AMERICAN POLITICS,

A MOEAL AND POUTICAL WORK,

TEEATINU OF THE

€mm 0f % €M Winx,

THE NATURE OF GOVERNMENT, AND THE NECESSITY FOR REFORM.

BT ¥. w. EAmim.

NE-W ORLEANS:
PRINTEID BT ISAAC T. HINTON, 27 COMMEECIAL PLACE.
18M.

xy.

Entered accordiug. to act of Oongreas, by W. W. Hamdun, in tho year 1864, in the
Clerk's office of the District Court, for the JBastern District of Louisiana.

(.c S H'^

CONTENTS

Abuses  33
Amelioration  34
Aristocracy-  37
Against National Policy  38
ABad President  103
Causes of the Bivil War  41
Conquest ..,  -  55
Demagogues  12
Free Speech  18
Fort Sumter  53
Gradual Emancipation   -  40
Independence  — 84
Kansas  -  46
Liberty of the Press  15
Monarchical Government  8
Mexico  25
National Bank  65
Nothing Anti-Republican Proposed  101
Other Questions  :  '.  59
Preface   5
Protection  21
Respect  19
Rotation  91
Slavery  30
Sectional Prejudices  50
Seizing Government Property  55
States Rights  '.  19,
Strong Government  89

IV
The President-  - '?
The Actual Condition  ¦ - 22
The Remedy  24
The Great Difficulty  35
The Missouri Compromise  43
The Presidential Election  52
The State Elections on Secession  5*1
The Tariff  62
The Founders of the Government were Deceived  "Tl
The Foundations of Government  75
There has been ho Progress, but the People have Retro
graded  73
The Infallibility of the Government  77
The Constitution  81
The People  87
The Election of President will always danse War  92
The Strong Side ¦will always Elect the President  .... 94
The present system might have been well suited to former
timies, but is not likely to prove the best for future
generations  106
Universal Suffrage  10
Vacancy of State Governments  68

PREFACE

To those who are fond of fanciful and romantic writings,
this short work will prove dry and uninteresting ; while the
more serious and practiqal may discover matter worthy of
reflection, as well as pleasure, in meditating on many subjects
of public and private interest. Itis with great diffidence that
I entrust myself on the sea of literature, and the doubts I
entertain of my ability to please the public would deter me
from any attempts at publication; but the hope of being of
some service to my countrymen has induced me to make the
experiment, and though the style adopted by me may often
appear censorious, I freely confess that I deem it necessary
to the object in view, as
"The royal vices of our age demand
A keener weapon and a mightier hand."
No doubt it is now apparent that there are some defects
in our government which ought to be remedied, although it
may be objected that it is impolitic to raise such questions,
and many will contend that the Constitution is perfect; but
if such is the case, it will stand the test of examination; and
though nothing worthy of being adopted may be found here,
others may discover improvements which will establish the
government on a permanent basis and perpetuate the naliona'l
existence.
W. W. HANDLIN.
New Oeleans, Oct. 25th, 1863.
2

" Of making many books there is no end.
Aid much study is a -wearinesg of the flesh."

AMERICAN POLITICS

I. The President. — The periodical election
of the President of the United States, every four
years, by the people, is, and has been, fraught with
consequences of the utmost importance to the
nation. For some 1;ime previous to that event, the
masses of the people, either from their natural
inclination, the influence of politicians, or the
importance ofthe subject itself, are always stirted
up by' degrees, as it approaches, until the whole
country is in a ferment. These commotions, (from
which, in the heat of argument and faction, riots
have often been created, and blood spilt,) con
tinued to increase from one presidential eletition
to another, until they finally culminated in civil

8
war. Every one will admit that the true happi
ness of the people should ever be the aim and
object of the government; and it is questionable,
to say the least, whether this continual chang
ing of the Executive of the nation, wljicli causes
such a general disturbance of the body politic,
is advantageous x>r injurious. It is evident, also,
that the organization of the government of the
United States, or the execution of its laws, is
defective; for every weJl constituted governraent
should be able to foresee daiigers and prevent
great public disasters before they take place;
and- it is certain thc^t had it been, perfect it would
not now be reduced, by mere interijaal foes, to its
pit)S,ent unhappy condition.
II. Monarchical Governments. TT^From.. the
earliest ages of the woj-ld mankind, i^i every
country, have established for their government a
supreme power for the order and wqU, being of
society. The most ancient form- of government
is. th,e monarchical, which has been sustained in
most countries to the present day, not only on
account of its simplicity, but fpr its certainty in
establishing a fixed e}fecutive, whethei;. tlae mon
archy be absolute or limited. Givil war is caused,
usually, from disputes as^ to who shall be the

9
true and acknowledged chief of the nation; and
when that functionary is designated by some
certain and infEvllible rule, the advantage to the
true government, on th6 ground of legitimacy,
in case its authority is disputed, is too clear to
be questioned. But a monarchy, in this respect,
is preferable to a republic, such as the present
United States, because the executive, (that is, the
king in the former and the president in the latter,)
is more fixed, the terms of longer duration and
the order pf succession more natural and easy.
By that form of government, party dissensions
a,nd sectional prejudices are, in a great meas
ure, eluded, and the. true patriot looks, as it
¦were, to the king as the person ordained by fate
to govern the nation, and considers it his duty
to love and honor him, whether he be able or
imbecile, through his country, and to serve it
through hira. If, however, some republican form
of government could be devised, which would
secure to the people the election of members of
Congre,ss, and at the same time provide against
the evils of party, general and frequent elections
of the President, as well as those arising occa
sionally from the imbecility of hereditary sover
eigns, it would approach somewhat nearer to
perfection.

10
III.. Universal Suffrage.— As the govern
raent of the United States is based upon a purely
democratic form, it follows that every freeman at
the age of majority is entitled to all the rights,;
privileges and immunities of an American citi
zen. How far this universal right of interfering'
with, or controlling the most important affairs of
the country should be extended to some who have
no qualifications, except that of age, to entitle
them to such high privileges, is a matter of grave
consideration. For many years past, the elec-^r
tions, in most of our large cities at least, have"
been entirely under the influence of the most
worthless part ofthe community, who have con
trolled, in a great measure, all public affairs,
while men of substance and res|)ectability, whose
vital interests were at stake, have been either dis
gusted, or deterred from going to the polls. The
men, in many localities, who have most influ
ence in elections, have not only been withoutany
visible means of support, but mere strago-lers^'
' and frequenters of bar rooms, making it a busi
ness to secure emolument and advancement by
their professional assistance, so that few men of
real worth cared to obtain office under such
auspices, and consequently the country was left

11
to its fate. The right of suffrage should be a
sacred thing, and it should contribute towards
true and just government, and not be converted
into an engine to raise up the crafty, and those
who have the least interest in society.
IV. It is difficult to conceive why a man who
has no family, property or profession, and who has
never done any thing for himself or his country,
should be allowed to vote, and not only control the
interests of the country at large, but also those of
honest and industrious citizens. An excess in
Democracy is, without doubt, as injurious as an
excess in any thing else, and to curtail within
proper limits the inestimable privilege of free suf
frage would be a service to the Republic. By
fixing certain qualifications, which would require
sorn^ position and standing of the voter, it would
be in some degree an honor to enjoy, that privilege;
and, hence, young men would have a certain goal
before them, which -would stimulate their ambition
and make them desirous of attaining it. But why
should those who have no fixed establishment, or
domicil, no property upon which to pay taxes,
nor any intellectual qualification, which should
form an exception, desire to direct or control pub-

12
lie affairs? They should bfe content to wait until
they should acquire those qaalificatiotis which
would not only^ give them knowledge and expei-^
rience, but make them feel an interest in th&
exercise of the right of suffrage. It very often
happens that those who are without means or
occupation, and consequently have no interest at
stake, are the most busy in attending to the affairs
of others, which, as a general thing, gives rise to
mischief. If, therefore, none were allowed to
vote but tax-payerfe, or persons having a home
stead, however humble, and certain literary and
other men, distinguislied by their art or useful
ness, more benefit would be dferived from the
elective franchise.
V. Demagogues.— It is generally admitted on
all sides that the present civil war, with all its
attendant evils, has been the work of demagogues,
and that really the great masses of the people
had but little to do with it until dragged into the
vortex by necessity. These men, who were ori
ginally without useful occupations, or who had
been unfortunate in business, were never more
happy than when raising some new political ques
tion by which to flatter and cajole the populace,.

13
and thereby gain for themselves honors, rewards
and reputation. With liberty, the rights of the
people, and democracy in their mouths, they suc
ceeded in making almost every American citizen
believe that he was not only an absolute and
independent potentate himself, but that neither
love nor respect was due either to the govern
ment, or its highest and most worthy officials.
Laws were not respected, and the Constitution
was the victim which those disturbers of the
public peace continually mutilated and sacri
ficed, in order to supply themselves with matter
for the purpose of fostering and perpetuating
unnecessary agitation. The jealousy ofthe peo
ple has been so aroused concerning their rights,
that all offices, in most of the States, are filled
by election, and their terms are so short that even
the incompetent incumbents have no time to
learn, and are chiefly employed in endeavors to
obtain or secure their places.
VI. Mr. Volney, in his Ruins of Palmyra,
endeavors, as it would seera, to overturn and des
troy all religions hitherto existing araongst man
kind, without inventing or substituting any thing
else in their place, notwithstanding the universal

14
tendency of human nature to have some kind of
worship. It is doubtless, therefore, the duty of
every one who finds fault to propose some remedy,
so as not to leave matters in a worse condition
than they were before. Now, if the people at
large would be more careful in choosing their pub
lic officers and representatives, and see that none
but substantial men, whose interests were identi
fied with their own, were chosen, instead of noisy
striplings, without knowledge or experience, it is
evident that the dignity and welfare of the coun
try would be better supported, But, throughout
the land, politics have been abandoned to the
young and idle, as matters of light or trifling
concern; while old and respectable men, either
from diffidence, or a desire of ease, have remained
in retireraent and without influence, when not
only their own, but the most vital interests of
the Republic were at stake. The terms of office
should be longer; judges should be appointed;
electioneering and demagogism should be dis
countenanced; and a more deep concern should
be felt in public affairs, without the noise and
strife which have gradually increased until they
have demoralized and corrupted the more conserv
ative principles of the days of Washino-ton.

15
VII. Liberty of the Press. — There can be
no doubt that a certain independent tone and
freedom of expression ought to be allowed to
public journals; and those whose business it is to
watch passing events and make true reports and
just comments on them, ought to maintain a
true, manly spirit, and not be obliged to concili
ate jealous and tyrannical governors. In the
United States, however, the newspapers have so
increased in power and numbers as almost to
sway the destinies of the nation. Paper, and the
free schools, have produced many oracles of the
quill, and "every mountain now hath found a
tongue." Not that public schools are objection-
ble, for they are good in their place; but because
something more than a common education is
necessary for the discussion of matters of state.
There may be, and no doubt are, many learned
and able editors whose instructions are of great
benefit to the people ; but it cannot be denied that
there are thousands of scribblers without either
learning or experience, who attempt to discourse
in theilf leaders on international law, and grave
questions of foreign policy, when they have
scarcely ever been beyond the limits of their
own towns, and have ^bout as much knowledge

16
of the world, and the science of government, as
school boys. Without, ever having looked into
a book on public or municipal law, they write
in the most careless, presumptuous and reck
less manner. These men, too, arrogate to them
selves the right of passing judgment indiscrimi
nately on men and things, and have so little
respect for authority, or the dignity of office,
that they seldom fail "'O seize upon any occasion
to ridicule the government and bring it into con
tempt, and thus largely infuse the same spirit
into the masses, simply to advance party inter
ests. They should be taught that liberty is not
license, and that a proper decorum should be
observed in treating, the affairs of a great nation.
VIII. But what greater or more objectionable
censorship can there be over the press than that
established by politicians and party leaders?
Few journalists dare to produce any thing in
their columns which may appear distasteful to
certain magnates of their party, or which may
endanger their own popularity with those on
whose patronage they depend. In this way,
then, the people seldom find facts and questions
of public or political iraportance represented in

17
their true colors, and plain truth is so perverted
or mystified that one is often more confused than
enlightened by reading a newspaper. Not only
this ; but politicians of the character in question
have becorae so astute that they assume the traits
common to diplomatists of foreign courts, and
continually feel the public pulse, and balance
themselves between the populace and political
leaders, so as to advance their peculiar party
interests, regardless of the general good. So it
is, therefore, that under the present system of
public papers, men read not so much what is use
ful and true, as that which tends to promote the
views of designing politician's; and in this way
sectional prejudices are deepened and perpetua
ted, national sentiraent is suppressed or extin
guished, and all the fiery and angry passions of
men are aroused, agitated and embittered, while
peace, innocence and tranquility, so necessary to
the happiness of a people, incontinently take
their flight, and the country is plunged into all
the horrors of civil war. If, therefore, the
national character of this kind of writing is not
improved, it behooves every one to be on his
guard, and estiraate it at its proper value, so as
not to allow his partizan and local prejudices to
take entire possession of him.

18
IX. Free Speech. — It is one of the grandest
privileges of republican institutions, that every
individual is allowed to express his opinions
freely on all subjects ; and, indeed, it is this great
principle which has contributed so much towards
relieving the human soul from its thraldora, and
at the same time developed the vast resources and
latent energies of the untramraeled mind. How
beautiful it is, for example, to see honest and
industrious farmers or mechanics discuss, in
their leisure moments, questions of public policy
or general utility, which may be of doubtful
expediency, ahd in this manner arrive at just
and sound conclusions. At the same time, they
feel that they are protected, that they are inter
ested, and that they possess that quiet, manly
atid undisturbed freedom which gives rise to
every noble and generous action. While, how
ever, this right of free speech is so dear to the
American people, and is enjoyed by them in
such an eminent degree, it should not be abused;
and if one born on American soil should so far
forget hiraself, and be so lost to all noble and pat
riotic sentiments as to traduce his owu country
and government, and desire to see foreign alli
ances formed, or a foreign sceptre introduced,

19
(as has often happened in the South of late,)
such a man should not only be deprived of
free speech, but he should be punished as being
guilty of one of the most degrading and danger
ous crimes. If, therefore, it is considered to what
dangerous results seditious language may give
rise — riots, treason and revolution — it is certainly
the policy of every well ordered government to
suppress it, and not allow liberal discussion to be
so far abused as to endanger the public safety.
X. Respect. — When society and government
are formed from the rude elements of the human
character in its natural state, there is a tacit or
express agreement that certain individuals, des
tined either by nature, circumstance or choice,
shall direct and control all matters of public
import. This is necessary; for otherwise, there
could be no organization, and the weak would be
at the mercy of the strong; while progress and
civilization would be impossible. How impor
tant it is, then, that those who are called to rule
should be assisted and respected by the common
alty in furtherance of the general welfare. But
among Americans this spirit has become well
nigh extinct, and ultra democracy has inspired

20
them with contempt for all constituted author
ity. With the idea that governors are servants,
and that the governed are immaculate, the char
acter of public men has lost cast, and our law
fully constituted authorities lack dignity as well
in the eyes of foreign nations as in our own :
moreover, there is a constant desire of change
and innovation. Nor is it less important that
superiors should be sustained and respected,
when we consider the efficacy of law; for if the
men who make and execute the laws want disr-
nity or respect, a corresponding decrease will be
found in the respect and obedience to those laws.
We should, consequently, be satisfied as Ameri
can citizens, that we actually enjoy more freedom
than men in other parts of the world, without
detracting from those whose good fortune has
placed them above us, since their authority,
though it weigh upon us a little, is indispensable
to government. Great caution should be observ
ed in passing judgment on public officers, or
imputing to them improper motives without
good grounds: "Suspicions amongst thoughts
are like bats amongst birds' — they ever fly by
twilight." There is nothing more common than
the censure of those in authority, and many

21
believe with facility that public officers are cor
rupt, and should be removed, when really, in
most cases, there is no foundation in fact; and
when it is considered that those who serve the
public have no freedom, and are often the most
unhappy of men, while discharging their labori
ous duties, they are not to be envied, but are
entitled to much charity and indulgence.
XI. PROTECTiON.^The generality of man
kind desire peace and tranquility, so that they ean
pursue tlieir respective avocations unmolested,
and know and feel that they can count with cer
tainty upon the safety and prosperity of all their
social occupations and enterprizes. "It is the
duty of the government to afford that security,
and in fact, it is its principal object to bring about
that result. There' are always comparE|tively
few in every country who delight in the agita
tion of politics, and who make it their business
to stir up the people on abstract or chimerical
questions, which will eventually result in their
own elevation ; and these few are usually of that
class who do not belong to the raost substantial
part of the community, but engage in such pur
suits for want of better occupation, and press
4

22
themselves forward rather by their own assur
ance than by their merit. They are supported
by the populace more on account of fhe noise
they make than for any proofs of talent or devotion
to their country. It follows, then, that the less
there is done in the government by such people
the better, and the more simple the government
is, the more the danger of disturbance will be
diminished. It is certainly undesirable that the
whole people should be all the time engaged in
carrying on the government, and it is this very
thing which is complained of by those who live
in countries harrassed by perpetual wars; they
say they cannot live in quietude, and that they
are compelled to take part in public disturbances
against their will. The excellency of a good
government is to afford protection to its people,
so that they may enjoy that true freedom of pur
suing their private occupations according to their
own inclinations, with the gratifying conscious
ness that there is a superior power which provides
for their safety and happiness.
XII. The Actual Condition.— But how is
it with our governments, local and general, in
the United States ? The complicated nature of

23
public offices, the short terms of their tenure, the
frequent elections, and the usual means employed
to secure popular favor, make what should be
esteemed the most honorable positions, mere
objects of mercenary intrigiies, and the masses
are used by the cunning to carry out the work
which is already laid down and marked out.
Thus it happens that there is constantly some
excitement concerning changes which are to be
made in office, when comparatively few are inter
ested, and false issues are paraded to increase
party spirit. The government gets into the
hands of bad men, and when, in the height of
some election excitement, civil war breaks out,
there is no power to stop it, and good citizens
with the rest are left at the mercy of the lawless.
"Who does not know that heretofore, in perhaps
every State, the principles, nominees, platforms
and plans of every party have been under the con
trol of half a dozen men, who have formed their
cliques, and held their caucuses in some obscure
club room? It is well known, too, how the will
ing crowd have ranged themselves under the
banners thus hoisted before them, and blindly
followed their leaders, when really there was no
cause for excitement; or, if there was, they did

24
not understand it. This is the fault of too much
republicanism, which makes the people at large
subject to demagogues, and abuses the elective
system. It may work well in the beginuiug,
when the government is young and men are
more virtuous; but, when the windy storms and
tempests of more degenerate days shall come,
the fabric will fall from its own agitation. Eter
nal vigilance is the price of liberty, but eternal
commotion will cause dissolution.
XIIL The Remedy. — A more conservative pol
icy should be adopted. Every good citizen should
never fail to vote, instead of staying at home, as
heretofore, and allowingelections to be controlled
by low politicians, drunkards and thugs. Elec
tions should be dispensed with as far as consistent
with democratic government. Good men for
governors should be elected, and they should be
allowed to appoint judges, so that the judiciary
would not be dependent on party favor. It is
every citizen's duty to go to the polls and cast his
vote wdiere not only the good of the state, and the
welfare of his neighbor are concerned, but his own
eventual peace and prosperity depend upon the
perfor;n5nce of all his civil functions. And yet

25
how many of the best men in the country entirely
neglect the affairs of the public, and act with as
much indifference as if they were foreign subjects.
But it is particularly the duty of old men, whose
wisdoin is fortified by experience, and men of
wealth and leisure, who areless venal than others,
to look after the interests of the public ; instead of
which, they usually retire and throw themselves
into the lap of luxury, forgetful of their country's
claims, or considering that such eraployraent is
unworthy of them; whereas, nothing is more noble
than the service of the state. Then the influ
ence of cliques would be weakened, and politics
would assume a more respectable standard. The
people would really govern then; and their gov
ernment would be raised from that low condition
which familiarity inspires, to one of dignity and
strength. It was saidby one, that "knowledge is
power;" but then, dignity would be power, and
justice would follow in the footsteps of decorum.
. XIV. — Mexico. — It is almost universally true,
that the mere imitator, without natural and indi
vidual qualifications, 'will never succeed. Mex
ico endeavored to imitate the United States, not
only in forming a republic, but in basing it upon

26
a number of States, as the United States had
done. But the States were made for that pur
pose, out of what had been formerly one govern
ment, to- wit: the vice royalty of New Spain;
while in the United States the government was
formed out of pre-existing separate States, which
were, after much deliberation, united into one
nation. From the fact that there is a great pre
ponderance of Indian blood in Mexico and the
common people are uneducated, it may well be
doubted whether they are suited to the republi
can form of government; but when that republic
becomes more complicated than ours, by forming
new States where none existed, with all the par
aphernalia of State legislation and governors, the
project proves itself to be impracticable. Each
one of those governors and representatives of the
people soon becomes a chieftain, and being ambi
tious of power, raises an army and promulgates
a pronunciamiento. The people are poor and
ignorant, and being of an idle andi roving dispo- '
sition, they are easily led to espouse any cause
which opposes the party in power and affords
them an opportunity for support and plunder.
They need a strong government of some kind,
and perhaps a republic, in a more simple form,
would suit them as well as any other.

27
XV. But the United States has pursued a
most miserable policy towards her sister, Mexico.
Almost from the beginning she has acted the part
of a cold and selfish individual, whose conduct
is often interspersed with an outward show- of
friendship and sympathy ; while she has steadily
sought her own aggrandizement at the expense
of her magnanimity. When the revolution in
Texas occurred, the United States was seciretly
at the bottom of it, and her grasping and ungen
erous conduct caused the war which resulted in
- dispossessing Mexico of half her domain. It
is doubtful whether this vast accession of ter
ritory will prove of ultimate advantage to the
United States, and especially the part of it lying
on the Pacific rhay give the government trouble,
at some future day. But after the forces of the
United States had occupied the capital of Mex
ico, and secured to her such iratjaense con ces-
•
sions, instead of taking her by the arm and
placing her on a firm footing, she silently with
drew, leaving her weak neighbor a prey to a
thousand dangers. Nor is the United States to
be pitied now that a foreign Prince, in the hour
of trial, steps in and proposes to^furnish Mex
ico with a permanent government. The United

28
States long had it in her power to have done
better for her natural ally, but failed, perhaps
more from a hope of absorbing her territory,
should her future incapacity produce such an
effect, than from any fear of "entangling allian
ces." These are some of the wrongs done by
the United States to Mexico, and it may be that
the former is now suffering the penalty which
always follows injustice.
XVI. How noble it would have been for the
United States, after the war with Mexico, to have
taken her under her protection, and assisted her
in maintaining peace and good goyernment with
a disinterested and magnanimous spirit! Mexico,
who had held up the United States as a model,
and beacon light to guide her in the experiment
of republicanism, would have leaned upon her
friendly arm until her. own increasing strength
could have supported her. What bloody scenes
would have been prevented ! How many of the
noble sons of Mexico, who have been cruelly sac
rificed in their unmeaning, fratricidal wars, would
still live to serve mankind!
But aside from all considerations of humanity,
it would have been the true policy of the United

,29
States, at the close of the Mexican war, or since,
to have assisted Mexico in establishing peace
and good government. It is well known what
immense exports of valuable productions were
once shipped from that country ; and from its
contiguous position to the' United States, on the
Gulf of Mexico, its trade to Americans would
have been of incalculable advantage. The pros
perity of the Mexicans is the prosperity of the
Americans; for just so much as the area of the
commerce of the one is increased, just so much
also is the field of operations ofthe other enlarged.
It is, then, a blind, a selfish policy, to allow the
prosperity of Mexico to be retarded by foolish and
interminable civil wars. And as there can be
no doubt that the territory of the United States
is sufficiently extensive, and that it would be
impolitic to -increase it by accessions from Mex
ico, "the real desire should be to see the latter
increase in wealth and commercial importance,
so that traffic with her would be advantageous.
War has created some antipathy between the two
races, and the haughty American is inclined to
look with contempt on his less prosperous neigh
bor; but it would be advantageous for Americans
to adopt some of the social habits and character-
5

30
istics of that well mannered and gentle race, in
whom evident traces of the noble hidalgo still
linger. XVII. Slavery. — It has been said by some,
that slavery had nothing to do with the war;
but the. simple' fact that one of the belligerents
maintained slavery, while the other was free, is
sufficient to contradict and disprove the assertion.
Upon that institution the prejudices of both
sections ofthe country have been built up' and
perpetuated. Still, it never would have disturbed
the peace 'of the country had it not been for the
constant agitation caused by electioneering poli
ticians and the baleful influence of ultra democ
racy and popular sovereignty. Slavery was the
constant theme both North and South, upon
which candidates for office loved to dwell, and
the people of both sections were eqtlally misrep
resented, the one to the other, until such a mutual
hatred was inspired, that both were ready for war
on the first signal. This hatred was carefully
instilled into the people by politicians and news
papers, and sUch care was taken of their educa
tion in this respect, that very little of the truth
was ever proclaimed by the orator, or ever

31
appeared in the public prints. In the South,.
the Abolitionists were represented as cut-throats
and robbers, and in fact nothing was so mean,
but they •were still more so. In the North, the
Southern planters were held up as barbarians,
and compared unfavorably with the cannibals of
Africa. But where was the necessity for all this
disturbance? One should be willing to allow
his neighbor to live in peace. If slavery was an
evil, the Southern States were responsible for it;
and they certainly were competent to manage
their local concerns. The Southern States might
in time have got rid of the institution, or at least
corrected its abuses.
XVIII. Examining the question in a purely
moral point of view, slavery in the United States
ha« undoubtedly araeliorated the condition of the
African, and when it is considered that negroes
were introduced into this country without any
coraplicity of the present owners of slaves, whose
fortunes mainly consist in this species of prop
erty, it would certainly be most unjust to make
them bear the whole burden of advancing the
public good, and free their slaves without compen
sation. But the slaves in the South, to a great

32
extent, are as happy as the generality of man
kind. They are, the same as others, creatures
of habitj and being in a subordinate condition,
they never feel oppressed by restrictions; but on
the contrary, are more fitted for that state than
any other. They have been brought from a bar
barous country, where they were not only sav
age and useless, but a disgrace to the human
race. In their present condition they greatly
increase the wealth and industry of the world,
while their intercourse with a more advanced
race has communicated to them greater intelli
gence, and they at the same time have the bene
fits of the Christian religion. But granting that
their condition is hard, how foolish it is to
endeavor to raise mankind above trouble and
sorrow ! Look at the thousands of cases in the
North and in England where misery and degra
dation can never be relieved! All are slaves
more or less, and besides, the laws of nature and
of health, together with our passions and preju
dices, exact of us the most rigorous discipliiie.
However desirable it may be to form a perfect
government, where all shall be happy, still every
wise law-giver will doubtless consider the subject
Utopian.

33
XIX. AsusES.-^Nevertheless, it cannot be
denied, that the institution of slavery exists in
an aggravated form in the South, and could some
of its harshest features be obliterated it might
unquestionably be considered a blessing to the
African race. There can be nothing more revolt
ing to human nature than the constant practice
of separating husbands from their wives and
mothers from their children; and if this custom
looks objectionable to Southerners themselves,
how must it appear to persons educated in coun
tries where slavery does not exist? But the
people of the South have been so embittered by
the resistance of the North to the execution of the
fugitive slave law, and the intermeddling spirit of
the Abolitionists, that they have made the burden
of slavery more intolerable than ever before, from
the time of the Roman Empire to the present day.
In Rorae, the emancipation of the slave was
favored by the laws, but of late in some parts of the
South, the slave cannot be emancipated, and it is
forbidden by statute that he shall be instructed, or
permitted to hire his own time. The contrary
course should be pursued. The slave market
should be abolished, and it should no longer be
permitted to degrade our large. cities with slave

34
pens, where human beings are exhibitfed for sale,
in rows like cattle in market stalls. Por the sake
of morality and all the finer feelings of the soul,
men should not be torn from their wives and
mothers separated from their children.
XX. Amelioration. — On large plantations
it would be easy to establish a custom, which
often happens now, of selling the slaves with the
soil, so that they become, as it were, fixtures, and
live with their families, enjoying the privilege
of cultivating small lots of ground for themselves.
The small property allowed to slaves by the
Roman law was called the pectilium, and many
American planters grant their slaves the priv
ilege of possessing it. But, it is said, such a
policy would lessen the value of slaves. Sup
pose it would, it would then cause their owners
to get rid of them, or find some other species of
labor, and then an acknowledged evil would be
reraedied, or at least raitigated. But why should
the whites be so selfish; as to want all the bene
fits, without allowing the coraraon rights of
humanity to the blacks? in such a condition,
the negroes would be infinitely more happy than
if left entirely to themselves, as they naturally

35
require some direction, at least so far as their
capacity is at present developed, in order to he
useful to themselves and others. Then they eould
be instructed in morality and Christianity, and be
gradually prepared, as fast as occasion occurred,
to return to their original homes, and be instru
mental in redeeming a vast continent from the
thraldom of intellectual night. Why the South
has not pursued some such course, for the sake of
humanity and civilization, can only be accounted
for from considerations of self-interest and the
inordinate thirst for gain, -vvhich is nowhere more
deeply implanted than among Americans.
XXI. The Great Difficulty — But the most
important question is, what is to be done with
the negroes after they are liberated? It is obvi
ous to every one that if they were left entirely
to themselves, in their present uneducated and
unprepared state, without lands or ha,bitations,
they would become a public charge, and bring
ruin and decay upon a great portion of the coun-
. try. Why, then, should philanthropists advocate
the unqualified abolition of slavery, without point
ing out the means of avoiding this great difficulty?
It is clear that the present genera,tion of slaves, at

36
least,' would suffer infinitely more, if suddenly
made free, than they do in their present condi-
ti'on; and the dangers to the whites, above all
those to which the state would be subjected, from
the unnatural equalization and amalgaraation
of races, would produce ruin and degradation.
Mountains are not reraoved in a day, and there
fore it is necessary to be guided by reason, and
pursue such a moderate and well digested method
as will eradicate the evil of slavery without bring
ing ruin and destruction upon the country, caus
ing, at the same time, irreparable injury to both
masters and servants. In the event that the-
negroes were all turned loose upon the country,
and allowed to stroll from place to place, at will,
it would become necessary for the State legisla
tures to pass such rigid laws and police regula
tions, punishing vagrants and compelling idle
persons to remain at home and work, or be com
pelled to labor on public works, that although
the name might be changed, negroes would still
be slaves. As long as the blacks remain in the
United States, in connection with the whites,
there will be trouble, and all the fine theories of
humanitarians will not be able to remove this
difficulty.

37
XXII. Aristocracy. — The tendency of the
institution of slavery is to establish a powerful
aristocracy ; and in fact, this class has been so
influential in the South as to control and direct
all non-slaveholders and bind them to their policy.
To this influence may be ascribed the direct
cause of the war. Slavery produces a disposi
tion to rule without impediment; and hence,
powerful men, who have been accustomed to be
obeyed from their infancy, by hundreds of slaves,
cannot brook opposition in matters of government,
and consider themselves greatly superior to ordi
nary men. Consequently, they become haughty,
secluded, and think more of their own importance
than their duties towards mankind. At the same
time, this state of society produces a correspond
ing sense of humiliation and want of self-respect
among the poor, and they become careless of
their own, as well as the public prosperity, so
that a certain lethargy and want of enterprise are
observable in all slave countries. But slave
aristocracy, above all others, is more anti-social,
for the natural disposition to compare, causes slave
owners to look upon poor people as only being
equal to, or at least but little above, the slaves by
whom they are surrounded ; so that they can only
6

38
associate with other slave owners, or persons
whom, by some accident, they consider equal to
themselves. Men of this character are apt to
consider that they form a species of nobility, and
that if they have not had titles conferred upon
them by the sovereign, so as to distinguish them
from the common people, it is no fault of theirs.
Whereas, in truth, all their importance is derived
from no noble deed, but rests upon the ahject
service of degraded human beings.
XXIII. Against National Policy. — There
is something which is often not expressed in con
stitutions or laws, called national policy, and which
may be described as that which is most useful or
advantageous to the nation. Now, the institution
of slavery is certainly contrary to- the national
policy of the United States, since it has caused
war and come near destroying the integrity ofthe
government itself But it is the interest of jthe
government to establish a similarity of thought,
manners, customs and institutions, as far as pos
sible, throughout the country, so as to give a
national character to the people. This can never
be done while there exists such an anti-republi
can element in one portion of the country as

39
African slavery. On the contrary, the longer
this custom is continued the more will the differ
ent sections become estranged from each other,
and the more inimical will their interests be. In
republics, however, it is more essential than in
all other governments that homogenious institu
tions should prevail, as the people themselves are
to govern ; and it is impossible for them to live
harmoniously when the most discordant elements
are fostered and perpetuated. When there is no
law, or when a foreign law is invoked, the judge
will disregard the prayer, if it is plainly in oppo
sition to the interests of the country, or contra
bonos mores. If, on the other hand, there is a
law, however iniquitous it may be, he has no
choice, but must pass sentence in accordance
therewith. But in this latter case it is clear that
the State should take the matter in hand and
change the law in a proper manner, so that jus
tice might be done thereafter. Now, if slavery
is protected by the Constitution, and yet is con
trary to the policy of the nation, it becomes
necessary to change that Constitution and get
rid of the institution in accordance with the
principles of justice, and at the most practicable
period.

40
XXIV. Gradual Emancipation. — There can
be no way of freeing the nation of this evil, so
natural, so easy and so beneficial to all concerned,
as that of gradual emancipation. Men do not
feel the imaginary losses of their children, or
those of future generations, so keenly as they do
their own present losses, and will, therefore,
more readily consent to lose a portion of this
species of property gradually at some time in the
future, and the next generation may be deprived
of it altogether. Besides, it will not so interfere
with their projects of fortune, and their usefulness
as good citizens will not be destroyed. By this
method the government may devise means to
remove freed men, from time to time, to some
more genial clime, where they will be of no fur
ther annoyance to the white race, and where
they may enjoy the blessing of liberty without
the consciousness of any superior race. It might
also be practicable to give these people some iso
lated tract of country within the territory of the
United States, as has been done with the Indians,
where they would be directly under the protec
tion of the government, and at the same time
contribute to its wealth and power; provided,
however, that they could be kept, to some extent,

41
separate and distinct from the whites. This
policy would be of much greater benefit to the
negroes than the sudden abolition of slavery, for
then they would be gradually prepared and
educated for a different state of life, and their
removal from the country would be carried on so
imperceptibly that neither commerce nor agricul
ture would materially suffer by the change, while
those that went before would prepare for those
that came afterwards. On this view of the sub
ject, it is apparent that all Americans, who have
the good of the country at heart, should lay
down their local prejudices and unite as one man
in purging the country of this or any other evil,
so as to maintain forever the grandeur, power and
glory of this free American nation, which was
founded by great and good men, and transmitted
to their descendants as a never fading inheritance
under the kind protection of Divine Providence.
XXV. Causes of the Civil War. — The
institution of slavery has, doubtless, been the
true cause of secession and rebellion, although
there have been many who have disputed the
proposition, and alleged that the tariff and other
questions were more powerful agents in causing

42
the South to throw off her allegiance and seek
protection from the injustice of the North in a
separate and independent government. Even
the agents of the Confederacy in Europe were
reported to have declared that slavery had noth
ing to do with the division of the country, and
that other and different subjects of grief were
relied on to justify the action of the South.
Indeed, it was said they represented to foreign
powers at one time, that the Confederacy itself
was not averse to liberating the slaves, provided
it could obtain the recognition and support of
their governments. But it is readily perceived
by any one conversant with the history of the
times, that the Southern people had no intention
of abandoning the titles to their slaves, and that
if such professions were made, the object was
simply to enable them to establish their sover
eignty with the aid of foreign nations first, and
then trust to their ability to secure their slave
property afterwards. On the basis, therefore,
that slavery was the true and only cause of the
civil war, without which it never would have
occurred, it is interesting to observe the various
phases of the quarrel, the long and smothered
resentment of partisan leaders, the political cap-

43
ital afforded by the question, and the intense
sectional hatreds which were studiously educa
ted into the people both North and South, until
the excess of passion and public excitement cul
minated in open revolt and uncompromising
secession. It may well be exclaimed, what a
curse slavery has been to Americans, and how
nearly they begin to resemble, in their propen
sity to destroy each other, the aboriginal people
whom they have well nigh swept from the face
of the continent!
XXVI. The Missouri Compromise. — The
agitation of the slavery question caused serious
apprehension amongst American statesmen from
the earliest period of the history of the govern
ment,, and that apprehension became still more
alarming as the subject began to assume a prom
inent political character. From the speculations
of philanthropists, and the publications of aboli
tionists, the question began to be discussed in
some anti-slavery districts by candidates for
office, and was afterwards introduced into the
United States Congress in the form of ablition
petitions, which: were laid on the table. The
struggle between .the North and tho South as to

44
whether the new Territories should be converted
into free or slave States, next attracted the atten
tion of the world ; and then it was, that the true
epoch and real contest for extension or extinction
began. It was finally s^tled that all territory
north of 36' 30^ north latitude, should be, and
remain, forever free, and this compact was
denominated "the Missouri Compromise.' ' This,
though feeble, was one step towards liberty ; still,
it was a question of power, and Congress was
willing to give to each section an equal share of
the new Territories, that they might afterwards
be better able to contend with each other : but
the North, owing to the superiority of free insti
tutions, far outstripped the South, and became
much more populous and powerful. If the
American representatives had decreed, on that
occasion, that no new territory should ever
become a slave State, it would doubtless have
been better for the country, as it would have
fixed a policy upon the national government and
weakened the institution, so as to have left it
powerless for evil.
XXVII. Not content with this great triumph ,
the Southern politicians were careful to lose none

45
of the numerous opportunities, which were con
stantly afforded them by the abolitionists, of
pushing their advantage, and extending their
conquests in the cause of human bondage. A
powerful logician, and a strict advocate for legal
rights, Stephen A. Douglas, demonstrated to the
American Congress that the line of 36' 30^' was
unconstitutional, and that it should never have
been drawn so as to restrict slavery to the terri
tory south, of that line; and thus the foundation
upon which a dangerous subject had quietly slept
was torn up, and the march of slavery tovvards
the hesperian regions seemed to be favored by the
nation's counsellors. But why should that line
have been disturbed, whether it was constitu-
tiqnal or hot? Was it the true policy of the
nation to extend slavery towards the north or
west? Cle'arly, it was not. Being an evil, as
is generally admitted, it should not have been
extended. The institution is injurious to the
prosperity of the country, as is proved by a com
parison between the free and the slave States,
since the fornier are much more prosperous;
therefore, the government should have taken a
decided course, regardless of the rigid constitu
tional right, if there was such a right, to convey

46
slaves, as property, into the Territories. It is
said, with some truth, that the Constitution
should have been changed first; but where was
the use, if such a policy was right? The gov
ernment is not to act exactly like a, judge who
decides between party and party, but it is to act
for the general good of the nation, without too
nice legal distinctions. The law cannot be
appUed in all its strictness to the government as
to individuals; for example, the sovereign cannot
be sued. England has no formal Constitution,
and still she is well governed by a national policy,
based on certain, great principles; not but that a
Constitution is, however, the best foundation for
a government, while its tenets should not be so
construed as to contravene the real interests of
the nation and subvert its true policy.
XXVIII. . Kansas. — Next camethe meraora
ble agitation of the question in Congress, as to
whether slave owners should be allowed to settle
in the coramon territory, called Kansas, most of
which lay north of the line of 36' 30", and carry
with them their slave property under the protec
tion of the Constitution and laws of the United
States. Here, Mr. Douglas seemed to oppose

47
the establishment of slavery in that Territory,
although he had proved a powerful champion for
slavery in the question of the Missouri Compro- ,
mise line, on the ground that the institution was
not suited to that Territory, and that the people
would always decide for themselves whether it
was beneficial or not; but it was evident that
there must be a majority of anti-slavery men in
Kansas from the large northern immigration.
He was unquestionably a man of a good heart,
and his errors are entitled to some extenuation^
when it is considered that he argued more like
a lawyer than a statesman, and that he was
prompted by a laiidable ambition, and aspired
to the highest honors of the nation. At that time
there was no question so prominent in politics
as that of slavery, and none so well calculated
to bring a public man into notoriety. But how
weak and unwise it was in the Congress of
the United States to allow a -few thousand adven
turers, many of whom' were, doubtless, fugitives
from justice, who had squatted almost beyond
the pale of civilization, to throw the whole coun
try into commotion, and endanger the peace and
liberty of the people on account of mere abstract
theories, when there was no real advantage to be

48
gained, and the whole population of Kansas was
hardly worth its attention.
XXIX. However, passion needs no founda--
tion, and when a nation is governed by excitement
and party feeling, no wise or politic measure can
be expected. The South had been successful in
carrying most of its political schemes, and, cort-
sequently, the Southern people were still more
determined to carry their point at this period,
and make Kansas a slave Stale, although it was
clearly contrary to the national policy, and the
country itself was totally unfitted for slave labor.
Societies were formed in South Carolina and
other States of the South for the purpose of
aiding emigrants favorable to slavery to settle in
Kansas, so as to secure a pro-slavery majority
when the Territory should be converted into a
State; while, on the other hand, Montgomery
and others, assisted by the abolitionists in
the North, who supplied them with Sharpe's
rifles, were equally as active in their opposition
to the project. Kansas then became the field on
which the civil war, in miniature, first began;
and instead of suppressing it in the outset, the
generous politicians and statesmen, into whose

49
hands the government had fallen, were willing
to see fair play, and allow the two sections,
already stirred up to the highest pitch of frenzy,
to test their strength and powers on this neutral
ground. The President, too, seemed equally
undecided, if, indeed, he was not a supporter of
the South in this matter, belonging, as he did, to
the "Democratic party, which was the strongest in
that section. And it is difficult to conceive how
the party advocating slavery in Kansas could
have succeeded so far, had it not been favored
by the administration. At any rate, it is certain
that that President did nothing to prevent the
civil war which afterwards broke out, and which
might have been easily checked by vigilant
measures. But as that war was chiefly brought
on by the Democratic party to which he belonged,
and which had been defeated by the election, it
is possible that he was not seriously opposed to
it. On the other hand, many good men voted
the Democratic ticket frora mere routine and
habit, not dreaming that the defeat of Mr. Breck-
enridge •would cause a war, but supposing that
the excitement would pass away as in other
presidential elections. How could the country
escape danger when it was controlled by con-

50
tending factions, which were willing to sacrifice
its best interests, in order to gratify their own
private animosities?
XXX. Sectional Prejudices. — By this time
the people of the two sections had become so
embittered against each other, that they lost
sight of all national pride, and began to ctinsider
that there was nothing in common between them;
that they were different in races, and that, above
all, the " inevitable negro," whether for slavery
or freedom, was the paramount object of consid
eration. Whether this state of anti-national feel
ing proceeded from the people, or whether it was
entirely kindled and nourished by party leaders
and public men of one kind or another, is of
little importance, as the effect would always be
the same. But it is certain that politicians, both
North and Sotith, generally speaking, as well as
newspaper editors, instead of trying to calm the
fury of the people, did all they could to fan it
into a flame. And last, not least, clergymen
of different denominations, .whose duty it was to
take care of the spiritual welfare of mankind,
used the sanctity of their calling in creating dis
sensions in the national family, and perpetuating

51
sectional rancor, which mnst one day satiate
itself with blood. Instead of this suicidal course,
it is strange that such a national policy could not
have been adopted as would have welded the
two sections together in one common destiny.
If, however, that was impossible, it is clear that
the government- should have been prepared long
before, to assert and maintain its power, and at
the same time overawe traitors, who would tear
down the temple of liberty under the guise of
Secession and States Rights. Any other kind
of government is not worth the name. '
Since the war has commenced, more especially,
slavery prejudices have been more fully devel
oped. Wherever the Federal armies have gone,
the institution has been virtually destroyed,
and it could not be reasonably expected that
Union soldiers would take any pains to support
an institution which has caused so much evil.
Southerners are shocked at seeing negro soldiers,
while they forget that other civilized nations
employ them, and that they have only to cross
the Gulf, as the writer has done, to see African
soldiers on duty in the streets of Havana, having
been received into -the service of her Most Cath
olic Majesty, the Queen of Spain.

52
XXXI. The Presidential Election. — In
this state of affairs, any suitable pretext wa&
sufficient to precipitate the country into a revo
lution, raore especially, as there was no effort on
the part of the government to guard against it.
The election of Mr. Lincoln, the candidate of the
Republican party, afforded the opportunity to
Southern fire-eaters, so long and ardently desired,
of dissolving all political connection with the
North, and immediate secession was the remedy,
which, they maintained, would render the South
great and prosperous. They confounded the
Republican party with the abolitionists, and as
the latter had previously been so insignificant
in strength aS only to excite their contempt,
they were driven to the last degree of desperation,
to think that a President should be elected,
substantially, by their support; and so it was
represented to the people. Those who knew
better, held up the Republicans as being the
inost odious of human beings, and riot a poll was
opened, nor even a vote cast in the South for
Mr. Lincoln. In fact, there was so little regard
for liberty of thought or action, that one would
have been stoned for voting the Republican
ticket. Although it was well known to journal-

53
ists that the most radical Republican had no
thought of interfering with slavery in the old
States, but simply wished to prevent its spread
in the new Territories; still they represented to
the Southern people that the object was not only
to free all their slaves, but also to subjugate and
oppress the whole South. The Democrats, too,
had so long ruled with undisputed sway, that
they raight have embraced a much slighter
opportunity than that presented by the negro
question, to dispute the right of the new party
to rule. Other presidential elections had been
boisterous and fraught wifh danger, but this had
known no precedent. The consequence was, that
reason could not be heard, and passion, based on
false prejudices and erroneous premises, together
with a full determination to separate from tbe
North, ruled the day, and the South soon found
herself in hostile array against the government,
without regarding the national glory, and with
out sitting down first and consulting' whether
she was "able with ten thousand to meet him
that cometh with twenty thousand."
XXXIi. Fort Sumter. — Soon after the
Southern chiefs had succeeded in arousing the

54
masses to the highest pitch of war feeTing, they
began to organize armies and piresent a threaten
ing front towards the national government, which
found itself totally unprepared, through accident,
imbecility, or design, to arrest their progress, or
even to receive, in a suitable raanner, the honored
chief magistrate of the nation, at its capital.
Although the people in the loyal States were by
no means so impulsive and passionate as those
of the South, and may be supposed to have felt
very much like a sportsman who rises from the
table with his pockets well filled ; yet, there was a
calm and determined air, based on the conscious
ness of having legitimately elected the President,
which made thpm inwardly resolve to support hira,
regardless of consequences. Although the Pres
ident was scarcely heard of from the time of his
election till he took his seat, and many prominent
men in the South represented to the people that
secession was a mere form, and that there would
be no war^ yet it was hard for any true American
to realize the fact; and those politicians who
proclaimed peaceful separation, and induced,
perhaps, the majority to follow them on that
ground, have incurred a dreadful responsibility,
if they knew better ; and if they did not, they

55
were unworthy, as ignorant pretenders, of the
confidence of the people. Fort Sumter, in
Charleston harbor, was garrisoned by a sraall
nuraber of United States troops, and the insur
gents made their first violent outbreak by bom
barding and capturing the fort ahd garrison, and
the pitiable sight ofthe stars, and stripes being
trailed in the dust by Americans, was first wit
nessed, and the blow- was felt by every loyal
heart, though the sentiment in the South was
stifled. Forbearance could last no longer, and
the indignation of the people of the loyal States
burst forth in all its fury,
XXXIII. Seizure of Government Prop-
ERTy. — As soon as it becarae publicly known in
the South that secession was inevitable, the
leading' politicians, who were then in power, but
likely to lose their influence in the national gov
ernment, on account of the defeat of their party,
took advantage of the favorable opportunity
afforded by the excitement of the populace, to
occupy, with the assistance of the volunteer
military companies, all the forts, arsenals, and
other property within their limits, belonging to the
general government. This was the more easily

56
effected, as the United States had, at that time,
scarcely the shadow of an army, and seemed to
rely on the honesty of mankind, or the sacred*
ness of its institutions, as a sufficient protection
against domestic traitors, as well as foreign ene
mies. Even the few national troops stationed at
Southern points were so depressed or discouraged
by the magnitude of the defection, that they sur
rendered on the first summons; while many
officers, sorrowful to tell, from their Southern ori
gin, or from the effects of the general contagion,
were led to espouse the rebel cause, and lift their
impious hands against the government which had
educated them to defend it. The Janizaries,
though foreign mercenaries, were never so faithless
to the Turk. Thus, the Southern States found
themselves at once in peaceable possession of
their whole territory, with abundant materials of
war, which had been wonderfully increased by
government officials favorable to their cause,
while the authority of the United States disap
peared as if by the influence of a magic wand.
In fact, the change seemed to be so wonderful,
and so effectual, that it was difficult to realize
the fact, and the hearts of thousands bled as they
made up their minds to accommodate themselves

57
to circumstances, and to accept separation as a
matter in which they had no choice. Many of
these same raen, for the love of consistency, after
they had once resolved, were more unyielding
than the original rebels.
XXXIV. The State Elections on Seces
sion. — At the time the question was pretended
to be put to the people in the Southern States,
whether they would secede or not, they were, to
all intents and purposes, as much out of the
Union as it was possible to take them, and elec
tions, on such a question, were mere useless
formalities, which might be calculated to var
nish and gloss over the former action of ejecting
the United States authorities, but could not
deceive any one who was really alive to passing
events. In most of the States conventions were
<;all€d to pass ordinances of secession, one of
which, at least, was not submitted back to the
people ; while the State of Tennessee was voted
out by an ordinary legislature. But what farces
were those elections ! From the intense excite
ment to which the masses had been worked up by
the inflammable politicians, and the newspapers, it
was impossible to stem the torrent, which might

58
have subsided, so as to prevent mischief, had there
been a little time for cool reflection ; the large
conservative Union element was pressed down
wards and smothered, when at any other time
it most assuredly would have triumphed. But
the disappointed and defeated politicians knew
that the time for their revenge was at hand, and
they were determined to seize upon the oppor
tunity. This shows how easily the populace
may be gulled, and how communities, under the
influence of passion, may act rashly as well a&
individuals. The Republican party had suc
ceeded, it was true, but the Democrats held a
majority in Congress, and Judge Douglas asked
in a speech, "what harm could the President
do?" Besides, it was plain that the South, by,a
violent course, would lose the support of a party
of friends at the North, and, at the same time,
jeopardize her own happiness by a great and
unequal contest; while, if she had acted entirely
on the defensive, her cause would have beeis
doubly strong. Popular sentiment on the seces
sion and slavery questions ran so high that the
supporters of fhe Union were' compelled to work
indirectly; or, to speak more truly, belonging to
the more conservative and modest portion of the

59
people, they were indiscreet enough to form a
Cooperation party, by which it was contended
that all the Southern States should act together,
which course they knew would take time, and,
perhaps, defeat the secessionists. Some Union
men were not willing .to vote at all, as they could
not conscientiously embrace either of the parties,
since they both avowedly contemplated the
destruction of the Union. But even as it was,
it is thought that the secession voters in several
of the States were in the minority. How differ
ent would have been the result, had the elections
taken place at a time when the people could have
been guided by reason, instead of coming, as they
did, in the wake of the great Republican presi
dential election, when they were blind with
prejudice and passion, and incapable of taking
deliberate action !
XXXV. Other Questions. — Many, subjects
of vital importance are discussed in private con
versation by men who, from their modesty, are
considered ordinary individuals; and more bril
liant thoughts and useful ideas are spoken than
are ever written. The most abstruse sciences
.spring from ordinary subjects, which are fully

60
understood when treated in a plain manner, and
yet, most books of learned writers are so full
of undsual terms and technical names, that they
are totally without interest, or not easily compre
hended. Much mystery is also thought neces
sary in matters of government, and Senators and
Ministers are accustomed to monopolize this
species of knowledge, especially in unlimited
democracies, where they continually proclaim to
the people what tenets must be adopted and
maintained, always provided they themselves
are supported. The truth, however, is, that all
the important elements of politics are exceed
ingly simple, and may be easily understood by
ordinary observation, as they grow out of the
acts and necessities of every day life. These
thoughts may be considered presumptuous and
common place, and some of the suggestions here
made will doubtless be looked upon as new, and
unsupported by authority ; while others, again,
will appear familiar, as topics long worn out, and
therefore devoid of interest. It is true, nothing
new tnay be said, but the object is to apply what
is old to the present time. When a poet writes
a work, it is because he has ¦stitoething to say,
andhe says it. When a novelist writes a romance,.

61
he wishes to make a name, teach some moral les
son, or, what is less meritorious, simply to amuse,
without any ulterior object. The style adopted
in this writing is the most common and uncov
ered, and what is said is not clothed by fancy,
fiction, or ornament, but plain subjects are treated
in a plain manner. If the established order is
perfect, it will stand the test of examination ; but
if some of its parts are found to rest on weak foun
dations, these should be repaired and strength
ened. But in this country, where thousands
of journalists have been continually publish
ing their plans, theories, and doctrines, for so
many years, in the boldest and most confident
manner, without improving the government,
the same right cannot be denied to others,
though their efforts may prove equally unavail
ing. These subjects are here briefly treated,
partly for amusement, and partly for exercise,
with the humble hope, also, that they may prove
useful raatters of reflection, as they relate entirely
to the practical concerns of the country. At all
events, the endeavor'to account for the causes of
the fatal events which have befallen the nation,
and prevent their recurrence in the future, should
occupy the minds of our wise men; and if any-
9

62
thing exceptionable is found here, it may be
rejected without injury and something better
adopted. Many of the old subjects of dispute,
which, but a few short years ago, were held up
as vital to the interests of the people, are now no
longer spoken of, except occasionally by those
who speak of the causes of the war. Now, it is
clear, that negro slavery was the immediate cause
of the war, as a President palpably opposed to
that institution was elected, and the slave States
thereupon seceded. Bnt the laxity of public
morals, the excited and partizan character of
politics, together with the immoderate and ultra
extremes to which, democratic principles were
carried, were, beyond question, the grapd, pri
mary and disorganizing elements which came
near destroying the government. Still, many
obstinate men, who are unwilling to be con
vinced, pretend, with a serious air, that there
were other reasons, far more weighty, why the
American people were unable to live united.
XXXVI. The Tariff.— Those who pretend
that slavery had no hand in bringing on the war,
are apt to allege that the great tariff laid upon
foreign manufactures, for the purpose of compel-

63
ling the" Southern people to purchase Northern
goods, is calculated to render the South tributary
to the North, and consequently, that such a
burden is incompatible with the freedom and
equality of the Southern States. This subject
has been long before the people of the United
States, and probably every one will be ready to
assert that he fully understands it; but what is
said here, is not advanced as being infallible, or
as arising from any great experience or study ;
and, doubtless, to do the subject full justice,
great financial ability and practice would be
necessary. To a man of ordinary observation,
however, it is clear that the government must be
supported either by direct taxation or by its
export and import duties. The fine theories of
Fenelon, in his model government, holding that
ports should be thrown open, and the commerce of
all nations allowed to pass freely, have not much
sanction among the practical nations of the world.
People, as a general rule, abhor the payment
of direct taxes more than any other connec
tion existing between them and the sovereign
power, and if they are obliged to contribute
largely in that way, it will be difficult to make
them understand that the government is good,

64
however much public affairs may otherwise pros
per. But if the government is supported prin
cipally by the duties laid on commerce, the
consumer still pays it, though he does not
perceive it, and he is more satisfied with his
burden; besides, this method weighs heavier on
articles of luxury, which might be dispensed
with, and is, at the same time, more favorable to
the poor. Still, there are some nations which
carry this principle so far as almost to exclude
foreign commerce from their ports, and whenever
that takes place, the genius and enterprise of a
people are too much restricted. Returning,
then, to the question of the South being com
pelled to pay higher for goods manufactured at
the North, on account of the tariff on foreign
goods, which excludes them frora the Southern
market : it is true, also, that there is a tariff on
foreign sugars, by which the Southern product
is protected. Besides, there are other Southern
products which are, or might be, protected in
the same way, as an offset to the protection
afforded to Northern manufactures; and if Mas
sachusetts makes shoes, and Louisiana makes
sugar, they may mutually aid and protect each
other. But why should such nice distinctions

65
and points of objection be raised? If all the
States contribute towards the support of the gen
eral government, some more, and some less, yet
they all participate in the benefits to be derived
from the protection arising from their united
power, and no petty differences should ever be
allowed to dim the luster of the bright constel
lation of this Western hemisphere.
XXXVII. National Bank. — One great,
leading idea of Henry Clay, the National Bank, is
about to be established by the war. The Treasury
of the United States being independent, and its
specie being deposited in its own vaults, so long
as the public administrators remain faithful to
their trust, the credit of the government can
never go. down. There is nothing that binds
people together so much as their interests. Had
there been a National Bank, or a large issue of
Treasury Notes, there never would have been
any war. Every man interested in the stock of
the bank, or having in his possession notes of the
government, would have opposed secession. As
it was, the banking and exclusive systems of the
different States had a tendency to fly off from the
central power, and it was not difficult to persuade

66
every man that not only he had no interest in the
national government, but that the same was a use
less burden and expense, which it would be well to
get rid of It is said that the principal strength
of England consists in her national debt, and
doubtless the Bank of England i? one of the
strongest bulwarks of her nationality. But,
aside from the political aspect of the question,
a national paper currency adds greatly to the
commerce of a widely extended commercial peo
ple. The great issues of bills and bonds by the
government incline some to the opinion that they
will never be redeemed, and that they will share
the fate of the Continental money ; but it must be
reraerabered that the resources of the government
are unlimited, and that after the rebellion is put
down the nation will come forth like the phoenix,
more perfect and beautiful than ever.
XXXVIII. Conquest. — In the new order of
things established in such parts of the South as
have been occupied by the Union armies, it is
quite common to find in the publip prints such
words as, "conquest," "conquerors," " conquer
ed," and others equally unmeaning and silly.
How can a nation conquer itself, unless, indeed,

67
the reduction of insurgents, who never had any
real or legitimate possession of the country, or
any part of it, and who ought to be put upon
the footing of foreign invaders, can be converted
into such a meaning ? But this use of offensive
terms by letter writers and editors who have
never conquered any thing, shows sectional and
anti-national vanity, which can do no honor to any
particular part of the country, and is calculated
to vvound the sensibilities of those who have
always been equally loyal with themselves.
Thousands of men at the South, notwithstand
ing intinaidation by Confederates and devastation
by Federals, have always been Union raen at
heart; not that they love the South "less," but
the nation "more." Although individual ene
mies may be conquered, and their property cap
tured and confiscated, still, the territory of South
Carolina, as well as that of New York, belongs
to the American people. The bearing towards
the South should be rather that of compassion,
than insult;* and, to the honor ofthe bravest sol
diers be it spoken, those in actual service in the
field have been, usually, the most liberal and
indulgent. It is the placemen, the fancy officers
and cotton speculators that are most to be feared.

68
as they linger behind the arraies, in cities, and
hang on the rear, insulting equally loyal and
disloyal people, preying, like harpies, upon their
substance. Every one must admit that it is
proper that the goods of traitors should be con
fiscated to the government, and brave soldiers
have always been allowed some license to
plunder. But neither the government, nor those
who fight, are rauch benefited by the present
captures of war; and as all are Araericans,
both conquerors and conquered, (to use such
terras,) raore caution should be used than is
observed in the sacking of the cities of one nation
by another. However, it cannot be expected
that^large armies will handle the sections they
pass through with gib ves on, or that a war of
such magnitude could be carried on without
great annoyance and injustice to private inter
ests, and also to personal comforts; but the war
cannot last always, and it is to be hoped, that
with the return of the palmy days of peace all
these troubles will pass away.
XXXIX. Vacancy of State Governments.
Much difficulty is raised by some, respecting the
anomalous condition of the Southern States as

69
¦they are re-occupied by the armies of the gov
ernment, and the despicable usurpers of the
power of the people are driven ignominiously
before them. It is pretended that the State gov
ernments have b6come obliterated, and that it is
necessary to form new States, which must be
regularly re-admitted into the Union. The advo
cates of this doctrine have chiefly in view the
abolition of slavery, and consider that as para
mount to the re-establishment of the government,
hoping that no State would be allowed to re-enter
without first freeing her slaves. It is also con
venient for placemen and adventurers to disfran
chise the South and thereby hold the country as
conquered provinces, so that they can maintain
their importance, and make their fortunes. Still,
it is proper for the government to continue its mil
itary occupation until such tirae as the local and
municipal governments may be entrusted to the
people with safety. • The government should not
relinquish its possession until the State is fully
recovered; and an election for Governor, or for
the purpose of forming a new Constitution, in
one corner, would not only be unfair towards
loyal citizens in those parts not recovered, but it
would be a mere faice. In regard to slavery, it
10

70
has received such a blow by this war, which has
been commenced by the South herself, that it
can never recover, and if the Southern people
are allowed to free the negroes in their own good
time, they will like it much better' than if it is
done to their hand, and it will be better for the
country. But why are the State governments
no longer in existence? May not the law exist,
though it cannot be ^enforced? The acts of
rebellion and secession, being all illegal, were
void, and could not affect any thing legally exist
ing previously. Nothing enacted then should be
adopted now, except from necessity and for the
public good. So soon as the usurpers are driven
away, the laws and the constitutions of the differ
ent States remain as valid as ever, and although the
offices are vacant, all that is necessary is to elect
new officers under the constitutions 'and laws.
A, State, however, may at any time form a new
Constitution, provided it is legally done under
the; authority of the United States. If a mob
should seize upon the corporation of the city of
New York and murder all the incumbents of
office, and continue to occupy the place for the
space of one week, under certain rules and reg
ulations o;f their own, can it be pretended, that

71
after the mob had been dispersed by the govern
ment forces, and the city restored to the people,
the charter would be forfeited, or the city laws
become extinct? The same is the case with the
rebellion, only it is on a larger scale: all its acts
are illegal, and change nothing. Any other view
would amount to a recognition of the Southern
Confederacy. XL. The Founders of the Government
were deceived;* — When the wheels of the gov
ernment of the United States were first set in
raotion, it was confidently hoped by the great
and good men of the age, that a temple of liberty
had been reared which should be as enduring as
the most perfect work of man. It was consid
ered that the utmost degree of perfection had
been reached in the science of government, and
that nothing had been neglected which could
contribute to the happiness and pi;'osperity of the
American people. The exact species of repub
lican government, formed by American states
men, had not^ hitherto been adopted, although,
in ancient times, there were illustrious examples
of Republics formed on more crude and simple
*NoiE. — The four succeeding sections -were suggested by an esteemed
friend during an evening's conversation.

72
principles. In regard to the theory of the goy-
ornment, nothing could be more beautiful, and it
was eminently well suited to the virtuous people
of that age, who had been sorely tried by the
war of independence, and felt a patriotic love of
country. But governraents should not be made
for a day, nor for an age, but for time. And yet,
these statesmen, notwithstanding their want of
experience in the new system, formed a much
more conservative government than the present,
which has been so changed in the different States,
by popular sovereignty, and the elective sys
tem, as to lower the standard of public affairs.
Scarcely had three-fourths of a century passed
when the nation was convulsed from center to
circumference by an unprecedented and devas
tating war, which never would have occurred
had the government been so perfect as it was
represented; for it should have been so consti
tuted as to foresee, guard against, and prevent
such a catastrophe, which was likely to destroy,
at least for a tinie, the very principles upon which
the republic had been formed: liberty and the
rights of property. In fact, . early in the pro
gress of the civil war it was necessary to declare
martial law iri many places, suspend the habeas

73
corpus, and do many other things imoompatible
with universal freedom. So it is evident, that
the government framed by Washington and his
coadjutors is defecti-ve, or, at least, not adapted
to the present generation ; and it is also evident,
that a government should be so constructed as to
suit all coming ages.
XLI. There has been No Progress, but
the People have Retrograded. — It is com
monly asserted, that we live in a very advanced
age of civilization, and that vast improvements
have been made since the last generation. The
contrary -is true. The American people have
gone back and degenerated much faster, during
the sariie space of time, than the Roman people did
in the decline and fall of the E mpire. In the tioie
ofthe Revolution, and long afterwards, the people
acted from principle and patriotism. They were
a strong, manly and generous race, and were
accustomed to esteem honor and reward merit.
They could affojrd to live on moderate means,
and considered honest poverty no disgrace. The
hardy pioneer, who was willing to forego the
oomforts of civili2?ed; life, arid felt happy in the
enjoymeBt of the ample liberty afforded by his

74
country, was honored arid esteemed in age, and
held up to the rising generation as an example
T)vorthy of imitation. The intimidation of voters
at the polls would have been punished as a
high crime. How changed are the people now !
Wealth is the standard of respectability, and the
whole tendency of the Araerican people has
become excessively venal. Education, merit,
principle, knowledge, are considered matters of
secondary importance, and ignorance, well bol
stered with money, exacts and receives unquali
fied homage. Who has not seen the wealthy
bankrupt received in society, when he should
have been frowned upon by every honest man ?
While on the other hand, the poor but honest
debtor received no encouragement, when he had
parted with his last dollar to pay his just cred
itors. But success is the motto now, and so
wealth is acquired the means are little regarded.
What wonder, then, that governors and State
officers, in such a general wreck of raoral worth,
were the first to forget their oaths of allegiance,
and treacherously seize upon the property and
funds ofthe United States? That virtue and
love of country which existed in the beginning,
have beeri lost, and however much the people raay

75
have increased in riches, railroads and telegraphs,
if -they lack that principle, honor, and moral
wprth possessed by their ancestors, they have
degenerated and not improved.
¦,,.. XLII. The Foundations of Government.
All governments, whatever their forms may be,
possess the same essential principles; and, how
ever numerous their species, they all rest on the
same foundation, to-wit : the executive, the leg
islative, and the judicial departments. The
government of the United States has all these
parts admirably arranged, and, theoretically,
there can be no better government; but it is the
people who are not suited to the government. Tt
is a government suited to a virtuous and vigilant
people, but not to a careless, mercenary people,
who forget their country, and almost their God,
In the early ages of the w^orld, governments
were riiore unsystematic and despotic. Often, all
the powers df government •were centred in one
man, and men were taught to obey and respect
superiors, while the idea of democratic lib
erty obtained but little favor. It is natural for
men to follow leaders, and the greater the oppor
tunities presented in governments for designing

7i6
men to lead them astray, the greater will be the
danger of the overthrow of the government, amd
the establishhietit bf anarchy or absolute empire.
A politician appears, who is condemned at first,
by all, as extravagant, and still, when the popular
fury is up, he is chosen for a leader, and the state
is overturned. Such was the case in the rebel
lion; such are the people. A striking example
of this is seen in the history of Jefferson Davis,
who, in the beginning, was considered through
out the South, (except in his own State, where,
by the force of oratory,''he had gained the ascend
ancy over great numbers,) to be a hair-brained
fanatic and "fire-eater;" but so soon as the tem
perature of the populace was afterwards raised
to that of his own inflammable composition, this
same man was selected as the champion of the
South, to maintain the very principles which
had formerly been condemned.
In modern times the powers of government
have been better distributed, and, perhaps, in
none more nicely balanced than in the United
States. But may not this fine theory of govern-i-
ment be the opposite extreme of despotisms,
where all power is united in one man? Both
fable and science teach that the middle course is

77
the best. One thing is certain, the nature of
man is always essentially the same, and the same
fundamental principles must be employed for his
government. Laws must be made, rulers must
execute and enforce them. And it is impossible
for any people to prosper who base not their
government on the eternal principles of right.
XLIII, The Infallibility of the Govern
ment. — The American people have been accus
tomed to consider the- United States government
as perfect in every respect, without even admit
ting the possibility of any radical defect in its
structure, which might be improved by the
new lights arising from experience. Hence,
there has been a sort of reluctance to change any
essential feature of the government, for fear of
relapsing into the monarchical form, or for fear
of destroying the fabric which had been so uni
versally received as unexceptionable. The peo
ple have been diffident of their own powers, and
relied entirely on the work of their forefathers
as being founded in wisdom. And although
they were fearful of any important and necessary
reform, they have gradually allowed themselves,
under the influence of demagogues, to innovate
11

78
on the conservative systems first established,
until the original features are now scarcely dis
cernible, and the unbridled license of ultra demo
cratic principles has brought public authority
into contempt, and left society unprotected and
exposed to unrestrained violence. The chariges
heretofore made have not been in the right direc
tion, and have injured both the General and the
State governraents instead of impfroving them.
But why should the people of to-day hesitate to
change any important principle of the govern
ment if it is found, by experience, to be defective,
when their ancestors had courage enough, while
it was but an experiment, to found a whole sys
tera? The discovery of faults is the true road
to improvement. The present generation must
rely on themselves, and cannot depend entirely
upon the dead. Although the founders of the
Republic of the United States were wise and
virtuous raen, whose raemories are entitled to
great respect, still, they were men, liable to err,
and could not foresee and provide for the wants
of a future age. If people were always the
same, the matter would be different; but history
shows that a virtuous race rarely occurs, and its
duration is generally short: hence, governments

79
should be so constructed as to provide for degeUr
erate as well as prosperous days.
XLIV. State Rights. — The grandest heresy
of the age has been the doctrine that each State
was a separate and independent sovereignty, and
upon this principle the rebellion was nurtured,
and the founders of the apochryphal Confederacy
went so far as to concede to every State the right
of withdrawing at pleasure. What a wonderful
nation that would be! A nation where all its
component parts would crumble at every freak,
and be liable to decomposition at any moment!
Such a course, in the beginning, was necessary to
the success of their cause, but it is idle to suppose
that they would respect such an absurdity, when
their power was once firmly established. No
State has a right to levy war, make treaties with
foreign nations, establish mails, or do any other act
which is exclusively exercised by independent
sovereigns. Then, what rights have the sepa
rate States? They have the right to make local
and domestic laws, relating to their own jurisdic
tion, but they have no right to do any thing which
may contravene the sovereign power of the
United States. The army and navy, and even

so
the militia, are under the control of the United
States ; so that the separate States have no power,
except in a civil way, and there can be no inde
pendent sovereignty without force to uphold it.
They form parts of that government, and possess
limited powers for home government, just as a
corporate city may act within its charter; but it
can do nothing which has for its object the
destruction of the power which created it. The
people chartered both the States and the nation,
and the States were established first; but it was
competent for them, the source of power, to say
to the States, when they established the govern
ment of the United States, "you are subordinate
creatures, and we now appoint this new power,
which shall be superior to you, for which pur
pose we invest it with all the extraordinary fac
ulties of an independent nation." But, on the
theory that independent sovereignty belongs to
the separate States, the existence of the govern
ment of the United States becomes a myth, as
its independent scirereignty would be incompat
ible with theirs. It might be aptly remarked,
in such a case, "nor can one England brook a
double reign of Harry Hotspur and Prince of
Wales." But, aside from all law, or ingenious

SI
arguments, as to the independent sovereignty of
the States, and whether it is legally and consti
tutionally so or not, the question naturally arises,
whether or not it is better to have thirty-six or
seven petty nations, independent of each other
and all the world besides, or one broad, glorious
national Republic, which will fill the heart of
every true American with pride, and emulate the
greatness of the Roman Empire?
XLV. The Constitution. — In many instan
ces, the enemies of the country have tried to use
the Constitution as a weapon against the re-estab
lishment or perpetuity of the government of the
United States. The Executive in office, prior to
the war, was afraid to take any steps to put down
the insurgents and preserve the Union, lest that
sacred instrument should be violated. During
the progress of the war, it has been the constant
habit of the opposition to cry out against severe
measures, rendered necessary by the times, and
to try to influence the people against the admin
istration, which was charged with the arduous
and responsible duty of bringing back to their alle
giance six or eight millions of rebellious people.
These representations have been to the effect,

82
that the administration committed violations ofthe
Constitution, wilfully and perversely, when really
it is the interest of those in power to act for the
best, not only on account of the public welfare,
but for their own reputation; therefore, the ani
mosity of the opposing party must arise princi
pally from their desire to obtain, through popu
lar influence, the possession of the administration
theraselves, and possibly, in sorae cases, from their
innate hostility to the government. But what is
the Constitution ? It is the fundamental law of
the nation. It is not the nation. The nation may
exist without it, as many nations do exist without
formal or written constitutions. A part of the
Constitution is the oath of the President, by
which he undertakes to preserve, perpetuate and
defend the nation. Everything which is neces
sary to that end should be done by him. If a
case should arise where it would be necessary
to go counter to the Constitution to save the
nation, he should not hesitate to do it, because it
would be his sworn duty ; and it would be stu
pid tb say that the government should be lost
merely on account of some defective clause in
the organic law. Not but that the Constitution
is as perfect, in most respects, as it is possible for

83
any instrument to be, but still, it is necessary to
look more to the substance than to the form.
There can be no doubt of the existence of the
United States as a nation, since she has been
recognized as such by all nations, and she has
exercised the most sovereign prerogatives of
power from her first establishment to the present
day. So the greatness of the American people
is not a dream, and if such a thing could be pos
sible, that the Constitution should be blotted from
existence, the nation would still exist. The
Constitution means also the moral being of tht
nation itself, as well as the instrument on which
the organic law is written. They must not be
confounded ; and although the instrument is of
the greatest importance as the basis and charter
of liberty, yet the nation is of still greater impor
tance, as it gives a greater guaranty to that safe
guard of human happiness. To illustrate the
distinction here made, it will be necessary to use
the analagous principles contained in the follow
ing well known passage of law: "A contract
must not be confounded with the instrument in
writing by which it is witnessed. The contract
may subsist, although the written act may, for
some defect, be declared void; and the written

84
act may be good and authentic, although the
contract it witnesses be illegal." The founda
tion of the government -of the United States is
more reasonable and perfect than the commence
ment of almost any other nation, since it was
formed deliberately by the people, who properly
provided for their rights and liberties; whereas,
most other nations have been established by
usurpation and conquest, and the liberties of
the people have been the slow growth of centu
ries, having been considered encroachments on
the royal prerogatives.
XLVL Independence. — This word, has a
peculiar charm for the American people, and
perhaps no other is more often abused. The
independence of one nation from the control or
support of another, is certainly a desirable thing,
and no nation is entitled to the name which is
unable to maintain this position; for otherwise,
it would be a mere dependency. The terra inde
pendence, however, is used in America as almost
synonymous with liberty, as both were obtained
about the same time. National independence is
also distinct from individual independence, which
is more limited in its nature, and subjected ta

85
more definite and immediate restrictions ; but in
order to maintain national independence, it is
necessary that the component parts should be sub
servient to, and dependent on, the nation itself.
Then, again, in a larger sense, no nation is entirely
independent, though it aoknowledges no superior,
since it should yield to the eternal principles of
justice; and unless it does so, misfortune and
adversity generally overtake it. So that really,
there is no independence, and no liberty of an
unrestricted character. Whenever the one or
the other, in public or in private, is carried so
far as to overstep the limits of right, there is
some law to check and chastise the offender.
Certain States have ignored the supreme law of
the land, and made war on an unoffending govern
ment. The consequence is, that a whole people
suffer, and enjoy little or no liberty in any part
of. the coiintry. But the cry of independence,
raised by artful politicians, is sufficient to cause
the people to rush to arms without consideration
or reason. The people of the South would be
independent of the governraent of the United
States only to lose their own independence and
liberties, ^vhich they place in the hands of dema
gogues, who afterwards become tyrants. In this
12

86
case, however, there never was so little cause of
coraplaint, as the government of the United
States was the most lenient towards its citizens
of any other in the world, and no act of tyranny
was comraitted. There might be some meaning
in the words, independence and liberty, if used
by a people deprived of representation, and
oppressed by the tyrannical acts of an absolute
despot; but when used by Americans as the
watch-words of revolution and freedom, it shows
that they employ them without comprehending
their signification, or that they were unable to
bear the prosperity afforded by peace and plenty,
and began to fight for what they already pos
sessed. But to carry the principle of independ
ence to its greatest extent, not only every. State
should be independent, but every city, hamlet
and individual citizen would have the right to
set at defiance the laws and ordinances enacted
for the common good. Liberty and independence,
like all things else, must be understood arid
enjoyed in a moderate degree, otherwise their
abuse becomes destructive to the well being of
society, and their sacred names become power
ful instruments for evil.

87
XLVII. The People. — All powfer is derived
from the consent of the governed, is the doctrine
uj5on which political leaders like to expatiate^
This is true, and so simple that it would seem
almost useless to state the proposition, unless in
opposition to the ancient theological creed that
monarchs reigned by divine right. It is clear
that the people, in a practical point of view, are
the source of State power, for without people'in
the. beginning, no superstructure could be reared,
and there would be no need of the iricorporeal
and moral being called the nation. But experi
ence has shown that 'the people always find it
necessary to establish a government, and that
they cannot govern themselves en masse, notwith
standing the flattery of electioneering politicians,
that every American citizen is a sovereign, and
that he is superior to the government. In the
former sense, it is true that he is superior, as he
is one of the people, and the people are the
source of power; but it is folly to say that the
people govern after the government is established :
and there is a difference between the two, for
otherwise it would be useless to have any gov
ernment at all. The people being the source of
power, it behboves them to so construct their

88
government that it may rule in the most enlight
ened and liberal manner, and, at the same tinie,
be able not only to maintain its existence, but
also to protect them in the enjoyraent of their
rights and liberties. It is not proper, by prais
ing up the people, and descanting on the great
ness of democratic' institutions, for personal
popularity perhaps, to bring the government
and its officers into contempt, as every one is
interested in the dignity and respect due to
them. The people are too near the President.
The government is not sufficiently elevated to
insure it either dignity, or respect.
But, by making the word people a sort of
demi-god,' politicians have been enabled to tuirn
each other out of office, and, for the sake of place,
to create undue prejudices against incumbents,
and at the same tirae use the government itself
as a mere plaything. The consequence is, that
the people do not rule, but they are used and
abused by political leaders, whose chief efforts
are directed towards the promotion of party or
private interests, without regard to the; national
welfare. There is a well known principle, that
whenever great and extrabrdinary changes,
inequalities and fluctuations occur, without suf-

89
ficient natural causes, there is danger to the
subject which experiences them. The Ameri
can people have been, for many years, so pecu
liarly subject to great excitement, and a desire to
feed upon sorae new and wonderful rarity, that
it can only be accounted for from the endless
political agitations which had, to sorae extent,
educated them to that sort of life. But it would
be to the interest of the people if they could
bring about such a state of things as would
emancipate themselves and the governraent from
the rule of demagogues and election bullies, and
at the same tirae place the government upon a
higher footing, which would entitle it to res
pect, and preserve the country in a more quiet
and dignified condition. This would protect it
from the sad effects of reckless and popular
excitement such as that which brought about
the present war. It is necessary to plead the
cause of the people against the people.
XLVIII. Strong Government. — The pres
ent vv^ar has developed the necessity of raaintain-
ing an army. Formerly, it was. common to say
that the United States, being a government of the
people, who governed themselves, it was useless

90
to undergo the expense of subsisting a standing
army, as it would be impossible for the people to
become discontented with their own governraent,
and make war upon themselves; and that in the
event of a foreign war, the volunteer system
would produce soldiers enough. But some of
the people have become dissatisfied and made
war on the governraent, by which the whole
people are in danger of losing the government
as well as their liberties. The railitary power
was so weak and so little encouraged, that it not
only failed to raake the nation respected, but it
was looked upon with contempt at home and
abroad, and the principal leaders in the South
were enabled to comrait treason, openly and
without restraint, there being no power to check
or awe them in their perjured and treacherous
career. Many of the officers of the regular
army, who had been educated and supported by
the government, were so little animated by the
esprit de corps, owing to the insignificant strength
of the military power of the United States, that
they were ready to resign on the first outbreak,
and allow themselves to be influenced by popu
lar excitement or sectional prejudices, losing
sight of the great moral fact that they were the

91
nation's pledge for its safety. Had there been
an army of fifty thousand men in the South on
the first act of treason being comraitted, and a
Jackson at the helm of the governraent, it requires
no assurance to state, that the war would not
have happened : and what an inconsiderable sura
would have been adequate to the support of such
a number of military men, when corapared with
the untold millions expended in this war! The
great moral effect of a military force to maintain
the national rights would have strengthened the
hearts of patriots and struck terror to the faith
less governors and government officers, who had
sworn to defend the United States, but boldly and
openly proclaimed their intention of destroying it,
thereby holding themselves up as examples to be
followed by the people, and luring them on to ruin
and destruction. So it would appear that the
people need some force to protect themselves from
their own excitement, as well as from the artful
machinations of ambitious and unfaithful officials.
Finally, it is necessary that a nation should be
suffi cijently warlike, and have an adequate force
to maintain itself against foreign and domestic
enemies, to preserve order and enforce the laws,
as well as to command the respect of mankind.

92
Governraent is necessary to mankind, and many
dangers beset their rights and liberties; "there
fore, let any prince or state think soberly of his
forces." XLIX. The Election of the President
WILL ALWAYS Cause War. — As hath been said
heretofore, the great public coraraotions caused
by the exciteraent attending the election of Pres
ident have often produced serious alarra to the
well wishers of the nation, and the immediate
precursor of the civil war was the election of a
Republican President in the year 1860. But war
is almost the inevitable consequence of these
general elections, which involve the whole peo
ple, from one side of the country to the other, in
one simultaneous struggle for power. The great
partizan character of the issues at stake, is cal
culated to stir up animosities and create false
and groundless prejudices, which mislead the
people, arid make those enemies who have every
reason to be friends. But the grand motive
power of the politicians who manage these mat
ters, is self-interest, which usually conflicts with
the public welfare. By elevating to the presi
dential chair one who belongs to his party, the

93
office-seeker may well afford to spend a few
months in electioneering with the people; the
majority of whom, being engaged in agricultural
and commercial pursuits, and having but little
time for reflection, are easily aroused and preju
diced by specious arguments, so that by the
time the election takes place the undue bias
and unreasonable excitement, created by the
increased sympathy of the multitude, becomes
altogether uncontrollable. The truth cannot be
understood, and although there may not be
really mubh difference between the two parties,
the opposing factions find it to their interest
to magnify mole hills into mountains, in order
to draw the crowd, exalt their own merits,
and detract from those of their adversaries. It
was always said, that the election excitement
would do no harm, as it subsided always imme
diately upon the election of the president; but
this proved untrue on the election of A. Lin
coln, and before the heated pulse of the nation
could be brought down to its usual temperature,
the high mettled bloods of the country, taking
advantage of the feverish condition of the patient,
precipitated the South out of the Union. This
did not happen in the early establishment of the
13

94
United States, because the people were virtuous,
and had a respectful veneration for the model
Republic, which was then fresh from the hands
of its architects, and was deemed by all to
be a perfect work. In those days, such a
thing as rebellion against such' a government
was hardly conceivable; and to have talked of
dismemberment and secession would have been
considered sacrilegious. Afterwards, however,
when sectional interests sprung up, and the mild
rule of the government caused it to be but little
respected, it was not uncommon, in the national
congress, to listen to the doctrines of States'
Rights and Nullification, which were the incipi
ent stages of treason. But now, sifice this cruel
civil war has deepened the roots of sectional
prejudices, it would be strange if many Presi
dents were elected, in the popular and exciting
way, without war, except by the aid of an army,
and even then it would be dangerous.
L. The Strong Side will always Elect
THE President. — It requires no Sagacity to fore
see that the strongest section vriH always elect
the President whenever the sectional interests of
the country are diametrically opposed to each

95
other. In- the late election the question was
tested and decided. The North and West rep
resented free labor, the South' slave labor, and
their interests were so antagonistic that they
drew such an overwhelming majority to the
cause represented by the Northern candidate, as
almost to amount to a unit; while in the South,
had a vote been cast for^ that candidate, it would
have been held a criminal offence. Thus the
two sections were arrayed against each other,
and the issue was as distinct as if the two sides
had been separate and distinct nations of different
races of people. But the section in the North
was the strongest; therefore, it elected the Presi
dent. The two sections being so different from
each other in institutions and interests, the excite
ment attending the election of President was
calculated to arouse the active elements of that
antagonism; in fact, it was the greatest danger
to which the country could have been exposed,
under such circumstances; and notwithstanding
the hostile institutions of the two sections, with
a different Constitution, whereby the strife pro
duced by the election could have been avoided,
the nation might have, flourished in peace for
ages. This instance has happened, and it has

96
proved the proposition. The present war may
efface the institution of slavery, which, in all
probability, created the sectional difference, and,
perchance, the whole country may become
equalized in its interests ; but who can tell what
new questions may arise in the distant future,
which will create equally as great difficulties as
slavery has done, and bring about equally as
great differences in the interests of the opposing
sections? You have the Atlantic and Pacific
possessions, the East, the West and the South,
all different in soil, climate and productions, and
at any time some new opposing interest may
arise, which will cause the different sections to
act as units, as heretofore, and seize upon the
fair opportunity afforded by the Presidential
election to turn the popular enthusiasm, into
unrestrained clamors for war. That danger
should be provided for. But should the South,
or any other minor section, continue long to have
interests opposed to those of the other sections, the
consequence would be, that the President would
continually be elected by the strong section, and
the weak section would have no . voice ih his
choice; so that injustice would be done, and it
would have to be held, in all probability, against

97
its will, which would be directly contrary to
equal and free republican principles.
Now, if by calling a convention of the people
and adopting some plan in the Constitution by
which these great dangers could be avoided, and
at the same time, a fixed and permanent execu
tive established, without deviating too far from
the democratic form of government, it would,
doubtless, add greatly towards perfecting the
work of our ancestors, and prove of vast benefit
to posterity, as the means of preventing the
calamities of war, and preserving the national
power and glory in peace and tranquility.
LI. Rotation — It is much easier to discover
errors, or what may be considered such, than it is
to avoid them, and it often happens that the rem
edy or amendment is worse than the original ;
so that whatever is proposed here may be likewise
liable to objection, and is simply offered as the
humble conviction of an ordinary citizen, with
the hope that some remedy may be found for
existing evils. If, however, it has been demon
strated, as is believed, that the election of the
President, directly, is dangerous to the liberties
,of the people, as well as to the perpetuity of the

98
national existence, it is to be hoped that the
question may be thoroughly examined, and that
the Constitution may be changed, so far as it
may be found to be defective. One plan might
be adopted whereby the President would be
chosen by fate, and the people relieved of all
trouble in the raatter, while the danger to which
hereditary monarchies are exposed, of having
sovereigns born naturally imbecile, and unfit to
govern, would be avoided. It is the system of
rotation. Let the oldest Senator, for instance, be
the President for life, and at his death, the next
oldest, etc. Here, the advantage of having a fixed
executive would be positive. That is the great
est secret of governments — it is what all nations
have striven for; and the system of hereditary
monarchies has been adopted with no other view.
So the end is attained, it is immaterial whether
the ruler is designated by God, Fate or the
People. Men must have something certain to
look to as the head, and without that certainty,
all becomes confusion and chaos. Venice and
Rome are examples. But, if you can find a sys
tem which will be equally as certain as that of
birth, and at the same time secure a leader of
ability, it will be vastly superior to that of hered-

B9
itary monarchies, which depend altogether on
the freaks of fortune for the talents of their sov
ereigns. Rotation is equally as certain as the
monarchical system — the latter is determined by
birth, the former by death ; besides, the transition,
so to speak, is equally as smooth and uninter
rupted. No commotion of the people takes place,
and the legitimacy of the executive can never be
doubted. That is of vast force. Letit be known
by the people that this is the one, marked by
destiny, to preside over thera, and it will be diffi
cult to seduce them from his standard. There
can be no fraud there; no question. In a con
test between two Presidents elected by the peo
ple, where one is duly elected and the other a
pretender, the advantage is always on the side of
law, because the raasses are just, if not deceived;
how rauch more would they cling to the
undoubted Presideut, marked by the death of
his predecessor, where deception and mal-prac-
tice would be of no avail ! The reraedy of this
defect in regard to the executive would be so
great that it would of itself naturally correct
nearly all the minor evils spoken of heretofore.
But, says one, why take away the hope of every
American citizen of being President by the force

100
of his great and transcendent talent, as he may
attain that position if the opportunity is afforded ?
The answer is simple: only one out of. thirty
millions can be President, and it is not proper
to neglect the welfare of the whole for his sake.
Besides, the most talented man is seldom chosen.
The change from one President to another would
be sudden and unlooked for, and the new execu
tive would be installed in his office almost before
the people would be aware of the fact; while,
with the old plan, the people know the day on
which the votes are to be cast for President, and
the day on which he is to be inaugurated, so
that they prepare themselves long beforehand for
political battles, which become general, and con
vulse the body politic throughout the land, greatly
endangering, as has been shown, the quietude of
society, as well as the national existence.
It is the common practice of politicians to pre
sent only that which is popular, whether it is
based on truth or not. You must not propose
any change in the mode of choosing the Presi
dent, because, say they, it would be too radical,
(that is, too great a change,) and contrary to
received ideas: but, if the present mode is
erroneous, there ought to be something more

101
powerful than custora or belief, to allow error to
continue to prevail over truth.
LII. Nothing Anti- Republican is Proposed.
For fear that the writer might be misunderstood
by his fellow-citizens, or misrepresented by public
flatterers, it may be necessary to state distinctly,
that nothing here said is intended as favoring or
proposing a monarchy or empire, and that when
ever such words have been used, it has been for
the purpose of explaining as far as possible the
nature of men and governments. The monarch
ical or hereditary form of government is opposed,
on the ground that it is not sufficiently rational ;
as the government, by the raere chance of birth,
may fall into the hands of a weak prince, during
whose rainority, or terra of incapacity, bad men,
factions, counsellors or regents raay ruin the
nation; for it is necessary, although cabinets
may be much depended on, that the national chief
should have some sense of his own. Nothing
could be more unacceptable than the change of
the name of the Republic of the United States,
and every native American should be devotedly
attached to democratic institutions, since they
have afforded, uritil lately, liberty and happiness
14

102
to a great people. No one should desire to change
the name President, and the Congress should be
preserved intact. But it is simply the mode of
choosing the President which is under consider
ation, and the objections to the general election
system are sufficiently patent to deraand a rera
edy. Neither is it pretended that the Republi
can form of government is impracticable, but
simply that it has been carried to extremes, and
that if it were somewhat -raodified in sorae of its
features, as found necessary by tirae and expe
rience, it would be the best government in the
world. It may be said that the President by
rotation would have too much power; that being
so long in the Senate he would create a party;
and that the other branches of the government
would be too much under his control. The plan
may have its objections, as nothing human is
perfect, but it is simply contended that it would
be better than the four years' system. If there
would be danger of the President having too
much power, it might be limited in the begin
ning and the powers of Congress increased. It
is the common report, and without investigation
may be taken as true, that the President has
more power than the monarch of Great Britain,

103
and still, the President's term is short, while the
other is permanent; but this is a matter which
depends on the original grant of power, and as
the issue of the President by rotation would
have no more chance for the presidency than the
son of any other citizen, and the tenure of the
office would, in the nature of things, be of short
duration, no danger could grow out of the excess
of power in the executive. As to his creating a
party, the danger from that source could never
be half so great as before, when, under the Jef-
fersonian doctrine, to the victors belonged the
spoils, without regard to patriotism or merit.
The plan of rotation, however, would be emi
nently democratic, as well as decorous; for the
President would spring from the people, and
might be the son of a carpenter, who, by a long
course of rectitude and industry, had been ele
vated and continued in honorable place,
LIII. A Bad President, — It might be alleged
that the oldest Senator in Congress would be too
much exhausted by age to fulfil the duties of the
office, and that by the system of rotation the
country might occasionally have a had President.
The same thing often happens under the old

104
systehi; but the chances of a good President
would be better under the system of rotation,
than under the other, since the oldest Senatbr
wbuld have to be a man of undoubted ability, of
tried integrity, and of all the other virtues which
insure a long tenure bf office conferred upon one
well known by his constituents; while under
the elective system men, often little known, are
taken up by party and elected to the presidency,
when their future course cannot be well judged
of by their antecedents, and they are only
expected to follow the policy of the excited
partizans who have elected them. The right of
impeachment would always remain, and the
Long Parliament demonstrated that the liberties
of the Anglo-Saxon race cannot be trampled
under foot, and that even a haughty prince
raust succumb to that power. But here, no
strong section could force a President, by mere
numerical power, on an unwilling people of a
weaker section; which would be unfair, unjust
and anti-republican. The objection, though,
that the President by rotation would be too
old, should be fully considered. It cannot have
much weight, when it is remembered that all
the great men of the nation have continued

105
active and vigorous in intellect up to the moment
of death. Webster, Crittenden, Clay, are exam
ples, and in the last years of their lives they
ivould have filled the office of President with
power and credit. Let any one who has been
familiar with the nation's counsellors look back
and search whether or not, at any particular
period, the oldest Senator, up to the time of
his death, could not have made a good President.
In many cases the incumbents would only hold
their offices three or four years, and, perhaps,
never over eight or ten, so that if now and then
there should be a case where the President would
be somewhat incapacitated by age, the probabil
ity is that he would soon give place to a suc
cessor in the due course of nature. But the
President is not the administration; he is simply
the nucleus aroUnd which the cabinet are col
lected, and they, or raost of thera, must be
men of talent; so that, in all events, the execu
tive branch of the governraent would be well
administered. However, it is the Congress which
is the great bulwark of the liberties of the peo
ple, and with the privilege of always selecting
'its members they would, at the same time, elect
the President indirectly, though it might be by

106
the smallest State in the Union. The govern
ment would still be sufficiently democratic, and
the elections of Congressmen could never cause
any disruption, as they would be local, and held
in different States, at different times; so that
while one State might be wrought up to some
excitement, its neighbor would be in a quiescent
condition, and neutralize its effects. Under this
system the President would take his seat with the
accumulated dignity of a long and useful life.
He would not be exposed to the envy and vitu
peration of the defeated and opposing factions;
while the government would move onward with
that good order and decorum consistent with
the character of a great nation.
LIV. The present system might have been
well suited to former times, but is not likely
TO prove the best for future generations. 
This great war will doubtless produce some
changes in the Constitution, as the statesmen of
the country will gain much experience from cir
cumstances which have been produced by the
necessities of the times. By remedying the
defects of the government as it was, and provi d-.
ing against future dangers, the United States

107
ought to become more perfect and stable than
ever before. The system of electing the Presi
dent by the whole people did very well in the
beginning, because there was great morality
amongst the people. There was siraplicity,
industry and patriotism in those times. Such
ages do not last long, and a governraent should
be founded to stand also after the people have lost
their pristine -vvorth, which generally distin
guishes early periods. If in this age, when
the Americans have somewhat degenerated on
account of their great riches, they cannot hold a
general election for President without allowing
their passions to plunge them into civil war,
for the avowed purpose of destroying the gov
ernment, how can it be expected that future
generations, (which may become still more
degenerate,) will be able to escape the dangers
arising from presidential elections?
Note.  After the author had stated the plan of rotation
to Mr. Harper, -whom he consulted, he -was informed by that
gentleman that that was the system of the city government
of London, Great Britain, the oldest Alderman being the
Lord Mayor, of which fact he was not previously aware.

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