VALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

3 9002 06092 9768

The life and administration of Sx-presiS-ent
Fillmore. flew York, 1656.

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Gift of
Mrs. William L. Kingsley
19U

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THE

EXECUTIVE ACTS
OP
EX-PRESIDENT FILLMORE:
WITH
REASONS FOR HIS .ELECTION,
AND A
MEMOIR OF HIS LIFE AND ADMINISTRATION.
ACCOMPANIED WITH
% Jratlj awtifit fartrait m £Mt
AND A
SKETCH OF THE LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON DONELSON,
OF TENNESSEE.

Every voting citizen who may regard with indifference the approaching Presi
dential Election, or may be opposed to the election of Fillmore and Donelson, is
earnestly solicited to peruse carefully this Pamphlet.
The dissolution of our glorious Union would doubtless be hailed with triumphant
exultation by nearly all the crowned heads of Europe ; every true Patriot should
.therefore come nobly forward to its rescue, — his motto being, " Oub Union, oub
¦whole Union, And hothino but oub Union." .
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^ xyT^-o^u^zjL^

¦ FILLMORE AND OUR. WHOLE COUNTRY.

0M
fe

THE

LIFE AID ADMINISTRATION

EX-PRESIDENT FILLMORE.
(From Walker's Statesman's Manual.)

TO WHICH ARE ADDED,

REASONS FOR HIS ELECTION TO THE PRESIDENCY,
EXTRACTS FROM HIS RECENT SPEECHES,

AND A SKETCH OF THE

LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON DONELSON,
OF TENNESSEE.

" The Union must and shall "be preserved " — Jackson.

NEW YORK:
EDWARD WALKER, 114 FULTON-STREET:
AND SOLD BY ALL BOOKSELLERS AND NEWSMEN THROUGHOUT THE COUNTRY.
1856.

" I am a devoted and unalterable friend of tho Union.''

-Fillmore.

4

REASONS FOR THE ELECTION OF

III. Because he is guided by the Constitution, and the consistent advo
cate of the preservation of the Union.
" It is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense
value of your national Union to your collective and individual happiness :
that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to
it ; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety, and indignantly
frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of
our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which link together
the various parts." — Washington's Farewell Address.
"Let it be ours to cultivate a living and energetic nationality — to develop
a high and vital patriotism — to americanize America." — Gov. Gardiner, of
Massachusetts. " We have received from our fathers a Union aud a Constitution above
all price and value, and that man who cannot sacrifice any thing for the
support of both, is unworthy of his country." — Ex-President Fillmore.
IV. Because his previous administration was eminently one of peace and
prosperity to the country at large. Its commercial interests were better
protected during his Presidency than during any previous administration.
V. Because he is a thorough-hearted American.
" If we break this Constitution, if we keep not our faith, we go back to
the disorders of the old confederation, we approach civil war, we exchange
all these blessings our fathers secured to us, to be the prey of our own pas
sions, and the victims of foreign insult and aggression." — Hon. J. Brooks.
VI. Because he is no political partisan.
" If we mean to support the liberty and independence which it has cost
us so much blood and treasure to establish, we must drive far away the
demon of party spirit." — Washington.
" No consideration should be allowed to take precedence of a spirit of
patriotism. Our Country, before all things, should be both the sentiment
and the motto. Union, as well as liberty, should be on every one's
tongue,— Nationality, as well as Freedom, should vitalize the thought of
every heart." — Voice to America.
VII. Because the present crisis is one of great danger to the stability
of the Union.
" In spite of obloquy and invective, the time has come for the sons of
America to stand shoulder to shoulder in the defence of our Constitution,
in opposition alike to the open and concealed attacks of ruthless foes."— '
Voice to America.
" Not only the cause of American liberty, but the cause of liberty
throughout the world, depends, in a great measure, on upholding the Con
stitution and union of these States."— Daniel Webster.
VIII. Because Mr. Fillmore is the Candidate of the great National
party— not of the South, not of the North.
" All true-hearted Americans who are the friends of the Union will give

EX-PRESIDENT FIIXM03E TO THE PRESIDENCY. 5
him their powerful support ; the success of his past administration being a
sufficient guarantee of his eminent fitness for all anticipated emergencies."

EXTRACTS FROM THE RECENT ADDRESSES OF MILLARD FILLMORE.
The following extracts from Mr. Fillmore's addresses, delivered at New-
burgh, Albany, and Rochester during his recent homeward tour, will in
some measure tend to elucidate his present political views and opinions :
" Fellow-citizens of Newburgh : — Accept my cordial thanks for this hearty
greeting. My friend has introduced me as the standard-bearer of the
American Party, and a friend of the Union. For the former position I am
indebted to the partiality of my friends, who have, without my solicitation,
made me your standard-bearer in the contest for President, which has just
commenced ; but I confess to you that I am proud of the distinction, for I
am an American, with an American heart (cheers). I confess, also, I am a
devoted and unalterable friend of the Union. As an American, occupying
the position I do before my countrymen, I have no hostility to foreigners.
I trust I am their friend. Having witnessed their deplorable condition in
the old country, God forbid I should add to their sufferings by refusing them
an asylum in this. I would open wide the gates and invite the oppressed of
every land to our happy country, excluding only the pauper and criminal.
I would be tolerant to men of all creeds, but would exact from all faithful
allegiance to our republican institutions. * * * If we value the blessings
which Providence has so bounteously showered upon us, it becomes every
American to stand by the constitution and laws of his country, and to re
solve that, independent of all foreign influence, Americans will and shall
rule America." HIS SPEECH AT ALBANY.
" You have been pleased, sir, to allude to my former services and my
probable course if I should again be called to the position of Chief Magis
trate of the nation. (Applause.) It is not pleasant to speak of one's self,
yet I trust that the occasion will justify me in briefly alluding to one or two
events connected with my administration. (Cheers.) You all know that
when I was called to the executive chair by a bereavement which shrouded
the nation in mourning, that the country was unfortunately agitated from
one end to the other upon the all-exciting subject of slavery. It was then,
sir, that I felt it my duty to rise above every sectional prejudice, and look to
the welfare of the whole nation. (Applause.) I was compelled, to a cer
tain extent, to overcome long cherished prejudices, and disregard party
claims. (Great and prolonged applause.) But in doing this, sir, I did no
more than was done by many abler and better men than myself. I was by
no means the sole instrument, under Providence, in harmonizing those diffi
culties. (Applause.) There were at that time noble, independent, high-
souled men in both houses of Congress. * * * When I left the Presi
dential chair the whole nation was prosperous and contented, and our rela
tions with all foreign nations were of the most amicable kind. (Cheers.)
The cloud that had hung upon the horizon was dissipated. But where are

6 mr. fillmore's speech at Albany.
we now ? Alas ! threatened at home with civil war, and from abroad with
a rupture of our peaceful relations. I shall not seek to trace the causes
of this change.
"The agitation which disturbed the peace of the country in 1850 was un
avoidable.0 It was brought upon us by the acquisition of new territory, for
the government of which it was necessary to provide territorial organiza
tions. But it is for you to say whether the present agitation, which distracts
the country and threatens us with civil war, has not been recklessly and wan
tonly produced by the adoption of a measure to aid in personal advance
ment rather than in any public good. (Cheers.)
" Sir, you have been pleased to say that I have the union of these States
at heart. This, sir, is most true, for if there be one object dearer to me than
any other, it is the unity, prosperity, and glory of this great Republic ; and
I confess fraukly, sir, that I fear it is in danger. I say nothing of any par
ticular section, much less of the several candidates before the people. I pre
sume they are all honorable men. But, sir, what do we see ? An exaspe
rated feeling between the North and the South, on the most exciting of all
topics, resulting in bloodshed and organized military array.
" But this is not all, sir. We see a political party presenting candidates
for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency, selected for the first time from the
free States alone, with the avowed purpose of electing these candidates by
suffrages of one part of the Union only, to rule over the whole United States.
Can it be possible that those who are engaged in such a measure can have
seriously reflected upon the consequences which must inevitably follow, in
case of success ? (Cheers.) Can they have the madness or the folly to be
lieve that our Southern brethren would submit to be governed by such a
Chief Magistrate ? (Cheers.) Would he be required to follow the same
rule prescribed by those who elected him in making his appointments ? If a
man living south of Mason and Dixon's line be not worthy to be President
or Vice-President, would it be proper to select one from the same quarter as
one of his Cabinet Council, or to represent the nation in a foreign country ?
or, indeed, to collect the revenue, or administer the laws of the United
States? , If not, what new rule is the President to adopt in selecting men
for office, that the people themselves discard in selecting him ? These are
serious, but practical questions, aud in order to appreciate them fully, it is
only necessary to turn the tables upon ourselves. Suppose that the South,
having a majority of the electoral votes, should declare that they would only
have slaveholders for President and Vice-President, and should elect such
by their exclusive suffrages to rule over us at the North. Do you think we
would submit to it ? No, not for a moment. (Applause.) And do you be
lieve that your Southern brethren are less sensitive on this subject than you
are, or less jealous of their rights ? (Tremendous cheering.) If you do, let
me tell you that you are mistaken. And, therefore, you must see that if
this sectional party succeeds, it leads inevitably to the destruction of this
beautiful fabric reared by our forefathers, cemented by their blood, and be
queathed to us as a priceless inheritance.
" I tell you, my friends, that I feel deeply, and therefore I speak earnestly
on this subject, (cries of ' You're right !') for I feel that you are in danger.
I am determined to make a clean breast of it. I will wash my hands of the
consequences, whatever they may be ; and I tell you that we are treadinc
upon the brink of a volcano, that is liable at any moment to burst forth and
overwhelm the nation. I might, by soft words, inspire delusive hopes, and
thereby win votes. But I can never consent to be one thing to the North

MR. FILLMORE S ADDRESS AT ROCHESTER. 7
and another to the South. I should despise myself if I could be guilty of
such duplicity. For my conscience would exclaim, with the dramatic poet,
* * * 'Is there not some chosen curse,
Some hidden thunder in the stores of heaven,
Bed with uncommon wrath, to blast the man
Who owes his greatness to his country's ruin ?'
" In the language of the lamented, but immortal Clay : ' I had rather be
right than be President !'
" It seems to me impossible that those engaged in this can have contem
plated the awful consequences of success. If it breaks asunder the bonds of
our Union, and spreads anarchy and civil war through the land, what is it
less than moral treason ? (Cries of ' Nothing — nothing less !') Law and
common sense hold a man responsible for the natural consequence of his acts,
and must not those whose acts tend to the destruction of the government be
equally held responsible ? (Cries of ' Yes ! yes !')
" And let me also add, that when this Union is dissolved, it will not be
divided into two republics, or two monarchies, but be broken into fragments,
and at war with each other."
MR. FILLMORE'S ADDRESS AT ROCHESTER.
After returning his thanks for the manner in which he had been received,
and for the flattering terms in which the chairman had been pleased to speak
of his administration, Mr. Fillmore said, " that he had no reason to disguise
his sentiments on the subject of the Repeal of the Missouri Compromise,
which seemed to be the chief source of the unfortunate agitation that now
disturbed the peace of the country." He said, " that it would be recollected,
that when he came into the Administration, the country was agitated from
centre to circumference with the exciting subject of slavery. This question
was then forced upon the country by the acquisition of new territory ; and
he feared that the eloquent address of the chairman had given him more
credit for the settlement of that question than he was entitled to — not more,
however, than he would have deserved, had his power equalled his desires.
But the truth was, that many noble patriots, Whigs and Democrats, in both
houses of Congress, rallied around and sustained the Administration in that
trying time, and to them was chiefly due the merit of settling that exciting
controversy. Those measures, usually called the Compromise Measures of
1850, were not in all respects what I could have desired, but they were the
best that could be obtained, after a protracted discussion, that shook the Re
public to its very foundation, and I felt bound to give them my official ap
proval. Not only this, but perceiving there was a disposition to renew the
agitation at the next session, I took the responsibility of declaring, in sub
stance, in my annual message, that I regarded these measures as a ' final
settlement of this question, and that the laws thus passed ought to be main
tained until time and experience should demonstrate the necessity of modifi
cation or repeal.'
" I then thought that this exciting subject was at rest, and that there
would be no further occasion to introduce it into the legislation of Congress.
Territorial governments had been provided for all the territory except that
covered by the Missouri Compromise, and I had no suspicion that that was
to be disturbed. I have no hesitation in saying, what most of you know al
ready, that I was decidedly opposed to the repeal of that Compromise.
Good faith, as well as the peace of the country, seemed to require, that a

8 mr. fillmore's address at Rochester.
compromise which had stood for more than thirty years should not be wan
tonly disturbed. These were my sentiments then, fully and freely expressed,
verbally and in writing, to all my friends, North and South, who solicited
my opinion. This repeal seems to have been a Pandora's box, out of which
have issued all the political evils that now afflict the country, scarcely leav
ing a hope behind, and many, I perceive, are ready to impute all the blame
to our Southern brethren. But is this just ? (No, no.) It must be borne
in mind that this measure originated with a Northern Senator, and was sus
tained and sanctioned by a Northern President. I do not recollect that even
a single petition from a Southern State solicited this repeal ; and it must be
remembered that when a Northern administration, with large numbers of
Northern senators and northern members, offered the Southern States a boon,
Southern members of Congress could not, if they would, safely refuse it. To
refuse what seemed a boon, would have been to sacrifice themselves, and
this is certainly expecting too much from political men in times like these.
The blame, therefore, it appears to me, with all due deference, is chiefly
chargeable to those who originated this measure ; and however we may de
plore the act, it affords no just ground for controversy with our Southern
brethren—certainly none for which they should be deprived of their political
rights. But, we now see a party organized in the North, and for the first
time selecting its candidates exclusively from the Northern States, with the
avowed intention of electing them, to govern the South as well as the North.
By what rule is a President, thus elected, to select a cabinet-council, his for
eign ministers, judges, and administrative officers? Are they also to be se
lected exclusively from the North ? — or may you take a cabinet-officer from
the South, though you cannot a President or a Vice-President ? These, in
practice, as I have said on another occasion, must become embarrassing
questions. The North is, beyond all question, the most populous, the most
wealthy, and has the most votes, and therefore has the power to inflict this
injustice upon the South. But we can best judge of its consequences by re
versing the case. Suppose that the South was the most populous, the most
wealthy, and possessed the greatest number of electoral votes, and that it
should declare that, for some fancied or real injustice done at the North, it
would elect none but a President and Vice-President of slaveholders from
the South to rule over the North. Do you think, fellow-citizens, you would
submit to this injustice ? (No, no.) No, truly, you would not ; but one uni
versal cry of No would rend the skies ! And can you suppose your Southern
brethren less sensitive than yourselves, or less jealous of their rights ? If
you do, let me tell you that you are mistaken— and you must therefore per
ceive that the success of such a party, with such an object, must be the dis
solution of this glorious Union. I am unwilling to believe that those who
are engaged in this strife can foresee the consequences of their own acts.
Why should not the golden rule which our Saviour has prescribed for our
intercourse with each other, be applied to the intercourse between these fra
ternal States ? Let us do unto them as we would that they should do unto
us in like circumstances. They are our brethren — they are our friends, and
we are all embarked in the same ship; and if she founders in consequence
of the mismanagement of the crew, we must all go down together ; this
Union must be torn asunder— this beautiful fabric, reared by the hands of
our ancestors, must be scattered in fragments, and the people, in the lan
guage of the eloquent address of your chairman, be converted into a nation
of Ishmaelites. I cannot contemplate such a scene without horror, and I
turn from it with loathing and disgust."

[FROM WALKER'S STATESMAN'S MANUAL.]

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

OF

MILLARD FILLMORE.

John Fillmore, the great grandfather of Millard Fillmore, and the
common ancestor of all of that name in the United States, was of English
origin, and was bom about the year 1702, in Ipswich, Massachusetts, and
feeling a strong propensity for a sea-faring life, at the age of about nineteen
went on board a fishing vessel, which sailed from Boston. The vessel had
been but a few days out when it was captured by a noted pirate-ship, com
manded by Captain Phillips, and young Fillmore was kept as a prisoner.
He remained on board the pirate-ship nine months, enduring every hard
ship which a strong constitution and firm spirit were capable of sustaining ;
and, though frequently threatened with instant death unless he would sign
the piratical articles of the vessel, he steadily refused until two others had
been taken prisoners, who also refusing to join the crew, the three made
an attack upon the pirates, and, after killing several, took the vessel and
brought it safe into Boston harbor. The narrative of this adventure has
been for many years in print, and details one of the most daring and suc
cessful exploits on record. The surviving pirates were tried and execu
ted, aud the heroic conduct of the captors was acknowledged by the
British government. John Fillmore afterward settled in that part of the
town of Norwich now called Franklin, in Connecticut, where he died.
His son, Nathaniel Fillmore, settled at an early day in Bennington,
Vermont, then called the Hampshire grants, where he lived till his death,
in 1814. He served in the French war, and was a true whig of the rev
olution, proving his devotion to his country's cause by gallantly fighting
as a lieutenant under General Stark, in the battle of Bennington.
Nathaniel Fillmore, his son, and father of Millard, was born at Ben
nington on the 19th of April, 1771, and early in life removed to what is
now called Summer HiU, Cayuga county, New York, where Millard
was born, January 7th, 1800. Nathaniel was a farmer, and soon after
lost all his property by a bad title to one of the military lots he had pur-

10 BIOGRAPHICAL sketch of fillmobe.
chased. About the year 1802, he removed to the town of Sempronius
(now Niles) in the same county, and resided there until 1819, when he
removed to Erie county, where he still lives, cultivating a small farm with
his own hands. He was a strong and uniform supporter of Jefferson,
Madison, and Tompkins, and is now a firm whig.
His mother, Phebe Millard, the daughter of Doctor Abiathar Millard,
was born in Pittsfield, Massachusetts. She was a woman of limited edu
cation, but of a very high order of intellect, united with a native grace
and beauty, and exquisite sensibility, that distinguished her among her
sex. She died in 1831, and consequently did not live to enjoy — what
only a fond mother can appreciate — the national reputation of her son.
The narrow means of his father deprived Millard of any advantages of
education beyond what were afforded by the imperfect and ill-taught com
mon schools of the county. Books were scarce and dear, and at the age
of fourteen, when more favored youths are far advanced in their classical
studies, or enjoying in colleges the benefit of well-furnished libraries,
young Fillmore had read but little except his common school-books and
the Bible. At that period he was sent into the then wilds of Livingston
county, to learn the clothier's trade. He remained there about four
months, and was then placed with another person to pursue the same
business and wool-carding in the town where his father lived. A small vil
lage library that was formed there, soon after, gave him the first means of
acquiring general knowledge through books. He improved the opportu
nity thus offered; the appetite grew by what it fed upon. The thirst for
knowledge soon became insatiate, and every leisure moment was spent in
reading. Four years were passed in this way, working at his trade, and
storing his mind, during such hours as he could command, with the con
tents of books of history, biography, and travels. At the age of nineteen
he fortunately made an acquaintance with the lato Walter Wood, Esq.,
whom many will remember as one of the most estimable citizens of Cay
uga county. Judge Wood was a man of wealth and great business capa
city : he had an excellent law library, but did little professional business.
He soon saw that under the rude exterior of the clothier's boy were pow
ers that only required proper development to raise tbe possessor to high
distinction and usefulness, and advised him to quit his trade and study
law. In reply to the objection of a lack of education, means, and friends,
to aid him in a course of professional studies, Judge Wood kindly offered
to give him a place in his office, to advance money to defray his expenses,
and wait until success in business should furnish the means of repayment.
The offer was accepted. The apprentice boy bought his time, entered
the office of Judge Wood, and for more than two years applied himself
closely to business and study. He read law and general literature, and
studied and practised surveying.
Fearing he should incur too large a debt to his benefactor, he taught

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF FILLMORE. H
school for three months in the year, and acquired the means of partially
supporting himself. In the fall of 1821, he removed to the county oi
Erie, and the next spring entered a law office in Buffalo. There he sus
tained himself by teaching, and continued his legal studies until the spring
of 1823, when he was admitted to the Common Pleas, and being too diffi
dent of his then untried powers to enter into competition with the older
members of the bar in Buffalo, he removed to Aurora in that count),
where he commenced the practice of law. In 1826, he was married to
Abigail Powers, the youngest child of the Rev. Lemuel Powers, deceased,
by whom he has two children, a son and a daughter. She is a l<«for
of great worth, modest and unobtrusive in her deportment, and highly
esteemed for her many virtues. Mrs. Fillmore is descended on the ma
ternal side from Henry Leland, one of the early settlers of Massachusetts.
In 1827, Mr. Fillmore was admitted as an attorney, and in 1829, as a
counsellor, in the supreme court. Previous to this time his practice had
been very limited, but his application to juridical studies had been con
stant and severe, and it is not to be doubted that during these few years
of comparative seclusion he acquired that general knowledge of the fun
damental principles of the law which has mainly contributed in after-liSs
to give him an elevated rank among the members of that liberal profes
sion. His legal acquirements and skill as an advocate, soon attracted the
attention of his professional brethren in Buffalo, and he was offered a
highly-advantageous connection with an elder member of the bar in that
city, which he accepted, and removed there in the spring of 1830, in
which place he continued to reside until his election as comptroller, and
removal to Albany, in the winter of 1847.
His first entrance into public life was in January, 1829, when he took
his seat as a member of the assembly, from Erie county, to which
office he was re-elected the two following years. The democratic
party in those three sessions, as for many years before and after, held
triumphant sway in both houses of the legislature, and but little opportu
nity was afforded a young member of the opposition to distinguish himself.
But talent, integrity, and assiduous devotion to public business, will make
a man felt and respected, even amid a body of opposing partisans ; and
Mr. Fillmore, although in a hopeless minority, so far as any question of
a political or party bearing was involved, on all question of a general
character soon won the confidence of the house in an unexampled
degree. It was a common remark among the members, " If Fillmore
says it is right, we will vote for it."
The most important measure of a general nature that came up during
his service in the state legislature, was the bill to abolish imprisonment
for debt. In behalf of that great and philanthropic measure, Mr. Fill
more took an active part, urging with unanswerable arguments its justice
and expediency, and, as a member of the committee on the subject, aid-

12 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF FILLMORE.
ing to perfect its details. That portion of the bill relating to the justices
courts was draughted by him, the remainder being the work of the Hon.
John C. Spencer. The bill, which was introduced by Silas M. Stilwell,
of New York, met with a fierce, unrelenting opposition at every step of
its progress, and to Millard Fillmore, with his then coadjutors, are the
people indebted for expunging from the statute-book that relic of a bar
barous age — imprisonment for debt.
He was elected to Congress in the fall of 1832, and took his seat in
the stormy session immediately succeeding the removal of the deposites
from the United States bank. In those days, the business of the house,
and debates, were led by old and experienced members — new ones,
unless they enjoyed a wide-spread and almost national reputation — rarely
taking an active and conspicuous part. Little chance, therefore, was
afforded Mr. Fillmore, a member of the opposition, young and unassuming,
of displaying those qualities that so eminently fitted him for legislative
usefulness. But the school was one admirably qualified more fully to
develop and cultivate those powers which, under more favorable circum
stances, have enabled him to render such varied and important services
to his country. As he has ever done in all the stations he has filled, he
discharged his duty with scrupulous fidelity, never omitting, on all proper
occasions, any effort to advance the interests of his constituents and the
country, and winning the respect and confidence of all.
At the close of his term of service he resumed the practice of his pro
fession, which he pursued with distinguished reputation and success,
until, yielding to the public voice, he consented to become a candidate,
and was re-elected to Congress in the fall of 1836. In the 25th Con
gress Mr. Fillmore took a more active part than he did during his first
term, and on the assembling of the next Congress, to which he was
re-elected by a largely-increased majority, he was assigned a prominent
place on what, next to that of ways and means, it was justly anticipated
would become the most important committee of the house — that on elec
tions It was in this Congress that the famous contested New Jersey
case came up. It would swell this biographical sketch to too great a
length to enter upon the details of that case, and it is the less necessary
to do so, inasmuch as the circumstances attending it are given in the his
tory of the administration of Van Buren, in another part of this work.
The prominent part which Mr. Fillmore took in that case, his patient
investigation of all its complicated, minute details, the clear, convincing
manner in which he set forth the facts, the lofty and indignant eloquence
with which he denounced the meditated act, all strongly directed public
attention to him as one of the ablest men of that Congress, distinguished
as it was by the eminent ability and statesmanship of many of its mem
bers. The agitation in Congress of this New Jersey election case, and
the currency measures adopted by the administration of Mr. Van Buren,

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF FILLMORE. 13
were among the causes which contributed to the overthrow of the demo
cratic party and the triumph of the whigs in the presidential election of
1840, and the majority obtained by them of members elected to both
houses in the 27th Congress.
On the assembling of the 27th Congress, to which Mr. Fillmore was
re-elected by a majority larger than was ever before given in his district,
he was placed at the head of the committee of ways and means. The
duties of that station, always arduous and responsible, were at that time
peculiarly so. A new administration had come into power, and found
public affairs in a state of the greatest derangement. Accounts had been
wrongly kept ; peculation of every kind abounded in almost every depart
ment of the government; the revenue was inadequate to meet the ordinary
expenses ; the already large existing debt was rapidly swelling in magni
tude ; commerce and manufactures were depressed ; the currency was
deranged ; banks were embarrassed ; and general distress pervaded the
community. To bring order out of disorder ; to replenish the national
treasury ; to provide means that would enable the government to meet the
demands against it, and to pay off the debt ; to revive the industry of the
country and restore its wonted prosperity — these were the tasks devolved
upon the committee of ways and means. To increase their difficulties,
the minority, composed of the defeated party, instead of aiding to repair
the exisiing evils, uniformly opposed almost every measure brought forward
for relief, and often their unavailing efforts were successfully aided by the
executitve, Mr. Tyler. But with an energy and devotion to the public
weal, worthy of all admiration, Mr. Fillmore applied himself to the task,
and, sustained by a majority in Congress whose industry and zeal in the
public service under peculiar embarrassments, has seldom been equalled,
and never surpassed, he succeeded in its accomplishment.
The measures he brought forward, and sustained with matchless ability,
speedily relieved the government from its embarrassment, and have fully
justified the most sanguine expectations of their benign influence upon
the country at large. A new and more accurate system of keeping
accounts, rendering them clear and intelligible, was introduced. The
favoritism and peculation, which had so long disgraced the departments
and plundered the treasury, were checked, by the requisition of contracts.
The credit of the government was restored, ample means were provided
for the exigencies of the public service, and the payment of the national
debt incurred by the preceding administration. Commerce and manufac
tures revived, and prosperity and hope once more smiled upon the land.
The labor of devising, explaining, and defending measures productive of
such happy results, was thrown chiefly on Mr. Fillmore. He was ably
sustained by his political friends in Congress ; but on him, nevertheless,
the main responsibility rested.
After his long and severe labors in the committee-room — labors siiis*

14 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF FILLMORE.
cienlly arduous to break down any but one of an iron constitution — sus
tained by a spirit that nothing could conquer, he was required to give his
unremitting attention to the business of the house, to make any explanation
that might be asked, and be ready with a complete and triumphant refutation
of every cavil or objection that the ingenuity or sophistry of his opponents
could devise. All this, too, was required to be done with promptness,
clearness, dignity, and good temper. For the proper performance of these
varied duties, few men are more happily qualified than Mr. Fillmore. At that
fortunate age when the physical and intellectual powers are displayed in
the highest perfection, and the hasty impulses of youth, without any los3
of its vigor, are brought under control of large experience in public affairs,
with a mind capable of descending to minute details, as well as conceiv
ing a grand system of national policy, calm and deliberate in judgment,
self-possessed and fluent in debate, of dignified presence, never unmindful
of the courtesies becoming social and public intercourse, and of political
integrity unimpeachable, he was admirably fitted for the post of leader of
the majority in the 27th Congress.
Just before the close of the first session of this Congress, Mr. Fillmore,
in a letter addressed to his constituents, signified his intention not to be a
candidate for re-election. He acknowledged with gratitude and pride the
cordial and generous support given him by his constituents, but the severe
labor devolved upon him by his official duties demanded some relaxation,
and private affairs, necessarily neglected in some degree during several
years of public service, called for attention. Notwithstanding his declara
tion to withdraw from the station he filled with so much honor and use
fulness, the convention of his district, unanimously, and by acclamation,
renominated him, and urgently pressed upon him a compliance with their
wishes. Mr. Fillmore was deeply affected by this last of many proofs
of confidence and regard on the part of those who had known him long
est and best ; but he firmly adhered to the determination he had expressed,
and at the close of the term for which he was elected, he returned to his
home more gratified at his relief from the cares of official life, than he
had ever been at the prospect of its highest rewards and honors. But
though keenly enjoying the freedom from public responsibilities, and the
pleasures of social intercourse in which he was now permitted to indulge,
the qualities of mind and habits of systematic, close attention to business,
that so eminently fitted him for a successful congressional career, were
soon called into full exercise by the rapidly-increasing requirements of
professional pursuits, never wholly given up. There is a fascination in the
strife of politics, its keen excitements, and its occasional but always tempt
ing, brilliant triumphs, that, when once felt, few men are able to resist so
completely as to return with relish to the comparatively tame and dull
occupations of private life. But to the calm and equable temperament of
Mr. Fillmore, repose, after the stormy scenes in which he had been forced

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF FILLMORE. Io
to take a leading part, was most grateful. He had ever regarded his pro
fession with affection and pride, and he coveted more the just, fairly-won
fame of the jurist, than the highest political distinction. He welcomed
the toil, therefore, which a large practice in the higher courts imposed
upon him, and was as remarkable for the thoroughness with which he
prepared his legal arguments, as he was for patient, minute investigation
of the dry and difficult subjects it was so often his duty to elucidate and
defend in the house of representatives.
In 1844, in obedience to a popular wish too strong to be resisted, he
reluctantly accepted the whig nomination for governor of New York. The
issue of that conflict in which he shared in the signal defeat of his party,
has become history, and though deeply pained at the result, he was only
so in view of the consequences to the nation, which he believed would
follow the defeat of the whig presidential ticket, and the accession to
power of the democratic party, pledged to measures which he deprecated.
For his own defeat, Mr. Fillmore had no regrets. He had no aspirations
for the high and honorable office for which he had been a candidate, and
with the failure of his election, he trusted would end any further demand
upon him to serve in public life.
In 1847, a popular call, similar to that of '44, was again made upon
him, to which he yielded a reluctant assent, and was elected comptroller
of the state, by a majority larger than had been given to any state officer
at any formes: election in many years. There were some peculiar causes
that contributed to swell his majority at that election, but, independent of
them, there can be no doubt that the general conviction of his eminent
fitness for the office, would, under any circumstances of the opposing
party, have given him a great and triumphant vote. That such evidence
of the confidence and esteem of his fellow-citizens was gratifying to his
feelings, can not be doubted, but few can justly appreciate the sacrifices
Chey imposed. The duties of that office could not be discharged without
abandoning at once and for ever — for who ever regained a professional
standing once lost? — a lucrative business which he had been years in
acquiring, nor without severing all those social ties, and breaking up all
those domestic arrangements, which rendered home happy, and bound him
to the city where the best portion of his life had been spent. Yet, feeling
that the state had a right to command his services, he cheerfully submit
ted to its exactions, and on the first of January, 1848, removed to Albany,
where he displayed, in the performance of the duties of his arduous and
responsible office, the high ability and thorough attention which have
always characterized the discharge of all his public trusts.
We now approach the period in the life of Mr. Fillmore, when the entire
Union evinced its appreciation of his talents and worth, and a new theatre
was presented to him for the exercise of matured judgment, consummate

16 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF FILLM0R3.
prudence, and am abiding attachment and fidelity to the constitution and
Union, not excelled since the days of the revolution.
In the winter of 1844, when the eyes of the whigs were turned to
Henry Clay, of Kentucky, as their leader in the contest of that year, by
a numerous portion of the parly Mr. Fillmore was looked to as the candi
date for the vice-presidency.
The whigs of the state of New York, in general convention, unani
mously nominated Henry Clay for president, and Millard Fillmore for
vice-president. At the Baltimore convention, which met in May of that year, the dele
gates from New York, with one exception (the late Ambrose Spencer,
who was president of that convention) supported Mr. Fillmore ; but Mr.
Frelinghuysen, a distinguished citizen of New Jersey, received the
nomination. The startling results of the campaign in Mexico, and the admiration
and regard everywhere entertained for the bravery, cool judgment, and
eminent services of the hero of Resaca de la Palma, Palo Alto, Monterey,
and Buena Vista, early designated General Taylor as the nest president
of the United States. While it was well known that General Taylor had!
but little experience in the civil affairs of the country, the confidence in
his integrity, sound common sense, and practical wisdom, was unbounded ;
and a statesman, ready and willing cordially to co-operate with General
Taylor in carrying on the administration, and well versed in the detail's
of governmental affairs, was universally sought for by the whig party,
which, at that early day, it was clearly perceived, must be triumphant in
the coming contest.
In view of all these considerations, the whigs of the Union, in national
convention, selected Millard Fillmore for vice-president, and thereafter the
names of Taylor and Fillmore became the rallying cry of that party
throughout the Union, and resulted in the triumphant election of the whig
candidates. In February, 1849, Mr. Fillmore resigned the office of comptroller of
the state of New York, to enter upon the discharge of the dnties of vice-
president. It is not too much to say, that, distinguished as were the predecessors
of Mr. Fillmore in the office of comptroller, for integrity of character,
financial talents, and a faithful regard to the interests of the state, no one
of them left the office with a higher reputation than Mr. Fillmore, or with
a more general conviction on the part of the public, that all the duties of
the station had been discharged with ability and fidelity.
Taking the oath of office as vice-president, his address to the senate
was commended as well for the modesty and dignity of its delivery, as
for the sound and patriotic principles enunciated.
The session of Congress which commenced in December, 1849, proved

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF FILLMORE. 17
more exciting that any previous one, and it soon became apparent to every
dispassionate observer, that the strength of our institutions was then to
be tested ; and that upon the wisdom, firmness, discretion, and patriotism,
of those in power, would depend the continuance of the Union and the
constitution. In 1826, the presiding officer of the senate, John C. Calhoun, had
assumed the position that the vice-president had no power to call a sena
tor to order for words spoken in debate. This decision had been acqui
esced in, and was the established usage of the senate. Vice-President
Fillmore resolved to resume what he deemed the just duties of the
presiding officer. In a neat, perspicuous address to the senate, on a
fitting occasion, he announced his determination to maintain decorum in
debate, and to call senators to order for any offensive words used. The
senate evinced its appreciation and sanction of these views by unani
mously ordering them to be entered at length on their journal, where they
stand as evidence of the firmness of the presiding officer of the senate,
and his determination to shrink from no duty. The courtesy, ability, and
dignity, exhibited by Mr. Fillmore, while presiding over the deliberations
of the senate, received universal commendation.
In the discharge of his high and delicate duties the vice-president was
engaged, when the country was startled by the announcement of the sud
den illness and almost immediate decease of General Taylor.
At this critical period, the most difficult and exciting questions which
had ever agitated the people of this country were pending. The whole
Union was aroused; section was array ed_ against section; party divisions
were broken up ; and a universal gloom prevailed.
The cabinet resigned, but the new president, with dignity and delicacy,
declined to consider their resignations until after the obsequies to the
lamented dead had been performed.
On the 10th of July, Mr. Fillmore, as president, took the oath to " pre
serve, protect, and defend the constitution of the United States" — and men
then felt that that solemn promise would be faithfully kept — that the cri
sis was passed — and that the Union and the constitution would remain to
them and their posterity.
Within two weeks the president selected a cabinet, distinguished for its
ability, patriotism, and devotion to the Union, and possessing, in au emi
nent degree, the confidence of the country.
With his constitutional advisers, the president immediately applied
himself to relieve the embarrassments of the country, and to the best
means of restoring quiet and confidence to all sections of the Union.
His message to Congress on the difficulties with Texas, presented
views so calm, just, and reasonable, yet firm and decided, that confidence
in the administration was instantly inspired, and this message was
2

18 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF FILLMORE.
regarded as the bow of promise and hope. The settlement of that vexed
question opened the way for the speedy adjustment of others.
The assembling of Congress on the second of December, 1850, was
looked forward to with anxiety, as it was well known that then the annual
message of the president would be delivered, disclosing the views ami
principles of the new administration. This document was calm, con
ciliatory, yet firm, and thoroughly American in all its parts; showing that
the president was governed by an earnest desire to conciliate the warring
sections and restore harmony to the Union.
In every station in which he has been placed, Mr. Fillmore has shown
himself " honest, capable, and faithful to the constitution." He is em
phatically one of the people. For all that he has and is, he is indebted,
under God, to his own exertions, the faithful performance of every duty,
and steadfast adherence to the right. Born to an inheritance of compara
tive poverty, he struggled with difficulties of no ordinary character, until
he has reached a proud eminence which commands the admiration of his
countrymen. It is the peculiar boast of our country, that its highest honors and dig
nities are the legitimate objects of ambition to the humblest in the land
as well as to those most favored by the gifts of birth and fortune. Ours
is a government of the people, and from the people, emphatically, have
sprung those who, in the army or navy, on the bench of justice, or in the
halls of legislation, have shed the brightest lustre on the page of our
history. So universally almost is this the case, that when we find
an instance to the contrary, of one born to a fortune and enjoying the
advantages of influential connections, rising to a high place in the coun
cils of the nation, the exception deserves especial note for its rarity. No
merit is therefore claimed for Millard Fillmore on account of the fact that
from comparatively humble parentage he has attained his present eminent
position. His history, however, affords a useful lesson, as showing what
may be accomplished in the face of adverse circumstances, by intellect,
aided and controlled by energy, perseverance, and strict integrity, in a
public and private capacity.
In person, Mr. Fillmore is about six feet in height and well propor
tioned. His complexion is light, and the expression of his face is mild
and intelligent, indicating prominent traits of character by which he is
distinguished, among which are energy, benevolence, and strict integrity.
His manners are plain and affable, and his whole deportment such as
should characterize the chief magistrate of a republic.

(FBOM WAXKEB'S STATEMAN'S MANUAL)
ADMINISTRATION OF FILLMORE.

On Wednesday, July 10th, 1850, Millard Fillmore — who had been
elected vice-president in 1848, having acceded to the presidency in
consequence of the death of President Taylor the previous night, viz.,
¦9th of July — transmitted to both houses of Congress the following mes
sages: —
" Fellow- Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives : —
" I have to perform the melancholy duty of announcing to you that it
has pleased Almighty God to remove from this life Zachary Taylor, late
president of the United States. He deceased last evening, at the hour
of half-past ten o'clock, in the midst of his family, and surrounded by
affectionate friends, calmly and in the - full possession of all his faculties.
Among his last words were these, which he uttered with emphatic dis
tinctness : ' I have always done my duty — I am ready to die — my only
regret is for the friends I leave behind me.'
" Having announced to you. fellow-citizens, this most afflicting bereave
ment, and assuring" you that it has penetrated no heart with deeper grief
than mine, it remains for me to say, that I propose this day, at 12 o'clock,
in the hall of the house of representatives, in the presence of both houses
of Congress, to take the oath prescribed by the constitution, to enable
me to enter on the execution of the office which this event has devolved
on me. "Millard Fillmore."
"Washington, July 10, 1850."
" Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives : —
"A great man has fallen among us, and a whole country is called to an
occasion of unexpected, deep, and general mourning.
" I recommend to the two houses of Congress to adopt such measures
as in their discretion may seem proper, to perform with due solemnities
the funeral obsequies of Zachary Taylor, late president of the United
States ; and thereby to signify the great and affectionate regard of the
American people for the memory of one whose life has been devoted to
the public service ; whose career in arms has not been surpassed in use
ful i ess or brilliancy; who has been so recently raised by the unsolicited
voice of the people to the highest civil authority in the government which

20 ADMINISTRATION OF FILLMORE.
he administered with so much honor and advantage to his country ; and
by whose sudden death so many hopes of future usefulness have been
blighted for ever.
" To you, senators and representatives of a nation in tears, I can say
nothing which can alleviate the sorrow with which you are oppressed.
I appeal to you to aid me, under the trying circumstances which sur
round me, in the discharge of the duties from which, however much I
may be oppressed by them, I dare not shrink ; and I rely upon him who
holds in his hands the destinies of nations, to endow me with the requisite
strength for the task, and to avert from our country the evils apprehended!
from the heavy calamity which has befallen us.
" I shall most readily concur in whatever measures the wisdom of the
two houses may suggest, as befitting this deeply melancholy occasion.
" Millard Fillmore-
" Washington, July 10, 1850."
After this message was read in the senate, Mr. Downs, of Louisiana,
offered resolutions appointing a committee of arrangement for the funeral,
on the part of the senate ; and accompanied the introduction of the same
with a eulogy upon the deceased president. Messrs. Webster, Cass,
Pearce, King, and Berrien, followed in appropriate remarks, after which
the resolutions were unanimously adopted. In the house similar resolu
tions were adopted, being offered by Mr. Conrad, of Louisiana, who
addressed the house on the subject of the life and character of General
Taylor, and was responded to by Messrs. Winthrop, of Massachusetts,
Baker, of Illinois, Bayly, of Virginia, Hilliard, of Alabama, M'Lane, of
Maryland, and Marshall, of Kentucky.
The following day the committee of arrangements for the funeral, which
was fixed for Saturday, the 13th of July, made their report to both houses.
Mr. Underwood, of Kentucky, made a few eloquent remarks in the sen
ate, expressive of deep sympathy for the nation's loss, and of respect and
admiration for the character of General Taylor. On motion of Mr. Web
ster, the report of the committee of arrangements for the funeral was con
curred in. A similar report was made in the house of representatives, by
Mr. Conrad, of Louisiana, one of the joint committee, and adopted. The
military and naval arrangements of the funeral were placed under the
direction of Major-General Scott, and Commodore Warrington, the senior
naval officer present in Washington.
The funeral of General Taylor was attended by the members of both
houses of Congress, the president, and other public officers, the army and
naval officers in Washington, and citizens and strangers, on the 13th of
July. On the 15th of July, the following joint resolution of condolence
with the widow of General Taylor, was unanimously adopted by both
houses. " Resolved ly the Senate and House of Representatives in Congress

ADMINISTRATION OF FILLMORE. 21
assembled, That the president of the United States be requested to trans
mit a copy of the proceedings of the two houses on the 10th inst., in
relation to the death of the late president of the United States, to Mrs.
Margaret Taylor, and to assure her of the profound respect of the two
houses of Congress for her person and character, and of their sincere
condolence on the late afflicting dispensation of Providence.''
The president nominated the following gentlemen to compose the cabi
net of the new administration, who were immediately confirmed by the
senate, and entered on their respective duties : Daniel Webster, of Mas
sachusetts, secretary of state ; Thomas Corwin, of Ohio, secretary of the
treasury ; Charles M. Conrad, of Louisiana, secretary of war ; William
A. Graham, of North Carolina, secretary of the navy ; Alexander H. H.
Stuart, of Virginia, secretary of the interior ; Nathan K. Hall, of New
York, postmaster-general ; John J. Crittenden, of Kentucky, attorney-
general. The announcement of these names as members of the cabinet
of Mr. Fillmore was generally favorably received throughout the nation,
and inspired the people with confidence in the administration.
A message from President Fillmore was received in the house of rep
resentatives on the 6th of August, with regard to the difficulties with
Texas, and transmitting a letter from Governor Bell, of that state, in which
Sie complained of the conduct of Colonel Monroe, civil and military gov
ernor of New Mexico. By direction of the president, Mr. Webster replied
to the letter of Governor Bell, explaining the course of the government of
the United States, and recalling the circumstances of the case as they
existed under the military government established by the late president
Polk. It was shown by Mr. Webster that the authority of the United
States over New Mexico was the result of conquest, and the possession
was that of a military character. The military government existed there
of inevitable necessity, as much against the will of the executive as
against the will of the people. The late president Taylor thought, that
under these circumstances it was justifiable in the people of the territory
to form a constitution without previous authority from Congress, and there
upon apply for admission as a state. It was under such a state of things
and such opinions, that the order of November, 1849, was given. This
order indicates no boundary, and defines no territory, except by the name
of New Mexico. And so far as that indicated anything, it referred to
a known territory, organized under military authority, aprioved by the
executive, and left without remonstrance or alteration by Congress for
more than three years. The president disavows any intention to assume
the authority to settle the boundary dispute between New Mexico and
Texas. It had been shown that Colonel Monroe could have had no in
tention of this kind, and that his aid was merely given to assist the people
in forming a state constitution, to be afterward presented for approval to
Congress. The constitution of New Mexico could have no legal validity

22 ADMINISTRATION OF FILLMORE.
until it was recognised by the law-making power of the government of
the Un.ted States.
The object of the executive government, Mr. Webster remarked, had
been, and was then, to secure the peace of the country ; to maintain, as
far as practicable, the state of things existing at the date of the treaty -r
and to uphold the rights of the respective parties until they could be set
tled by competent authority.
When the bill for the suppression of the slave-trade in the District of
Columbia was under discussion in the senate, on the 10th of September,
the other compromise measures having been adopted, as we have stated,
Mr. Seward, of New York, moved an amendment, " That slavery in the
district be entirely abrogated : that its abolition depend on the vote of the
of the inhabitants ; and that in case, on such vote being taken, it should
be in favor of emancipation, the sum of two hundred thousand dollars be
appropriated to pay the owners of the slaves for whatever loss they may
suffer." A brief debate took place on the amendment, which, on the
following day, Mr. Seward desired to withdraw, but objection being made,
it was put to the vote and rejected, yeas 5, nays 45. The bill finally
passed the senate substantially as reported, 33 to 19, and on the following
day passed the house of representatives, 125 to 49.
Besides the compromise measures referred to, but few acts of public
interest were passed by the thirty-first Congress, at this first and long ses
sion of ten months ; among them were acts authorizing the negotiation of
treaties with Indian tribes in Oregon ; to increase the rank and file of the
army; to reduce the minimum price of the mineral lands in Michigan ane!
Wisconsin ; granting the right of way and making a grant of land to the
states of Illinois, Mississippi, and Alabama, in aid of the construction of
a railroad from Chicago to Mobile ; providing for the taking of the seventh
and subsequent censuses of the United States, and to fix the number of
the members of the house of representatives, and to provide for their future
apportionment among the several states ; several acts relating to Califor
nia ; making appropriations for lighthouses, light-boats, &c. ; makin»
appropriations for public buildings in the territories of Minnesota and
Oregon ; establishing a territorial government for Utah ; making appropri
ations for fortifications ; granting bounty lands to certain officers and sol
diers who have been engaged in the military service of the United States ;
joint resolutions authorizing the president to accept and attach to the navy
two vessels offered by Henry Grinnell, Esq., of New York, to be sent to
the Arctic seas in search of Sir John Franklin and his companions ;
authorizing the purchase of the manuscript farewell address of George
Washington. The last resolution proved ineffectual, as the manuscript of
Washington's farewell address was sold at auction, in Philadelphia, and
purchased by James Lenox, Esq., of New York, for $2,300, a price ex-

ADMINISTRATION OF FILLMORE. 23
ceeding that which the library committee of Congress felt justified in
paying for the same.
The second session of the 31st Congress commenced on Monday, the
2d of December, 1850, and terminated with the expiration of their term,
at noon of the 4th of March, 1851. A considerable portion of the time
of this short term was taken up in unprofitable discussions on various
subjects, and many important bills which were matured by the committees
of the two houses remained to be acted upon the last two weeks of the
session. The consequence was the failure of many measures in which
much interest was felt by the public. Some of these bills were lost
through the pressure of business and want of time ; others through the
violence of opposition to the bills. Among the latter was the river and
harbor appropriation bill, which involved principles always disputed by
that portion of the democratic party who adhered to the strictest construc
tion of the constitution, as particularly set forth in the veto message of the
late president Polk, and some of his predecessors, denying to the national
government full powers to construct works of internal improvement, or
those works deemed of local character. A majority of the house of rep
resentatives had passed a bill making appropriations on a liberal scale,
for the improvement of rivers and harbors, but it was defeated in the
senate on the last night of the session, although a majority of that body
were favorable to the measure, by the pertinacity and tact of the opposi
tion, in preventing a direct vote upon the bill. A bill making appropria
tions for French spoliations on American commerce previous to the yeai
1800, was also lost; likewise a joint resolution creating the grade of lieu
tenant-general in the army, intended in honor of Major-General Scott, for
his long military career in the service of the country.
Among the most important bills passed were the civil and diplomatic
appropriation bill ; the army and navy appropriation bills ; a bill establish
ing new postoffices and post-routes ; a bill making appropriations for light
houses ; an act to divide the district of Arkansas into two judicial dis
tricts ; an act to reduce and modify the rates of postage, by which the
rates of postage on single letters were reduced to three cents on all pre
paid letters ; and five cents if not prepaid, on all distances under 3,000
miles ; and double those rates for distances exceeding 3,900 miles. A
similar reduction was made by the bill, in the postage of newspapers and
periodicals. Acts alsojpassed, to amend the regulations for the appraisement
of merchandise imported ; to ascertain and settle private land claims in
California; to found a military asylum for the relief and support of invalid
and disabled soldiers of the army of the United States ; joint resolutions
for the appointment of regents of the Smithsonian institution ; directing
the distribution of the works of Alexander Hamilton (printed from papers
previously purchased by Congress) ; and one authorizing the president tc
send a government vessel to the Mediterranean to bring Kossuth, the

24 ADMINISTRATION OF FILLMORE.
Hungarian general, and other exiles among his countrymen, to the United,
States. Thus terminated the labors of the thirty-first Congress, which, during
its official term, had been more days in session than any preceding
Congress since the adoption of the federal constitution. The peculiar
circumstances of the times, and the agitation of questions of vital interest,
caused the consumption of much of the time of each session ; but several
highly important measures were settled, after arduous debates, tending to
the perpetuity of the Union and the national prosperity.
The first session of the thirty-second Congress commenced at Wash
ington, on Monday, the first of December, 1851, and continued until the
thirtieth of August, 1852 — a period of two hundred and seventy-three
days. There was a decided majority of members in both branches
opposed to the whig administration. In the senate, thirty-six of the
sixty-two members were of the democratic party ; and in the house of
representatives, there were one hundred and forty democrats to eighty-
eight whigs, and five free-soilers, or those opposed to slavery in the new
territories. The senators assembled at the hour of twelve, meridian, and
a quorum being present, the president pro tern, William R. King, called
the senate to order, and after devotional exercises, the credentials of new
senators were presented. The house of representatives was called to
order also at twelve o'clock, by Richard M. Young, clerk of the last
house, and two hundred and eighteen members answered to their names.
On voting for speaker, Linn Boyd, a democratic member from Kentucky,
was chosen on the first trial, having received one hundred and eighteen
votes, against ninety-five for all others. John W. Forney (democrat), of
Pennsylvania, was chosen clerk on the first vote, by one hundred and
twenty, against eighty-eight for all others.
On the following day the president's message was transmitted to Con
gress. It presented a favorable view of the condition of the country, and
its affairs domestic and foreign. Allusion having been made in the message
to the resolution of Congress authorizing the president to employ a public
vessel to convey to this country, from their exile in Turkey, Louis Kossuth,
late governor of Hungary, and his associates, and they having arrived in
the United States, Mr. Foote, of Mississippi, introduced a joint resolution
in the senate, to provide for the reception and entertainment of Kossuth at
the metropolis of the Union. A joint resolution ^vas subsequently pre
sented by Mr. Seward, a senator from New York ; which, after much
discussion, was adopted by a large vote. It was in the following words :
" That Congress, in the name and behalf of the people of the United
States, give Louis Kossuth a cordial welcome to the capital and the
country." The objections urged against this resolution were, that no
foreigner but Lafayette had ever received so exalted an honor as a
national welcome, and that he had peculiar claims on this nation, whieh

ADMINISTRATION OF FILLMORE. 25
were wanting in the case of Kossuth ; that this measure was against all
international precedent; that it would embroil us with several of the Euro
pean powers, with whom we were now on peaceful terms ; and that non
interference with transatlantic dissensions was the fundamental principle
of our national policy, solemnly established by precedents in the adminis
trations of Washington and Madison. It was further contended, that the
cause of free institutions abroad was more truly fostered by the growth
and prosperity of the United States, than it could ever be by the most
tuccessful war. The advocates of the resolution urged that the govern
ment had committed the country in this matter, by placing a national
vessel at the service of Kossuth, and the welcome was but the consum
mation of the invitation. The measure finally passed both houses by
large majorities.
According to the accepted offer of the United States government to
convey the Hungarian exiles to this country, the United States steamship
Mississippi had in September, 1851, sailed from Constantinople through the
Dardanelles. A Turkish frigate also left her moorings in the Bosphorus
for the port of Gemlik, where Kossuth and his comrades, who had been
under the protection of Turkey at Kutaya, were to embark. They were
received with due honor on board of the United States ship, which
immediately sailed for Marseilles. Being refused a passage through
France, by the French government, Kossuth remained on board the
steamer until she reached Gibraltar. Being determined to make a
hasty visit to England, he left the American ship, and proceeded to
Southampton in an English steamer. Having received a cordial wel
come from the people of several parts of England, Kossuth embarked for
the United States in the steamer Humboldt, and arrived in the harbor
of New York on the 5th of- December, 1851. A public reception was
given him by the people of Staten Island ; and on the 6th, which was
selected by the authorities of the city of New York to celebrate his arri
val, and make a great demonstration of American sympathy and respect,
he made his entry into the city, amid a vast concourse of people assem
bled to welcome him, and attended by a grand military and civic proces
sion. His address on the occasion was remarkable for its bold and dig
nified sentiments, and for the highest order of eloquence. He remained
for some days in New York as the guest of the city ; and on the 11th of
December a banquet was given him by the common council, when he
made an elaborate speech, vindicating his appeal to the people of the
United States in behalf of Hungary. His profound knowledge of Ameri
can institutions and the foreign policy of this country, and the facility with
which he spoke the English language, so recently acquired by him, with
the fascinating style of his eloquence, amazed and delighted the immense
audience assembled on the occasion. Various other entertainments were
given him in the city, and deputations of citizens of different classes, and

26 ADMINISTRATION OF FILLMORE.
from various parts of the United States, waited on him with their wel
come. The circumstances attending the reception of Kossuth constituted
one of the most extraordinary spectacles the New World had ever yet
beheld. And it was not merely the more inflammable portions of the
community that felt the strange fascination excited by the Hungarian
chief; but the very classes that are usually the most conservative, the
most skeptical of popular judgment, and the quickest to endeavor to check
the popular favor, were the foremost, in hailing Kossuth as the prominent
hero of revolutionary Europe, and the most eloquent orator of the nine
teenth century. The first check to this enthusiasm was visible in the
senate of the United States. The essential constitutional function of this
body is to prevent great national questions from being carried by accla
mation ; and from this quarter first proceeded the caution to the nation,
not to let their sympathies with the oppressed people of the Old World
hurry them into useless contentions with their rulers. There was also a
disposition in the president and cabinet to repress the public enthusiasm
in favor of Kossuth, by giving him a formal and somewhat cool reception,
and by discountenancing all efforts to commit the government of the
United States to the cause of Hungary, by interfering in her favor against
Austria. After public receptions and addresses at Philadelphia and
Baltimore, Kossuth proceeded to Washington, where he was received
by two of the senators and the United States marshal of the District of
Columbia. He was shortly afterward waited upon by Mr. Webster, sec
retary of state, and by prominent members of Congress. On the 31st of
December he was presented to the president by Secretary Webster, and
Senators Seward aud Shields. M. Kossuth read a short address to the
president, in which he expressed his gratitude for himself, his associates,
and his country, for the encouragement and sympathy shown by our
government toward the Hungarian cause.
The reply of President Fillmore was as follows : "I am happy, Gov
ernor Kossuth, to welcome you to this land of freedom ; and it gives me
pleasure to congratulate you upon your release from a long confinement
in Turkey, and your safe arrival here. As an individual, I sympathized
deeply with you in your brave struggle for the independence and freedom
of your native land. The American people can never be indifferent to
such a contest ; but our policy as a nation, in this respect, has been uni
form from the commencement of our government ; and my own views,
as the chief executive magistrate of this nation, are fully and freely
expressed in my recent message to Congress, to which you have been
pleased to allude. They are the same, whether speaking to Congress
here, or to tlie nations of Europe.
" Should your country be restored to independence and freedom, I
should then wish you, as the greatest blessing you could enjoy, a restora
tion to your native land : but, should that never happen, I can only repeat

ADMINISTRATION OF FILLMORE. 27
my welcome to you and your companions here, and pray that God's
blessing may rest upon you wherever your lot may be cast."
On the 5th of January, 1852, M. Kossuth was introduced to the sen
ate. He entered the senate-chamber accompanied by Senators Cass
and Seward, and leaning upon the arm of Senator Shields, who said:
" Mr. President, we have the honor to announce Louis Kossuth to the
senate of the United States." The president of the senate then invited
the distinguished guest, to a seat placed in front of the secretary's desk.
The senate then adjourned, and the senators came forward and were
introduced to M. Kossuth by Messrs. Seward and Shields. On the same
day, the resolution inviting M. Kossuth to the house of representatives
was passed by that body, by a vote of one hundred and twenty-three tc
fifty-four. On the second day following (January 5), the introduction
took place, with the same ceremonies as in the senate. M. Kossuth,
escorted by the committee of reception and followed by his suite, entered
the hall, and advanced up the aisle in front of the speaker, the members
of the house generally rising to receive him. Mr. Cartter, of Ohio,
chairman of the committee, said: — " Mr. Speaker: We have the honor
to present Governor Louis Kossuth to the house of representatives of the
United States." The speaker said : " As the organ of this body, I have
the honor to extend to Louis Kossuth a cordial welcome to the house of
representatives of the United States." To which Kossuth replied: —
" Sir : It is a remarkable fact in the history of mankind, that while,
through all the past, honors were bestowed upon glory, and glory was
attached only to success, the legislative authorities of this great republic
bestow the highest honors upon a persecuted exile, not conspicuous by
glory nor favored by success, but engaged in a just cause. There is a
triumph of republican principles in this fact. Sir, in my own and my
country's name, I thank the house of representatives of the United States
for the honor of this cordial welcome."
M. Kossuth was then conducted by the committee to a chair which had
been prepared for him, and the house adjourned for the purpose of giving
the members an opportunity to pay their respects to him. The represen
tatives were then presented by the speaker and committee of reception to
M. Kossuth ; as were also the immense crowd of ladies and gentlemen
who had assembled on the occasion. A congressional banquet was given
to Kossuth, on a subsequent day, at the National hotel, at which William
R. King, president of the senate, presided ; Kossuth and Speaker Boyd
being on his right, and Daniel Webster, secretary of state, on the left.
The room was decorated with banners, &c, and three hundred guests,
including the most prominent statesmen from the representatives' hall to
the cabinet, were present. The speech of Kossuth on the occasion was
marked with his usual ability and eloquence. Among others who spoke
in reply, the secretary of state, Daniel Webster, addressed the company

28 ADMINISTRATION OF FILLMORE.
in laudation of the guest of the evening, and of the importance of the
events attending Kossuth's career to his own country and to this, and
proceeded at length, with his usual impressiveness, to speak of the
Hungarian cause — setting forth the peculiar fitness of that country for
an independent government — in the course of which, he referred to his
speeches in favor of Greece, in 1825, as containing the sentiments which
he still held on the question of national inviolability. Mr. Webster con
cluded his remarks with the following sentiment: "Hungarian inde
pendence ; Hungarian control of her own destinies ; and Hungary as
a distinct nationality among the nations of Europe."
Before leaving Washington city, Kossuth addressed a letter to the
president of the United States, expressing his gratitude and thanks to the
government and Congress of the United States for their kindness to him,
as the humble representative of his country, from the time when they
sent a steam-frigate to Asia, in order to restore him to liberty, to the
moment of his official reception at Washington. These farewell thanks
Kossuth directed to the president, with a request to communicate his
"assurance of everlasting gratitude to the senate and house of repre
sentatives." After his departure for the west, the secretary of state,
Mr. Webster, informed Kossuth, by letter, that his request would have
been complied with, if it were consistent with the accepted form, and
suggested as more appropriate that his communication should be made to
Congress. Kossuth accordingly sent from Cincinnati a letter of thanks,
inclosing a copy of his letter to President Fillmore, to the presiding officer
of both houses of Congress. In the senate, his communications were
read, and after debate ordered to be printed. In the house of represen
tatives, the letter of Kossuth was received and laid on the table. Various
resolutions on the subject of foreign intervention were submitted and
debated in both houses of Congress, but nothing important was deter
mined, except the evident intention shown by Congress that the uniform
policy of the United States should not be changed in favor of Hungary.
After visiting the western states and various other parts of the country,
Kossuth returned to New York, whence he embarked for England in
July, 1852.
On the 24th of December, 1851, the Congressional library, at Wash
ington, was mostly destroyed by fire, and the whole capitol was in
imminent danger of sharing the same fate. About thirty-five thousand
volumes were destroyed. The number of volumes in the library was
about fifty-five thousand, including the library of Mr. Jefferson, purchased
by Congress after the destruction of the public buildings by the British
troops in 1814. Many of the books in the Jefferson library were saved.
Twelve hundred bronze medals, presented by M. Vattemare, of France,
and rare and valuable books, presented by foreign governments, were
lost. The original draft of the Declaration of Independence was fortu-

ADMINISTRATION OF FILLMORE. 29
nately saved, as were also some of the portraits of the presidents and
various medals. The books in the adjoining room to the main library,
numbering twenty thousand volumes, were saved. Congress imme
diately appropriated money for repairing the capitol, and for the purchase
of books.
The amount of public business accomplished during this long session
of Congress was but small, a large proportion of the time of both houses
being taken up in the discussion of abstract questions and controverted
points, leading to no definite results. The near approach of another
presidential election evidently influenced the minds and actions of mem
bers of Congress, anxious for the success of their respective parties and
favorites. Henry Clay, the distinguished statesman, and one of the senators from
Kentucky, died at Washington on the 29th June, 1852, aged seventy-five
years. The proceedings of both branches of Congress, on the day sub
sequent to his death, were of the most impressive character. Men of all
parties forgot their differences of opinion, in their zeal to do honor to the
memory of the great statesman, and joined together in eulogies of truth
and sincerity. Funeral ceremonies were performed, July 1, in the sen
ate, after which the body was transferred to the cars, on its journey to
Lexington, Kentucky. Funereal honors were paid to the memory of
Mr. Clay throughout the United States.
Among the most important public acts passed at the first session of the
thirty-second Congress, besides the usual civil, military, and naval ap
propriations, were the following : An act making appropriations for the
improvement of certain harbors and rivers, these appropriations amount
ing to over two millions of dollars ; acts appropriating two millions for
the Indian department ; one million three hundred and sixty-six thousand
dollars for pensions ; over seven hundred thousand dollars for light
houses, &c. ; and nearly two millions for the transportation of the United
States mail by ocean steamers : and a joint resolution appropriating five
hundred thousand dollars for the enlargement of the capitol buildings.
Acts also passed for the establishment of a branch mint in California ; to
amend the act for the protection of steamboat passengers ; appropriating
six thousand dollars for the relief of certain invaders of Cuba pardoned
by the queen of Spain ; and an act granting the right of way to all rail
and plank roads passing through the public lands of the United States.
In the house of representatives, during the discussion on partisan
preparations for the presidential election, tha following resolution offered
by Mr. Jackson, of Georgia, was adopted, on the 5th of April, 1852 : —
" Resolved, That we recognise the binding efficacy of the compromises
of the constitution ; and we believe it to be the determination of the peo
ple generally, as we hereby declare it to be ours individually, to abide by
such compromises, and to sustain the laws necessary to carry them out —

30 ADMINISTRATION OF FILLMORE.
the provision for the delivery of fugitive slaves, and the act of the last
Congress for that purpose, included ; and that we deprecate all further
agitation of the questions growing out of that act of the last Congress
known as the Compromise act, and of questions generally connected with
the institution of slavery, as useless and dangerous."
To this resolution Mr. Hillyer, also of Georgia, offered the following
as additional : —
" Resolved, That the series of acts passed during the first session of
the thirty-first Congress, known as compromises, are regarded as a final
adjustment and a permanent settlement of the questions therein embraced,
and should be maintained and executed as such."
Upon the latter proposition, the vote stood : ayes, one hundred and
three ; noes, seventy-four. The first resolution was then also adopted,
by a vote of one hundred and one to sixty-four — divided as follows : —

Northern Whigs  7
Southern Whigs  20
Total  27

Northern Whigs  29
Southern Whigs  ]
Total Whigs  30
Free Soilers  3

Northern Democrats  35
Southern Democrats  39
Total  74

Northern Democrats  21
Southern Democrats  10
Total Democrats  31
Total nays  64

Three commercial treaties were ratified and proclaimed during the
year 1852, namely, with the republics of Guatemala, Costa Rica, and
Peru. The administration of Mr. Fillmore also projected and sent out a
naval expedition to the empire of Japan. The object of the expedition,
which was placed under the command of Commodore Perry, was to
open a friendly communication with Japan, and, if possible, negotiate with
that government a treaty of amity and commerce. The vessels of the
expedition sailed at different times, during the year 1852, under instruc
tions to rendezvous in the Chinese seas, and thence to proceed to Japan.
On the approach of the time fixed for the nomination of candidates for
president and vice-president, in 1852, it was apparent that, notwithstand
ing the passage of compromise acts and resolutions in Congress, divisions
still existed in the two great political parties of the country on the ques
tion of slavery. While democrats of the northern states were generally
willing to unite at the coming election, and to consider the question of
the extension of slavery as settled, those of the south were divided into
what were called " Union men" and " southern-rights men," — the latter
holding the doctrine of the right of a sovereign state to secede from the

ADMINISTRATION OF FILLMORE. 31
Union, whenever the rights of the state were violated by the action of
the general government. This southern rights section comprised a large
majority of the democratic party in most of the slaveholding states. On
the other hand, the great body of the whigs of the south were Union
men, and satisfied with the compromise measures adopted by Congress
But, in the northern states generally, the largest portion of the whig party
were dissatisfied with some of the compromise measures referred to
although acquiescing in the same, and had on all suitable occasions
through their representatives in Congress and otherwise, opposed th<
extension of slavery in the territories of the United States. The aboli
tionists, so called, were a distinct organization on the subject of anti
slavery, and composed of persons drawn from both the democratic am
whig parties.
The democratic national convention, for the nomination of candidates
for president and vice-president, met at Baltimore on the 1st of June
1852, and was organized by the appointment of John W. Davis, of
Indiana (who was speaker of the house of representatives, in the 29th
Congress), as president. The rule of former democratic national conven
tions, requiring the votes of two thirds of the whole number of delegates,
was adopted. On the first ballot, the vote stood as follows : for Lewis
Cass, of Michigan, 116 ; James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, 93 ; William
L. Marcy, of New York, 27 ; Stephen A. Douglass, of Illinois, 20 ;
Samuel Houston, of Texas, 8; Joseph Lane, of Indiana, 13 ; all others,
11 : total, 288 votes. No candidate having received the required num
ber of one hundred and ninety-two, the convention continued to vote,
without success, until the fourth day of their session. On the thirty-third
ballot, General Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, for the first time,
was voted for in the convention, and then only received the vote of one
delegate. On the thirty-fifth ballot he received fifteen votes, which num
ber was increased to fifty-five on the forty-eighth ballot, and on the forty-
ninth and final ballot, he received two hundred and eighty-two votes,
against six for other candidates. Franklin Pierce was therefore declared
nominated by the convention as the democratic candidate for president.
On balloting for vice-president, William R. King, of Alabama, received
one hundred and twenty-six votes on the first, and two hundred and sev
enty-seven on the second ballot. He was therefore declared the demo
cratic nominee for vice-president. A series of resolutions was adopted,
declaring the views of the democratic party on certain points of national
policy, and declaring resistance to "all attempts at renewing, in Congress
or out of it, the agitation of the slavery question, under whatever shape
or color the attempt may be made ;" and also a determination to " abide
by, and adhere to, a faithful execution of the acts known as the compro
mise measures settled by the last Congress — the act reclaiming fugitives
from service or labor included." The convention adjourned on the 5th

32 ADMINISTRATION OF FILLMORE.
June, with confidence on the part of the members, that the renewed union
of the democratic party throughout the country would insure success for
their nominees over any candidates their political opponents might pre
sent to the people for their support.
On the 16th of June, the whig national convention met at Baltimore,
and was organized by the appointment of John G. Chapman, of Mary
land, as president, and other officers. Two days were occupied in pre
liminary business, part of which was the investigation of the right to
several contested seats from the states of New York and Vermont. This
matter being settled, on the third day, a committee consisting of one from
each state, selected by the delegation therefrom, was appointed to report
a series of resolutions for the action of the convention. The resolutions
were reported the same day, and, after some discussion, were adopted by
a vote of two hundred and twenty-seven ayes, to sixty-six noes. They
set forth, that the government of the United States is one of a limited
character, and is confined to the exercise of powers expressly granted by
the constitution, all power not granted, or necessarily implied, being
expressly reserved to the States respectively and to the people ; that the
Union should be revered and watched over as the palladium of our liber
ties ; that while struggling freedom everywhere has the warmest sym
pathy of the whig party, they still adhere to the doctrines of the Father
of his country, as announced in his farewell address, of keeping ourselves
free from all entangling alliances with foreign countries, and of never
quitting our own to stand upon foreign ground ; that revenue ought to be
raised by duties on imports, and not from direct taxation, and sound policy
requires a just discrimination in laying such duties, whereby suitable
encouragement may be afforded to American industry ; that Congress has
power to open and repair harbors, and remove obstructions from navigable
rivers, whenever such improvements are necessary for the common de
fence, and for the protection and facility of commerce with foreign
nations or among the States ; that the compromise acts of the thirty-first
Congress, including the fugitive slave law, are received and acquiesced
in by the whig party, as a settlement, in principle and substance, of the
dangerous and exciting questions which they embrace ; that the whig
party will maintain them, and insist upon their strict enforcement, until
time and experience shall demonstrate the necessity of further legisla
tion, to guard against their evasion or abuse, not impairing their present
efficiency ; and that all further agitation of the questions thus settled is
deprecated as dangerous to our peace ; and all efforts to continue or
renew such agitation will be discountenanced.
After adopting these resolutions, the convention proceeded to vote for
a candidate for president, and continued to ballot until Monday, the fifth
day of the session. There were two hundred and ninety-six electoral
votes represented by delegates from the various thirty-one states, making

ADMINISTRATION OF FILLMORE. 33
one hundred and forty-nine essential to a choice. Upon the first ballot,
Millard Fillmore (president) received 133, General Winfield Scott 131,
and Daniel Webster 29 votes ; and this relative proportion was nearly
sustained throughout fifty ballotings. The votes for General Scott were
principally from the northern or non-slaveholding states, as were those
given to Mr. Webster ; while Mr. Fillmore received the votes of the
Southern or slaveholding states, with a few scattering votes from the
north. Of the votes of the New York delegation, Scott received 25, and
Fillmore 9. On the fifty-third ballot, General Scott receiving 159 votes,
Mr. Fillmore 112, and Mr. Webster 21, the former was declared to have
been duly nominated, and that nomination was made unanimous. William
A. Graham, of North Carolina, then secretary of the navy, was then, on
the second ballot, nominated as the Whig candidate for vice-president.
Resolutions were adopted complimentary to Mr. Fillmore and Mr. Web
ster ; after which the convention adjourned. Those who opposed the
nomination of General Scott, opposed him, not because he had ever
shown himself hostile to the Union or the compromise measures of 1850,
but simply because, in the then impending crisis, it was better to adopt a
candidate whose soundness could not be by any possibility assailed, than
to select one against whom the attacks of their political opponents could
be more easily directed. It was known that the principal supporters of
the nomination of Scott were among the free-soil whigs, or those who
had been most strenuous in opposing the extension of slavery. This
rendered him unpopular with the southern whigs as a presidential candi
date, and they were anxious for the nomination of President Fillmore,
who had approved and sustained the compromise measures in 1850. A
letter from General Scott was read before the convention, warmly accept
ing the resolutions which they had adopted, and this had a tendency to
remove the repugnance felt against his nomination, which was finally
effected by votes given by delegates from Virginia, Kentucky, and Ten
nessee, in addition to his previous support in the convention. In reply
to a communication from the president of the convention, apprising him
of his nomination, General Scott wrote a letter on the 24th of June,
declaring that he " accepted it with the resolutions annexed." In the
same letter he gave his views of public policy, which proved generally
acceptable to the whig party throughout the Union. Mr. Graham also
accepted his nomination, with a cordial approval of the declarations made
in the resolutions adopted by the convention, and soon after resigned his
office as secretary of the navy.
After the adjournment of the whig convention, a letter from President
Fillmore, addressed to that body, was published. It was intrusted to
the care of Mr. Babcock, the delegate from the Erie (New York) district,
in which Mr. Fillmore had resided ; and he was authorized to present it,
and withdraw Mr. Fillmore's name as a candidate, whenever he should
3

34: ADMINISTRATION OF FILLMORE.
think it proper to do so. In this letter, Mr. Fillmore refers to the cir
cumstances ef embarrassment under which he entered upon the duties of
the presidency, and says that he at once determined within himself to
decline a re-election, and to make that decision public. From doing so,
however, he was at that time, as well as subsequently, dissuaded by the
earnest remonstrances of his friends. He expresses the hope that the
convention may be able to unite in nominating some one who, if elected,
may be more successful than he had been in retaining the confidence of
the party. He had endeavored faithfully to discharge his duty to the
country; and in the consciousness of having acted from upright motives,
and, according to his best judgment, for the public good, he was quite
willing to have sacrificed himself for the sake of his country.
Mr. Webster did not cordially acquiesce in the nomination of General
Scott, and he hesitated not to express his dissatisfaction at the result of the
proceedings of the whig convention. From his own calculation of the po
sition of parties in the convention, and the confidence he entertained of the
opinion of sanguine friends with regard to his favorable prospects, added to
the nominations he had received in Massachusetts and other New England
states, as well as in New York, he was induced to believe that the whig
nomination for president would fall on him. Efforts were made to place
him in nomination as an independent candidate for the presidency, by
public meetings in Boston, and by conventions of the whigs in Georgia,
and of the Native American party at Trenton, New Jersey. In July,
Mr. Webster visited Massachusetts, and was honored with a public recep
tion at Boston, when the demonstration was large and enthusiastic. The
inhabitants of Marshfield, the country residence of Mr. Webster, also
gave him a public reception, marked by warm enthusiasm and profound
personal respect. His health at that time was feeble, and he retired
from the cares of office to his residence at Marshfield ; and, soon after,
he met with a severe injur}' in consequence of being thrown from a
wagon. His health continued to decline, until, on the 21st of October,
his illness was felt to be dangerous ; from which time he rapidly sunk,
until his death, which occurred on Sunday morning, October 24, 1852.
His last hours were irradiated by penitence, prayer, and the consolations
of Christian faith and hope. His decease excited feelings of profound
regret throughout the Union ; and, in all sections of the country, funeral
honors and demonstrations of respect were paid to his memory. Mr.
Webster was considered by his countrymen, and by the well-informed
citizens of other countries, as the greatest man, intellectually, that
America has yet produced. In the language of one of his biographers
(Professor Felton, of Cambridge, Massachusetts) : " If we compare Mr.
Webster with the great statesmen of antiquity, we shall find many points
in common between him and Cicero and Demosthenes. He had, how
ever, more force and originality than the former, and more varied culture

ADMINISTRATION OF FILLMORE. 35
than the latter. To our apprehension, he more resembled Demosthenes
than any other modern orator. The purity of his conduct in the admin
istration of public affairs, the ardor of his patriotism, the splendor of his
genius, have been «nly the more conspicuous the more his life and works
have been studied; for every word he ever spoke breathed a single-
hearted devotion to the interests and glory of his country. His language
was grand, yet simple, rich, solemn; not disdaining ornament, but never
seeking it at the sacrifice of sense ; sweet and stately, as well as forcible.
His arrangement of topics was skilful, but natural; and the array of his
arguments, in solid phalanx, was irresistible. It is one of the chiefest
glories of republican Athens that her institutions produced such a man ;
it is a blot on the history of disunited Greece, that she listened to his
words, but forgot to act upon his counsels. May the parallel stop short
of this crowning circumstance of ruin and disaster !"
A national convention of the free-soil, or anti-slavery party, calling
themselves " free democrats," was held at Pittsburgh, on the 1 1th of
August, at which John P. Hale was nominated for president, and George
W. Julian, of Indiana, for vice-president, as the candidates of that party.
Both of these gentlemen accepted the nomination, and, during a portion
of the month of September, Mr. Hale visited different parts of the state
of Ohio and addressed the citizens. Tlie National Liberty convention,
composed of a portion of the abolitionists or anti-slavery men, met at Syra
cuse, New York, on the 30th of September, and nominated William
Goodeil for president, and S. M. Piper for vice-president. In Georgia,
the committee appointed by the southern-rights convention made a report
nominating George M. Troup, of Georgia, for president, and General
Quitman, of Mississippi, for vice-president. The nominations were
ratified with enthusiasm. Electors were named, and the convention
adjourned, but the candidates did not accept the nomination.
General Scott, having been called to the west on official business con
nected with the interests of the army, received an enthusiastic welcome
along the route. Public receptions were accorded him at various west
ern cities, and in reply to numerous addresses, principally relating to his
military services, the general made brief responses. The democratic
candidate for president remained at his residence in Concord, New
Hampshire, during the political campaign. In reply to the committee
of the democratic national convention, appointed to apprise him of his
nomination, General Pierce replied in a letter dated at Concord, June 17.
Among other things, he said : " The surprise with which I received the
intelligence of the nomination was not unmingled with painful solicitude ;
and yet it is proper for me to say, that the manner in which it was con
ferred was peculiarly gratifying. I accept the nomination, relying upon
an abiding devotion to the interests, the honor, and the glory of our whole
country, but, beyond and above all, upon a Power superior to all human

36 ADMINISTRATION OF FILLMORE.
might — a Power which, from the first gun of the Revolution, in every
crisis through which we have passed, in every hour of acknowledged
peril, when the dark clouds have shut down around us, has interposed as
if to baffle human wisdom, outmarch human forecast, and bring out of
darkness the rainbow of promise. Weak myself, faith and hope repose
there in security.
" I accept the nomination upon the platform adopted by the conven
tion — not because this is expected of me as a candidate, but because the
principles it embraces command the approbation of my judgment ; and
with them, I believe I can safely say, there has been no word nor act of
my life in conflict."
The presidential election took place throughout the Union on Tuesday,
the 5th of November, 1852, and resulted in the choice of the democratic
candidates, Franklin Pierce, for president, and William R. King for vice-
president, each of whom received the electoral votes of twenty-seven
states — two hundred and fifty-four in number. The whig candidates,
Scott and Graham, received the electoral votes of only four states, viz., those
of Vermont, Massachusetts, Kentucky, and Tennessee — forty-two in all.
The popular vote given to General Scott was, however, larger than had
ever been polled by the whig party, the votes for the Scott and Graham
electoral tickets in all the states having been 1,384,577 ; whereas General
Taylor, in 1848, received 1,362,242, and Henry Clay, in 1844, 1,291,643.
The popular vote for the democratic candidates, Pierce and King, was
1,587,256, exclusive of South Carolina, where the electors were chosen
by the legislature. The free-soil and other electoral tickets nominated,
did not receive enough of the popular votes to affect the result of the
election. The popular vote for the Hate and Julian electoral tickets was
157,296. In 1848, the same party polled for Van Buren and Adams
electors, 291,378 ; but that vote included many democrats who now sup
ported Pierce and King electors.
On the death of Mr. Webster, President Fillmore appointed Edward
Everett secretary of state. Other changes in the cabinet had previously
taken place. Judge Conkling, of New York, having been appointed min
ister to Mexico, resigned his office as judge of the northern district of
New York, and Nathan K. Hall, postmaster-general, was appointed in
his place. Samuel D. Hubbard, of Connecticut, was appointed postmas
ter-general, Mr. Hall having resigned. In consequence of his nomination
as a candidate for vice-president, William A. Graham resigned as secre
tary of the navy, and John P. Kennedy, of Maryland, was appointed to
succeed him.
The second session of the thirty-second Congress commenced on
Monday, the 6th of December, 1852, and its term expired on the 3d of
March, 1853. There was not much business of importance transacted at
this short session, much of the time of which was spent in debates of a
political character, principally relating to the acts of the outgoing admin-

ADMINISTRATION OF FILLMORE. 37
, istration, and the return of the democratic party to power, in the advent
of the newly-elected president. A bill was passed erecting a new terri
torial government out of the northern part of Oregon, to be called the
territory of Washington ; to the general appropriation bill an amendment
was added, authorizing the president to employ engineers to make
explorations, in order to ascertain the most practicable and economical
route for a railroad, and appropriating one hundred and fifty thousand dol
lars for the expenses of the survey. A great variety of private bills, and
many acts of local interest, were passed ; but most of the measures of
general public importance which were proposed at this session failed of
success. On the 20th of December, 1852, William R. King, on account
of ill health, resigned as president pro tern, of the senate, and David R.
Atchison, of Missouri, was elected in his place.
The administration of President Fillmore, which may be regarded as
a continuation of that of General Taylor, closed on the 4th of March,
1853. It was in some respects different in its character from that of
General Taylor, inasmuch as Mr. Fillmore reorganized his cabinet, com
posed of men of somewhat different views from their predecessors, and
his appointments to office were free from some of the influences which
had surrounded Taylor and his cabinet. The adoption of the compro
mise measures of 1850, and their sanction by Mr. Fillmore and his cabi
net on a plan varying from that proposed by General Taylor, had the
effect to alienate the feelings of many of the whigs of the north toward
the administration of Mr. Fillmore. Although the measures of domestic
and foreign policy recommended by him were approved, there was noth
ing in the, character or disposition of Mr. Fillmore to excite enthusiasm
in his behalf, and the northern whigs generally were displeased with the
attempts to place him in nomination for re-election, when public opinion
in the whig states had been attracted toward General Scott, as an avail
able presidential candidate, in consequence of his brilliant campaigns in
Mexico, and his previous military services. The coldness shown by the
president and some of his friends toward Kossuth, and other distinguished
European exiles, had the effect to alienate the citizens of foreign birth
from the whig party, and to accelerate their defeat.
Placed in the minority with regard to its influence in Congress, the
administration of Mr. Fillmore was necessarily negative in its character,
with the exception of the passage of the compromise measures relative to
slavery, and the boundaries on the Mexican frontier and between Texas
and the adjacent territories, and the partial restoration of a system of
improvement of harbors and rivers, bills for which had been vetoed by
democratic presidents. But the intentions and actions of Mr. Fillmore
were regarded as honest and siatesmanlike, by men of both the leading
parties ; and during his administration of the government, the country
advanced in prosperity and strength, and he retired to private life honored
and respected by his countrymen.

ANDREW JACKSON DONELSOI,
OF TEJSNES&EE.

Andrew Jackbo-w Donelson, American candidate for tlie Vice-Presi
dency, was bom ©n the 25th of August, 1S00. His father, the brother-in-
law and intimate friend ©f General Jackson, died in 1805, leaving this son
in the eaie and; protection «vf the1 old Hero of the Hermitage. Having
completed his studies at the Nashville College, he- was appointed a cadet at
the Military Academy at West P«»nt, where he graduated in J&I9, havings
J)y permission ©f the War Departiiieiiiit, been alloiwed to pass the eaamina-
tion of the course of studies- in three, instead of femr years, as is customary.
He stood second on the lis* of tlie class, which graduated with him, and!
was appointed a lieutenant in ths? corps ®f Engineers. Mr. D&melsort was;
then appointed aid-de-camp to General Jackson, and went with him, in this
eapacity to Florida, when that territory was received fram Spaing He held
this position until he- resigned in 1822, in. order to eguahfy himself for th&,
practice of law, for which he was licensed in 1 323, after attending; the law
lectures at the Transylvania Univeisity, Lexington, Kentucky. But before
he engaged extensively in the practice ef the law, he entered again ints> thee
family of General Jacfawi, in order to assist in the great popular movement
whieSs had placed the General in nercajnatioa foi the Presidency. This
movement failing, in 1S-24, Mr. Daoelaoa then settled upon the plantations
where he now lives, adjoining- the Hermitage, in ©ider that h* might be
near the General, and contribute by his- pen and counsels t©> the1 vindication*
©f his character and fame. The elections in 3828 having- ternainated ia
favor of General Jackson, Mr. Donelssm "was invited t© take- the post ®f pri
vate secretary, which he accepted, and continued to Isold throughout the
administration of that great man ; Mr. Itonel'scn being vritii him, aud per
forming what are called the honors of the "White House.
After the election of Mr. Van Buren, wh© was anxious to give Mr. Donel
son a high official position near him, he retained with Geaeral Jackson to
private life-, and cwntintted until 1844 to assist him in the managerajeBt of
his correspondence, which was still ©nerous. In 1 &44, the Texas question
being then the- great issue laetween Mr. Polk and Mr. Clay, Mr. Donelson
took an active part in that discussion, artd w» finally the negotiator which
brought that state into our Union. Mr. Tyler, then President ©f the United!
States, sent a messenger to General Jackson, stating the difficulties whicb

ANDREW JACKSON DONELSON. 39
were likely to defeat the efforts of the friends of that measure, and urging
him to induce Mr. Donelson to undertake the negotiation. Mr. Donelson
was then in Mississippi. On his return to Tennessee, finding that General
Jackson had pledged himself to the Administration for his acceptance of the
mission, he at once undertook it, and the records of Texas and the United
States show that he discharged the duties most ably and satisfactorily.
When Mr. Polk came into the Presidency, Mr. Donelson accepted the
mission to Berlin, and also the one to the Central power of Germany, which
last he held until he was recalled by General Taylor at the close of 1849.
Mr. Donelson had scarcely reached his home in Tennessee in 1850, when he
became enlisted in the effort to secure the settlement of the question then
agitating the country, and growing out of the acquisition of territory from
Mexico. He attended the famous Southern Convention at Nashville, as a
Union man, alleging that if propositions to break up the confederacy were
brought forward by that body, they ought to be exposed and denounced to
the country. His decided course as a friend of the compromise of 1850,
induced the leaders of the Democratic party who concurred with him in
opinion, to invite him to take charge of the Washington Union, in the
columns of which paper he urged with great force and ability the principles
indorsed in the Compromise, as the basis of the action of the Democratic
party in respect to the subject of slavery. Finding, however, that the ultra-
ists north and south could not be brought to recognize an organ which was
in the hands of one who had consistently opposed the doctrine of nullifica
tion and secession, Mr. Donelson retired from his position about the period
of Mr. Pierce's election.
After the formation of Mr. Pierce's cabinet, which was regarded by Mr.
Donelson as the indication of a policy unfavorable to the old constitutional
and Union doctrines of Washington, Madison, and Jackson, he has no longer
acted with the present administration, but, on the contrary, entered warmly
into the organization of the American party.
With these brief references to the prominent points in the life of this
distinguished citizen, which have been kindly furnished us by one of his
most intimate friends, we close this narrative, by stating that Mr. Donelson
is not the adopted son of General Jackson, as has been very generally sup
posed ; the adopted son of the General bears his name. Mr. Donelson is
the nephew, and to him was bequeathed the sword presented by the state
of Tennessee to General Jackson. It will be seen by reference to the will
of General Jackson, that he presents this sword as a token of his love and
affection for Mr. Donelson. — Leslie's Illustrated Paper.

1P0RT1NT NATIONAL WORKS.
Sold only by Subscription. — Please read this Prospectus.
THE NATIONAL HISTORY
OF THE
UNITED STATES,
FROM THE PERIOD OF THE UNION OF TnE COLONIES AGAINST THE FRENCH,
TO THE INAUGURATION OF WASHINGTON. TOGETHER WITH HISTORICAL
SKETCHES OF THE CONTINENTAL PRESIDENTS, AND AN ACCOUNT
OF THE PUBLIC PROPERTY OF TUE UNITED STATES.
BY BENSON J. LOSSING,
AUTHOK OF "THE FIELD-BOOK OF THE BEVOLUTION," ETC.
ALSO,
THE LIVES OP THE PKESIDENTS,
AND THE ACTS OF THEIR ADMINISTRATIONS.

TO WniCH 18 ADDED

VALUABLE HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL DOCUMENTS.
BY EDWIN WILLIAMS,

DITOE OF "TUE STATESMAN S MANUAL," ETC.

Illustrated with numerous Portraits, Views of National Buildings,
Historic Scenes, &c, on Steel and Wood.
In Two Volumes Imperial Octavo, nearly 1400 pages, bound in cloth extra. . .$7. 0l>.

NEW YORK :
PUBLISHED BY EDWARD WALKER, 114 FULTON-STREET.

PROSPECTUS.

This great National production exhibits the true, impartial, and authentic History
of the country during its three great epochs — Colonial, Revolutionary, and Constitu
tional, condensed from the national archives. It is a work unique in its character, and
of intrinsic value as a standard authority for the Statesman, Historian, and general
reader, and is no less important as the true exponent of the political ethics and progress
of the Confederacy. It contains historical notices of the Colonial Government, a care
fully condensed and comprehensive record of the Revolutionary war — more copious
and -complete than can be found elsewhere within similar compass — of the facts and
incidents relating to that memorable era ; together with impartial biographical memoirs
of the Presidents of the United States, from the times of Washington to the present,
their Administrations, &c, and a mass of highly valuable national State documents,
never before presented to the public in a collective and popular form. The claims of
this truly national work will, it is believed, be at once apparent, since it is a standard
authority of reference for all who desire to become thoroughly acquainted with the
theory an?d working of our Constitution, its Institutes and Laws. Comprising, as it
does, the great essentials of our National History, it will necessarily become of imper
ishable value to the American people.
This valuable work differs essentially from all previous Histories of the country in
the following essential particulars. While most others are paraphrastic, this is literal
and genuine ; i' is not a poetical version, but a simple, truthful, and actual statement
of facts, — compi ising the authentic documents themselves, which are the fountain-
head of authority.
At no epoch in the history of this great confederation has the necessity for such a
production been more urgently demanded than at the present, when the security of
our national liberties, and the integrity of our political institutions, so especially claim
the fostering care and guardianship of every true lover of his country. As a great
people, we have reached a crisis in which conflicting political elements are permeating
throughout the ranks of the social compact, portentous of impending peril to our na
tional stability ; it is, therefore, of vital importance that every member of the con
federacy should be thoroughly inducted into the theory and practice of our laws and
institutions. The present work embodies, in a concise, accurate, and comprehensive
form, the true exposition of the great principles that form the basis of our political
fabric : it is of intrinsic worth, and therefore, to all thinking minds must make its
appeal. In the preparation of the present work, great care has been given to secure to its
several departments the utmost fidelity and completeness. The elements of which it
is composed constitute the very essentials of our national history — the original, au
thentic documents which will necessarily form the basis of the future historian, and
which are consequently of imperishable value to the American people. The two well-
known names which appear on the title-page, afford u sufficient guarantee for the
manner in which the work has been produced — its general excellence, comprehensive
ness, and accuracy. Mr. Benson J. Lossing, the author of the " Pictorial Field-Book
of the Revolution," and other esteemed works ; and Mr. Edwin Williams, the editor
of " The Statesman's Manual," and numerous other valuable statistical works, have
jointly contributed their portions of valuable labor in the structure of this great na
tional work. The first volume is introduced with a vivid tableau, from the pen of
Mr. Lossing, presenting in groups the illustrious personages who filled the guberna
torial office prior to the Revolutionary era ; while from the same source follows a
brilliant, rapid, yet comprehensive narrative of the War of Independence. No effort
has been spared to stamp this popular, well-digested, and picturesque history with a
character of strict impartiality and truth, — every authentic, available source having

42 Prospectus to '•'•National History of the United States."
been consulted, both foreign and domestic. As a copious, yet succinct history of our
Eevolutionary struggle, it may safely challenge comparison with any other extant.
Of the sterling and intrinsic character of the other portions of " The National His
tory of the United States," collected and prepared under the immediate supervision
of the late Mr. Edwin Williams, it is scarcely necessary to speak in detail. In a
compact and portable form are here presented the impartial Memoirs of the Presidents,
with correct details of their Administrations, from the inauguration of Washington
to the present time, together with a large mass of important statistical information,
condensed and arranged from authentic National and State documents. It is a work
that will prepare men for honorable distinction in political life, and tend to elevate
and dignify such as seek official preferment. In fine, it is a work of eminent utility,
interest, and value to every American citizen.
Mr. Lossing also contributes a complete, succinct history of all the National Estab
lishments, including those at the seat of the Federal Government, the Military Academy
*t West Poiut, and all the Custom-Houses, Mints, Navy- Yards, and Forts of the
United States, compiled from official sources, and comprising much valuable statistical
Viformation respecting these various departments of State.
The numerous elegant Engravings which illustrate the work, include, among others,
the following : — Exterior and Interior Views of the Senate and House of Eepresenta-
tives, the Presidential Mansion, the Smithsonian Institute, the General Post-Office,
Patent Office, the Military Establishment at West Point, the Custom-Houses of New
York, Boston, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Charleston, and New Orleans; the Navy- Yards
of Brooklyn, Philadelphia, Boston, Charleston, and Norfolk; also, the Mints of Phila
delphia, New Orleans, &c. ; and Forts Hamilton, Monroe, Adams, McHenry, Moultrie,
and Laramie. In addition to which are a series of historic scenes, and Portraits of
distinguished personages of the Revolutionary epoch, grouped together at the com
mencement of chapters. The whole of these illustrations, which are beautiful speci
mens of art, are from the burin of Messrs. Lossing and Barrett. A series of Por
traits of the Presidents, engraved in the best style on steel by V. Balch, Esq., also
embellish this truly National work.
A copious Analytical Index accompanies the volumes. The work, in its various
departments, is brought down to the latest dates.

SYNOPSIS OF THE CONTENTS.

History of the Colonies, from their union against
the French to the Inauguration of "Washington
as President of the United States.
Historical Sketches of the Continental Presi
dents.
Historical Account of the Puhlic Property of the
United States, including
The National Armories — Military Divisions,
Recruiting Stations of the United States1
Army, &c.
The Post-Office Department
The Military Establishment of West Point—
Fortifications, &c
The Judiciary — Patent Office — National Ob
servatory — Smithsonian Institute, &c.
The Home Department — National Hospitals.
Treasury Department — Navy Department —
War Department — Department of State.

The Capitol, President's Mansion, <fec.
The United States Mint, &c.
Light-houses, Beacons, Naval Stations, &c
Custom-Houses of the United States.
Navy-Yards of the United States.
Public Lands, Public Buildings, &c.
Impartial Memoirs of the Presidents from Wash
ington to Pierce, with the Acts of their Ad
ministrations.
Lists of the Continental Congresses.
 Congresses of the U. States to 1855.
 successive Administrations.
 Imports, Exports, Population, «fcc.
Synopsis of the Constitutions of the several
States.
Comparative Views of the State Constitutions.
Chronological Table of Important Events, &c.
A copious Analytical Index.

The BEAUTIFUL ILLUSTRATIONS to the Wokk, include

Interior Views of the Two Houses of Congress,
finely engraved on Steel by McCrae.
The Series of correct Portraits of all the Presi
dents, engraved on Steel hy Balch.
Historical Portraits and Scenes of the Revolu
tionary Epoch.

Original and highly-finished Views of the Na
tional Buildings and Establishments, compris
ing The Presidential Mansion— The Capitol—
The State Department— Treasury, Post, and
Patent Offices— The Naval and Military Estab
lishments of the United States, &c.

Critical Opinions of "National History of the United States." 43

It is a work unique in its character, and of intrinsic value as a standard authority for the states
man, historian, and general reader; and no less important as the exponent of the political ethics and
progress of the Confederacy. It will be regarded as the National history of our country during its
three great epochs — Colonial, Revolutionary, and Constitutional, condensed from the national ar
chives. _ It embodies tbe great documentary essentials of the history of the United States, not to be
found in a collective form in any other worlc.
"Mr. Lossing has turned his researches on the American revolution to good account in his share
of the preparation of these useful volumes. He h;is furnished f<ir their pages a rapid sketch of the
history of the colonies prior to tho revolution, and a copious and well-digested narrative of the War
of Independence. His contributions to tbu work also embrace an account of the gnjat national
establishments, including the public buildings at Washington, the Military Academy at West Point,
and the various Custom-houses, Mints Navy Yards, and Forts of the United States. The 'Lives of
the Presidents,' from the adoption of the Federal constitution to the present time, are given by
Mr. Williams, together with a great variety of historical and statistical documents, embodying
much valuable information for ihe student of American politics. The work is illustrated by
numerous engravings, representing scenes of historical interest and several public establishments,
with the Portraits of the different Presiden is. We know of no single work which comprises so
great an amount of historical materials concerning the United States as these crowded volumes.
The authors are well known to the public for their devotion to the special branch of investiga
tion which is here treated, and their names afford a strong presumption in favor of the accuracy
and thoroughness of their productions, which, after diligent examination, we find no reason to set
aside. The volumes are issued in a style of splendid typography, and, both on account of their
mechanical execution and the value of their contents, deserve a wide circulation among the Amer
ican people." — N. Y. Tribune.
These handsome volumes, written and liberally illustrated by Mr. Lossing, who uses pen and
graver with equal ability and success, contain a history of this republic, from the union of the Col
onies against the French, to the inauguration of Washington, in 1T89. In this is included, clearly
and concisely told, a full account of the national struggle for Independence. Mr. Lossing has
appended an account ot the public property in the United States, historical sketches of tbe Conti
nental Presidents, from Washington to Pierce, inclusive. There is alto a variety of historical and
statistical information by the late Edwin Williams. The illustrative portion is no less valuable
and interesting, consisting of historic scenes, portraits, and views of public buildings There are
steel engravings also, representing the interiors of the Senate and House of Representatives at
Washington, with authentic portraits of all the Presidents. Tbe work is so well executed in every
respect, that we presume there cannot be any doubt of its obtaining an extended popularity, lt
eminently deserves it. — 2f. Y. Times.
"The work is well got up, in good type, is numerously illustrated, and contains nearly 1400
octavo pages, well filled with valuable and interesting matters of great historical interest. It can
not but meet with a widely extended sale." — Boston Atlas.
"It will become as great a favorite with American readers as the celebrated "Pictorial Field-
Book of the Revolution." — Boston Uncle Saaii.
As a history of the United States, these two large and handsome volumes present features in so
many respects different from those already written, that a comparison or competition betweea
Lossing's and the latter will hardly suggest itself. The aim of the present volumes is not to
emulate the oratorical elevation or the elaborate political bias of other histories of tbe country,
but to present the largest pobsible collection of facts on the subject in the clearest and most suc
cinct style. We have accordingly in the first volume a direct and accurate detail of the early his
tory of the country, stated in the hriefe.-t manner, with the view of specially facilitating reference,
down to the year 1789, when our present Constitution and Government came into full operation.
Two hundred pages of of this volume are devoted also to a selection and condensation of all the
u.-eful and curious statistical information bearing on the growth and condition of the country, and
illustrative of the main text of the volumes Besides the various celebrated documents touching
our colonial history and the war of independence, which are given in full, (such as the Stamp Act,
Declaration of Independence, petitions, addresses, and other such papers for important permanent
reference), we have the Constitution and other national documents, biographical notices of tho
Continental Presidents, Sketches of the Union, and the Revision of the Federal Government, of
the different Continental Conventions and Congresses, &c. Statistics are also given of the votes
for Presidents, lists of the Presidents, their cabinets, Foreign ministers, &o. Synopsis of the Con
stitution of the different States, and a comparative view of them; a complete Chronological table
of events in our history, the Seventh Census, with tables of the progressive growth of population
in the U. S. ; details of the Naval, Military, and civil service of the U. 8. in all parts of the coun
try, including property iu lands, offices, fortifications, vessels of war, &c, with regulations, pay,
&c, added. The imports and exports and customs of the country down to 1853, the regulations
and statistical data of the Post-Office and other Departments of State, actions of the Smithsonian
Institute, of the Capitol, the President's House, &c, of the U. S. Mint, Light-Houses, Coast Sur
vey, tfce., are digested in convenient and accurate form for reference.
The second volume comprises a series of biographies of the Presidents, and notices of the
members of their cabinets, with a view of furnishing a complete political history of the country
down to the present administration. "We have seen no volume which more conveniently or com
pletely lays down the facts of our governmental course than this. As a reference book on party
topics, party leaders, changes, secessions, contests, &c, in our political world, it must become in
dispensable Mr. Lossing is already well known to the public by his different works of this nature; his as
sociate in the present work, the late Mr. Williams, for a long time stood in the first rank of
statistical scholars in this country. We have no hesitation in commending their joint labors to
the examination and patronage of all who may have need to use a volume for reference on the
important and useful features of our national history, elaborated in the present volumes. — AT. Y.
Express.

THE STATESMAN'S MANUAL; 45
COMPBJSING THE
Qtitomti aito Uessagw jrf % f raiMs af \\t Stoifcfr States,
INAUGURAL, ANNUAL, AND SPECIAL,
Prom those of Washington to the Present Time :
WITH MEMOIRS OF EACH OF THE PRESIDENTS AND A HISTORY OF THEIR
ADMINISTRATIONS J ALSO, THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES,
AND A SELECTION OF IMPORTANT NATIONAL DOCUMENTS AND
STATISTICS, COMPILED FROM OFFICIAL SOURCES.
BY EDWIN WILLIAMS.
WITH POETKAITS OF THE PEESIDENTS, ENGP.AVED ON STEEL BT V. BA1CH, Esq.
VIGNETTES, Eto.
In Four Volumes, Octavo, cloth, gilt, $10.

This great National Work has received the highest commendation from
the Press throughout the Country, as well as from several of the most dis
tinguished personages connected with the Federal and State Governments.
It is an indispensable work of reference to all persons seeking, or in any
manner connected with the Federal or State Governments. As the official
collection of our national archives, it is invaluable to all who desire to under
stand the history of the several administrations of the General Government.
A full analytical index, appended to the work, has been prepared with great
care, by which immediate reference can be made to any particular subject
or question, Political, Social, or Legal.
Extracts from Critical Notices of the Press.
M We can say no more, and ought to say no less, of this work, than that it is the most complete con
Btitutional history of the United rftates that exists, or that can be constructed within the same space.
It is indispensable to the library of every American scholar, as a book of reference; and, as its title indi
cates, it is, and always must be, the Statesman's Manual." — New York Evening Post.
" An indispensable work of reference to all personB engaged in public affairs, and others who study
the history and practical operation of our government." — President Taylor.
" A very valuable work for reference." — lion. Henry Clay.
"An exceedingly useful and valuable work." — President Polk.
"Many hours of idle discussion and senseless debate might be spared to heated partisans, were this
book at hand for appeal."— Democratic Review.
" It is a vade-mecum that has no competitor among the books of this country." — Louisville
Journal. " This is the most important contribution to American political history ever published. Certainly
no work can compare with this in condensed comprehensiveness, in accuracy, and iaall the features
which make such a book valuable."— If. Y. Courier and Enquirer.
" It is emphatically a national work. No American library, however small, is properly made in
which a copy of this Statesman's Manual is not found." — N. Y. Express.
'• lt contains an immense amount of statistical information of the highest value and importance to
all who are interested in the history and politics of the country. " — Boston Courier.
" It presents information nowhere else to be found in a combined form, of the utmost importance
to every American." — Boston Post.
" Indispensable to every lawyer, politician, or intelligent, patriotic citizen." — Boston Witness.
"It is a work of the utmost utility and value." — Boston Recorder.

46 NOW READY,
A New Enlarged Edition, with Supplement, qf
THE HISTORY OF ROMANISE

7
FROM THE

tfsrlitst Carnations ai dtjiristianitg to t\t f rmnt ®inu:
WITH FULL CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE, INDEXES, AND GLOSSARY,
AND FIFTY ILLUSTRATIVE ENGRAVINGS.
A NEW EDITION.
WITH A SUPPLEMENT, CONTINUING THE HISTORY FROM THE ACCESSION OF
POPE PIUS IX. TO THE PRESENT TIME.
BY JOHN DOWLING, D.D.

This valuable production, which, by common consent of the Press, Liter
ary, Religious, and Secular, throughout America and Great Britain, has
been pronounced the standard authority upon the subject of which it treats,
has already attained a circulation in this country of upwards of thirty thou
sand copies. The great characteristic merit of this work consists in the
fact of its being based almost entirely upon Romish authorities — for the
most part inaccessible to Protestant readers. It is the result of immense
research and labor, and is the most comprehensive and reliable work of its
class extant. The new edition contains a Supplement consisting of 150
pages, bringing the History down to the present time. It is copiously illus
trated with fifty fine Engravings. 1 vol. large Svo., cloth, gilt, $3.
jgsP^ The Prelates and Priests of the Romish Church are earnestly in
vited to give this work their candid perusal, as it contains no unjust stric
tures upon their Church, but is catholic in its spirit.'^JB
5£slP The critical notices of the work have been so numerous and ex
tended that they would form a volume of themselves — two or three only
are subjoined.
" It is a history — veritable, authentic history — not a series of declamatory tirades against what the
Eoraish Church is siq->po-*6d to be by those who discard her doctrines and authority — but a plain,
unvarnished history of what she is actually by her own admissions and practices — a faithful and im
partial exhibition from her own archives, of her recorded and attested opinions and usages.'1 — Protes
tant Churchman, New York.
"This work is admirably adapted to the times. Its circulation would do incalculable good in
making known the system, tactics, errors, and dangers of Popery, and thus most effectually put us
on our guard. We trust its beautiful appearance'wili secure it an introduction where its stirring
appeals and thrilling facts will tell upon the consciences and hearts of the people." — National Prot
estant. "Of its usefulness there is no doubt Its comprehensiveness, embracing, as it does, every fact of
moment, eives it superior ad-vantages over every other history for general reading or ordinary
reference." — Christian Reflector, Boston,
" A most important addition to the historical and religious literature of the age. Its contents form
a rich storehouse of historical instruction, which should be placed within the reach of every family.*
—N. Y. Christian Intelligencer.

" It abound* in facts and incidents, and is better adapted to furnish a vivid and impressive por
traiture of Romanism as it is, than any other book we know of.n—N. Y. Evangelist.

A YOICE TO AMERICA ;

47

OR,

THE MODEL REPUBLIC, ITS GLORY OR ITS FALL:
WITH A REVIEW OF THE CAUSES OF THE DECLINE AND FAILURE OF THB
REPUBLICS OF SOUTH AMERICA, MEXICO, ANT) OF THE OLD WORLD,
APPLIED TO THE PRESENT CRISIS IN THE UNITED STATES.
BY T. B. THORPE,
ASSISTED BY OTHER AMERICAN WRITERS.
"Let it be ours to cultivate a living and energetic nationality — to develope a high and vital
patriotism — to americanise America." Gov. Gaedinee, of Mass,
FOURTH EDITION.

CONTENTS OF THE WORK.

The United States — Retrospective and Pros
pective.
The Ancient Republics— Early Civilization,
Sparta and Athens.
The Fail of Rome.
Italian Liberty in the Middle Ages.
The Anglo-Saxon Race and Freedom.
The Heroes of the Founders of Liberty.
The Boundaries of Countries — how established.
Romanism and Freedom.
The Effects of Romanism and Protestantism on
Civilization.
The Rights of Conscience.
Religious Toleration.
The Bible, the Charter of Liberty.
The Principles and Perils of our Common, Edu
cation.
The Political Power of the Pope.
Demoralizing Influence of Demagogism.

Evils of Military Organizations exclusively of
Foreigners.
What constitutes the Right to Vote?
Fallacy of supposing American Institutions need
no Safeguards.
Naturalization Laws of the United States.
United States and Immigration.
The Citizen of a Republic.
American Nationality.
Necessity of American Habits and Principles.
The Right of the Majority to Rule.
Freedom from Foreign Influence.
Origin of Political Power.
Mexico and South American Republics.
America the Theatre of the Great Demonstra
tion.
Secret Societies — their Use and Abuse.
The American Republic the Hope of the World.
Appendix.

One handsome volume, cloth, gilt, $1.00.
"A well-timed and also a well-written book. From the first page to the last the authors have
"borne in mind that History teaches by example. From the Past, they draw a lesson for the Pres
ent, and a moral for the Future. They anticipate the corning time, when this Western Continent
will fulfil its undoubted destiny, and shine not only as 'the Star of Empire,1 but as the greatest,
because the most free, among all the powers and dominations of the world. Our manifest destiny.
as a nation, is to surpass all preceding exemplars, not alone in territorial acquisition, but in the
possession of that freedom which none of the great empires of the Old World dared to possess or
exercise. The historical portion of this book is written with truth and eloquence. The actual
'Voice to America1 contains many lessons which the country would do well to profit by. Consider
able space is devoted to the discussion of the character of Romanism, and its actual and probable
bearing on the government of this Union. The political and not the polemical relations of that
system are viewed and analyzed with force, but not with intolerance." — N. Y. Times.
"The style of the work is worthy of the magnitude of the topics discussed, — and a Book is thus
made, which for its suggestion of facts, and important associations, should just now have a place
in every American's Library. It is a capital Text-Book, not only for public speakers, — but even
for Editors, — and furnishes a very abundant supply of material and ammunition for attack and de
fence. We have read the most of it, with pleasure and profit.11 — N. Y. Express.
" We have read the work carefully, and with more than ordinary interest, because of the import
ance of the sabject and the manner of the discussion. It is a Voice with trumpet tones — it warns
of danger, and calls for immediate action. It is calculated to awaken the letharirie, and to inpsire
with autive zeal the most indifferent. Its battle-cry has no accent of fanaticism, but is full of the
earnest and decided cadences of a rational patriotism. It appeals to the understandings of all, and
admonishes the American to be true and loyal, and martyr-like, if necessary, in the "maintenance
of his civil and religious freedom, both of which are in apparent jeopardy from open foes without
and secret foes within. The volume closes with a ringing chapter— a chapter full of bell-tones of
loftiest patriotism, showing that the American Republic is the hope of the world. Altogether, we
regard this volume with special interest, as one that will arrest the attention of the thoughtful, and
eminently calculated to have a greaty abiding, and salutary influence at this important crisis in the
history of our Republic, social, religious and political. It takes a high and dignified stand-point of
observation and reflection, and utters its oracles with the authority of a seer, because truth and
ustice are their abounding elements. It is the book foe the times." — Poughkeepsie Democrat.

48 Critical Opinions on the " Voice to America."

"The work is well written, sober, earnest, and taking large views; the topics it discasses of
mense importance, reaching to the very foundations of our national character and existence.
regard the book as timely'and impressive, and, on the whole, sound — well worth study at all time ,
quite likely to obtain it in these days of Know-Nothingism and Anti-Popery." — N. Y. Evitngeiis .
"This is one of tbe finest American productions now before our nation, beautifully illustrating
principles of tlie American movement; and it should be in the possession of every true lover
country."— Mohawk Valley Sentinel. ¦
"It is eminent! v patriotic inspirit, comprehensive in research, and admirable in c.onstr,u^|ri(.e
Tt must become the American citizen's vade mecum. Its plan and design are strikingly °J"1^ ,nT^ wliicli
it comprises a vast fund of important information hitherto unattempted in any single work wn n .^
we are acquainted. It supplies just that kind ot' instruction to the people, so long neede- u ; ^
dissemination in all sections of the Union, cannot fail ot" proving of immense benefit. A gi-1 ^^
the table of contents will convince any one of the fact of its intrinsic utility and value. l0\y ^
it will become a standard text-book for the American people, is not saying all that ought to T^
for it ; it is the text-book— there being no other volume to compare with it. Large editions ot tn ^ave
have already been demanded, and many more will be required as soon as its great value v*i. ^
become known. The publisher deserves the thanks of the entire country for producing sucn a
at the present lime, when it is peculiarly needed." — Philad. City Item.
"All lovers of our country and her institutions should especially be in possession of the Voice o
America?'' — Virginia lelescope.
" The literary execution of this book is good, and its spirit excellent. The American people can"ot
be too often reminded of the great moral and political truths which lie at the foundation of their insti
tutions, and of the subtle influences which are ever at work to undermine them. The volume j
systematic whole, and yet its various chapters come from different pens. Il treats of the v. itai e ce
ments of our republicanism, and draws largely upon history for illustration. It finds its key note n
the memorable words of Washington—4 Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political pros
perity, religion and morality are indispensable supports,' and carries out its line of argument ana
illustration with cogent power, and a spirit intensely patriotic, yet free from bigotry. It speaits lor no
clique or parly, and is every way worthy of attention." — N. Y. Courier and Enquirer.
" It is a work essential to the times." — Philad. Eve. BvMetin.
" Some thirty chapters, written by different hands, with much spirit, sound erudition, and an en
Urged view of human rights," kc— Sunday Times.
" The subjects are all well chosen and are treated with a great deal of ability."— Sunday Atlas.
" It is a book especially needed at the present time, and supplies a vast fund of most valuable in
formation. Every American citizen ought assuredly to procure this excellent and truly valuable
volume ; it is worth ten times the price affixed to it. We feel confident it is destined to achieve an
immense amount of good, Buy it, and read the book — you cannot afford to do without it." — Home
Journal. " Gladly we welcome the * Voice to America,' bravely spoken through a volume of 400 pages.
If this voice can be heard and studied all through the land, it cannot fail to serve mightily as one of
the many blessed agents now conspiring to reinstate Americanism in America— nay more, to secure
for Americanism a permanency and progress in the future, worthy of the intelligence, the institutions,
the resources, and the proud past history of the Republic. We know not the author or authors of
this volume, but it is as timely as it is well adapted, and powerfully written. It is no rhapsody, to
please the fancy with pictures of our country's present or coming greatness — no appeal to unthinking
pride on the basis of what we are, and what we have achieved, but a searching, serious pointing out
of our short-comings as a free people, and of the perils that surround and threaten us, as well as of
the dangers we have passed. The 'Voice to America' is a text-hook for the citizen, the statesman,
and the politician. We trust it will become a studied bouk in the hands of every American." —
Smithland Courier, Ky.
Florida, from the Atlantic to the Pacific. The Voice to America must become the war-cry, the battle-
axe and shield of every true American. A work of this magnitude and aim was needed at the present
epoch in our national affairs. It is a standard work on legislative elhics, and one destined to Decome a
sine qua non to the patriot, the scholar and the politician. We recommend it with pride as a triumph
ant and faultless vindication of principle." — Crusader.
"The different chapters are the product of different pens, many of which appear to have the facility
of skill and practice." — Eve. Post.
" Well worthy the attention of the citizens of America, more especially at this peculiarly crilioal
epoch. The work condenses a vast amount of valuable information." — If. Y. Dispatch.
"The work shows more careful preparation, and contains more suggestive essays, than any speci
men of what in New York is termed 'Hindoo' Litera'ure. Tlie volume is got up in an attractive
form, and will doubtless have a wide circulation. Much of it is entirely unexceptionable to a liberal
man of any political parly." — Boston Tianscript.
"It is a work that may be read with a great deal of profit, as well as instruction. "—S.Atlas.
" We have read with interest ' A Voice to America.1 It is an elaborate defence of the principles of
the Native American party, and the author has brought much reading and some learning to support
him in his position. The papers on ' Romanism and Freedom,' 'Romanism and Protestantism,' are
very well done, and although the reader may disagree with the writer, as to his first principles, yet
he cannot but admit the ability with which they are supported."— if. F. Herald,

NEW YORK BOOK-BINDERY.
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