,.. ,.,^i,.ii„.» h ,,^1 y|ni|i» \^ WW '. ¦^* \K VPs\ -Xx x-^^^y X'*X ¦*^ ^ ^ »\x Xv^ ~^x^ \ -.^ -x ^ X ^^ -^ ^ ^x N\ s ,, 'Xxv- ''\xx ^\^X^ ,\\\x* ¦"^'- t --v^ "A- 'i,-^^ S-C'N V. »^i%K^^-'V,^X -'I^XO'-^X^XX, ^^^^ ¦ii YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY THE LIBRARY ASSOCL\TES Gift of JAMES T. BABB, Y '25 THE LIFE OF RUFUS CHOATE. nrt;Dicirm n ^ ir / L ///t-l J C /Tu-cx, /7__ THE LIFE RUFUS CHOATE BY SAMUEL GILMAN BROWN, PRESIDENT OF HAMILION COLLEGE. 'Ev iJLvprav K\aSl Tb ^llNK BILL. 79 cisive indications ; and I know that it is my duty to act on my belief, whether well or ill founded, and however conjecturally derived." Another reason assigned for his vote was, that it would lead to united counsels and actions. " In a larger view of the matter," he went on to say, " is it not in a high degree desirable to make such a charter, that while it secures to the people all that such kind of instrumentality as a bank can secure, we may stUl, in the mode and details of the thing, respect the scruples and spare the feelings of those who, just as meritoriously, usefully, and con spicuously as yourselves, are members of our political association, but who differ with you on the question of constitutional power ? If I can improve the local currency, diffuse a sound and uniform national one, facilitate, cheapen, and systematize the exchanges, secure the safe-keeping and transmission of the pub lic money, promote commerce, and deepen and mul tiply the springs of a healthful credit by a bank, and can at the same time so do it as to retain the cordial constant co-operation, and prolong the public useful ness of friends who hold a different theory of the Con stitution, is it not just so much clear gain ? I was struck, in listening to the senator from Virginia yester day, with the thought, how idle, how senseless it is to spend time in deploring or being peevish about the in veterate constitutional opinions of the community he so ably represents. There the opinions are. What -will you do with them ? You cannot change them . You can not stride over or disregard them. There they are ; what wUl you do with them ? Compromise the matter. Adjust it, if you can, in such sort that they shall 80 MEMOIR OF RUFUS CHOATE. [Chap. m. neither yield their opinions, noi- you yield yours. Give to the people all the practical good which a bank can give, and let the constitutional question, whether Congress can make a bank by its own power or not, stand over for argument on the last day of the Greek Kalends, when the disputants may have the world all to themselves to wrangle it out in ! Yes, Sir, compromise it. Our whole history is but a history of compromises. You have compromised in larger things ; do it in less, do it in this. You have done it for the sake of the Union ; do it for the sake of the party which is doing it for the sake of the Union. You never made one which was received with wider and sincerer joy than this would be. Do it then. Do as your fathers did when they came together, dele gates from the slave States, and delegates from the free, representatives of planters, of mechanics, of manufacturers, and the owners of ships, the cool and slow New England men, and the mercurial children of the sun, and sat down side by side in the presence of Washington, to frame this more perfect Union. Administer the Constitution in the temper that cre ated it. Do as you have yourselves done in more than one great crisis of your affairs, when questions of power and of administration have shaken these halls and this whole country, and an enlarged and commanding spirit, not yet passed away from our counsels, assisted you to rule the uproar, and to pour seasonable oil on the rising sea. Happy, thrice happy, for us all, if the senator from Kentucky would allow himself to-day to win another victory of con ciliation." ........ " Let me say. Sir," he went on after a brief inter- 1841-1843.] SPEECH ON BANK BILL. 81 vening statement on the nature of the amendment, " that to administer the contested powers of the Con stitution is, for those of you who believe that they exist, at all times a trust of difficulty and delicacy. I do not know that I should not venture to suggest this general direction for the performance of that grave duty. Steadily and strongly assert their exist ence ; do not surrender them ; retain them with a provident forecast ; for the time may come when you -will need to enforce them by the whole moral and physical strength of the Union ; but do not exert them at all so long as you can, by other less offensive expedients of wisdom, effectually secure to the people aU the practical benefits which you believe they were inserted into the Constitution to secure. Thus will the Union last longest, and do most good. To exer cise a contested power without necessity, on a notion of keeping up the tone of government, is not much better than tyranny, and very improvident and im politic tyranny, too. It is turning ' extreme medicine into daily bread.' It forgets that the final end of government is not to exert restraint, but to do good. "Within this general view of the true mode of administering contested powers, I think the measure we propose is as wise as it is conciliatory ; wise be cause it is conciliatory ; wise because it reconciles a strong theory of the Constitution with a discreet and kind administration of it. I desire to give the coun try a bank. Well, here is a mode in which I can do it. Shall I refuse to do it in that mode because I cannot at the same time and by the same operation gain a victory over the settled constitutional opin ions, and show my contempt for the ancient and 82 MEMOIR OF RUFUS CHOATE. [Chap. III. unappeasable jealousy and prejudices of not far from half of the American people ? Shall I refuse to do it in that mode because I cannot at the same time and by the same operation win a triumph of consti tutional law over political associates who agree with me on nine in ten of all the questions which divide the parties of the country ; whose energies and elo quence, under many an October and many an August sun, have contributed so much to the transcendent reformation which has brought you into power? " There is one consideration more which has had some influence in determining my vote. I confess that I think that a bank established in the manner contemplated by this amendment stands, in the act ual circumstances of our time, a chance to lead a quieter and more secure life, so to speak, than a bank established by the bill. I think it worth our while to try to make, what never yet was seen, a popular National Bank. Judging from the past and the present, from the last years of the last bank, and the manner in which its existence was terminated , from the tone of debate and of the press, and the general indications of public opinion, I acknowledge an apprehension that such an institution, — created by a direct exertion of your power, throwing off its branches without regard to the wishes or wants of the States, as judged of by themselves, and without any attempt to engage their auxiliary co-operation, diminishing the business and reducing the profits of the local banks, and exempted from their burdens, — that such an institution may not find so quiet and safe a field of operation as is desirable for use fulness and profit. I do not wish to see it standing 1841-1843.] SPEECH ON BANK BELL. 83 like a fortified post on a foreign border, — never wholly at peace, always assailed, always belligerent ; not falling perhaps, but never safe, the nurse and the prize of unappeasable hostility. No, Sir. Even such an institution, under conceivable circumstances, it might be our duty to establish and maintain in the face of all opposition and to the last gasp. But so much evil attends such a state of things, so much insecurity, so much excitement ; it would be exposed to the pelting of such a pitiless storm of the press and public speech ; so many demagogues would get good livings by railing at it ; so many honest men would really regard it as unconstitutional, and as dangerous to business and liberty, — that it is worth an exertion to avoid it. . . . Sir, I desire to see the Bank of the United States become a cherished do mestic institution, reposing in the bosom of our law and of our attachments. Established by the concur rent action or on the application of the States, such might be its character. There will be a struggle on the question of admitting the discount power into the States ; much good sense and much nonsense will be spoken and written ; but such a struggle wUl be harmless and brief, and when that is over, all is over. The States which exclude it wiU hardly exasperate themselves farther about it. Those which admit it wiU soothe themselves with the consideration that the act is their own, and that the existence of this power of the branch is a perpetual recognition of their sovereignty. Thus might it sooner cease to wear the alien, aggressive, and privileged aspect which has rendered it offensive, and become sooner blended with the mass of domestic interests, cherished 84 SIEMOIR OF RUFUS CHOATE. [Chap, m by the same regards, protected by the same and by a higher law." ^ It was during this speech that Mr. Clay, who had left his own seat, and, through the courtesy of a younger member, had taken another nearer Mr. Choate, rose and interrupted the speaker with an inquiry as to the grounds of his knowledge that the Bank Bill would not pass without the amendment. The intimacy of Mr. Choate with Mr. Webster, then Secretary of State, gave a weight to his words, and the implication in Mr. Clay's question evidently was, that he had derived his knowledge, directly or indi rectly, from the President himself. In a subsequent part of the discussion, Mr. Archer, in opposing the amendment of Mr. Rives, took occasion to express his regret that the Senator from Kentucky had en deavored to draw from Mr. Choate the opinions of the Executive. Mr. Clay rose to explain, and this led to a sharp interlocutory debate between himself and Mr. Choate, which ended by Mr. Clay's inter rupting Mr. Choate in the midst of an explanation, and saying, " That, Sir, is not the thing. Did you not say that you could not, without breach of privi lege and violation of parliamentary rule, disclose your authority? " " Sir," replied Mr. Choate, "I insist on my right to explain what I did say in my own words." Mr. Clay persisted in requesting a direct answer, and Mr. Choate replied again, "that he would have to take the answer as he chose to give it to him." The parties were here called to order, and the President requested both gentlemen to take their seats. That Mr. Clay in this, bringing aU the weight of his ex- 1 Appendix to Congressional Globe, July, 1841, pp. 355, 356. 1841-1843.] DEBATE ON EVERETT. 85 perience, age, character, and long public life to bear upon a member of his own party, new to the Sen ate, and not yet practically famiUar with its usages, should have seemed overbearing and arrogant, was unavoidable, and it might have justified a sharper retort than was given. I have been informed by those who were present that the impression in the senate chamber was much less than it was repre sented by the newspapers, especially by those opposed to Mr. Clay and the Whig party. But whatever may have been the feeling of the moment, at the meeting of the Senate on the next day, Mr. Clay with great magnanimity and earnestness denied the intention which had been imputed to him, and dis claimed entirely the design of placing- the Senator from Massachusetts in a questionable position. Those who were present were struck with the nobleness of the apology, and Mr. Choate, of all men the most gentle and placable, went round to Mr. Clay who sat on the opposite side of the chamber, and made open demonstration of reconciliation. Another matter which interested Mr. Choate very much during this session was the confirmation of Mr. Everett as Minister to England. The nomination, which was regarded by all right-minded people as one of the most appropriate that could be made, was fiercely assailed on account of an opinion which Mr. Everett had once given in favor of the right and duty of Congress to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. He was charged with being an "abo litionist," a word of indefinite but fearful import. Mr. Choate felt that the rejection of a minister on grounds so intangible,, so untenable, and so inade- 86 MEMOIR OF RUFUS CHOATE. [Chap. HL quate, would be for the disgrace of the country, and he exerted himself to the utmost to prevent such a result. Those who heard his principal speech in favor of the nomination considered it one of the most brilliant and eloquent ever delivered -within the walls of the senate chamber. ^ A member of the Senate who was present during the debate, in a letter written to Mr. Choate many years afterwards, thus recalls the scene: "My dear Sir, Mr. Buchanan's nomination brings up some rem iniscences of you and of him, which are by no means pleasant to me, now that there is a possibility he may be President. I refer, of course, to the lead he took on one side and you on the other, in the debate which preceded Mr. Everett's confirmation as Minister to London. I well remember the cogency and splendor of your argument, and the emotion it raised in Pres ton, who, completely overpowered by the conviction to which you brought him, exclaimed, boiling with excitement, ' I shall have to vote " No," but by HE SHALL NOT BE REJECTED.' ^ With all my ad miration for your effort, the whole scene was deeply painful and humiliating to me, more so, probably, than to any man in the chamber. I was indignant beyond the power of language at the requirement of the South, that the nomination should be voted down, and the nominee branded as unfit to represent his country at the British Court, simply and solely because he had replied to the question put to him, 1 There are no remains of this speech, which was delivered in executive session, with closed doors. 2 I have understood that Colonel Preston, when afterwards on a visit to Boston, told a friend that he never regretted any vote he had given as he did that against Mr. Everett. 1841-1843.] LETTER TO CHARLES SUMNER. 87 that Congress might and ought to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. B.'s hostility was vindic tive and savage. He distinctly and emphatically denounced Mr. E. as an ' abolitionist,' for this and this only, disclaiming all opposition to him as a Whig, or as otherwise objectionable." Mr. Clay made a powerful speech in favor of the nomination, and said that if it was rejected, there would never be another President of the United States. A familiar letter to Mr. Sumner, then prom inent among the younger members of the Whig party, alludes to this among other things. Though with out date (for this was one of the points of a letter about which Mr. Choate was habitually careless), it must have been written in September, 1841, Congress adjourning on the 13th of that month, and the Senate not confirming the nomination till very near the close of the session. To Charles Sumner, Esq. "Washington. "Mt dear Sumner, — I have just received the memoran dum, and will turn it nocturna et diuma manu, — to quote obscure and unusual Latin words. I hope it will do your friend's business, and the Pope's and England's, and the lone Imperial mother's — as you say. " Mr. Webster is so much excited (and, confidentially, gratified) with the squaboshment ol the Whigs ^ that he will talk of nothing else. He thinks he can seal better with Sir Robert Peel et id genus. Can he ? Your acquamtance was made with so whiggish a set, that I suppose you mourn as for the flight of liberty. But, mark you, how much more peace ably, purely, intellectually, did this roaring democracy of ours change its whole government and whole policy, last fall, than England has done it now. " Yes, Everett's is a good appointment. Ask me, when I 1 Lord Melbourne's ministry. 88 MEMOIR OF RUFUS CHOATE. [Chap. UL get home, if we did not come near losing him in the Senate from Abolitionism; — entre nous, — if we do, the Union goes to pieces like a potter's vessel. But as Ercles' vein is not lightly nor often to be indulged in, — {nee Deus intersit nisi, &c.), — I give love to Hillard, salute you, and am very truly "Yours, RuFDS Choate." " P. S. — We shall have a veto after all, ut timeo." The veto, the second veto, was sent in September 9, and Congress adjourned the 18th, A few letters to his son, then about seven years old, and at school in Essex, will show the affectionate, playful, yet earnest character of his intercourse with his children. To Rufus Choate, Jr. "Washington, 30th May, 1841. " Mt dear Son, — It is just a week to-day since I kissed you a good-by, and now I am five hundred miles, or nearly so, from you. I feel quite sad to think of it ; and if I did not suppose you were a good boy, and at the head, and going on fast with the Latin, I should feel still worse. But I hope you love books better and better every day. You will learn one of these days who it is that says, ' Come, my best friends, my books.' I suppose you have no roses yet at Essex, or green peas, or mown grass, — though you used to say that you saw every thing there nearly. Here, the whole city is in blossom. They are making hay ; and rose-bushes bend under their loads of red and white roses. Can you tell now, by your geography, why the season is so much earlier here than at Essex, — especially considering what a handsome place Essex is, and what a good school you go to, and how much pains cousin M takes with you ? You must answer this question in your letter to me, and think all about it yourself. " I hope you will write to your mother and the girls often. They all love you dearly, and want to hear from you every day. Besides, it does one good to sit down and write home. It fills his heart full of affection and of pleasant recollections. . . . Write me soon. " Your affectionate father, " Rdfus Choate." 1841-1843.] LETTERS TO HIS CHILDREN. 89 To Rufus Choate, Jr. " Mt dear Ruf0S, — Your mother and dear sisters have you so far away, that I want to put my own arm around your neck, and having whispered a little in your ear, give you a kiss. I hope, first, that you are good ; and next that you are well and studious, and among the best scholars. If that is so, I am willing you should play every day, after, or out of, school, till the blood is ready to burst from your cheeks. There is a place or two, according to my recollections of your time of life, in the lane, where real, good, solid satisfaction, in the way of play, may be had. But I do earnestly hope to hear a great account of your books and progress when I get home. Love cousin M , and all your school and play mates, and love the studies which will make you wise, useful, and happy, when there shall be no blood at all to be seen in your cheeks or lips. " Your explanation of the greater warmth of weather here than at Essex is all right. Give me the sun of Essex, how ever, I say, for all this. One half-hour, tell grandmother, under those cherished button-woods, is worth a month under these insufferable fervors. ... I hope I shall get home in a month. Be busy, affectionate, obedient, my dear, only boy. " Your father, Rufus Choate." Every letter to his chUdren at this period is replete with affection, and kind suggestions and hopes. " Do not play with bad boys. Love good ones. Love your teacher, and see if you cannot go to the head of your own age of boys. ... I expect to find all of you grown. If I find the beautiful feelings and bright minds grown too, I shall leap for joy. . . . Give my love to all. Tell only truth ; and be just, kind, and courageous. Good-by, my darling boy." And again to two of his chUdren : " I hope you are well, obedient, affectionate, and studious. You must learn to take care of yourselves alone, your clothes, books, the place you sleep in, and of aU your ways. 90 MEMOIR OF RUFUS CHOATE. [Chap, m Be pleasant, brave, and fond of books. I want to hear that you are both good scholars, but chiefly that you are true, honest, and kind. . . . Give best love to all at Essex. Go, especially, and give my love to grandmother, who was the best of mothers to your father, and help her all you can." The next session of Congress opened with consid erable apprehension and distrust in all minds. The Whigs had broken with the President, and, though powerful, were disheartened, and unable to accomplish their cherished purposes. At the same time, ques tions of great public importance were pressing upon the attention of the government. During the session Mr. Choate spoke on the Bankrupt Law, in favor of Mr. Clay's Resolution for Retrenchment and Reform, on the Naval Appropriation Bill, on the Tariff, and on the Bill to provide further Remedial Justice in the Courts of the United States. This last-named bill was introduced by Mr. Ber rien, then Chairman of the Judiciary Committee, iu order to meet such cases as that of McLeod's by ex tending the jurisdiction of the United States Courts. It was regarded as of very great consequence, so nearly had the nation been plunged into war by pro ceedings for which the general governnient could have no responsibility. The bill was supported by the Whigs generally, and opposed by the Democrats, under the lead of Mr. Buchanan. Mr. Choate sup ported it on the two grounds of constitutionality and of expediency, and closed a generous and statesman like yet severe argument in these words : " The hon orable senator is against your jurisdiction in all forms and in all stages. Sir, I cannot concur with him. I 1841-1843.] SPEECH IN THE SENATE. 91 would assert the jurisdiction, on the contrary, ou the same grand, general reason for which it was given to you. It was given as a means of enabling you to preserve honorable peace, or to secure the next best thing, a just war, — a war into which we may carry the sympathies, and the praise, and the assistance of the world. Accept and exert it for these great ends. Do not be deterred from doing so, and from doing so now, by what the honorable senator so many times repeated to you, that negotiations are pending witb England ; that she has insulted and menaced you, and withheld reparation, and withheld apology ; and that, therefore, the passage of the bill, at this moment, would be an unmanly and unseasonable courtesy or concession to her. How much England knows or cares about the passage of this bill ; what new rea son it may afford to the ' Foreign Quarterly Review' for predicting the approach of his monarchical millen nium in America, we need not, I believe no one here need, know or care. But does it mark unmanly fear of England, an unmanly haste to propitiate her good will, because I would commit the quiet and the glory of my country to you ? Where should the peace of the nation repose but beneath the folds of the nation's flag ? Do not fear, either, that you are about to un dervalue the learning, abilities, and integrity of the State tribunals. Sir, my whole life has been a con stant experience of their learning, abilities, and integ rity ; but I do not conceive that I distrust or disparage them, when I have the honor to agree with the Con stitution itself, that yours are the hands to hold the mighty issues of peace and war. "Mr. President, how strikingly all things, and 92 MEMOIR OF RUFUS CHOATE. [Chap. ni. every passing hour, iUustrate the wisdom of those great men who looked to the Union, — the Union under a general government, — for the preservation of peace, at home and abroad, between us and the world, among the States and in each State. Turn your eyes eastward and northward, and see how this vast but restrained and parental central power holds at rest a thousand spirits, a thousand elements of strife ! There is Maine. How long would it be, if she were independent, before her hardy and gallant children would pour themselves over the disputed territory like the flakes of her own snow-storms? How long, if New York were so, before that tumult uous frontier would blaze with ten thousand 'bale fires'? Our own beautiful and beloved Rhode Island herself, with which the Senator rebukes you for inter fering, — is it not happy even for her that her star, instead of shining alone and apart in the sky, blends its light with so many kindred rays, whose influence may save it from shooting madly from its sphere ? " The aspect which our United America turns upon foreign nations, the aspect which the Constitution designs she shall turn on them, the guardian of our honor, the guardian of our peace, is, after all, her grandest and her fairest aspect. We have a right to be proud when we look on that. Happy and free empress mother of States themselves free, unagitated by the passions, unmoved by the dissensions of any one of them, she watches the rights and fame of all, and reposing, secure and serene, among the mountain summits of her freedom she holds in one hand the fair olive-branch of peace, and in the other the thun derbolt and meteor flag of reluctant and rightful war, 1841-1843.J LETTERS TO CILVULES SUMNER. 93 There may she sit for ever ; the stars of union upon her brow, the rock of independence beneath her feet! Mr. President, it is because this bill seems to me well calculated to accomplish one of the chief original ends of the Constitution that it has my hearty support." A few extracts from private letters will indicate some of the other topics which interested him during the session. January 24th he wrote to Mr. Sumner : " Lord Morpeth is come and pleases universally. He attends our atrocious spectacles in the House -with professional relish." And a little later : — " I have received and transmitted your papers for Lieber ; and read the D. A.-" with edification and assent. We are wrong. Lieber sent me a strong paper on the same subject. He is the most fertile, indomitable, unsleeping, combative, and propagandizing person of his race. I have bought ' Longfellow,' and am glad to hear of his run. Politics are unpromising, but better than last session. The juste milieu will vindicate itself. With much love to G. S. H. " Yours faithfully, " R. Choate." On the 19th of February he -writes again : — " Mt dear Sumner, — I hoped to be able before now to tell you what can be done for that elegant and tuneful Pro fessor. No certain thing do I get yet, but I trust soon to have. It is the age of patronage of genius you see. Regnat Apollo, as one may say. . . . That was a most rich speech of Hillard's, as is all his speaking, whether to listening crowds, or to appreciating circles of you and me.^ . . . How cheerful, genial, and fragrant, as it were, are our politics ! What ser ried files of armed men, shoulder to shoulder, keeping time 1 The suhject of searching vessels on the high seas was then -widely discussed, and this refers to some articles in the " Boston Daily Ad vertiser," on the right and necessity, in certain cases, of verifying s suspected flag. 2 A speech of Mr. Hillard's at a dinner given to Mr, Dickens. 94 MEMOIR OF RUFUS CHOATE. [Chap. HI to the music of duty and glory, animated by a single soul, are the Whigs ! But this delicious winter bears us swiftly through it all, and the sun of to-day lights up the Potomac and burns with the flush and glory of June. Dexter says this city reminds one of Rome. I suppose he meant in its spaces, solitudes, quiet, vices, etc., — though the surrounding country is undoubtedly beautiful. Love to Hillard. Lieber writes in Latin. I mean to answer him in any tongue what ever he chooses to speak, and for that purpose must break off and go at him. Truly yours, " R. Choate.'' To Charles Sumner, Esq. "Washington, June 5, 1842. " Mt dear Sir, — I mourn that I cannot get you yet a copy of the Opinions, otherwise called Old Fields.^ I am in collusion with Tims, however ; if man can do it, Tims is he. I have never got one for myself, or I would send that. I send you my speech, so that if you do not get Ann Page, you however have the great lubberly boy. . . . Lord Ashburton is a most interesting man, quick, cheerful, graceful-minded, keen, and prudent. The three young men [his suite] are also clever ; young rather ; one a whig, all lovers of Lord Morpeth. Maine comes with such exacting purposes, that between us, 1 doubt. . . . Yours truly, " R. Choate/' Later in the summer he writes again in the vein of humor and playfulness which so generally characterized his familiar intercourse : — " Washington, 10 p.m. " Dear Sumner and Hillard, — I have addressed myself with tears of entreaty to the Secretary, and if no hidden snag, or planter, lies under the muddy fiood, we shall scull the Dr. into port. There, as Dr. Watts says, he may ' Sit and sing himself away,' or exclaim, — ' Spes et fortuna, valete — inveni nunc portum, Lusistis me satis — ludite nunc alios ' — 1 Opinions of the Attorney-General, with reference to which Mr Sumner had quoted the verses of Chaucer, — " Out of the old fields cometh all this new corn," &a. 1841-1843.] NORTH EASTERN BOUNDARY QUESTION- 95 which is from the Greek, you know, in Dalzell's Grsec. Ma- jora, vol. 2d, — and closes some editions of Gil Bias ! " The voting on the Ashburton Treaty at 9 at night — seats fuU, — lights lighted, — hall as still as death — was not without grandness. But why speak of this to the poco curantes of that denationalized Boston and Massachusetts ? " Yours truly, R. Choate." Of all the questions of foreign policy none were more pressing, on the accession of the Whigs to the government, than the North-Eastern boundary. Col lisions had already taken place on the border. British regiments had been sent into Canada ; volunteers were enrolled in Maine. The question seemed hope lessly complicated, and both parties were apparently immovable in their opinions. On assuming the De partment of State, Mr. Webster at once informed the British government of our willingness to renew nego tiations, and shortly after the accession of Sir Robert Peel and Lord Aberdeen to power. Lord Ashburton was sent as a special envoy to the United States, "with the hope of settling the dangerous dispute. On both sides were high purposes, a willing mind, and a determination, if possible, to settle the difficulty to the advantage of both parties. This purpose was finally accomplished ; the treaty was made and signed by the respective Plenipotentiaries on the 9th August, 1842. It was submitted to the Senate on the 11th of August, and finally ratified on the 20th of the same month by a vote of 39 to 9. It determined the North-Eastern boundarj' ; settled the mode of pro ceeding for the suppression of the African Slave- Trade ; and agreed to the extradition of criminals fugitive from justice, in certain well-defined cases. At the same time the irritating questions connected 96 MEMODR OP RUFUS CHOATE. [Chap. HI. with the destruction of The Caroline, the mutiny and final liberation of the slaves on board The Creole, and the right of impressment, were put at rest by correspondence and mutual understanding. Harmony was thus restored between two great nations ; the pos sibility of border forces along the Canadian boundary greatly diminished ; and the rights of the flag upon the high-seas rendered more exact and definite. The question of the boundary of Oregon was left unde termined, because the arrangement of that question seemed not to be practicable. That a treaty of so much consequence, affecting questions that had so long interested and irritated the nations, should meet the approbation of every senator, was not to be ex pected. It was assailed at great length, and with what might be thought intemperate violence, by Mr. Benton, when discussed in secret session, and subsequently during the next session of Congress, when the bill for the occupation of Oregon was under debate. He found fault with what it did and with what it omitted to do, with the spirit and patriotism of its American negotiator, Mr. Webster, and with his resoluteness and intelUgence. The treaty was defended with a spirit and ability equal to the occasion. Mr. Choate spoke three times. One only of these speeches has been preserved, that delivered on the 3d February, 1843, during the debate on the bill for the occupation and settlement of the Oregon Territory. Congress adjourned on the 3d of March, and Mr. Choate returned to the labors of his profession in Boston. Since Mr. Choate's death there have been found among his papers fragments of journals and transla- 1841-1843.] JOURNAL OF READINGS AND ACTIONS. 97 tions of portions of the ancient classics. Although these were prepared solely for his own benefit, and the translations seem never to have been revised, it has been thought that no means accessible to us can so fully exhibit some of his mental traits, the methods by which he wrought, and the results which he gained. Parts of the journals are accordingly inserted in their chronological order, and extracts from the transla tions, if this volume is not too crowded, will be found in the appendix. " Leaves of an Imperfect Journal op Readings and Actions. " 3Iay, 184.3. — I can see very clearly, that an hour a day might with manifold and rich usefulness be employed upon a journal. Such a journal, written with attention to language and style, would be a very tolerable substitute for the most stimulating and raost improving of the disciplinary and edu cational exercises, careful composition. It should not merely enumerate the books looked into, and the professional and other labors performed ; but it should embrace a digest, or at least an index of subjects of what I read ; some thoughts suggested by my reading ; something to evince that an acqui sition has been made, a hint communicated ; a step taken in the culture of the immortal, intellectual, and moral nature ; a translation perhaps, or other effort of laborious writing ; a faithful and severe judgment on the intellectual and the moral quality of all I shall have done ; the failure, the success, and tlie lessons of both. Thus conducted, it would surely be greatly useful. Can I keep such an one? Prorsus ignoro — prorsus dubito. Spero tamen. The difiiculty has been heretofore that I took too little time for it. I regarded it less as an agent, and a labor of useful influence, in and by itself, — ill and by what it exacted, of introspection, memory, revisal of knowledge and of trains of thought ; less by the incumbent work of taste, expression, accuracy, which it itself imposed and constituted, than as a mere bald and shrewd enumeration of labors, processes, and other useful or influen tial things somewhere else, and before undergone. Better write on it but once a week, than so misconceive and impair its uses. 98 MEMOIR OF RUTUS CHOATE. [Chap. HI. " I do not know any other method of beginning to realize what I somewhat vaguely, yet sanguinely, hope from my improved journal, than by proceeding to work on it at once, and regularly for every hour, for every half-hour of reading which I can snatch from business and the law. I have a little course for instance of authors whom I read for English words and thoughts, and to keep up my Greek, Latin, and French. Let me after finishing my day's little work of each, record here what I have read, with some observation or some version. I am sure the time I now give to one would be better spent, if equally divided between him and this journal. , I am not to forget, that I am, and must be, if I would live, a student of professional forensic rhetoric. I grow old. My fate requires, appoints, that I do so di-daaxofisvog, — arte rhetoricd.^ A wide and anxious survey of that art and that science teaches me that careful constant writing is the parent of ripe speech. It has no other. But that writing must be always rhetorical writing, that is, such as might in some parts of some speech be uttered to a listening audience. It is to be composed as in and for the presence of an audience. So it is to be intelligible, perspicuous, pointed, terse, with image, epithet, turn, advancing and impulsive, full of generalizations, maxims, illustrating the sayings of the wise. I have written enough to satisfy me I cannot keep this journal ; yet seri ously do I mean to try. Those I love best may read, smile, or weep when I am dead, at such a record of lofty design and meagre achievement ! yet they will recognize a spirit that ' endeavored well.' " 13th J%. — Read in Bloom. G. T. Matth. 3 c. 11-17, and notes, carefully verifying the references. I believe I concur with him in every observation. Qu. tamen 1. li jjis is not the object of dcpsg as a-ixov is of dcfirjaiv and of SirAcohjev ? 2. Why does not svdvi; qualify dre^rj? Yet I think the sense is, that the whole series of incidents — the ascent from the water, and the opening of the heavens, and the vision, and the voice — followed in the order I have enumerated yhsi and close upon the consummation of the Baptism. " 3. That a miracle is described, the apparent opening of the heavens, so as to bring to the eye of some one, as from above, beyond, within, the image, form, symbol, the Holy Spirit, descending, with the hovering motion of the dove ; and that an articulate proclamation of the Sonship, and the ^ Tiiipda-Ka S' oiel iroWck SiSoo-Ki^/iei/os, — a fragment from Solon. 1841-1843.] JOURNAL OF READINGS AND ACTIONS. 99 love and the complacency indulged towards that son, by the Invisible speaking from on high, is asserted by the evangelist, no one can doubt. ¦¦' Does ^n. 6, 216-17, describe a descent or a hovering at all, or only contrast a progressive horizontal motion, caused and attended by the moving of the wings, and a similar motion with the wings at rest ? Semble the latter only. " I read the French of the same verses, and the German, but the latter without profit. " I reviewed — for I will not confess I had never read — Quintilian's first chap, of book 10, de copia verborum,, RoUin's Latin edition. I think I do not over-estimate the transcendent value and power, as an instrument of persuasive speech, of what may be comprehensively described as the best language — that which is the very best suited to the exact demand of the discourse just where it is employed. Every word in the language, by turns, and in the circle of revolving oratorical exigencies and tasks, becomes precisely the right one loord, and must be used, with one exception, that of immodest ones. This is Quintilian's remark, [§ 9] exaggerated — modo eorum qui art. prcec. tradunt — yet asserting a general truth of great value, the immense importance of a strong hold, and a capacity of easy employment of all the parts of the language — the homely, the colloquial, the trite, as well as the lofty, the refined, the ornamented, and the artistical propriety of a reso lute interchange or transition from one to another. " How such a language — such an English — is to be attained, is plain. It is by reading and by hearing, — reading the best books, hearing the most accomplished speakers. Some useful hints how to read and how to hear, I gather from this excellent teacher, and verify by my own experience, and accommodate to my own case. " I have been long in the practice of reading daily some first-class English writer, chiefly for the copia verborum, to avoid sinking into cheap and bald fluency, to give elevation, energy, sonorousness, and refinement, to my vocabulary. Yet with this object I would unite other and higher objects, — the acquisition of things, — taste, criticism, facts of biog raphy, images, sentiments. Johnson's Poets happens just now to be my book, and I have just read his life and judg ment of Waller. " 1 1th May. — The review of this arduous and responsible professional labor suggests a reflection or two. I am not 100 MEMOIR OF RUFUS CHOATE. [Chap. IU. conscious of having pressed any consideration farther than I ought to have done, although the entire effort may have seemed an intense and overwrought one. Guilty, she cer tainly appears, upon the proof to have been ; and I can dis cern no trace of subornation or manufacture of evidence. God forgive the suborner and the perjured, if it be so ! I could and should have prepared my argument beforehand and with more allusion, illustration, and finish. Topics, principles of evidence, standards of probability, quotations, might have been much more copiously accumulated and distributed. There should have been less said, — a better peroration, more dignity, and a general better phraseology. " 1 remark a disinclination to cross-examine, which I must at once check. More discussion of the importance of guard ing the purity of married life — the sufferings of the husband — a passage or two from Erskine — should have been set off against the passionate clamor for pity to the respondent. Whole days of opportunity of preparation stupidly lost. " I have read nothing since Sunday until to-day ; and to-day only a page of Greenleaf on Evidence, and a half- dozen lines of Greek, Latin, and French. But I prepared the case of the Ipswich Man. Co. My Greek was the fifth book of the Odyssey — 163-170 — the extorted, unantici pated, and mysterious communication — unanticipated by, and mysterious to, him — of Calypso to Ulysses on the seashore, in which she bids him dry his tears, and cease to consume his life ; for at length she will consent to assist his departure from the endearments and the charms whose spell on his passions was for ever broken. There is no peevishness or pettishness in her words or manner ; but pity, and the bestowment gen erously of what she knows and feels he will receive as the one most comprehensive and precious object of desire. ^^ Saturday, Sd June. — The week, which closes to-day, has not been one of great labor or of much improvement. I discussed the case of Allen and the Corporation of Essex, under the pressure of ill health ; and I have read and digested a half-dozen pages of Greenleaf on Evidence, and as many of Story on the Dissolution of Partnership. Other studies of easier pursuit, nor wholly useless, — if studies I may denomi nate them, — I have remembered in those spaces of time which one can always command, though few employ. The preg nant pages in which Tacitus reports the conflicting judgments expressed by the Romans concerning Augustus, upon the day 1841-1843] JOURNAL OF READINGS AND ACTIONS. 101 of his funeral ; and paints the scene in the Senate, when that body solicited Tiberius to assume the imperial name and power ; the timid or politic urgency of the solicitation ; the solicitation of prayers ; the dignified, distrusted, unintelligible terms of the dissembler's reply ; his proposition to consent to undertake a part of the imperial function, and the incautious or the subtle inquiry with which Gallus for a moment spoiled the acting of the player in the iron mask — ' what part he would take ' — I have read for Latin. They include pp. 14r-17, in the edition of Ernesti and Oberlin. Observe, Tacitus in his own person paints no character of Augustus. More di-amatically he supposes a multitude to witness the funeral, and then to speak among themselves of his character and actions. By the intelligent, he says, a divided opinion of his life was expressed. It was applauded by some ; it was arraigned by others. The former found in filial piety, and in those necessities of state which silenced and displaced and superseded the laws, the only motives that compelled him to take up the arms of civil war ; arms which can neither be acquired nor wielded by the exercise of the purer and nobler arts of policy. While he had his father's murderers to pun ish, he conceded a large measure of supreme power to Antony and to Lepidus ; but after the latter had grown an old man by sloth, and the former had become debauched and ruined by self-indulgence, there remained no remedy for his distracted country but the government of one man. Yet that govern ment was wielded, not under the name of king or of dictator, but under that of prince. It had been illustrated, too, by policy and fortune. The empire had been fenced and guarded on all sides by great rivers and the sea. Legions, fleets, provinces, however widely separated from each other, were connected by a system and order of intercommunication and correspondence. The rights of citizens had been guarded by the law ; moder ation and indulgence had been observed towards the allies. Rome itself had been decorated with taste and splendor. Here and there only, military force had been interposed, to the end that everywhere else there might be rest. " I cannot to-day pursue the version farther. In Greek I have reached the two hundred and fifty-first line of the fifth Odyssey. Without preaching and talk by the poet, as in Fenelon's celebrated work, how the actions and speech of Ulysses show forth his tried, sagacious character. His sus picion of Calypso, aud his exaction of an oath that she means 102 MEMOIR OF RUFUS CHOATE. [Chap. HI. fair in thus suddenly permitting him to go ; his address in allowing the superiority of her charms to Penelope's, and putting forward rather the general passion for getting home, as his motive of action ; his avowal that he is prepared to endure still more of the anger of God, having endured so much, mark the wary, much-suffering, and wise man, sailor, and soldier. I read in French a dissertation in the Memoirs of the Academic of Inscriptions, vol. 2, on the Chronology of the Odyssey ; began one on Cicero's Discovery of the Tomb of Archimedes. For English I have read Johnson's Lives to the beginning of Dryden ; Alison, a little ; Antony and Cleopatra, a little ; Quintilian's Chapters on Writing, and on Extempore Speech, I have read and re-read ; but mean to morrow to abridge and judge. I need a Facciolatus and a Stephens. Preserve me from such temptation. The first I must get ; and so I close this Saturday. " I propose now to present in a condensed view all the good sense in Quintilian's Chapters on Writing, and on Extempore Speech. [Ch. I.] — He is treating of the means of acquiring copiousness of speech, and has disposed of the first of these means — the reading of good books — of authors or of orators. [Ch. HL, § 1.] 'This is a help from without. But of all the parts of self-educalion, the most laborious, most useful, is writing. This, says Cicero, not extravagantly, best produces, and is emphatically the master of speech. [§ 2.] — Write then with as much pains as possible, and write as much as possible. In mental culture, as in the culture of the earth, the seed sown in the deepest furrow finds a more fruitful soil, is more securely cherished, and springs up in his time to more exuberant and healthful harvests. Witliout this discipline, the power and practice of extemporaneous speech will yield only an empty loquacity — only words born on the lips. [§ 3.] — In this discipline, deep down there are the roots, there the foundations ; thence must the harvest shoot, thence the structure ascend; there is garnered up, as in a more sacred treasury, wealth for the supply of even unanticipated exactions. Thus, first of all, must we accumalate resources sufficient for the contests to which we are summoned, and inexhaustible by them. [§ 4.] — Nature herself will have no great things hastily formed ; in the direct path to all beautiful and conspicuous achievement she heaps up difficulty ; to the largest animal she appoints the longest sleep in the parent womb. 1841-1843.] JOURNAL OF READINGS AND ACTIONS. lOB '• ' Two inquiries there are then : first how, next what we shall write. [§ 5.] I begin with the first, and urge that you compose with care, even if you compose ever so slowly. Seek for the best ; do not eagerly and gladly lay hold on that which first offers itself ; apply judgment to the crowd of thoughts and words with which your faculties of invention supply you ; retain and set in their places those only which thus you delib erately approve. For of words and of things a choice is to be made, and to that end the weight of every one to be exactly ascertained. " Tuesday, &th June. — ' The taste of selection accom plished, that of collocation follows. Do not leave every word to occupy as a matter of course the exact spot where the order of time in which it occurs to you would place it ; do not let the succession of their birth necessarily determine their relative position. Seek rather by variety of experi ment and arrangement to attain the utmost power, and the utmost harmony of style. [§ 6.] The more successfully to accomplish this, practise the repeated reading over of what you have last written before you write another sentence. By this means a more perfect coherence of what follows with what precedes ; a more coherent and connected succes sion of thought and of periods will be expected ; and by this means, too, the glow of mental conception, which the labor of writing has cooled, will be kindled anew ; and will, as it were, acquire fresh impetus by taking a few steps backward ; as in the contest of leaping we frequently remark the com petitors setting out to run at an increased distance from the point where they begin to leap, and thus precipitating them selves by the impulse of the race towards the bound at which they aim ; as in darting the javelin we draw back the arm ; and in shooting with the bow draw back its string.' " I have written only this translation of Quiutilian since Saturday. Professional engagements have hindered me. But I have carefully read a page or two of Johnson's Dryden, and a scene or two of Antony and Cleopatra every morning — marking any felicity or available peculiarity of phrase — have launched Ulysses from the isle of Calypso, and brought him in sight of Phaeacia. Kept along in Tacitus, and am reading a pretty paper in the ' Memoirs ' on the old men of Homer. I read Homer more easily and with more ap preciation, though with no helps but Cowper and Donnegan's Lexicon. Fox and Canning's Speeches are a more profes- 104 MEMOIR OF RUFUS CHOATE. [Chap. IH. sional study, not useless, not negligently pursued. Alas, alas ! there is no time to realize the dilating and burning idea of excellence and eloquence inspired by the great gal lery of the immortals in which I walk ! " 24:tK June. - — ¦ I respire more freely in this pure air of a day of rest. Let me record a most happy method of legal study, by which I believe and feel that I am reviving my love of the law ; enlarging my knowledge of it ; and fltting myself, according to the precepts of the masters, for its forensic discussions. I can find, and have generally been able to find, an hour or two for legal reading beyond and beside cases already under investigation. That time and that reading I have lost, no matter how. I have adopted the plan of taking a volume, the last volume of Massachu setts Reports, and of making a full brief of an argument on every question in every case, examining all the authorities, finding others, and carefully composing an argument as well reasoned, as well expressed, as if I were going to-morrow to submit it to a bench of the first of jurists.-'^ At the com pletion of each argument, I arrange the propositions inves tigated in my legal commonplace book, and index them. Already I remark renewed interest in legal investigations ; renewed power of recalling, arranging, and adding to old acquisitions ; increased activity and attention of mind ; more thought; more effort; a deeper image on the memory; growing facility of expression. I confess delight, too, in adapting thus the lessons of the great teachers of rhetoric to the study of the law and of legal eloquence. " I resume Quintihan, p. 399. [§ 7.] ' Yet I deny not if the fair wind freshly blows, that the sails may all be spread to catch it. But have a care lest this surrender of yourself to the spontaneous and headlong course of your conceptions do not lead you astray. All our first thoughts, in the mo ment of their birth, please us, or we should never write. [§ 8.] But we must come to our critical senses again ; and coolly revise and reconstruct the productions of this suspi cious and deceitful facility. Thus we have heard that Sal- lust wrote ; and indeed his work itself reveals the labor. Varius tells us that Virgil, too, composed but very few verses in a day. " [§ 9.] ' The condition of the speaker is a different one from that of the author. It is therefore that I prescribe, for ' This plan he continued down to the end of his life. 1841-1843.] JOURN^VL OF READINGS AND ACTIONS. IO-*) the first, preparatory written exercises of the future speaker, that he dwell so long and so solicitously upon his task. Con sider that the first great attainment to be achieved is excel lence of writing. Use will confer celerity. By slow degrees matter will more easily present itself ; words will answer to it ; style will follow ; all things as in a well-ordered house hold, will know, will perform their functions. [§ 10.] It is not by writing rapidly that you come to write well, but by writing well you come to write rapidly.' Thus far Quintilian. " I read, besides my lessons, the Temptation in Matthew, Mark, and Luke, in the Greek ; and then that grand and grave poem which Milton has buUt upon those few and awful verses. Paradise Regained. I recognize and pro foundly venerate the vast poetical luminary ' in this more pleasing light, shadowy.' Epic sublimity the subject ex cludes ; the anxious and changeful interests of the drama are not there ; it suggests an occasional recollection of the Book of Job, but how far short of its pathos, its agencies, its voices of human sorrow and doubt and curiosity : and its occasional unapproachable grandeur ; yet it is of the most sustained elegance of expression ; it is strewn and burning with the pearl and gold of the richest and loftiest and best- instructed of human imaginations ; it is a mine — a maga zine, ' horrent,' blazing with all weapons of the most exquisite rhetoric ; with all the celestial panoply of truth, reason, wis dom, duty." lOt) MEMOIR OF RUFUS CHOATB. [Chap. IV CHAPTER IV. 1843-1844. Address before the New England Society of New York — Letter from Mr. Van Cott — Letter to Professor Bush — Letters to Charles Sumner — Letter to his Daughters — Speech on Oregon in reply to Mr. Buchanan — Recollections of Alexander H. Ste phens — First Speech on the Tariff — Second Speech in reply to Mr. M'Duffie — Journal. The twenty-eighth Congress met on the 4th of De cember, 1848, and Mr. Choate removed to Washington for the winter. In the latter part of the month he visited New York for the purpose of delivering the annual oration before the New England Society of that city. The theme suggested by the occasion was one which seemed always to have a fresh inter est for him. He loved to dwell upon it. In lectures and addresses he had many times spoken on the Puritan character and history, and never without the deepest sympathy and heart-stirring emotion. On this occasion he presented the Pilgrims, their Age and their Acts, as constituting a real and true heroic period in the history of this republic. " We have," he said, " a specific duty to perform. We would speak of certain valiant, good, and peculiar men, our fathers. We would wipe the dust from a few old, plain, noble urns. We would shun husky disquisitions, irrelevant novelties, and small display ; 1843-1844] ADDRESS IN NEW YORK. 107 would recall rather and merely the forms and linea ments of the heroic dead, — forms and features which the grave has not changed, — over which the grave has no power — robed with the vestments and radiant with the hues of an assured immortality." During his discussion of the general subject he spoke of the influences affecting the minds of the disciples of the Reformation in England, during the residence of many of them in Geneva. Touching lightly upon the impression of the material grandeur and beauty of Switzerland, he turned to the moral agents, the politics, and the ecclesiastical influences to which the exiles were exposed. " In the giant hand of guardian mountains, on the banks of a lake lovelier than a dream of the Faery land ; in a valley which might seem hollowed out to enclose the last home of liberty, there smiled an independent, peaceful, law-abiding, well-governed, and prosperous Common wealth. There was a State without king or nobles ; there was a church without a bishop; there was a people governed by grave magistrates which it had elected, and equal laws which it had framed." These phrases, " a State without a king,"' " a church with out a bishop," were at once caught up and spread through the land. They became the burden of pop ular songs, and led to a noteworthy discussion of the principles of church government between two emi nent divines, — an Episcopalian and a Presbyterian, — of New York. The entire address was received with the greatest delight and enthusiasm. A member of the New York bar, somewhat advanced in years, and cool in his temperament, said " that it was different in kind 108 MEMOIR OF RUFUS CHOATE. [Chap. IV. from any thing they ever heard in New York before. It came upon them like a series of electric shocks, and they coiUd not keep their seats, and kept clap ping and applahding without being conscious of it." ^ ' The following account, from the pen of Mr. Joshua M. Van Cott, is taken from the series of papers prepared by Judge Neilson, for the " Albany Law Journal: " — " The oration was delivered in the old Broadway Tabernacle, then the largest auditorium in the city. The great building was crowded to hear the famous speaker. Mr. Webster and other distinguished raen were on the platform. Mr. Choate was then in his prime, and his presence was hardly less striking than that of the great expounder. Tall, tliin, his complexion a rich olive, his eyes large, liquid, glow ing ; the face Oriental, rather than American, and generally rather sad than eager and passionate. His voice was a rich baritone, sono rous, majestic, finely modulated and inimitable in the expression of pathos. He philosophically developed the rise of Puritanism and the causes of the Pilgrim emigration, and came down to the Mayflower, to Miles and Rose Standish, to the landing at Plymouth, the severity of the winter, the famine and the sickness and the many deaths, — fifty out of a hundred, including the beautiful Rose Standish. Paus ing, witli a sad, far-off look in his eyes, as if the vision had suddenly risen upon his memory, and with a voice inexpressibly sweet and pathetic, and nearly choked with emotion, he said, ' In a late visit to Plymouth, I sought the spot where these earlier dead were buried. It was on a bank somewhat elevated, near, fronting and looking upon the waves — symbol of what life had been to them — ascending inland behind and above the rock — symbol also of that Rock of Ages on which the dying had rested in that final hour.' "I have never seen an audience so moved. The orator had skil fully led up to this passage, and then, with a voice surcharged with emotion, symbolized the stormy and tumultuous life, the sudden and sad end, and the heroic faith with which, resting upon the Rock of Ages, they had lain down on the shore of the Eternal Sea. As Choate approached the climax, Webster's emotion became uncon trollable ; the great eyes were filled with tears, the great frarae shook; he bowed his head to conceal his face in his hat, and I almost seemed to hear his sob. The audience was flooded with tears, a handkerchief at every face, and sighs and sobs soughed through the house like wind in the tree-tops. The genius of the orator had transferred us to the spot, and we saw the rocky shore, and, with him mourned the 1843-1844.] LETTER TO PROF. GEORGE BUSH. 109 On returning to Washington he wrote to his friend Professor Bush, who had recently adopted the views of Swedenborg. Although of decided theological opinions himself, Mr. Choate rarely entered upon a polemical discussion of religious topics, never indeed but with those intimate friends with whom he sympa thized most closely. About himself he never chose to talk, and those who indiscreetly tried to probe his feelings would generally find themselves turned aside with what would seem the most consummate art, were it not done so naturally, and with such suavity and gentleness. Hence iu declining a discussion, and in saying a kind word of the opinions of others, he some times seemed, to those who did not know him, indif ferent as to his own. To Proi-essok Geoege Bush. "Washington, Jan. 7, 1844. " Mt deae Me. Bush, — I grieve that I did not see you at New York, were it but to have united in a momentary ob jurgation of all celebrations on wet days ; though I should have been still more delighted to sit down and charm out of their cells of sleep about a million of memories. But it did not occur to me that you could possibly be present,^ and I had early dead. We have had but one Rufus Choate : alas ! we shall never have another. We have had powerful dialecticians, such as Hamilton and Pinkney and Webster; we have had great stump- speakers, such as senator Corwin and Sergeant S. Prentiss, but none who could sway the soul like the great lawyer, scholar, statesman, and orator of New England. ' So on the tip of his subduing tongue All kinds of arguments and questions deep. All replication prompt, and reason strong, For his advantage still did wake and sleep; To make the weeper laugh, the laugher weep, He had the dialect and different skill. Catching aU passions in his craft of will.' " [Shaks. Lo-veb's Complaiht.J ' At the New England Festival. 110 MEMOIR OF RUFUS CHOATE. [Chap. IV. not an instant to go out to call on you. I have known, say half a dozen very able men, who hold Swedenborg just as you do. Theophilus Parsons, of Boston, is one, who is a man of genius. For my part, I know him not, and have a timorous disinclination to being shocked, waked, or stunned out of the ' trivial fond ' prejudices and implicit takings up of a whole life. But it is your privilege to be a seeker for truth, with pure aims and a most appreciating eye and spirit. Sit mea anima cum tud. Yours truly, " R. Choate." Besides the political business of the session, Mr. Choate was much interested in a law case of great importance, that of Massachusetts v. Rhode Island. Mr. Charles Sumner acted as counsel with him in ob taining and preparing the local proofs. The follow ing letter refers to that case : — To Chakles Sumner, Esq. " Mt dear Sumnee, — I thank you for the documents. The cause is assigned for the 20th, and being, as Mr. Justice Catron expressly declared, a case of ' Sovereign States,' it has, before this tribunal of strict constructionists, a terrified and implicit precedence. Great swelling words of prescription ought to be spoken. For the rest, I see no great fertility or heights in it. Most hurriedly yours, "R. Choate. " Saturday, 5 P. M." To Chakles Sumnek, Esq. " Mt deae Sumnee, — I have written by this maU to Mr. Palfrey, Secretary of State, to send me instantly certain pa pers for Massachusetts v. Rhode Island. May I entreat you to go as soon as possible to the State House, see my letter, and aid and urge its objects. You will know the what and where, and a mail saved is all one as it were a kingdom for a horse. "I thank you for your views, — excellent and seasonable. I will speak them to the court so that they shall never know any thing else again as long as they live. Please be most prompt. Yours, R. Choate. " 15th Feb. — The case is for the 20th 1 1 " 1843-1844.] LETTERS TO CH.\.RLES SUMNER. Ill To Chakles Sujutek, Esq. " Saturday, Feb. 17, 1844. "Mt deae Sie, — To my horror and annoyance, the court has just continued our cause to the next term ! The counsel of Rhode Island moved it yesterday, assigning for cause that the court was not full ; that the Chief Justice could not sit by reason of ill health ; Mr. Justice Story did not sit,^ and there was a vacancy on the bench. The court was therefore re duced to six judges. We opposed the motion. " To-day .Mr. Justice M'Lean said, that on interchanging ¦views they fonnd that three ofthe six who would try it have formally, on the argument or the plea, come to an opinion in favor of Massachusetts, and that therefore they thought it not proper to proceed. If Rhode Island should fail, he suggested, she might have cause of dissatisfaction. " I regret this result, on all accounts, and especially that the constant preparatory labors of a month are for the present wholly lost. I had actually -withdrawn from the Senate Chamber to make up this argument, which may now never be of any use to anybody. . . . " Yours, R. Choate." To Chakles Sumnee, Esq. "Feb. 18t4. "Mt deae SmiNEE, — All the papers came safe, except as yet the whole volume which is to come by Harnden. I shall print the useful, — keep all safely — with the entire file. Some of them are very good. The continuance of the cause rendered it partially to be regretted that so much trouble was given. But it is better to close the printing at once. '' Please thank Dr. Palfrey, and dry his and Mr. Felt's tears. I knew it would be like defending a city by holding up upon the walls against darts and catapults, little children, images of gods, cats, dogs, onions, and all other Egyptian theogonics, — but better so than to be taken. " Yours truly, R. Choate.' • Because belongmg to Massachusetts. 112 MEMOUi OF RUFUS CHOATE. [Chap. IV. To Charles Sumner, Esq. [No date.] " Deae Sumner, — I have just had your letter read to me on a half-sick bed, and get up redolent of magnesia and roasted apples, to embrace you for your Burkeism generally, and for your extracts and references. It is odd that I have, on my last year's brief, a passage or two from him on that very topic whidi he appreciates so profoundly, but am most happy to add yours. By the way, — I always admired that very letter in Prior, if it is the same. '' 1 hope you review Burke in the N. A.,^ though I have not got it and you do not say so. Mind that he is the fourth Englishman, — Shakspeare, Bacon, Milton, Burke. I hope you take one hundred pages for the article. Compare, con trast, with Cicero, — both knowing all things, — but God knows where to end on Burke. No Englishman or country man of ours has the least appreciation of Burke. The Whigs never forgave the last eight or ten years of that life of glory, and the Tories never forgave what preceded ; and we poor, unidealized democrats do not understand his marvellous Eng lish, universal wisdom, illuminated, omniscient mind, and are afraid of his principles. What coxcombical rascal is it that thinks Bolingbroke a better writer? Take page by page the allusions, the felicities, the immortahties of truth, variety, reason, height, depth, every thing, — Bolingbroke is a voluble prater to Burke ! " Amplify on his letter in reply to the Duke of Bedford. How mournful, melodious, Cassandra-like ! Out of Burke might be cut 50 Mackintoshes, 175 Macaulays, 40 Jeffreys, and 260 Sir Robert Peels, and leave him greater than Pitt and Fox together. " I seem to suppose your article is not written, — as I hope it is. God bless you. Yours truly, R. C." To HIS Daughters. "Mtdbar D.4UGHTEES Theee, — I owe you so many letters, that I know not how to begin to pay. I thought of three different letters, — one to each, — but I am so dreadfully North American Review. 1843-1844.] LETTER TO HIS DAUGHTERS. 113 busy that I could not achieve such a thing ; so I put my arms around you one and all, and make one kiss serve. Sarah's conundrum is tres belle and tr&s ,fine, but thrice tres easy. Is it not the letter ' A ' ? " Picciola is so famous and fine that I am glad you like it and find it easier. I am reading French law-books to prepare for a case. Dear Minnie writes a pretty short letter. I hope the girls are no longer X to her as she says. Be good, sober girls and help your mother in all her cares and works. " I am awfully lonesome. But I study quite well, and am ¦ preparing to argue a great cause. " It is extremely cold. Write each day a full account of its studies, its events, its joys and sorrows; and any new ideas you have acquired. " Take excellent care of my books. Do not let any thing be lost. " Coleridge I have ; but I don't think you would under stand it. Try however. Kiss your dear mother for me. " YouE Afeectionate Father." Mr. Choate was always interested in naval affairs, and exerted himself during this session to secure a suitable indemnity for the officers and seamen (or their widows and orphans), who lost their property by wreck of United States vessels of war. Another question received still more attention. On the Sth of January, 1844, Mr. Semple, of Illinois, introduced a resolution requesting the President to give notice to the British Government of a desire on the part of the United States to terminate the treaty aUowing the joint occupation of the territory of Ore gon. Mr. Choate opposed the resolution, because negotiation on the subject had already been invited, and to pass the resolution would only impede the efforts of plenipotentiaries, while it imperilled the interests of the United States, and looked towards a declaration of war. TJiese views in substance were maintained by the Whigs generally. They were 114 MEMOIR OF RUFUS CHOATE. [Chap. IV, opposed by the opposite party, and by no one more ably than by Mr. Buchanan, who directed his argu ment mainly against the speech of Mr. Choate. To this Mr. Choate made a reply on the 19th of March, expanding and enforcing his previous argument.^ Mr. Buchanan had insisted upon the hostility of the people of the United States to England. " They still remember," he said, " the wrongs we had en dured in days past: they remembered these things perhaps with too deep a sensibility. And although Senators might please their ears with the terms ' mother and daughter,' a vast majority of our people were penetrated with the conviction that to us England had ever acted the part of a cruel step-mother. It was this deep-wrought conviction, these associations of former scenes, that lay at the foundation of the national enmity which too extensively prevailed. Injuries on the one side, and their remembrance on the other, kept up this ill blood." " But is this so ? " said Mr. Choate in reply. " Is it so, that the great mass of the people are pervaded, are 'penetrated' by a deep-seated, 'deep-wrought' 'sentiment of national enmity' towards this particu lar nation, England? Is it so, that our veins are filled with ' ill blood ' towards that country, — ill blood generated and fed by the 'memory of wrongs endured in days past ' ? This I understand the Sena tor to allege, and even to regret. I have repeated to you, however, exactly what he says, to be interpreted by yourselves. But thus I understand it. The cher- ^ This eloquent and powerful speech may be found complete in the flrst edition of " The Life and Writings of Rufus Choate," j nib- lished by Little, Brown, & Co., in 2 vols., 1862. 1843-1844] SPEECH ON OREGON. 115 ished remembrance of wrongs endured in past days, the conviction that England had ever acted the part of a ' cruel step-mother ; ' ' the associations of former scenes,' — these bitter memories, compose the deep foundations of a too extensive national hostility; these things make the great body of the people enemies of England, in a time of profound peace. Thus I inter pret the Senator. Is this so ? " " Being, sir, through the favor of a kind Pro-vi dence, one of the people of America myself, and ha-ving been born and bred not in cities, which are said to love England, but in the country, which is said, as I understand the honorable Senator, to hate her ; and having been astonished and pained to hear it asserted that such a people, one of as happy, gen erous, and kind a nature as the sun shines on, were laboring under a sentiment so gloomy and so barba rous as this, — I have been revolving the subject with some care and with some feeling. Exhausted as I am, and as you are, I cannot sit down without denouncing, in the first place, the sentiment thus, as I understand the Senator, ascribed by him to my countrymen, as immoral, unchristian, unchivalrous, unworthy of good men, unworthy of ' gallant men and men of honor ; ' and without, in the second place, expressing my en tire and profound con-viction that no such sentiment inhabits the bosom of the American people." " Mr. President, we must distinguish a little. That there exists in this country an intense sentiment of nationaUty ; a cherished, energetic feeling and con sciousness of our independent and separate national existence ; a feeling that we have a transcendent 116 MEMOIR OF RUFUS CHOATE. [Chap. IV. destiny to fulfil, which we mean to fulfil ; a great work to do, which we know how to do and are able to do ; a career to run, up which we hope to ascend till we stand on the steadfast and glittering summits of the world ; a feeling that we are surrounded and attended by a noble, historical group of competitors and rivals, the other nations of the earth, all of whom we hope to overtake and even to distance, — such a sentiment as this exists perhaps in the character of this people. And this I do not discourage ; I do not condemn. It is easy to ridicule it. But ' grand swelling sentiments' of patriotism no wise man will despise. They have their uses. They help to give a great heart to a nation ; to animate it for the various conflicts of its lot ; to assist it to work out for itself a more exceeding weight, and to fill a larger measure, of glory. But, sir, that among these useful and beau tiful sentiments, predominant among them, there exists a temper of hostility towards this one particular nation, to such a degree as to amount to a habit, a trait, a national passion, — to amount to a state of feeling which ' is to be regretted,' and which really threatens another war, — this I earnestly and confi dently deny." .... " No, sir, no, sir. We are above all this. Let the Highland Clansman, half naked, half civilized, half blinded by the peat smoke of his cavern, have his hereditary enemy and his hereditary enmity, and keep the keen, deep, and precious hatred, set on fire of hell, alive if he can ; let the North American Indian have his, and hand it down from father to son, by Heaven knows what symbols of alligators and rattle snakes and war clubs smeared with vermilion and 1843-1844.] SPEECH ON OREGON. 117 entwined with scarlet; let such a country as Poland, cloven to the earth, the armed heel on her radiant forehead, her body dead, her soul incapable to die, — let her ' remember the wrongs of days long past ; ' let the lost and wandering tribes of Israel remember theirs, — the manliness and the sympathy of the world may allow or pardon this to them ; but shall America, young, free, prosperous, just setting out on the highway of heaven, ' decorating and cheering the elevated sphere she just begins to move in, glittering like the morning star, full of life and joy,' — shaU she be supposed to be poUuting and corroding her noble and happy heart, by moping over old stories of Stamp Act, and Tea Act, and the firing of the Leopard upon the Chesapeake in a time of peace? No, sir ; no, sir ; a thousand times no I Why, I protest I thought all that had been settled. I thought two wars had settled it all. What else was so much good blood shed for on so many more than classical fields of Revolutionary glory? For what was so much good blood more lately shed at Lundy's Lane, at Fort Erie, before and behind the lines at New Orleans, on the deck of the Constitu tion, on the deck of the Java, on the lakes, on the sea, but to settle exactly those ' wrongs of past days ' ? And have we come back sulky and sullen, from the very field of honor ? For my country I deny it. The Senator says that our people still remember these ' former scenes of wrong -with perhaps too deep ' a sensibility ; and that, as I interpret him, they nourish a ' too extensive ' national enmity. How so ? If the feeling he attributes to them is moral, manly, credita ble, how comes it to be too deep ; and if it is immoral, 118 MEMOIR OF RUFUS CHOATE. [Chap. IV, unmanly, and unworthy, why is it charged on them at all ? Is there a member of this body who would stand up in any educated, in any intelligent and right-minded circle which he respected, and avow that for his part he must acknowledge that, looking back through the glories and atonements of two wars, his veins were fuU of Ul blood to England; that in peace he could not help being her enemy; that he could not pluck out the deep-wrought convic tions and the ' immortal hate ' of the old times ? Cer tainly not one. And then, sir, that which we feel would do no honor to ourselves, shaU we confess for our country ? " Mr. President, let hae say that, in my judgment, this notion of a national enmity of feeling towards Great Britain belongs to a past age of our history. My younger countrymen are unconscious of it. They disavow it. That generation in whose opinions and feeUngs the actions and the destiny of the next age are enfolded, as the tree in the germ, do not at all com prehend your meaning, nor your fears, nor your re grets. We are born to happier feelings. We look on England as we look on France. We look on them from our new world, not unrenowned, yet a new world still ; and the blood mounts to our cheeks ; our eyes swim ; our voices are stifled with emulous- ness of so much glory ; their trophies will not let us sleep : but there is no hatred at all ; no hatred ; all for honor, nothing for hate ! We have, we can have no barbarian memory of wrongs, for which brave men have made the last expiation to the brave. " No, sir : if public men, or any one public man, think it their duty to make a war or cultivate the 1843-1S44.] SPEECH ON OREGON. 119 dispositions of war towards any nation, let them per form the duty, and have done with it. But do not say that there is an unfortunate, morbid, impractica ble popular temper on the subject, which you desire to resist, but are afraid you shall not be able to resist. If you will answer for the politicians, I think I will venture to answer for the people." Of the impression made by this speech there seems to have been but one judgment. Two days after its delivery the resolution was rejected by a vote of twenty-eight to eighteen.^ 1 The following interesting account, taken from the " Baltimore Gazette " of Dec. 25, 1877, gives the reminiscences of the Hon. Alex ander H. Stephens of Georgia : " I entered Congress," said Mr. Stephens, " in 1843, when I was of the age of thirty-one years, when the second generation of the great statesmen were still on the boards, lapping the revolutionary age. They were there in the full vigor of intellect, and still figuring prominently on the public stage. John Quincy Adams was a member of the House of Representatives. Calhoun, Clay, and Webster were the three great leaders of par ticular political ideas. . . . One of the first deep impressions made upon my mind was by Rufus Choate of Massachusetts. Early in my first session I had gone into the Senate to see Mr. Berrien of Georgia. When I was about leaving the senate chamber the order of the day was called, and before I reached the door the tones of voice of a speaker attracted my attention. I turned in the direc tion of the orator, and saw before me a remarkable-looking man of medium size, with raven locks, a striking black eye, a pallid cheek, a bearing as if fully charged with his subject, and his hand trembling as if with electricity. The Chair had announced the gentleman from Massachusetts, aud in an instant I knew it must be Rufus Choate. I soon became very much interested in his speaking. His matter and style were grand, and became more so as he advanced. Every one was enraptured with his eloquence. He was replying to a speech made by Mr. Buchanan, on a resolution to give notice to the English Government of a termination of the joint occupancy of Oregon. Mr. Buchanan had taken the extreme view, calculated to arouse a war-feeling. He spoke of a deep-seated enmity in the 120 MEMOIR OF RUFUS CHOATE. [Chap. IV. There was probably no subject which awakened a deeper interest during this session, or caUed out a greater amount of talent in discussion, than the tariff. Soon after the meeting of Congress Mr. M'Duffie asked leave to introduce a biU to re-vive the tariff of 1833. On this more than twenty senators, the leaders and veterans of that august body, spoke at different times, most of them with elaborate and formal argu ment, and some of them more than once. J\lr. Choate breasts of our people over the wrongs inflicted by England in formei days, and of the iU blood and hate that existed in this country in consequence of those wrongs. " The ' Globe ' of 1844, in reporting the reply of Mr. Choate, says it cannot finish the report of the speech, owing to the sudden indis position of the reporter. I can repeat the omitted portion even at this distance of time, so profound was the irapression made upon me. When Mr. Choate came to this part of Buchanan's speech he seemed to rise to a majesty that impressed his audience more deeply than I had ever witnessed any orator accomplish on a like occasion." [Here follows a long quotation of several passages given above.] " Ever after this speech I never let an opportunity go by to hear Mr. Choate. I consider him the most interesting man for impassioned oratory I ever heard. He had a faculty which few men possessed of never tiring his hearers. Several years after, I heard him in the Supreme Court argue the case of the boundary line between Rhode Island and Massachusetts. It was as dull a case as any ordinary land-ejectment suit. I was at a loss to understand how Mr. Choate could interest an audience under such circumstances. The court had been occupied five days by some of the ablest lawyers. The room was thronged to hear Choate's reply. From the moment he commenced he enchained the audience, and enlivened the dull sub ject by apt historical allusions and pleasing illustrations. The logical connection of his argument was excellent, and so well arranged that in two hours he had finished a thorough argument, which was inter spersed throughout with sublime imagery. Every paragraph was as the turning of a. kaleidoscope, where new and brilliant images are presented at every turn. At the conclusion of that speech I was confirmed in the opinion that he was the greatest orator I ever heard, — in this respect greater than Calhoun, Clay, or Webster." 1843-1844.] TARIFF BILL. 121 addressed the Senate first on the 18th and 15th of April, in an exhaustive historical discussion of the early tariffs, especially showing that that of 1789 was essentially a tariff of protection, and deriving from this a general argument in favor of a protective policy ; enlivening the necessarily dry enumeration of individual opinions, and the details of an old sub ject, by occasional pleasantry, and sometimes by high and fervid eloquence. Mr. Benton had spoken of the evils of an irregular policy. " Perhaps," replied Mr. Choate, " I might not entirely concur with the dis tinguished senator from Missouri, in his estimate of the magnitude of the evil. An evil it no doubt is. Sometimes, in some circumstances, irregularity would be an intolerable one. In the case he puts, of a balloon in the air, 'now bursting with distention, now collapsing from depletion,' it would be greatly inconvenient. But all greatness is irregular. All irregularity is not defect, is not ruin. Take a differ ent illustration from that of the balloon. Take the New England climate in summer ; you would think the world was coming to an end. Certain recent heresies on that subject may have had a natural origin there. Cold to-day, hot to-morrow ; mercury at eighty degrees in the morning, with a wind at south-west, and in three hours more a sea-turn, wind at east, a thick fog from the very bottom of the ocean, and a fall of forty degrees of Fahrenheit ; now so dry as to kill all the beans in New Hampshire, then floods carrying off the bridges and dams of the Penobscot and Connecticut ; snow in Portsmouth in July, and the next day a man and a yoke of oxen killed by lightning in Rhode Island, — jou would think the 122 MEMOIR OF RUFUS CHOATE. [Chap. IV world was twenty times coming to an end! But I don't know how it is ; we go along ; the early and the latter rain falls each in his season ; seed time and harvest do not fail ; the sixty days of hot corn weather are pretty sure to be measured out to us ; the Indian summer with its bland south-west and mitigated sun shine brings all up ; and on the 25th of November, or thereabout, being Thursday, three mUlions of grate ful people, in meeting-houses, or around the family board, give thanks for a year of health, plenty, and happiness. All irregularity, whatever the cause, is not defect nor ruin." He closed with a word for Massachusetts, which had been assailed for her opinions. " Permit me to say. Sir, that you must take the States of America as you find them. All of them have their peculiarities ; all have their traits ; all have their histories, tra ditions, characters. They had them before they came into the Union ; they will have them after ' Rome in Tiber melts, and the wide arch of the ranged empire falls .' South Carolina has hers; Massachusetts has hers. She will continue to think, speak, print, just what she pleases, on every subject that may interest the patriot, the moralist, the Christian. But she will be true to the Constitution. She sat among the most affection ate at its cradle ; she will follow — the saddest of the procession of sorrow — its hearse. She sometimes has stood for twenty years together in opposition to the general government. She cannot promise the im plicit politics of some of her neighbors. I trust, how ever, that she will not be found in opposition to the next administration. I have heard that once her 1843-1844.] DEBATE ON THE TARIFF. 123 Senate refused to vote thanks for a victory for which her people had shed their blood. Sir, you must take the States as you find them ; you must take her as you find her. Be just to her, and she will be a bless ing to you. She will sell to you at fair prices, and on liberal credits ; she wUl buy of you when England and Canada and the West Indies and Ireland will not; she will buy your staples, and mould them into shapes of beauty and use, and send them abroad to represent your taste and your genius in the great fairs of civili zation. Something thus she may do, to set upon youi brow that cro-wn of industrial glory to which 'the laurels that a Csesar reaps are weeds.' More, Sir, more. Although she loves not war, nor any of its works, — although her interests, her morals, her in teUigence, are all against it, — although she is with South Carolina, with all the South on that ground, — yet, Sir, at the call of honor, at the call of liberty, if I have read her annals true, she will be found stand ing, where once she stood, side by side -with you on the darkened and perilous ridges of battle. Be just to her, — coldly, severely, constitutionally just, — and she wUl be a blessing to you." The debate closed on the Slst of May. Mr. M'Duffie, as having opened the discussion, occupied two days in replying to his different opponents. His hopes of carrying the bUl, if ever entertained, had long since vanished ; and this may account in a measure for the unusual tone of his speech. The first portion of it was mainly addressed to Mr. Choate, and charged him with drawing very largely, if not exclusively, upon his imagination for his facts, and spinning and weav ing a web " about the texture of a cobweb, ancl pro- 124 MEMOIR OF RUFUS CHOATE. [Chap. IV. duced very much in the same way." He asserted that he gave isolated, if not garbled, extracts from the speeches of members of the first Congress, " pick ing up from Grub street a worm-eaten pamphlet, with opinions that would form an appropriate argument for the leader of a band of highway robbers." " I confess, Mr. President," he went on to say, "that when I followed the honorable senator, hopping and skipping from legislative debates to catch-penny pamphlets, gathering alike from the flowers and the offal of history, I found it difficult to decide whether his labors more resembled those of a humming-bird in a flower-garden, or a butterfly in a farm-yard." There was more of the same sort. The answer was imme diate, and in a strain which Mr. Choate in no other case ever indulged in. " I must throw myself, Mr. President," he said, " on the indulgence of the Senate for a few minutes ; and offer a few words of explana tion, made necessary by the senator's comments upon a portion of the remarks which I had the honor to submit to you some six weeks ago. I do not propose to take notice of any thing which he has said to other senators, nor of what I may call the general tariff matter of his speech. If others have been assailed, as I have been, by stale jests or new jests, stale argu ment or new argument, stale denunciations or fresh, they well know how to take care of themselves. I rejoice, too, to see that the protective policy of the country is taking excellent care of itself. One more suoh vote as another branch of Congress has just given, — one such election as will occupy, reward, and illustrate the approaching summer and autumn, — and the universal labor of America will be safe 1843-1844.] REPLY TO MR. M'DUFFIE. 125 from the jokers of old jokes, or the jokers of new jokes. If then it be assailed by the arguments of men or the arms of rebels, it will, I hope, be quite able to defend itself against them also. " Confining myself, then, Mr. President, altogether to the senator's notice of me, I must begin by saying that never in my life have I been so completely taken bj'^ surprise as by this day's exhibition, just closed, of good manners, sweet temper, courteous tone, fair statement of his opponent's position, masterly reply to it, exceUent stories — all out of Joe MiUer — ex temporaneous jokes of six weeks' preparation, gleaned from race-ground, cockpit, and barn-yard, with which the senator from South Carolina has been favoring the Senate and amusing himself. I came into the Senate yesterday with the impression that -the occa sion was to be one of a sort of funereal character. I supposed that this bill of the senator, never fairly alive at all, but just by your good-nature admitted to have been so for a moment to make a tenancy by courtesy, and now confessedly dead, was to be buried. I came in, therefore, with composed countenance, ap propriate meditations on the nothingness of men and things, and a fixed determination not to laugh, if I could help it. The honorable senator, I supposed, would pronounce the eulogy, and then an end. Even he, I expected, would come rather to bury than to praise. I thought it not improbable that we should hear the large and increasing majority of the Ameri can people proclaimed robbers and plunderers, — because that we hear from the same source so often, some threatening of nullification in old forms or new, some going to death on sugar, some ' purging of the 126 MEMOIR OF RUFUS CHOATE. [Chap. IV passions by pity and terror,' — and then the ceremony would be closed and all be over. "No tongue, then, can express the surprise with which I heard the honorable senator waste a full hour or more of the opening of his speech, and some pre cious health and strength, in slowly dealing out a suc cession of well-premeditated and smallish sarcasms on me. I was surprised, because I think the Senate wUl on all sides bear witness to what, under the very pe culiar circumstances, I may be excused for calling to mind, — my own general habit of courtesy here. Not participating with excessive frequency in debate, nor wholly abstaining from it, I have sought always to observe the manner, as I claim to possess the senti ments, of a gentleman. In such a body as this, such a course is, indeed, no merit and no distinction. It is but an unconscious and general sense of the presence in which we speak. " In the instance of this discussion of the tariff I am totally unaware of any departure from what I have made my habit. The senator from South Caro lina, had, as he had a perfect right to do, introduced a proposition which, adopted, would sweep the sweet and cheerful surface of Massachusetts with as accom plished, with as consummated a desolation, as if fire and famine passed over it ; and would permanently, and widely as I believed, and most disastrously, affect the great interests and aU parts of the country. That proposition I opposed ; debating it, however, in a general tone, and with particular expression of high respect for the abilities and motives of the honorable Senator, and in a manner from first to last which could give no just offence to any man. I acknowledge 1840-1844.] REPLY TO MR. M'DUFFIE. 127 my surprise, therefore, at the course of the Senator's reply. But I feel no stronger emotion. I do not even remember all the good things at which his friends did him the kindness to smile. If he shall ever find occasion to say them over again, he will have, I presume, no difficulty in re-gathering them from the same jest-book, the same historian of Kil kenny, the same race-ground and cockpit and barn yard, where he picked them up. They -wiU serve his purpose a second time altogether as weU as they have done now." From this the speaker went on distinctly and cogently to reaffirm and prove his former position, respecting the law of 1789, not a new and original idea, as had been charged upon him, but held by Washington, Jefferson, Madison, and Dallas, " almost as old indeed as some of his opponent's newest jests and best stories." Another charge he meets -with peremptory denial. " What does the Senator say next ? Well, Sir, as far as I could make out a certain enormous and broken- winged metaphor, in which he slowly and painfully wrapped up his meaning rather than displayed it, beginning with his grandfather's regimentals, and ending — I am sure I could not see how — with a butterfly and a barn -yard — a Homeric metaphor — a longue queue — as well as I could take the sense of the figure, he meant to say that, in my former remarks, I contrived by selecting my own speakers, by picking and choosing from what they said, and by interpola tions of my own, to give a garbled and unfair exposi tion of that great debate, its course and topics and interpretative effect. In fewer words, his metaphor went to accuse me of having confined myself to a 1 28 MEMOIR OF RUFUS CHOATE. [Chap. IV culling out of a few paragraphs here and there from a debate of two or three hundred pages, and then assuming to pass off these as specimens of the whole ; whereas they afforded no idea of it whatsoever. It is cheating by samples, I think, which the Senator fig uratively charges. " Now, Sir, I deny this charge. I dare him to the proof. I chaUenge him ; I challenge any man to produce a particle of proof of it. ... I meet the Senator's bad metaphor by good plain English. The accusation or insinuation is totally groundless and totally unjust. Let the Senator sustain it, if he can. There is the speech as it was deUvered. He has at last found the debate which it attempted to digest. If it was not fully and fairly done, let him show it." Beyond assertion he then went on to demonstrate the correctness of his position by ample quotations from impregnable documents, occasionally throwing in sentiments of a higher character, and closed with a quiet and beautiful appeal to the Senators from Virginia and Georgia. Speaking of a proposition of Mr. M'Duffie, he says, to indicate its absurdity : " To show how willing he is to follow in the footsteps of the fathers, the Senator tells us ' he wUl compound for the duties of 1789 ; nay, he will double them even.' Really, Sir, he is magnificent. Will he give us back the world and the age of 1789? Will he give us back our hours of infancy, the nurse, the ballad, the cradle ? Will he take off our hands the cotton-mill and woollen-mill,^ and glass-house, and all the other various, refined, and sensitive labor and accumulation which we have to protect ; and will he give us back the plain household, and far-inland manufactures and 1848-1844.] REPLY TO MR. M'DUFFIE. 129 mechanical arts of the olden time ? WiU he give us back a Europe at war, and a sea whitened by the can vas of our thriving neutrality ? Will he give us back the whole complex state of the case which made those duties sufficient then, without the reproduction of which they would be good for nothing now ? " Nay, Sir, not to be difficult, the Senator ' would even be willing to give us the rates of the tariff of 1816.' This is rich also. He is perfectly willing to do almost any thing which is less than enough. The labor of the country -will not thank him for his tariff of 1816. That labor remembers perfectly well that, under that tariff, manufactures and mechanical arts fell down in four years from an annual production of over one hundred and fifty millions to an annual product of only six and thirty millions. " The honorable Senator, applying himself dili gently to the study of this debate of 1789, says that he finds that it turned very much on the molasses duty. This suggests to him, first, a good joke about ' switchel ' and then the graver historical assertion that - Massachusetts has always been more sensitive about her own pockets, and less about her neigh bors', than any State in the Union.' Now, Sir, I should be half inclined to move a question with him upon the good taste of such a sally as that, if I did not greatly doubt whether he and I have any stand ards of taste in common. I should be inclined to inti mate to him that such a sarcasm upon a State five hundred miles distant, which he does not represent, to which he is not responsible, is no very decisive proof of spirit or sense. He will judge whether such things have not a tendency to rankle in and alienate hearts 9 130 MEMOIR OF RUFUS CHOATE. [Chap. IV. that would love you, if you would permit them. Let us remember that we have a union and the affections of union to preserve, as well as an arguinent to con duct, a theory to niaintain, or a jest, old or new, to indulge. ... It is a grief to the honorable Senator to see protection sentiments spreading at the South. ' Sun ! how I hate thy beams ! ' I rejoice to see this, on the contrary. I should be glad of it, though it should raise up a manufacturing competitor in every State of the Union. I rejoice to perceive symptoms of a return to the homogeneous nature and harmonious views of an earlier and better day. I rejoice to see that moral and physical causes, the power of steam, the sober second thought of the people, are combining to counteract the effects of a wide domain, and local diversities, on opinion and on feeling. I am glad to see the whole nation reassem bling, as it were — the West giving up, the South holding not back — reassembling on the vast and high table-land of the Union ! To the Senator from Geor gia [Mr. Berrien], and to the Senator from Virginia [Mr. Rives], who have so conspicuously contributed to this great result, I could almost presume to counsel, persevere as you have begun. ' Sic vobis itur ad astra ! ' ' That way,' in the vindication of this policy, in the spread of this light, in the enforcement of this truth — ' that way, glory lies.' " With a brief reply and rejoinder, the debate here ended, and the question, on an amendment which brought the subject itself before the Senate, was decided, — twenty-five to eighteen, — against the res olution. 1843-1844.] FRAGMENTARY JOURNAL. 131 Congress adjourned on the 17th of June. The plans formed for study during the recess — to him, of course, no remission of labor — will be seen by his journal. The first few leaves have an earlier date. " December 25, 1843. Washington. — It ought to be quite easy for me here, when not actually preparing for an imme diate discussion, to command an hour for this journal — in its plan altogether the best of the many I have attempted. An hour then I prescribe myself for this labor and this pleasure and this help. I think it may be usually an hour of the evening ; but it must be an hour of activity and exer tion of mind. " I read, as part of a course, two pages in Johnson's Pope. He records fairly, forcibly, and most pleasingly in point of expression, his filial piety ; and asserts and accounts for his sorrow for Gay's death. He then treats the subject of the pubhcation of bis letters. The first question is. Did Pope contrive a surreptitious publication, in order to be able to publish himself with less exposure to imputation of vanity ? Johnson first tells the story exactly as if he believed, and meant to put it forth as the true account of the matter, that Curl acted without Pope's procurement or knowledge ; and that he was surprised and angry at Curl's conduct. He then gives Curl's account, which, true or false, does not implicate Pope ; and declares his belief of its truth. Somewhat unex pectedly then, he intimates, and at length formally declares his own opinion to be, that Pope incited the surreptitious publication to afford himself a pretext to give the world his genuine correspondence. His proofs and arguments are at least few and briefly set forth. At a moment of less occupa tion I will examine the question by Roscoe's helps, and express the results. " Milton's father was the son of a Papist, who disinherited him for becoming a Protestant at Oxford. His first instructor was a private instructor, and was Young, a Puritan, -who had been also an exile to Hamburg for his religious opinions. His father, too, was educated at the University, was of a profession which a gentleman might follow, and a lover and writer of music. His mother was of a good family, and greatly esteemed for all the virtues; and pre-eminently foi 132 MEMOIR OF RUFUS CHOATE. [Chap. IV- her charity. The earliest influences, therefore, on the tran scendent capacities yet in infancy and childhood, might dispose to seriousness ; to thoughtfulness ; to the love and apprecia tion of musical sounds and successions ; to sympathy for, and attention to human suffering ; to tendencies towards the classes of religious Puritanism ; to dignity and to self-respect, as descended, on both sides, of gentle ancestry, and imbibing its first sentiments from refined and respectable minds, tastes, and character. Milton passed through no childhood and youth of annoyances, destitution, illiberal toU, or unrefined associa tion. It was the childhood and youth of a beautiful and vast genius ; irresistibly attracted, systematically set to studies of language ; the classical and modern tongues and literature ; already marking its tendencies by recreating in the harmonious and most copious speech and flow, and in the flushed and warm airs of Spenser; in the old romances; in its own first ' thoughts voluntarily moving harmonious numbers.' Except that his eyes and head ached with late hours of reading, till he went to Cambridge, in his seventeenth year, I suspect he had been as happy as he had been busy and improving." " Boston, June 23 [1844]. — It is necessary to reconstruct a life at home ; life professional and yet preparatory ; educa tional, in reference to other than professional hfe. In this scheme the first resolution must be to do whatever business I can find to do — tot. vir. maximo conatu — as for my daily bread. To enable me to do this, I must revive and advance the faded memory of the law ; and I can devise no better method than that of last summer, — the preparation of a careful brief, on every case in Metcalf's last volume, of an argument in support of the decision. In preparing this brief, law, logic, eloquence must be studied and blended together. The airy phrase, the turn of real reply, are to be sought and written out. I may embody in a commonplace the principles acquired ; and I shall particularly strive to become as famil iar -with the last cases of the English and Federal benches at least, and if possible, of those of New York, Maine, and New Hampshire, as of our own. I have lost the whole course of those adjudications for some years. These studies, — and this practice, — for the law. " I advance to plans of different studies, and to the training 1843-1844.] CONTINUATION OF JOURNAL. 133 for a different usefulness, and a more conspicuous exertion. To avoid a hurtful diffusion of myself over too wide and various a space — laboriose nihil agens — I at once confine my rhetorical exercitations within strict and impassable lim its. I propose to translate Cicero's Catiline Orations ; or as many as I can, beginning with the first ; with notes. The object is, — 1st, The matter and manner of a great master of speech ; 2d, English debating style, and words ; 3d, The investigation of the truth of a remarkable portion of history. All the helps are near me. I shall turn the Orator, as nearly as I can, into a debater statesman, of this day, in Parliament and in Congress. '¦ With this, I shall read Burke's American speeches, writ ing observations on them. The object is his matter and manner ; useful gleanings ; rules of speech. But to this is to be added the study of politics. And for this circumstances are propitious. The approaching election requires that the true national policy of the country should be impressed on the minds of the people of America. To elect a Whig ad ministration is to prefer, and to secure the practical reali zation of that policy. To induce the people to elect such an administration, you must first teach them to prefer, to desire that policy. To do that it must be explained, con trasted, developed, decorated. To do that it is to be deeply studied. I mean, therefore, to compose discourses on the tariff ; on Texas ; on currency ; on the general points of difference, and grounds of choice between the parties, and the like, — embodying what I understand to be the Whig politics, and the sound politics of the hour. In all, through all — an impulsive presentation of truths — ¦ such an one as will move to the giving of votes for particular men, repre senting particular opinions, is the aim. Every one ought to be and to involve, 1st, an honest study of the topic — and so an advance in political knowledge ; 2ndly, a diligent effort to move the public mind to action by its treatment ; and so an exercise in speech. 'Princip. fons sapient ice.' Truth for the staple — good taste the form — persuasion to act — for the end. " July IG. — The gift of an interleaved Digest of Mas sachusetts Cases suggests and renders practicable a plan of re-viewing and reviving the law. I shall add the fifth volume of Metcalf to the Digest as it stands, and in so doing advert to the whole series of decisions. This wiU not interfere 134 MEMOIR OF RUFUS CHOATE. [Chap. IV, with my purpose of making a frequent brief on legal theses. A trial of myself in that way yesterday encouraged me to suppose I can recall and advance my law. I am sure I have hit on the right mode of study, by digest, and brief ; and I feel in the resolution a revival of zeal, fondness, and ability to work. " nth July. — Engaged in translating Cicero against Cati line. I would study that famous incident in the Roman history. I must assume Cicero's orations to be e-vddence of the highest authority remaining. He pronounced them — one in the presence of Catiline — aU of them before the Senate or people of Rome, during the transactions to which they relate — he, the Consul, stating and defending the most public acts of administration, in a great emergency. I see nothing to detract from their decisive weight as testimony, but the fact that he and Catiline were on opposite sides of the conspiracy. This may constitute a vast diminution of title to credit, and I must allow for and measure it. One word on Sallust. For many reasons his authority is not so high. He was not an actor in the scene. He could not have personal knowledge of details to so minute an extent. But consider that he was about twenty-two years of age at the time when the conspiracy was formed ; and that he must have written his history within thirty years after the event itself, since he died at the age of fifty-one, and therefore addressed, to some extent, a contemporary public. If he is not to be relied on it must be for other causes than want of means of knowing main facts. Still the circumstances would not assure us against very considerable resort to imagination, and rhetoric, — still less against partisan feeling and aim. Where are the proofs or grounds of suspicion of his untrust worthiness as a historian? Take his sketch of Catiline's character. Catiline was of noble birth ; and possessed ex traordinary power of mind and of body ; but his moral nature was wholly wicked, and his life habitually vicious." [Here appears to be a loss of some pages.] " There is a pleasure beyond expression, in revising, re arranging, and extending my knowledge of the law. The effort to do so is imperatively prescribed by the necessities and jDroprieties of my circumstances ; but it is a delightful effort. I record some of the uses to which I try to make it subservient, and some of the methods on -which I conduct it. My flrst business is obviously to apprehend the exact point of 1843-1844.] CONTINUATION OF JOURNAL. 135 each new case which I study, — to apprehend and to enun ciate it precisely, — neither too largely, nor too narrowly, — accurately, justly. This necessarily and perpetually exercises and trains the mind, and prevents inertness, dulness of edge. This done, I arrange the new truth, or old truth, or whatever it be, in a system of legal arrangement, for which purpose I abide by Blackstone, to which I turn daily, and which I seek more and more indelibly to impress on my memory. Then I advance to the question of the law of the new decision, — • its conformity with standards of legal truth, — with the stat ute it interprets ; the cases on which it reposes ; the principles by which it is defended by the court, — the law, — the ques tion of whether the case is law or not. This leads to a history of the point ; a review of the adjudications ; a comparison of the judgment and argument, with the criteria of legal truth. More thought, — producing and improved by more writing, and more attention to last cases of English and our best re ports, are wanting still. " I seem to myself to think it is within my competence to be master of the law, as an administrative science. But let me always ask at the end of an investigation, can this law be reformed ? How ? why ? why not ? Gui bono the attempt ? " A charm of the study of law is the sensation of advance, of certainty, of ' having apprehended,' or being in a progres sion towards a complete apprehension, of a distinct depart ment and body of knowledge. How can this charm be found in other acquisitions ? How can I hit on some other field or department of knowledge which I may hope to master ; in which I can feel that I am making progress ; the collateral and contemporaneous study of which may rest, refresh, and liberalize me, — yet not leave mere transient impressions, phrases, tincture ; but a body of digested truths and an im proved understanding, and a superiority to others in useful attainment, giving snatches of time, minutes and parts of hours, to Cicero, Homer, Burke, and Milton, to language and literature ? I think I see in the politics of my own country, in the practical politics of my country, a depart ment of thought and study, and a field of advancement, which may divide my time, and enhance my pleasure and my improvement, with an efficacy of useful results equal to the law. " My experience in affairs will give interest to the study of the thmg. It wUl assist the study, as well as give it in- 136 MEMOIR OF RUFUS CHOATE. [Chap. IV terest. The newspaper of every morning, the conversation of every day, the speech of the caucus, the unavoidable inter course with men, may help it. One hour of exclusive study a day, with these helps, might carry one very far ; so far at least, as to confer some of the sensations, and some of the enjoyments, attending considerable and connected acquisi tions. Let me think of methods and aims. " 1. The first great title in this science is the Constitution ; its meaning, its objects, the powers it gives, the powers it refuses, and the grand reasons why. " 2. The second is the policy on which that Constitution ought to be administered, the powers it ought to put forth, the interests, domestic and foreign, to which it ought to attend. This is practical statesmanship, the statesmanship of the day. Now, let us see how systematic and scientific acquisitions are to be achieved on these grand subjects. "1. It is to be done by composing a series of discourses, in the manner of lectures, or speeches, or arguments, or essays, as the mood varied, on the particulars into which these titles expand themselves. Verplanck's letter to Col. D., speeches on the Tariff, might furnish models. I cannot anticipate the several subjects of the discourses composing euch a body of study and thought, — but I can anticipate some of them. The history of the making of the Constitu tion, by which I now mean narrowly the history of the call, and acts of the convention which made, and those which adopted it. The history of the causes which led to the formation of such a Constitution, — by which I mean the motives which led the country to desire it, the evils expected to be removed, the good expected to be achieved ; as these are recorded in contemporary memorials, in essays, speeches, accounts of meetings, debates, and all the original discussion down to, and through the adoption of the government. This needs a historian. It would reward one. It prepares for — almost it supersedes direct interpretation. It teaches how to administer it in the spirit of its framers and age. It teaches how to value it in the spirit of its framers and its age. " Thus prepared, you come to the instrument itself ; to its meaning, to its powers and their grounds, to its structure and the philosophy and grounds of that structure. But without pursuing this very general analysis of a plan, which will change and unfold itself at every stage of accomplishment, let me return and be a little more deflnite and more practical. 1843-1844.] CONTINUATION OF JOURNAL. 137 I am to write then, first, the history of the formation and adoption of the Constitution. For this I have, or can com mand, the necessary helps. My course will be flrst to glance at the received general histories, Marshall, Pitkin, and others, and then seek, in original papers and elsewhere, for more minute, more vivid, and less familiar details. Truth, truth, is the sole end and aim. I shall read flrst, with pen in hand, for collecting the matter, and not begin to compose till the general and main facts are entirely familiar. Let me auspicate the enterprise by recalling the immortal specula tions of Cicero on his renowned state. " My helps I have supposed tolerably complete. In my own library are Marshall, Pitkin, Bradford, the Madison Papers, Story, the Debates in Conventions, the Federalist, Sparks's Washington, and some less valuable. " It will give vigor, point, and interest to what I shall write, to throw it in the form of a contention, an argument, a reply to an unsound, or at least hostile, reasoner, debater, or histo rian. But everywhere, under whatever form, — style, man ner, are to be assiduously cultivated and carefully adapted to the subject. Reflection, therefore, rhetorical decoration, his torical allusion, a strong, clear, and adorned expression, a style fit for any intelligent audience, are in votis. When shall I prosecute these studies ? The hour after dinner seems best, — this leaves the whole morning till two o'clock for the law and for business, from half-past eight, or eight if possible, — and an hour, or half-hour before tea. " August 24. Odyssey, Book VIIL 166 to 175. — ' One man has a flgure and personal exterior, mean, contemptible ; but God crowns and wreathes about his form with eloquence. Men look on him delighted ; he speaks unfaltering, but with a honeyed modesty ; he is foremost of the assembly ; as he walks through the city they look on him as on a god. " ' Another in form is like the immortals, but he is un adorned by the charm of graceful speech.' " Mark the recognition of the power of eloquence. It is an endowment which decorates, which crowns an unattractive person like a garland. It is unfaltering, self-relying, yet it charms by the sweetest modesty. Its possessor reigns in the assembly. He is gazed at in the streets. Such praise, such appreciation, such experience, so early, predicts and assures us a Demosthenes in the fulness of time. 138 MEMOIR OF RUFUS CHOATE. [Chap. IV. "I have gone through a week of unusual labor; not wholly unsatisfactorily to myself. I deliberately record my deter mination to make no more political speeches, and to take no more active part in the election or in practical politics. One exception I leave myself to make. But I do not expect or mean to make it. I have earned the discharge — honesta missio petitur et concessa erit. To my profession, totis viri bus, I am now dedicated. To my profession of the law and of advocacy, with as large and fair an accompaniment of manly and graceful studies as I can command. " In reference to my studies of eloquence, I would do some thing to collect and arrange general observations — maxims, proverbs — sententice, -^rmjiai — for use. They fix attention. They are argument, authority, illustration, the signs of full minds. Burke, Johnson, Burton's Anatomy — any great author — -any author supplies. The difficulty is of arrange ment, so that in the composition of an argument they would be at hand. I see no way but to digest them in my Index Rerum — selecting the letter as best I may — but it must be my business also to connect them in my memory with the truths they belong to, and with the occasions of possible ex hibition and use — and to review the collection from time to time, and especially on the preparation of a discourse. " 29