -Brgd ford, p. 327. S14 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. the belief that a most important crisis was approach ing. They adopted resolutions, recommending to the citizens of Boston to be firm and patient, to the people through the province to assist their brethren in the metropolis, and to all to refrain entirely from the use of British goods, and of other foreign articles subject to a duty ; conceiving this to be a lawful and most efficient raeans of convincing the parent govern ment of their opposition to the recent oppressive mea sures, and of prevailing on ministers to relax in their arbitrary and severe conduct towards Massachusetts. They also requested the governor to appoint a day for public religious worship and prayer. And as he declined doing it, they recommended the observance of a particular day for that solemn service, in iraitation of their pious ancestors, who, on all occasions of pub lic distress and danger, hurably sought to the Almighty for guidance and protection. But the most important measure adopted at this eventful period, and in pre paring which a large coraraittee was occupied through the greater part of the session, was that of choosing five members of the house as delegates to a general continental congress ; aiidof giving immediate inform ation thereof to all the other colonies, with a request that they would appoint deputies for the same purpose. A measure of this kind had been already suggested, both in Massachusetts and in several of the other co lonies, but nothing definite or decisive had been done; nor had any committees or deputies been elected with this design.* The patriots in this province were convinced that the time had arrived for a raore effi cient and united stand in defence of their rights. They did not, however, even now, contemplate inde pendence ; but they were resolved to show the British ministry that a determination prevailed through all the colonies to oppose their abitrary and oppressive plans of governing America ; hoping, probably, for a new administration, whose views would be raore con ciliatory and just. The prearable to the resolutiont for choosing delegates to raeet in a general congress states concisely the reason which induced the house to adopt this iraportant raeasure. It was as follows : — " This house, having duly considered, and being deeply affected with the unhappy differences which have long subsisted and are increasing between Great Britain and the American colonies, are of opinion, that a meeting of committees from the several colonies on this continent is highly expedient and necessary, to consult upon the present state of the country, and the * The proceedings of the delegates in Virginia, already referred to, were a few days subsequent to those of the general court of Massachusetts. 1 The resolution was adopted by a vote of one hundred and sii- miseries to which we are and must be reduced by the operation of certain acts of parliament ; and to deli berate and determine upon wise and proper measures to be by them recomraended to all the colonies, for the recovery and establishment of our just rights and liberties, civil and religious ; and the restoration of union and harmony between Great Britain and Ameri ca, which is most ardently desired by all good raen." While the house were engaged in considering this raeasure, the governor received notice of their design frora one of the members politically attached to him, and iraraediately directed that they should be dis solved. The door-keeper was ordered to admit no person into the house ; but soon after the secretary proceeded, by his excellency's command, to the door of the room in which tbe representatives were sitting, and read a proclamation for dissolving the assembly; and when the resolutions were adopted respecting the delegates to congress, and an order was passed for their compensation, the house separated. In this raeasure, it was easy to perceive the coramencement of a general and open opposition to the parent go vernment ; which, without either a great change in the policy of the English cabinet, or servile submis sion on the part of the colonies, through an appre hension of a raore wretched condition under a pow erful railitary force, would produce a struggle, to be deterrained only by superior physical power. The two last of the coercive enactments of the British legislature, did not reach Boston till July. By one, the governor alone was authorized to appoint all civil officers ; and by the other, the counsellors were to be selected by the king and his ministers in England. A list of those appointed was soon raade known, and gave great dissatisfaction, as they were the most unpopular characters in the province. To add to the anxiety which now pervaded every breast, a large military force was ordered into the province, an act of parliament having been passed, which di rected the governor to provide quarters for them in any town he nught choose. " Thus the charter, the palladium of their rights and privileges, under the shelter of which they had formerly felt theraselves safe, at least from systematic tyranny, was wantonly violated by the arbitrary will of a favourite minister. They were to be governed entirely by strangers, and those in whom they had no confidence ; and foreign mercenaries were provided to stifle the murmurs oc casioned by oppression, and to check the efforts of a teen to twelve, and the following distinguished citizens, whose talents and patriotism placed them high in the esteem and confi- dece of the people, were then appointed : T, Cushing, S. Adams, R, T, Paine, J. Bowdoin, and J, Adams. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 215 generous patriotism, which ministerial threats had not been able to silence or prevent. The intelligent citizens, who composed the committees of correspond ence, and others distinguished by their activity and firmness, were openly threatened by the servile tools of despotism, and marked out as victims to appease a tyrannical administration. But, happily for their countrymen, and happily for posterity, they were not moved from their high purpose by the menaces of the corrupt or powerful. Satisfied of the justice of their cause, they resolved to attempt every thing, and ha zard every thing for its support."* It had been agreed by the delegates which had now been appointed by raost of the colonies, that they should meet in general congress in September ; and the desire to await the result of its determinations pre vented any violent proceedings during the interim ; while, however, great attention was given by the in habitants to military discipline. Independent compa nies were formed, who elected their own officers, many of whom had served during the French war, and were well able to instruct their pupils in military tactics. On the other hand. General Gage was no less active in adopting measures calculated, in his estimation, to overawe the inhabitants, and to deter thera frora having recourse to force. With this view, although ostensibly for the purpose of preventing desertion, he fortified the isthraus which connects Boston with the raain land, called Boston Neck, the only entrance by land into the town of Boston, and therefore the only route by which, according to the port bill, the mer chants and traders could carry on their business. This measure, however, served only the more to ex asperate the people, and the subsequent seizure ofthe gunpowder at Charlestown, added to their alarm. Before day-break, on the 1st of September, General Gage despatched a party of soldiers to bring into his own custody a quantity of provincial powder frora the arsenal at Charlestown. IramediateJy this trans action becarae generally known ; the inhabitants of the neighbouring towns flew to arras, and agreed on Cambridge as a general rendezvous ; and it was with great difficulty that they were dissuaded, by their more prudent leaders, from marching at once to Boston, to require the restoration of the powder, or, in case of refusal, to attack the garrison. Their presence at Carabridge, however, induced several gentleraen to resign their appointments as counsellors under the late act of parliament, and to declare they would not take any part in carrying into execution the obnox ious measures of the ministry. Before the agitation ? Bradford's History from 1764 to 1775, p. 332. occasioned by this movement was tranquillized, a ru mour was, probably not without design, rapidly cir culated throughout the whole province, that the gar rison and fleet were firing on the town of Boston ; and in a few hours between thirty and forty thousand men, of all arms, were in motion towards the capital ; and although they retired when satisfied of the falsity of the rumour, the readiness with which so powerful a demonstration of physical force was effected, gave additional boldness to the leaders of the patriotic cause. It was under the excitement of these circumstances that, in defiance of the act of parliament, and the go vernor's proclamation founded upon it, prohibiting public assemblies, the county of Suffolk, of which Boston was the capital, elected delegates to meet for the purpose of taking into consideration the most proper course to be adopted in the present state of af fairs. With a boldness and decision surpassing that of any forraer asserably, they passed resolutions de claring theraselves constitutionally exempt from all obedience to the late measures of the British parha ment, that the government of the province was in fact dissolved, and that they should consider all per sons who dared to act in any official capacity under the new regulations as open enemies of their country. They sent a copy of their resolutions, and of their letter to the governor, with his answer, to the gene ral congress, upon whose judgment they rested the decision of their future conduct. This congress, which will ever be celebrated in the page of history, and held sacred in the annals ol liberty, met at Philadelphia, on the Sth of September. Representatives from eleven of the colonies were present at the opening, and those frora North Caro lina arrived shortly after ; Georgia alone having de murred to send delegates. Peyton Randolph, ot Virginia, was elected president, and Charles Thomp- son, of Philadelphia, secretary ; and after a brief controversy on the mode of voting, which resulted in the determination that each province should have only one vote, whatever number of delegates might be present, the assembly proceeded to business with all the soleranity of an organized legislature. " The most eminent men of the various colonies were now, for the first time, brought together. They were known to each other by fame, but they were person ally strangers. The meeting was awfully solemn. The object which had called them together was ot incalculable magnitude. The liberties of no less than three millions of people, with that of all their posterity, were staked on the wisdom and energy of their councils. No wonder, then, at the long and 816 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. deep silence which is said to have followed upon their organization ; at the anxiety with which the members looked round upon each other ; and the reluc tance which every individual felt to open a business so fearfully momentous. In the midst of this deep and death-like silence, and just when it was begin ning to become painfully embarrassing, Mr. Henry arose slowly, as if borne down by the weight of the subject. After faltering, according to his habit, through a most impressive exordium, in which he merely echoed back the consciousness of every other heart, in deploring his inability to do justice to the occasion, he launched gradually into a recital of the colonial wrongs. — Rising, as he advanced, with the grandeur of his subject, and glowing at length with all the majesty of the occasion, his speech seeraed more than that of mortal man."* Mr. Henry was followed by Mr. Richard Henry Lee, in a speech scarcely less powerfiil, and still more replete with classic eloquence. One spirit of ardent love of liber ty pervaded every breast, and produced a unanimity as advantageous to the cause they advocated, as it was unexpected and appalling to their adversaries. One of the first acts of this assembly was the appointment of a committee, consisting of two from each colony, to state the rights of the colonies in general, the several instances in which those rights had been violated, and the means most proper to be pursued for obtaining a restoration of them. While these important subjects were before fhe com mittee, the proceedings of the delegates of the county of Suffolk, to which we have before alluded, were laid before congress ; and on the 8tli of October that assembly adopted the following resolutions : " Resolved, — That this congress do approve of the opposition made by the inhabitants of Massachusetts Bay to the execution of the late acts of parliament ; and if the same shall be attempted to be carried into execution by force, in such case all America ought to support them in tlieir opposition, " Resolved, — That it is the opinion of this body, that the removal of the people of Boston into the country, would be not only extremely difficult in the execution, but so important in its consequences as lo require the utmost deliberation before it is adopt ed. But in case the provincial meeting of that colony shall judge it absolutely necessary, it is the opinion of this congress, that all America ought to contribute towards recompensing them for the injury they may thereby sustain ; and it will be recom mended accordingly. ? Wirt's Life of Henry, p. 105, 106, " Resolved, — That this congress do recommend to the inhabitants of the colony of Massachusetts Bay, to submit to a suspension of the administration of justice, when it cannot be procured in a legal and peaceable manner, under the rules of the charter, and the laws founded thereon, until the effects of our ap plication for a repeal of the acts, by whicli their charter rights are infringed, is known. " Resolved, unanimously, — That every person or persons whosoever, Avho shall take, accept, or act under any comraission or authority, in any wise de rived frora the act passed in the last session of parlia ment, changing the form of government and violating the charter of the province of Massachusetts Bay, ought to be held in detestation and abhorrence by all good men, and considered as the wicked tools of that despotism which is preparing to destroy those rights which God, nature, and compact, have given to Araerica." The congress proceeded with great deliberation ; its debates were held with closed doors, and the honour of each raember was solemnly engaged not to disclose any of tbe discussions till such disclosure was declared advisable by the majority. It was not till the 14th of October that the following series ol resolutions, which may be regarded as their grand declaration of rights and of grievances, was passed and jiromulgated. To abridge or analyze them would be an equal injustice to the memory of their authors, and to the fidelity of history ; we therefore present them entire. " Resolved, unanimously, — That the inhabitants of the English colonies in North America, by the immu table laws of nature, the principles of the English constitution, and the several charters or compacts, have the followinar rights : " 1. That they are entitled to life, liberty, and pro perty ; and they have never ceded to any foreign power whatever a right to dispose of either without their consent. " 2. That our ancestors, who first settled these colonies, were, at the time of their emigration from the mother country, entitled to all the rights, liberties, and immunities of free and natural-born subjects with in the realm of England. " 3. That by such emigration they by no means forfeited, surrendered, or lost, any of those rights, but that they were, and their descendants now are, entitled to the exercise and enjoyment of all such of them as their local and other circumstances enable them to exercise and enjoy. " 4. That the foundation of English liberty, and of all free governments, is a right in the people to parti- HISTORY OP THE UNITED STATES. 217 cipate in their legislative council : and as the English colonists are not represented, and from their local and other circumstances cannot properly be represented, in the British parliament, they are entitled to a free and exclusive power of legislation in their several provincial legislatures, where their right of represent ation can alone be preserved, in all cases of taxation and internal policy, subject only to the negative of their sovereign, in such manner as has been hereto fore used and accustomed. But from the necessity of the case, and a regard to the mutual interest of both countries, we cheerfully consent to the operation of such acts of the British parliament as are, bona fide, restrained to the regulation of our external com merce, for the purpose of securing the commercial advantages of the whole empire to the raother coun try, and the commercial benefit of its respective mem bers ; excluding every idea of taxation, internal or external, for raising a revenue on the subjects in America, without their consent. " 5. That the respective colonies are entitled to the common law of England, and, more especially, to the great and inestiraable privilege of being tried by their peers of the vicinity, according to the course of that law. " 6. That they are entitled to the benefit of such of the English statutes as existed at the time of their colonization, and which they have, by experience, re spectively found to be applicable to their several local and other circumstances. " 7. That these, his majesty's colonies, are like wise entitled to all the immunities and privileges granted and confirmed to them by royal charters, or secured by their several codes of provincial laws. "8. That they have a right peaceably to assemble, consider of their grievances, and petition the king ; and that all prosecutions, prohibitory proclamations, and commitments, for the same, are illegal. " 9. That the keeping a standing army in these colonies, in times of peace, without the consent of the legislature of that colony in which such army is kept, is against law. " 10. It is indispensably necessary to good govern ment, and rendered essential by the English constitu tion, that the constituent branches of the legislature be independent of each other ; that therefore the ex ercise of legislative power, in several colonies, by a council appointed during pleasure by the crown, is unconstitutional, dangerous, and destructive to the freedom of American leffislation. " All and each of which the aforesaid deputies, in behalf of theraselves and their constituents, do claim, demand, and insist on, as their indubitable rights and Vol. I.— Nos. 19 & 20. 2 L liberties, which cannot be legally taken from them, altered, or abridged, by any power whatever, without their consent, by their representatives in their several provincial legislatures. " In the course of our inquiry," they proceed to say, " we find many infringements and violations of the foregoing rights, which, from an ardent desire that harmony and mutual intercourse of affection and in terest may be restored, we pass over for the present, and proceed to state such acts and measures as have been adopted since the last war, which demonstrate a systera formed to enslave America. " Resolved, — That the following acts of parhament are infringements and violations of the rights of the colonists, and that the repeal of them is essentially necessary, in order to restore harmony between Great Britain and the American colonies ; viz. the several acts of 4 Geo. III. c. 15 and 34, S Geo. III. c. 25, 6 Geo. III. c. 52, 7 Geo. III. c. 41 and 46, 8 Geo. 111. c. 22, whicli impose duties for the purpose of raising a revenue in America, extend the power of the admi rally courts beyond their ancient limits, deprive ths American subject of trial by jury, authorize the judge's certificate to indemnify the prosecutor from damages that he might be otherwise liable to, requiring op pressive security frora a claimant of ships and goods seized before he shall be allowed to defend his pro perty ; and are subversive of Araerican rights. " Also, 12 Geo. III. c. 24, entitled, ' An act for the better securing his majesty's dock yards, magazines, ships, amraunition, and stores,' which declares a ncAv offence in America, and deprives the American sub ject of a constitutional trial by jury of the vicinage, by authorizing the trial of any person, charged with the committing any offence described in the said act, out of the realm, to be indicted and tried for the same in any shire or county within the realm. " Also, the three acts passed in the last session of parliament, for stopping the port and blocking up the harbour of Boston, for altering the charter and go vernment of Massachusetts Bay, and that which is entitled, ' An act for the better administration of jus tice,' &c. " Also, the act passed in the same session, for es tablishing the Roman Catholic religion in the pro vince of Quebec, abolishing the equitable system of English laws, and erecting a tyranny there, to the great danger (from so total a dissimilarity of reli gion, law, and government) of the neighbouring British colonies, by the assistance of whose blood and treasure the said country was conquered from France. " Also, the act passed in the same session, for the 218 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. better providing suitable quarters for officers and soldiers in his majesty's service in North America. " Also, that the keeping a standing army in seve ral of these colonies, in time of peace, without the consent of the legislature of that colony in which such array is kept, is against law. " To these grievous acts and measures, Araericans cannot submit ; but in hopes their fellow-subjects in Great Britain will, on a revision of them, restore us to that state in which both countries found happiness and prosperity, we have, for the present, only resolved to pursue the following peaceable measures : 1. To enter into a non-importation association ; 2. To pre pare an address to the people of Great Britain, and a memorial to the inhabitants of British America ; and, 3, To prepare a loyal address to his raajesty, agreea bly to resolutions already entered into."* An agreeraent to abstain frora commercial inter course with Great Britain, was signed by all the members of this congress. By this instrument they were bound not to import, directly or indirectly, any goods from Great Britain or Ireland, after the 1st of December, 1774 ; and in case the acts complained of should not be repealed by the 10th of September, 1775, they agreed not to export to Great Britain, Ireland, or the West Indies, any commodities or merchandise whatever, except rice to Europe. They at the same tunc agreed to encourage frugality, economy, and in dustry, and to promote the agriculture, arts, and raa- nufactures of their own country, especially wool. Committees were to be appointed in every county, city, or town, to see that the agreement was observed; and the names of the violators of it were to be pub lished in the gazettes, as enemies to the rights of America ; and in that case no dealings were to be had with them. Upon the principles, and in the spirit of the pre ceding resolutions, was composed an address to the people of Great Britain, as also one to the king ; a statement to the aggrieved colonies, and an address to the inhabitants of Canada. These documents were drawn up with great ability. The gentlemen selected from the several colonies for this raeraorable congress, were no less distinguished for their talents than their patriotism ; and when perusing these state papers, no one can fail to regret that the speeches de Uvered on that occasion, bysuch distinguished states men and orators as John Adams, John Jay, Richard Henry Lee, Patrick Henry, John Dickinson, Samuel Chase, John Rutledge, and many others of that illus trious band of patriots, are lost to the world. * Journals of Congress, vol, i, p, 28 — 30, Pitkin, vol, i, p, 285 — 388. Allen, vol, i, p, 210. In their address to the people of Great Britain, afte? enumerating the several acts of parliament deemed to be violations of their rights, they appeal, with peculiar force of language, to the generosity, to the virtue, and to the justice of the nation, for relief " You have been told," say they, " that we are seditious, impatient of government, and desirous of independency. Be assured that these are not facts, but calumnies. Per mit us to be as free as yourselves, and we shall ever esteera a union with you to be our greatest glory, and our greatest happiness ; we shall ever be ready to contribute all in our power to the welfare of the whole empire ; we shall consider your enemies as our enemies, and your interest as our own. But if you are deterrained that your ministers shall wantonly sport with the rights of mankind ; if neither the voice of justice, the dictates of the law, the principles of the constitution, or the suggestions of humanity, can re strain your hands frora shedding human blood in such an impious cause, we must then tell you, that we will never submit to be hewers of wood or drawers of water for any ministry or nation in the world." The address of congress to the king was couched in language respectful, and even affectionate ; nor is there any just ground to suspect its authors of hy pocrisy ; they had not yet been driven to familiarize themselves with the idea of Separation from the Bri tish crown. One extract will afford a specimen of that union of firmness and affection which pervades the whole. " Permit us, then, most gracious sove reign, in the name of all your faithful people in Ame rica, with the utmost humility, to implore you, for the honour of Almighty God, whose pure religion our enemies are undermining ; for your glory, which can be advanced only by rendering your subjects happy, and keeping them united ; for the interests of your family, depending on an adherence to the principles that enthroned it ; for the safety and welfare of your kingdoms and dominions, threatened with almost un avoidable dangers and distresses ; that your raajesty, as the loving father of your whole people, connected by the same bonds of law, loyalty, faith, and blood, though dwelling in various countries, will not suffer the transcendent relation formed by these ties to be further violated, in uncertain expectations of effects that, if obtained, never can compensate for the ca lamities through which they must be gained," In their address to the inhabitants of Quebec, con gress endeavoured to convince them that the late act respecting that province had deprived them of many of their rights and privileges, and to persuade them to unite in obtaining redress, as well as to join the confederacy ; whUe to the inhabitants of the ag- HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 219 grieved colonies they presented a detailed account of the violations of their rights since the year 1763, as well as the reasons for the pacific mode of redress adopted by them ; and concluded by observing, " From the detail of facts herein before recited, as well as from authentic intelligence received, it is clear beyond a doubt, that a resolution is formed, and now carrying into execution, to extinguish the free dom of these colonies, by subjecting them to a des potic government." Finally, they resolved upon the expediency of hold ing another congress at the same place, on the 10th of May, 1775, unless it should be rendered unneces sary by a previous redress of grievances. Having thus completed their important transactions in a ses sion of fifty-two days, they dissolved themselves on the 26th of October. A majority of the members of this congress had little doubt that the measures taken by them, if sup ported by the Araerican people, would produce a re dress of grievances. Richard Henry Lee said to Mr. Adaras, " We shall undoubtedly carry all our points. You will be completely relieved ; all the offensive acts will be repealed ; the army and fleet will be recalled ; and Britain will give up her foolish projects." George Washington was of opinion, that with the aid of both the non-importation and the non-exportation system, America would prevail. Patrick Henry concurred in opinion with Mr. Adams, that the contest must ul timately be decided by force.* " The proceedings of this celebrated congress, the tone and temper of their various resolutions, the style of their addresses, the composition of the several papers that were drawn up by them, were in every particular calculated to excite the admiration of the world. That an assembly of fifty-two men, born and educated in the wilds of a new world, unpractised in the arts of polity, most of them unexperienced in the arduous duties of legis lation, coming from distant and distinct governraents, differing in religion, manners, customs, and habits, as they did in their views with regard to the nature of their connexion with Great Britain ; that such an as sembly, so constituted, should display so much wis dom, sagacity, foresight, and knowledge of the world, such skill in argument, such force of reasoning, such firmness and soundness of judgment, so profound an acquaintance with the rights of man, such elevation of sentiment, such genuine patriotism, and, above all, such unexampled union of opinion, was indeed a po litical phenomenon, to which history has yet furnish ed no parallel. Nor is it less wonderful that the • Pitkin's Political and Civil History, vol. i. p. 301. whole people of the colonies represented, should have regarded the simple recommendations of this congress with the reverence and obedience due to the strongest ties of law. Even in those colonies where law and authority had been set at defiance, the injunctions of the congress were scrupulously obeyed, The whole country was in that awful calm of expectation, which precedes the bursting of a storm. They were willing to wait the issue of their petitions, but ready to enforce their rights at the risk of life."t During the session of the congress most of the colo nies had adopted the plan of instituting provincial as semblies, regardless of their old form of government. In Massachusetts, General Gage had convoked a general court, to assemble at Salem, on the 5th of October ; but events which subsequently transpired, induced him to issue a proclamation dissolving the assembly. The members, however, regarded that proclamation was illegal, and met at Salem on the day appointed. After waiting in vain the whole day for the governor's appearance to administer the oaths, they resolved theraselves into a provincial congress, and adjourned to Concord. After appointing John Hancock president, and addressing a coraraunication to the governor, they again adjourned, to raeet at Cara bridge on the 17th. Here they appointed a committee of safety, and a committee of supplies. They also vo ted to enlist one fourth of the militia as minute-men, to be frequently drilled, and held in readiness for service at a minute's warning ; and after appointing three general officers, they adjourned to tbe 23d of November. In the mean time the situation of the citizens of Boston was in every respect disagreeable ; General Gage, how ever, seeraed to have no disposition to risk an imme diate attack upon the Americans. His intention of remaining quiet for the present was evinced by his de mand of materials for the construction of winter quar ters for his raen ; but so great was the general de testation of hira and his men, that he could procure neither workmen, materials, clothing, nor provi sions. Before the close of the year the busy note of pre paration resounded through almost every colony. The Massachusetts committees were indefatigable in providing for the most vigorous defence in the spring They had procured all sorts of military supplies for the service of twelve thousand men, and had engaged the assistance of the three neighbouring provinces of New Hampshire, Rhode Island, and Connecticut. While these hostile preparations were proceeding in America, the British monarch was meeting a new t Allen's History of the American Revolution, vol. i. p. 223. 220 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. parliament. Happily for the independence of America, it proved equally servile, and it must be said equally purblind, with its predecessor. The king inforraed his parliaraent, that a raost daring resistance and dis obedience to the law still prevailed in Massachusetts, and had broken out in fresh violences ; that these proceedings had been countenanced and encouraged in the other colonies, and that unwarrantable attempts had been made to obstruct the coramerce of the king dom, by unlawful combinations ; and he expressed his firm determination to withstand every attempt to weaken or impair the supreme authority of parlia ment over all the dominions of the crown. Addresses iu answer to the speech, concurring in the sentiments expressed by the king, were carried in both houses, by large majorities. The cabinet had deteriuined on coercive measures, in case the colonies persisted in their claims. Mr. Quincy, not long after his arrival in England, had an interview with Lord North, as well as Lord Dart mouth, at their special request. The former, on the 19th of November, in conversation on the subject of American affairs, reminded Mr. Quincy of the power of Great Britain, and declared that they were deter mined " to exert it to the utmost in order to effect the submission of the colonies." " We must try," said he, " what we can do to support the authority we claim over Araerica. If we are defective in power, we must sit down contented, and make the best terms we can ; and nobody can blame us after we have done our utmost ; but till we have tried what we can do, we can never be justified in receding," Knowing the prin cipal object of Mr. Quincy's visit to England, it was not to be expected that the minister would use the language of concession to him, even if concession were intended ; but rather endeavour to impress him with the idea, that it would be impossible for the colo nies to resist with any prospect of success : Mr. Quincy, however, from information obtained from other sources, as well as this conversation with the prime minister, was convinced that the Americans had nothing to hope but frora forcible resistance. This conviction was communicated to some of his particular friends in America. " I cannot forbear telling you," says Mr. Quincy, in one of his letters of this date, " that I look to my countrymen with the feelings of one who verily believes they must yet seal their faith and constancy to their liberties with blood." After the recess, parliament met on the 20th of January, and on the same day Lord Chatham moved, " That an hurable address be presented to his majesty, most humbly to advise and beseech his majesty, that. in order to open the way towards our happy settle ment of the dangerous troubles in America, by begin ning to allay ferments and soften animosities there ; and, above all, for preventing, in the mean tirae, any sudden and fatal catastrophe at Boston, now suffering under daily irritation of an array before their eyes, posted in their town; it may graciously please his majesty that immediate orders raay be despatched to General Gage for removing his majesty's forces from the town of Boston, as soon as the rigour of the sea son and other circumstances, indispensable to the safety and accommodation of the said troops, raay ren der the same practicable." This motion was sup ported by one of the most eloquent and impressive speeches ever delivered by that distinguished states man and orator. " My lords," said that patriot peer, " these papers from Araerica, now laid by adrainistra tion for the first tirae before your lordships, have been, to my knowledge, five or six weeks in the pocket of the minister ; and, notwithstanding the fate of this kingdom hangs upon the event of this great contro versy, we are but this moment called to a considera tion of this important subject. My lords, I do not wish to look into one of these papers, I know their contents well enough already ; I know that there is not a member in this house but is acquainted with their purport also. There ought, therefore, to be no delay in entering upon this matter ; we ought to pro ceed to it iramediately ; we ought to seize the first moraent to open the door of reconciliation. The Americans will never be in a temper or state fo be reconciled — they ought not to be, till the troops are withdrawn. The troops are a perpetual irritation to those people ; they are a bar to all confidence and all cordial reconcilement. The way must be immedi ately opened for reconciliation. It will soon be too late. I know not who advised the present measures ; I know not who advises to a perseverance and en forcement of them ; but this I will say, that whoever advises them ought to answer for it at his utmost peril. I know that no one wUl avow that he advised, or that he was the author of these measures ; every one shrinks from the charge. But somebody has ad vised his majesty to these measures, and if he con tinues to hear such evil counsellors, his majesty will be undone ; his majesty may indeed wear his crown, but, the American jewel out of it, it avUI not be worth the wearing. What more shall I say ? I must not say the king is betrayed ; but this I will say, the nation is ruined. What foundation have we for our claims over America ? What is our right to persist in such cruel and vindictive measures against that loyal, respectable people ? They say you have no HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 221 right to tax them without their consent. They say truly. Representation and taxation must go together ; they are inseparable. Yet there is scarcely a man in our streets, though so poor as scarcely to be able to get his daily bread, but thinks he is the legislator of America. ' Our American subjects' is a comraon phrase in the mouths of the lowest orders of our citizens ; but property, my lords, is the sole and entire dominion of the owner : it excludes all the world besides the owner. None can intermeddle with it. It is a unity, a mathe matical point. It is an atom ; untangible by any but the proprietor. Touch it, and the owner loses his whole property. The touch contaminates the whole mass, the whole property vanishes. The touch of another annihilates it ; for whatever is a man's own is absolutely and exclusively his own. How have this respectable people behaved under their griev ances ? With unexampled patience, with unparal leled wisdom. They chose delegates by their free suffrages ; no bribery, no corruption, no influence there, my lords. Their representatives meet with the sentiments and teraper, and speak the sense of the continent. For genuine sagacity, for singular mo deration, for solid wisdom, manly spirit, sublime sen timents, and simplicity of language, for every thing respectable and honourable, the congress of Phila delphia shine unrivalled. This wise people speak out. They do not hold the language of slaves ; they tell you what they mean. They do not ask you to repeal your laws as a favour ; they claim it as a right — they demand it. They tell you they wUl not submit to them ; and I tell you the acts must be re pealed ; they will be repealed ; you cannot enforce them. The ministry are checkmated ; they have a move to make on the board ; yet not a move, but they are ruined. Repeal, therefore, ray lords, I say. But bare repeal will not satisfy this enlightened and spirited people. What ! repeal a bit of paper ! repeal a piece of parchment ! That alone will not do, my lords. You must go through the work — you must declare you have no right to tax — then they may trust you ; then they will have some confidence in you. My lords, deeply impressed with the import ance of taking some healing measures at this most alarming, distracted state of our affairs, though bow ed down with a cruel disease, I have crawled to this house to give you my best counsel and experience ; and my advice is, to beseech his majesty to withdraw his troops. This is the best I can think of. It wUl convince Araerica that you mean to try her cause, in the spirit, and by the laws of freedom and fair in quiry, and not by codes of blood. How can she now trust you, with the bayonet at her breast ? She has all the reason in the world now to believe yoi' mean her death, or her bondage, Thus entered on the threshold of this business, I will knock at your gates for justice without ceasing, unless inveterate infirmi ties stay my hand. My lords, I pledge myself never to leave this business. I will pursue it to the end in every shape. I will never fail of my attendance on it at every step and period of this great matter, unless nailed down to my bed by the severity of disease. My lords, there is no tirae to be lost; every moment is big with dangers. Nay, while I am now speaking, the decisive blow raay be struck, and millions invol ved in the consequences. The very first drop of blood will raake a wound that will not easily be skin ned over. Years, perhaps ages, may not heal it. It will be imm,edicabile vulnus : a wound of that ran corous, malignant, corroding, festering nature, that, in all probability, it will mortify the whole body. Let us, then, my lords, set to this business in earnest ; not take it up by bits and scraps as formerly,, just as exigencies pressed, without any regard to general re lations, connexions, and dependencies. I would not, by any thing I have said, my lords, be thought to en courage America to proceed beyond the right line. I reprobate all acts of violence by her mobility. But when her inherent constitutional rights are invaded, those rights which she has an equitable claim to en joy by the fundamental laws of the English constitu tion, and which are engrafted thereon by the unaltera ble laws of nature, then I own rayself an Araerican, and feeling myself such, shall, to the verge of my life, vindicate those rights against all men who strive to trample upon or oppose them." Lord Chatham's motion was seconded by Lord Camden, who affirraed that " whenever oppression begins, resistance becomes lawful and right ;" and it was ably supported by the Marquis of Rockingham and Lord Shelburne ; but, like all other motions opposed to the views of the ministry, it was lost by a large majority. The administration declared their determination never to relax in their raeasures of coercion, until America was forced into obedience. This, however, did not prevent Lord Chatham from presenting to the house, soon afterwards, a bUl, con taining his favourite plan " for settling the troubles, and for asserting the supreme legislative authority and superintending power of Great Britain over the colonies." Though this bUl, as it contained a direct avowal of the suprerae authority of parliament over the colonies, in all cases except that of taxation, could never have received the assent of the Americans, yet, as it expressly denied the parliamentary power of taxing the colonies^ without the consent of their 9.^ 222 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. semblies, and made other concessions, it was rejected by a large majority on its first reading.* Immediately after the rejection of Lord Chatham's bin, the minister proposed, in the house of commons, a joint address to the king on American affairs. In this address, which was carried by large majorities, parliament declared that Massachusetts was in a state of rebellion ; and that this colony had been sup ported by unlawful combinations and engagements entered into by several of the other colonies, to the great injury and oppression of his majesty's subjects in Great Britain. Assuring his majesty of their determination never to relinquish the sovereign au thority of the king and parliament over the colonies, they requested him to take the most effectual mea sures to enforce obedience to that authority, and pro mised him their support at the hazard of their lives and property. Opposition to the address was made in both houses, but in vain. The king, in his an swer, declared his firm deterraination, in compliance with their request, to enforce obedience to the laws and authority of the supreme legislature ofthe empire. His answer was followed by a message, requesting an increase of his forces by sea and land. The restriction of the trade of the colonies, and a prohibi tion of the use of the fisheries, was also a part of the ministerial systera of measures. The minister began this part of his system with Massachusetts, Connecti cut, New Harapshire, and Rhode Island, as being the most obstinate and refractory. On the 10th of Feb ruary he presented a bill, which soon became a law, restricting the trade of these colonies to Great Britain, Ireland, and the British West Indies, and prohibiting their carrying on any fisheries on the banks of New foundland, and other places, for a limited time ; and the same restrictions were soon after extended to all the colonies represented in the congress at Philadel- * Lord Chatham had shown this bill to Dr. Franklin, before he submitted it lo the house of lords, but the latter had not an oppor tunity of proposing certain alterations which he had sketched, Dr, Franklin, however, at the special request of Lord Chatham, was present at the debates upon it. Lord Dartmouth was at first disposed to have the bill lie upon the table ; but Lord Sandwich opposed its being received, and moved that it be immediately " re jected with the contempt it deserved. He could never believe," he said, " that it was the production of a British peer ; it appeared to him rather the work of sorae American," "Turning his face to wards Dr, Franklin, then standing al the bar, " He fancied," he said, " he had in his eye the person who drew it up, one of the bitterest and most mischievous enemies this country had ever known," To this part of the speech of Lord Sandwich, the great Chatham replied, by saying, " that it was entirely his own. This declaration," he said, " he thought himself the more obliged to make, as many of their lordships appeared to have so raean an opinion of il ; for if it was so weak or so had a thing, it was proper in him to take care that no other person should unjustly share in the censure it deserved, Il had been heretofore reckoned his vice not lo be apt to take advice ; bul he made no scruple lo declare, phia, with the exception of New York and North Carolina. These bills were opposed by the minority in both houses, as unjust and cruel toAvards the colo nists, involving the innocent with the guilty, and unwise and impolitic in regard to the people of Great Britain. By the loss of their foreign trade and the fisheries, the colonists, it was said, particularly those of New England, would be unable to pay the large balances due from them to the British merchants. But every argument, however just or reason able, was urged in vain against the raeasures pro posed by the minister. An idea prevailed in Great Britain, that the people of New England were depen dent on the fisheries for subsistence, and that, when deprived of these, they would be starved into obe dience and submission. It would appear, that at this period there were sorae individuals in the confidence of the ministry engaged in conferences with Dr. Franklin, having for their object to ascertain whether terms of reconcilia tion could be devised. Dr. Franklin acted with his usual prudence in this affair, as was very manifest in the title ofthe plan he sketched for the persons who consulted him, which he termed, " Hints for con versation, upon the subject of terms that might pro bably produce a durable union between Great Britain and the colonies." This plan embraced, in seventeen propositions, the principal points in dispute ; but, as the negotiations were not avowedly official, and led to no practical result, we shall not enter upon the de tail of them.t On the 20th'of February, Lord North astonished both his friends and his opponents, by introducing into the house of comraons a proposition of a con ciliatory character. It provided, " that when the go vernor, council, and asserably, or general court of any of his raajesty's colonies in America, shall propose to that if he were the first minister of this country, and had the care of settling this momentous business, he should not be ashamed of publicly calling to his assistance a person so perfectly acquainted with the whole of American affairs, as the gentleraan alluded to, and so injuriously reflected on ; one whom all Europe held in es timation for his knowledge and wisdom, and ranked wilh our Boyles and Newtons; who was an honour, not to the English na tion only, but to human nature," — Franklin's Works, vol, i, p, 322, 323, Pitkin, vol, i. p, 312, -Among the papers which had been laid before the house by Lord Dartmouth, was the petition of the congress to the king, in behalf df which the American agent^ Dr. Franklin, Mr. Bollan, and Mr, Lee, petitioned to be heard at the bar of the house. But this privilege was refused to Ihem by the ministers, on the ground that the congress was an illegal body, and their petition was rejected by an unusually large majority. t Those of our readers who may be desirous of pursuing this sub ject further, we refer to Pitkin's Political and Civil History, vol. i, p, 315 — 322, We take this opportunity of acknowledging our obligations to that very valuable work ; certainly the most satis factory extant, in the department which it occupies. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 223 make provision, according to the condition, circum stances, and situation of such province or colony, for contributing their proportion for the common defence, (such proportion to be raised under the authority of the general court or assembly of such colony, and dis posable by parliament,) and shall engage to make provision also for the support of the civil governraent and the administration of justice in such colony, it will be proper, if such proposal shall be approved by his majesty and the two houses of parliaraent, and for so long as such provision shall be raade accord ingly, to forbear, in respect to such colony, to levy any duty, tax, or assessment, except only such duties as it may be expedient to levy or impose for the regu lation of coraraerce ; the net proceeds of the duties last mentioned to be carried to the account of such colony respectively." This unexpected proposition was at first opposed by those who usually acted with the rainister, as to tally inconsistent with the course of raeasures just adopted ; and they would probably have voted against it, had they not been quieted by explanations, as to its real object, made by his particular friends. By these explanations, in which the rainister, whatever might have been his original intentions, concurred, it appeared that the object was to cause a division among the colonies, or, if this should not be the effect, and the reasonable terms offered should be rejected by them, to unite the people of England in strong coer cive measures. The adoption of Lord North's conciliatory scheme did not prevent Mr. Burke and Mr. Hartley from pre senting to the house their respective plans of recon ciliation. That of the former, founded on the prin ciple of expediency, was to permit the colonies to tax theraselves in their asserablies, according to ancient usage, and to repeal all acts of parliament iraposing duties in America. Mr. Hartley proposed, that, at the request of parliaraent, the secretary of state should require a contribution from the colonies for the gene ral expense of the empire, leaving the araount and ap plication to the colonial asserablies. These proposi tions, though supported by all the eloquence and powerful talents of Mr. Burke, were rejected by the usual ministerial majorities. [" The resolution of the colonists was soon put to a raore serious test. A considerable quantity of raUi- tary stores having been deposited at Concord, an in land town, about eighteen miles from Boston, General Gage purposed to destroy them. For the execution of this design, he, on the night preceding the 19th of April, detached Lieutenant-Colonel Smith and Major Pitcairn, with 800 grenadiers and light-infantry, who, at eleven o'clock, embarked in boats at the bottom ot the common, in Boston, crossed the river Charles, and landing at Phipps' farm, in Cambridge, commenced a silent and expeditious march for Concord. Although several British officers, who dined at Cambridge the preceding day, had taken the precaution to disperse themselves along the road leading to Concord, to in tercept any expresses that might be sent from Boston to alarm the country ; yet messengers, who had been sent from that town for the purpose, had eluded the British patrols, and given an alarm, which was rapidly spread by church bells, signal guns, and volleys. On the arrival of the British troops at Lexington, toward five in the morning, about 70 men, belonging to the minute company of that town, were found on the pa rade, under arms. Major Pitcairn, who led the van, galloping up to them, called out, " Disperse, disperse, you rebels ; throw down your arms, and disperse." The sturdy yeomanry not instantly obeying the or der, he advanced nearer, fired his pistol, flourished his sword, and ordered his soldiers to fire. A dis charge of arms from the British troops, with a huzza, immediately succeeded ; several of the provincials fell, and the rest dispersed. The firing continued after the dispersion, and the fugitives stopped and re turned the fire. Eight Americans were killed, three or four of them by the first fire of the British ; the others, after they had left the parade. Several were also wounded. " Tbe British detachment proceeded to Concord. The inhabitants of that town, having received the alarm, drew up in order for defence ; but, observing the number of the regulars to be too great for them to encounter, they retired over the north bridge, at some distance beyond the town, and waited for re enforcements. A party of British light-infantry fol lowed them, and took possession of the bridge, while the main body entered the town, and proceeded to execute their commission. They disabled two 24 pounders, threw 500 pounds of ball into the river and wells, and broke in pieces about 60 barrels of flour. The mUitia being re-enforced. Major Buttrick, of Concord, who had gallantly offered to command them, advanced toward the bridge ; but, not knowing of the transaction at Lexington, ordered the men not to give the first fire, that the provincials might not be the aggressors. As he advanced, the light-infantry retired to the Concord side of the river, and began to pull up the bridge ; and, on his nearer approach, they fired, and killed a captain and one of the privates. The provincials returned the fire ; a skirmish ensu ed ; and the regulars were forced to retreat, with sorae loss. They were soon joined by the main body, and 224 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. the whole detachment retreated with precipitancy. All the people of the adjacent country were by this time in arms ; and they attacked the retreating troops in every direction. Some fired from behind stone walls and other coverts ; others pressed on their rear ; and, thus haras.sed, they made good their retreat six miles back to Lexington, Hcrethey were joined by Lord Piercy, who, most opportunely for them, had ar rived with a detachment of 900 men, and two pieces of cannon. The enemy, now amounting to about 1800 men, having halted an hour or two at Lexing ton, recommenced their inarch ; but the attack from the provincials was renewed at the same time ; and an irregular, yet very galling fire, was kept up on each flank, as well as in the front and rear. The close firing frora behind stone walls, by good marks men, put them in no small confusion ; but they kept up a brisk retreating fire on the militia and minute- men. A little after sunset, the regulars reached Bunker's Hill, where, exhausted with excessive fa tigue, they remained during the night, under the pro tection of the Somerset man-of-war ; and the next morning went into Boston." If the Salem and Mar blehead regiments had arrived in season to have cut off their retreat, in all probability but few of the de tachment would ever have reached Boston. Still the great doctrines of huraanity were so deeply impressed upon the minds of the people, already much oppress ed, that they forgot, in their syrapathy for the distress ed, their animosity ; and the people of Charlestown, all whigs, still offered the exhausted and dying British soldiers, the same hospitality that they would have af forded friends in distress. The first act of the cfreat drama was now opened. Blood had flowed, and flowed copiously. The peo ple had now no more doubts on their minds what course they had to pursue. Every workshop, every dwelling-house, every church, was a shrine in whicli the vows of freemen were made to the God of battles. Cambridge, by a sort of common consent, was fixed upon as a place of general rendezvous, and in a few days twenty thousand freemen were seen in arms, to avenge their wrongs. The provincial congress of Massachusetts met the next day after the battle of Lexington, and determined the number of men to be raised ; fixed on the pay ment of the troops ; voted an issue of paper raoney ; drew up rules and regulations for the army ; and all was done in a business-like manner. The other co lonies caught the spirit of New England, and the watch-fires of liberty blazed along the whole coast from Falmouth to Charleston. Activity and enterprise were every where conspicuous. A party from Con necticut, under the authority of Governor Trumbull, proceeded to the Canada frontiers, and took many pieces of cannon, and, at the sarae tirae, the fort at Ticonderoga. Arnold, Allen, and Easton, were con spicuous in this bloodless enterprise ; but all agreed that it was one of spirit and discretion. This fort, although in a somewhat dilapidated state, command ed, as it was thought, all our passes to Canada. At this time it was the opinion of several of the officers of the British army, that it would not require a large body of troops to put all things at rest in America. These men reasoned upon general principles, and so far they were correct. An unarmed force, without system or concert, are, in general, but momentary steps to regular troops ; but they underrated the raili tary talents and science of the colonists. At this period, the first rainds in Massachusetts were wrought up to a spirit of martyrdom. Adams and Hancock, in the continental congress, instead of flinching at their troubles, spoke out more boldly than ever ; and their feelings seemed to pervade the whole people. Gage, by an indiscreet proclamation, kept this fire alive, and little was thought of, but hostile move ments. He offered pardon to all but John Hancock and Samuel Adaras, whose crimes, he alleged, de served condign punishment. This was to them an enviable elevation, and gave thera alraost the power of dictators. The railitary knowledge which was discovered in the provincial officers, astonished the experienced coraraanders in the British array. From Mystic river to Dorchester heights, a line of fortifica tions were established, that showed the British that our engineers knew soraething of the art of war ; but still they could not be brought to believe, that such a raass of raen, so suddenly collected, could, for a moment, resist British velerans. They were not sanguinary, and hoped that all the difficulties would soon pass away ; but in this they were deceived. The American army had been quartered at Cam bridge nearly two months, and no blow had been struck to rid the country of the British troops, or to encourage the natives; some uneasiness seemed to show itself in the camp, and more abroad, that greater energy was not shown ; but the wise thought to con quer by Fabian wisdom,, while others were for deci sive measures. The army at Cambridge was known to be large enough to demolish the British, if they could be got at. In this state of feeling, it was thought proper to make some demonstrations of courage, and of an intention of acting offensively and fearlessly. Col. Prescott was sent with the fragments, or rather the skeletons of three regiments, on the night of the 16th of June, to occupy a station on Bunker's Hill HISTORY OP THE UNITED STATES. 22S On viewing that eminence, he saw at once that it was an ineligible spot ; and he looked along to the right, and found that a spur of that hill, which was now called Breed's Hill, was the most proper situa tion, in every respect, for a battle-ground. Consider ing that they were within the limits of their orders, Prescott and Colonel Gridley, the engineers, began a edoubt on the right of Breed's Hill. It was about one hundred and forty feet square, with two open passages for ingress and egress. On the left of the redoubt, running north-easterly, was a breast-work of sods, not much over four feet high ; but not, as has been stated, extending to Mystic river ; it did not ex tend one quarter of the way to it. The line from this breast-work was made of two post and rail fences, placed about four feet apart, in parallel lines, and between them was trode the newly mown grass, making quite as good a screen for the militia as the redoubt or the breast work. General Ward, who commanded the American army, concluding from the firing from Copp's Hill, in Boston, at the early dawn of the raorning of the 17th, that the British would raake a struggle to get posses sion of the works, offered to relieve Prescott and his men, but they unanimously declined the offer, but earnestly insisted on re-enforcements. These were reluctantly given, as the commander in chief thought that an attack on his camp was contemplated ; and in such case, his camp at Cambridge, indifferently fortified as it was, would be a better place for a gene ral action than Bunker's Hill. Early in the morning, from the battery on Copp's Hill, one ofthe men in or near the redoubt was shot, and was instantly buried on the spot ; but although the roar of the cannon from Copp's Hill was inces sant, no further damage was done by their shots ; and in aid of this battery, the Lively, a man-of-war, was brought to bear, and in fact she began the can nonade. General Gage, wishing to drive the provincials from the hill, sent Major-General Howe and Brigadier- General Pigot, with ten companies of grenadiers, and ten of light-infantry, with some artillery, to perform this service. These generals, reconnoitring the American forces, on their arrival at Morton's Point, thought best to wait for re-enforcements from Boston. For these, Howe waited from about noon to three o'clock, P. M. be fore the battle was comraenced. The British began a slow march up the hUl in two lines, stopping at times to give the artillery a chance to play. But the angle of elevation was such, that it did but little execution. The provincials wasted no ammunition ; they had nut a scanty supply. They were ordered to put four Vol. I.— Nos. 19 & 20. 2 M buck-shots to a bullet, and to reserve their fire until the enemy were at blank-point shot distance. Ai this moment they poured in upon the approaching foe a most destructive volley. The effect was not more destructive than appaUing. The British sol diery, expecting nothing but random shots from un disciplined militia, were astounded at such deadly fires, and their line was broken in confusion. Some companies had not twenty soldiers fit for duty when they were about to rally. The British officers had the greatest difficulty to bring their troops into line again. At length, they came up a second time to wards the works, but with sorae wavering ; and in less than fifteen rainutes, their line broke in still greater confusion than before. Clinton saw this from Boston, and hastened over to assist Howe. Both the generals addressed the soldiers ; called to their mind their former wreaths of glory, and the everlasting disgrace of being beaten by raw militia. Howe swore to thera, that he would never survive the disgrace, if they were conquered that day. By this tirae, Charlestown, consisting of four hundred houses, was in a blaze. This Clinton had done to terrify the neighbouring army. On the third attack they were under the necessity of resorting to skill, not daring to put it on the score of bravery a third time. Pigot, with a considerable force, took a circuitous route around the south side of the hill, and carae noon the southwestern angle of the redoubt, and instantly scaled the slight works. Pitcairn was with hira, and was shot through the body as he was about to leap into the redoubt. Pigot, being a short man, was lifted by his soldiers on to the sods, and jumped into the area without harm. The provincials were now attacked on the east and on the west ; their ammuni tion was exhausted, and they had but few or no bayonets ; and after beating their assaUants a while with the butts of their guns, Prescott ordered a retreat. Those at the breast-work and in the redoubt retreat ed, and those at the rail fence followed, over Charles town neck, northward. Until the commencement of the retreat, but few of the Americans had been kUled. Their unwiUing ness to leave the ground at the proper time, -was the cause of the considerable number of the killed and wounded. Captain Knowlton having a fine large company near Mystic river, raoved up in good order, and covered the retreat of the Araericans. The bat tie ended between five and six o'clock. The wind, during the fight, was brisk and westerly, and drove the smoke directly in the face of the enemy ; but as the smoke arose over the heads of the British, the Americans, as it Avere, looking under the cloud, saw 226 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. where to fire. Prescott was all the fight in the re doubt ; the other portion of the Massachusetts militia at the breast-works. The New Hampshire troops, under Stark, Dearborn, and others, were at the rail- fence. They were marching from their native state towards Cambridge, and went on to the battle ground by their own impulses, not having received any orders from the commander in chief The British had between three and four thousand in the fight. They acknowledged ten hundred and fifty-four killed and wounded, with a great proportion of officers. Their number was most unquestionably larger ; for they brought between three and four hun dred of the slain, and buried them in the corner of the new burying-ground at the bottom of the coramon in Boston. The others were buried on Breed's Hill, wliere they fell. The Americans had fifteen hundred in the fight, Imt perhaps there were a few more at times, for volun teers carae on to the ground, expended their powder, and retreated, when they could do no raore service to the cause. The provincials had one hundred and thirty-nine killed, and three hundred and fourteen woimded and missing. The officers who fell on tho American side were. Colonel Gardner of Cam bridge, Lieutenant-Colonel Parker of Chelmsford, and Majors Moore and M'Cleary, — all men of dis tinction and value, and heroes in the cause, — with Major-General Joseph Warren. General Burgoyne was all the time during thebattle seated in the belfry of the North Church of Boston, a most commanding position, to watch the movements of either party. His letter describing the scene was, at that period, considered as one of very graphic power, but it is too general to give the historian much information. * Joseph Warren was born in Roxbury, near Boston, in the year 1741, His father was a respectable farraer in that place, Avho had held several raunicipal offices to the acceptance of his fellow citi zens, Joseph, with several of his brothers, was instructed in the elementary branches of knowledge at Ihe public grammar school of the town, which was distinguished for its successive insiructers of superior altainmenls. In 17 55 he enlered college, where he sus tained the character of « youth of talents, fine manners, and of a generous, independent deportment, united to great personal courage and perseverance. An anecdote will illnstrate his fearlessness and determination al that age, when character can hardly be said lo be formed. Several students of Warren's class shut themselves in a room to arrange some college affairs in a, way which they knew was contrary to his wishes, and barred the door so effectually that he could not, without great violence, force it; but he did not give over the atterapt of getting amongst ihera, for, perceiving that the window of the roora in which they were assembled was open, and near a spout which extended from the roof of the building lo the ground, he went to the lop of the house, slid down to the eaves, seized Ihe spoul, and, when he had descended as far as the widow, inrew himself inlo the chamber amongst thera. At that instant the spout, which was decayed and weak, gave way and fell to the ground. He looked at it without eraotion, said that it had served his purpose, and began to take his part in the business, A specta- ^Varren assumed no command on that day. He had been commissioned as a raajor-general by the Provincial congress, but four days previous, and had not taken any command ; nor had he, in fact, been sworn into office, except, as everyone had an oath in heaven, to live free, or die. Warren was, at the mom,ent of his fall, president of the provincial congress, and chair man of the committee of safety. He had put some one in the chair, and mounted his horse at Water- town, where the legislature was in session, to come and encourage his felloAv-citizens in the fight. When he entered the redoubt, Prescott offered him the com mand, but he declined it, saying, " I come to learn war under an experienced soldier, not to take any command." He was the martyr of that day's glory. His death was felt as a calamity to the cause and to the nation. He was in the prime of life, being only thirty-five years of age, with a spirit as bold and daunt less as ever was blazoned in legends, or recorded in his tory. He was a prudent, cautious, but fearless states man ; made to govern men, and to breathe into them a portion of his own heroic soul. His eloquence was of a high order ; his voice was fine, and of great compass, and he modulated it at will. His appear ance had the air of a soldier, — graceful and com manding, united to the manners of a finished gentle raan. The British thought that his life was of the utmost importance to the American army ; of so much importance, that they would no longer hold together after his fall. They sadly mistook the raen they had to deal with. His blood was not shed in vain ; it cried from the ground for vengeance ; and his name became a watch word in the hour of peril and glory.* The name of the humblest individual who perished in that fight will be remembered by the tor of this feat and narrow escape, related this fact to rae in the college yard, nearly half a century afterwards, and the impression it made on his mind was so strong, that he seemed to feel the same emotion as though it happened but an hour before. On leaving college, in 1759, Warren turned his attention to the study of medicine, under the direction of Dr, Lloyd, an eminent physician of that day, whose valuable life has been protracted al raost lo the present lime, Warren was distinguished very soon after he commenced practice ; for, when in 1764 the small-pox spread iu Boston, he was araongst the raost successful in his rae- thod of treating that disease, which was then considered the most dreadful scourge of the human race, and the violence of which had baffied the efforts of the learned faculty of raedicine, from Ihe time of ils first appearance. From this moment he stood high araongst his brethren, and was the favourite of the people; and what he gained in their good will, he never lost. His personal ajip carance, his address, his courtesy, and his humanily, ¦n'on the way to the hearts of all, and his knowledge and superiority of talents secured the conquest, A bright and lasting farae in his profession, with the attendant consequences, wealth and influence, were within his reach, and near al hand ; but the calls of a distracted country were pararaount to every consideration of his own interests, and he en lered the vortex of politics, never to relurn lo the peaceful course of professional labour. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 227 town or parish from whence he carae, and be generally enroUed on the books ofthe corporation. Young, sub stantial yeomen, or industrious mechanics, they were The change in public opinion had been gradually preparing Ihe minds of most men for a revolution. This was not openly avow ed ; amelioration of treatment for the present, and assurance of kindness in future, were all that the colonies asked from Great Britain ; but these they did not receive. The mother country mis took the spirit of her children, and used threats when kindness would have been the best policy. When Britain declared her right to direct, govern, and lax us, in any form, and al all limes, the colonies reasoned, remonstrated, and entreated, for a while ; and, when these means did not answer, they defied and resisted. The political writers of the province had been active and busy, and they were generally screened by fictitious names, or sent their produc tions anonymously into the world ; but the time had arrived when .speakers of nerve and boldness were wanted to raise their voices against oppression in every shape, Warren possessed first rate qualities for an orator, and had early declared, in the strongest terms, his political sentiments, which were soraewhat in advance of public opinion, for he held as tyranny all taxation which could be imposed by the British parliament upon the colonies. In times of danger the people are sagacious, and cling to those who best can serve them, and every eye was on him in every emergency, for he had not only the firmness and decision they wished for in a leader, but was prudent and wary in all his plans. His first object was. lo enlighten the people, and then he felt sure of engaging their feel ings in the general cause. He knew when once Ihey began, it would be impossible lo tread back — independence only would satisfy the country. With an intention of directing public sentiment, without appearing to be too active, he raet frequently with a con siderable number of substantial mechanics, and others in the mid dling classes of society, who were busy in politics. This crisis re quired such a man as they found hira to be — one who could discern the signs of the times, and mould the ductile materials to his will, and at the same tirae seem only lo follow in the path of others. His lelter lo Barnard, which attracted the notice of government, had been written several years before, in 1768; bul in some form or olher, he was constantly enlightening the people by his pen ; but it is now difficult, and of no great importance, lo trace him in the papers of that period. The public was not then always right in designating the authors of political essays. In the different situa tions in which he was called to act, he assumed as many charac ters as fable has ever given to the tutelar god of his profession, and, like him, in every one of them he retained the wisdom lo guide, and the power to charm, Al one time he might be found restrain ing the impetuosity, and bridling the fury of those hotheaded poli ticians, who felt more than they reasoned, and dared to do more than became men. Such was his versatility, that he turned frora these lectures of caution and prudence, to asserting and defend ing the most bold and undisguised principles of liberly, and defy ing in their very teeth the agents of the crown. Twice he was elected to deliver the oration on the fifth of March, in commeraoration of the " massacre," and his orations are araongst the most distinguished produced by that splendid list of speakers who addressed their fellow citizens on this subject, so interesting to them all. In these productions generally the iraraediate causes of this event were overlooked, and the remote ones alone were dis cussed. Here they were on safe ground, for tyranny in its inci pient stages has no excuse from opposition ; but in its march it ge nerally finds sorae plausible arguraents for its proceedings, drawn from the veiy resistance it naturally produces. These occasions ,jrave the orators a fine field for remark, and a fair opportunity for effect. The great orators of antiquity, in their speeches, attempted only lo rouse the people to retain what they possessed. Invective, entreaty, and pride, had their effect in assisting these raighty mas ters to influence the people. They were ashamed to lose what their fathers had left thera, won by their blood, and so long pre served by their wisdom, their virtues, and their courage. Our stalesraen had a harder task to perforra, for they were corapelled to call on the people to gain what they had never enjoyed — an in dependent rank and standing araongst the nations of the world. owners of the soil for which they fought. The battle scene was iraposing ; — the ground was in the imme diate neighbourhood of a city, whose inhabitants were His next oiaiion was delivered March 6th, 1775, ll was at his own solicitation that he was appointed lo this duty a second time. The fact is illustrative of his character, and worlhy of remem brance, Sorae British officers of the army then in Boston had publicly declared that it should be at the price of the life of any man to speak ofthe event of theSlh of March, 1770, on that anni versary, Warren's soul took fire al such a threat, so openly mai^, and he wished for the honour of braving il, 'This was readily granted, for at such a time a man would probably find but few ri vals. Many who would spurn the thought of personal fear, might , be apprehensive that they would be so far disconcerted as lo forget their discourse. It is easier to fight bravely, than lo think clearly or correctly in danger. Passion sometimes nerves the arm to fight, bul disturbs the regular current of thought. The day came, and the weather was remarkably fine. The Old Soulh Meeting House was crowded at an early hour. The British officers occu pied the ai.sles, the flight of steps to the pulpit, and several of them were within it. It was not precisely known whether this was ac cident or design. The orator, with the assistance of his friends, made his entrance at the pulpit window by a ladder. The officers, seeing his coolness and intrepidity, raade way for him to advance and address the audience. An awful stillness preceded his exor dium. Each man felt the palpitations of his ovyi heart, and saw the pale but determined face of his neighbour. The speaker be gan his oration in a firm tone of voice, and proceeded with great energy and pathos. Warren and his friends were prepared to chastise contumely, prevent disgrace, and avenge an attempt at as sassination. The scene was sublime ; a patriot, in whom the flush of 3fOulh, and the grace and dignity of manhocd, were combined, stood armed in ihe sanctuary of God, lo animate and encourage the sons of li berty, and to hurl defiance at their oppressors. The orator com raenced with the early history of Ihe country, described the tenure by which we held our liberties and property, the affection we had constantly shown the parent country, and boldly told thera how, and, by whora, these blessings of life had been violated. There was in this appeal to Britain, in this description of suffering, agony, and horror, a calm and high-souled defiance, which must have chilled the blood of every sensible foe. Such another hour has seldom happened in the history of man, and is not surpassed in the records of nations. The thunders of Demosthenes rolled at a distance from Philip and his host, and Tully poured the fiercest torrent of his in- vective when Catiline was at a distance, and his dagger no longer to be feared ; bul Warren's speech was made lo proud oppressors, resting on their arms, whose errand il was lo overawe, and whose business it was to fight. If the deed of Brutus deserved to be commemorated by history, poetry, painting, and sculpture, should not this instance of patriot ism and bravery be held in lasting remembrance 1 If he " that struck the foremost man af all this world," was hailed as Ihe first of freemen, what honours are not due lo him, who, undismayed, bearded the British lion, to show the world what his countrymen dared to do in the cause of liberty 1 If the statue of Brutus was placed araongst those of the gods, who were the preservers- of Rck raan freedom, should not that of Warren fill a lofty niche in the temple reared to perpetuate the remembrance of our birth as a nation 1 If independence was not at first openly avowed by our leading men, at that time, the hope of attaining it was fondly cherished, and the exertions of the patriots pointed to this end. The wise knew that the storm, which the political Prosperos were raising, would pass away in blood. With these impressions on his mind, Warren for several years was preparing himself by study and observation to lake a conspicuous rank in the military arrangements which h". knew must ensue. On the 18th of April, 1775, by his agents in Boston, he disco vered the design of the British comraander to seize or destroy our few stores at Concord. He instantly despatched several confiden tial messengers to Lexington. The late venerable patriot, Paul 228 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. watching the progress of events, anxious for their nearest friends ; — the roar of cannon from ships of war, and from floating and stationary batteries, followed or commingled with incessant ¦volleys of musketry — a well-built and compact town, seen in Revere, was one of them. This gentleman has given a very inte resting account of the difficulties he encountered in the discharge of this duty. The alarm was given, and the militia, burning with resentment, were, at day break, on the 19th, on the road to repel insult aud aggression. The drama was opened about sunrise, within a few yards of the house of God, in Lexington. Warren hastened to the field of action, in the full ardour of his soul, and shared the dangers of the day. While pressing on the enemy, a musket ball took off a lock of his hair close to his ear. The lock was rolled and pinned after the fashion of that day, and considera ble force must have been necessary lo have cut it away. The peo ple were delighted with his cool, collected bravery, and already considered him as a leader, whose gallantry they were to admire, and in whose talents they were lo confide. On the 14th of June, 1775, the provincial congress of Massachu setts made hira a major-general of their forces ; bul, previous to the dale of his coraraission, he had been unceasing in his exertions to maintain order and enforce discipline araongst the troops, which had hastily assembled al Cambridge, after the battle of Lexington, He mingled in the ranks, and by every method and argument strove lo inspire* them with confidence, and succeeded in a most wonderful manner in imparling to them a portion of the flarae which glowed in his own breast, Al such a crisis, genius receives ils birth-right, the homage of inferior minds, who for self-preserva tion, are willing lo be directed. Previous lo receiving the ap pointraent of major-general, he had been requested to take the of fice of physician general to the array, but he chose lo be where wounds were to be made, ralher than where they were lo be heal ed. Yet he lent his aid and advice to the medical department of the army, and was of greal service lo them iu their organization and arrangements. He was at this time president of the provincial congress, having oeen elected the preceding year a meraber from the town of Boston, In this body he discovered his extraordinary powers of mind, and his peculiar fitness for responsible offices at such a juncture. Cau tious in proposing measures, he was assiduous in pursuing whal he thought, after mature deliberation, lo be right, and never counted the probable cost of a measure, when he had decided that it was necessary lo be taken. When this congress, which was sitting al Watertown, adjourned for the day, he mounted his horse, and hastened to the camp. Every day " he bought golden opinions of all sorts of men ;" and when the troops were called to act on Breed's Hill, he had so often been amongst them, that his person was known to raost of the soldiers. Several respectable historians have fallen inlo some errors in de scribing the battle in which he fell, by giving the coraraand of the troops, on that day, to Warren, when he was only a volunteer in the fight. He did not arrive on the battle ground until the enemy had coramenced their raoveraents for the attack. As soon as he raade his appearance on the field, the veteran commander of the day. Colonel Prescott, desired to act under his direction ; but War ren declined taking any other part than that of a volunteer, and added, that he carae to learn the art of war from an experienced soldier, whose orders he should be happy to obey. In the battle he was armed wilh a musket, and stood in the ranks, now and then changing his place, to encourage his fellow soldiers by words and example. He undoubtedly, from the slate of hostilities, e.-cpected soon to act in his high railitary capacity, and il was indispensable, according to his views, that he should share the dangers of the field as a common soldier with his fellow citizens, that his reputation for bravery might be put beyond the possibility of suspicion. The wisdora of such a course would never have been doubted, if he had returned in safety from the fight. In such a struggle for inde pendence, the ordinary rules of prudence and caution could not govern those who were building up their names for future useful ness by present exertion. Some maxims drawn from the republi- one mass of flames,— and all this, but the commence raent of troubles,— was a sight appalling to every American, and seemed to shake even the eneray, in both mmd and body. The British troops, in considerable numbers, occupied the hill that night, can writers of antiquity, were worn as their mottos. Some pre cepts descriptive of the charms of liberly, were ever on their tongues, and some classical model of Greek or Roman patriotism, was constantly in their minds. Instances of great men mixing in the ranks of comraon soldiers, were to be found in ancient times, when men fought for their altars and their homes. The cases were parallel, and the examples were imposing. When the balile was decided, and our people fled, Warren was one of the last who left the breasl-vs'ork, and was slain within a few yards of it, as he was slowly retiring. He probably felt mortified at the event of the day; but, had he known how dearly the victory was purchased, and how little honour was gained by those who won it, his heart might have been at rest. Like the band of Leonidas, the van quished have received by the judgment of nations, from which there is no appeal, the imperishable laurels of victors. His death brought a sickness to the heart of the community, and the people mourned his fall, not with the convulsive agony of a betrothed vir gin over the bleeding corse of her lover, hut with the pride of the Spartan raother, who, in the intensity of her grief, srailed lo see that the wounds whence life had flown, were on the breast of her son, and was satisfied that he had died in defence of his country. The worth of the victira, and the horror of the sacrifice, gave a higher value to oar liberties, and produced a more fixed delermi nation to preserve them. This eminence has becorae sacred ground. It contains in its bosora the ashes of the brave, who died fighting to defend their altars and their homes. Strangers from all countries visit this spot, for it is associated in their memories wilh Marathon and Plalsea, and all the raighty struggles of determined freemen. Our citizens love to wander over this field — the aged lo awake recollec tions, and the youthful to excite heroic eraolions. The battle ground is now all plainly lo be seen — the spirit of modern improve raent, which would stop the slrearas of Helicon to turn a raill, and cause to be felled the trees of Paradise to raake a rafter, has yet spared this hallowed height. If " the days of chivalry be gone for ever," and the high and en thusiastic feelings of generosity and magnaniraily be not so widely diffused as in raore heroic ages, yet it cannot be denied but that there have been, and still are, individuals whose bosoms are warmed with a spirit as glowing and ethereal, as ever swelled the heart of "mail ed knight," who, in the ecstasies of love, religion, and martial glory, joined the war-cry on the plains of Palestine, or proved his steel on the infidel foe. The history of every revolution is inter spersed with brilliant episodes of individual prowess. The pages of our own history, when fully written out, will sparkle profusely wilh these gems of romantic valour. The calmness and indifference of the veteran "in clouds of dust and seas of blood," can only be acquired by long acquaintance with the trade of death; bul the heights of Charlestown will bear eter nal tesliraony how suddenly, in the cause of freedora, the peaceful citizen can becorae the invincible warrior ; stung by oppression, he springs forward from his tranquil pursuits, undaunted by opposition, and undisraayed by danger, to fight even to death for the defence of his rights. Parents, wives, children, and country, all the hal lowed properties of existence, are to him the talisman that lakes fear from his heart, and nerves his arm to victory. In the requiem over those who have fallen in the cause of their country, ivhich " Time, with his own eternal lips, shall sing," the praises of Wai- ren shall be distinctly heard. The blood of those patriots who have fallen in the defence of re publics, has often " cried from the ground," against the ingratitude of the country for which it was shed. No monument was reared to their fame ; no record of their virtues written ; no fostering hand extended to their offspring ; but they and their deeds were neglect ed and forgotten. Towards Warren there was no ingratitude — our country is free from this stain. Congress were the guardians of his HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 229 and enlarged the redoubt to nearly twice the original extent ; yet they did not venture to light their fires, but laboured by the sinking, fiickering lights, which shot up from the smouldering ruins of Charlestown. For the Araericans, struggling for liberty, the event of this battle was most fortunate. Their troops had done enough for honour ; enough to produce an impression of their prowess on the minds of their enemies; enough to give them confidence in thera selves ; and to show that they had learnt soraething in the way of preparing theraselves to correct the errors of judgment in planning a fight. They suf fered enough to feel their loss deeply, and yet not sufficiently in any way to weaken their forces. The wound received was too deep to be healed at once ; the sight was too awful to be soon forgotten. If the army had come down from Cambridge and Roxbury to the succour, the British would have been destroyed altogether ; but from the disposition of the king of England at this period, and the spirit of the ministry, the whole force of the British nation would have been brought to crush the Americans at once. The battle was fought on Saturday afternoon. Before Sunday night the intelligence was spread more than a hundred miles distant from the scene of action. All were roused to the highest pitch of resentraent, and set about preparing theraselves for a long and bloody struggle. Companies were raised and equipped with the utmost despatch ; all hopes of reconcilia tion were lost. Squads of armed men flocked to head quarters, some of thera having travelled eighty miles in twenty-four hours. To show the character of the men who had entered upon the duties of this important revolution, we need honour, and remembered that his children were unprotected or phans. Within a year after his. death, congress passed the follow ing resolution ; — " That a monument be erected to the memory of General War ren, in the town of Boston, with the following inscription : — In honour of JOSEPH WARREN, Major-General of Massachusetts Bay. He devoted his life to the liberties of his country, And in bra'/ely defending thera, fell an early victim in the Battle of Bunker Hill, June 17, 1775. The Congress of the United States, as an acknowledgment of his services aud distinguished merit, have erected this monument to his meraory." It was resolved, likewise, " that the eldest son of General War ren should be educated from that time at the expense of the United States," On the first of July, 1780, congress, recognising these former resolutions, further resolved, " that it should be recommendr ed to the executive of Massachusetts Bay, to make provision for the inaintenance and education of his three yoimger children, and that congress would defray the expense to the amount of the half pay of a njajor-general, to commence at the time of his death, and only to notice the fact, that the provincial congress, then sitting at Watertown, about six miles from the battle-field, proceeded, as usual, with their business ; and no mention is made of the battle on their records, until three days afterwards, when a member moved that the body should proceed to elect a president, as it was believed that Doctor Joseph Warren, who had filled the chair, had been slain on the 17th, at Buiit ker HUl. His place was supplied, and a committee was appointed to collect and publish all the circum stances of the fight. This was only partially execu ted at the time. It was reserved for the lapse of half a century, to complete the record for history. Wheu the corner stone of Bunker Hill monument was about to be laid, the legislature of Massachusetts invited, by a resolve of that body, all the survivors of that day's fight, to repair, at the expense of the common wealth, to Charlestown, to take a part in the ceremo nies. This invitation was accepted by more than fifty veterans, who, on their arrival, stated, under the solemnity of an oath, the circumstances within their recollections, of the battle. That which had been doubtful and contradictory, was made plain and satis factory from comparing all these statements of these honest veterans.] WhUe most of the colonies afforded sufficient oc cupation for the watchfulness of tlie British govern ment, those of New England called forth the most vigorous efforts of the royalists, both by sea and land. The naval forces were frequently engaged in destroy ing armed American vessels, congress having fitted out several, which were very successful in capturing store ships sent with' supplies of provisions and am^ munition for the royal army.* At Gloucester, the continue till the youngest of the children should be of age." The part of the resolutions relating to the education of the children, was carried into effect accordingly. The monument is not yet erected, but it is not loo lale. The shade of Warren will not re pine at this neglect, while the ashes of Washington repose without grave stone or epitaph, — Knapp's American Biography. * After the war had begun in earnest, Washington gave com mission and authority to take, and bring in, such vessels as our cruisers could capture, belonging to the British government, on the high seas. By virtue of this auihorily, several rich prizes were taken, some of thera loaded with munitions of war, which carae timely to the American army. Several vessels being private property which had been laken by these cruisers, were promptly released. Congress sanctioned his proceedings as justifiable and proper, and at once turned their attention to a naval force. In 1776, they appointed twenty-four captains of the navy, and a few lieutenants, leaving it to the naval comraittee to appoint the others; and, at the same time, authorized the building of sixteen ships oi war, and several smaller vessels. This, with the force which was then already in the possession of the several states, a part of which ¦were sold to congress, soon made a respectable naval force. The work of building went bravely on, for the merchants were deeply interested in it, and readily loaned the money to government for their building, or trusted the national contractor for materials ne? cessary in getting this naval force into effective operation. SoHfe 230 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. Falcon sloop of war having chased an Araerican ves sel into the harbour, despatched three boats, with about forty raen, to bring her off, when the party of the .ships were as large as thirty-two's, and from these down to four's, Aflcr this, larger vessels were built, but only one seventy- four, however, aud she was never in our service. These were commanded by brave men, and there was no act of cowardice known in the American navy during the revolutionary war. There might have been a, few instances of indecorum and want of discretion, bul none of cowardice. But lo be a liltle more minute in this history, as it is important ,0 examine our beginnings as a nation, in November, 1775, the le gislalure of Massachusetts passed a spirited act, by which ihey au thorized and encouraged the fitting out of private arraed vessels, lo defend the sea coast of Araerica ; and at the sarae tirae created a court of admiralty, to try and condemn all vessels that should be found infesting the same. The preamble to this act was written hy the late vice-president, Mr, Gerry, and it is a bold and an in genious exposition of the sovereign rights of the people in such an exigency, founded on the royal charter of William and Mary, under which the affairs of the province of Massachusells had been administered for more than eighty years. The body of the act was penned by Mr, Sullivan, late governor of Massachusetts, an early and firm patriot of the revolution. On the 16lh of Decem ber of that year, the government of Massachusells resolved to fit out ten vessels to go to the West Indies for military stores. On the 29lh of this raonth, John Adams and J, Palmer were appointed by the legislature of Ma.ssachusetts, a committee lo prepare and report a plan for fitting out armed vessels. On the 8th of January following, eight thousand pounds were voted for the purpose of raaking a respeclable marine force for Ihe province. On the 11th of Januar)', 1776, it was resolved in council, to build two frigates, one of thirty-six, and the other of thirty-two guns. On the 7th of February, il was resolved by the whole court lo build ten sloops of war, to carry sixteen guns each. Ten Ihousand pounds were ap propriated lo this purpose. Some of these vessels were built, and some others were hired, so that Massachusetts soon had quite a re speclable naval force on the high seas at their disposal. At the close of the year 1775, congress commissioned several vessels of war, six sloops, and thirteen galleys ; but they were restrained to the taking of public properly. After the declaration of independ ence, when Ihere was no prospect of peace for a season, or al least until Great Britain had tried the strength of the United Colonies, the marine was greatly increased, and twenty-four vessels were put in commission, and additions were raade from tirae lo tirae to this respectable force. These vessels were coraraanded by high- spirited and intelligent men, Avho were wonderfully successful; fer iu the course of three years they had taken raore than double the number of their own guns from the enemy, besides a great number of merchantmen of value. More than eight hundred guns had been taken from the eneray during this tirae, by the marine which congress had fitted out ; while that of Massachusetts, and of the olher slates, were equaUy .successful. The vessels taken by the public and private armed vessels, frora the battle of Lexington to the 17lh of March, 177 6, when the British evacuated Boston, araounled to thirty-four, of considerable size and value, wilh ex cellent cargoes. The tonnage of these captured vessels araounled to three Ihousand six hundred and forty-five tons. In 1776, the British vessels captured by the private armed vessels, alone, amounted lo the greal number of three hundred and forty-two, of which forlj'-four were retaken, eiahteen released, and five burnt. In the following year, 1777, the success of our privateers was still greater. Vessels were captured lo the amount of four hundred and twenly-one. The success continued without any great dimi nution until 1780, At this time the British merchants made so strong au appeal to their government, that they provided a convoy for every fleet of merchant vessels to every part of the globe. Out of the fleet sailing from England lo the West Indies, consisting of two hundred in number, in the year 1777, one hundred and thirty- seven were taken by our privateers; and from a fleet from Ireland to the West Indies, of sixty sail, thirty-five were laken. Taking the years 1775, 6, 7, S, and 9, say for the first year, thirty-four; were so warmly received by the militia who had col lected on the shore, that the captain thought it ne cessary to send a re-enforcement, and to commence second, three hundred and forty-two; third, four hundred and twenty-one; and for the fourth, whicli has not been accurately given, I believe, in any work, say, and this within bounds, two hun dred; and for the fifth, the same, two hundred ; and allowing but one hundred for the balance of the time during Ihe war, will raake twelve hundred and ninety-seven, without including those laken by public vessels from 1776 to the close of the war; and this latter number, if it could be precisely given, would add greatly to the list of captures. The marine, undoubtedly, fell off towards the close of the war, from several causes; one, the difficulties in the finance of the country, and from the great exertions of the Admiralty of Eng land in capturing our privateers. They had become alarmed from the complaints of their merchants, and the rise of insurance against capture, which reached au extent unknown before or since. The French navy, after that time, joined us in the war, and was in itself so powerful, that our smaller vessels were not wanted to co-opeiale with the land forces as before. Besides the defence of Charleston and Philadelphia, which were engagements that ought lo be ranked among the most raeraorable events in our revolutionary contest, there were others all along the seaboard, of less note, bul in them selves spirited affairs, Rhode Island, Philadelphia, and Charles ton, have high clairas for naval distinction, and for constant efforts on the high seas, during the war. Our naval affairs were managed by a marine coraraittee in con gress, who were as active and efficient as their limited means would allow. They had the admiralty code of England and Holland be fore them, and look such parts of it as would answer the purpose of their design. The committee of congress did ivonders, consider ing their means, and the difficulties they had to encounter, John Adams was an efficient raeraber of this coraraittee ; and, delighted wilh the course pursued by the merchants of the Netherlands, in gaining their independence and raising their national character, he studied their state papers, ruminated upon their history, and found il wise to copy their policy. He was born and educated among a mercantile people, and was well acquainted with their true interests. He saw an extended seaboard, and knew it were folly to defend our harbours and seaports without a naval force. To hira and his co adjutors are we indebted for the shape our infant navy took, and for the Herculean tasks she perforraed, as it were, in the cradle. It is not to be denied, however, that he had the cordial co-operation of all the efficient merabers in congress in every state, whether more or less marilirae; for these enlightened men saw ¦«'hal a mighty engine of power Ihis force might be made in a foreign war; and they soon saw, loo, how much a matter of gain il -was in that day, John Adams has deservedly been considered the fa ther of the Araerican navy. His disposition was of that prompt, effective, and daring character, thai made him delight in the naval glories of his country. He knew that Great Britain was hence forth lo be separated from us, and that it was only by cherishing a desire for naval distinction, ihat we were ever lo contend upon equal ground wilh her. This he declared almost as soon as he saw the conflict gathering, and the storm ready to burst, long be fore he had assisted the people, or their representatives, to brace themselves up for the declaration of independence, A naval force was thought by all to be necessary at that day. It ¦n'as long since that period, that the establishment of this greal engine of national defence, was considered of questionable policy. "Then the repre sentatives of all the states concurred most heartily in doing every thing in their power to encourage the increase of our naval force. The success of the privateers gave an elasticity and spirit to the people, that nothing else could have given. It gave thera weallh also, through the raedium of enterprise and valour. The seaports were full of the bustle of preparation for cruising and reception of prizes. Articles of merchandise were coraraon, and of a quality the frugality and economy of our people had never permitted them. to think of before. These articles were of use to citizens and soldiers, and the sale and purchase gave a specious form to busi ness, A great part of Ihe capital on which they were obtained, was the hardihood and daring of the people. This success inspired HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 231 cannonading the town. A very smart action en sued, which was kept up for several hours, but re sulted in the complete defeat of the assailants, lea ving upwards of thirty prisoners in the hands of the Americans. This repulse excited the British to deeds of revenge upon several of the defenceless towns on the coast, and to declare that many of them should be reduced to ashes, unless the inhabit ants consented to an unconditional compliance with all their demands. Another occurrence also tended to mutual exasperation. In compliance with a re solution of the provincial congress to prevent tories from conveying out their effects, the inhabitants of Falmouth, in the north-eastern part of Massachusetts, had obstructed the loading of a mast ship. The destruction of the town was therefore deterrained on, as an example of vindictive punishment. Captain Mowat, detached for that purpose with arraed vessels by Adrairal Greaves, arrived off the place on the evening of the 17th of October, and gave notice to the in habitants that he would allow them two hours " to remove the human species." Upon being solicited to afford some explanation of this extraordinary sumraons, he replied, that he had orders to set on fire all the seaport towns from Boston to Halifax, and that he supposed - New York was already in ashes. He could dispense with his orders, he said, on no terras but the compliance of the inhabit ants to deliver up their arms and amraunition, and their sending on board a supply of provisions, and four of the principal persons in the town, as hostages that they should engage not to unite with their country in any kind of opposition to Britain ; and the army likewise ; for they saw that sailors of a new creation could meet, and dared fight, the hardy sons of Neptune born in old England, and educated in the best of fleets in the world; and that these veterans were often found to yield to American sailors, of but a few months discipline on the high seas. In the bustle that privateering created, the loss of lives and limbs was forgotten, and the pride of conquest, and the joy of the possession of property won by daring, concealed the pain of many wounds, and perhaps healed a great raany that a want of success might have festered and rendered immedicable. In an army, in dividual bravery seldom finds an opportunity for display, while in these sea-fights almost every one had an opportunity of showing his prowess. These mariners on board a privateer were sharers in the success of every enterprise, often a better, or stronger mo tive, for brave deeds, than the sound of a name. It was often that Ihey had an opportunity of selecting the commander under whora they would serve ; and men so situated, are generally sagacious in discerning the merits of their superiors; particularly when that raerit, in a good measure, consisted in overt acts, of which they were as good judges as men of higher grades of mind, and of higher rank in society. Several of these comraanders of privateers were raen of original and comraanding talent, and deserve to be lianded down to posterity, as well as the leaders of sraall bands in the primitive wars of the classical ages. Manly, Mugford, Jones, Waters, Young, Tucker, Talbot, Nicholson, Williams, Biddle, Hopkins, Robinson, and many others, who were either in the ser vice of one of the state sovereignties at that time, or in the service he assured thera, that, on a refusal of these condi tions, he should lay the town in ashes within three hours. Unprepared for the attack, the inhabitants, by entreaty, obtained the suspension of an answer till the morning, and employed this interval in re moving their families and effects. The next day. Captain Mowat comraenced a furious cannonade and bombardment ; and a great number of people, stand ing on the heights, were spectators of the confiagra tion, which reduced raany of them to penury and despair. More than four hundred houses and stores were burnt. Newport, Rhode Island, being threat ened with a similar attack, was compelled to stipu late for a weekly supply to avert it. Warlike operations were not confined to the sea ports. Their success in the reduction of Ticonde roga and Crown Point stimulated the Americans to more extensive operations in the north ; and the movements of Sir G. Carleton, the governor of Cana da, appeared to call for them, congress having rea son to believe that a formidable invasion was intend ed from that quarter. The management of military affairs in this department had been copiraitted to the Generals Schuyler and Montgomery. On the 10th of September, about one thousand American troops effected a landing at St. John's, the first British port in Canada, lying one hundred and fifteen miles only to the northward of Ticonderoga, but found it ad visable to retreat to Isle aux Noix, twelve railes south of St John's. An extremely bad state of health soon after inducing General Schuyler to re tire to Ticonderoga, the command devolved on Ge neral Montgomery. That enterprising Officer, in a of congress, have been noticed by the writers of biography in times past ; but there are many raore who are equally worthy of notice, who have been neglected, because they were only commanders of privateers. It ought, however, to be considered, that our vessels of war were sraall, and did not, in general, carry more guns or men than some of our privateers at that time ; and the commanders of both classes of vessels, those of the United States and those ol private citizens, were educated and trained alike, and had equal sagacity, skill, and success. Scarcely a day passed, from the sum mer of 1775 to 1780, that the people were not animated with the news of some sea fight, and generally victory was on our side ; for these privateers were built for quick sailing, and when they thought the fight would be at odds against them, they out-sailed the enemy, and escaped to annoy them in some olher quarter. These com manders, in general, were men of standing, honour, and principle. and never suffered themselves lo sink into petty tyrants, or lawless bucaniers, in their manners or feelings. Instances of the most magnanimous conduct among them, might be given. In several cases of capture, when they understood the owners were friendly to the cause of America, the vessels and crews were suffered to de part wilhout losing a particle of property. In the vessels laken by these privateers, as in the public armed ships, the officers were never deprived of their baggage, and often were allowed their ad ventures, if their owners had allowed them such privileges, and they had any on board. Some few of these commanders of priva teers have lived do^wn to our time, — A^nerican Editor. 832 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. few days returned to the vicinity of St. John's, and opened a battery against it ; and the reduction of Fort Chamblee, by a small detachment, giving hira possession of six tons of gunpowder, enabled him to prosecute the siege of St. John's with vigour. General Carleton advanced against him with about eight hun dred men ; but, in attempting to cross the St. Lawrence, with the intention of landing at Longueil, he was attacked by Colonel Warner, at the head of three hundred Green Mountain boys, and compelled to retire with precipitancy. This repulse induced the garrison of St. John's to surrender, on honourable terms of capitulation. While Montgomery was prosecuting the siege of St. John's, Colonel Ethan Allen, who had been des patched on a service necessary to that object, hear ing that Montreal was in a defenceless state, attempted its capture without the knowledge of his superior in command ; he was, however, with part of his detach ment, taken prisoner, and, to the disgrace of General Carleton, loaded with irons, and in that state sent to England. " It is impossible to think of the fate of this heroic partisan, without regretting that wild spirit of independence which spurned even at the most necessary and proper subordination in the revo lutionary fathers. If Colonel Allen had consulted the general, as was unquestionably his duty, the whole fate of the Canadian expedition might have been chane:ed. He would either have received such re-enforcements as would have rendered his object attainable without hazard, or he would have been forbidden to undertake it ; and the assistance of his daring courage and skill might have prevented the fate which subsequently befell General Montgomery before Cluebec."* After the capture of St. John's, Montgomery directed his attention to Montreal, with different success. On his approach, the few British troops there repaired on board the shipping, in hopes of escaping down the river ; but General Prescot, and several officers, with about one himdred and twenty privates, were intercepted, and made prison ers on capitulation ; eleven sail of vessels, with all their contents, fell into the hands of the provincials. Governor Carleton was secretly conveyed away in a boat with muffled paddles, and arrived safely at Ctuebec. General Montgomery, leaving some troops in Montreal, and sending detachments into different parts of the province to encourage the Canadians and to forward provisions, advanced with his little army to Q,uebec, where he found, to his surprise, that a body of American troops had arrived before. • Allen's History of the American Revolution, vol, i, p, 292, General Washington, foreseeing that the whole force of Canada would be concentrated about Mon treal, had projected an expedition against Quebec in a different direction from that of Montgomery. His plan was to send out a detachment frora his camp before Boston, to march by way of Kennebeck River ; and, passing through the dreary wilderness lying between the settled parts of the province of Maine and the St. Lawrence, to penetrate into Canada about ninety miles below Montreal. This extraor dinary and most arduous enterprise w^as conmiitted to Colonel Arnold, who, with one thousand one hundred men, consisting of New England infantry, sorae volunteers, a company of artillery, and three companies of rifiemen, commenced his march on the 13th of Septeraber. It is alraost impossible to con ceive the labour, hardships, and difficulties, which this detachment had to encounter in their progress up the rapid streara of the Kennebeck, frequently in terrupted by falls, where they were obliged to land and carry the boats upon their shoulders, until they surmounted them, through a country wholly unin habited, with a scanty supply of provisions, the sea son cold and rainy, and the men daily dropping down with fatigue, sicloiess, and hunger. Arnold was in defatigable in his endeavours to alleviate the distresses of his men, but to procure provisions for them was not in his power. They were at one time reduced to so great an extreraity of hunger, that the dogs belonging to the array were killed and eaten, and many of the soldiers devoured their leather cartouch boxes. Arnold and his party at length arrived at Point Levi, opposite the town of Quebec ; but in consequence of information the British had received, by the treachery of the Indian to whora Arnold had intrusted a letter to General Schuyler, the boats which he expected to find there to transport his troops across the river had been removed, and the enemy were no longer in a state to be surprised. Arnold, however, was not to be deterred from attempting something against the town — he calculated strongly upon the defection of the inhabitants ; and having supplied himself with canoes, he crossed the river in the night, and gained possession of the heights of Abraham. Here, though he had no artillery, and scarcely half the nuraber of raen that coraposed the garrison of the town, he made a bold experiment to try the loy alty of the eneray's troops, by sending a flag to sum raon them to surrender. But no message would be admitted, and Arnold found himself compelled to retire to more comfortable quarters, where he awaited the arrival of General Montgomery. General Carleton, who it has already been stated HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 233 arrived at Quebec, had taken the best measures for its defence, and was prepared to receive him. In a few days, the American general opened a six-gun battery within about seven hundred yards of the walls ; but his artillery was too light to make a breach, and he could do nothing more than amuse the enemy, and conceal his real purpose. After continuing a siege nearly a month, he resolved on a desperate atterapt to carry the place by escalade. To distract the garrison, two feigned attacks were raade on the upper town by two divisions of the array under Majors Brown and Livingston, while two real attacks on opposite sides of the lower town were made by two other divisions under Montgomery and' Arnold. Early in the morning of the last day in the year, the signal was given, and the several divisions moved to the assault in the midst of a heavy fall of snow, which covered the assailants frora the sight of the eneray. Montgoraery^, at the head of the New York troops, advanced along the St. Lawrence, by Aunce de Mere, under Cape Diamond. The first barrier to be surmounted on that side was defended by -a bat tery, in which were mounted a few pieces of artillery, in front of which were a blockhouse and picket. The guard at the blockhouse, after giving a random fire, threw away their arms and fled to the barrier, and for a tirae the battery itself was deserted. Enor mous piles of ice impeded the progress of the Americans, who, pressing forward in a narrow defile, reached at length the blockhouse and picket. Mont gomery, who was in front, assisted in cutting down or pulling up the pickets, and advanced boldly and rapidly at the head of about two hundred men, to force the barrier. By this time one or two persons had ventured to return to the battery, and, seizing a slow match, discharged one of the guns. Casual as this fire appeared, it was fatal to General Montgo mery and to two valuable young officers near his per son, who, together with his orderly sergeant and a private, were killed on the spot. Colonel Campbell, on whora the coramand devolved, precipitately retired with the remainder of the division. — In the mean time. Colonel Arnold, at the head of about three hun dred and fifty^ men, made a desperate attack on the opposite side. Advancing with the utmost intrepi- • In Montgomery the Americans lost one of the bravest and raost accomplished generals that ever led an army to the field. But he was not more illustrious for his skill and courage as an officer, than he was estimable for his private virtues. All enmity to him on the part of the British ceased with his life, and respect to his private character prevailed over all other considerations. His body was taken up the next day, and he was decently interred,— Montgomery was a gentleman of good family in Ireland, who, having raarried a lady and purchased an estate in New York, con sidered hiraself as an American, and had served with reputation in Vol. I.— Nos. 19 » old army, and the constitution of an effective force from the new recruits, the lines were often in a de fenceless state ; the English must have known the fact, and no adequate reason can be assigned why an attack was not made. "It is not," says General Washington, in his communications to congress, "iu the pages of history to furnish a case like ours. To maintain a post within musket shot of the enemy, for six months together, without ammunition, and, at the same time, to disband one army and recruit another within that distance of twenty odd British regiments, is more, probably, than ever was attempted. But if we succeed as well in the last as we have heretofore in the first, I shall think it the most fortunate event of my whole life," Such a measure, with the organ ization and discipline of the men, will be supposed to have eraplo5'ed every active power of the general ; yet this did not satisfy his mind. He knew that congress anxiously contemplated more decisive stepr, and that the country looked for events of greater magnitude. The public was ignorant of his actual situation, and conceived his means for offensive operations to be much greater than they were ; and they expected from him the capture or expulsion of the British army in Boston. He felt the impor tance of securing the confidence of his countrymiCn by some brilliant action, and was fully sensible that his own reputation was liable to suffer if he confined himself solely to measures of defence. To publish to his anxious country the state of his army, would be to acquaint the enemy with his weakness, and to hazard his destruction. The firmness and patriotism of General Washington were displayed, in making the good of his country an object of higher considera tion than the applause of those who were incapable of forming a correct opinion of the propriety of Lis measures. On this, and on many other occasions during the war, he withstood the voice of the popu lace, rejected the entreaties of the sanguine- and re- 23C HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. uised to adopt the plans of the rash, that he might ultimately secure the great object of contention. While he resolutely rejected every measure which in his calm and deliberate judgment he did not approve, he daily pondered the practicability of a successful attack upon Boston. As a preparatory step, he took possession of Plowed-hill, Cobble-hill, and Lechmere's Point, and erected fortifications upon thera. These l¦o.¦^ts brought hira within half a raUe of the eneray's works on Bunker's-hill ; and, by his artiUery he drove the British floating batteries frora their stations ill Charles's River. He erected floating batteries to watch the movements of his enemy, and to aid in any offensive operations that circumstances might warrant. He took the opinion of his general officers a second time respecting the meditated attack ; they again unanimously gave their opinion in opposition to the measure, and this opinion was immediately com municated to congress. Congress appeared still to fa vour the attempt, and, that an apprehension of danger to the town of Boston might not have an undue influ ence upon the operations ofthe army, resolved, " That if General Washington and his council of war should III-' of opinion that a successful attack might be made on the troops in Boston, he should make it in any manner he might think expedient, notwithstanding tlie town, and property therein, might thereby be destroyed." General Howe had, in October, succeeded Gene ral Gage in the command of the British army, and through the winter confined himself to measures of defence. The inability of the American general to accomplish the great object of the campaign, repeat edly j)ointed out by congress, was doubtless a source of extreme mortification to him ; but he indulged the hope of success in some military operations during the winter that would correspond with the high ex pectations of his country, and procure him honour in his exalted station of commander in chief of the American army. Early in January he summoned a council of war, in which it was resolved, " That a vigorous attempt ought to be raade on the ministe rial trooj)s in Boston, before they can be reinforced in the spring, if the means can be provided, and a favourable opportunity shall offer," It was not, however, till the middle of February that the ice became sufficiently strong for General Washington to march his forces upon it into Boston ; he was then inclined to risk a general assault upon the British posts, although he had not powder to make any extensive use of his artUlery ; but his ge neral officers in council voted against the attempt, and iu their decision he reluctantly acquiesced. By the end of the month the stock of powder was con siderably increased, and the regular army amount ed to fourteen thousand men, which was reinforced by six thousand of the militia of Massachusetts General Washington now resolved to take possession of the heights of Dorchester, in the prospect that this movement would bring on a general engagement with the enemy under favourable circumstances ; or, should this expectation faU, that from this position he would be enabled to annoy the ships in the har bour, and the troops in the town. To mask the de sign, a severe cannonade and bombardment were opened on the British works and lines for several nights in succession. As soon as the firing began on the night of the 4th of March, a strong detach ment marched frora Roxbury over the neck of land connecting Roxbury with Dorchester Heights, and, without discovery, took possession of the heights. General Ward, who commanded the division of the army in Roxbury, had fortunately provided fascines before the resolution passed to fortify the place ; these were of great use, as the ground was deeply frozen ; and, in the course of the night, the party, by uncommon exertions, erected works sufficient foi their defence. When the British discovered these works, nothing could exceed their astonishment. Their only alternative was either to abandon the town, or to dislodge the provincials. General Howe, with his usual spirit, chose the latter part of the alterna tive, and took measures for the embarkation on that very evening of five regiments, with the light infan try and grenadiers, on the important but most ha zardous service. The transports fell down in the evening toward the castle with the troops, amount ing to about two thousand men ; but a tremendous storm at night rendered the execution of the design absolutely impracticable. A council of war was called the next morning, which agreed to evacuate the town as soon as possible. A fortnight elapsed before that measure was effected. Meanwhile, the Americans strengthened and extended their works ; and on the morning of the 17th of March, the king's troops, with those Americans who were attached to the royal cause, began to embark ; before ten, all of them were under sail. As the rear embarked. Ge neral Washington marched triumphantly into Bos ton, where he was joyfully received as a deliverer. The issue of the campaign was highly gratifying to all classes ; and the gratulation of his fellow-citi zens upon the repossession of the metropolis of Mas sachusetts, was more pleasing to the commander in chief than would have been the honours of a triuraph. Congress, to express fhe pubhc approbation of the HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 23: military achievements of their general, resolved, " That the thanks of congress, in their own narae, and in the narae of the thirteen united colonies, be presented to his excellency General Washington, and the officers and soldiers under his coraraand, for their wise and spirited conduct in the siege and acquisi tion of Boston ; and that a medal of gold be struck,. in comraeraoration of this great event, and presented to his excellency." In his letter, infornoing congress that he had executed their order, and communicated to the army the vote of thanks, he says, " They were,. indeed, at first, a band of undisciplined husbandmen ; but it is, under God, to their bravery and attention to their duty, that I am indebted for that success which has procured me the only reward I wish to receive — the affection, and esteem of my countrymen." Although Halifax was mentioned as the destined place of the British armaraent, General Washington apprehended that New York was their object. On this supposition, he detached several brigades of his army to that city, before the evacuation of Boston ; and as soon as the necessary arrangements were made in the latter city, he followed with the raain body of his army to New York, where he arrived on the 14th of AprU. The situation of New York was highly favourable for an invading army, supported by a superior naval force ; and General Washington doubted the practicability, of a successful defence ; but the importance of the place, the wishes of con gress, the opinion of his general officers, and the ex pectation of his country, induced him to, make the attempt ; and the resolution being formed, he called into action all the resources in his power to effect it, and, with unremitted diligence, pushed on his works. Hulks were sunk in the North and East rivers ; forts were erected on the most comraanding situa tions on their banks ; and works were raised to de fend the narrow passage between Long and York Islands. The passes in the Highlands, bordering on the Hudson, becarae an object of early and solicitous attention. The coraraand of this river was equally important to the American and the British general. By its possession, the Americans easily conveyed supplies of provision and ammunition to the northern army, and secured an intercourse between the south ern and northern colonies essential to the success of the war. If the river were in the hands of the British, this necessary communication would be in terrupted, and an intercourse between the Atlantic and Canada opened to them. General Washington ordered the passes to be fortified, and made their security an object of primary importance through every period of his command. While these operations were carrying on 'm New England, General Arnold, under all his discourage ments, continued the blockade of Quebec ; but, in the month of May> in a council of war, it was unani mously determined, that the troops were in no con dition to risk an assault, and the army was removed to a more defensible position. The Canadians at this juncture receiving considerable reinforcements, the Araericans were compelled to relinquish one post after another, and by the 18th of June they had evacuated Canada. In Virginia, the zeal and activity which had been excited by the spirited enterprise of Patrick Henry still continued to manifest themselves in various parts of the colony. The governor's family, alarm ed by the threatening march of Mr. Henry towards Williamsburgh, had already taken refuge on board the Fowey man-of-war ; and only a few weeks elapsed before Lord Dunmore himself adopted the same means of personal safety. Soon after fixing his residence on board the Fowey,. his lordship re quired the house of burgesses to attend him there ; but instead of obeying the requisition,, they passed sundry resolutions, in which they declared that his lordship's raessage was " a high breach of the rights and privileges of the house," and that his conduct gave them reason to fear "that a dangerous attack was meditated against the unhappy people of the colony." On the 24th of July, the colonial conven tion met ; they appointed a comraittee of safety, passed an ordinance for regulating the railitia, and for raising a regular force of two regiments, the cora mand of which was given to Patrick Henry, who was also made the commander of all the forces raised, and to be raised, for the defence of the colony. The ships of war belonging to his raajesty, which had been cruising in the Jaraes and York rivers during the whole summer, had committed many petty acts of depredation and plunder along the shores, which the people now eagerly desired to resent, and an op portunity of gratification soon offered. The captain ofthe Otter sloop of war, on the 2d of September, ventured upon one of his plundering expeditions in a tender, and was driven ashore near Hampton by a violent tempest. The crew left the vessel on the shore, and made their escape in the night, and next morning the people boarded and set fire to her. This naturally roused Captain Squire's resentment, and he threatened instant destruction to the town ; but the committee of safety at Williamsburg, having heard of the affair, detached Colonel Woodford, with three companies, to repel the attack, which was so effectual ly done, that the assailants were soon glad to make S38 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. a precipitate flight, with considerable loss. This af fair produced a proclamation from his lordship, (who continued to hold his head-quarters on board one of the ships,) in which he not only declared martial law, but freedom to all the slaves who would join his .'?andai-d. By this means he soon collected a crew well suited to his designs ; and having fortified him- ¦^tlf at the Great Bridge, near Norfolk, continued for tome time to commit such acts of wanton barbarity and contemptible depredations, as to disgust even (hose who had until now continued friendly to the cause (if the king. The comraittee of safety finding them selves called upon to put a stop to his lordship's ravage warfare, despatched Colonel Woodford to drive hira from his hold. Having arrived" within cannon shot of Lord Dunmore's position, the Araericans halt ed, and threw up sorae hasty entrenchments. His lordship, hearing that the provincials amounted only lo three hundred men, badly armed, conceived the (losign of surprising them; and for this purpose t.Japtain Leslie, with the regulars and slaves, crossed the bridge before day -light, and entered the carap of t'.ie provincials, just as they were parading under ;inns. Captain Fordyce advanced to the attack with Ihc grenadiers, and was among the first that fell. The whole number of grenadiers were either killed, wounded, or made prisoners, and the rest of the royal party were obliged to raake a rapid retreat. Disap pointed in their hopes, the governor's party abandon ed their works the following night, and retired to Iheir shipping, leaving Woodford, who was now joined by Colonel Howe frora North Carolina, the i.om.plete command of Norfolk. After continuing to ii^sail the coasts of Virginia for a considerable tirae, but almost every where unsuccessfully,* Lord Dun more was at length corapelled to abandon his hostile designs against the colonists. Some of his ships were driven upon that coast, where the wretched fugitives were made prisoners by their own fellow-citizens, and immured in dungeons. To escape a sirailar fate, Dunmore burnt the ships of least value ; and the miserable remains of soldiers and loyalists, as- tailed at once by tempests, famine, and disease, sought refuge in Florida, Bermudas, and the West Indies. Notwithstanding the extent to which hostilities had been carried, a large portion of the colonists had hitherto continued to entertain some hope of an ami cable termination of the dispute ; and it is evident, • On the 1st day of January, 1776, the town of Norfolk, in Vir- ijinia, wa", set on fire bv the British, under the direction of Lord Dunmore and reduced to ashes. On the arrival of the Liverpool man-of-war from England, a flag was sent on shore to put the ques tion, whether the provincials would supply his majesty's ship wilh from the transactions we are about to record, that many felt sincerely desirous not to frustrate such a result. The want of more regular and stable go vernments had for some time been felt in those colo nies where royal governments had hitherto existed ; and in the autumn of 1775, New Hampshire apphed to congress for their advice and direction on this subject. In November, congress advised the con vention of that colony, to caU a full and free repre sentation of the people ; when the representatives, if they thought it necessary, should establish such a forra of governraent as, in their judgment, would best promote the happiness of the people, and most ef fectually secure peace and good order during the continuance of the dispute between Great Britain and the colonies. On this question the members of congress were not unanimous. It was viewed by some as a step necessarily leading to independence ; and by some of its advocates it was probably intend ed as such. To render the resolution less excep- tiona-ble, the duration of the government was limited to the continuance of the dispute with the parent country. Soon afterwards, similar directions and advice were given to South Carolina and Virginia. The last hopes of the colonists for reconciliation rested on the success of their second petition to the king ; and the answer of their sovereign to this ap plication was expected with extreme solicitude. In formation, however, was soon received from Mr. Penn, Avho was intrusted with the petition, that no answer would be given. This intelligence was fol lowed by that of great additional preparations to sub due the " American rebels." The king, in his speech at the opening of parliament in October, not only accused the colonists of revolt, hostility, and rebellion, but stated that the rebellious war carried on by them was for the purpose of establishing an independent empire. To prevent this, he declared that the most decisive and vigorous measures were necessary ; that he had consequently increased his naval establishment, had augmented his land forces, and had also taken measures to procure the aid of foreign troops. He at the sarae tirae stated his in tention of appointing certain persons with authority to grant pardons to individuals, and to receive the sub mission of whole colonies disposed to return to their allegiance. Large majorities in both houses assured the king of their firm support in his measures for re ducing the colonists to obedience. The addresses, provisions, and a negative answer being returned, it was determin ed to destroy the town. The whole loss was estimated at three hundred thousand pounds sterling. The provincials themselves destroyed the houses and plantations near the water, to deprive the ships of every resource of supply HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 239 however, in answer to the speech, were opposed with great ability. The project of eraploying foreign troops to destroy American subjects, was reprobated by the minority in the strongest terms. The plans of the ministry, however, were not only approved by parliament, but by a majority of the nation. The idea of making the colonists share their burdens, could not easily be rdinquished by the people of Great Britain ; and national pride would not permit thera to yield the point of supremacy. War was now, therefore, to be waged against the colonies, and a force sent out sufficiently powerful to compel sub mission, even without a struggle. For these pur poses the aid of parliament was requisite ; and about the last of December an act was passed, prohibiting all trade and commerce with the colonies, and au thorizing the capture and condenmation, not only of all Araerican vessels, with their cargoes, but all other vessels found trading in any port or place in the co lonies, as if the same were the vessels and effects of open enemies ; and the vessels and property thus taken were vested in the captors, and the crews were to be treated, not as prisoners, but as slaves." The passing of this act shut the door against the applica tion of the colonies for a reconciliation. The last petition of congress to the king had, indeed, been laid before parliament, but both houses refused to hear it, or even to treat upon any proposition coraing from such an unlawful assembly, or frora those who were then in arms against their lawful sovereign. In the house of lords, on the motion of the Duke of Richmond, Mr. Penn was examined on American af fairs. He stated, among other things, that the colo nists were desirous of reconcUiation, and did not aim at independence ; that they were disposed to con form to the acts regulating their trade, but not to taxation ; and that on this point a spirit of resistance * By a most extraordinary clause in the act, it was made lawful for the commander of a British vessel to take the masters, crews, and other persons, found in the captured vessels, to put them on board any other British armed vessel, and enter their names on the books of the same ; and from the lime of such entry, such persons were to be considered in the service of his majesty, to all intents and pur poses, as though they had enlered Iheraselves voluntarily on board of such vessel. By this means the Americans raight be compelled to fight even again.st their own friends and countrymen. This clause in the act excited the indignation of raany in both houses of parliaraent, and drew from them the strongest epithets of reproba tion. This treatment of prisoners, they declared not only unjust, bul a refineraent in cruelty unknown among savage nations. No raan, they said, could he despoiled of his goods as a foreign enemy, and at the iame time compelled to serve the state as a citizen. Such a compulsion upon prisoners was unlmown in, any case of Avar or rebellion ; and the only example of Ihe kind that could be produced, must be found among pirates, the outlaws and enemies of human society. Some of the lords, in their protest against the act, described it " as a refinement in cruelly," which, " in a sen tence worse than death, obliged the unhappy men who should be was universal. After this examination, the Duke of Richmond moved a resolution, declaring that the petition of congress to the king was a ground for a reconcihation of the differences between the two countries. This motion was negatived, after a warm debate, by eighty-six to thirty-three. These pro ceedings of the king and parliament, with the em ployment of sixteen thousand foreign mercenaries, convinced the leading men in each colony, that the sword alone raust decide the contest, and that the colonists must now declare theraselves totally inde pendent of Great Britain. Time, however, was still requisite, to convince the great raass of the Araerican people of the necessity of a coraplete separation from their parent country, and the establishment of independent governments. The ablest pens were eraployed throughout America, in the winter of 1775-6, on this momentous subject. The propriety and necessity of the measure was en forced in the numerous gazettes, and in pamphlets. Among the latter, " Coraraon Sense," from the popu lar pen of Thoraas Paine, produced a wonderful ef fect in the different colonies in favour of independ- en'^e. Infiuential individuals in every colony urged it as a step absolutely necessary to preserve tbe rights and liberties, as well as to secure the happiness and prosperity of Araerica.t When the prohibitory act reached Araerica, con gress, justly viewing it as a declaration of war, di rected reprisals to be made, both by public and pri vate arraed vessels, against the ships and goods of the inhabitants of Great Britain, found on the high seas, or between high and low water mark. They also burst the shackles of commercial monopoly, which had so long kept thera in bondage, and open ed their ports to all the world, except the dominions of Great Britain. In this state of things, it was pre- made captives in that predatory war, to bear arms against their families, kindred, friends, and country; and after being plundered theraselves, to becorae accomplices in plundering their brethren," The ministry, on the other hand, pretended lo view this treatment of Araerican prisoners rather as an act of grace and favour than al injustice or cruelty. t The chief justice of South Carolina, William Henrj Drayton, appointed under the new form of governmeni just adopted, in his charge to the grand jurors, in April, after justifying the proceed ings of that colony, in forming a new government, on the princi ples ofthe revolution in England, in 1688, thus concludes: " The Almighty created America to be independent of Great Britain ; lei us beware of the impiety of being backward' to act as instrument-^ in the Almighty hand, now extended' to accomplish his purpose; and by the completion, of which alone, Araerica, in the nature oi human affairs, can be secure against the crafty and insidious de signs of her enemies, who think her power and prosperity already by far too great. In a word, our piety and political safety are so blended, that to refuse our labours in this divine work, is lo refuse to be a great, a free, a pious, and a happy people." — Pitkin, vol. i. p. 359. 240 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. posterous for the colonists any longer to consider themselves as holding or exercising the powers of governraent under the authority of Great Britain. Cuiigress, therefore, on the 10th of May, recommend ed to the assemblies and conventions of the colonies where no sufficient government had been established, '• to adopt such government as should, in the opinion of the representatives of the people, best conduce to the happiness and safety of their con,stituents in par ticular, and America in general." They also de clared it necessary, that the exercise of every kind of autboritj^ under the crown should be suppressed, and that all the powers of government should be ex ercised " under the authority of the people of the co lonies, for the preservation of internal peace, virtue, .ind good order, as well as for the defence of their lives, liberties, and properties, against the hostile in- va.sions and cruel depredations of their enemies." This was a preliminary step to a general declaration of independence. Some of the colonial assemblies and conventions about the same time began to ex press their opinions on this great question. On the 22d of April, the convention of North Carolina era- powered their delegates in congress " to concur with those in the other colonies in declaring independ ency." This, it is believed, was the first direct public act of any colonial assembly or convention in favour of the measure.* The convention of Vir ginia soon afterwards expressed itself still more deci dedly. After full deliberation, the following resolu tions were passed unanimously : " That the delegates appointed to represent this colony in general congress, be instructed to propose to that respectable body, to declare the United Colo nies free and independent states, absolved from all allegiance to, or dependance upon, the crown or par liament of Great Britain ; and that they give the as- ent of this colony to such declaration, and to what ever measures may be thought proper and necessary by the congress for forming foreign alliances, and a confederation of the colonies, at such time and in the manner as to them shall seem best. Provided, that the power of forming governments for, and the regu- • Pitkin's Political and Civil History, vol, i. p. 361, t " This measure was followed by the most lively demonstrations of joy. The spirit of the times is interestingly manifested by the following paragraph from Purdie's paper of the 17th of May, which imraediately succeeds the annunciation of the resolutions : — ' In consequence of the above resolutions, universally regarded as the only door which will lead lo safety and prosperity, some gentleraen made a handsome collection for the purpose of treating the soldiery, who next day were paraded in Waller's grove, before Brigadier- General Lewis, attended by the gentlemen of the comraittee of safety, the merabers of the general convention, the inhabitants of this city, &c. The resolutions being read aloud to the army, the following toiists were given, each of them accompanied by a dis- lations of, the internal concerns of each colony, be left to the respective colonial legislatures. " That a comraittee be appointed to prepare a de claration of rights, and such a plan of government as wiU be most likely to raaintain peace and order in this colony, and secure substantial and equal liberty to the people. "t Early in the year the British government had pre pared a considerable expedition to reduce the southern colonies to obedience. The command was intrusted to Sir Peter Parker and Earl Cornwallis. On the 3d of May, Admiral Parker, with twenty sail, arrived at Cape Fear. They found General Clinton ready to co-operate with thera. He had left New York, and proceeded to Virginia, where he had an inter view with Lord Dunraore ; but finding nothing could be effected in that colony, he repaired to Cape Fear, to await the arrival of the armament from England. Meanwhile, the Carolinians had been making great exertions. In Charleston the utmost eneigy and activity was evinced. The citizens pulled down the valuable storehouses on the wharfs, barricadoed the streets, and constructed lines of de fence along the shore. Abandoning their commer cial pursuits, they engaged in incessant labour, and prepared for bloody confiicts. The troops, amount ing to between five and six thousand men, were sta tioned in the most advantageous positions. Amid.'t all this bustle and preparation, lead was so extremely scarce, that the windows of Charleston were stripped of their weights, in order to procure a small supply of that necessary article for bullets. Early in June, the armaraent, consisting of between forty and fifty vessels, appeared off Charleston Bay, and thirty-six of the transports passed the bar, and anchored about three miles from Sullivan's Island. Some hundreds of the troops landed on Long Island, which lies on the west of Sullivan's Island, and which is separa ted frora it by a narrow channel, often fordable. On the 10th of the raonth, the Bristol, a fifty gun ship having taken out her guns, got safely over the bar ; and on the 25th, the Experiment, a ship of equal force, arrived, and next day passed in the same way. charge of the artillery and small arms, and the acclamations of all present: — 1, The American Independent Slates, — 2. The grand congress of the United States, and their respective legislatures, — 3. General Washington, and victory to the Araerican arms, — The union flag of the American states waved upon the capitol during the whole of this ceremony; which, being ended, the soldiers par took of the refreshments prepared for them by the affection of their countrymen, and the evening concluded with illuminations and other demonstrations of joy ; every one seeming pleased that the domination of Great Britain was now at an end, so wickedly and tyrannically exercised for these twelve or thirteen years past, not withstanding our repealed prayers and remonstrances for redres'j,' —Wirt's Life of Henry, p, 195 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 241 On the part of the British, every thing was now ready for action. Sir Henry Clinton had nearly three thousand raen under his coramand. The naval force, under Sir Peter Parker, consisted of the Bristol and Experiment, of fifty guns ; the Active, Acteon, Solebay, and Syren frigates; the Friendship, of twenty-two, and the Sphinx, of twenty guns ; the Ranger sloop, and Thunder bomb. On the forenoon of the 28th of June, this fleet advanced against the fort on Sullivan's Island, which was defended by Colonel Moultrie, with about three hundred and fifty regular troops, and some militia. The Thun der bomb began the battle. The Active, Bristol, Ex periment, and Solebay, followed boldly to the attack, and a terrible cannonade ensued. The fort return ed the fire of the ships slowly, but with deliberate and deadly aim ; and the contest was carried on during the whole day with unabating fury. The Sphinx, Acteon, and Syren, Avere ordered to attack the western extremity of the fort, which was in a very unfinished state ; but, as they proceeded for that purpose, they got entangled with a shoal, called the Middle Ground. Two of them ran foul of each other : the Acteon stuck fast ; the Sphinx and Syren got off; but, fortunately for the Americans, that part of the attack completely failed. It was designed that Sir Henry Clinton, with his corps, should co-operate with the naval operations by passing the narrow chan nel which separates Long Island from Sullivan's Island, and assail the fort by land ; bnt this the ge neral found impracticable, for the channel, though commonly fordable, was at that time, by a long pre valence of easterly winds, deeper than usual ; and even had the channel been fordable, the British troops would have found the passage an arduous enterprise ; for Colonel Thomson, with a strong detachment of riflemen, regulars, and militia, was posted on the east end of Sullivan's Island, to oppose any attack made in that quarter. The engagement, which began about eleven o'clock in the forenoon, continued with unabated fury till seven in the evening, when the fire slackened, and about nine entirely ceased on both sides. During the night, all the ships, except the Acteon, which was aground, reraoved about two miles from the island. Next morning, the fort fired a few shots at the Acteon, and she at first returned them ; but, in a short time, her crew set her on fire. and abandoned her. She blew up shortly afterwards. In this obstinate engagement both parties fought with great gallantry. The loss of the British was very considerable, upwards of sixty being killed, and one hundred and sixty wounded ; while the garrison lost only ten raen killed, and twenty-two wounded. Al- VoL I.— Nos. 21 & 22 2 0 though the Americans were raw troops, yet they be haved with the steady intrepidity of veterans. One circumstance may serve to illustrate the cool but en thusiasti'c courage which pervaded their ranks. In the course of the engagement, the flag-staff of the fort was shot away ; but Sergeant Jasper leaped down upon the beach, snatched up the flag, fastened it to a sponge-staff, and while the ships were incessantly directing their broadsides upon the fort, he mounted the merlon, and deliberately replaced the flag. The fate of this expedition contributed greatly to establish the popular government it was intended to destroy, while the news of it sprea-d rapidly through the con tinent, and exercised an equally unfavourable in fluence on the royal cause : the advocates of the ir resistibility of British fleets and armies were mor tified and silenced ; and the brave defence of Fort Moultrie saved the southern states from the horrors of war for several years. In South CarolinEi, the government took advantage of the hour of success to conciliate their opponents in the province. The adherents of royal power, who, for a considerable time, had been closely imprisonedj on promising fidelity to their country, were set at freedom, and restored to all the privileges of citizens. The repulse of the British was also attended with another advantage, that of leaving the Americans at liberty to turn their undivided force against the In dians, who had attacked the western frontier of the southern states with all the fury and carnage of sa vage -warfare. In 1775, when the breach between Great Britain and her colonies was daily becoming Avider, one Stuart, the agent employed in conducting the intercourse between the British authorities and the Cherokees and Creeks, used all his influence to attach the savages to the royal cause, and to inspire them with jealousy and hatred of the Americans. He found little difficulty in persuading them that the Americans, without provocation, had taken up arms against Britain, and were the means of preventing them from receiving their yearly supplies of arms, ammunition, and clothing, from the British govern ment. The Americans had endeavoured to con ciliate the good will of the Indians, but their sc^mty presents were unsatisfactory, and the savages re solved to take up the hatchet. Deeming the appear ance of the British fleet in Charleston Bay a fit opportunity, the Cherokees invaded the westei-n frontier of the province, marking their track with murder and devastation. The speedy retreat of the British lett the savages exnosed to the vengeance of the Americans, who, m separate divisions, entered tlieir e iiijitry at different points, from Virginia and 242 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. Georgia, defeated their warriors, burned their vil lages, laid Avastc their corn-fields, and incapacitated the Cherokees for a considerable time from giving the settlers further annoyance. Thus, in the south. the Araericans triumphed both over the British and the Indians. On the 7th of June, the great question of indepen dence was brought directly before congress, by Rich ard Henry Lee, one of the delegates from Virginia. He submitted a resolution, declaring " that the united colonies are, and ought to be, free and independent states ; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British croAvn ; and that all political connexion between thera and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved," The resolution was postponed until the next day, and every member en joined to attend, to take the sarae into consideration. On the Sth it was debated in coraraittee of the Avhole house. No question of greater raagnitude Avas CA-er presented to the consideration of a deliberative body, or debated with raore energy, eloquence, and ability. On the 10th it Avas adopted in committee, by a bare majority. The delegates from Pennsylvania and jMaryland were instructed to oppose it, and the dele gates from some of the other colonies Avere Avithout s[>ecial instructions on the subject. To give time for greater unanimity, the resolution was postponed in the house until the 1st of July. In the mean time, a comraittee Avas appointed to prepare a declara tion of independence. During this inteiA^al, measures were taken to procure the assent of all the colonies. On the day appointed, the resolution relating to independence Avas resumed in the general congress, referred to a committee of the Avhole house, and a,s- .'^cuted to by all the colonies, except Penn,syl vania and Delaware, The committee appointed to prepare a declaration of independence selected Mr, Adams aud Mr. Jefferson as a sub-committee, and the ori ginal draft, was made by Mr. Jefferson. This draft, without any amendment by the committee, was re ported to congress, and, after undergoing several amendments, received their sanction. The course of time has now brought us to the de- ci,sive hour when a ncAV empire, of a character the most extraordinary, springs into being. The Avorld has knoAAm no rest since this grand confederacy took !icr rank among the nations of the earth ; her exam ple infused a power into the principles of liberty which for nearly tAvo centuries had been dormant ; although in another hemisphere, it has exercised more influence on the state of the public mind in Europe than did the great struggle in the days of the commonwealth ; and the Avorld avUI knoAV rest no more, till, under whatever form, the great lessons of freedom Avhich American history enforces, have been listened to, and embodied in action, by CA^ery nation of the globe. We are persuaded Ave shall entirely meet the feelings of our readers, by closing this chap ter Avith that ever memorable document, Avhich gave national existence to an empire Avhose birth has open ed so brilliant a prospect to the Avorld — THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. " A Declaration bythe Representatives ofthe United States of America, iti Congress assembled. " When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands Avhich have connected them Avith another, and to as sume, among the poAvers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laAvs of nature and oi nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should de clare the causes Avhich impel them to the separation. "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator Avith certain unalienable rights ; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of hap piness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among raen, deriving their just poAvers from the consent of the governed ; that whenever any form of gOA'ernment becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute ncAV goA-ernment, laying its founda tion on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to thera shall seem most likely fo effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate, that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes ; and accordingly, all experience hath shoAvn, that man kind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are suf- ferable, than to right themselves, by abolishini;- the forms to Avhich they are accustomed. But Avhen a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing inva riably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their riorht, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to pro vide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies ; and such is now the necessity Avhich constrains them to alter their former systeras of government. The his tory of the present king of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpation, all having, in direct object, the establishment of an absolute ty ranny over these states. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid Avorld. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 243 " He has refused his assent to laws the most whole some and necessary for the public good. " He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be obtained ; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them. " He has refused to pass other laws for the accom modation of large districts of people, unless those people Avould relinquish the right of representation in the legislature ; a right inestiraable to them, and formidable to tyrants only. " He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the deposi tory of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing thera into corapliance with his raeasures. " He has dissolved representative houses, repeat edly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people. " He has refused, for a long tirae after such disso lutions, to cause others to be elected ; Avhereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have re turned to the people at large for their exercise ; the state remaining, in the mean time, exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within. " He has endeavoured to prevent the population of ese states ; for that purpose obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners, refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands. " He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his assent to laws for establishing judi ciary poAvers. " He has made judges dependant on his Avill alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries. " He has erected a multitude of ucav offices, and sent hither swarms of officers to harass our people, and eat out their substance. " He has kept among us, in times of peace, stand ing armies, without the consent of our legislatures. "He has affected to render the military independ ent of, and superior to, the civil power. " He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitutions, and unac- knoAvledged by our laws ; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation : — " For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us : " For protecting thera, by a mock trial, from pun ishraent for any raurders which they should coramit on the inhabitants of these states : " For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world : " For imposing taxes on us Avithout our consent - " For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury : " For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offences -. " For abolishing the free systera of English laAvs in a neighbouring province, establishing therein an arbitrary governraent, and enlarging its boundaries, so as to render it at once an example and fit instru ment for introducing the same absolute rule into these colonies : " For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laAVS, and altering, fundamentally, the forms of our governments : " For suspending our own legislatures, and de claring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases Avhatsoever. " He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection, and Avaging Avar against us. " He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our toAvns, and destroyed the lives of our people, " He is, at this time, transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries, to complete the works of death, desolation, and tyranny, already begun Avith circum stances of cruelty and perfidy, scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation. " He has constrained our felloAA^-citizens, taken captive on the high seas, to bear arms against theii country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands. " He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian savages, whose knoAvn rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruc tion of all ages, sexes, and conditions. " In every stage of these oppressions Ave have pe titioned for redress, in the most humble terms : our repeated petitions have been ansAvered only by re peated injury. A prince, Avhose character is thus marked by every act Avhich may define a tyrant, i? unfit to be the ruler of a free people. " Nor have we been Avanting in attentions to our British brethren. We have warned them, from time to time, of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have re minded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their na tive justice and magnaniraily, and Ave have conjured thera, by the ties of our coraraon kindred, to disavoAv these usurpations, which Avould inevitably interrupt I'-i-i HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. our connexions and correspondence. They, too, haA^e been deaf to the A^oice of justice and of consanguinity. We must therefore acquiesce in the necessity whicli denounces our separation, and hold them, as avc hold the rest of mankind, eneraies in Avar, in peace friends. " We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of Araerica in general congress assembled, ap pealing to the Supreme Judge of the Avorld for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name and by authority of the good people of these colonies, so lemnly publish and declare, that these United Colo nies are, and of right ought to be, Free and Inde- * This declaration was directed to be engrossed, and on the 2d of August, 1776, was signed by all tho members then present, aud by some who were not members on the 4th of July. PENDENT States ; that they are absolved from ah allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connexion betAveen them and the state of Great Bri tain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved ; and that, as free and independent states, they liaA^e full poAver to levy Avar, conclude peace, contract alliances, esta blish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent states may of right do. And for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, Ave mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honour."* Authenticated fac-similes of the signatures are given in an en graved plate. i,'/,„,'/„„.i' i.j.-j,.r7i.-i J ^/ / '/ ^ /^ y^ ^v/^v^^v ///yy yj /J"fO. 'iy/t yr~ -^.-^^. \-^ cz.^r-t'-i..^_ '~[^yL'ri^ 'fa^<>tri^ cyy^utyt^ *^' .'y^^^ \^^/7n^A,y/t>^ ^^^^^^3^?2^l7V?2 (^a^ '^^^^ ^'^7^^^ yyf^_ ^^^, yUrw^ — , ..A^^ ^f^rz ^^jy^'^^^^J^J^^'^fl^^^ ^-^ 73cJ^^m_ ^^^^^ "" '¦rujuwj_aiul /lave/ewta Uieiri l;x.iCTTmi:]Tlo:i.s:' 1 J> ^) /I i • BOOK III. FROM THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE TO THE FIFTIETH YEAR OF THE REPUBLIC. CHAPTER I. FROM THE CAMPAIGN OF 1776 TO THAT OF 1779. The noblest eraploy of the pen of history, is to develop facts which Ulustrate the progress of the hu man mind. The age is passed away, Avhen the re cord of the operations of brute force, even Avhen presented in the fascinating garb of railitary achieve ments, could be dwelt upon Avith feelings of unmin gled satisfaction and delight. The slaughter of man by his fellow-man, the consigning of cities to the flames, the substituting of the cries of the AvidoAV and the orphan for the smiles of domestic peace, are deeds which civilized nations Avould now be well content to obliterate frora their history ; but if this cannot be, it is better that the desolations of war should be raerely sketched in faithful outline, rather than exhibited in a highly Avrought picture, tending to excite an adrairation of its character, and a per petuation of its evils. True it is, that the ardour of a disinterested patriot cannot be exhibited in too strong a light ; but his glory arises far more frora the grandeur of the raotives which actuate him, than from exploits in the field of blood, to Avhich he is sometimes inevitably, though reluctantly, borne. Having already dAvelt at considerable length on the devoted patriotism of the inhabitants of the American colonies, we shall, in the subsequent pages, rather state the results than the details of their military operations, which, happily for the Avorld,^ terminated in the establishment and recognition of a republic possessing all the elements of a great empire, and exhibiting a rapidity of progress which ought to ex cite the admiration, not the envy, of every civilized nation of the earth. We feel the more satisfaction in proposing to notice but concisely the details of * In England, — Steadman's History of the American War, 2 vols. 4to. ; and Gordon's History of the Rise, Progress, and Es tablishment of the Independence of the United States of Araerica, 4 vols. 8vo. In America, — Judge Marshall's Life of Washington; hostilities, as araple justice has already been done to thera by several writers, both in Araerica and Eng land,* Avhile that portion of the history most capable of affording moral and political instruction, has, in our own country at least, hitherto received a very partial and inadequate degree of attention. We shall, however, give an outline of military operations amply sufficient to ansAver all the purposes of the history. General Washington, after compelling the British to abandon Boston, had made every possible prepa ration for the defence of Ncav York, Avhere he had fixed his head-quarters. To second his exertions, the congress instituted a flying camp, to consist of an intermediate corps, between regular soldiers and militia ; and called for ten thousand men from the states of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Delaware, to be in constant service to the first day of the ensuing December ; and for thirteen thousand eight hundred of the common railitia, frora Massachusetts, Connecti cut, NeAV York, and Ncav Jersey. The command of the naval force destined to operate against New York was given to Admiral HoAve, while his brother. Sir Williara, was entrusted with the coraraand of the army; and, in addition to their military powers, the brothers Avere appointed commissioners for restoring peace to the colonies. General HoAve, after waiting two months at Halifax for expected re-enforceraents frora England, sailed with the force Avhich he had previously commanded in Boston ; and, directing bis course towards New York, arrived on the 25th of June off Sandy Hook. Admiral Lord HoAve, Avith part of the re -enforcement from England, arrived at Halifax soon after his brother's departure, and. with out dropping anchor, foUoAved, and joined him on the 12th of July, at Staten Island. General Clinton arrived there about the sarae time, Avith the troops Sanderson's Biography of the Signers of the Declaration of Inde pendence, 6 vols, 8vo, ; Allen's History of the American Revoln?. lion, 2 vols. 8vo., &c. 246 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. brought back from the expedition of Charleston and South Carolina ; Commodore Hotham also appeared there Avith a re-enforcement under his escort ; and in a short time the British army amounted to about twenty-four thousand men, English. Hessians, and Waldeckers. The royal commissioners, before they comraenced military operations, attempted to effect a re-union between the colonies and Great Britain. TiOrd HoAve announced his pacific poAvcrs to the prin cipal magistrates of the several colonies. He pro mised pardon to all, Avho, in the late times, had de viated from their allegiance, on condition of their speedily returning to their duty ; and, in case of their compliance, encouraged their expectation of the fu ture favour of their sovereign. In his declaration, he observed, " that the commissioners Avcre authori zed, in his majesty's name, to declare any province, colony, county, district, or tOAvn, to be at peace Avith his majesty ; that due consideration should be had to the meritorious services of any Avho should aid or assist in restoring the public tranquillity ; that their dutiful representations should be received, pardons granted, and suitable encouragement to such as would promote the measures of legal gOA^ernment and peace, in pursuance of his raajesty's most gra cious purposes." These pacific proposals Avere re garded by the Americans as only an attempt to sow dissensions among them, and Avere never for a mo ment seriously regarded by any of the patriotic party. The British forces Availed so long to receive acces sions from Halifax, the Carolinas, the West Indies, and Europe, that the month of August was far ad vanced before they commenced the campaign. The commanders, having resolved to make their first at terapt on Long Island, landed their troops, estimated at about twenty-four thousand men, at Gravesend Bay, to the right of the NarroAvs, The Americans, to the amount of fifteen thousand, under Slajor-Ge- neral Sullivan, Avere posted on a peninsula between Mill Creek, a little above Red Hook, and an elboAv of East River, called Wallebout .Bay. Here they had erected strong fortifications, Avhich Avere separa ted from NeAV York by East River, at the distance of a mile. A line of entrenchment from the Mill Creek enclosed a large space of ground, on Avhich stood the American camp, near the village of Brook lyn. This line was secured by abattis, and flanked by strong redoubts. The armies AA-ere separated by a range of hills, coA'ered AA'ith a thick Avood, Avhich intersects the country frora west to east, terminating on the east, near Jamaica. Through these hills there were three roads ; one near the NarroAvs, a se cond by the Flatbush road, and a third by the Bed ford road ; these Avere the only passes from the south side of the hiUs to the American lines, excepting a road Avhich led to Jamaica, round the easterly end of the hills ; and General Putnam, agreeably to the instructions of General Washington, had detached a considerable part of his men to occupy them. On the 26th, the main body of British troops, Avith a large detachment of Germans, landed under cover of the ships, on the south-Avestern extremity of Long Island, and, advancing in three divisions, took post upon the south skirt of the wood ; General Grant upon their left, near the coast ; the German general, De Heister, in the centre, at Flatbush ; and General Clinton upon their right, at Flatland. Only the range of hills now separated the two armies, and the diflerent posts of the British Avere distant from the Araerican carap frora four to six miles. In the evening, General Clinton, without beat of drum, marched Avith the infantry of his division, a party of light horse, and fourteen field pieces, to gain the de file on the Jamaica road. During the night he sur prised an American party stationed here to give the alarm of an approaching eneray, and, undiscovered by Sullivan, seized the pass. At day-break he pass ed the heights, and descended into the plain on th side of Brooklyn. Early in the raorning, Geneud De Heister, at Flatbush, and General Grant upon the Avest coast, opened a cannonade upon the Ameri can troops, and began to ascend the hill ; but they moved A-ery slowly, as their object Avas to dra.Av the attention of the American commander from his left, and give General Chnton opportunity to gain the rear of the American troops stationed on the heights. General Putnam, in the apprehension that the seri ous attack would be raade by De Heister and Grant, sent detachments to re -enforce General Sullivan and Lord Stirling at the defiles, through Avhich those di- A'isions of the enemy Avere approaching. When Ge neral Clinton had passed the left fiank of the Ameri cans, about eight o'clock in the morning of the 27th, De Heister and Grant vigorously ascended the hill ; the troops Avhich opposed thera bravely maintained their ground, until they learned their perilous situa tion from the British columns Avhich Avere gaining their rear. As soon as the American left discovered the progress of General Clinton, they attempted to return to the camp at Brooklyn, but their flight Avas stopped by the front of the British column. In the mean tirae, the Germans pushed forAvard fiom Flat bush, and the troops in the American centre, under the immediate command of General Sullivan, having also discoA^ered that their flank was turned, and that the enemy AA^as gaining their rear, in haste retreated HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 247 tOAvards Brooklyn. Clinton's columns continuing to advance, intercepted them ; they were attacked in front and rear, and alternately driven by the British on the Germans, and bythe Germans on the British. Desperate as their situation was, some regiments broke through the enemy's columns, and regained the fortified carap ; but raost of the detachraents upon the American left and centre, were either killed or taken prisoners. The detachment on the American right, under Lord Stirling, maintained a severe con flict Avith General Grant, for six hours, until the van of General Clinton's division, having crossed the Avhole island, gained their rear. Lord Stirling per ceived his danger, and found that his troops could be saved only by an immediate retreat over a creek near the cove. He gave orders to this purpose ; and, to facilitate their execution, he in person attack ed Lord Cornwallis, who, by this time, having gained the coast, had posted a small corps in a house, just above the place Avhere the American troops raust pass the creek. The attack Avas bravely made Avith four hundred raen ; but his lordship being re-en forced from his own column, and General Grant at- * Nathaniel WoodhuU, a distinguished martyr to the cause of Araerican liberty, was descended from an English faraily of great respectability, among some of the branches of which the ancient spelling of the narae of Wodhull, is yet preserved. He was the eldest son of Nathaniel WoodhuU, of Suffolk county. Long Island, His great grandfather, Richard WoodhuU, Esq, was one of those whom an abhorrence of civil and ecclesiastical tyranny drove in such numbers to our shores, and he settled at an early period of the history of the colony of New York, al Seatalcot, on Long Island, After the capture and organization of the province of New York, a graut was issued by Gov, Nicolls, (in 1666,) of the town of Brook- haven, 10 Richard VVoodhuU and others. He served in the magis tracy and principal offices of the town, until- his death, which oc curred about thirty years afterwards. The subject of the present memoir was born on the 30th day of December, 1722, 0, S, on an extensive farm at Mastic, on the south side of Long Island, now belonging to his daughter, Mrs, Elizabeth Sraith, which became the property of his grandfather, Richard AVoodhull,-Jr, partly by purchase from the Indians, and grant from the governor, and partly by transfer from the original settler. His early life was passed in assisting his father in cultivating the pos sessions which he afterwards inherited. In 1761, he was married to Ruth Floyd, a sister of the Hon, Williara Floyd, one of the signers of the declaration of American Independence, Being appointed a major in the provincial forces of New York, Mr, WoodhuU, in 1758, served in that capacity, in the army under General Abercrorabie, intended for the reduction of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, He was engaged in the daring, or rather tbe rash assault, ordered by the English general before the arrival of his artillery, upon the former place, which, strongly fortified, was defended by a garrison of more than five Ihousand men, and pro tected on its only assailable side by fallen trees, wilh their branches projecting outward, so cut as fo answer the purpose of chevaux-de- frise. After an exposure of four hours to the covered fire of the French, during which time every effort of heroic perseverance proved ineffectual in making an impression on the enemy's works, the assailing force was obliged to retire to the southern side of Lake George, wilh a loss of about 2000 men killed or dangerously wounded. Desirous of wiping off the stain of this repulse, Gen, Abercrom bie detached a portion of his army on an expedition against Cada- tacking Lord Stirling in the rear, this brave band was overpoAvered by nurabers, and those Avho sur vived Avere corapelled to surrender theraselves pri soners of Avar ; but this spirited assault gave oppor tunity for a large proportion of the detachment to escape. General Washington passed over to Brook lyn in the heat of the action ; but, unable to rescue his men frora their perilous situation, was constrain ed to be the inactive spectator of the slaughter of his best troops. The loss of the Americans on this oc casion, for the number engaged, was great ; General Washington stated it at a thousand men ; but his re turns probably included only the regular regiments. General Howe, in an official letter, made the prison ers amount to one thousand and ninety-seven. Among these Avere Major-General Sullivan and Brigadier-Ge neral Lord Stirling. Brigadier-General WoodhuU (then called Udall) is named as having been taken prisoner at the battle. This is howcA'cr erroneous, he not having been engaged in tbe confiict, and his capture not having occurred until the foUoAving day, at a different part of the island.* The British loss, as stated by General Howe, Avas twenty-one officers, raqui, or Port Frontenac, (now Kingston,) an important fortress al the communicalion of Lake Ontario wilh the river St, Laurence, Lieut, Col, Bradstreet, wilh whom the design originaled, command ed this enterprise, having a train of eight cannon and three mor tars, and a body of 3000 men, of whom, about 150 only were re gulars. The rest of the detachment was composed of provinciahs, from Massachusetts, Rhode Island, New Jersey, and New York Those ofthe latter province amounted lo somewhat more than 1100 men, of whom, one battalion, of 440 men, was placed under the command of Lieut, Col, Charles Clinton, (the grandfather of the late De Witt Clinton ;) and the second battalion, of 670 men, was confided to Lieut, Col, Corsa and Major WoodhuU, On the 27lh of August, 1738, a combined operation against the fort was raade by land aud water ; the conduct of the forces in the boats being coraraitted to Lieut, Col, Corsa and Major WoodhuU, wilh orders lo receive the fire ofthe fort wilhout returning it, until their troops had landed and formed. The resolution with which the operations were conducted, dispirited the enemy, whose forces were insuffi cient to the defence of their works, and after a feeble resistance, the garrison struck their colours, and capitulated. Immense stores of provisions and merchandise, intended for the supply of the French forces in America, sixty pieces of cannon, sixteen mortars, and nine armed vessels, some of them carrying eighteen guns, were the fruits of this surrender. Whether Mr, WoodhuU was employed in the campaign cf the following year, is not ascertained, most of his papers having been accidentally destroyed by fire, a few years after his death, Il is believed, however, that he marched either with the force which Gen, Prideaux conducted, in 1759, against Niagara, or with that led by Gen, Amherst againsl Ticonderoga and Crown Point, both of which enterprises had a successful issue. In 1760, he served as colonel of the third regiment of New York provincials, in the army under Gen, Amherst, which raarched againsl Montreal, and effect ed the final reduction of Canada, Upon the capitulation of the Marquis of Vaudreuil, Colonel AVoodhull, with his troops, returned to New York, and he retired lo private life. The removal of the neighbourhood of French power, so danger ous to the colonists, and the consciousness of the latter that they had efficiently contributed to ils achievement, were calculated to produce among them a more free inquiry into the relative rights ol the provinces and the mother country, and of iheir own ability sue- 48 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. and three hundred and forty-six privates killed, Avounded, and taken prisoners. The British uoav encamped in front of the Arae rican lines, and on the succeeding night broke cessfuUy to assert their privileges. The spirit to which this in quiry gave rise, was stiraulated by the preten.sioDs sel up al homo, which, first assuming that America was lo be taxed by the British parliaraent, for the e-tpenscs of nhatever attacks the wars of inte- terest, or ambition, in which the parent stale engaged, should draw upon the colonists, grew inlo the a.ssertion of a right, to lax thera in all cases whatsoever. Acts of parliament rashly passed, and sometimes timidly repealed, only served to spread the existing dis- conient, and to hasten the impending crisis. Partaking of the ge neral feeling, the a.s3embly of New York, at the close of December, 1768, unaniraously resolved, that no tax could, or ought to be ira posed, or levied, on the persons or estates of his majesty's subjects within that colony, but of their own free gift, by their representa tives convened in general asserably. The consequence was a dis solution of the body on the 2d of Januar)', 1769, by the royal go vernor. Sir Henry Moore, The proceedings of the asserably were highly approved by the people of Suffolk, araong whom the prirailive manners and repub lican feelings of their puritan ancestors, were in a remarkable de gree preserved. At the election in the ,spring of 1769, they returned to that body Williara Nicoll, Esq, who had been one of ils former members, and Col, Nathaniel WoodhuU, In the instructions drawn for their re presentatives, the county emphalically expressed their reliance on the exertions of their newly selected members, " lo preserve their freedom, and the command over their own purses," The injunc tion was faithfully observed by Mr, WoodhuU, who, during the six years that followed of the continuance of the royal governraent, was constant in his devotion lo the rights of his countrymen, and his opposition to the parly of the court. In the convention which met in the city of New York, April IOth, 1775, to choose delegates lo the continental congress, Mr. WoodhuU appeared as a delegate from the county of Suffolk. Pur suant lo a recommendation frora the New York local committee, a provincial congress was soon afterwards deputed by the several eounlies of the colony, which raet in thai city. May 22d, 1775, This body practically asserted ils right to entire sovereignly, su perseding, in effect, from Ihe time of ils organization, and ultimate ly dissolving and expelling the royal authority. Colonel A'Vood- huU was placed at the head of the delegation from Suffolk county. On the 22(1 of August, 1775, the provincial congress re-organized the railitia of the colony into brigades, directing, " that a brigadier- general, with a in.ajor of brigade, be coramissioned lo (he coraraand uf t-ach brig.ide," The railitia of Suffolk and Glueens constituted one brigade, of which Mr, WoodhuU was subsequently appointed lo be the general, and Jonathan Lawrence, Ebq,, (a raeraber of Ihe provincial congress from Glueens county,) lo be major of brigade. On the 2Blh of August, 1775, Gen, WoodhuU was elected presi dent of the provincial congress, and held the sarae office in the body that succeeded il, iu 1776, Doubting its powers lo conform to the recoraraendation of the continental congress, by erecting a new form of governraent, lo the exclusion of all foreign control, ihe provincial congress, on the 31sl of May, 1776, recoramended to the eleclors of the several counties, lo vest the necessary powers, either in their present delegates, or in others to be chosen in their stead. The British army having, on the 30th of June, appeared off the harbour of New "Sfork, the provincial congress, on ils ad journment that day, directed that the congress, in which these new powers were vested, and which was lo assemble on the Sth of Jul}', should meet al White Plains, They did not, in fact, a,ssemble until the 0th day of July, 1776, when General AVoodhuU was cho sen president. The declaration of independence, passed on the 4ih instant, had not received the unanimous approbation of the colonies in conli- nenlal congress, the delegates from the colony of New York having declined to vote, because, although they were personaUy for the measure, .and believed their constituents to be so, ihey were feller- ground within six hundred yards of a redoubt on the left. In this critical state of the American army on Long Island, — in front a numerous and victorious enemy, with a formidable train of artillery, the fleet ed by instructions drawn nearly a twelve month before, when the hope of reconciliation was yet cherished. Immediately on their meeting, the new provincial congress unanimously adopted the de claration, (Gen. "WoodhuU presiding,) on the part of the people of New York : thus filling the void occasioned by the want of the ne cessary powers in their delegates at Philadelphia. On the next day they assuraed the title of " the convention of the represe-nlalives ofthe state of New York," and subsequently forraed the first consti tution of the state. The invading army under Lord Howe, had landed on Staten Lsland, and by the coramand which their naval force secured over the neighbouring waters, they were enabled to threaten an attack from this point, either on Long Islpnd or the island of New York. Gen. Washington was therefore obliged to divide the force collect ed to oppose thera, a portion of which entrenched iheraselves at Brooklyn, while the residue were stationed at different parts of York Island, The New York convention had, on ihe 20th July, ordered one fourth of the railitia of Queens and Suffolk to be draft ed, and the two regiments thus obtained had raarched under the coraraand of Col, Josiah Smith, of Suffolk, and Col, Jeromus Rera- sen, of Q,ueens, within the lines at Brooklyn, then commanded by Gen, SuUivan. On the 10th August, Gen, WoodhuU's concerns requiring his relurn home, he obtained leave of temporary absence from the convention, whose sittings had been transferred to Har- laem, and proceeded to his residence at Mastic, about seventy-five railes from New York, On the 22d of August, ihe uncertainty that had prevailed as lo the first point of attack on the part of the in vaders, was dispelled by the landing of a porlion of their forces near New Utrecht. Aware of the increasing want of provisions among the enemy, and that, the Araerican army being now con fined to their lines, the whole stock and produce of Long Island would be in the power of the hostile troops, unless means were taken to prevent it, the convention of New York adopted a policy since successfully pursued on a larger scale bythe Russians. This was to deprive the invading force of supplies, and thus compel their abandonmenl of the island, by reraoving the stock and other pro visions in the adjacent country, or if that could not be effected, by destroying them. Resolutions were accordingly passed on the 24th August, 1776, ordering Gen. WoodhuU, or, in his absence. Col, Poller, (who had served as a captain of the New York provincials in the carapaigns against the French in 1758 and 1759,) lo march wilhout delay -one half of the western regiment of railitia of Suf folk county, with five days' provisions, into the western parts of Queens county ; and that the officers of the mUitia of Queens shoiUd immediately order out the whole miUlia of that county, to effect the desired objects. An express being sent with these direc tions to Brigade-Major Lawrence, Col, Poller, and Gen, WoodhuU, the latter reached Jamaica on the next day, (Sunday,) apprised the convention of his arrival there, and awaited the approach of tbe forces intended for his command. The convention were fuUy aware, that the mUitia to be collected on this emergency, would be wholly insufficient to effect the above object, and more particularly to enable the general lo station a force, agreeably to their wishes, on the high grounds in the western part of Queens county, to repel the ravaging parties ofthe eneray. In the preceding year it had been necessary lo despatch frora the raain, some of the troops under the command of Gen, Wooster, to Suffolk county, in order lo prevent depredations along its exposed coast; and ils armed inhabitants were not noAv more than compe tent to the same purpose. In Queens county a majority of the in habitants were disaffected to the patriotic cause. They had, in the previous month of December, obtained arms from the Asia man-of- war, and had prevented, by superior numbers at the polls, an elec tion, then attempted, of delegates to the provincial congress ; inso much that a military intervention, under the direction ofthe conti nental congress, had been necessary, to deprive the tories of offen sive weapons, and to secure to the whigs the freedom of election. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 249 indicating an intention to force a passage into East River to raake some atterapt on New York, the troops lying without shelter frora heavy rains, fatigued and dispirited, — it was deterrained to withdraw from the A large number of the whigs of that county were already imbodi ed iu the regiment of Col, Remsen, and many of those at horae were overawed by the neighbourhood of the British force, or were employed in preparations for the flight of their families, if fortune should be favourable to the British arms. The convention accordingly deputed a committee to Gen, Wash ington, advising him of their objects ; of their apprehension of the insufficiency of the force they had ordered to join Gen, WoodhuU ; and of their conviction, that it would be most conducive to the pub lic welfare, that the regiments of Colonels Smith and Remsen, should be added. The committee reported, on the 26ih, that at the con ference with Gen, Washington, he seeraed well pleased, but said he was afraid it was too lale. He however expressed his willing ness to afford every assistance to the convention consistent with the public good, and stated that he would immediately give orders that Smith's and Remseu's regiments should march into Queens county, to join Gen. WoodhuU. Notice of this result was forwarded to the latter, as well as of the expectation of the convention, that by the time he received their letter, he would have been joined by the pro mised re-enforcement. On the same day, the whole mUitia force that had been collect ed, was assembled at Jamaica, and was found to consist only of about one hundred men, led by Col, Potter, from Suffolk county, about forty militia from Queens, and fifty horsemen belonging to the troop of Kings and Queens counties. With this handful of men. Gen. WoodhuU advanced to the westward of Queens county, agreeably to his orders. Owing probably to the receipt of inform ation, that increased numbers of the British had disembarked on the preceding day at New Utrecht, the commanding officer al Brooklyn did not detach the two Long Island regiments to join Gen, "Wood hull, and by some fatality, the omission was neither communicated to the convention, nor explained to tbe expecting gen< ral. Disappointed in not meeting the additional troops, wilh out ivhom he could not post any force on the heights, lo repel de predations of the enemy, he nevertheless commenced with vigour the execution of the rest of his orders, placed guards and sentries 10 prevent communication between the tories and the eneray, and scouring, during this and the succeeding day, the country south ward of the hills in Kings, and a considerable part of the towns of Newtown and Jamaica, he sent off an immense quantity of slock, collected there, towards the Greal Plains, and ordered off a further quantity from near Hempstead. In the meantime his numbers had dwindled by the anxiety of the militia to reach their homes, and protect or remove their families, to less than one hundred men, who, as well as their horses, were worn down with the fatigue of the duty they had performed. What they had effected demons-tra- ted, that with the force the convention had expected to place under his coraraand, the object to which they attached so rauch iraportance, could have been readily accomplished. The subsequent disasters to the American arms would, however, have rendered ils accom plishment useless. Early on the 27lh of Augu,st, a pass ihrough tho hills m Kings county, which had been left unguarded by the American troops, was taken possession of by the enemy, 'The Araerican outposts were surprised, and the American army driven, after a sanguinary engagement, within their entrenchments at Brooklyn. Numbers of the British troops, during the same day, posted themselves on the hills between' Newtown and Jamaica, and parlies of the enemy's horse made incursions into the country, within a short distance of the general's force. In this stale of things he retired lo Jamaica, sending at different times two messages to the convention, appri sing them of his situation, of the absolute necessity of re-enforce ments, and of his conviction, that the 'wo Long Island regiments could not join him, in consequence of the interruption of the com munications. Unfortunately, the convention did not sit on that day, and the general receiving no answer, despatched his brigade-ma jor, who was also a member of that body, lo repeat his represenla- Vot. I.— Nos. 21 ; swollen and tumultuous, aud the branches were aU loaded ¦with dew-drops, which glittered, in the sun's early rays like so many diamonds. Nor would it be easy to imagine any scene raore rife with peaceful and even pastoral beauty. Looking down from the sumrait of the rising ground, I beheld immediately beneath me a wide sweep of stalely forest, interrupted at remote intervals by green meadows or yellow corn fields; whilst here and there a col lage, a shed, or some olher primiliveedifice, reared its modest head, as if for the purpose of reminding the spectator, that man had be gun his inroads upon nature, without as yet taking away from her simplicity and grandeur, I hardly recollect a scene which struck me at the moraent more forcibly, or which has left a deeper or raore lasting impression on my memory. I have said that the morning of the 16lh rose beautifully serene ; and it is not to the operations of the elements alone that my expres sion applies. All was perfectly quiet al the outposts, not an enemy having been seen, nor an alarming sound heard, for several hours previous lo sunrise. So peaceable, indeed, was the aspect which raatters bore, that our leaders felt warmly disposed to resume the offensive, without wailing Ihe arrival of the additional corps for which they had applied ; and orders were already issued for the men lo eat their breakfasts, preparatory to more active operations. But the arms were scarcely piled, and the havresacks unslnng, when symptoms of a stale of affairs different frora that which hail been anticipated, began to show themselves, and our people wern recalled to their ranks in all haste, almost as soon as they had quitted them. From more than one quarter scouls came in Io re port, that colurans of armed men were approaching; though whether with a friendly or hostile intention, neither their appearance m.u actions enabled our informants lo ascertain. It has. been stated; that during the last day's march our liltle corps was joined by many of the country people ; most of whom demanded and obtained arms, as persons friendly to the royal cause. How Colonel Baume became so completely duped as to ;ilace reli ance on these men, I know not; but having listened with com^lftr 262 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. who proceeded along the great road. Colonel Mor gan, Avho Avas detached to observe their motions, and to harass them as they advanced, soon fell in Avith ccncy to their previous assurances, that in Bennington a large ma jority of ihe populace were our friends, he was somehow or other persuaded lo believe, that the armed bands of whose approach he was warned, were loyalists on their way to make a tender of their services to the leader of the king's troops. Filled wilh this idea, he despatched positive orders tn the outposts, that no molestations should be offered to ihe advancing columns; bul that the pickets retiring before Ihera should join the main body, where every dispo- ,^ilion was raade lo receive either friend or foe. Unfortunately for us, these orders were bul too faithfully obeyed. About half past nine o'clock, I, who was not in the secret, beheld, lo ray utter amazement, our advanced parties withdraw wilhout firing a shot, from thickets which might have been raaintained for hours against any superiority of nurabers; and the same thickets quickly occu pied by men, whose whole demeanour, as well as their dress and ^lyle of equipment, plainly and incontestably pointed them out as Americans, I cannot pretend to describe the state of excitation and alarm into which our litlle band was now thrown. AVilh the solitary excep tion of our If-ader, there was not a raan amongst us who appeared otherwise than salisfied thai those to whora he had listened were traitors; and that unless some prorapt and vigorous measures were adopted, their treachery would be crowned with its full reward. Captain Eraser, in parlicular, seemed strongly imbued with the conviction, that we were wilfttlly deceived. He pointed out, in plain language, the extreme improbability of Ihe story which these deserters had told, and warmly urged our chief to withdraw his confidence frora them ; bul all his arguments proved fruitless. Colonel Baume remained convinced of their fidelity. He saw no reason to doubt that the people whose approach excited so much :!i,nrehension, were the same of whose arrival he had been fore- V irned ; and he was prevenled frora placing hiraself entirely in tl 'ir power, only by the positive refu,sal of his followers lo obey orders given to that effect, and the rash impetuosity of the enemy. We mighl have stood about half an hour under arms, watching the proceedings of a column of four or flve hundred men, who, after dislodging the pickets, had halted jusl at the cMge of the open countiy, when a sudden trarapling of feel in the forest on our right, followed hy Ihe report of several muskets, attracted our attenlion, A patrol was instantly sent in the direction of the sound; bul be fore the party composing it had proceeded many yards f^rom the lines, a loud ,shout, followed hy a rapid though straggling flre of muskelry, warned us lo prepare for a meeting the reverse of friend ly, Instanily the Indians carae pouring in, carrying disraay and confusion in their countenance and gestures. We were surrounded on all sides; colurans were advancing everywhere against us, and those whom we had hitherto treated as friends, had only wailed till the arrival of their support raight justify them in advancing. There was no falsehood in these reports, though made by raen who spoke rather from their fears than their knowledge. The column in our front no sooner heard the shout, than they replied cordially and loudly toil; then, firing a volley wilh deliberate and murderous aim, rushed furiously towards us. Now ihen, at lenglh, our leader's dreams of security were dispeUed. He found himself aitacked in front and flank by thrice his numbers, who pressed forward with the confidence which our late proceedings were calculated to pro duce; whilst the very persons in whom he had trusted, and to whora he had given arras, lost no lime in turning thera againsl him. These fellows no sooner heard their comrades cry, than they de liberately discharged their muskets amongst Reidesel's dragoons; and dispersing before any steps could be taken lo seize them, esca ped, wilh the exception of one or Iwo, to their friends. If Colonel Baume had permitted himself lo be duped into a great error, il is no more than justice to confess, that he exerted himself manfully to remedy the evil, and avert ils consequences. Our liltle band, which had hitherto remained in coluran, was instantly ordered to extend, and the troops lining the breastwork replied to the fire of the Americans wilh extreme celerity and considerable effect. So c!,x-;e and destructive, indeed, was our first voUev, ihat the assail- their pickets in front of their right wing, attacked them sharply, and drove them in. A strong corps was brought up to support them, and, after a scA^ere ants recoUed before it, and would have retreated, in all probability, within the wood; bul ere we could take advantage of the confu sion produced, fresh attacks developed themselves, and we were warmly engaged on every side, and from all quarters, Il became evident that each of our detached posts was about to be assailed al the sarae instant. Not one of our dispositions had been concealed frora the enemy, who, on the contrary, seemed to be aware of Ihe exact number of men stationed at each point; and ihey were one and all threatened by a force perfectly adequate lo bear down op- posilion, and yel by no means disproporlionably large, or such as to render the main body inefficicnl. All, moreover, was done wilh the sagacity and coolness of veterans, who perfectly understood Ihc nature of the resistance (o be expected, and ihe difficulties to be overcome, and who, having well considered and matured their plans, were resolved lo carry thera inlo execution at all hazards, and at every expense of life. It was at this moment, when the heads of columns began lo sho^n' themselves in rear of our right and left, that the Indians, who had hilherlo acted with spirit, and something like order, lost all confi dence, and fled. Alarmed at the prospect of having their retreat cul off, they stole away, after their own fashion, in single files, in spite of the strenuous remonstrances of Baurae, and of Iheir own officers, leaving us raore than ever exposed, by the abandon ment of that angle of the intrenchments which they had been ap pointed lo raaintain. But even this spectacle, distressing as it doubtless was, faded in affecting our people with a feeUng at nil akin to despair. The vacancy which the retreat of the savages oc casioned, was promptly filled up by one of our two field-pieces, whilst the olher poured desiruction araong the enemy in front, as often as they showed themselves in the open country, or threatened to advance.In this state things continued upwards of three quarters of an hour. Though repeatedly assailed in front, flanks, and rear, ¦ne maintained ourselves with so much obstinacy, as to inspire a hope that the eneray raight even yet be kept at bay till the arrival of Breyraan's corps, now raomenlarily expected ; when an accident occurred, which at once pul an end to this expectation, and ex- posed us, almost defenceless, to our fate. The solitary tumbril which contained the whole of our spare amraunition, became igiii- ted, and blew up with a violence, which shook the very ground under our feet, and caused a raoraenlary cessation in firing, both on our side and ihal of the eneray. But the cessation was only for a raoraent. The American officers, guessing the extent of our ca lamity, cheered their men on to fresh exertions. They rushed up the ascent wilh redoubled ardour, in spite of the heavy volley which we poured in to check thera ; and finding our guns silent, ihey sprang over the parapet, and dashed within our works. For a few seconds the scene which ensued defies all power of language lo de scribe. The bayonet, the bull of Ihe rifle, Ihe sabre, the pike, were in full play; and men fell, as they rarely fall in raodern war, under the direct blows of their enemies. But such a struggle could noi, in the nature of things, be of long continuance, Outnurobeied, broken, and somewhat disheartened by late events, our people \va- vered, and fell back, or fought singly and unconnecledly, till Ihey were either cul down at their posts, obstinately defending them selves, or compelled to surrender. Of Reidesel's dismounlc