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YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

THE LIBRARY OF THE
DIVINITY SCHOOL

HISTORY OF ROME AND THE POPES
IN THE MIDDLE AGES

iitfjtl ©bgtat. Sti. Ludovici, Die 26 Jan. 1912.
F. G. HOLWECK,
Censor Librorum.
Imprimatur. Sti. Ludovici, Die 27 _/<•*«. 1912.
?!< JOANNES J. GLENNON,
Archiepiscopus Sti. Ludovici.

HISTORY
OF ROME AND THE POPES
IN THE MIDDLE AGES

BY

HARTMANN GRISAR, S.J.
Professor at the University of Innsbruck

AUTHORISED ENGLISH TRANSLATION
EDITED BY
LUIGI CAPPADELTA

VOLUME II

B. HERDER
17 SOUTH BROADWAY, ST. LOUIS, MO.
KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO. L™
LONDON 1912

The rights of translation and of reproduction are reserved

Printed by Ballantyne, Hanson dV Co.
At the Ballantyne Press, Edinburgh

CONTENTS
ROME AT THE CLOSE OF THE ANCIENT
WORLD — continued
I.— ROME AT THE TIME OF THE EXTINCTION
OF HEATHENISM— continued
CHAPTER VI. (continued).— THE BISHOPS OF ROME DOWN TO THE
FALL OF THE EMPIRE (No. 194, Vol. I., to No. 246).
Empire and Papacy, State and Church : Distinction between secular and
ecclesiastical power, p. 3. Valentinian I. on the Church's independence,
p. 4. Ambrose, Gratian, and Theodosius on the same, p. 5. Edict of
Valentinian III., p. 8. Confirmed by Justinian's Code, p. 9. And by
Phocas, p. 10. Pretensions of Constantius the Arian, p. 11. He is
opposed by illustrious Fathers, p. 12.
The Successors of Pope Damasus: Siricius, p. 14. Anastasius I. and
Innocent I., p. 16. Zosimus : his initial mistakes; redeems them by the
Tractoria against the Pelagians, p. 17.
Conflict of the Primacy with Pelagianism: The danger of the heresy, p. 19.
Innocent I. and the Roma locuta, causa finita, p. 20. Celestius on trial
before Zosimus ; the Tractoria, p. 21. Boniface I. and Celestine I., p. 22.
Xystus III., p. 23. His Baptistery a memorial of the conflict, p. 24.
The Popes in Conflict with Nestorianism : Outcome of the strife : a develop
ment of doctrine and increase of unity, p. 25. Cyril of Alexandria and
Celestine I. against Nestorius, p. 27. The School of Antioch, p. 28.
Council of Ephesus, p. 29. Address of Philip, the Papal Legate, p. 30.
Xystus III. wins over the rebellious Easterns, p. 31. Erects in Sta. Maria
Maggiore a monument of Rome's victory, p. 33.
The Papacy at Home: Native place of the Popes, p. 37. Ambition leads to
strife ; Ursinus and Eulalius the Antipopes, p. 38. Worldly position of
the Roman Pontiffs, p. 39. Their wealth and political influence, p. 40.
Contemporary writers on the character of the Popes, p. 41. All the older
Popes enrolled among the Saints, p. 42. The Popes' epistolary allusions to
the burdens of their office, p. 43.

vi CONTENTS
Pope Leo the Great : His epoch-making pontificate, p. 45. Uproots Manichaeism
in Rome, p. 47. Labours against Priscillianism in Spain, and intervenes
in Africa, p. 48. Exalts the Vicariate of Aries, p. 49. Reproves the
Apostolic Vicar of Thessalonica, p. 50. His incisive statements regarding
the Primacy, p. 51. The Monophysism of Eutyches, p. 52. The Robber-
Council of Ephesus, p. 53. Leo interviews the sovereigns, p. 54. The
Council of Chalcedon accepts the Papal doctrine, but exalts the See of
Constantinople, p. 56. Leo's attitude to the Council, p. 58. Leo the
saviour of Rome and Italy, p. 61. His tomb, p. 62. His place in history,
p. 63. His sermons, and the insight they afford into Roman affairs, p. 64.
The Popes at the Close of the Western Empire: Pope Hilary and his work,
p. 66. Pope Simplicius, p. 68. Felix III. and the Acacian embroglio ; is
betrayed by his own representatives, p. 70.
Building and Church Decoration under Leo the Great and his Successors:
Leo's mosaics in St. Peter's and St. Paul's, p. 72. The Church of St.
Stephen on the Via Latina, p. 76. Buildings of Hilary, Felix III., and
Gelasius, p. 77. Hilary's work a memorial of his experiences at the
Robber-Council, p. 79. His Oratory of the Holy Cross, p. 80. His
Baptistery and donations of treasure, p. 82.

CHAPTER VII.— ROMAN ART AND CULTURE IN THEIR
CHRISTIAN DEVELOPMENT (No. 247-295).
Roman Basilicas and Public Worship: Christian art in the expiring Empire,
p. 84. Architecture of the churches, Roman Rotundas, and Basilicas,
p. 85. Origin of the Christian Basilica and description of interior, p. 87.
The outside, p. 96. Later styles mere modifications of the Basilican ; the
spirit of the Basilica, p. 98. The liturgy of the Basilica ; how different from
Pagan worship, p. 102.
Old St, Paul's, Sta. Maria Maggiore, and Sta. Sabina — Three Specimens
of Early Christian Architecture: The vanished fourth-century Basilica
of St. Paul, p. 103. Its portraits of the Bishops of Rome, p. 106. Origin
of the Basilica, p. 107. Of what material built and how orientated, p. 108.
St. Paul's Tomb, p. 109. Other tombs; those of the ancestors of
Gregory I, p. in. Outward appearance of the Basilica, p. 112. Sta.
Maria Maggiore and Sta. Sabina, p. 113. Their mosaics, p. 117. The
doors of Sta. Sabina, p. 121. The narthex and curtains of the two
Basilicas, p. 123.

CONTENTS vii
Rotundas and Allied Ecclesiastical Buildings: Those in Rome; the Baptis
teries; Sta. Costanza, p. 126. Mausoleums, p. 130. San Vitale in Ravenna
and San Stefano Rotondo in Rome, p. 132.
Roman Churches established in Ancient Halls: Six such churches in Rome,
p. 135. Santa Croce, p. 136. Catabarbara Patricia and its decorations,
P- 137-
Mosaics in Rome. The Church's Pictorial Language at the Time of her
Splendour: High standard of the early mosaics, p. 140. Best seen in the
apse of Basilicas, p. 142. Old mosaics of Rome in chronological order:
Sta. Costanza; San Lorenzo fuori le mura, p. 144. Debasement of art in
Rome coincides with its best days in Ravenna, p. 149. Mosaics of the
Roman Catacombs, p. 151.
Painting and the Cemeteries: Products of the fifth, sixth, and seventh centuries,
p. 152. Character of the paintings, p. 155. The inscriptions appended,
p. 156. Concordia Veteris et Novi Testamenti, p. 158. Roman influence in
England, p. 159.
Painting and the Bible: Old illuminated MSS., p. 160. The Vienna Genesis
and Vatican Josue, p. 161. The Cottonian Bible; various Psalters, p. 163.
Dearth of Roman remains, p. 164.
Luxury in the Lesser Arts' and in Church Vessels: The lamps used for
lighting the churches, p. 165. Votive-offerings: Justin's Cross, p. 169.
Valila's donations to a small country church, p. 170. Wealth and display
not incompatible with Christianity, p. 171.
Early Christian Statues in Rome. Wood-carving: Flavius Tertullus; statue
of the Good Shepherd, p. 172. Statues of Hippolytus and St. Peter,
p. 174. The carving on the doors of Sta. Sabina, p. 176.
Sarcophagi in the Service of Art and of Christian Doctrine : Use of sarcophagi
adopted from Paganism, p. 178. Modifications introduced by Christians,
p. 179. The Lateran Museum, and the stone homilies on its sarcophagi,
p. 184. The sarcophagus of Junius Bassus in St. Peter's, p. 189. A
sarcophagus from St. Paul's, p. 193. Mausoleum of the Anicii near Old
St. Peter's, and sarcophagus of Probus, p. 195. The art expires in Rome,
but continues to thrive in Ravenna, p. 196.
Artistic Representations of the Church and of St. Peter's Office : The Church
as a matron, p. 198. As an orante, p. 199. As a ship, p. 200. Peter as
Moses, p. 201. As recipient of the Law, p. 202. As Cross-bearer and as
Shepherd, p. 203. As holder of the Keys, p. 204.

viii CONTENTS
II.— ROME AND THE POPES DURING THE GOTHIC
DOMINATION IN ITALY
CHAPTER I.— THE POPES DURING THE EARLY PERIOD OF
THE GOTHIC KINGDOM IN ITALY (No. 296-302).
Pope Felix III. (483-492) : Theodoric founds his kingdom in Italy, p. 209.
Africans, persecuted by Hunneric the Arian, find support in Rome, p. 210.
Felix III. and the Acacian schism, p. 212.
Pope Gelasius I. (492-496): His behaviour in the schism, p. 213. Relations
with Italy and with Theodoric, p. 215. His benefactions, p. 216. Con
demns the Pagan Lupercalia, p. 217. His character and writings, p. 219.
Pope Anastasius II. (496-498) : Endeavours to pacify the Easterns, p. 220. His
policy distorted by mediaeval legend, p. 222. Documents, spurious and
authentic, ascribed to him, p. 223.
CHAPTER II.— THEODORIC, RULER OF ROME, AND POPE
SYMMACHUS (No. 303-311).
The First Years of Symmachus and the Laurentian Schism: Consecration
of the rival Popes; dispute settled by Council, p. 226.
Theodoric and the City of Rome: He visits Rome, p. 227. His speech on the
Roman Forum, p. 228. Measures taken at the instance of Cassiodorus for
the preservation of the city, p. 229. Distribution of wheat, p. 233. Gulf
between Roman and Goth, p. 234. Revival of public games, p. 235. The
Circus Maximus, p. 236. The civilitas Romanorum, p. 238. The Senate
and the Jews of Rome, p. 239.
Pope Symmachus and the Roman Synodus Palmaris (501) : The Senate
meddles in Church matters, p. 240. Theodoric proposes a Council for
the examination of Pope Symmachus, p. 241. The Fathers of the Council
fear to proceed, p. 242. Avitus and Ennodius on Symmachus and his trial,
p. 244. Lawrence is ousted from Rome, p. 246.
Continuation of the Eastern Schism: The Emperor Anastasius upbraids Pope
Symmachus, p. 247. The Eastern Bishops appeal to Rome, p. 248.
CHAPTER III.— POPE HORMISDAS AND RECONCILIATION WITH
THE EAST (No. 312-313).
Hormisdas and the Empire: Relations with the Emperors Anastasius and
Justin I., p. 249.

CONTENTS ix
The Formula of Hormisdas: Carried to Constantinople, p. 250. Accepted in
the East, p. 251. Votive gifts to St. Peter, p. 252. End of the Vandal
persecution, p. 253.

CHAPTER IV.— JOHN I. (523-526) AND THE GOTHIC KINGDOM
IN ITALY (No. 314-320).
John I„ a Martyr: Despatched by Theodoric to Constantinople, p. 254. On
his return is cast into prison, where he dies, p. 255. Other victims of
Theodoric's cruelty; the King's end, p. 256.
Theodoric's Buildings: His mausoleum, p. 257. The Roman Basilica of SS.
Silvester and Martin, p. 259. The Titulus ALquitii near this church,
p. 262.
Theodoric and the Empire of the East: The Ostrogothic kingdom and its
position in the Empire, p. 264.
Theodoric's Successors on the Ostrogothic Throne: Amalasuntha and
Athalaric, p. 266. Amalasuntha slain by Theodahat and avenged by
the Emperor Justinian, p. 267.

CHAPTER V.— THE POPES FROM JOHN I. TO VIGILIUS
(No. 321-330).
Felix IV. (526-530). Boniface II. (530-532) : Felix IV. on good terms with the
Ostrogoths, p. 269. Appoints Boniface his successor, p. 270. The clergy
elect Dioscorus, p. 271. Boniface in turn seeks a successor in Vigilius,
p. 272. The Senate's decree against simoniacal election, p. 273.
John II. (533-535). Agapetus I. (535~536) : John's inscriptions at San Clemente,
p. 274. Discontent in the city; Justinian's gifts, p. 275. The family of
Agapetus, p. 276. The condemnation of Dioscorus officially quashed,
p. 277. Whether the Pope may designate his successor, p. 278. Agapetus
journeys to Constantinople to dissuade Justinian from war, p. 279. His
doings and his death in the East, p. 280.
Silverius and Vigilius: Family and standing of Silverius (536-537, 538?)> P- 281.
Plot hatched by Vigilius the deacon and the Empress Theodora, p. 282.
Silverius is accused of treachery, deposed and banished, p. 283. Vigilius
reigns in his stead, p. 284. Death of Silverius, p. 285. Vigilius disappoints
the Empress, p. 286. He is brought under escort to Constantinople,
p. 287.

x CONTENTS
CHAPTER VI.— RELATIONS OF THE PAPACY WITH THE NEW
NATIONS OF THE WEST (No. 331-337)-
Rome's Tasks : Catholicism, with better success than Arianism, stands for the old
Roman conception of unity, p. 290. St. Avitus of Vienne as an embodi
ment of this effort, p. 291.
Caesarius of Aries, a Supporter of the Popes: His See, a Papal Vicariate,
p. 292. The pallium, p. 294. Councils held by Cassarius, p. 295. The
Arausicanum Secundum, p. 296. Papal intervention in Gaul, p. 298.
North Africa and Spain: A Catholic Council of Africa marks the end of the
Vandal persecution, p. 299. The Pope solves questions set by the African
Bishops, p. 300. Papal Vicars in Spain, p. 301.
CHAPTER VII.— CHURCH GOVERNMENT IN ROME — MODE OF
PROCEDURE AT ROMAN SYNODS— CASSIODORUS (No. 338-343)-
Rome and the Scythian Monks: The monks coolly received by Hormisdas,
p. 302. His scathing description of them, p. 303. Pope John II. refuses
to have any dealings with the Accemeti, their opponents, p. 304.
Management of Church Affairs in Rome— The Synods; Proceedings taken
against the Patriarch of Constantinople in 531, p. 306. Description of the
Synod or Consistory, p. 308. Similar Synods, p. 311.
The Papal Court. Roman Learning and the Monasteries of Cassiodorus:
The Court as pictured by the forger of Constantine's Donation, p. 312.
Cassiodorus and his appeal to Pope John II., p. 313. Cassiodorus in his
old age, after his failure to establish a school in Rome, puts his plan
into execution in his foundation at Vivarium, p. 314. Debt owed by the
Middle Ages to Cassiodorus, p. 315.

III.-ROME, BYZANTIUM, AND THE OSTROGOTHS AT THE
TIME OF THE REVIVAL OF THE EMPIRE IN ITALY
CHAPTER I.— TWENTY YEARS OF .WAR IN ITALY (No. 344-360).
General Survey. The Gothic Camp before the City of Rome: Rome's
fortunes during the war between Byzantines and Ostrogoths, p. 321.
Camps of the Goths around the city, p. 323. Rome's water-supply cut
off, p. 324. Damage done in the suburbs and their catacombs, p. 325.
The Campus Barbaricus and the Campus Merulis, p. 327.

CONTENTS xi
The Walls and Gates during the Gothic War: The Porta Pinciana, p. 329.
The walls partly dismantled by the Goths, p. 331. Slaughter of the Goths
in the Vivarium, p. 332. The Muro Torto and the story of St. Peter,
p. 333. The Goths attempt to storm Hadrian's Mausoleum, p. 335. The
Mausoleum in the latter part of the war, p. 336.
Scenes in the City during the Gothic War: Vitiges before Pope Vigilius at
the Lateran, p. 337. Gifts and foundations of Belisarius ; his legend, p. 338.
Arator the poet recites his work, p. 339. Vigilius appoints Vicars to take
his place in Rome, p. 342.
Rome's Woes during the War: Straits of the population during the siege in 546,
p. 343. Pelagius intercedes with Totila; Totila takes the city, p. 344.
Totila's spitefulness ; he expels the inhabitants, p. 346. Disappearance of
the senatorial families, p. 347. The Gothic King celebrates the public
games ; Gregory the Great and Jordanis the Goth on his cruelty, p. 348.
Totila visits St. Benedict at Monte Cassino, p. 349.

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

80. Christ's Monogram and the Cross on coins of the Old Christian Empire
81. Christ as Sovereign Judge . , .
82. Inscription of Siricius in St. Paul's Basilica
83. Baptistery of tHe Lateran, showing the neighbouring edifices
84. The Annunciation and the Visit of the Magi .
85. The Presentation in the Temple
86. Bestowal of the Law on Peter ....
87. Mosaic of Galla Placidia on the Triumphal Arch at St. Paul's
88. The Pantheon. Interior ....
89. Plan of a Roman Mansion with its Atrium and Peristylium
90. Constantine's Basilica on the Via Sacra. Ground plan
91. The Basilica of Sant' Apollinare in Classe, near Ravenna
92. Sta. Maria Maggiore. Interior looking towards the altar.
Reconstruction
93. Sta. Maria Maggiore.
Reconstruction

Interior looking towards the narthex

94. Altar of Sant' Apollinare in Classe, near Ravenna
95. Marble Balustrade from San Lorenzo fuori le mura
96. Fifth-century work from Sta. Sabina
97. Pierced marble windows ....
98. St. Paul's on the Ostian Way. Before the fire in 1823
99. Plan of Old St. Paul's.- Before the fire .
1 00-101. Two of the oldest portraits from St. Paul's : Damasus and
Siricius ......
102. Stamp on the oldest tiles of Sta. Maria Maggiore
103. Sta. Sabina on the Aventine. Present appearance of interior

mpire

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XIV

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

1LLUS. IO4.

io5- 106.
107. 108.
109.
no.
III.112. "3-114.
US-
116- 118.
119.
120.
121. 122.
123. 124.
125-
126.127.128.

130. 131-

Sta. Maria Maggiore on the Esquiline. Present appearance of
interior ....... Facing 116
A portion of the Mosaic of Xystus III. in Sta. Maria Maggiore . .118
A window at Sta. Maria Maggiore .... Facing 118
Specimen of the marble veneer on the arches in Sta. Sabina . ,, 118
The crossing of the Red Sea . . . . . .119
The Angels' meal and Abraham's Sacrifice . . . Facing 120
Bas-relief showing curtained Basilicas, the Miracle of the
Spring, and the Healing of the Woman with an issue of Blood Facing 124
Plans of centralised church-buildings . . .' . .127
Candlestick from the Mausoleum of Sta. Costanza, near
S. Agnese . . . . . Facing 128
Scenes from the mosaic of the cupola in Sta. Costanza. . . 129
Mausoleum of Galla Placidia at Ravenna. Exterior . . Facing 130
Mausoleum of Galla Placidia at Ravenna. Section . . ,,130
117. Ground-plans of centralised buildings in Rome and Ravenna . 131
S. Stefano Rotondo on the Qelian. Plan . . . 133
A window in S. Stefano Rotondo, surmounted by a Cross in bricks . 134
S. Stefano Rotondo on the Cselian. Interior . . . Facing 1 34

Plan of Sta. Balbina .......
Plan of Sta. Croce in Gerusalemme .....
Marble and Mosaic decoration on the walls of St. Andrew Catabarbara
Floor Mosaic of a crypt on the Via Labicana ....
Peter receives the Roll of the Law .....
Vintage scenes and decorative designs in the Mausoleum of Con-
stantina (Sta. Costanza) ......
Abraham and the three Angels .
Mosaic in the apse of San Vitale in Ravenna . . . .150
Our Lady and the Holy Child. Painting from the Ccemeterium
Ostrianum ....... Facing 160
Miniature of Dioscorides. Juliana Anicia, with Symbolic Figures ,, 160
Cross of the Emperor Justin II. in the Vatican Basilica . .170

136136
138 141
M3
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Facing 146

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192

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198

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200

201

Facing

202

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xv
ILLUS. PAGE
132. Statue of the Good Shepherd ..... Facing 172
133. The ancient Bronze Statue of St. Peter in the Vatican Basilica . ,, 174
134. Fragment of an early Christian sarcophagus, showing Orpheus . . 180
135. Fragment of an early Christian sarcophagus, showing Ulysses . . 181
136. Sarcophagus from the Basilica of St. Paul, now in the Museum of the
Lateran .... . Facing 184
137. Side of a sarcophagus with Christ's prediction to Peter. Church
buildings are seen in the background . . . .187
138. Lambs on the sarcophagus of Junius Bassus . . Facing 190
139. A sarcophagus at the Lateran. Christ's Passion and Resurrection
140. Sarcophagus of Archbishop Theodore (677-691) in Ravena
141. A sarcophagus of the Lateran. Incidents from the life of Christ
and of Peter .....
142. Moses — Peter .
143. Peter with the Staff
144-145. Tiles and Bricks of Theodoric and of the Popes of his time.
From San Martino ai Monti . . . 231
146. Ostrogothic coins . . . . . -232
147. Coins of the Emperors Anastasius and Justin I., with Theodoric's
monogram and the words " Invicta Roma" . 233
148. The Circus Maximus .... . . 236
149. A Race in the Circus Maximus . . Facing 236
150. Theodoric's Mausoleum at Ravenna . . . 258
151. SS. Silvester and Martin (S. Martino ai Monti), with the Mediaeval
Tower of the Capocci .... Facing 258
152. Cornice of the apse in SS. Silvester and Martin's . . ,, 260
153. Remains of a pierced marble window in the fourth-century
Titulus ^quitii
154. Fourth-century marble parapet in the Titulus ^Equitii .
155. Marble screen in San Clemente with the monogram of John II.
156. Two Popes with the Pallium, and St. Agnes
157. The Roman Pallium in its olden form .

J)

260

))

274

274

J)

292

294

XVI

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

158. Marble Tegurium of an African Memoria or Relic-altar of SS. Peter

and Paul . . ....
159. An inscription of Pope Vigilius from the Catacombs, containing
an allusion to the Goths or Getae ....
160. The Campus Barbaricus, or Camp of the Goths. Between the
Aqua Claudia and Aqua Marcia
161. Intersection of the Aqueducts in the Campus Barbaricus
162. The Porta Pinciana. Outer side
163. Crosses on the Gates of Rome. From the Byzantine period
164. The Porta Latina. Interior
165. The Muro Torto, below the Pincian Gardens .
166. San Pietro in Vincoli. Section showing transept, &c. .
167. The Porta Asinaria, near the Lateran. Exterior reconstructed .
168. The Porta Pinciana. Inner side

Facing 324

324

,]

326

328

Facing

328

33°

332

333
34°
344
Facing
348
ROME AT THE CLOSE OF THE ANCIENT
WORLD
I.— ROME AT THE TIME OF THE EXTINCTION
OF HEATHENISM— continued

VOL. II.

HISTORY OF ROME AND THE
POPES IN THE MIDDLE AGES
CHAPTER VI (continued)
THE BISHOPS OF ROME DOWN TO THE FALL OF THE EMPIRE
Empire and Papacy, State and Church
212. The attitude of the Christian Emperors to the Papal Power
is clearly evinced by historical documents from the fourth century
onwards. The Emperors succeeding Constantine at once recognised the
fundamental difference between the Church's spiritual sphere of
action and the temporal power of the State. The whole period
was permeated with the idea, formulated by hundreds of writers
in antiquity, that the Church, founded solely for the spiritual
salvation of mankind, pursues an object totally different from
that of the State ; that her existence is sustained by means of
a different character, and that she reckons on other and superior
forces to enable her to accomplish her task within the minds and
hearts of believers.
Of course the Church, naturally enough, grew up within the
State. The Roman Empire, with its division, its government,
and its law, formed, so to speak, the scaffolding inside which the
new, heaven-born structure took its rise. But scaffolding and
structure are not identical ; the latter rests upon its own inde
pendent foundations. The Church too, in her nature a perfect
organisation, rose, so to speak, upon her own ground. The
Empire, after its conversion to Christianity, even accorded — a
privilege we find expressed in its laws — a higher dignity to the
Church than to itself, on account of her Divine origin and Divine
aim. These laws lay it down that more honour is due to the
spiritual than to the material, to the eternal than to the temporal,
to Heaven than to Earth. Hence the place occupied by the

ROME AND THE POPES

[NO. 212

monogram of Christ, and the sign of the Cross, on the Imperial
coins (111. 80). Armed soldiers protect the monogram, which
has become the ornament of the Labarum, or Victory displays it
triumphant on her shield. The Cross floats above the Victor ; it
surmounts the orb ; or Christian Victory, depicted as an angel,
holds it aloft before the Nations ; or, lastly, it glitters in reduced
form on the Imperial crown.
During the time of Pope Damasus an Imperial edict of

Coin of Constantine.

Coin of Valentinian II.

Coin of Gratian.

Coin of ^Elia Flacilla.

Coin of Galla Placidia.

Coin of Licinia Eudoxia.

111. 80. — Christ's Monogram and the Cross on Coins of the old Christian Empire.
Kraus, Gesch. der christi. Kunst, 1, 491, Fig. 370 ff., Realencyk. der christi.
Alterthiimer, 2, 445, Fig. 277 ff.
Valentinian I., which we must study more closely, proclaims in
emphatic language the independent right of the Church to control
her own affairs.
A great Council in Illyricum had rejected the Macedonian
heresy, which denied the Divinity of the Holy Ghost. At the
same time it had laid down rules for the appointment to church
offices. An Imperial edict insists upon the observance of this
decree by the Bishops of Asia. It quotes the words of Christ

no. 212] DAMASUS 5
which enact the division of authority : " Render unto Caesar the
things that are Caesar's, and unto God the things that are God's."
The Emperor Valentinian accordingly describes the bearers of
spiritual power as " stewards of the Great King," and to them
alone must people hearken in matters concerning " the worship of
the Great King." "No one shall say," he goes on, "we worship
the ruler of this world." In these last words he clearly alludes to
the joint-emperor, the Arian Valens, and his followers. " Why
do you misuse," he says to this heretical party, " Imperial authority
by persecuting the Church and the orthodox Bishops?" The
Church's members must be free. "They keep the laws of the
State, and at the same time they zealously serve the Heavenly
King. They resist no worldly ordinance ; they obediently pro
mote the payment of the taxes ; by their prayers they obtain for
us peace on our borders, and at home immunity from the
assaults of him who was an enemy from the beginning." In
conclusion, Valentinian states that he is sending the decrees of
the above-mentioned Synod to all bishops for their observance.1
Here we have the language of the Christian Empire. Christ
is represented on artistic monuments as Highest Lord and Judge
(111. 8i),2 and in public life also He is recognised as the Lawgiver.
Opposing voices were heard only when passing misunderstandings
disturbed the accord of the Powers, or when Emperors, like Valens,
or, previously, Constantius, most ill-advisedly took the side of
heresy. An episcopal utterance which indicated perfectly what will be
the normal relations throughout all future times is that of Ambrose
of Milan in the letter of the Synod of Aquileia which he penned
to the Emperors Gratian, Valentinian II., and Theodosius. " The
Emperors," he says, "facilitated the holding of the Synod, and
the heads of the Church there assembled with the whole indepen
dent weight of their authority passed a just judgment on the
1 THEODORET, Hist, eccl., IV., c. 7 ; P.G., LXXXII., 1134 ff. The members of the
clergy were called SwiK-rprai tou fitydXov fiacri\4us. On the Council of Illyricum, see
Hefele I 7ai.
2 De' Rossi, Bull. arch, crist., 1871, 127, tav. 8. Cp. Kraus, Gesch. der christi.
Kunst, 1, 158. The sarcophagus belongs to the fourth century. The explanation which
has it 'that it represents Christ as a twelve-year-old boy discoursing with the Doctors
is I believe, erroneous. In the higher panels are two scenes from the story of Jonas, in
one of which Noe makes his appearance with the dove. According to de Rossi, the
busts are not models of the dead, but are, one, that of the Apostle Peter, the other, that of
Britius, bishop of Perugia, or of Hercules, a bishop of the same city, both of whom were
connected by tradition with Peter.

6 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 212
heretical bishops." " Show your respect to these chief pastors
and to the Divine Founder of your own Imperial dignity," he
writes to the Emperors, "by no longer recognising the deposed
bishops, and by preventing them from reassuming their charges.
Ensure obedience to the Church, and you will thus ensure obedi
ence to your own laws." 1
Before this, immediately after the death of Valens (378), the
Emperor Gratian had passed a remarkable law assigning the
Christian churches to the orthodox bishops. He had become
sole ruler of the whole Empire, and wished, as Theodoret
expresses it, by restoring peace to the Church, to " offer the
first-fruits of his reign to the King of the universe." He com
manded the reinstatement of all the Catholic bishops who had
been ousted by the Arians. An accompanying edict, the terms of
which recall that of Aurelian already alluded to (vol. i. p. 315),
lays it down that "the churches shall be restored to those who are
in communion with Bishop Damasus of Rome." 2
The Emperor Gratian despatched high officials to ensure the
carrying out of his decision concerning the buildings. In con
nection with this, the report we possess of the proceedings at
Antioch is very characteristic. Two bishops represented them
selves to Sapores, the Dux, who had been sent thither by
Gratian, as being in communion with Damasus. Nevertheless,
on being examined as to their doctrine, the two episcopal sup
pliants, according to Theodoret, became very embarrassed, and,
being unable to prove their agreement with the Roman See, were
ultimately put aside.3
As soon as Gratian had taken Theodosius as co-regent in the
East, the latter promulgated his famous edict, acknowledging the
independence and authority of the ecclesiastical Power. In it he
expresses a wish that all will renounce Arianism, and accept that
Faith which the Apostle Peter had bequeathed to the Romans,
and which had been upheld by Damasus of Rome and Peter of
Alexandria. We know that Peter of Alexandria had at that
time constituted himself the champion of Damasus's decisions.
Damasus had saved for him Alexandria, the primatial See of
1 Mansi, Collect, concil., 3,615 ff.
2 "Lege lata, qua iubebat, turn eiectos in exsilium pastores redire gregibusque
suis restitui, turn sacras aedes iis tradi, qui Damasi communionem amplecterentur!'
Theodoret, V., c. 2.
3 Ibid., c. 3.

no. 212] DAMASUS 7
the East, had received him in Rome as a fugitive, and had
strengthened and comforted him.1
Another Imperial edict of the time of Damasus, and the last
which will be quoted here from his history, shows how the Empire
acknowledged the independence of the ecclesiastical courts. It
was published conjointly by Gratian and Valentinian II.
In this was solemnly repeated, what Constantine the Great
had already recognised, viz. that bishops were quite independent
in their judicial decisions regarding the clergy. The edict was
due to the proceedings in Rome against Damasus by the Antipope
Ursinus and his party. In order to put a stop to the unseemly
interference of Imperial officials in favour of Ursinus, the old rule
was laid down anew, according to which, in religious questions,
"the Head alone and his associates" have the right of judging.
*' The priesthood shall not endure the affront of having its causes
tried by secular judges, as has so often occurred." The ecclesi
astical condemnation of Ursinus and his party was to have the
force of a civil judgment ; his followers, clerical and episcopal,
were to be persuaded, and, if needs be, forced, to abandon him ;
whilst " so far as the other Bishops of the Church are concerned,
judgment was to be left to the Bishop of Rome."2
A Roman Council under Damasus in 380 quotes this edict with
great satisfaction, and declares that through it "the direction of
the Holy Apostles had been carried out as it were under Divine
inspiration," whilst the sovereigns had thereby " made proof of
their respect for the Church founded by God." The two Emperors
answered in a kindly manner this Synodal letter addressed to
them, and, with due emphasis, repeated that the aforesaid decree
had been issued because religion has a claim to all possible
respect.3 Such is the Imperial edict by which, according to Rade, the
Protestant biographer of Damasus, the Primacy was founded in
the Roman Church.
1 Cod. Theodos., lib. XVI., tit. I., I, 2.
2 Letter of the Roman Council of 380 to Gratian, in Mansi, 3, 624 : *' sanctorum
aposiolorum . . . servantes . . . praeceptum statuistis . . . ut de reliquis ecclesiarum
sacerdotibus episcopus romanus haberet examen!' This is the text of the decree on
which, according to Rade, the "foundation" of the Primacy rests. St. Ambrose took
this decree in a different sense to Rade (see vol. i., p. 352); he says: "sacerdotes de
sacerdotibus voluit iudicare!' Ep. 21, No. 2.
3 On the Synodal address, see previous note. The monarch has issued an edict
"quae divino ministerio plurimum deferat." The reply of Gratian and Valentinian is
in Mansi, 3, 624 ; their motive had been the " religio quam nos iure veneramur."

8 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 213
Just as in this case, so also in different other ordinances of
the civil power in favour of the Church, or even of the Primacy,
what we find is always a recognition of the pre-existing rights or
privileges of the Church ; of a transfer or bestowal of new rights
nothing is ever heard. In fact, it is often expressly stated that
the spiritual power or the Papal Supremacy, having been founded
by a higher and Divine hand, rested upon a position impregnable
to the secular power.
213. The fundamental importance of this matter is so great
for the whole future that it justifies us in adducing here two other
Imperial edicts of rather later date.
Valentinian III., in a frequently quoted enactment which he
sent on June 6, 445, to Gaul in favour of the decisions of Leo the
Great against Hilary of Aries, begins with a clear allusion to the
independent supremacy of the Bishop of Rome. He declares
that this is based upon the Divine choice of Peter, and its uni
versal acceptance by the Faithful. Any step taken against the
authority of the Roman See is an avowed breach of Imperial
law. " Peace will only then be possible throughout the universal
Church, when the whole Church acknowledges its ruler."1
The venerable Bishop of the Eternal City of Rome has legally
given judgment against Bishop Hilary of Aries, the Emperor
proceeds, and " in Gaul this judgment has been acquiesced in even
previous to the Imperial ratification." If, in spite of this, he con
tinues, he has on his side chosen to give directions, it is to forbid
that the secular courts should perchance take the part of Hilary
against the judgment of the Bishop of Rome. In the interest of
peace and for the sake of church discipline, it must be once for all
established as the rule for the Imperial Government, not only in
Gaul, but throughout the other provinces, that the time-honoured
institutions of the Churches are never to be interfered with, save
with the sanction of the Roman Bishop. "What the authority of
the Apostolic See decides, that shall be the law for all." After
being summoned, should any bishop refuse to appear before the
Pope, then he shall be compelled by the civil provincial governor.2
1 " Tunc enim demum ecclesiarum pax ubique servabitur, si rectorem suum agnoscat
universilas." Novellae Valentiniani III., tit. 16 ; also in P.L., LIV., 637. The edict
was given at Rome, and addressed to Aetius.
2 " Sed hoc Mis omnibusque pro lege sit, quicquid sanxit vel sanxerit apostolicae sedis
auctoritas"

no. 2i3] JUSTINIAN 9
As this Constitution of Valentinian III. also bears the name of
the joint-emperor Theodosius II., the Ruler of the East, and,
according to the testimony of various manuscripts, was addressed
to all citizens of the Empire controlled by Rome, we may see that
the law was one of the most far-reaching ever promulgated in
the Empire, and that it received the widest circulation in the
provinces. When, in the next century, the legislator Justinian codified
the laws in the Codex which bears his name, he judged it right to
place at its head a remarkably outspoken acknowledgment of the
Church, of her doctrine, and of her power. If Justinian himself
had kept closer to this programme, instead of too often letting his
Imperial self-will trench on the territory of theology, a happy time
would have been the result for both Church and State. But in
theory at least — and with the rest we have here no concern —
here and elsewhere, he faithfully renders the belief of his day and
his own convictions. Obedience to, and respect for, the chief
Bishop of Rome were to be henceforth one of the leading prin
ciples in the scheme of Imperial government. At the very
beginning of his Code of Laws, Justinian turns to the successor
of St. Peter, addressing him as "Father" and as "Head of the
Church." He considers it his bounden duty as Emperor to sup
port the Roman Bishop in his efforts to maintain the unity of the
Churches. Having then professed his belief in each and every
article of the Catholic faith, especially in those called into ques
tion by the new heresies, he concludes : " Thus do all Bishops
believe, confess, and preach according to the doctrine of your
Apostolic See." 1
The same Emperor repeatedly endeavoured, with the help of
the Roman Bishop, to heal the profound internal dissensions in
the episcopate, provoked by his own mania for interfering in
church matters ; the world indeed bowed down before his vic
torious arms, but his intervention in the concerns of the Church
brought him face to face with unexpected reverses. In this
extremity, alarmed at the consequences of his own actions, the
Emperor magnanimously declared his readiness to stand by the
Pope, seeing that it was impossible to doubt the Divine words :
" Thou art Peter, and on this Rock I will build my Church " —
1 Cod., Lib. I., tit. I, I, 8: " Victor Iustinianus, Pius, Felix, Inclytus, Triumphator,
semper Augustus, Ioanni sanctissimo archiepiscopo almae urbis Romae et patriarchae"

10 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 213
words, he says, which the course of time only confirms more and
more, " for the Apostolic See ever preserves inviolate the Catholic
religion." What is more, he not only undertook to accept for his
own part the doctrinal teaching of Rome, then under discussion,
but expressed his desire that all bishops would do the same. The
Patriarchs are to send their respective signatures to the Pope at
Rome, the Metropolitans to their Patriarchs, and the Bishops to
their Metropolitans, " in order that, in this wise, our Holy
Catholic Church may be strengthened."1
To all these and many other Imperial documents acknow
ledging Church authority and the Primacy we may add, as a
parallel deed, the previously mentioned edict of the Emperor
Phocas ; that edict by which, according to the Centuriators,
the Primacy of Antichrist was created, and against which
Heaven had felt forced to protest solemnly by sending a
comet.2 The Holy See had, since the time of Mauritius, Phocas's pre
decessor, been compelled to complain of the use made by the
Archbishops of Constantinople of the title of " CEcumenical Pat
riarch." Pope Boniface III. finally succeeded in obtaining the
support of Phocas. The latter, who indeed occupies a very
insignificant place in history, made a law by which he acknow
ledged the ancient right of the Roman See to the Primacy over
the whole Church, thus depriving the title of CEcumenical Patri
arch of any dangerous sense. In the main, all he did was to give
Rome an assurance that the unity of the Church would not
be disturbed ; given the circumstances, he could scarcely have
done less for the Papacy. So slight indeed was the importance of
this Imperial declaration that the Liber pontificalis records it in a
single line. Well may we ask in astonishment how sixteenth-
century polemics could have attached such misleading importance
to an insignificant act of this Emperor, and how modern enemies
of the Church of Rome can still make use of it as a weapon of
offence.3
1 " Quia in sede apostolica inviolabilis semper catholica custoditur religio." MANSI
8, 857 ; P.L., LXVI., 42. The words occur in the document addressed to Pope
Agapetus, in which Justinian accepts the so-called Formula Hormisdae papae
2 See vol. i., p. 352.
3 Liber pontificalis, Bonifatius III., No. 115, ed. DUCHESNE, I., 316. MOMMSEN
164 : " Hie ophnuit apud Focatem principem, ut sedis apostolica beati Petri apostoli caput
esset omnium ecclesiarum, quia ecclesia constantinopolitana prima se omnium ecclesiarum
scribebat."

no. 214] LIBERIUS 1 1
214. The distinction between ecclesiastical and political power,
and the independence of the Church, became necessarily more
sharply defined during the attacks made on the latter by the
State. During the Arian controversies, representatives of the Church
— Popes, bishops, and even sometimes laymen — had defended
against the encroachments of the State that domain in which the
Church alone has the right to command.
Pope Liberius, by force and fraud, was brought to the camp
of the Arian Emperor Constantius. Here, in an audience before
all his courtiers, the Emperor upbraided him as follows: "Why
dost thou alone oppose my wishes ? Why dost thou stand by the
Nicene Creed and refuse to condemn Athanasius ? What art
thou in comparison with all the nations and bishops who are
on my side ? "
With no sign of fear Liberius made answer : " Even were
I alone, that would not lessen the incalculable good which I
protect, the Faith and freedom of the Church. I demand that
all bishops subscribe to the Nicene Creed ; let them then return
in peace .to their sees, after which they will pass an independent
judgment on Athanasius."
A court-bishop here interrupted the Pope: "He cares but
little, O Emperor, about the independence of ecclesiastical juris
diction, but he would fain boast before the Senators of Rome of
having overwhelmed the Emperor with his eloquence."
Seeing the Pope's unshaken constancy, the Emperor now
made show of his authority and remarked curtly: "What has
been settled once for all, shall not be altered. There is but one
point at issue : Join the assembly of the (Arian) Churches and I
send thee back again to Rome. Thus only canst thou secure
peace. Now sign."
Liberius's answer was: "I bade good-bye to the brethren in
Rome. I hold the Church's laws above all else ; I will not
betray them in order to live in Rome."
The Emperor, somewhat abashed, concluded the audience,
remarking: "Thou hast three days wherein to reflect; if thou
wilt not sign, thou canst use thy time to choose a place of
exile." To this Liberius retorted : " Three days will not change my
mind. Send me where thou wilt."

12 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 214
When the Pope subsequently was preparing to go into exile
at Bercea, Constantius sent him 500 pieces of gold. But the
faithful witness refused them. " Take them back to the Emperor,"
he said to the messenger ; "he may need them for the pay of his
troops." The Empress sent him an equally large sum. This
too was returned to the Court: "If it is not needed for the
soldiers," he said, " then let it serve to entertain the court-
bishops." When Eusebius, a high official, wished to display his
generosity towards the afflicted Pope, Liberius sharply rebuked
him, saying : " Thou hast plundered the bishoprics on all sides,
and now thou wouldst thrust thy money on me. Learn first what
it means to be a Christian." 1
Thus did the Primate go forth undaunted to face the poverty
and distress of banishment. He could well say to himself that he
was putting into practice what he had formerly written to Con
stantius : "The safeguarding of God's rights, and not reckless
self-will, is the guide of my actions. Not my laws, but those
of the Apostles, are in question. What my predecessors did
before, I do now, and by me the authority of the Roman Bishop
shall not be diminished or increased."2 In such wise, with
dignity and with moderation, did Liberius defend the independ
ence of the Church's jurisdiction.
On the contrary, Arian bishops zealously fostered a confusion
of the twin Powers, spiritual and temporal. It was mainly the
fault of the heretical party that the Christian Empire occasionally
relapsed into the heathen fallacy of setting up the Emperor as
supreme arbiter, even in matters which concerned the conscience
of the faithful or the duties of the clergy. The Arian leaders
were not averse to putting the direction of Synods into official
hands, and to influencing bishops by means of Imperial edicts or
threats. This is what moved Athanasius to exclaim at the sight
of the Council convoked in Rome under Pope Julius, under quite
different auspices: "No sooner do the Arians hear of a really
ecclesiastical Court being held — that is, a Court sitting without the
presence of an Imperial Comes — with no soldiers at the door, and
with no publication of the decrees by Imperial edict, than they are
seized with terror, and allege the war with Persia as a pretext for
not making the journey to Rome." 3
1 The whole audience is given with greater detail by Theodoret, Hist. eccl.. II., c. 13.
2 Ep. ad Constantium. Mansi, 8, 135 1 ; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 212.
3 Historia Arianorum ad monachos, c. 1 1.

no. 2,4] ATHANASIUS 13
St. Athanasius, that great champion, can use strong language
when defending the independence of the Church's power, and
lashing State interference.
"The Emperor Constantius," he writes in one passage, "pro
fesses great anxiety concerning the business of the Church. But
what canon ordains that the Court should appoint bishops?
What canon commands that generals should seize the churches ?
Who has delegated the decision of ecclesiastical questions to an
Imperial Comes or an unlettered eunuch? Who has made the
validity of a bishop's ordinances depend upon the permission
of the Court ? " 1
In another place he says : " The Emperor asserts that he is
supporting a decision of the bishops. Very well ; but if they
are genuine bishops, to whose words he gives weight, let him
leave them to do their work alone. If, however, he is only trying
to prove his arbitrary power, why does he use as tools people who
style themselves bishops ? Who ever heard of such a thing ?
When has a church decree received its authority from the
Emperor ? Many Synods have been held before our time ; many
ecclesiastical laws have been promulgated ; but our fathers never
acknowledged such an Imperial right, nor did any Emperor
hitherto encroach thus upon church matters."2
Bishop Hilary, a Father of the Western Church, occasionally
expresses himself even more strongly than his Eastern colleague
regarding this same Constantius. For having enslaved the
Church he is roundly scolded as a tyrant, a seducer, and a
hangman. In him Hilary sees a revival of the heathen Emperors,
and he even compares the truculent Arian to a wild beast.
The writings of all the men taking part in the great doctrinal
struggle are full of protestations against the unseemliness of
making one single power out of two distinct ones, and of em
bodying all authority in a single autocrat. Hosius of Corduba
appealing to Constantius ; Basil the Great reprimanding Valens ;
Eulogius of Edessa in his contest with the Prefect Modestus ;
Nilus of Pelusium in his opposition to Eusebius the Dux, and
many others, strove hand in hand with the Popes and Bishops
we have named, for liberty of mind and conscience. The Church
saw instinctively that the uncontrolled exercise of worldly authority
1 Historia Arianorum ad monachos, c. 51.
2 Ibid., c. 52.

14 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 215
would mean death to the spiritual life and culture of mankind.
The dauntless struggle in which she engaged for the defence of
her rights, and carried on in spite of every sacrifice, in spite of
exile, poverty, and suffering, was the means of preserving to
posterity the most priceless of spiritual possessions.1
The Successors of Pope Damasus
215. Pope Damasus quitted this life with the comforting
assurance that Arianism, and the Imperial tyranny it involved,
had received their death-blow, so far as the Roman Empire was
concerned. His successors had only to counteract the results of
this heresy and' bondage. The lives of these Popes manifest,
however, many other phases of the highest pastoral authority.
Taken together, certain details culled from their history will
suitably complete the picture of the Roman Primacy before Leo
the Great, which now engages our attention. But we must not
forget that, comparatively, only tiny fragments of the story of the
Popes' work have been treasured up by history. There is no
greater error than the supposition that our historical sources of
information contain everything ; very often the sources which a
happy chance has preserved furnish a mere outline of the events.
Siricius, the first successor of Damasus, reigned from 384 to
399. He despatched "general decrees" bearing upon church
discipline and worship to various countries ; he was also the
author of some dignified circular letters dealing with the purity
and sanctity required of the Church's pastors. He grounded his
authority for dispensing counsel and censure upon the fact that
" the care of all the Churches had been committed " to the Bishop
of Rome, to whom also the words of the prophet apply : " Lift
up thy voice like a trumpet, and show my people their wicked
doings and the house of Jacob their sins." 2
Siricius sent the decrees of a Council he had held in Rome
to the African Bishops for their instruction. In letters to the
1 Sohm's view that church law is essentially opposed to the nature of the Church
(Kirchenrecht, i, 700) is contradicted by the very history of the Church.
2 The expression " decreta generalia" is used by himself when speaking of the direc
tions already sent by Pope Liberius concerning the reiteration of baptism. Ep. ad
Himerium episc. Tarraconensem. Mansi, 3, 655; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 255. "The
care of all the Churches," see Ep. ad orthodoxos per diversas provincias. Mansi, 3, 667 ;
Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 263. Joseph Langen had no hesitation in heading his chapter
devoted to Siricius " The beginning of the Papacy under Siricius." See Gesch. der
romischen Kirche.

No.2iS] SIRICIUS 15
episcopate of Eastern Illyricum he upheld the rights of the Papal
Vicariate of Thessalonica to represent the authority of Rome.1
To the usurper Maximus in Gaul he expressed his disapproval
of the condemnation and execution of the heretic Priscillian and
his followers by a secular Court. In consequence of this, Maximus
sought to exculpate himself by sending the minutes of the trial to
Rome. The Priscillianists, after their condemnation at the Council
of Saragossa (380), had lodged an appeal with the Holy See, and
had sent a missive explaining their position to the Pope. As the
directions from Rome — to act with deliberation and in accordance
with church law — had led to no result, Siricius tried at least to
secure that repentant Priscillianists should be readmitted into the
Church conformably with justice.2
This Pope raised, so to say, his own monument in Rome, when
he restored the great Basilica of St. Paul on the Ostian Way.
A lofty cipollino pillar there bore till recent times inscriptions at
the top of the shaft and on the base, referring to the dedication by
Siricius. The top inscription reads: "Siricius the Bishop, with
whole-hearted devotion." In the middle, between these words,
stands the monogram of Christ with the Alpha and Omega (111. 82).

SIRICNSEPISCD?VSa

-TOTAMENTEDEV0n/$

111. 82. — Inscription of Siricius in St. Paul's Basilica.
A new sketch.
The inscription on the base gives among other details the date of
the dedication, November 18, 390, and the name of the architect,
Flavius Philippus. The new Basilica of St. Paul, in place of the
smaller one built by Constantine, was begun in the year 386, i.e.
under Pope Siricius himself, and was the result of an edict of
Valentinian II., of which the text has also come down to us.3
1 To the Africans : Mansi, 3, 669; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., 258. To Eastern Illyricum :
Mansi, 8, 750 ; 3, 674 ; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 259, 261.
2 Cp. the passage in question in the Council of Toledo (a.d. 400), in Mansi, 3, 1005.
3 The inscription "SIRICIVS EPISCOPVS TOTA MENTE DEVOTVS" is on
one of the last two columns on the northern side of the Basilica. Its peculiar aspect is due
to the fact that the column on which it stands is of slighter build than that on which it
stood prior to the last restoration. The base is in one of the colonnades of the cloisters.
For the partly illegible inscription on the latter, see de Rossi, Musaici: S. Paolo, arco
di Placidia, fasc. 1 5 ff. Valentinian's edict was first published by Baronius, ann. 386,
n. 40.

1 6 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 216
The successor of Siricius, Anastasius' I., occupied the See
only from 399 to 401. He had to wage war with Donatism in
the North-African Provinces. He also sent out a condemnation
to both East and West of various errors contained in the Latin
version of Origen's works. The spirit of the Church's champions
against the Arian heresy survived in him. In a recently dis
covered document he recalls with gratitude and reverence the
efforts of these defenders of the Faith, praising especially Pope
Liberius, on whose name aspersions were already being cast.1
The rights of the Western Patriarchate in Grecian Illyricum
also found valiant advocates in both Anastasius I. and his
immediate successors. The archives of the Roman Church, or
Scrinium Apostolicum, had the custody of the records relating
to these rights, as is clear from historical sources dating from
this very period. Here, too, all documents bearing on the exercise
of the Primacy were carefully stored.2
216. Innocent L, who occupied the Roman See after Anastasius
(401-417), was obliged to make use of his pastoral supremacy in
favour of John Chrysostom, the famous but persecuted archbishop
of Constantinople. He quashed, as contrary to law, the sentence
passed on Chrysostom, and ordered the holding of a new Synod.
Still more decidedly did he negative the irregular election of a
bishop to succeed John, informing the Eastern Churches that
he would make his communion with them contingent upon the
cessation of their hostile attitude towards Chrysostom.3
On another occasion Innocent energetically asserted the right
of his See to decide all important matters of dispute (causae
¦maiores) among bishops. By his own authority he settled the
internal affairs of the diocese of Antioch. Bishop John of
Jerusalem had the mortification of being sternly reproved by
Innocent when this course was dictated by the former's short
comings and the interests of the Church. In all the North- African
1 For the Donatists : Cone. Cartkag., a. 401. MANSI, 4, 491 ; 3, 1023; Jaffe-Kal-
tenbr., n. 283. Origen : Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 281, 282, 284. Liberius : Grisar,
Analecta romana, I., 42 ff.
2 Cp. Ep. Innocentii I.: Ep. ad Any slum Thessal. Mansi, 8, 750; Jaffe-Kal
tenbr., n. 285 : " cui (Anysio) Damasus, Siricius atque supra memoratus vir (Anastasius
episcopus) ita detulerunt, ut omnia, quae in illis partibus gerere?itur, sanctitati tuae, quae
plena iustitiae est, traderent cognoscenda." — Bonif. I. ad Rufum Thessal. Mansi,
8, 752 ; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 350 : " Frequentia igitur, ut scrinii nostri monimetita
declarant" &c.
3 Palladius, Vita S. Iohannis, c. 3 ff., P.G., XLVII., 11 ff.; Jaffe-Kaltenbr.,
n. 287 ff, 294, 3oS-3°9-

no. 216] ZOSIMUS 17
Provinces, Innocent published regulations concerning the manner
of electing bishops.1
It was this active and highly respected Pope who during his
stay at Ravenna, whither he had gone to sue for peace, and
to avert the impending catastrophe, received the crushing news
of Rome's capture and partial destruction by Alaric's hordes.
When at last he was able to return, his whole care was given
to repairing the havoc wrought.2
The short reign of the next Pope, Zosimus, a Greek
(417-418), was less appreciated by contemporaries; maybe, as
a foreigner, he was scarcely welcome in the Church of Rome ;
maybe his advisers were not of the best.
Zosimus instituted the Apostolic Vicariate at Aries for
Southern Gaul. But, to take but this one instance, his choice
of Patroclus as first holder of this high authority cannot be
described otherwise than as unfortunate, for the character of
the man was not commensurate with his position.
This Pope also defended in North Africa the rights of the
Holy See in the matter of appeals. In this he was indeed
justified, but a mistake which he then committed was very helpful
to his enemies. He based his judgment on the canons of the
General Council of Nicaea, whereas the passages cited were
really drawn from the far less important Council of Sardica, which
had no oecumenical standing. In the MSS. made use of by
Zosimus the decrees of Sardica had been attached to the Nicene
Council, and thus his mistake seems certainly excusable.3 Of
this Pope we know that he sent decrees to the Bishops of " Gaul
and Spain ; " in one case to condemn two Priscillianist Bishops,
and in the other to correct abuses in the administration of Holy
Orders.* The most noteworthy action of his Pontificate was, however,
the blow dealt by him against Pelagianism, the new heresy which
Innocent had already assailed. It is true that here too his pro
ceedings for a time were viewed with alarm and distrust by the
1 Ep. ad Victricium Rotomagensem, c. 3 (4). MANSI, 3, 1032 ; JAFFE-KALTENBR.,
n. 286 : " Si autem maiores causae in medium fuerint devolutae, ad sedem apostolicam,
sicut synodus statuit,post episcopale iudicium, referantur." Antioch : Jaffe-Kaltenbr.,
n. 310. Jerusalem: ibid., n. 325 ff. North Africa : ibid., n. 311.
2 Ep. adepiscopos Galliae. Mansi, 4, 359; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 328 ; cp. n. 332 ff.
Grisar, Analecta romana, I., 335 ff. Duchesne, Pastes episcopaux, 1, 93 ff.
8 Hefele, Conciliengesch., 2, 121, 133, 138.
* Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 331, 338.
VOL. II. B

1 8 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 216
African episcopate. But on his taking a decisive step the world
soon learnt anew, how, even with seemingly insufficient human
means, the Holy See is always ready and able, when necessary,
to protect the Church with its powerful authority. Such results
are due to its consciousness of its high office, and to the Divine
guidance assured by Christ to His Foundation. The condemna
tion of the Pelagians is set forth in the celebrated Epistula
Tractoria of Zosimus, an encyclical to all the church provinces
of the world. Prosper of Aquitania says that by this decree " the
sword of Peter was put into the hands of every bishop for the
destruction of the wicked." Prosper introduces to his readers the
Papal document with the following words : " Thus does the most
Holy See of the Blessed Peter, by the mouth of Pope Zosimus,
speak unto the whole world."1

The importance of Pelagianism and of another allied heretical
movement calls us to deal at some length with the war waged
against both by the Papacy. If we wish to realise the true
significance of the Roman Primacy during the first half of the fifth
century, we must first of all appreciate, as it deserves, its attitude
towards the two great heretical movements of Pelagianism and
Nestorianism. Certain circumstances, which we noticed even
previously, during the Arian period, will here again come before
us, and even more vividly. The Papacy had made proof of its
power against Arianism ; in the fifth century, this same inherent
power was to be subjected to yet fiercer trial. Difficulties develop
on all sides, and even break out at headquarters. In spite of all,
however, the successor of Peter heeds the summons to save the
Church's unity and her Faith. Concomitantly with the Popes'
efforts to fulfil their calling in entire reliance on God's assistance,
we may note an increase in the power of the Roman Primate
and a general strengthening of the bonds whereby all the
Church's provinces are knit more closely with their centre.
The series of the Popes who figure in the history of Pelagianism
and Nestorianism brings us down to the Pontificate of Leo the
Great, i.e. to the period marked by the irruptions of the Huns
under Attila, and Vandals under Genseric. To this series belong
1 Tractoria (Fragments) : Coustant, Epp. rom. pontiff., p. 994. Jaffe-Kaltenbr.,
n. 343. Prosper Aquit., Liber contra collatorem; P.L., LI., 271: " in qua ad impiorum
detruncationem gladio Petri dexterae omnium armantur antistitum."

no. 2i7] PELAGIANISM 19
Innocent and Zosimus, of whom we have spoken, and shall speak
again ; also Boniface I. (418-422), Celestine I. (422-432), and
Xystus III. (432-440).
We will now examine the attitude of Rome towards the
Pelagian heresy and towards Nestorius and the Nestorians.

Conflict of the Primacy with Pelagianism
217. The deplorable Pelagian schism began to show itself
openly in Africa under Innocent I., after having been secretly
prepared in the City of Rome itself.
The matter at stake was not merely one of theory. Pelagius,
formerly a simple monk, assailed the moral life of Christianity
at its very root. His doctrine was directed against the super
natural life of the Christian, grounded upon Grace, and against
the Church's supernatural hope in a future state. To deny, as
he did, the Fall of Man, through our first Parents, the need
of a Redemption for the World, or of Divine Grace for Salvation,
and even to call into question the supernatural character of this
Salvation, and the everlasting enjoyment of God's Presence, is
simply to cast aside all that Christianity had bestowed on
benighted, heathen man. What remained over was a Christianity
only in name, was, in fact, a dreary waste of rationalism, however
much Pelagius might prate about the true manhood of Christ, and
the Salvation brought by the Redeemer. In the doctrinal system
of Pelagius, Christ was our Saviour and Redeemer merely
through His example and teaching, not through any real Redemp
tion by sanctifying, saving Grace.1
Celestius, a Roman attorney, undertook to defend in Africa
the apparently strictly moral Pelagius. Condemned at the Synod
of Carthage in 411, on account of the doctrine he was dissemi
nating, he at first appealed to Rome, following the custom then
usual among heretics. Afterwards, however, he saw fit to carry
his theological activity into the East, whither Pelagius also had
betaken himself. From the East — that is, from Palestine — another
appeal again reached Rome, the Council of Jerusalem declaring
that it would refer the question which was disturbing the region
to the judgment of the Roman See. Rome, however, was first
1 See, however, Riviere, The Doctrine of the Atonement, Engl, trans. (1909), vol. i.
p. 283 f. [Trans.].

20 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 217
drawn into direct action when the African bishops, after two
fresh Synods at Carthage and at Mileve, sent their decisions
against the sect to Pope Innocent I., expressly requesting his
ratification. In so doing they "were mindful not only of their
own African Churches, but also of the universal Church, whose
welfare is entrusted to the Bishop of Rome." 1
As soon as the matter had been discussed at a Synod held
in Rome at the beginning of 417, Innocent confirmed the pro
ceedings in Africa. At the same time he pronounced an
independent and comprehensive judgment upon the disputed
doctrines and upon the dangerous error. He declares it was
"agreeable with the Church's law," and with "the rule of conduct
followed by all Christendom," that the bishops should thus bring
the matter before the See of Peter. In the clearest manner
possible he lays it down that from the Apostolic See there
emanates an unfailing stream of doctrine to irrigate the Churches
(these are his very words), and that it behoves the Roman See to
confirm by its authority the righteous verdict given by the
bishops, that all other Churches may learn how to deal with
error.2 St. Augustine, the life and soul of the African reaction against
Pelagianism, wrote not long after of this same Papal document :
" Innocent has so answered us, as of right and necessity it be
seemed the Bishop of the Apostolic See." 3
To his congregation, assembled to hear him in the Basilica
at Hippo, the same Doctor of the Church addressed the words
which later times summed up in the oft-repeated formula : Roma
locuta, causa finita. " The decisions of two Synods respecting
1 For the appeal of Celestius, Marius MERCATOR, Commonitor. {S. Augustini Opp
ed. Maurin.), t. X., Append., p. 69 : " ad romani episcopi examen credidit appellandum]T
&c. Synod of Jerusalem in Mansi, 4, 307 ; Hefele, 2, 108. The African Synods :
HEFELE, 2, 113 ff. That of Carthage (416) writes to Innocent I.: " ut statutis nostrae
mediocritatis etiam apostolicae sedis adhibeatur auctoritas pro tuenda salute multorum."
Mansi, 4, 321. The final extract in the text is from the Pope's reply.
2 Innocent's answer to the Council of Carthage : Mansi, 3, 1071 ; to that of
Mileve: 3, 1075; P.L., XX., 582, 588. In the first letter: " ecclesiasticae memores dis-
ciplinae - . . ad nostrum referendum approbastis indicium . . . scientes quid apostolicae
sedi . . . debeatur, a qua ipse episcopatus et tota auctoritas nominis huius emerstt" Then
follows an important statement regarding the doctrinal authority of Rome as recognised
throughout the whole Church and by the " instituta patrum" " ut quidquid quamvis de
disiunctis remotisque provinciis ageretur, non prius ducerent finiendum, nisi ad huius
sedis notitiam perveniret, ut tota huius auctoritate, iusta quae fuerit pronuntiatio fir-
maretur, indeque sumerent caeterae ecclesiae, velut de natali suo fonte aquae cunctae
procederent {procedunt?) et per diver sas totius mundi regiones puri capitis incorruptae
manarent {manant ?), quid praecipere, quos abluere, quos . . . unda vilaret," &c.
3 August., Ep., 186 (al. 106), c. 1.

no. 218] PELAGIANISM 21
this business were despatched to the Apostolic See. Thence
too came the (confirmatory) decrees. The matter is at an end.
Would too that the error were also ended ! " 1
218. Soon after Innocent I. had thus justified the African
Church he departed this life. Only a few months had passed
when an assembly or Synod was held under his successor
Zosimus in St. Clement's Basilica at Rome. This Synod, of
which the results were unfortunate, had probably been summoned
without sufficient preparation of the ground. The consequence
was that the African Bishops were not slow to complain of the
Pope's behaviour.
Pelagius and Celestius, the two leaders of the heretical party,
made a hypocritical attempt to justify themselves before the
Greek Zosimus, who was then still quite new to the Apostolic
throne. The former sent a subtly argued profession of faith.
The latter conducted his own defence in the above-named Basilica
on the Cselian, before the Pope and numerous attendant clergy.
Celestius played his part so skilfully that Zosimus at once penned
a letter to the African Bishops in favour of the accused. He found
that it was doubtful, so he states, whether they personally had
taught the false doctrines condemned by Innocent. With great
emotion the Pope assured the Africans, that had they been
present at the Synod in St. Clement's, the piety of Celestius
would have moved them to tears.2
The African Bishops only the more urgently pressed for the
condemnation not merely of the doctrine, but also of its two
advocates. To begin with, their strongly worded protestations
were in vain. At length, however, they gained their point.
As soon as the real personal character of the accused became
known to the Pope, he published the sentence of condemnation
by means of the previously mentioned Tractoria. This great
encyclical, issued in 418, struck with the " Sword of Peter" both
the doctrine and its defenders, who were by it excluded from the
bosom of the Church. The decree was subscribed to in all the
provinces of the Church.3
1 Serm. 131, c. 10. P.L., XXXVIII., 729*?: "lam enim de hac causa duo concilia
missa sunt ad sedem apostolicam ; inde etiam rescripta venerunt. Causa finita est.
Utinam aliquandofiniatur error!" Cp. Aug., Contra duas ep. Pelag., 2, c. 3: " Quibus
(litteris) de hac re dubitatio tota sublata est."
2 Ep. ad Aurelium el episc. Afric. Mansi, 4, 350; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 329.
3 "Per totum orbem missa subscriptionibus patrum est roborata." _ Marius Mer-
CATOR, Commonitor. (see above, p. 20, note 1). With reference to the indecision shown

22 ROME AND THE POPES [N0.219
Augustine was delighted with the clearness and precision
of the Papal exposition. When Julian, the stubborn Pelagian
Bishop of Eclanum, with his following of eighteen Italian Bishops,
clamoured for another Council to decide the question, Augustine
promptly replied: "Julian seems to think that heresies are only
to be met by means of Synods . . . competent authority has
condemned the sect, and in a manner which should suffice." 1
219. The successors of Zosimus associated themselves with
St. Augustine in his efforts to make the Church's doctrine
victorious. Boniface I. requested the learned Bishop of Hippo
to write an exhaustive treatise in refutation of Pelagianism.2
Celestine I. energetically upheld the sentence against Julian
of Eclanum, and firmly withstood the blandishments of the fallen
Bishop. Pope Celestine also entered into communication with
Nestorius, at that time still the highly respected archbishop of
Constantinople, in order the better to circumvent Julian ; Nestorius
had himself written two letters to the Pope to consult him about
the Pelagian heresy. When the heresy, under the veil of Semi-
Pelagianism, sought to gain a footing in the West, and specially
in Southern Gaul, Celestine strove to withstand it from Rome,
and, after Augustine's demise, found a willing instrument in
Prosper of Aquitania, author of an invaluable Chronicle, compiled
in Rome. Prosper had come to Rome with his friend Hilary the
year after St. Augustine's death, and had brought a report of the
doings of the Semi-Pelagians. Flis pen was qualified to cope
with the new error in the spirit of St. Augustine.
The Semi-Pelagians overtly and covertly assailed the writings
of the great Father of the African Church. The Cathedra of
Peter, formerly so effectually defended by St. Augustine, now
took him under its affectionate protection, and set up the authority
of his name as a shield against the new form of error. " Augustine,
that man of saintly memory," wrote Celestine to the Gallic Bishops,
" stood ever in communion with us, and no shadow of suspicion
ever rested upon him. So distinguished was he by his learning
at first by Zosimus, see Facundus of Hermiane (Pro defens. trium capit., 7, c. 3 ;
P.L., LXVII., 637): "Non debet crimini deputari simplicium versutia non intellecta
malignorum" Augustine maintains in several passages that Zosimus, as regards his
doctrinal standpoint, "non recessit a praedecessore suo Innocentio." Liber VI. contra
Iulian., c. 12.
1 " Quasi nulla haeresis aliquando nisi synodi congregatione damnata sit " &c.
Contra duas epp. Pelagii, 4, c. 12.
2 Prosper Aquit., Contra Collat.; P.L., LI., 271.

N0.220] XYSTUS III. AND THE PELAGIANS 23
that even my predecessors accounted him among the best of
Doctors." This and similar testimonials of the Roman See,
contributed greatly to show St. Augustine in his true light, as
the mental giant he really was. Ever since early mediaeval times
the Church has refreshed her Faith in his profound writings, and
found in them an arsenal for the defence and explanation of her
doctrines.1 Nevertheless it was the Apostolic See which took the responsi
bility of warranting the reliability of St. Augustine's writings.
Without its unerring guidance in doctrinal matters, even the
authority of the Fathers would have been uncertain.
Not in Gaul alone, but also in Britain, did Pope Celestine
labour to counteract the after-effects of Pelagianism. At the
instigation of the deacon Palladius he sent, in 429, Germanus,
Bishop of Antissiodorum (Auxerre) to Britain, in order to dispute
the field there with the Pelagians. He was also entrusted with
the task of converting the heathen tribes who inhabited it. It is
well known that this mission of Palladius led to that of St. Patrick,
the Apostle of Ireland, who was later on despatched by the same
Pope Celestine to this island, which afterwards gave birth to so
many saints and missioners.2
Finally, in the East, under Celestine, Pelagianism was once
more solemnly condemned at the CEcumenical Council of Ephesus
(431). The assembled Fathers, having read the account of the
proceedings in the West against the false doctrine, agreed to
the verdict of Pope Celestine and his predecessors, and declared
that it should stand firm and unalterable.3
220. Of Celestine's successor, Xystus III., we hear that at
first he ran great risk of being outwitted by the hypocritical
Julian of Eclanum. Even before he was raised to the Papacy,
he had shown himself somewhat lenient at least to individual
Pelagians. Thanks, however, to Leo, the future Pope, then only
a Roman deacon, who assisted Xystus, the heretical bishop whose
conversion was only outward, was prevented from re-entering the
Church's fold. Xystus stood firm, and thus retrieved his earlier
vacillation ; indeed, it was hopeless to expect to convert the
1 Epistola Coelestini ad episcopos Galliarum. Mansi, 4.455; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 381.
2 Prosper Aquit., Chron.; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 55, 56.
3 'AyvucrdevToiv Se iv rrj ayiq. avvbhu tCiv viroixvnp.a,TOiv r&v Treirpayp.it/oiv iirl rrj KaBcupioei,
iSiKaubcaixev Kal rj/ieU loxvpa. ko.1 fiifSaia. fiiveiv to, iir' ai/rois wpurixiva irapb. 7-77S oijs 0eoere/3e£as.
Synodal letter to Pope Celestine. Mansi, 4, 133° ff-

24 ROME AND THE POPES [N0.220
Pelagians by means of concessions. With this the worst struggles
were over. A fruitful victory had been won by the primatial
Church of the West.
Xystus III. could well look on this victory as a blessing for
the Church. This same Pope completed the Baptistery of the
Lateran, and in it set a monument, in which we can scarcely
hesitate to see a memorial of the triumph of right doctrine over
the errors of Pelagius. This is a metrical inscription with a
doctrinal bearing. Even now it may be seen, with its large, even
letters uninjured, on the octagonal marble entablature which
encircles the font beneath. The eight distichs, one on each
cornice, go to compose a real sermon in stone.
Evidently referring to the recent controversies, they speak of the
sanctifying power of baptism, of grace, of original sin, of personal
guilt, of the Church and of its hope of everlasting life. A breath
of classicism has touched the poem. The verses begin: "Here
(at the baptismal font) a divine seed gives birth to a holy tribe ;
the Spirit of God breathed upon the water and became its
Creator." The marvellous unity of the Church throughout the
world, which is a consequence of the common Sacrament of
Baptism, is thus expressed : " Those born again to new life are no
longer separated by a wall of partition. One font, one Spirit,
and one Faith make them to be also one." An invitation points
to the renewing, sanctifying grace which is conferred by the water
of baptism : " Wouldst thou be spotless, then wash in this bath,
and neither thy father's (i.e. original) sin nor thine own sins will
ever again oppress thee. Here is the source of the Water of Life,
which taketh away the sins of the world ; which springeth from
the wounded side of our dying Saviour." x
The Lateran Baptistery had been begun but not completed by
Constantine the Great. Xystus III. restored the building and
gave it a richer and more handsome form, which it has to some
extent preserved. It has an octagonal shape, as the ground plan
(111. 83) shows. In the middle, ever since Constantine's time,
there was the broad baptismal basin (b) approached by steps.
Around this Xystus erected the eight fine porphyry pillars, which
are still standing. According to the Liber pontificalis, these had
been already provided by Constantine, and were lying near the
1 See the whole text in my Analecta romana, I, 106, and the reproduction, PI. 2, n. 1
(p. 147). De Rossi, lnscr. christ., 2, 1, p. 424, with note 44. Duchesne, Liber pont,
1, 236, describes the former shape of the baptistery according to Rohault de Fleury.

111. 83. — Baptistery of the Lateran, showing the neighbouring
edifices.
Plan partially reconstructed ; after Rohault de Fleury, Le Latran an
moyen-6ge, PI. 4. (a) Atrium ; (6) octagonal colonnade with the font ; (c) Oratory
of St. John the Evangelist ; (d) Oratory of St. John the Baptist ; (e) portico
facing the (J) Oratory of the Holy Cross ; [g) Oratory (dedication unknown) ;
l.h) Oratory of St. Venantius ; (2) staircase to the apse of the Lateran basilica.

No-22Il NESTORIANISM 25
building. Above the pillars, arranged to form an octagon, Xystus
placed the marble entablature, bearing the inscription just spoken
of,^ and supporting an upper wall pierced by arches, the whole
being crowned by a cupola. At the present day the entablature
is surmounted by a second row of columns and a modern super
structure. An arcade surrounded the central chamber, and doubt
less the walls and cupola were adorned with mosaics and varie
gated marble, like those in the Rotunda of Santa Costanza, near the
Basilica of S. Agnese, which dates from the fourth century. The
entrance to the Lateran Baptistery was formerly from the side of
the apse of the Lateran Basilica — that is, to the south ; not, as now,
to the north. The inscription on the peristylium starts opposite
this entrance with the words " Gens sacranda." The atrium was
also to the south side (a), and had two semicircular recesses orna
mented with mosaics. Outside, the atrium was adorned with
two large porphyry pillars and with white marble pilasters at the
corners. In spite of the ruin which overtook the portico at some
unknown time, and of the awkwardness of the new work, the
building is still an imposing one. It seems more likely that the
vestibule, and indeed nearly the whole edifice, dates from Xystus
III., and not from Constantine. The dedication of the Baptistery
took place on June 29. The so-called Martyrology of St. Jerome,
which is almost contemporary, gives on this date the " Dedication
of the old Baptistery in Rome," by the term "old" doubtless
referring to its foundation by Constantine.1

The Popes in Conflict with Nestorianism
221. While the West was still in the throes of the Pelagian
controversy, the East had already given birth to the new heresy
of Nestorianism. This was to furnish a new and difficult task
for the Roman Primacy, giving rise to almost endless disputes
1 For the better understanding of the plan (111. 83), we may add that (c) the Chapel of
St. John the Evangelist and (d) the Chapel of St. John the Baptist were built on by Pope
Hilary ; (e) is the portico built by Hilary, in front of the present entrance. In this
portico was the entrance to the Oratory of the Holy Cross (/), also built by the same
Pope. The Oratory (g) is of later origin, and its name is unknown. The Oratory (h) is
the one founded by John IV. in honour of St. Venantius. On the Lateran Baptistery,
cp. Liber pont., 1, 174; Silvester, n. 37 and 1, 234; Xystus III., n. 64; and Duchesne's
observations. The last words of the latter passage, "et versibus exornavit" allude to
the inscription of Xystus III. For the building, see DEHIO, Baukunst des Abendlandes,
33, who approves of Rohault de Fleury's reconstruction. Rohault de Fleury, Le
Latran au moyen-dge, p. 33, 416 ff, PI. 33, 34, 35. Our illustration is based upon
this reconstruction.

26 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 221
regarding Christ's natures, to great friction between the two
halves, Latin and Greek, of the Church, and issuing in strong
measures being resorted to by the Apostolic See against the
Patriarch of the East.
These constantly renewed assaults upon the Church's doctrine
must strike us as something strange. They were, however, a
consequence of arbitrary treatment of doctrinal subjects, which,
in the East especially, were often studied in a too narrow spirit of
logic. As soon as the days of outward persecution had passed
away, attention began to be given to the doctrinal treasures which
had been handed down. There now began what was in many
respects a salutary development resulting in a plainer definition of
dogmas. Such progress was called for by the very character of
the Church, and was needful too in order to be able to answer in
future ages the justifiable questions of natural reason and of the
religious consciousness. But the great work was hampered by
heretical theories, of which no sooner was one dead than its room
was taken by another, and which, being fostered by human
passions, resulted in much bitter warfare. Had these discussions
been merely academic there would have been no cause for alarm,
but each heresy in assailing an article of faith imperilled the whole
dogmatic structure of Christianity. Schools of thought degenerated
into furious sectarian factions, and in each instance the overthrow
of the heresy became a question of life or death to the Church
and her oneness, of which the pledge lies in the Primacy.
The interest seems incredible which was taken in the East by
almost all classes of Christian society — the Emperor, the bishops,
the clergy, and even the lowest ranks of the people — in each
successive theological opinion. Even so recondite a question as
that of the single Person and double Nature of Christ would let
loose a storm of passion. Not seldom did it seem as if the powers
of hell were showing their fury at finding the unfortunate world
delivered from the thraldom of paganism. There even seemed a
danger that mankind would once again relapse into the spiritual
darkness and moral degradation of heathenism, through the dis
tortion and weakening of the elements of Christian Faith. This
period of sore distress and trial was, however, to pass away.
Clear-sighted bishops, with the successors of St. Peter at their
head, led the people safely through the danger, and guided them
to the threshold of an era when the New Nations of the Middle

no. 222] NESTORIANISM 27
Ages enjoy the gift of Faith, and thrive on the Church's own
ground, without wrangling over dogma or imperilling unity by
stubbornly upholding theories of their own.
The achievement of this period was a great doctrinal develop
ment, for which, however, previous controversies were also to
some extent responsible ; hence the struggles had not been
without their use. Frequent Synods, a brilliant line of learned
Fathers providentially bestowed on the Church, the vigilance and
vigour of the Supreme Pontiffs, account for the evolution of the
Church's inner organisation. Heresies, in the plans of the
Church's invisible Head, were destined to serve a twofold pur
pose — first, to make the Articles of Faith more clearly and pro
foundly realised ; and secondly, to manifest the power of Providence
and strengthen the bond of unity.
222. There is no need of dwelling here upon the connection
between the Nestorian, Arian, and Pelagian doctrines. Arius
opposed the Divinity of Christ ; Nestorius disputed the essentia]
union of the Divine and human nature in our Saviour. Pelagius
debased Christian life by his rationalism ; Nestorius wrecked the
belief in the Person of the God-Man, which is the very basis of
our religion.
Nestorius, Archbishop of Constantinople, held that Christ
whom Mary bore was a man like any other human being, but
that He had been sanctified by the Eternal Word of God dwelling
in Him as a separate Person. How far removed he was from the
view of all Christendom, which sees in our Saviour but one Person
with two natures, is proved by his opposition to the traditional
title of Mother of God applied to the Blessed Virgin Mary. The
controversy, begun at Constantinople and continued in Egypt,
regarding this title, furnished the occasion for the outburst of this
heresy. The Roman See, with which alone we are concerned, inter
vened in the controversy only when both Nestorius himself and
his first and most eminent opponent, Cyril of Alexandria, had
appealed to it for its decision.
We already know something of the character of the Pope of
that day from the measures which he took against the Pelagians.
His name can still be read in the great gilt-letter inscription on
the Basilica of Sta. Sabina, on the Aventine, which was begun by
him. " When Celestine occupied the supreme Apostolic Office,

28 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 222
when he shone over all the world as Bishop Primate, this Basilica
was founded," &C.1
The Patriarch Cyril had written to Celestine, that, conformably
with the "custom of the ancient Church," the new dissension in
doctrine should be submitted to the Pope ; wherefore he was
sending the deacon Possidonius with a report, and begged for the
Papal decision.2
A Roman Synod met in August, 430. Subsequently Pope
Celestine communicated to the East its clear, incisive, and irrevo
cable sentence. The decrees which accompanied it display the
spirit of Rome. In view of the rapid spread of the error,
Nestorius, the most distinguished bishop of the East, who en
joyed high favour at the Court of the Capital, was threatened
with excommunication unless he recanted within ten days of
receiving the Papal sentence. Celestine appointed the learned
Patriarch of Alexandria as his delegate to see to the execu
tion of this measure, and to take action against the new sect.
By the plenitude of Papal power he cancelled the excommu
nications pronounced by Nestorius with usurped authority, and
informed not only the capital on the Bosphorus of these proceed
ings, but also the leading bishops of the Church, such as Rufus of
Thessalonica, Flavian of Philippi, John of Antioch, and Juvenal
of Jerusalem. In all directions, even to Nestorius himself, he
sent fatherly words of warning against the error of heresy.3
Such gentle admonitions were particularly suitable in the case
of dioceses belonging to the Patriarchate of Antioch. The ancient
and famous theological school of Antioch had been the starting-
point of the new doctrine ; but the school justly enjoyed a very
high reputation, and if it had been misled, there was still a hope
of its being won back. One ancient distinction of its Doctors
had been a certain sober reasonableness and a strictly literal
exegesis of Holy Scripture. Now, however, when there seemed
a danger of the school passing over into the camp of unbelief,
1 See text, with photograph, of the inscription in my Analecta romana, PI. i, n. 2 ;
cp. p. 146. Armellini, Chiese2, p. 581.
2 " Vetus ecclesiarum consuetudo est ut" &c. Ep. 1 1 (al. 9), ad Coelestinum. Mansi
4, ion ; P.G., LXXVII., 80.
3 To Cyril: Mansi, 4, 1017. To Nestorius: ibid., 1025. To the clergy and people
of Constantinople: ibid., 1035; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 372, 374, 375: " excommunica-
tiones ab eodem [Nestorio) prolatas dissolvit. Cyrillum in ista causa vicarium suum
constituit" [On Nestorius see, however, Duchesne, Hist, ancienne de lEglise, vol. iii.
p. 313 ft. — Trans!}

no. 223] NESTORIANISM 29
it was necessary to counteract its undue influence in the East by
establishing authoritatively, and yet with due consideration, the
rule of the Church's Faith.
Pope Celestine's action, as above described, thus finds its full
explanation in the circumstances. On the one hand, the letters
quoted, of which we still possess the full text, are as authoritative
as could be desired. It is also worthy of note that the CEcumeni
cal Council, which was held shortly after, sanctioned without a
murmur the language of the letters and the claims to spiritual
authority made therein.
But these documents contain another characteristic of still
higher importance ; we allude to the warm-hearted, genuine soli
citude they betray. Every sentence is instinct with fatherly zeal
and with the determination to move all to secure the well-being of
the Church and the salvation of souls. The Shepherd, if one
might so express it, almost conceals the Primate. Such indeed is
the true Primacy of the Roman Church.
223. Circumstances supervened to delay the Papal judgment
being carried into effect by Cyril. He had thought it well to
convoke a preliminary Synod at Alexandria ; but now, on his
side, the Emperor Theodosius II. determined to hold an CEcu
menical Council. In fact, a writ of summons from Theodosius
and his joint-emperor invited the bishops to attend a General
Council at Ephesus. The Pope announced that he would mean
while let the penalty stand over, and would await the expected
recantation of the author of the trouble. To make clear his assent
to the Council he sent legates to Ephesus in the summer, 431.
These legates were to give the support of the West to the
Eastern Bishop Cyril, who acted as principal representative of
the Apostolic See ; they were also to see that Cyril carried out
all that had been decided at the Roman Council. The Roman
legates were Arcadius and Projectus, both of them bishops, and
the presbyter Philip.1
At the first session, which, in view of the urgency of the
business, was held on June 22, the Patriarch Cyril presided alone.
The Acts of the Council say expressly that he did so as the Papal
delegate ; this being also borne out later on by a letter sent by
1 For Papal letter to the legates, see Mansi, 4, 556; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 378 :
"... auctoritatem sedis apostolicae custodire debere mandamus . . . ut ad disceptationem
sifuerit ventum, vos de eorum sententiis iudicare debeatis, non subire certamen," &c.

30 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 223
Mennas of Constantinople and other Greek bishops to Pope
Vigilius.1 The debates at this first session culminated in the official,
dogmatic recognition of Mary as true Mother of God. Nestorius
and his followers were condemned, agreeably with the Papal
sentence: "Compelled by the canons, and in accordance with
the letter of our most Holy Father and brother Celestine," runs
the statement of the bishops in Council, " we have given judg
ment against Nestorius." 2
When, however, shortly afterwards, the Papal legates arrived
at Ephesus the session was re-opened at their request, and under
the presidency of Cyril and themselves, the minutes of the previous
proceedings and the sentence were read and confirmed. The
three legates from Rome, as the Acts repeatedly record, assisted
as " Executors of the Papal decree." They were also so described
in their credentials.3
The legates at the same sitting produced a dignified letter
from the Pope to the Council. He advised the assembly to
protect the Church's peace, on the basis of the true faith. It was
first read aloud in Latin and then in Greek. The conclusion
of the letter explicitly affirmed that the matter touching the
heresy was already settled, and that the legates had only to
receive the bishops' assent to the judgment given.4
The assembled Fathers, delighted with the letter of their Chief
Pastor, exclaimed in concert : " Behold the righteous judgment ;
thanks to Celestine, the new Paul ; thanks to Cyril, the new
Paul ; thanks to Celestine, the Guardian of the Faith." 6
Later on, 'Firmus, archbishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia,
declared amongst other things, that "the Holy Apostolic See of
Bishop Celestine had already in his letters given its decision and
directions in the matter. These we have obeyed and carried into
effect." 6
Later Philip, the Roman presbyter, addressed the meeting ;
1 Hefele, 2, 184. Mennas, in Mansi, 9, 62.
2 . . . KaTeireixSivTes airb Te tS>v Kavdvuv, Kal e/c rijs iiriOTo\r)s tov ayioiTaTov iraTpbs i)p.Civ Kal
crvXKciTOvpyov KeAeoTicou. MANSI, 4, 121 1.
3 For instance : "huius negotii executores" (Mansi, 4, 1298), words of Arcadius in
his discourse.
4 Mansi, 4, 1283 ; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 379.
5 Mansi, 4, 1287 ; Hefele, 2, 199.
6 Mansi, 4, 1288 : . . . ffjcpov iirio-xe Kal tuttov t$ irpa.yp.aTi, &c. In Mansi xj/vcpov appears
by mistake.

no. 224] NESTORIANISM 31
he seems to have been the ablest of the three legates, and had
perhaps received special instructions. Prior to signing the Synodal
Acts, this simple priest made a speech to the venerable assembly.
His words regarding the Primacy which he was representing,
give the speaker an important place in history, though he was the
lowest in rank of those present at the Council. It is really an
event of historical moment that, in the heart of an GEcumunical
Council, the office of the Roman Bishop, as highest guardian
of the Faith, and keystone of ecclesiastical unity, should be
expounded by the voice of a Latin presbyter, with all simplicity
and assurance.
Philip began his oration thus: "No one doubts, since it has
been known through all time, that the Keys of Heaven and the
power to loose and to bind were bestowed by our Lord and
Saviour upon most blessed Peter, the Prince and Head of the
Apostles, the pillar of Faith, and foundation of the Catholic
Church. Now and for ever Peter lives in his successors, and,
through them, exercises his authority. Our Holy Father Celes
tine, who now occupies his place, has sent us to this Council
as his representatives." J
After exposing and ratifying the canonical proceedings, Philip
then, with the Council, declares Nestorius deposed ; his two com
panions likewise making the same declaration as Papal legates.
Among the signatories of this second session the three Western
delegates, Philip, Arcadius, and Projectus, with Cyril of Alex
andria, again take precedence.
After the Church had been torn by lengthy conflicts and had
had much to suffer owing to the followers and friends of Nestorius,
such as John of Antioch, and no less owing to the unprincipled
attitude of the Imperial Court, Pope Celestine I., in March 432,
had at last the satisfaction of congratulating Maximian oh his
installation at Constantinople in the place of Nestorius.2
224. To his successor, Pope Xystus III., it fell to complete
the work of peace. In encyclicals, as well as in private letters,
Xystus expressed his determination to carry out the decisions
of Celestine and of the Council of Ephesus. Still, in a kindly
spirit, he offered ready readmission into the Church to John, the
1 " Beatissimus Petrus, apostolorum princeps et caput . . . in suis successoribus vivit
et indicium exercet." Mansi, 4, 1295.
2 For letter to Maximian, see Mansi, 5, 269; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 387 ; cp. n. 385,
386, 388. Hefele, 2, 249.

32 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 225
Patriarch of Antioch, to his supporters among the bishops, and
to the clergy of the Antiochean school, only requiring of them
full and frank agreement with the Church's judgment. In
accordance with the traditions of his See, he showed himself
so tolerant and friendly that he has even been accused of having
disapproved of the deposition of Nestorius. This suspicion is
indeed removed by both his own letters and those of Cyril ; yet,
as Xystus had previously been inclined to deal mercifully with the
Pelagians, it is quite likely that he again in this other matter strove
earnestly to promote the cause of peace, and thereby offended the
friends of the previous Pope. Such change of policy is no
unusual thing in the history of the Papacy.1
Through Cyril's indefatigable zeal the scholars of Antioch
were at last won over. To celebrate the first anniversary of
his elevation to the Papal throne, Xystus held a council with his
bishops in the Vatican Basilica, at which he was able to announce
that he had just received from Cyril of Alexandria news of peace.
Thanking the Patriarch, Xystus wrote : " This success was a gift
of the Apostle Peter granted us when assembled round his tomb.
Our Apostle ever presides among us here. With us he was
pained when heresy assailed the Faith which had been committed
to him. He it is who has now led us to victory." To the former
friend of Nestorius, the Patriarch of Antioch, now once again
united to the Church, his words are : " The Prince of the Apostles,
through his successors, faithfully watches over all he received
from Christ. Would that all remained firmly knit to Him.
Would that all could hold his sure and simple faith ! It is a
faith which admits of no contradiction, of no wavering or doubting,
but one to which we yield ourselves heart and soul, in order to
enter into it ever more and more." 2
As John of Antioch and his party had now declared themselves
willing to apply again to Mary the title of Mother of God, this
name may be said to have overcome the heresy and secured the
triumph of truth.
225. Just as formerly the Arian controversy had raged round
the expression "consubstantial," used by Catholics to denote the
relationship between the Son and the Father, so the title of
1 Letter to Cyril concerning John : Mansi, 5, 375 ; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 389.
2 Letter to Cyril : " B. Petrus in successoribus suis quod accepit, hoc tradidit." MANSI,
5, 371; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 391. To John: Mansi, 5, 379; Jaffe-Kaltenbr.,
n. 392.

no. 225] XYSTUS III. AND THE NESTORIANS 33
Mother of God (Theotokos) formed the focus of discussion in the
Nestorian struggle. Whoever accepted the title showed that he
also acknowledged, according to the Church's mind, the union of
the two natures, Divine and human, in the single Person of
Christ. In consequence of the defeat of Nestorianism, the respect
and veneration shown to the Blessed Virgin Mary by the Church
from time immemorial received a fresh impetus. East and West
vied with each other in doing homage to that chosen vessel of the
human race who could dare to call our Saviour her son.
The general conviction of Christendom, and its lofty feelings
of gratitude and praise for Mary, are best expressed in a sermon
preached by Cyril at the time of the Council of Ephesus, which
reads like an Eastern commentary on a Roman memorial of which
we shall speak immediately. With enthusiasm the champion of
the Church's faith exclaims : " All hail, Mary, Mother of God ;
most precious treasure of the universe, light unextinguishable,
glorious crown of virginity, indestructible temple, mother and
maiden in one. Of thee was born he of whom the Gospel saith :
Hosanna to him that cometh in the name of the Lord ; we greet
thee, who wast deemed worthy to bear the Eternal One in thy virgin
womb ; through thee all honour and glory to the ever Blessed
Trinity. . . . Who can ever praise thee according to thy due ? " J
The Holy See was not to be outdone in manifesting its
reverence for the Holy Mother of God. The oldest church
known to have been dedicated to our Lady, was erected by
Pope Silvester beside the heathen temple of Vesta on the Forum.
This is the church of 5\ Maria Antiqua, now known as Santa
Maria Liberatrice, and of which we have already spoken.2 But
now, after the triumph of Ephesus, a new glorious memorial,
which also exists to the present day, was established in Rome.
Soon after the CEcumenical Council, Pope Xystus rebuilt
almost in its entirety the Basilica on the Esquiline erected by
Liberius, and dedicated it to the Mother of God, adorning it with
magnificent mosaics depicting the story of Mary and the child
hood of Christ. This is the church of Santa Maria Maggiore,
1 Horn., 4 inter diversas, P.G., LXXVIL, 1029. The homily was preached in
Ephesus at the time of the Council. " It is the most famous of ancient sermons on
Mary" (BARDENHEWER, Patrologie, p. 339).
2 De Rossi considered that Santa Maria Maggiore was, after that of Ephesus, the
oldest church of our Lady of which the date is established. Cp. Bull. arch, crisl., 1892,
p. 54. After what has been said above (vol. i., p. 244), we must allow that Santa Maria
Liberatrice is older.
VOL. II. C

34 ROME AND THE POPES [N0.225
the most celebrated of all churches dedicated to our Lady. The
series of mosaics on the triumphal arch, with which end the
majestic lines of white Parian marble pillars in the nave, is a
remembrance of the victory of Faith over the Nestorian heresy,
and of the new honour accruing to Mary. The church in
question may thus be ranked in a certain sense as an historical
monument, similar to the doctrinal inscription of Xystus III.
upon the entablature of the Lateran Baptistery commemorating
the defeat of Pelagianism, though here the memorial is on a
far vaster scale.1
It is at the same time the finest piece of mosaic work executed
in Rome during the fifth century. The traditional character of
Roman art governs the pictures. The strength of conception of
the figures places the work on the same artistic level as the
almost contemporary carving on the main portals of Santa Sabina
on the Aventine.2
The triumphal arch bears at its summit the inscription in
golden characters: "Xystus, the bishop, to the people of God."3
Above this is shown the throne of God surrounded by the symbols
of the Evangelists, and the Apostles Peter and Paul.
The historical scenes begin on the left. On the first picture,
of -which we here give a photograph (111. 84), we see the Blessed
Virgin, richly robed and seated upon a throne on a high pedestal,
while an angel, floating down like the classic figure of Victory,
brings the tidings of the Incarnation of the Son of God. The
Holy Ghost is descending as a dove upon Mary. Two angels,
represented as usual with wings, stand reverently behind her,
and form as it were her court. Two other angels at the same
time bring to St. Joseph the assurance that "that which shall
be born of her is of the Holy Ghost." The other angel, who also
sefems to be speaking to Mary, is either placed there simply to fill
in the gap between the two scenes, or possibly depicts the Angel
of the Annunciation, represented above as descending, as now
arrived. The connecting of different scenes by the addition of
1 The consecration took place on August 5, and the feast of the " Dedication of St.
Mary's" has always been kept on that day, though, later on, the title was altered to that
of " Dedication of St. Mary of the Snows," this being the result of the subsequent legend.
See vol. i., p. 197 note, on the decision of the congregation appointed by Benedict XIV.
2 Reproduced in de Rossi, Musaici sec. V. Garrucci, Arte crist., PI. 211 ff. Cp.
DUCHESNE, Liber pont., 1, 235. For the style of the doors of Sta. Sabina compared
with the mosaics in Santa Maria Maggiore see Grisar, Analecta romana, 1, 4C0, aka.
3 "XYSTVS EPISCOPVS PLEBI DEI."

no.22S] STA. MARIA MAGGIORE 35
figures which strictly do not belong there is no strange feature
in the Roman art of that day, as we may see on the right portion
of this very picture. The house behind St. Joseph resembles
an oratory in its construction. The curtains at the entrance are
drawn back, and allow us to see a lamp hanging inside. According
to the rules of harmony then in vogue, on the opposite side there
corresponds another similar open edifice, adorned with a classic
shield, serving to fill up the triangular space under the gable.
Next, on the right, follows the mosaic with the Presentation
of the Holy Child in the Temple, of which we give here (111. 85)
the first large photographic reproduction to be made public.
Mary, again accompanied by two angels, is passing through the
colonnade which symbolises the Temple. As before, she is richly
clad. A golden cross above the nimbus shows the dignity of the
Child. At the moment when the Mother of God appears, Simeon
quits the group of priests, and, with the quick steps of new-found
youth, hastens towards her. He respectfully stretches forth his
hands covered with his pallium that he may receive the Child, and
makes ready to acclaim in the Son of Mary the salvation of the
Gentiles. This event also has evidently been chosen as an
allusion to Mary's dignity as mother of the world's Saviour. The
space between Mary and Simeon is filled up by figures which
connect both sides of the scene. There is the widowed Anna
with raised arms preparing to announce the Godhead of Christ,
and St. Joseph as elucidator of the mystery, accompanied by an
angel in the background.1
Further on, to the right, is a scene which is not found in the
Bible, but only in the Apocrypha ; it is an episode of the Flight
into Egypt, in which the Divinity of the Child is glorified, in the
presence of his mother, by two pagans, a prince and a philo
sopher. Beneath is Herod's interview with the three Wise Men
from the East. The crafty King, in spite of the part he is
playing, has here a nimbus round his head, this being the ancient
manner of denoting earthly rank. Mary, on the contrary, has
no nimbus on any of these pictures, though it is given to the
angels and the Divine Infant.
1 Our 111. 85 omits a part of the picture to the right and left. What is missing here
may be supplied from GARRUCCI, PI. 212, 2. On the left there is another of the two
angels accompanying Mary ; on the right a standing figure and four heads belonging to
the group behind Simeon. Still further to the right is a temple, in front of which is an
angel, possibly warning St. Joseph to betake himself into Egypt.

36 ROME AND THE POPES [N0.225
The continuation of the series of pictures is on the left side of
the arch. In a grand original piece of work we have the visit
of the Magi to Christ. The scene will be found in the lower
portion of 111. 84. The Saviour, as a boy, in token of His
Divinity, sits on a spacious bejewelled throne. On His right, on
a lower throne, is seated His Blessed Mother, again clad as a
sovereign. Behind her Son are four attendant angels, and,
between them, the Star. Two of the Wise Men, in Eastern attire,
approach with their gifts from the right, where also we perceive
the city of Bethlehem. The third of the Magi formerly had a
place on the left, but the portion of the mosaic containing his
figure has disappeared. The figure seated on a throne to the left
of Christ has been inserted agreeably with the prevailing rules of
harmony, being required as a pendant to Mary. It serves to
represent either a lady-in-waiting to Mary, or a nurse of the
Infant. St. Joseph, who does not appear in the picture, may have
stood by the missing Magus.
The last picture on this side, the Massacre of the Innocents,
with the group of mothers expressing their distress in the digni
fied classical way, has also some association with the Divinity of
Christ ; for it was on account of His Divinity that earthly malice
failed to outdo the Child, and that His mother was saved from
the ordeal of the other matrons of Bethlehem. At the base of
the arch, on both sides, may be seen the usual types of Jeru
salem, and of Bethlehem, and the sheep. Under the gaily
decorated archivault we see the monogram of Christ, with the
Alpha and Omega, though here in a form different from that of
Pope Siricius on the pillar in the Basilica of St. Paul already
described. There must be some special reason why these mosaics
contain no representation of the Birth of Christ. Probably at
the time of Xystus the Basilica was already in possession of
the imitation of the Crib of Bethlehem, from which, in the follow
ing century, it derived its name of S. Maria ad praesepe, as we
have it in an inscription still extant. This Chapel of the Crib,
or manger, in the vicinity of the High- Altar, would have made
superfluous a representation of the same subject among the
mosaics.1 The inside of the wall at the entrance was adorned by Pope
1 Cp. Grisar, Antichitd e significato delta denominazione S. Maria ad Praesepe, in.
Civilta cattol., 1895, IV,, 470 ff.

w
H w

z2H<HZw[/]wKw
H

no. 226] HOME OF THE POPES 37
Xystus with a mosaic showing a great figure of Mary surrounded
by various martyrs. Under this picture he placed the metrical
dedicatory inscription of his new church. The poem takes the
form of an address to the Mother of God, and proclaims that it
had been the desire of Xystus to dedicate a new building worthy
of her to the Blessed Virgin : " Thou mother, who didst know no
man, hast brought us salvation, becoming fruitful without losing
thy virginity. Behold, the martyrs who died for thy Son offer
thee their crowns, each with the instrument of his martyrdom at
his feet — the sword or fire, the wild beasts, the river or the
poison. They were overtaken by divers forms of death, but their
crown is one and the same." J

The Papacy at Home
226. Looking back on the century of the Roman Primacy
from Julius I. to Xystus III., which we have briefly described,
we cannot fail to notice that almost all the Popes are described
either as Romans or as belonging to the neighbourhood of
Rome. The choice of a Pope was, in the first instance, the choice of
a bishop for the Church of Rome. It was natural, therefore, that
the Romans should usually elect a member of their own clergy ;
nor is it surprising that by far the greater part of the clergy be
longed to the city and suburbs of Rome. After Pope Damasus,
who is said to have been of Spanish origin, the Liber pontificalis
enumerates Siricius and Anastasius I. as Romans, like the earlier
Popes Silvester, Mark, Julius, and Liberius. Innocent I. is called
natione Albanensis; he came from Albano, formerly known as
Albanum Caesaris, a rising town of the Campagna. Zosimus, his
successor, stands alone, though in later times many Greeks were
to ascend the Papal throne. Our authority describes Boniface I.
1 For the poem " Virgo Maria, tibi Xystus nova tecta dicavi" &c, see Analecta
rom., 1, 77. The figures of the martyrs alluded to in the text stood most likely on the
inside wall above the entrance beside Mary, and not, as Duchesne opines, between the
windows on both sjdes of the nave. They were bringing their crowns to Mary (" tibi
praemia portant"). Had their position been what Duchesne supposes, they would have
been turning their backs on the High Altar, which is scarcely likely. Besides, the
figures were probably not numerous enough to form long rows. I am inclined to think
that they were five in number, with Xystus himself as a sixth, each with the symbol
of his manner of death under his feet : "ferrum, fiamma, ferae, fluvius, saevumque
venenum " (v. 7). No reliance can be placed on the chronology of J. P. Richter and
A. C. Cameron, The Golden Age of Classic Christian Art (1904), so far as the antiquity
of the mosaics is concerned.

38 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 226
as Romanus, Celestine I. as Campanus, and Xystus III. as
Romanus} Going on further we next find Leo the Great, in the fifth
century, described as Tuscus, Hilary as Sardus, Simplicius as
Tiburtinus, Felix III. as Romanus, Gelasius as Afer, Anas
tasius II. as Romanus, and Pope Symmachus as Sardus. The
last had come unbaptized to Rome from the island of Sardinia,
where paganism had long held its ground, and had received baptism
in his new home.2 We do not hear that the Papal elections were
disturbed by national jealousy or by selfish wrangling among
different provinces ; but other motives, principally ambition and
lust of power, were frequently responsible for the setting up of
rival candidates, who, by gathering about them their supporters,
caused grave dissensions.
The pontificate of Damasus was much disquieted at its com
mencement, and even later, by the pretensions of Bishop Ursinus
and his adherents who belonged to the sect of the Luciferians.
Popular tumults led to bloodshed even in the churches, and cast
a dark shadow upon the rule of Damasus, the rightful bishop.
Ursinus and his party again raised a riot at the election of Siricius.
Under each of these Popes the Imperial power was exerted in
defence of the legitimate Head of the Church.8
When, later on, Boniface I. was chosen, ambition and party
feeling at once took the field against him, causing great mischief.
The election had been held in the customary manner by the
Roman clergy, with the acclamation of the populace and of the
leading people of the city. About seventy priests signed the
deed of election, and Boniface received episcopal consecration
in the presence of nine bishops of various provinces then staying
in Rome. Whilst the service for the repose of the soul of Boni
face's predecessor was still in progress, his rival, the Archdeacon
Eulalius, had begun his evil work at the Lateran Basilica, and
was successful in persuading the Bishop of Ostia — possibly by
threats — to consecrate and enthrone him as Pope. The Bishop
of Ostia, as occupant of the largest diocese in the neighbourhood
of Rome, had the prerogative of consecrating the Bishop of
1 Cp. HARNACK, Uber die Herkunft der 48 (47) ersten Pdpste, Berlin, 1904.
2 For Symmachus, see Duchesne, Liber pont., 1, 263, note 1.
3 Valentinian I. on the election of Siricius (Ep. 2 ad Pinian.) : " Quoniam religiosum
Siricium antistitem sanctitatis praeesse sacerdotio sic voluerunt, ut Ursinum improbum
acclamationibus violarenl, nostro cum gaudio metnoratus episcopus ipse permaneat"

no. 227] THE POPES AT HOME 39
Rome; he alone could invest the new Pope with the Pallium,
though the rule was for the Bishops of Albanum and of Portus to
assist him at the consecration. But, in spite of the concurrence
of the Bishop of Ostia, Eulalius failed to secure recognition, and
was reckoned an intruder. The Emperor Honorius rejected his
election, and then instituted a suit against him for repeated
violations of the law.1
After this the Papal elections of the fifth century again took
place peacefully. It was not till the very end of the century that
the interference of German rulers, anxious to follow the example
of the Arians and Byzantines, again brought confusion.
227. The glamour which very early surrounded the Bishop of
Rome was certainly likely to become a temptation and rouse the
ambition of the worldly-minded members of the higher clergy.
That occasionally the highest spiritual dignity would be sought
from sordid motives was in no wise unlikely, human nature being
what it is.
The steadily increasing importance in the social position of
the Popes was an outcome of the increase in their ecclesi
astical dignity, with which it proceeded hand in hand. The
Bishop of Rome found himself involved in countless civil and
political affairs of the City and of Italy. State legislation not
only justified, but even demanded, his intervention, requiring, as
it did, that the bishops should have a large share in the civil
government of the Empire. The protection of the suffering and
helpless was left to them ; they had full jurisdiction over the
clergy, and could settle matters in dispute between clergy and
laity, and between all parties who chose voluntarily to appeal to
them, even in purely civil matters. The episcopal sentence might
also be executed by the secular arm, though the bishops refrained
from sitting in cases where the crime was a capital one. They
also held a certain right of supervision over government depart
ments and the administration of justice, besides having joint con
trol over municipal property. The rulers well knew that, at that
decadent period, their own officials were not to be depended on.
Consequently everywhere, but more especially in Italy, so far
removed from the headquarters of the Government, the privi
leges and dignity of the bishops increased. This must have been
particularly the case with the Bishops of Rome.
1 Edicts of Honorius in Baronius, ad ann. 419, n. 30, 33.

40

ROME AND THE POPES [No. 227

We may here cite the Bishopric of Milan as an instance in
point, as we have a description of St. Ambrose's daily audientia.
At this "audience," which he, like other bishops, was wont to
hold, he was approached by people of every class who had
recourse to him for all sorts of purposes, oftentimes for matters
of a wholly secular character, or to seek his advice or arbitration.
His integrity and unselfishness, and his keen knowledge of the
world, made him to be sought after by all. One can well believe
that a similar state of affairs prevailed in Rome, particularly when
the Pope was a man of high personal standing, or had held office in
the State before entering the Church, or belonged to a respected
senatorial family.
The spiritual head of the world's metropolis also shared the
fascination exercised by the name of the City of Rome. Any one
taking the lead in public affairs there would naturally speak with
authority throughout the rest of Italy. The removal of the Imperial
residence and the absence of the Court had the effect that, both in
the country and in Rome itself, the eyes of all were fixed upon the
Pope. We have already seen above, how the Popes occupied
themselves in momentous State matters and in embassies for the
sake of Rome and of Italy generally.
A material foundation was also created for the Roman Bishops
by rich donations of landed property. These possessions gradu
ally grew into groups of so-called " Patrimonies," thanks to the
revenues of which the Popes could practise liberality on a vast
scale. In Rome the support of the poor and needy was gradually
delegated to the Church. In course of time it was left to the
Church to bestow the gifts formerly distributed by the Govern
ment, the so-called annona. Even the squares and buildings
where the frumentatio was performed of old became, as we shall
see, after the sixth century, regular and official centres for distri
bution of the Papal alms.
If we add to the dignity with which all these worldly functions
invested the Roman Bishops, the wealth and magnificence of their
churches, especially of the Lateran and St. Peter's, the splendour of
the liturgy and other services performed in them, the veneration
shown to the Pope as Supreme Pontiff by faithful pilgrims to
Rome, and even by sovereigns, who were only too happy to
prostrate themselves before the tomb of Peter, and leave their
precious gifts on the altars of the Apostles, then we shall see why

no. 227] THE POPES AT HOME 41
the Papal dignity stood forth even outwardly as an office of the
greatest honour. The Popes took precedence over the highest
representatives of the Emperor. Even the Emperors, when they
appeared in public, gave way to bishops, as to a higher power.
In processions the Emperor Marcian had Anatolius, Bishop of
Constantinople, borne in a litter, while he himself went on foot.
The Emperors Leo I. and Justinian, on similar occasions, also
made the Patriarch ride in their State carriage, while they walked.
The Romans, moreover, set such store on external parade
that, on pain of seeing their prestige diminished, the Popes could
not afford to dispense with a certain amount of outward show, by
which they impressed the populace and enhanced their authority.
Even the latest hostile critic of the Papacy is willing to allow that
" the Roman Bishops were not to be blamed for having surrounded
their office with some outward pomp."1
We possess two independent allusions emanating from' heathen
Romans to the outward magnificence of the Papacy. One is
by the statesman Praetextatus. According to St. Jerome, the
pagan Praetextatus, who had attained the dignity of a Consul-
designate, was wont to say jestingly to Pope Damasus that he
would gladly become a Christian if they would only elect him
Bishop of Rome. The other comes from Zosimus. This heathen
historian, when speaking of the struggle between Ursinus and
Damasus, labours to paint the position of the Bishop of Rome in
the worst possible colours, as an office begetting greed, and to be
obtained only by party strife. In Rome, he says, everything is on
so grand a scale that no efforts are too great for those who desire
this office. Having attained their aim, they may rest assured
that they will be well rewarded with the gifts of the matrons.
They can drive about the city in carriages and rich apparel.
They can give richer banquets than any king. And yet, he
adds, in a fit of stoicism, they would in truth be happier did they
despise the pomp of the city, and follow the example of many
provincial bishops, who make themselves agreeable to the eternal
Deity and His true worshippers by moderation in eating and
drinking, by simplicity in dress, by the modesty of their downcast
eyes, and by pure and virtuous lives. Such are the sentiments of
a pagan.2
1 RADE, Damasus, p. 49.
2 Praetextatus, in Hieron. Contra loan. Ierus., n. 8 (P.L., XXIII., 355). Amm.
Marc, 27, n. 3.

42 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 228
228. Christian contemporaries, and even strict moralists — for
instance, St. Jerome — generally speak with commendation and
respect of the personal character of the Popes with whom they
were brought into contact. Jerome has warm praise and appre
ciation for Anastasius I. and Innocent I. Damasus he calls "a
man wonderfully well versed in Holy Writ — the Virgin Teacher
of the.Virgin Church." Though the party of Ursinus represented
their opponent as a remorseless persecutor, and slandered him in
every way, there is more likelihood in the portrait left of him
by Rufinus, Socrates, and Sozomen, and in the supposition that
his was really the persecuted party. He is highly spoken of by
Theodoret as "distinguished by the adornment of very many
virtues." His predecessor, Pope Liberius, is not only honoured by
Ambrose with the title of " Blessed," but is also described by him
as widely esteemed on account of his virtue. The Greeks, Epi
phanius and Basil, extol him as " most Blessed " and " most holy." 1
Going back farther, we find three Popes of the fourth century,
Julius I., Mark, and Silvester, whose names as early as 354 were
already in the Roman calendar of feasts. They were therefore
venerated publicly at a date when their memory was yet quite fresh.2
The Church of Rome also felt justified in ascribing sanctity to
their successors, with the sole exception of Zosimus. All the
others, down to 422, whom we met above, were reckoned saints,
their names standing in the most reliable extant martyrological
authority, viz. in that which bears the name of Jerome, though it
was not compiled by him, but by an anonymous writer in the time
of Xystus III. As this so-called Martyrologium Hieronymianum
ends, so far as Italy is concerned, with the years immediately
following Celestine I., the last of which it includes a commemo
ration was that of Celestine's predecessor, Boniface I. The
Martyrology also commemorates the latter's consecration day,
and likewise those of Innocent I. and Liberius.3
1 Jerome, Ep. 48, n. 17; Rufinus, Hist, eccl., II., 10 P.L., XXL, 521 ; Socrates,
IV., 29 P.G., LXVIL, 541; Sozom., VI., 23 E.G., 1348; Theodor., II., 17 P.G.,
LXXXIL, 1052 : irap.ir6X\ois Se dpeTijs Koop.06p.evos etSeoiv. Cp. Zeitsch. fiir kath. Theol., 8
(1884), 192, on the opposite view of Rade. AMBROSE, De virg., 3, c. 1. For the history
of the worship given to Pope Liberius, see DE ROSSI, Bullett. arch, crist., 1883, p. 56 ff,
and in the Katholik, 1884, I., 16; also my own article Liberius in the Kirchenlexikon,
7 2, 1950.
2 Depositio episcoporum (A.D. 354), in DUCHESNE, Liber pont., I, 10.
3 Martyroloqium Hierotiymianum, ed. DE ROSSI and DUCHESNE, in Acta SS.
II. Nov.

no. 229] CHARACTER OF THE POPES 43
The Eastern Church also included in its liturgy the feasts of
many of the Popes we have named, for at that time schism had
not yet broken the bond and rendered mutual appreciation impos
sible. The so-called Menology of St. Basil repeatedly adds to
their names panegyrics in the Greek style. It is worth noting
that the Greek office compares Pope Silvester to "an over
shadowing cloud, which divided the faithful from the [Arian]
errors of Egypt, and ever led them, with unerring doctrine, to
the Divine Light."1
The Church's gratitude in this way kept alive the memory of
the pastors who had ruled her, and of the cares and troubles
which they had experienced in their zeal for the House of God.
Their office was in truth one which involved far more solicitude
and anxiety than earthly grandeur.
229. Perusing the remains — mere fragments of the imposing
mass of correspondence emanating from the Lateran — which
have been collected by the care of Coustant, Thiel, Jaffe, and
others, we can, with their aid, form some idea of the wearisome
labours imposed upon the Pope's scribes, advisers, and helpers
by the interest of the Universal Church. We can well under
stand how the Popes themselves in their letters sorrowfully
speak of their office as an onerous post, full of responsibility.
Everywhere the consciousness is expressed of their urgent duty,
and the anxiety lest their own strength should prove insuffi
cient for their exalted task. Yet courage never failed them,
and we cannot read far into their letters without encountering
the expression of their confidence in the Divine Guide, who
ever stands by His Church and His faithful servants in time of
danger. In the unpretentious but thoroughly authentic monu
ment which the early Papacy created for itself in its letters, not
the slightest trace will be found of any worldly pride or attempt
to make vain parade of the Primacy. Those people will be sorely
deceived who read these letters under the prejudice — now happily
exploded so far as historical circles are concerned — that the
Roman Bishops, aiming only at power and influence, were always
on the lookout for opportunities to interfere, in order to entangle
the whole Church in the nets of a Primacy invented by them-
1 Cp. Nilles, Kalendarium manuale utriusque ecclesiae orientalis et occidentalis
(2. ed., 1896), for Silvester, I., 51 : vecpiXr] OKidc^ovcra . . . irpbs ffdav aiyjjv Lieracpipovo-a reus
airXavicri 5t5axais iKaffTOTe.

44 ROME AND THE POPES [N0.229
selves. For such a supposition there is not a tittle of evidence,
and we have already given countless proofs to the contrary. We
have seen how, in case after case, the Popes decided to intervene
either because they were assailed by appeals from the East or
from the West, or because the Church's peace, or doctrines, or
ordinances, or the moral law made their interference necessary.
The reader of these letters will be struck not only by the
burden of responsibility which lay on the Bishops of Rome, but
also by their burden of sorrow, anxiety, and disappointment.
This becomes evident in cases of obstinate conflicts within the
Church's pale, after disastrous failures and when harsh and jealous
constructions were placed upon the steps taken by the Popes.
Misfortunes such as the last cannot fail to occur so long as the
administration of the Church rests in human hands. The Papal
registers show abundantly that men of the utmost piety were
sometimes the cause of bitter pain to their ecclesiastical superiors,
through mistrust or self-will, or through resisting Papal measures
even without thereby calling the Primacy into question.
To take a case in point : African Councils and whole provinces
of the Church in the first half of the fifth century undertook to
defend against Rome their own view regarding the matter of
appeals, and did so with great obstinacy and no small heat. The
Popes were indeed offended by their attitude of independence,
though the Africans had no thought of unsettling the authority
of Rome. Likewise, when the African Bishops denounced
Pelagius to Pope Zosimus with more than usual warmth, the
Pope, in his reply, was at no pains to conceal his irritation. Yet
the bishops were not actuated by any enmity to the Primacy, but
wholly by their eminently praiseworthy desire to put an end to a
dangerous sect. In this instance it is possible, too. that the hot
blood of the Africans may have influenced unduly their language.
Though fully conscious of the need of brotherly union and of
obedient submission to Peter, the old self-assertiveness of the
Roman, the characteristic spirit of the various provinces, and, at a
later date, the independence of the newly converted nations, often
led even pious bishops to use language as forcible as it was
natural. To us their conduct may appear blunt and disrespectful,
but in reality it involved nothing worthy of censure. Nor can
obedience to Rome have been equally easy to all, particularly
when the Popes were less highly gifted, or less distinguished by

no.23o] LEO THE GREAT 45
their deeds or sufferings than was the case, for instance, with such
great defenders of the Church against heresy and schism as
Athanasius, Basil, or Cyril of Alexandria. Others by their
personal talents often towered far above the modest occupant of
St. Peter's See. But it is very instructive to observe how, never
theless, the feeling was rife that the doctrinal authority of this
venerable See outweighed the brilliancy of writers, the profundity
of scholars, and even the strength of great characters. The famous
Fathers of the Church disperse, indeed, the mists of error and
heal the wounds of distracted Churches. But it is the divinely
appointed dignity of the Bishop of Rome which in all struggles
has restored the balance of minds. Conformity to his doctrine and
communion with him, even for the most learned champions of the
Church, are a pledge that they are not wandering through the
labyrinths of error, but stand with the successors of Peter upon
the Rock of Truth.
The Pontificate which follows that of Xystus III. shows how
high could be the dignity of the Primacy when held by a man
equally brilliant as a Bishop, a Father of the Church, and a states
man. The successor of Xystus was Leo the Great (440-461).
The extant letters of Pope Leo are far more numerous than
those of all his predecessors taken together. These letters
minutely describe the spiritual government of Rome at the time
of the declining Western Empire. Although the letters, 143 in
number, are not the original collection from the Lateran archives,
nor even selected thence, they nevertheless afford us consider
able information (considerable, that is, in comparison with the
little known of earlier ages) of the working of the Roman
Primacy.1 Pope Leo the Great
230. No previous Pope, nor any one of his successors until
Gregory the Great, was enabled by circumstances to exert so
great and permanent an influence upon the progress of the
Church as Leo I.
1 Pertz says (Archiv der Gesellschaft fur altere deutsche Geschichtskunde, 5 (1824), 29 :
"The letters of Leo 1. are . . . not fragments of his Regestum, but have been gleaned
here and there." He is here referring to the printed collection, probably to the excellent
edition of Leo's works by the brothers Ballerini (Venet. I7S3-I7.57>- The quotations
in our text will be from this edition, which has been reprinted by Migne (see P.L., LIV.-
LVL, for the letters, with Ballerini's introduction, LIV., 551-1213).

46 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 230
His peculiar and historic merit lies in the fact that, with the
help of providence, he kept alive the consciousness of unity at a
time when Roman State organisation was collapsing in the West,
whilst in the East heretical onslaughts were bringing the Church
to the verge of an abyss.
The political bond uniting the West, which had rendered such
invaluable services to the spread and consolidation of the Faith,
was now burst asunder, though not before it had been replaced by
a new and imperishable union of the nations in one Faith, under
the one shelter of the Church and her one spiritual chief, who with
Old Rome as his headquarters was universally revered, and ruled
all consciences with that authority which Christ vested in St. Peter.
In Leo's day the East was wrangling over doctrinal difficulties
and losing all its power by disunion. To its help came the Roman
Church, successfully straining every nerve to preserve her Eastern
sister-Churches — almost against their will — in the quickening
Communion of Faith. With the assistance of the Pope the most
brilliant CEcumenical Council of antiquity imposed on all con
sciences the dogmatic decision which the Bishop of Rome had
already pronounced, a very beacon, which then, and later, amidst
the rocks and shoals which compass the doctrine of Christ's two
fold nature, was to lead back erring ones to unity. " Throughout
the world," writes Leo to Constantinople, " we are linked together
by the unbroken bond of our chaste union. . . . Let us respect
this unity and love this lofty spiritual alliance. . . . The Faith
which is its support has been so fortified by God that no malicious
heresy can weaken, no heathen superstition destroy it. ..."
"Through the Christian faith," he says further on, "the city
of Rome holds wider sway than through her earthly rule." 1
Should the reader, however, be inclined to fancy that this
Pontificate consisted mainly in a triumphal progress of a areat
Pope through his era, he will soon be undeceived by Leo's letters.
They reflect, in the manner described above, the laborious and
anxious office of a shepherd of souls. In them we obtain a
glimpse into the tedious way in which the oversight of the
bishoprics claims the Pope's care, particularly the supervision of
1 Ep. 80, n. 1. Serm. 3, n. 3 (on firmness of Faith). See this and other corresponding
passages in It primato romano nel secolo V., secondo i detti di san Leone Magno e dei suoi
co?itetnporanei, in Analecta romana, 1, 307-332. Serm. 82, n. 1 : " ut per sacram beaii
Petri sedem caput orbis effecta, latius praesideres religione divina quam dominatione
terrena."

no. 23i] LEO THE GREAT 47
his own province in Italy. There were questions to be settled
by his supreme power, jurisdiction to be conferred to deal with
others, and censure and encouragement to be duly meted out
after investigation of the circumstances. The great questions of
the day force themselves also into notice, usually not from their
brighter side for the Papacy, but with the weighty and respon
sible tasks which they entailed upon the occupant of Peter's
See. "A thing to shudder at" is what Leo calls the throne of
Peter with its responsibilities ; he will, however, remain in this
" bondage " in the service of God and of souls, and bear this
" servitude " in which his office has placed him. The grandeur,
which attracts and pleases him, is not the outward pomp of
his office, but that inward strength of soul which comes by
"Faith, Hope, and Charity." Though feeling that the task
imposed by his post is beyond him, he consoles himself by
thinking that "the worthiness of Peter will not be lessened
by the unworthiness of his heir." 1

231. Leo's solicitude for the faithful in Rome, who stood
under his immediate supervision, led him during the early days
of his Pontificate to detect a growing Manichaean influence in the
city. The Manicheean sect, which was banned even by the State,
was notorious for its disgraceful immorality. The Bishop showed
the utmost zeal in his action against this relic of Paganism in
Rome, which, according to Leo, should shine before the rest of
Christendom as a " royal and priestly city." 2
He had the books of the Manichaeans gathered together and
burnt, warned the people in sermons, recommended good works,
prayer, and fasting, as efficient means of preserving religion, and
handed over the refractory to the State to be punished by exile.
He informed the bishops of Italy of what he had discovered and
of the steps he had taken. The united vigilance of the episcopate,
the imitation, even in the East, of the example set by Leo, and
the putting in force by Valentinian III. of the older penal enact-
1 "Materia trepidationis" — "Opus ministerii" (Serm. 5, n. 4). "Fides, spes et
caritas" (ibid., n. 2). "Petri dignitas etiam in indigno haerede non deficit" (Serm.
3, n. 3).
2 " . . . gens sancta, populus electus, civttas sacerdotahs et regta " (Serm. 82, n. 1).

48 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 231
ments, erected a barrier against further encroachments of the
pernicious sect.1
Certain decrees sent by Pope Leo to the Archbishops of
Aquileia and Ravenna give us a vivid glance into the sad state
of public affairs, and the misery of the people during the incur
sions of the barbarian nations. The Church here again endeavoured
to re-establish order and console the sufferers. The Pope settled
the questions of such marriages as were interrupted by the
captivity of one or other of the parties ; the difficulties which
arose through people joining in the idolatrous rites of the bar
barians ; those which concerned the administration of the sacra
ments to victims of persecution, and many other such-like points.2
Leo's intervention was called for in Spain, in consequence
of the melancholy accounts sent him about the progress there
of Priscillianism. He ordered Bishop Turibius of Astorga, in
whom he placed special confidence, to organise a General Council
of all the Spanish Bishops. A Commonitorium on the Priscillian
heresy, written by the Pope, was to be laid before the Council
for its guidance, and Papal letters with the text of the doctrinal
formulary were despatched to all the Bishops of the country.
In consequence of the political situation, the proposed Spanish
Council never took place after all, for Spain was being rent
asunder by barbarian immigrants. Two partial Synods were
however held. They served, on the one hand, to purge and
stimulate the episcopate, of which the doctrine was not altogether
above suspicion, and, on the other, to confirm the orthodox people
in their Faith.3
Leo also found disorders rife in the episcopate of pro-consular
Africa. There the Vandals had not yet penetrated, but the re
laxation of discipline, which usually accompanied the irruption
of new nations into the old provinces of the Empire, was already
rampant. Bishop Potentius, deputed by Leo as his legate, had to
1 Leo, Serm. 16, Prosp. Chron., ad a. 447. Valentinian III., decree of June 19, 445,
P.L., LI V., 622 : "Nobis tutum non est negligere tam detestandam divinitatis iniuriam!'
Leo's principle was : " Contra communes hastes pro salute communi una onmium debet
esse vigilantia" (Horn. cit.).
2 Ep. 159, to Archbishop Nicetas of Aquileia. Ep. 166, to Archbishop Neonas of
Ravenna. 3 Ep. 15 ad Turibium Asturicensem episc, written in 447. Leo speaks in this of the
epistola, the cotnmonitorium, and the libellus of Turibius. He says : " plenissimo dis-
quiratur examine, an sint aliqui inter episcopos," &c. On the two Councils — at Toledo,
probably in 447, and" in municipio Cetenensi" (Province of Gallascia) — see Mansi, 3,
1002 ff. ; Hefele, 2, 306.

no. 232] LEO THE GREAT 49
take steps against bishops inducted in flagrant violation of the
Church's canons. The Pope firmly insisted on the observance
of the laws for episcopal election and consecration ; nevertheless
he was willing, so he intimated, "mindful of the customary
indulgence of the Apostolic See," to leave in possession of their
office those who had been suddenly promoted from the laity to
a bishopric, unless indeed other impediments called for their
expulsion.1 In Africa, as elsewhere, the activity of the Primate in super
vising the dioceses, compensated for the negligence of the bishops,
due sometimes to want of zeal or ability, sometimes to the mis
fortunes of the age.
232. It was necessary that the church provinces of Gaul
should be linked up more closely with the centre of the Church,
if the Catholics were not to be overwhelmed by the Arian
Visigoths, who were establishing themselves in Gaul as well
as in Spain. In most of the Germanic States despotism was
the only law. Pope Leo accordingly sought to place the existing
Apostolic Vicariate of Aries on a firmer footing. The city of
Aries was the principal seat of government for the territories
still under Roman sway. An arrangement contemplated pre
viously was now introduced, whereby the Archbishop of Aries
should not only rule his own province, but also, as delegate of
the Apostolic See, supervise ecclesiastical discipline in the whole
of Gaul. The Pope subordinated to Ravennius of Aries nearly
the whole province of Vienne, leaving to the Archbishop of
Vienne only his own Metropolitan See, with the dioceses of
Valentia, Tarantasia, Genava, and Gratianopolis as suffragans.2
This division, after having been altered for a while under
Anastasius II., was confirmed anew by Pope Symmachus. It
excited great jealousy during the Middle Ages, and, to overthrow
it, a whole series of spurious deeds, Papal and otherwise, were
forged.
1 Ep. 12 : " Universis episcopis per Caesariensem Mauritaniam constitutis." Leo says
he has sent Potentius "pro sollicitudine, quam universae ecclesiae ex divina institutione
dependimus" ; and further on : " cogimur secundwn sedis apostolicae pietatem nostram
temperare sententiam."
2 Ep. 66, to the Bishops of the Province of Aries : " Viennensis episcopus . . . vicinis
sibi quattuor oppidis praesidebit, id est . . ." Then follow the names given above, i.e..
in their modern form, Valence, Tarantaise, Geneva, and Grenoble. For the previous
differences between Leo and Hilary of Aries, cp. Ep. 10 and u, my article Leo I..
(Kirchenlexikon y2, 1762) and the works of SCHMITZ and Duchesne, quoted above
(vol. i. p. 345, note 3).
VOL. II. D

50 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 233
As the Pope's vicar, Ravennius assembled a Synod at Aries
in 451, consisting of forty-four bishops from different parts of
Gaul. We still have the text of the respectful address sent by
the Synod to the Holy See. According to the custom of that
day, the subscribers added to their names a form of salutation :
" I greet your Apostleship ; your Holiness ; your Beatitude ; or
your Crown."1
One of Leo's most serious encounters with highly placed
bishops was in Eastern Illyricum. There he had actually to
shield the rights of the simple Metropolitans against the Vicar
of the Apostolic See, Anastasius of Thessalonica. Ever desirous
of defending right and justice, the Pope declared that he would
make it a matter of honour to defend the dignity of his episcopal
brethren against any vain assumption of supremacy. Anastasius,
oblivious of his rightful authority, had treated his subordinate
bishops with harshness. His plan seems to have been to play
the Metropolitan over all the provinces of the country. A letter
of censure from the watchful Pontiff disturbed his proceedings.
Perhaps in no other epistle does Leo write so sternly. The letter,
moreover, seems to have been wholly written by him, for it
displays the well-known style of the homilies ; on the other hand,
many of the other letters evidently emanate from the Papal
chancery.2 233. This remarkable document acquaints us with the principles
which the Pope had traced out for his own guidance in the high
position he occupied. "Whoever is placed above others, and
declines to bear patiently a heavy burden on his own shoulders,
must not presume to impose an unbearable load on another.
We are all disciples of a Master, lowly and gentle, who has said :
' Learn of Me, because I am meek and humble of heart, and
ye shall find rest to your souls. For My yoke is sweet, and
My burden light.' This we shall certainly never experience in
ourselves, if we do not follow out the other words of the Master :
' Whosoever will be greater among you, let him be your minister,'
and if we do not also remember that, ' whosoever shall exalt him
self, shall be humbled ; and he that shall humble himself, shall be
exalted..' "
1 Ep. 69 inter epp. Leon, with the address : " Domino vere sancto, merito in Christo
beatissimo et apostolico honore venerando papae Leoni Ravennius, Rusticus," &c.
2 Ap. 14, to Anastasius. Cp. ep. 6 to the same, and ep. 5 and 13 to the Metropolitans
of Eastern Illyricum.

No. 233]

LEO THE GREAT

5i

This letter, permeated as it is by the spirit of Christian
humility, affords us considerable information concerning the
powers of the Supreme Pontiff.
Most of Leo's statements regarding the Primacy have the
advantage of being carefully worded, clear, and brief. They
contain nothing which had not already been said before, and
in substance they repeat the declarations of earlier Popes, and
of other distinguished members of the Church. The scene
of the bestowal of the Law on Peter (111. 86), so frequent
in the early Christian art of Rome, may be said to comprise
them all. The utterances of all such writers were but varied

111. 86. — Bestowal of the Law on Peter.
From a graffito of the Catacombs. After Perret, Les Catacombes, 5 PI. 3, and a model
of the same in SS. Cosma e Damiane at Anagni.

attestations to one and the same Faith of the Church. Sen
tences, however — such as the following, from the letter of Leo
to the Archbishop of Thessalonica — owing to their masterly
wording, remained rivetted in the memory of posterity, and to
them this Pope owes it that he is revered as the peculiar teacher
of the Primacy of Peter : " All bishops have the same dignity
(of episcopal consecration) ; but they are not equal in rank (i.e.
in jurisdiction). Among the Apostles also, though they were
otherwise equal, one towered above the rest. Upon this is based
the difference of rank among the bishops ; among whom it has
been most wisely ordained, that no one should assume every right
he pleases." x
1 Ep. 14, c. 11 (P.L., LIV, 676 : "quibus (sacerdotibus) cum. dignitas sit communis,
non est tamen ordo generalis, quoniam et inter beatissimos aposlolos," &c.

52 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 234
" In each province of the Church one bishop (the Metropolitan)
has a leading voice among his episcopal brethren. In some great
cities again there are others appointed with still more extensive
powers (the Patriarchs). Through these intermediaries the care
of the whole Church is concentrated in the one chair of Peter,
no member being separated from the head." The pre-eminence
of the Metropolitans and Patriarchs, he says in the same epistle,
is grounded "upon the statutes established by the holy Fathers."
The Primacy is the outcome of a " Divine institution." Thanks
to this highest authority, he is at pains to impress upon the
Metropolitan of Thessalonica, he was indeed appointed to "have
a share in our cares, but not to exercise the plenitude of our
power." The Pope thereby alludes to the special faculties vested
in the archbishop as Apostolic Vicar in Eastern Illyricum.1

234. From Eastern Illyricum we will proceed to the
Patriarchate of Constantinople.
This region of the Church at the time of Leo the Great, or
at least after 449, was in a violent state of turmoil, so much so
that the waves surging from Byzantium involved the other
Patriarchates, and were felt even in the distant West.
This is not the place to describe the origin and growth of
the Monophysite heresy of Eutyches- In the same see of Con
stantinople, whence Nestorius had been expelled on account of
his heresy, Monophysites now impugned the Catholic doctrine
concerning Christ ; their attack was, however, from an opposite
quarter. The archimandrite Eutyches, unlike Nestorius, did not
say : " The Divine and the human must be separated in Christ, the
Divine Personality being different from the human " ; in his opinion
— which was no whit more consistent with Christian dogma —
Divine and human are so united and blended in Christ that only
one nature exists, a mixed nature, in which the human is
absorbed in the Divine.2
When Flavian, the archbishop of the imperial capital, ex-
1 Ibid., 2 : " secundum sanctorum patrum canones." — c. I : "ex divina institutione." —
c. 1 : " Vices nostras ita tuae credidimus charitati, ut in partem sis vocatus sollicitudinis,.
non in plenitudinem potestatis."
2 Cp. the excellent summary of this heresy in Leo's Sermon 96, preached by him in
the church of St. Anastasia against recent statements to the contrary circulated by mer
chants from Alexandria : " quae impietas et falsum hominem (Christum) et Deum dicit
esse passibilem. Quod quo audeant animo quove consilio," &c.

No-234] LEO THE GREAT

S3

communicated the originator of this heresy for his obstinacy, the
latter carried his complaints to Pope Leo. He also requested the
mediation of the celebrated Peter Chrysologus of Ravenna, who,
however, advised Eutyches to hearken to the voice of the Pope,
who would assuredly vouchsafe a decision which would set all
doubt to rest ; for, said he, " St. Peter, who teaches and presides
from his chair, supplies Truth to those who seek it." 1
After due inquiry, Leo, in effect, did lay down the truth in his
grand " Doctrinal Epistle to Flavian."2
In broad lines and with the stately, fluent language peculiar to
him, the Pope therein exposes the dogma of the Incarnation of
God and of the Person of Christ as defined by Scripture and
tradition. The new and already widespread theory of the
mixed nature, and at the same time also later distortions of the
true Christology, were thus disabled at one blow. Even the later
heresy of the Monothelites, assigning to Christ one only operation
and one only will, was also disposed of beforehand.
But passion, Greek jealousy, and political intrigues were again to
excite a yet more violent quarrel. Every one has heard of the Synod
which met at Ephesus in 449 — that riotous concourse of Bishops
which Leo himself drastically described as the " Robber'Synod " —
of which the object was the definition of heresy. The Apostolic
See had sent legates to Ephesus, that, under their presidency,
an CEcumenical Council might be held. The Council turned
out to be something very different. Dioscorus, Patriarch of
Alexandria, an advocate of Eutyches and his doctrine, alleging
his appointment by Theodosius II., presumed to take the lead.
By dint of brute force he carried through decrees of deposition
against the chief supporters of orthodoxy, first of all against the
venerable Flavian of Constantinople, then against Domnus,
Patriarch of Antioch ; against Eusebius of Dorylaeum, Theo
doret of Cyrus, and others, and even against Pope Leo of
Rome. Of the Papal legates, Hilary the deacon alone succeeded in
saving his life — and that with difficulty — and making his way to
Rome to report to the Pope what had occurred. He also brought
1 Ep. 25 inter epp. Leon. (P.L., LIV., 743). Cp. Analecta romana, Diss. VII. //
primato romano nel secolo quinto, &c, n. 4 : It papato riconosciuto dalla chiesa univer
sale (I., p. 322).
2 Epistola dogmatica ad Flavianum, Ep. 28 (P.L., LIV, 755 ; MANSI, 5, 1365 ; Leon.
Opp., ed. Ballerini, 1, 801 ; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 423), June 13, 449.

54 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 235
with him Flavian's appeal to the Apostolic See, whilst similar
appeals were despatched by the other deposed bishops.
By a lucky discovery the texts of these letters of appeal, sent
by special messengers, were found as recently as 1882.1
In a letter of the much-suffering Patriarch Flavian to the
Pope we find the following: "I beg your Holiness to come
to the East to help, in its distress, the Truth which the
Fathers planted in the sweat of their brow.2 For behold, all
is in disorder ; the Church's law exists no longer ; true doc
trine has vanished, and even the pious are divided among
themselves. When I appealed in the Council to the Apostolic
Throne of Peter, the chief of the Apostles, and unto the whole
Synod assembled under your Holiness, they surrounded me
with soldiers and even prevented me from taking sanctuary at
the Holy Altar. . . . Arise then, defend the Faith of God, and
restore the Church's law ! Send letters both to the people for their
enlightenment, and to the Emperor to explain to him the situa
tion. ... A Council summoned from both West and East should
bring help in the ways God will suggest to you."
235. In the same year, 449, Leo the Great took one of the
steps demanded by Flavian, and sent a strongly worded epistle
to Constantinople. In February, 450, an opportunity at last pre
sented itself to secure the co-operation of the Western rulers and
through them to inform Theodosius II. of the real state of things
and obtain the convocation of an Oecumenical Council in which
the West should be well represented.
The facts of the case have been partially elucidated only quite
recently. In February, 450, the Western Emperor, Valentinian III.,
arrived in Rome with his wife Eudoxia, Theodosius's daughter,
and his mother, Galla Placidia. Their visit gave them an occasion
for paying their respects to the Apostle at his tomb on the feast
of St. Peter's Chair, kept on February 22. In those days this
feast was the festival-day of the Roman Primacy, and many
bishops, even from the most distant districts of Italy, were in
Rome for the occasion. The day after their arrival, the sovereigns
1 For Amelli's discovery in the capitular codex (n. 30) of Novara, see my Analecla
romana, 1, 322 ff, where are also the principal passages of the appeals according to
Amelli, Mommsen, and an edition of my own (Zeitschr. fiir kath. Theologie, 7 1883
191 ff).
2 The codex has " sudore ulttonis tradiderunt." My suggestion is to read : " sudore
vultus sui tradiderunt"

no. 235] LEO THE GREAT . 55
entered the Basilica of St. Peter with a grand train of courtiers
and soldiers, and attended the celebrations both on the Vigil and
the feast itself, also offering rich gifts, according to custom, at the
Apostle's tomb. On the same day, Pope Leo preached one of his
rousing and instructive homilies in honour of St. Peter.
In the recently discovered fragments he speaks to his Romans
of the spectacle offered by the presence of the Court, a now
infrequent scene in the whilom city of the Emperors. " See," cries
the orator, "the government of the first and greatest city of the
world has been bestowed by Christ on a poor man of no account,
like Peter. The sceptres of kings have bowed down before the
wood of the Cross ; the purple of the Court has submitted to the
Blood of Christ and of the martyrs. The Emperor, decked with
his glittering diadem and accompanied by a host of warriors,
comes and seeks the Fisherman's intercession. In his merits
the Monarch recognises a higher grace than in the jewels which
sparkle on his robes. What a mystery of wisdom, what a
marvellous work of God's right hand ! The rich would fain profit
by the merit of the poor — the noble and exalted prostrate them
selves before the burial-place of a man of the lowest estate." l
Before the Imperial family left St. Peter's they were ap
proached by Leo on the subject of the Church's distress in the
East. His keen realisation of the calamity and the importance of
the moment made his voice to choke with sobs. He adjured the
sovereigns to use their influence with the Eastern Emperor
Theodosius II., from whom so much was to be feared, and to
persuade him to leave the head of the Church to deal with the
" Robber-Council" as he saw fit. Theodosius was to be won over
to the cause of holding a great Council in Italy for the restoration
of peace. The Imperial family, moved by Leo's prayers, readily promised
their mediation in favour of the Apostle Peter. We still possess
the separate letters which Valentinian, Eudoxia, and Placidia
thereupon addressed to the Emperor of the East. Amongst
other things, Placidia says in her letter to the Emperor: " We
owe a debt of reverence to this City of Rome, which is the queen
1 The nameless homily was partly published by Morin, who took it from an old MS.
in the British Museum (Addit. 30853, f. 30). Anecdota Maredsolana, 1 (1893), 409.
That Leo was its author, and that it refers to the incidents described, can scarcely admit
of a doubt, if we take into account Tillemont, Hist. eccUs., 15, 600, and Ballerini in
P.L., LIV., 858 (Leo's Ep., 55 ff).

56 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 236
of all countries. We must leave judgment to the Apostolic See,
to which the Apostle, who received the Keys of Heaven, has
bequeathed the direction of the Episcopate." 1
236. The Council did not meet until October, 451, after
Theodosius's death, under his successors Marcian and Pulcheria,
nor did it take place in Italy, but in the East at Chalcedon,
whither it had been somewhat hurriedly convoked by the Imperial
couple with the subsequent assent of Leo. The Pope sent as his
legates to preside over the Synod, Paschasinus, Bishop of Lily-
bseum in Sicily ; Lucentius, another Bishop, and the presbyters
Boniface and Basil. He himself was unable to undertake the
journey to the East, he declared to the Court, for, in consequence
of the approach of the Barbarians, the City of Rome could not be
deprived of his presence.2
The Council, attended by some six hundred bishops, was one
of the most brilliant events in the early history of the Church.
It lost no time in carrying out the plan which the new sovereigns
of the East, in their solicitude for the Church, had already marked
out, namely, to pass decrees conformably with what had been
laid down by the Pope, for the sake of the Church's peace and the
good of religion, and to legislate under his authority.3
The real culmination of the Council was its second session,
when it solemnly accepted Leo's famous dogmatic epistle to
Flavian. " Peter has spoken through the mouth of Leo" — such
was the exclamation of the bishops which resounded through the
Basilica of the martyr Euphemia, before whose tomb they were
assembled. The Council also examined conscientiously and in detail the
reasons for rejecting Monophysism. As the Fathers at the
Council said: "Those who doubt must be enlightened," i.e. by
being shown the proofs of the dogma. Leo's judgment, however,
remained throughout their rule of Faith.4
1 Ep. 56 inter epp. Leon., cp. 55, 57, 58.
2 The Pope took a part in the convocation of the Council : " Generate concilium et ex
praecepto christianorum principum et ex consensu apostolicae sedis placuit congregari."
LEO, ep. 114. Cp. Analecta rom., I, 331. BLOTZER, Der Heilige Stuhl und die bku-
menischen Synoden des Alterthums, in the Zeitschr. fur kath. Theol., 10 (1886), 67-106.
On the presidents, Hefele, 2, 422. Leo stays at Rome : ep. 37, to the Emperor
Theodosius. See also present work, vol. i., p. 94.
3 Pulcheria to Pope Leo, ep. 78 inter epp. Leon. ¦ (oi iirlcKoiroi) oov aidevrovvTos dpicuioiv.
Marcian to Leo, Ep. 77 : /catos -f) ot) ayiwavvq koto, tovs iKKXTjoiacrTiKovs Kav6vas SidTviroiae,
KaTaTedrjaovTal. 1 Reasons were given : " ut qui dubitant doceantur" The decision is to be a " regula
fidei," Tiwos irlo-Tem. Cp. my article already cited : Leo I., col. 1756. Gregor. M. Regist.

no.236] LEO THE GREAT 57
Everywhere the Church, with wonderful alacrity and fervour,
made known its agreement with the Pope's epistle to Flavian,
which was to be a guiding star amidst these and subsequent
perils. In the West, diocesan synods expressed their gratitude
and admiration. The Bishops of Gaul wrote that they accepted
it as a " symbol of Faith." 1
A beautiful legend testifies to the importance attached to that
decision ; it was told in Rome at the time of Gregory the Great,
and then ran its course through the Middle Ages. According to
it, Pope Leo had laid the epistle on the Tomb of St. Peter, and
then for forty days had fasted and watched, beseeching the
Apostle to revise, if necessary, the draft. At the end of that
period he found that the work had been corrected by the Chief
of the Apostles himself. To this another story, which we find
in Moschus, was added in the seventh century. It states that
long after his death Pope Leo repeatedly appeared at the epis
copal residence in Alexandria to the Patriarch Eulogius, the
contemporary of Gregory the Great, to thank him in the name
of St. Peter for having duly carried out what was laid down in
his epistle to Flavian.2
The great CEcumenical Council of 451 not only fixed the
Church's faith in the so-called Chalcedonian Creed, but also
issued a number of canons regarding discipline. Among these
the eighth and twentieth disturbed the peaceful course of events,
and brought protests from Rome. It re-enacted and enlarged
the illegal decree of the second General Council, whereby the
episcopal See of Constantinople was exalted at the expense of
the earlier Eastern Patriarchates. With the other Acts confirmed
by the legates, this decree, to which they had demurred, was
despatched to the Pope, the Council and the Emperor being
anxious to obtain Rome's consent to it. Their hope was, how
ever, vain. Leo's protest, of which the language once more proved
the authority of the Roman Bishop, even in face of an CEcu
menical Council, was as" follows : " Whatever has been settled
6, n. 2, p. 382 ; Jaffe-Ewald, n. 1 38 1 : "St quis autem contra harum quatuor synodo-
rum fidem et contra sanctae memoriae Leonis papae tomum atque definitionem aliquid
umquam loqui praesumit, anathema sit" Gregory here puts the Papal decree on the
same footing as the first four GEcumenical Councils.
1 ". . . Ita ut symbolum fidei" Ravennius, Rusticus, &c, to Pope Leo, ep. 99 inter
epp. Leon.
2 The first legend in Moschus, Pratum spirituale, c. 147 (P.G., LXXXVIL, 301 1),
and in Jacobus a Voragine, Legenda aurea (ed. Grasse, 3, 1890, p. 368). The second
legend in MOSCHUS, I.e., c. 148.

58 ROME AND THE POPES [N0.237
contrary to the decrees of the Nicene Council, we declare void,
and the same, by the power of Blessed Peter the Apostle, we
hereby quash." x Leo also encouraged the Patriarchs of the East,
who had been hit by the decree, to make full use of his support
in fearlessly upholding their rights before the Court and occupant
of the Constantinopolitan See. " The Church of Alexandria,"
he wrote, " must not forfeit aught of the dignity which it received
through the disciple of Peter, St. Mark the Evangelist . . .
likewise the third Church, that of Antioch, where St. Peter be
stowed the Faith on those who were first to be called Christians,
shall not lose her privilege. . . . The highest honour for each is
the saving of his rights."2
On the other hand, the great work achieved by the Council
against the Eutychians was again confirmed by Leo (March 21,
453) in a special encyclical, the heretical party having made his
opposition to the decree mentioned a pretext for insinuating that
he was against the Council. Some decades later, Pope Gelasius I.
could rightly declare : " All depends upon the authority of the
Apostolic See. Of the Synodal transactions, those ratified by the
Apostolic See acquire binding force ; whilst those which it rejected
could not be carried into effect." 3
237. During the subsequent years so great was the solicitude
displayed by Leo in settling the tumults in the East, that no one
would have suspected that historic events deeply concerning him
were in progress in the West ; inroads of the Huns under Attila
in Northern Italy ; Vandals under Genseric in the very heart of
the City.4
In his foresight the Pope at that time made an arrangement
which was to have far-reaching results in the future. He estab
lished Julian, Bishop of the Island of Cos, as his agent at the
Greek capital. Most business with the Court and with the
leading bishops of the East henceforth passed through his hands.
From Julian the Holy See received constant and regular reports
1 " . . . per auctoritatem beati Petri apostoli generali prorsus definitione cassamus."
Ep. 105, to the Empress.
2 Regarding Alexandria and Antioch, Ep. 106 ; see Analecta rom., I, 328.
Cp. JAFFE-KALTENBR., n. 495, 505. "Magnus 'unicuique honor est integritas sua''
Ep. cit.
3 Leo's Encyclical, ep. 114. GELASIUS, Tract, de anathematis vinculo, n. 9 (THIEL,
Ep. rom. pont, 565. P.L., LIX., 107) : " Totum est in sedis apostolicae positum potes-
tate; ita quod firmavit in synodo sedes apostolica, hoc robur obtinuit, quod refutavit,
habere non potuit firmitatem."
4 On Attila and Genseric, see present work, vol. i., p. 93 ff.

No-237] LEO THE GREAT 59
upon the progress of the Eastern Church. The office of this
Bishop later on grew into that of the Papal Apocrisiaries, as the
legates at Constantinople were termed, who in turn were the
forerunners of the Papal Nuncios.
The pent-up discontent of the secular party burst forth in the
East in 457, when the Emperor Leo I. succeeded the more
catholic-minded Marcian.
Leo I. was desirous of winning back the separatists by
granting concessions. This, however, only increased the evil.
At Alexandria, Proterius the Patriarch was murdered, and
with the help of the monks was replaced by the Monophysite
Timothy, surnamed Aelurus, i.e. "the cat." With all the
courage which he owed to his apostolic office, the Pope in a
letter to the weak Emperor urged him to remember his duty
to the Church. " I speak," he writes to the Byzantine autocrat,
"with the liberty which comes from faith. . . . Never forget that
Imperial power has been granted thee, not merely to rule the
world, but mainly to protect the Church. To endeavour to set
up again what Peter has overthrown — which is the aim of the
heterodox — is to perform the work of Antichrist. On no
account may the decrees of Chalcedon and Nicsea be called in
question in any negotiations with the Monophysites. Blood
stained heretics must not be allowed to dictate in matters of
religion to the confusion of believers. Still less should they
be permitted to appropriate, episcopal sees, as they had done at
Alexandria." x
The sternness of such passages as the above is, however,
tempered by words of kindness and forbearance.
The Popes and their chancery rarely forgot, when writing
to the sovereigns, to. express their deep respect for the position,
and their devotion to the persons, of the rulers. Such language
was required by the laws of diplomatic intercourse and by the
curial style, no less than by the dictates of Christianity and
prudence. In cases where the Popes were forced to protest against the
despotism or wrong committed by the Emperor, we may there-
1 Ep. 156 (Dec. 1, 457) : " Utor catholicae fidei libertate. . . . Debes incunctanter
advertere, regiam potestatem tibi non ad solutn mundi regitnen, sed maxime ad ecclesiae
praesidium esse collatam, ut ausos nefarios comprimendo et quae" &c. Cp. Ep. 60, ad
Pulcheriam A ugustam : " Res humanae aliter tutae esse non possunt, nisi quae ad divinam
confessiottem pertinent, et regia et sacerdotalis defendat auctoritas."

60 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 237
fore expect to find stress laid on such good qualities as the ruler
possessed. Pope Leo's admonitory letter to his Imperial
namesake is an instance in point, particularly the clever
introduction. The style of Leo's chancery was largely imitated by Papal
secretaries in later times, particularly so long as Graeco- Roman
culture prevailed, though occasionally they spoiled it by paying
too great attention to Byzantine taste. An effort was also made
to follow the tradition of the fine dignified rhythm of Leo's
language, particularly the metrical movement at the end of the
sentences, called after his name Cursus Leonmus}
Pope Leo, by dint of firmness and consideration, succeeded in
winning over the Emperor. Timothy Aelurus was removed from
the see he had usurped, and the position of the champions of
Chalcedon was strengthened. Pope Leo, with great delight, sent
from his See of Peter, now once again recognised, his congratula
tions to Timothy Salophaciolus, the new Patriarch of Alexandria.
This last letter on the Eastern question is also the last known
document by Leo's own hand. After having been so successful,
he could safely leave to his successors in Rome the task of com
pleting his work against the Monophysites.
This letter to a brother bishop closes with a sentence which
sounds like Pope Leo's own motto : " Imitate the Good Shepherd,
who seeks for the lost sheep and brings it back on his shoulder. . . .
In thy zeal for the service of God, aim at winning back to Him,
by the prayers of the Church, all those who have in any way
strayed from it. That mysterious building which is the Faith
admits of no divisions ; like a true shepherd of souls gather them
all in under this roof." 2
This letter of greeting, which was despatched with other
1 On the " Cursus Leoninus" see Noel Valois, Bibliothique de He'cole des chartes,
1881, p. 161 ff. On the revival of this Cursus under Urban II., see Duchesne, ibid.,
1889, p. 161 ff. The Liber pont., 2, 311, says of Gelasius II. that before becoming Pope
he had been appointed cancellarius to the Holy See, " ut . . . antiqui leporis et elegantiae
stilum in sede apostolica iam pene omnem deperditum . . . reformaret et leoninum cursum
lucida velocitate reducerel." Cp. Revue des quest, hist., 1892, 1, 253 ff. (L. COUTURE :
Le cursus ou rhythme prosaiqite dans la liturgie et la litte'rature de le'glise latine).
Histor. Jahrb., 14 (1893), 208.
2 Ep. 171. In the evening of his life, Leo XIII. also had words of affection and
conciliation for the East, striving to lead back our separated brethren to their Father's
house, i.e. the Church. Thereby Leo was treading in the footsteps of his many high-
minded and far-seeing predecessors. Throughout the history of the Papacy a wonderful
continuity has ruled the successors of St. Peter, and Leo I. seems in many respects a
prototype of Leo XIII.

no. 238] LEO THE GREAT 61
epistles to the clergy of Alexandria and the bishops who had
consecrated Timothy, was written on August 18, 460. At the
end of the next year, Leo's body was already resting in the portico
of St. Peter's.
238. The grand work which Leo achieved in the Church can
be properly estimated only by taking into account all he did for
the good of the State and of society. By his intercourse with the
rulers he was enabled to effect much that was profitable to the
general welfare. At times when Rome and Italy stood in the
most imminent danger he used his influence with a fearlessness
begotten of his Faith, and with a success which can only be
explained by Providence. His bold and imposing encounter with
Genseric saved the lives of the Romans and delivered the city
from destruction by the Vandals, even though it was unavailing
to prevent a partial sack. His meeting with Attila on the
Mincio won him the credit of having delivered Italy from the
Hunnish hordes threatening to overrun the distracted country.
It is unnecessary to recall here the details of those events. What
we have already recorded in the history of the city is sufficient
to show the place Leo occupies in the history of the world.
The twofold deliverance gave an everlasting reputation to the
Papacy, not only in Italy, but in all Christian lands. By such
events of history did Providence, at a period when the over
throw of all traditional authority seemed at hand, safeguard and
strengthen for future times the dignity and authority of Peter's
successor. To the fact that Attila's forward march was checked, first, by
the Roman and Germanic armies on the Catalaunian plains, and
then by the Roman Embassy headed by a defenceless priest, we
owe that the seeds of Roman culture were preserved alive, free
to grow up in the Middle Ages ; had the barbarian Huns succeeded
in overrunning Italy and Europe all civilisation would have been
crushed and stifled. The danger thus dispelled was one which
had threatened, not Rome alone, but also the more promising of
the Germanic races, those which had shown themselves open to
culture and had allied themselves to the Christian Empire. They
were now again at liberty to seek their education at the sole
source of civilisation, and to bring their comrade-nations within
the sphere of influence of the great centre of refinement, until
the Germanic and Romance world had been sufficiently prepared

62 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 239
to take on its own shoulders in the Middle Ages the burden of
life, political and ecclesiastical.1
As was to be expected, so great an event as the encounter
of Pope Leo with Attila was seized upon by popular fancy.
It was told how, while the Saint, confiding in God, was speaking
to the King, the Apostles Peter and Paul had appeared aloft
in the air, giving a heavenly sanction to the Pope's warnings
and entreaties. Raffaele's brush has given us a forcible rendering
of this vision in the Stanze of the Vatican. It is also represented
in the striking marble bas-relief with which, under Innocent X.,
Algardi, a sculptor once highly esteemed, adorned the altar-tomb
of Leo the Great in St. Peter's. But these creations of art, in the
absence of any contemporary records, cannot relieve the historian
from the duty of inquiring when the story first was told. So
far the earliest witness known is Paulus Diaconus about the
year 800.2
Unfortunately, too, a critical historian can no longer . point,
as ancient guides did, to the old bronze statue of St. Peter in
the Vatican Basilica as a memorial of the liberation of Italy from
Attila. This statue Pope Leo was said to have made in thanks
giving to the Apostle for his timely aid, by remodelling the
bronze statue of Capitoline Jove. Neither the date, nor the
maker, nor the source of the material as accounted for in this
story, can, however, be said to be probable.
Leo's tomb in the portico of St. Peter's was a memorial
of his life and work of a character more genuinely historical than
the legend surrounding the statue of St. Peter.3
239. Leo was the first Pope to be buried on the threshold of
the apostolic shrine, a spot which became a favourite one with
his successors. As Pope Sergius I. observes in an epitaph of
thanksgiving, it was fitting that Leo, one of the greatest of the
successors of Peter, should, even in death, mount guard over the
stronghold of the Prince of the Apostles. Sergius wrote this
epitaph when, in 688, he translated the body of the Pope, who
1 Ranke, Weltgesch., a, 298, 304. Gregorovius says : " Leo was at that period
the truest representative of culture, which the Church alone had the power to save"
(1 4, 191). "Rome was preserved to the world as the sacred depository of the tradition
of centuries, as the centre of civilisation and of political as well as religious thought "
(P- '93)-
2 The history of the vision was made popular during the late Middle Ages by the
Legenda aurea of Jacobus a Voragine (ed. Grasse, 3, 1890, p. 368).
3 On the statue, see below, No. 284.

No-239] LEO THE GREAT 63
stood in equal honour among the Romans and the foreign pilgrims,
into the interior of St. Peter's, and there erected a memorial altar
dedicated to Leo and adorned with his figure. The unpretentious
inscription says: "From the tomb his call to the Church still
rings out : ' Watch lest the wolf rend God's flock.' Like a true
lion (Leo) he roared, and all the wild beasts trembled ; but the
sheep gathered close around their shepherd." 1
It would seem that Pope Nicholas I., who had unbounded
admiration for Leo, had studied this inscription, for he, too, when
new dangers threatened the Eastern Church, uses the metaphor
of the roaring lion in a letter to Michael, Emperor of Constan
tinople, reminding him that it was Leo alone who had reclaimed
the Eastern patriarchs from heresy, and restored the forsaken
Faith.2 Scarcely was Leo dead before saintly honours began to be
rendered him, so great had been the impression made by his
holiness. The Martyrology of St. Jerome, then already finished,
was opened again in the fifth or sixth century for the insertion of
his name. What particularly struck Leo's contemporaries was
his combination of great mental talents and worldly power with
gentle humility.
Such was the standing of this Pope, that throughout his long
pontificate, i.e. for nearly a quarter of a century, he appears in the
foreground of every event of importance. He knew how to keep
the West, even in its changed conditions, well under control of
religion, and to pilot the Eastern Church through a multitude of
dangers. As one of the doctors of the Church, he himself per
sonally confuted the great heresy of his day and established the
true doctrine. What Augustine, what Cyril of Alexandria and
Athanasius had done as theologians against the heresies of their
times, Leo the Great did against Monophysism. Of this error
he was the chief opponent, assailing it both with the weapons of
learning and with the sword of his supremacy. Clear insight,
prompt action, unwavering firmness in all that his office demanded
1 His death took place on November 10, 461, on which day the Martyrologium
Hieronymianum commemorates him. The metrical epitaph is in my Analecta rom.,
1, 83 ; DE Rossi, Inscr. christ, 2, 1, 56, 98, &c. ; Duchesne, Liber pont, 1, 379. . . .
" Sed dudum ut pastor magnus Leo septa gregemque \ Christicolam servans ianitor arcis
erat ... I Ruqiit et pavida stupuerunt corda ferarum \ Pastorisque sui iussa sequuntur
oves." That there was a figure, I gather from the first words of the epitaph : " Huius
apostolici primum est hie corpus humatum"
2 Mansi, 15, 187 ff. ; P.L., CXIX., 926 ff. ; Jaffe-Ewald, n. 9796.

64 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 240
of him, these were the characteristics of this great Pope. Filled
as he was with the lofty consciousness of his Primacy, his indi
viduality was to him of small account. Confidence never for a
moment deserted him, just because no action of his was an
outcome of mere self-will.
One golden sentence in a sermon of his runs : " If I do any
good, it is Christ the Lord who through me fulfils the work of
ministry (the word he applies to his exercise of the Primacy) ;
not in myself do I glory, for I am nothing, but in Him who is all
my strength."1
Whatever the greatest Popes have been able to effect for the
benefit of the Christian world has ever been the outcome of the
same inward conviction. Humbleness of heart and trust in God,
such are the means to produce undying results.
240. The extant sermons of Pope Leo are full of such
thoughts. They are the utterances of a soul filled with the love
of God ; in them there breathes the spirit of Christ ; his fatherly
pastoral words awaken the Faith of his hearers, stimulating them
to good works, to prayer, and almsgiving, and other deeds of
mercy. Leo's discourses are clear and positive, and sometimes
exceedingly brief. On special occasions — for instance, on festivals
of our Blessed Saviour, when he is anxious to raise his hearers to
the height of the solemn mystery of our redemption — his style
becomes lofty, majestic, and brilliant. His language sometimes
reminds us of the characteristic elegance of earlier Latinity, which
had become a rare thing in his time.2 Valuable allusions are also
to be found in these sermons to the manners and morals pre
vailing in Rome, for the great preacher, like a true pastor, con
descends to all the moral needs of his flock. He declaims against
the many nominal Christians who fancy enough has been done
now that the world has renounced idolatry, and that the " Trinity
is worshipped by princes and in palaces with as much zeal as by
the people in the churches." " No," he tells them, " your works
must make manifest that ye are Christians."3 Hearing that
strangers from Egypt, principally merchants from Alexandria,
are trying to disseminate Monophysite views in Rome, he takes
1 Sermo 5 : De natali ipsius (v.), n. 4.
2 When Sozomen says (Hist, eccl., VII., c. 19) that the Popes never preached to the
people (ovre b eirloKoiros oCre &Wos tis ivddSe iir' iKK\-nolas SiSdoKei), he only shows once again
the ignorance of Roman affairs which he had betrayed elsewhere. See Ballerini in
their edition of Leo ; P.L., LV., 197.
3 Sermo 36: In epiphaniae solemnitate (vi.), n. 3.

no.24o] LEO THE GREAT 65
advantage of a sermon which he had to preach in the church of
St. Anastasia, in the Greek quarter close to the Emporium on
the Tiber, to warn his audience most earnestly against any inter
course with their dangerous guests.1
After the retreat of Genseric and his Vandals, he is told that
many superstitiously ascribe to astral influence Rome's happy
preservation from fire and sword. This delusion he promptly
assails, and shows them that all thanks are due to the Lord God
and the mediation of Peter.2
He notices that many of the Faithful, before entering the
portico of St. Peter's, turn at the top of the steps towards the
Piazza and, bowing, greet the sun, which in the early morning
floods the front of the Basilica with its rays. Accordingly he
points out in his discourse that it is a Manichaean ceremony thus
to worship the rising sun. With great patience he demonstrates
to the unlearned who still stand in need of such teaching, that the
sun's radiance is but a reflection of God's glory, and that they
should revere and worship Him in church, and not imitate
heathen folly by such a senseless practice.3
We have already spoken of his solicitude for the spiritual
welfare of Rome after the catastrophe under Genseric, and of his
lamentation that, on the festival in memory of the deliverance of
Rome, so few worshippers had attended compared with the crowds
visiting the public games.4 On another occasion, when speaking
of that calamity for Rome, he said : " Would that at any rate the
sufferings which the Lord allowed to overtake us might serve to
improve the morals of those who were spared ! Would that at
least an end were made of vice, that its chastisement may also
be unnecessary ! We will praise God's great mercy for two
things — for removing the scourge and for reclaiming our hearts
for Himself."5 Thus Leo the Great, whilst proving himself a true primate by
the world-wide activity he displayed as head of the Church, is
shown by such small details as those just mentioned, to have
1 Sermo 96 sive tractatus contra haeresim Eulychetis.
2 Sermo 84 : In oclavis apostolorum Petri et Pauli, 11. 2.
3 Sermo 27 : In nativitate Domini (vii.), n. 4: ". . . ut priusquam ad beati Petri
apostoli basilicam . . . perveniant, superatis gradibus quibus ad suggestum_ areae supe-
rioris ascenditur, converso corpore ad nascentem se solem reflectant et curvatis cervicibus,
in honorem se splendidi orbis inclinent" &c.
1 See present work, vol. i., p. 99.
6 Ep. 113 to Bishop Julian of Cos (ed. Ballerini, p. 1190 ; P.L., LIV., 1024) : "si
etfiagella removeat et ad se suorum corda convertat."
VOL. II. E

66 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 241
been equally conscious of his status as bishop and shepherd of
souls in the community more immediately entrusted to him. To
complete our sketch of Pope Leo's character we add the opinions
of two writers of note.
Paschase Quesnel, the author of several profound essays on
our hero, in spite of his difference in theological outlook, says of
Leo : " He remarkably furthered the cause of Christianity with
an unselfishness equalled only by his fervent devotion. . . . His
virtues glow like stars in the firmament of the Papacy. . . . This
Bishop of Rome unflinchingly faced the storms which human
passion brought upon the Church ; his battles and his victories
were all for the sake of the Faith." ]
The other opinion — which will be a surprise for many of our
readers, but of which the value can easily be ascertained — is that
of Ferdinand Gregorovius : "Leo I. established the Primacy of
the Apostolic See of Rome, and his ambitious efforts were readily
seconded by Augusta Placidia, a bigoted woman, and by a weak-
minded Emperor, her son Valentinian."2
The Popes at the Close of the Western Empire
241. The successors of Leo I. were to follow the course
marked out by their great predecessor in his relations with both
West and East.
The first to succeed to his office was Hilary, who, in the name
of Leo, had defended the rights of the Holy See before the
Robber-Council (461-468). The Liber pontificalis says of him
briefly but pointedly : "He strengthened the power and supremacy
of the Holy Catholic and Apostolic See." 3 In the West, agree
ably with Leo's plans, he maintained the pre-eminence of the
Archbishop of Aries as Papal Vicar for the dioceses of Gaul.
He even increased the importance of this vicariate now that
political chaos made the union of the Episcopate a yet more
pressing need. More than ever "the Church (in Gaul) required
a centre and stood in need of a definite constitution." 4
1 Dissert. I de vita et rebus gestis S. Leonis M., ann. 440, n. 3: ann. 461, n I, in
P.L., LV., 194, 318.
2 Gregorovius, Gesch. der Stadt Rom, i3, 180. In the fourth edition the epithet
"ambitious" was at last suppressed, p. 185
3 " Confirmans dominationem et principatum sanctae sedis catholicae et apostolicae."
Liber pont., 1, 242, n. 68.
4 Loning, Gesch. des deutschen Kirchenrechtes, 1 , 477. Cp. my A nalecta romana, 1 , 338.

no. 241] POPE HILARY 67
Leo the Great had everywhere protected and defended the
prerogatives of the Metropolitan; Hilary did the same in Spain,
where he severely reprimanded the Bishops of the Province of
Tarragona for having infringed the rights of their Archbishop
Ascanius. The political situation in Spain, as in Gaul, was
growing daily more desperate. Hence Hilary's successor was
to take the same step as had been taken in Gaul, establishing a
new Apostolic Vicariate for Spain. The deputed authority of the
Holy See was committed to Bishop Zeno of Hispalis (Seville) to
enable him "to watch over the observance of the apostolic
ordinances, and to see that the bishops' jurisdiction was strictly
confined to their dioceses."1 Like his great model, Leo, Hilary
was much concerned in keeping the Faith undefiled in the
Christian capital of the Empire. When Philotheus, a favourite
of the Emperor Anthemius, then staying, in Rome, and an
adherent of the Macedonians, sought, in 467, to establish clubs
in the city for the furtherance of their views, Hilary took
advantage of a visit of the Emperor to St. Peter's to make a
public complaint to him about the business. Anthemius was
induced to swear by the Apostle's Tomb that he would prevent
the mischief which was hatching.2
According to the Liber pontificalis, Hilary had also been
compelled to send letters to the East " to ratify the CEcumenical
Councils of Nicaea, Ephesus, and Chalcedon, and the Tomtis of
the saintly Bishop Leo " to Flavian. Neither the few extant
fragments of his correspondence, nor other sources, contain, how
ever, any information concerning the circumstances attending these
measures. In all probability what he did was to take steps to
ensure the approval and execution of the doctrinal decrees of Leo
and of the latest CEcumenical Synods.3
1 On his relations with the province of Tarragona: Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 560 ff
Regarding the Primacy the following words are noteworthy ; they are taken from a letter
of the bishops of that province to Hilary : " Cuius (Petri) vicarii principatus sicut eminet,
ita metuendus est ab omnibus et ama?idus. Proinde nos Deum in vobis primitus ador-
antes, cui sine querela servitis, ad fidem recurrimus in apostolico ore laudatam (Rom.
I, 8), inde responsa quaeretites, unde nihil errore, nihil praesumptione, sed pontificali
totum deliberatione praecipitur" (Thiel, Epist. rom. pont, p. 155). This letter was
sanctioned by acclamation at a Roman Council, November 19, 465, attended by bishops
from Africa, Gaul, and Italy. Ibid., p. 163. Hilary's successor, Simplicius, to Zeno:
Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 590.
2 Our knowledge of the matter is derived from a letter of Pope Gelasius to the bishops
of Dardania. Thiel, Epist. rom. pont., p. 408 ; Collectio Avellana, ed. Guenther
{Corpus SS. eccles. lat!), 1895, 1, p. 391 ; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 664.
3 Liber pont, 1, 242, n. 68.

68 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 242
242. Much more is known of the relations subsisting between
the Papacy and the Eastern Church under Hilary's two
successors, Simplicius and Felix III. The long pontificate of
Simplicius lasted till 483, and witnessed the sinking of the
Western Empire into the grave which had been so long awaiting
it. Simplicius saw the rise of the soldier-kingdom of the Arian
Odovacar ; his successor, Felix III. (more correctly Felix II.,
483-492), that of the Ostrogoth Theodoric.
The relations between these Popes and the East were by no
means satisfactory, and show how necessary had been the strong-
handed actions of Leo the Great. His measures were not, indeed,
immediately crowned with success, and the infatuation of politicians
together with the ambition and weakness of usurping bishops
filled the Eastern Patriarchates with Monophysism and even led
to an occasional breach with the orthodox Church. Nevertheless
Leo's epistle to Flavian was at last recognised as the true Rule
of Faith, and the patient labour of Peter's successors received its
deserved reward.
Under Basiliscus, a usurper with Monophysite leanings,
Timothy Aelurus again seized the Patriarchal See of Alexandria ;
he even had a fervent Monophysite successor in the person of
Peter Mongus (the Hoarse), and for a while it seemed that the
see of St. Mark was to pass permanently into the hands of the
heretics. Equally grave was the position of the Church at
Antioch. There, under Basiliscus, the heretic Peter the Fuller
settled down triumphantly as Patriarch. He had already once
before attained the dignity, but had been forced to relin
quish it.
Through fear of Basiliscus no less than 500 bishops belonging to
the Patriarchates of Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem consented
to subscribe the usurper's decree by which the epistle of Pope
Leo to Flavian was condemned to be burnt with the Acts of
Chalcedon. An heretical synod at Ephesus, modelled on the
previous Robber-Council, even extolled the Imperial decree as
" the Divine and Apostolic Encyclion."
"Woe to the foolish conduct of these renegades," ex
claimed, not long after and on a similar occasion, Pope
Gelasius, one of the successors of Simplicius, "they have
forsaken the teaching of the apostles and now disport doc
trines set up by laymen ; they reject the decisions of the

no.242] POPE SIMPLICIUS 69
Councils and stake all their hopes upon the dogmatic writings
of worldlings." 1
Pope Simplicius withstood the Emperor Basiliscus with the
courage which Right and Truth confer. He succeeded in rousing
the monks and clergy of Constantinople, and, as Pope Gelasius
later testifies, was enabled to break the sovereign's arbitrary
theological power.2
Scarce had the ruffianly Basiliscus been overthrown and the
Emperor Zeno installed on the throne than conditions changed
to the advantage of Rome, and Pope Simplicius himself had the
joy of formally demanding the restoration of orderly church rule.3
In the aged Timothy Salophaciolus (the White), a Catholic
once again took possession of the Patriarchal See of Alexandria,
of which he had already been recognised as the occupant by Leo
the Great. So ready was Timothy to recognise his subordination
to the head of the Church that he sent an embassy of excuse to
Pope Simplicius, on being censured by him for having put the
name of the heretic Dioscorus on his diptychs. He explained
to the Pope that he had no sympathy with heresy, but that his
mistake was due to his fear of the many friends of the leader of
the Robber-Council.4
The advent of the Emperor Zeno to power led at Antioch to a
similar revolution, in consequence of which Peter the Fuller found
himself bereft of his usurped dignity.
In the meantime, however, the Patriarch Acacius of Con
stantinople had successfully ingratiated himself with Zeno.
Though previously a good Catholic, and therefore in favour in
Rome, he was the cause of fresh difficulties through his ambition,
weakness, and attempts at compromise. He was the father of
the Acacian schism, which lasted five-and-thirty years (484-518),
having been the promoter of the disastrous Henoticon of 482 to
which the schism was due.
1 Pope Gelasius alluding to the acceptance of the Imperial Henoticon by the Greeks.
Ep. ad episcopos Syriae (THIEL, p. 478; JAFFE-KALTENBR., n. 702).
2 Ep. ad episcopos Dardaniae (Thiel, p. 404 ; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 664) : " Basilis
cus iyratmus et haereticus scriptis apostolicae sedis vehementer infractus est."
3 Ep. ad Zenonem (Thiel, p. 186 ; Collectio Avellana, ed. Guenther [Corpus SS.
eccles. lat!\, 1, p. 138; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 576) : "... Chalcedonensis synodi constituta
"uel ea quae beatae memoriae praedecessor meus Leo apostolica eruditione perdocuil, inte-
merata vigere iubeatis, quia nee ullo modo retractari potest, quod illorum definitione
sopitum," &c.
4 Simplicius, Ep. ad Acacium (Thiel, p. 195 ; Guenther, p. 138 ; Jaffe-
Kaltenbr., n. 578); Ep. ad Zenonem (Thiel, p. 196; Guenther, p. 139; Jaffe-
Kaltenbr., n. 579).

70 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 243
The object of this theological edict of Zeno was a delusive
union between the Catholics and Monophysites. Instead of
conveying the Catholic doctrine it suppressed it. Hence, whilst
the orthodox party were unable to accept the Henoticon, heretics
like Peter the Fuller and Peter Mongus hailed it with joy. They
knew very well that by obediently accepting the edict they were
preparing for a return to their patriarchal sees. As Acacius, little
by little, revealed his leanings to Monophysism, urgent representa
tions were made to him by Pope Simplicius, though all in vain.
The Patriarch at the Imperial residence maintained a dignified
silence so far as Rome was concerned, but only the more eagerly
pursued his fell work in the Eastern Church. The See of
Alexandria he delivered to Peter Mongus, and assented to the
expulsion by the secular power of John Talaia, the orthodox
successor of Timothy Salophaciolus.
243. The orthodox Patriarch, John Talaia, like his glorious
predecessor Athanasius, betook himself personally to Rome to
secure his rights. He also hoped to receive from the Holy See
counsel and help for the wavering Eastern Church. By the time
the Patriarch arrived in Rome, in 483, Felix III. had succeeded
Simplicius on the episcopal throne.
The person was indeed changed, but the spirit of the heirs
of Peter animated the new Pope also. Felix III., under pressure
of adverse circumstances, even displayed greater firmness and
independence against the Greek schism, and on behalf of the
fugitive John Talaia, than perhaps Simplicius would have done.
With the arrival of the persecuted Patriarch came complaints
to Rome from every quarter against the Monophysite reaction
fostered by Acacius at Constantinople. All who felt with the
Church were displeased by the efforts at mediation made by the
Emperor under the influence of his Patriarch.
Felix despatched to the Greek capital two bishops, Vitalis
of Truentum in Picenum, and Misenus of Cumae in Campania,
and entrusted them with the task of safeguarding the Faith of
Chalcedon and the dogmatic teaching of Leo, and of helping the
deposed bishops. Their first and foremost duty was to be to
summon Acacius to Rome, to answer before the Pope's tribunal
the written charge presented by John Talaia. The Apostolic
See was, however, betrayed by its own representatives, a mortifying
and painful experience which has more than once subsequently

no- 243] FELIX III. (II.) 71
fallen to Rome's lot, and sometimes at crucial moments ; such
misfortunes have taught the Papacy not to rely too much upon
the capacity or good intentions of men, but rather upon the arms
of Him who, all invisible, keeps watch over His Church. The
two episcopal envoys allowed themselves to be gained over by
fear and bribery to the side of the Emperor and Acacius, entered
into communion with the heretics, ratified the election of Peter
Mongus, and reviled John Talaia. Felix III., at a Roman Synod
in July 484, attended by sixty-seven bishops, accordingly quashed
their sentence, suspended the faithless legates, and excommuni
cated them both.1
He also pronounced sentence of excommunication and deposal
against Acacius, and directed Tutus, the Papal defensor, to convey
the sentence to the Greek metropolis. As Acacius refused to be
served with it, some monks had the boldness to pin it to his
pallium when he was on his way to the liturgy. For this act
of insolence they were made to suffer death or imprisonment,
which they faced with courage. Tutus, however, brought fresh
disgrace upon the Roman Church by letting himself be inveigled
by bribes into joining the enemy, for which he was punished by
Felix III. with deposal and excommunication.2
A dangerous atmosphere, of which the influence was difficult
to escape, seems to have prevailed at that time at the Byzantine
Court. It was thus, amidst fraudulence and violence, that the schism
took its rise, which, after its proud and unprincipled originator,
is known as the Acacian schism. Acacius struck out the Pope's
name from the diptychs. Old and New Rome remained separ
ated, for, after the death of Acacius, his successors in office
continued to retain on their diptychs the name of the heretic
Peter Mongus, or at least that of Acacius, though both had died
in the Church's displeasure and as schismatics.
The Bishops of Constantinople were of no mind to fulfil the
conditions quietly insisted on by Felix III. and his successors,
Gelasius, Anastasius II., and Symmachus, as the only means
of securing a reconciliation which should be true and lasting, and
not a mere semblance of peace. It is quite possible that the
1 Roman Council of 484, in Thiel, p. 247; Mansi, 7, 1065; Jaffe-Kaltenbr.,
n. 599 : " Beatissimus Papa Vitalem et Misenum ab officio et communione suspendit" &c.
2 FELIX III., Ep. ad Rufinum et Thalasium (THIEL, p. 257; Jaffe-Kaltenbr.,
n. 608).

72 ROME AND THE POPES [N0.244
conduct of these Patriarchs was due more to Court influence and
fear of their followers than to heretical contumacy. But the Pope
could not, on this account, refrain from demanding obedience and
safeguards for the keeping of the peace.
Building and Church Decoration under Leo the Great
and his Successors
244. While the urgent claims of unity and the task of con
stantly watching over East and West engrossed the Roman
Bishops, they were nevertheless not unmindful of the state of
worship in their own diocese, and of the duty of erecting structures
worthy of it. During the period of her outward transformation
from a pagan to a Christian city, Rome had already made room,
among the ranks of her marble buildings and palaces, for a great
number of basilicas and oratories. But, partly in consequence of
the growth of the Roman Church, both in numbers and in fervour,
partly on account of the influx of strangers into the city of the chief
apostles and martyrs, there was an ever-increasing demand for
new facilities for public worship. Moreover, many edifices already
commenced required completion, decoration, and occasionally
even restoration, especially when the original buildings, having
been run up too hastily, stood in need of repairs.
Records exist of certain works of Leo the Great, which give
him a place of honour even in the history of art and architecture.
Most of these works pertain to the two great basilicas, St. Peter's
and St. Paul's. It was quite in accordance with the character
of Leo's pontificate, as it has been handed down to us, that he
should have concentrated his interest upon these two monuments
of Rome's spiritual grandeur.
In St. Peter's, Pope Leo was responsible for a general res
toration. The magnificent mosaic which, down to the time of
Gregory IX., decorated the front of the church above the five
entrances was his work. Its expense, as stated by the inscription,
was borne by the ex-Prefect and Consul ordinarius, Marinianus,
and his wife Anastasia. What it represented was discovered only
quite recently through an eleventh-century MS., now in England,
from the monastery of Farfa. There we find an illustration of
the front in its original form, as well as details of the mosaic.
The four-and-twenty elders of the Apocalypse, divided into six

no. 244] LEO'S BUILDINGS 73
groups, are offering their gifts to Christ on high. As witnesses
and heralds of our Saviour's Divinity, the four Evangelists
appear above the elders, each identified by his customary
symbol.1 Probably the tribune or apse of St. Peter's had been devoid of
any mosaics until the time of Leo I., and it was he who replaced
the earlier and simpler decoration by a work of more permanent
character. Leo also founded a monastery in connection with the
basilica. Among other advantages the proximity of the monks
was useful for the performance of liturgical functions, and also for
safeguarding the locality which lay beyond the city walls. Besides
this, Leo established the so-called cubicularii, a sort of guard
of honour for the Tomb of Peter. The title, which was borrowed
from the Court, we may perhaps associate with the name given
by Constantine the Great in his inscription to the outer shrine
or area at St. Peter's : " Royal mansion, domus regalis." Cubi
cularii, or chamberlains, are certainly appropriate in the palace
of a king. The Princes of the Apostle were treated in their
honoured burial-places by the Pope and people of Rome as
though they had been actual reigning princes. The Council
of Aries, in a missive sent to Pope Silvester in June 314, says:
"There the Apostles sit enthroned day after day; there, their
blood unceasingly bears witness to the glory of God." 2
Leo the Great also established cubicularii at St. Paul's on the
Ostian Way. Here as well as there, their existence is proved by
epitaphs.3 Two great inscriptions in the Sanctuary of St. Paul's still
tell the visitor of the works which Leo executed there. One
may be seen in letters of mosaic on the lower border of
the triumphal arch. In it " Placidia's pious soul" congratulates
Pope Leo on his zeal in successfully finishing the decoration
of the " paternal work." The " paternal work " refers to the
1 See GriSAR, Die alte Peterskirche von Rom und Hire friihesten Ansichten, in the
Rom. Quartalschr., 9 (1895), 257 ff, with two plates; in Italian in Analecta rom., 1,
464 ff. Evidence is there given that the Farfa Codex at Eton College (n. 124) in the
miniature of Gregory the Great's funeral, gives on the whole an accurate view of the front
of old St. Peter's.
2 For the mosaic of the apse and the cubicularii. see Liber pont, 1, 239; Leo I.,
n. 66. For the cubicularii of the Roman Basilicas, see DE ROSSI, Roma sott., III., 531.
"Domus regalis" in the Constantine inscription (present work, vol. i., No. 191, and
Analecta rom., 1, 294). Synod at Aries: "in quibus (partibus) apostoli quotidie sedent,
et cruor ipsorum sine intermissione Dei gloriam testatur" Mansi, Coll. concil., 2, 469.
3 Duchesne, Liber pont., 1, 241, note 14 ; sixth century inscriptions.

74 ROME AND THE POPES [N0.244
re-erection of the basilica by Placidia's father Theodosius, and
Valentinian.1 The subject of the mosaic, which is still in existence, resembles
that of the similar mosaic placed by Pope Leo on the front of
St. Peter's. The treatment is grand and impressive. In the
centre appears a bust of Christ, in the act of blessing, with a
radiant circular nimbus. Above Him, right and left, soar the
symbols of the four evangelists proclaiming His Godhead. Below,
the twenty-four elders, divided into two groups of twelve on each
side, are seen bringing, with heads bent in prayer, their crowns
to the Lord. On each side an angel accompanies them and joins
in their act of worship. The two isolated figures standing to the
right and left below are Paul and Peter. Here, at his tomb, Paul
takes the place of honour to the right of the arch, or the left of
the spectator. Both, according to the custom of the time, origi
nally held scrolls in their hands symbolising their teaching and
confession. The inscriptional verses, which probably were
placed as early as Leo the Great, over the two Apostles, have
been slightly altered in the course of time, through restorations.
The words above Paul were : " Paul persecuting the elect of God,
himself became a chosen vessel to show light unto the Gentiles
and nations." Those above Peter extolled the "Gatekeeper" of
the kingdom as the " Rock appointed of God," and as the " orna
ment of the court of Heaven." 2
Such is the great triumphal arch of Galla Placidia and Leo
the Great at St. Paul's, a precious memorial of early Christian
art (111. 87). Unhappily it is also in some sense a memorial of
the changes which fifteen hundred years can effect upon such
1 PLACIDIAE PIA MENS OPERIS DECVS (H)OMNE PATERNI | GAVDET
PONTIFICIS STVDIO SPLENDERE LEONIS (see 111. 87). The present inscrip
tion is corrupt. " Homne" instead ot" omne" is, of course, a later perversion. Cp. DE
ROSSI, Musaici : Arco di Placidia, and Inscr. christ., 2, 1, pp. 68, 81, 98. De Rossi thinks
Leo I. was only the restorer of the mosaic on the arch of Placidia ; my opinion is that he
was its author. On Leo I. and the similar mosaic on the front of old St. Peter's, see
Analecta rom., 1, 463 ff. On a genuine fragment of the mosaic on the arch of Placidia,
which shows the beauty of the original, see MUNTZ, Revue de Part chrdt., 1898, p. 16.
2 " Persequitur dum vasa Dei fit (PAVLVS ET IPSE) Vas (fi) DEI ELECTVM
GENTIBVS (et populis)" : de Rossi thus reconstructs (Musaici, I.e.) the original in
scription from the fragments recorded by Ciampini and Margarini as still legible in
their day. Cp. DE ROSSI, Inscr. christ., 2, 1, p. clxvi. and 148. The lines above St.
Peter are given by de Rossi according to the Sylloge Turonensis as: " Ianitor hie
coeliestfiVEl PETRA CVLMEN HONORIS | Sedis apostolicae red OR ET OMNE
DECVS." Ciampini was acquainted only with the remains shown above in capitals,
which he completed as follows : "(Voce Deifis Petre) Dei petra culmen honoris \ (Aulae
coeleslis splend)or et omne decus" It was according to this inaccurate rendering that the
inscription was restored. De Rossi, I.e., p. 68, n. 33, 33s-.

No. 244]

LEO'S BUILDINGS

75

monuments. In several points, particularly in the gloomy coun
tenance of our Saviour, it no longer preserves the original type
of the picture, as planned by the Pope and executed by the
Roman artists.1
The two hexameters which at present appear in mosaic letters
above the same arch at St. Paul's, and describe the origin of the
basilica, occupied a different place in the original church of the
Theodosian family, and probably stood below the mosaic of the

111. 87. — Mosaic of Galla Placidia on the Triumphal Arch at St. Paul's.
After Nicolai, Delia Basilica di S. Paolo, tav. vii., slightly emended.
apse. What the latter represented is no longer known, for the
present mosaic dates only from the thirteenth century. The two
hexameters just mentioned tell in classic language of the com
pletion of the church by the imperial brother of Galla Placidia :
" Theodosius began and Honorius finished this Aula, hallowed
by the body of Paul, the Teacher of the World." 2
1 The incomprehensible wands, for instance, in the hands of the worshipping angels
belong to an earlier and unskilful restoration. So too does the inappropriate staff on
the shoulder of Christ. This staff, according to the rules of archaeology, ought to sup
port the cross or the monogram, and thus be the sign of our Saviour's triumph in His
basilica. Paul holds the sword and Peter the keys solely through an anachronism of
the restoration.
2 TEODOSIVSCEPITPERFECITONORIVS AVLAM | DOCTORIS MVNDI
SACRATAM CORPORE PAVLI (see 111. 87).

j6 ROME AND THE POPES [N0.244
Another longer inscription by Leo, which can still be seen at
the Monastery of St. Paul, is a reminder of another great work
which the Pope had carried out in St. Paul's. The inscription
alludes to the restoration of the roof of the church. According
to the Liber pontificalis, the earlier roof had been shattered by
lightning. In these verses the builders first give praise to God
that He had prevented greater mischief when the roof collapsed,
and next extol the Pope who was responsible for its reconstruc
tion. In the second part of the inscription, of which the style is
quite different, Pope Leo himself addresses the architects and
returns them the compliment : " To thee, Felix the presbyter,
and to thee, Adeodatus the levite, is acknowledgment due," &C.1
The Felix named here is probably the father of the later
Pope Felix III. As Gregory the Great was a member of the
latter's family, the inscription brings an ancestor of Gregory into
connection with Leo, whose pontificate matched in splendour that
of Gregory.2 Finally a third inscription, containing the name of Leo, for
merly existed on the Cantharus in the atrium of St. Paul's. In
fine, flowing hexameters it stated that "Leo, the vigilant Shepherd "
had brought back to the fountain the water which had found a
way elsewhere, and invited all who entered the shrine to follow
the pious custom of washing their hands in the gushing stream.3
It was only in 1858 that a church built by Leo the Great was
excavated near Rome. In the Liber pontificalis we are told
that, during the reign of this Pope, Demetrias, a consecrated
virgin, had a church erected to St. Stephen at her country seat
beside the third milestone on the Via Latina. No one knew
anything about the church, which seemed to have vanished com
pletely. In the year mentioned, however, it again came to light
from beneath the mounds of earth which rise picturesquely near
the much visited classical heathen monuments on the Latin Way.
The main lines of the structure and the design were easily recog-
1 The inscription begins: EXVLTATE PII LACRIMIS IN GAVDIA VERSIS.
Cp. Grisar, Analecta rom., I, 148, for text and commentary ; ibid., PI. 1, n. 6, for
photograph. 2 Epitaph on the presbyter Felix (+471) from S. Paolo in de Rossi, Inscr. christ.,
1, 366, n. 831. De Rossi also gives (ibid., p. 371 ff.) the epitaph of Petronia, wife of
Felix III., who died when he was still a deacon ; also of his children Paula and
Gordianus, and of a holy virgin /Emiliana, who was related to him. Cp. Duchesne,
Liber pont, I, 253, note 2. On married bishops, see vol. iii., No. 503.
3 The text begins : " Perdideral latiatm longaeva incuria cursus" De Rossi, Inscr.
christ., 2, 1, 80.

no. 245] HILARY'S BUILDINGS fj
nised ; many portions of the decoration — such as pillars, capitals,
and remains of marble banisters — were also found. From the
narthex the building is seen to be divided by pillars into three
rather spacious aisles, of which the central one, or nave, still
retains the apse at its end. From the confused remains of
classical masonry we can tell that the basilica was actually built
into a country house already existing there, and dating from
pagan times. In front of the spot where stood the High-Altar
yawns a sort of Confessio, which possibly may also be older than
the church itself. Many fragments of sarcophagi in precious
marble prove that the atrium and immediate neighbourhood even
of this country church served as a cemetery for the distinguished
dead. A confirmation of this remarkable discovery was the
finding of the fragments of the old metrical dedicatory inscription.
It contained the name of the noble lady, Demetrias Amnia, of
the Anician gens, and also that of Pope Leo. Demetrias has a
place in the history of Rome, for her rank and virtues were re
peatedly extolled by the Fathers of the period.1
245. Under Pope Hilary, the successor of Leo, important
restorations were effected in the church of Anastasia, or " Anas-
tasios." With the help of the pious gifts of Severus and Cassia,
this court-church on the Palatine was decorated with mosaics or
a veneer of marble.2
In the neighbourhood of San Lorenzo fuori le mura new
buildings were also erected. Hilary founded the monastery
which has remained there through all these centuries ; he also
established two public baths near San Lorenzo. According to
ancient custom there were usually baths near large churches,
especially near those frequented by pilgrims. Hilary further
built a residence near by, the Prcetorium, either for the pilgrims,
or as a sort of Papal villa, and furnished it with two libraries.
Though two libraries are mentioned in the Liber pontificalis,
this may perhaps be only an allusion to the prevalent ancient
habit of separating the Latin and Greek books.3
1 Cp. L. Fortunati, Relazione generate degli scavi e scoperte fatte lungo la Via Latina
(Roma, 1859), with plan. Thence comes the inscription in Duchesne, Liber pont,
1, 531, with additions by P. Garrucci. It begins: "CVM MVNDVM LlnquENS
DEMrfn'AS AMNIA virgo."
2 Cp. inscription in de Rossi, Inscr. christ., 2, 1, p. 24, n. 25.
3 Liber pont., 1,244, Hilarus, n. 71. CP- Duchesne, I.e., n. 10. See my reply in
Zeitschr. fur kath. Theol, 27 (1903), p. 131 ff, to the opinion put forth in the Centralblatt
fur Bibliothekswesen, 16 (1899), p. 525; that in the passage in question of the Liber
pontificalis, " bibliothecae " means, not libraries, but MSS. of the New and Old Testaments.

78 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 245
The Liber pontificalis also speaks of another building erected
near San Lorenzo by Simplicius, Hilary's successor; this was a
church dedicated to St. Stephen. It seems to have been a small
memorial chapel with three apses, and to have included, among
others, the tomb of a bishop, Leo, saint and martyr, whose
epitaph was found in fragments on the presumed site of the
church, near the south-east angle of the basilica. From this
inscription it was gathered that a country house had existed here
previously, owned by Leo — a lover and patron of church music —
when still a pagan, and within which both the Prcetorium and
little church had been constructed.1
San Lorenzo, ranking as a memorial-basilica immediately after
those of Peter and Paul, must at that time have been much visited
by devout believers. It is told of Felix, the successor of
Simplicius, that he, too, built a church in honour of St. Agapitus,
near the Basilica of St. Lawrence. A peculiarity of these memorial
churches was that they contained so many, often highly artistic,
sarcophagi. Burial-places near the tomb of a celebrated saint
were always much in request.
A number of other churches, which can be traced back to the
above-mentioned Popes, have a quite different character. The
" Basilica of the Apostle St. Andrew, near the Basilica of St.
Mary," ascribed by the Liber pontificalis to Simplicius, was, as
we shall see, simply an ancient hall, altered into a church by a
Goth. On the other hand, the " Basilica of St. Stephen, on the
Caelian Hill," also ascribed to Simplicius, is an ancient rotunda
transformed into a church, which we shall describe later on under
the name of S. Stefano Rotondo. Both these buildings are archi
tecturally very different from the basilicas. Again, a church which
Simplicius erected "to St. Bibiana, near the Licinian Palace,"
had quite the form of a small basilica, and indeed still retains it,
with its three aisles divided by two rows of columns. The
country churches, erected in great number by Gelasius, the
successor of Felix III., must also have been small basilicas.
In order, it would seem, to make public worship easier for the
inhabitants of the suburbs, according to the Liber pontificalis, he
1 Liber pont., I, 249, Simplicius, n. 72. DUCHESNE, n. 3. In the epitaph Leo says
concerning church music: PSALLERE ET IN POPVLIS VOLVI M(odulante)
PROFET(a) | SIC MERVI PLEBEM CHRISTI RETIN(<?)RE SACERDOS. " Prce
torium" here signifies a grand mansion. MaruCCHI, II papa Damaso (1905), reasonably
conjectures that this Leo was the father of Damasus (see present work, vol. i., p. 204 ff.).

no.246] HILARY'S BUILDINGS 79
dedicated a church to St. Euphemia at Tibur or in the vicinity,
besides churches to St. Nicander, St. Eleutherus, and St. Andrew
on the Via Labicana, as well as a church to St. Mary on the Via
Laurentina in the Fundus Crispinis. There were then a great
number of villages and large settlements in the Roman Campagna.
The places of worship we have named, as well as several others
which we know of, were centres where Christian doctrine was im
parted, and baptism and the other sacraments conferred. Leo the
Great's church of St. Stephen, on the Via Latina, already alluded
to, still shows among its ruins, at the end of a side aisle, the
ancient font, entered by steps. Hence there must formerly have
been here a country population, of which all trace is lost in the
early Middle Ages.1
246. Reverting to the city, we are told many details about the
improvements which Pope Hilary effected in different churches,
and can thus form some idea of the magnificence with which the
churches of Rome were then adorned. His two Oratories near
the Lateran Baptistery, restored and altered by Xystus III. (see
above, 111. 83) were the principal objects of his concern. Hilary's
foundation has a certain connection with his earlier experience at
the Ephesian Robber-Council. When, as Papal legate there, he
had to flee from the violence of Dioscorus and his faction, he hid
himself in the memorial chapel of St. John the Evangelist, who died
at Ephesus. This we have learnt only from a recently discovered
source concerning the ill-fated Council. Hilary ascribed to the
Evangelist's help his having been able to return safely to Rome
by a circuitous route. In gratitude he therefore dedicated to
St. John the finer of his two oratories. With its vestibule, this
has almost the shape of a mausoleum, and may possibly be
an imitation of the memorial chapel of St. John at Ephesus.
Above the door leading to the oratory from the baptistery he
placed the inscription, which yet remains, " To his deliverer,.
Blessed John the Evangelist, Bishop Hilary, the Servant of
Christ."2
1 Liber pont., I.e., Simpluius : " basilicam intra urbe Roma, iuxta palatium
Licinianum beatae martyris Bibianae, ubi corpus eius requiescit." Ibid., I, 255.
Gelasius, n. 74 : " dedicavit basilicam sanctae Eufimiae martyris in civitate Tiburtitia
et alias basilicas sanctorum Nicatidri, Eleutheri et Andreae in via Lavicana, in villa
Pertusa," &c.
2 MARTIN, Le brigandage d'Ephese, in Revue des sciences ecclh., and also separately
(Paris, 1874), with the Syrian Acts in detail. See inscription in Analecta rom., 1, 150,
n. 6, with photograph, PI. 1, n. 5.

80 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 246
The other oratory stands opposite the above. It was, and still
is, dedicated to St. John the Baptist.1
Both chapels shone with mosaics and marble veneer. In the
handsomer one of the Evangelist we may still admire the beautiful
mosaic vaulting depicting in the centre the Lamb of God, amidst
garlands of flowers, surrounded by alternating baskets of fruit,
birds, and the classical stakes with their twining vines. The
execution as a whole is astonishingly light and graceful, con
sidering its date.2
Both chapels owed to Hilary their strong and handsome
bronze doors, so well in keeping with their style. That of the
Evangelist's chapel was repaired or replaced in the time of Cencius
Camerarius, later known as Honorius III. On the other hand,
the door of the chapel of the Baptist, with its inlaid silver crosses
and silver inscription, is an example of early Christian art, of great
value on account of its scarcity.3
One hundred pounds of silver was employed upon the altar of
either "Confession"; both altars were surmounted by golden
crosses, which cannot, however, have remained there many
centuries, any more than the other furniture in precious metal,
to be mentioned directly, which Hilary provided for the great
baptismal font of this church and for his new Oratory of the
Cross.4 He so designed this splendid oratory in honour of the Holy
Cross that, to a certain extent, it formed one with the baptistery.
The two were united by a portico, and also by a spiritual bond.
After baptism the neophytes received confirmation, of which the
cross was the symbol. From the time of Hilary they were wont
to pass directly from the baptistery, through the portico, into the
new oratory, where this sacrament was conferred.5
1 The inscription fHILARVS EPISCOPVS f SANCTAE PLEBI DEI t is above
the head-piece of the door ; see Analecta rom., I, 149, n. 5, and PI. 1, n. 4. The two
other inscriptions over each door (see Garrucci, Arte crist., 4, 47) are modern
additions. 2 See the mosaic in Rohault de Fleury, Latran, PI. 39, a better reproduction
than that given by GARRUCCI, Arte crist, PI. 238. The crosses added by the latter
upon the stakes do not exist, as I have seen for myself. The mosaic of the chapel of
St. John the Baptist is only preserved in a defective sketch in Ciampini, Vetera monim.,
1, c. 26, PI. 75 (copied by Garrucci, PI. 239).
3 Copy of both doors in Rohault de Fleury, Latran, PI. 37, 39. Inscription on
that of the Oratory of the Baptist in Analecta rom., 1, 149.
4 Liber pont., I, 243; Hilarus, n. 69 ff.
5 See my explanations in the Civilta catt., 1895, I^v 727 ff : H distrutto oratorio
lateranense della Croce e P " adoratio crucis" a Roma ed a Gerusalemme.

N0.246] HILARY'S BUILDINGS 81
Considerable remains of this portico and of Pope Hilary's
oratory were standing till the first half of the seventeenth century.1
From descriptions of it, and from the clear statements of the
Liber pontificalis, we know the form of this splendid structure.
The colonnade was a threefold one (triporticus), the lofty
columns supporting a magnificent frieze. In the centre of the
court, which formed a kind of atrium to the chapel of the Cross,
stood a great fountain with a porphyry basin, flanked by two
other fountains. Upon the frieze was an inscription which stated
that Hilary had cleared away the ruins of ancient buildings
(ruderum moles'), the top of the columns showing the height of
the previous accumulation. The columns themselves and the
materials for the beautiful fountains were doubtless purloined
from ancient buildings.2
The ground-plan of the oratory of the Cross resembled that of
the famous mausoleum of Galla Placidia at Ravenna. It formed
a cross of which the arms were equal, each, except the entrance,
enclosing a chapel ; since between each arm there was another
smaller chapel, the total number of chapels was seven. The
oratory of the cross was also faced inside with marble and had its
roof decorated with rich mosaics. The remains of the Holy Cross
were placed here by Hilary, after having been hitherto preserved
in the neighbouring church of " Hierusalem," i.e. of Santa Croce
in Gerusalemme.3 The rich gifts in precious metal with which Hilary, so we are
told, furnished his oratory of the Cross must have been among the
last output of Roman art.
They are objects which we can in a measure realise by com
parison with the few extant, contemporary, artistic treasures of
Rome. Thus, according to the Liber pontificalis, Hilary adorned
the upper part of the Confessio of the oratory with a Lamb of
God in gold, standing under an arch also formed of pure gold
1 Panvinius, De septem ecclesiis (1570), p. 164, on the remains existing in his day.
For the other accounts and on the rebuilding of the portico and oratory, cp. Rohault
de Fleury, Latran, p. 318, 416, and PI. 33 ff.
2 The inscription, "Hie locus olim," &c, in de Rossi, Inscr. christ-, 2, 1, 147, and
Duchesne, Liber pont., 1, 246. Cp. Analecta rom., 1, 88 ff, for comparison with the
text of the inscription on Trajan's Column, which also gives the height of the earth
removed. 3 Liber pont., I.e. : " confessionem ubi lignum posuit dominicum." According to the
eighth-century description of the papal Good Friday ritual (de Rossi, Inscr. christ., 2, 1,
p. 34), the great relic of the Cross was carried in procession from the Lateran to Sta.
Croce in Gerusalemme.
VOL. II. F

82 • ROME AND THE POPES [no. 246
and supported upon onyx pillars ; he also hung in front of the
Confessio a golden cross twenty pounds in weight and covered
with jewels. The doors of the same Confessio were made with
fifty pounds of silver, and five pounds of gold had been required
for the candelabrum, decorated with figures of dolphins. Round
the chandelier stood four golden lamps of two pounds each.1
Let us turn now to the font in the baptistery, the favourite
site in Rome for the administration of baptism. About the pool
Hilary placed three stags, each belching forth water into the font.
The streams of water were used during the service of baptism,
while the stags recalled the hart in the Psalms, which, typical
of the soul seeking grace, " panteth after the fountains of water"
(Ps. xii. 1). Each figure had involved the use of thirty pounds
weight of silver. Sixty pounds were required to construct the
"tower" decorated with dolphins, which appears to have stood
in the middle of the font. This supported, if our explanation
of a difficult passage be accurate, the splendid golden lamp with
ten burners, which served, in the dark of the Easter vigil, to
illuminate the baptismal ceremony. A golden dove, symbol of
the Holy Ghost, hovered above the water of the New Birth.
We pass over the lists in the Liber pontificalis, which deal
with the vestries and treasuries enriched by Hilary, whether at
the Constantinian or Lateran Basilica, at St. Peter's, St. Paul's,
or St. Lawrence's, and which enumerate a fabulous number of
vessels in gold and silver. We have here a page from the history
of Roman art, which not only invites us to picture to ourselves
all these treasures, but also shows the well-nigh inexhaustible
wealth which found its way, at that time, into the coffers of the
Roman Church, and which was due to the munificence of the
great senatorial families, and occasionally of the Court.
Goths and Vandals had vied with each other in robbing Rome
of her silver and golden treasures, but now, when the losses
of the plundered churches were to be made good, gold, silver,
and precious stones again came streaming in together in abund
ance. We shall not be wrong in surmising that the estates
of the Church, the so-called Patrimonies of St. Peter, contributed
1 The cross appears upon contemporary mosaics ; for instance, on that of the vesti
bule of the Lateran Baptistery (Garrucci, PI. 238), which is perhaps a remembrance
of the consignatorium existing before Hilary ; also upon the carved doors of Sta. Sabina
(Analecta rom., 1, 441, 111.). The arch is found on sarcophagi; the Lamb on the ceiling
of the Oratory of St. John the Baptist in the Lateran Baptistery.

no. 246] HILARY'S BUILDINGS 83
largely to this work of decoration. During all the misfortunes
of the city, the patrimonies remained in possession of the Popes,
and, so far as possible, their revenues were a constant and regular
source of revenue to the Church. An old church-historian
estimated the amount spent, according to the Liber pontificalis,
by Hilary on his foundations during his short reign of seven
years, at 102,983 scudi, equal to ,£20,000. Considering the
value of money at that time, this represents an enormously
large sum.1
Moreover, that the revival of art in the decoration of religious
buildings went hand in hand with a genuine revival of religious
feeling, seems evident from the statements in the Liber ponti
ficalis regarding the Stations. Hilary paid special attention to
this ancient religious practice in Rome. The Lateran Basilica
and the church of our Lady on the Esquiline, appear to have
been liturgical centres for the Station processions. The choice
vessels which were carried in these processions for use at the
mass were deposited there. Not one of the five-and-twenty
titular churches of the city was forgotten by the Pope when
he provided new vessels. He gave twenty-five silver scyphi,
large chalices, each weighing ten pounds, twenty-five vessels
called amae or hamae, also in silver, weighing ten pounds,
intended, it would seem, to receive the gifts of wine which
the faithful offered during mass in their amulae. There were
besides, for each Titulus, two smaller silver chalices (calices mini-
steriales), each two pounds in weight, for administering Com
munion to the faithful. Finally, there was a large scyphus aureus
stationarius of eight pounds in gold, shared in common by all
the Tituli?
1 Ciaconius, Vitae pontificum (1677), 1, 316.
2 For the significance of the above inventory of liturgical vessels, see DUCHESNE,
Liber pont, 1, p. cxxiv.

CHAPTER VII
ROMAN ART AND CULTURE IN THEIR CHRISTIAN
DEVELOPMENT
247. When the Empire reached its end, art in Rome was by
no means dead. In the triple field of architecture, painting, and
sculpture, it still continued to produce works of value. The
erection of numerous basilicas in the city and the profusion with
which decorations and furniture of all sorts were lavished upon
them, was responsible for a new season of prosperity in traditional
Roman art, for which the Church alone must be thanked. As
the new ideas imported by Christianity embodied themselves,
sometimes in the traditional forms, sometimes in forms entirely
new, this renascence of art is of great interest to us.
From the beginning of the transformation of Rome under
Constantine, the fine arts had forsaken more and more the haunts
of secular life, and sought a sanctuary in the Christian churches.
Less and less is heard of worldly art. On the other hand, not
only did Christian architecture progress by building stately
basilicas, baptisteries, mausoleums enclosing sarcophagi, and
oratories of widely different designs, but also there was gathered
together within the churches, especially in the great basilicas,
titular and station churches, everything that art could produce
in marble or metal, in painting or mosaic.
Church art strove to Christianise the classic forms. With a
broad and genuine sense for the outward expression of the
beautiful, it appropriated the inheritance of early classic times.
In consequence, however, of the general decay of social and
public life, the art of the period failed to reach the olden standards
of taste or of power.
Even before Constantine, church art had taken an independent
course, in consequence of the spirit infused into its work ; after
this Emperor's time it became still more original in its tendency,
in the endeavour to make existing art subservient to its lofty aims
and to the purposes of Christian worship. We do not, how-
84

no. 248] CHRISTIAN ART 85
ever, mean that the Church created a new art, or discovered
a new style, or invented anything entirely novel in the
field of art. It never occurred to any one to expect any
such novelty of the new religion. To have introduced such
innovations would have shown lack of judgment, for the result
could only have been something unnatural, and would have
rendered more difficult the Church's work of leavening the
world of that day. Her artists, who were mostly converts,
usually continued to work quietly on their old stock of models.
Just as the Church, in the matter of social usage generally,
adapted herself to all the customs current in society, so long
as they involved no heathen superstition or immorality, so she
allowed her art to grow up on the common soil of Roman art,
taking care, however, that it remained true to her spirit in its
purity and symbolism.
In classic and early Christian times, art was so closely bound
up with public and private life that its history is really a history
of civilisation. In more recent periods art and life stand much
further apart. Trade and industry, which now dominate every
thing, scarcely allow us to realise how potent a factor in the
intellectual trend of society the fine arts once were, and how
in them we find the living expression of the sentiments which
stirred the hearts of men. Classical antiquity, and refinement
in taste and beauty, have justly, throughout all time, been con
sidered synonymous, and, with due allowance, the same is true
of the life and art of the early Church. In describing in greater
detail the last revival of Roman art we shall be well within our
scope if we also give some attention to the more noteworthy
aspects of Christian life and culture in that period.
Roman Basilicas and Public Worship
248. It is a matter of common knowledge that Christian
architects adopted two leading plans in designing churches, that
of the Rotunda and that of the Basilica. The former was gene
rally preferred in the East ; the latter, almost exclusively, was
employed in the West, and especially in Rome.
Both forms were also in vogue in classical antiquity, which
had been responsible for marvellous works in either style.
Among the extant specimens of round buildings in Rome, the

86 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 248
Pantheon of Agrippa is the most perfect creation (111. 88). The
grandeur of the vast Rotunda, the perfectly harmonious impression
given by the blending of all parts of the exterior and still more of
the interior, the even distribution of light from the single aperture
at the top throughout the whole vastness of the building — all
these advantages of the Pantheon, that finest remaining structure
of ancient times, show what a round building can become under
the hand of a real master.
In Christian Rome, however, circular edifices were found less
suitable for use in public worship than oblong basilicas, and this
for several reasons.
It was found that the practical requirements of divine service
were better served by the basilica, and it is undeniable that a
hall-shaped building, with the altar and sanctuary at the end, was
more adapted to liturgical /purposes than a circular building, in
which, in keeping with the idea of the whole, the altar, as the
culminating point of the building, should have stood in the centre.
In Latin countries, and especially in Rome, secular buildings had
usually been in the basilica style, a fact which doubtless influenced
the Christians. In this portion of the world, assembly-halls, market
places, and courts of justice had usually been given the basilican
shape ; central edifices, on the contrary, whether circular, poly
gonal, or in the form of an equal armed cross, were preferred in
the case of mausoleums and of nymphaeums with their fountains
and baths. Christian architecture in Rome also preferred this
same style for mortuary chapels and for baptisteries, where the
bath of baptism typified the New Birth. The Baptistery of
Constantine the Great and Xystus III., at the Lateran, was
circular, and it became a model for other like structures. The
relationship of both these kinds of buildings with the pagan
nymphaeums and mausoleums is sufficiently obvious.1
Yet, to explain why basilican buildings predominate among
the Church's meeting-places, we must also bear in mind Western
taste and tendency. Western nations were probably not im
pressed by the strict sense of unity and centralisation symbolised
in the rotunda. In spite of their regularity of structure, the
basilicas of Rome gave an impression of greater freedom and of
less constraint by a dominant idea than the rotunda, in which
1 On the two styles and their adaptation to church architecture, cp. Dehio and
Bezold, Die kirchl. Baukunst des Abendl., historisch und systematisch dargestellt
(Stuttgart, 1884, ff), 1, 14 ff, 19 ff., 63 ff.

111. 88. — The Pantheon. (Interior.)

no. 249] THE BASILICAN STYLE 87
every part was knit into, and, as it were, oppressed by the whole.
The basilica harmonised better with Roman character, whilst the
rotunda was in keeping with that of the Easterns.1
The principal circumstance, however, which led Roman Chris
tians to adopt the basilican form was the close connection existing
between the new buildings and the similar edifices which had been
adapted to Christian worship in the third century, or even earlier.
249. A few words upon the origin and construction of Chris
tian basilicas will here be appropriate. The leading features of
the basilica are the elongated rectangle of which the interior
consists, divided by columns into several aisles ; the raised upper
walls of the central aisle or nave, allowing for the rows of windows
of the clerestory ; the pent roof ; and, finally, the semicircle of
the apse or tribune, in which the nave ends and which serves to
contain the altar and the clergy.2
These essential parts of the Christian basilica must have
existed in some, if not in many, of the Christian places of worship
in Rome before the time of Constantine. When peace had been
given to the Church, and new places of assembly were called for,
it was only to be expected that the plan in use in pre-existing
buildings would recommend itself as most practicable, and be
adopted and improved.
During the time before Constantine, it is known that the
palatial homes of wealthy Christians were used for the liturgy
and for religious assemblies generally. Here people were wont
to forgather in the larger rooms, i.e. in the atrium or even in
the peristylium, if the mansion contained such an open space
surrounded by arcades (see 111. 89). 3 At the end of these open
courts — i.e. in the central line of the building — stood the most
important rooms of the house. Here, in the. tablinum or the
cecus, the bishop or priest officiating could celebrate most con
veniently. Between the inner court and the entrance to the
1 Cp. H. Schrors, Die kirchl. Baustile im Lichte der allgem. Culturentwicklung :
II. Die altchristl. Basilika; III. Der altchristl. Centralbau (Zeitschr. fiir christi. Kunst,
9(1896), 35 ff, 82 ff).
2 St. Peter's in Rome had five aisles, the same being true of the Lateran and of San
Paolo fuori le mura, of the Church of the Nativity at Bethlehem, and of the Basilica of
St. Demetrius at Thessalonica. According to Delattre, the newly excavated cemetery-
basilica at Damus el Karita, near Carthage, had even nine aisles. The number was
invariably uneven.
3 Schneider, Das alte Rom, PL V., No. 14. Cp. with this the plan of such Roman
basilicas as still retain their atrium, e.g. Santa Prassede, in Holtzinger, Altchr. Archit.,
p. 41-

88

ROME AND THE POPES

[No. 249

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house there was, in many mansions, a vestibule which served
admirably to accommodate the catechumens and penitents.1
Let us now imagine the open court in the interior of the
house, roofed over against the weather ; further, the walls
below the new roof pierced with
windows, the arcades of the peris-
tylium united with the main hall
by means of sloping roofs ; finally,
let us fancy the family reception-
room at the end of the court, which
was frequently semicircular, brought
into accord with the rest of the
building and reserved for the clergy
I - | . 11 and the sanctuary, and we shall
| •  • 1 H have before us all the component
parts of a Christian basilica. After
many discussions regarding the
origin of Christian basilicas, it
seems now beyond question that
¦ ,. „ -._, the description here given is the
II ; ; simplest and most probable.2
1^™ ^^ /u m\ ¦ 1 I Before the Peace of Constantine,
^ ™»^> T^r-JM * I Christians had in Rome public and
recognised places of worship ; in
fact the very name of " Basilica "
is bestowed on them as early as
311 by Optatus of Mileve. He
says that in Rome there existed
more than forty " Basilicas." Many Christian places of worship
may even then have lost their association with private houses.
1 Cp. plans of houses at Pompeii in Overbeck-Mau, Pompeji in seinen Gebduden
(1884), p. 251 ff. For Rome, cp. Forma urbis Romae, ed. Jordan, tab. 11, n. 51 ; 14,
n. 86 ; 23, 11. 173 ; 27, n. 20 ; 31, n. 316 ; 32, n. 338. ScHULTZE, Archaologie der alt
christl. Kunst, p. 42. KlRSCH, Christi. Cultusgebaude im Alterthum (1893), P- 13 ff
See present work, vol. i., III. 2, the Roman abode of the Vestals with the Tablinum.
2 Dehio especially has given his support to this theory in his Kirchl. Baukunst des
Abendl., 1, 63 ff, and in his article, Die Genesis der Basilika, in the Sitzungsber. der bayr.
Akad. der Wissensch., phil. hist. Kl., 1882, II. Cp. SCHULTZE, in the Christi. Kunst-
blatt, 1882. The course of recent discussion is well given by Kraus, Gesch. der christi.
Kunst, 1, 265 ff, to which reference may be made for the copious literature on the subject.
See also Zestermann, Messrner, Weingartner, Mothes, J. P. Richter, Holtzinger, Kraus,
K. Lange, Crostarosa, Kirsch, &c. As to plans of basilicas, the most useful is that of
old St. Peter's, after the drawing by Alfarano in DE ROSSI, Inscript. christ. urbis Romae,
2 ; Duchesne, Liber pont, 1. Cp. Dehio and Bezold, PI. 18, n. 1, 5 ; Holtzinger,
Die altchristl. Architek. in systematischer Darstellun% (1889), p. 20; Kraus, i, 323;
111. 89. — Plan of a Roman Mansion
with its Atriom and Peristylium.
No. 249]

THE BASILICAN STYLE

89

Even the language used by Eusebius shows that Constantine's
period created nothing absolutely fresh. " What had been handed
down from earlier times was now developed on a larger scale. " J
It was a mistake of former times to believe that the Christian
basilica had been a mere
copy of the ancient basilica,
public or private. No actu
ally known form of heathen
basilica coincides with the
Christian ; on the contrary,
the plans show marked
differences.2 The public basilica, as a
rule, had a passage running
all round the lofty central
space. This colonnade was
quite different from the side
aisles peculiar to Christian
basilicas. Among the public
basilicas of Rome, Constan
tine's alone, on the Sacred
Way of the Roman Forum,
the grandest known speci
men of this kind of build
ing, displays an arrangement
similar to our side aisles
(111. 90).3 Yet, even here,
the aisles, if one may so call
them, did not really form one large hall ; each had three separate
vaultings on either side, and thus each formed three rooms off the
also the plan of the ancient Lateran Basilica on our illustration (present work, vol. iii.
111. 219); that of the basilica of the Hospital of Pammachius at Porto (present work,
vol. i., 111. 10) ; and finally that of Sant' Apollinare in Classe, near Ravenna, in Dehio
and Bezold, PI. i6, n. 8 ; Holtzinger, p. 26 ; Kraus, i, 302.
1 These concluding words are from Kirsch, Christi. Culiusgebaude in der vorkonstant.
Zeit (Festschrift . . . des Campo Santo in Rom), 1897, p. 6 ff. Optatus (De schism.
Donatist., 2, c. 4), says of the Donatists who had come to Rome: "inter quadraginta et
quod excurrit basilicas locum, ubi colligerent, non habebant"
2 Cp. Mau, Basilika, in PAULY-WlSSOWA, Realencykt. des klass. Alterthums, 3, 89 ff.
3 The main entrance must originally have been at the end opposite the terminal
apse, where traces are still found of a vaulted vestibule. The entrance at the side,
opposite the other niche, seems to be an addition not contemplated by the builders,
though contemporaneous. According to Petersen, the colossal statue of Constantine,
of which the head is in the Palazzo dei Conservatori, stood in what corresponds to the
main apse.

111. 90.-

¦Constantine's Basilica on the Via
Sacra. Ground-plan.

oo ROME AND THE POPES [No. 249
central hall. The central " nave " was covered with three cross-
vaults with open lunettes. In all these points the building differed
materially from a Christian basilica.1
The mansion, or private basilica, so far as we can judge, had
certainly more in common with the Christian basilica. But the
only two positive examples of which ruins remain — the Flavian
Palace on the Palatine, and the Basilica in Hadrian's Villa near
Tibur — seem to have had no elevated central hall, and thus differ
from the Christian basilica on a point of importance.2
Hence it would be more accurate to say, regarding the deri
vation of the Christian basilica from the secular, that the earlier
places of worship of the Roman Church, usually existing
within private mansions, as soon as Constantine had given
freedom to Christian worship, underwent improvement and
became the models of an independent system of architecture.
Certain appropriate elements were adopted from the secular
basilicas, public and private. Much also was borrowed from the
sepulchral shrines (cellae) ; for instance, the exclusive use of the
semi-circular apse and the shape of the confessio, i.e. of the tomb
of the saint beneath the altar. It is perhaps also from the latter
source that the custom came of occasionally adding niches on
either side after the fashion of a transept. The side apses of the
cellae (trichorae) may here have served as models. (See Vol. I.,
111. 42.) 3
To sum up, the Christian basilica of Constantine's time was
probably the outcome of various causes. It was the result of a
long tradition from the times of persecution ; but also, in part, a
creation of architects, who drew largely on the secular basilicas
and heathen sepulchral shrines.
1 The secular basilica at Theveste is a parallel instance to Constantine's basilica in
Rome. In it the plan of nave and aisles is seen yet more clearly. Mau, p. 90.
2 For the Flavian Palace, see present work, vol. iii., 111. 181. During the late days of
the Empire, house-basilicas existed, but were simply large roofed ambulatories ; in fact,
mere extensions of the tetrastylum. Cp. Hieronymus, Ep. 18 : " instar palatii priva-
torum exstructae basilicae, ut vile -corpusculum hominis pretiosius inambulet." The
" basilica quondam Laterani" which, according to St. Jerome, Ep. 30, was altered into
the Lateran Church, was probably, according to Mau (p. 94), a house-basilica of the sort,
as well as the "domus suae ingens basilica" which the pseudo-Clementine Recognitions
(10, c. 71) describe Theophilus of Antioch as changing into a church.
3 With this reservation, consideration is due to what Kraus says, to some extent
repeating de Rossi, concerning the connection of Christian basilicas and Christian
sepulchral shrines, or cellae coemeteriales (Gesch. der christ. Kunst, 1, 259 ff). Illustra
tions of the two cellae trichorae above the Catacomb of Callistus in de Rossi, Roma sott.,
III., PI. 42-43. Picture of the double chapel of the Coemeterium Ostrianum (erroneously
described as the Crypt of S. Agnese) in Kraus, i, 260.

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no. 25o] THE BASILICAN STYLE 91
The builders of the basilicas in Constantine's time worked in
Rome at the behest and with the encouragement, not only of the
Church, but still more of a favourably disposed Court. The unity
of the vast Empire, with its abundant means of intercourse and
the wealth of the Court, made it possible with the aid of the local
authorities to raise, as though by magic, Christian basilicas of
almost identical shape even in the remotest regions. The basilica
style became predominant, because it was the style of construction
approved of in high places. It became quite universal during
the following centuries. Not in Rome only was it preserved,
but in Italy and throughout the West it remained, till nigh the
end of the tenth century, the only design in use for churches. In
Rome itself it held its ground against both the Romanesque and
Gothic styles, and retained its venerable form till the time of the
general alteration in taste, brought about by the Renaissance.
Till the nineteenth century, St. Paul's on the Ostian Way, a
building of the fourth century, remained the best specimen of a
Roman basilica. Since its destruction the two fifth-century
basilicas of Santa Maria Maggiore and Santa Sabina on the
Aventine must rank as the best representatives of the type,
though they have unfortunately lost much of their early char
acter. On the whole the early basilicas of Ravenna are in better
preservation, and among them Sant' Apollinare in Classe takes
the first place (111. 91).
250. It is a task of no great difficulty to form a complete
picture of the early Christian basilicas from the monuments
preserved, and the data left by authors.
In addition to the component parts mentioned above, the
following were generally present. There was usually the square,
open fore-court or atrium, surrounded by a portico, with a fountain
or cantharus in the centre for symbolic purification. Then, rising
above the entrance and decorated with mosaic or sculpture, the
front, of which the windows, like those of the nave, flooded the
interior with light. Further, the railed-off space of the narthex
placed across the nave and intended to accommodate those who
were not allowed to follow the liturgy with the faithful. Further
still, in the centre, towards the end of the nave, was the square
choir (schola cantorum), enclosing within a grating the clergy of
inferior rank, and having at each side a reading-desk or ambo
from which lessons and sermons were delivered. Finally, on the

92 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 250
further side of this choir or chancel was the confessio, above which
was the altar, forming a centre of attraction for the whole con
gregation. Being usually surmounted by a pillared tabernacle or
canopy, it occupied the most commanding position in the building.
We give two drawings which attempt to reproduce the basilica
Santa Maria Maggiore in its original condition, and render what
we have here described more easy of realisation (Ills. 92 and 93).
The office and dignity of the altar is also typified by the apse,
which opens behind it — a sort of more intimate sanctuary, usually
richly decorated as beseemed its importance. On entering, the
eye, following the majestic lines of columns, rests upon the
glistening shell-shaped vault or concha of the apse ; and lingers
perforce on the grand and almost unearthly figures depicted on
the golden background. These figures were usually our
Saviour surrounded by His saints ; nor were they ill-chosen, for
our Saviour is the Victim to whom the house of God is reared,
and around whom the congregation assembles as a family.
Other things contributed to give the building its mingled
character of impressiveness and charm.
First of all there was the marble decoration of the interior.
Since the time of the emperors, Rome was overloaded with marble
of every description. In the fourth and fifth centuries crumbling
public edifices, imperial and private villas in the Campagna, and
fresh consignments from foreign lands due to the munificence of the
Christian sovereigns, provided ample material of the choicest
kind for the rising basilicas. This material frequently had been
already chiselled, so that it was possible to use it without further
ado. Not only were the columns of marble, but even the walls
were faced with polished marble slabs of various colours, arranged
in stripes or geometrical figures. The floor was also covered with
white marble or coloured mosaic. Those portions of the walls
which were not covered with marble were filled with pictures in
mosaic or painting, this being especially the case with the walls
of the apse. The columns supported, either a series of arches, or
a marble entablature, above which ran a frieze and cornice suit
ably decorated with sculptures and mosaics. Huge curtains, often
embroidered or woven in rich material, hung between the pillars.
By making the curtains longer and drawing them together the
side aisles could be completely cut off. There were also curtains,
both for use and for ornament, at the entrances. They may be

111. 92. — Santa Maria Maggiore. Interior looking towards the Altar.
(Reconstruction.)

111. 93. — Santa Maria Maggiore. Interior looking towards the Narthex.
(Reconstruction.)

No.25o] THE BASILICAN STYLE

93

seen in the basilicas which figure on some early sculptures.
Curtains also surrounded the pillared tabernacle of the altar, which
could thus at the right moment be hidden from the public gaze.
Had the eyes been raised to the lofty rows of windows in the
nave they would have been arrested by the pictures, chiefly depict
ing saints, beneath and between each light, and seeming to look
down upon the spectator. Admiration would likewise have been
aroused by the broad span of the ceiling which, with its rich
decorations, covered the whole nave. Basilicas, as a rule, had
flat Ceilings (laqueare or lacunar) placed horizontally to the
slanting timber-work of the roof and often ornamented with
panels. From the ceiling hung lamps of varied design to
illuminate the hall on festive occasions. In rare cases the bare
beams and rafters of the roof were visible from below, and helped
to strengthen the impression of the building as one vast hall ; the
absence of a ceiling was not, however, in keeping with Roman
habits or demands.
A very frequent device found in basilicas, particularly in
Rome, was the so-called Pergula. This consisted of a small
row of columns, connected at the top by an entablature and below
by a balustrade which crossed the basilica between the chancel
and the altar. This in some way resembled the Greek Icono-
stasis, though it did not form a dividing wall, obstructing the
view of the sanctuary, but merely an ornamental structure, with
open spaces between the columns. Usually it served to support
candlesticks and statues, while lamps, crosses, crowns, and votive
offerings, sometimes even chalices and ampullae, hung from it.
It did duty as a barrier separating the " presbytery " from the
people, and at the same time added to the splendour of the
altar's neighbourhood. One such Pergula is well known to have
existed at St. Peter's and was frequently imitated elsewhere.1
The Altar was a simple stone table. A square slab of marble
or mensa rested upon a stout pillar or on two or four legs shaped
as pillars. Below the mensa, and between the pillars, was a closed
cavity for the relics, unless, indeed, there was a vault or crypt
containing a saint's body or his relics. The altar stood upon a
1 On the Pergula, see the passage in the Liber pontificalis, I, 417 ff. ; Gregorius III.,
n. 195 ff. An example, though of rather later date, exists in the fine restoration by
Giovenale of an altar and pergula at Sta. Maria in Cosmedin. Cp. F. Mazzanti, La
scultura ornamentale romana nei bassi tempi (Archivio stor. dell' arte, 1896), p. 31. Cp.
ibid., p. 38, the pergula by Leprignano. See also Rohault de Fleury, La Messe,
PI. 240 ff.

94

ROME AND THE POPES

[NO. 250

plinth, as may be seen, for instance, upon the four altars repre
sented in mosaic in the cupola of San Giovanni in Fonte at
Ravenna. One of the best earlier examples of altars is that of
the sixth century at Sant' Apollinare in Classe, near the same city.1
The significance of the altar was impressed on the spectator
by the pillared " tabernacle " which overshadowed it. This was
a sort of baldachin in stone or metal, sometimes even in silver,
which rested upon four pillars placed about the altar. From
the small cupola which the structure formed above the altar,
the tabernacle acquired
the name of Ciborium
(Kifiupiov, a goblet). The
roof of the Ciborium
towered above the Per
gula, and with reason, for
it covered the real centre
of the church. From
within the Ciborium hung
the dove or other vessel
in precious metal, con
taining the Eucharistic
Bread.2 In Rome, Transepts
were frequently added
to the end of the nave
near the apse, to increase
the space available for
liturgical functions. This
necessitated the construc
tion of arches over the entrances from the nave and aisles
into the transept. Walking down the nave, a visitor would
have found himself under a great arch, called the Triumphal
Arch, spanning the entire space between the last two columns.
Immediately beyond he would see the two arms of the tran-
1 Copy of a portion of the mosaic in Holtzinger, p. 115 ; Rohault de Fleury,
PI. 29.
2 The Liber pont., Silvester, speaks of the fastidium of the Lateran Church
(Duchesne, i, 172, 191: "fastidium, argenteum, battutilem"). The use of the
Eucharistic Dove persisted long afterwards. At the Archaeological Exhibition at
Orvieto, 1896, there was one from Frassinoro. See my notice in the Civilta catt.,
1896, 4, 463 ff. (with photograph), and in the Nuovo Bull, di archeol. crist., 1897, p. 18
(with another illustration). In Germany one has been quite recently discovered at
Munstermaifeld, in the diocese of Treves.

111. 94. — Altar of Sant' Apollinare in Classe
near Ravenna.
From Rohault de Fleury, La Messe, I. PI. 30.

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No.2So] THE BASILICAN STYLE

95

sept opening out to right and left. Though they usually
emerged only slightly, if at all, from the main walls of the
church, they afforded a considerable addition of free space. This
served partly for the accommodation of altars to receive the
oblations (oblata) of the multitude, partly for reserved seats for
distinguished people (senatoria and malronaed), and partly, too,
for liturgical functions. For instance, at St. Peter's, since the days
of Pope Damasus, the right transept served for administering
baptism and confirmation. The transept led to the altar being
shifted slightly more towards the nave, so that it assumed a posi
tion in front of the apse instead of inside it. Properly speaking,
the altar belonged indeed to the apse, but there was a certain
advantage in bringing it forward towards the transept and sur
mounting it by the Triumphal Arch, the effect being then even more
imposing. Let us enter the Apse. Here we first pass the marble balus
trade which, with its rilievo work, formed an ornament peculiar
to the basilicas (Ills. 95 and 96).
After ascending one or more steps into the apse we see the
bishop's marble throne erected in the centre of the recess. Like
the classical marble chairs, it is provided with back and arms ; in
many cases it was merely an ancient stool purloined uncere
moniously from some older edifice. It was approached by steps,
its height denoting the rank of its occupier, which was likewise
evinced by its position at the end of the basilica. A marble
bench ran round the base of the semicircle, on which the clergy
sat whenever they celebrated, according to ancient custom, with
the bishop, or assisted in any way at the office. In some basilicas,
such as, for instance, in that of St. Agnes in the Via Nomentana,
or in SS. Nereus and Achilleus on the Appian Way, the wall
of the apse is still faced with massive ancient marble slabs.
The panelling was suitably finished off at the point where the
vault of the concha begins by a richly decorated cornice. In
early times the piercing of the apse by windows was very unusual.
Some basilicas had the further peculiarity of an ambulatory out
side the circuit of the apse. Where this was the case there were
open arches in the wall of the apse, people in the ambulatory being
thus enabled to watch the performance of the liturgy. That such
an arrangement existed we have now many proofs afforded by
recent research into the construction of early Christian buildings.

96 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 251
From the Liber pontificalis we know that there was a pierced
apse at Sta. Maria Maggiore ; that the same was the case at
SS. Cosma e Damiane we know from the portions of this church
still existing on the Forum (see Vol. I., 111. 52). There was also
an apse of this kind in the Basilica Severiana, in San Giovanni
Maggiore at Naples, in the Basilica of Prato near Avellino, and
above all, not to speak of examples outside Italy, in the nowvanished
double Basilica of St. Paulinus at Nola. The description of this
last building still exists, written by St. Paulinus himself, who
founded the church. Quite lately, too, we have obtained informa
tion of a similar pierced apse in S. Sebastiano on the Via Appia
(the Basilica apostolorum of the fourth century) where traces still
exist of this arrangement.1
251. The outside of the basilicas was not decorated to the
same extent as the interior. In fact the outside offered a real
contrast to the lavish splendour and beauty of the interior.
Outside, the simple brick building with its long, straight body,
broken only by arched windows, in which the lean-to roofs of the
side aisles were somewhat monotonously surmounted by the high
roof of the nave, lacked artistic variety. The windows themselves
usually consisted of thin slabs of marble perforated in all sorts of
patterns (111. 97), sometimes, though rarely, filled with glass. In a
word, the outward aspect of the buildings was almost mean.
That even the exterior had occasionally a certain grandeur of its
own is, however, manifest from the drawings left us of old St.
Paul's on the Via Ostia close to the Tiber (111. 98).2
Certain architectural difficulties were left unsolved in the
exteriors of ancient basilicas. In some matters of importance
they display considerable faultiness. For instance, in front there
was a lack of due proportion between the upper and lower portion
of the wall. Instead of a transition from one to the other there
was an abrupt spring from the wall to the overhanging roof of the
vestibule. The upper wall was often decorated with mosaics, and
the portico was also richly decorated ; sometimes, too, as in old
St. Peter's, the roof of this hall was varied by tiles, and a sort of
1 On Nola, PAULINUS, Epist. 32 ad Severum., poem, 27, 28, 29. HOLTZINGER, Die
Basilica des Paulinus von Nola, in Zeitsch. filr bildende Kunst (1885), 135 ff. For S.
Sebastiano, Bullett. di arch, crist., 1891, pp. 12, 16.
2 From Letarouilly, Edifices de Rome, PI. 334. The view of the river has been
blocked out. The campanile is mediaeval, the portico is of still later work, and the wait
surrounding the atrium is modern. To the right is seen the old monastery attached to
the basilica. To the left the masonry supporting the wall of the transept is of late date.

vvvv

1
ii r ^*
| Eg y ^8
!- - •' I- "•
1

4 • »
m- m -m
4 • *
»- « ¦«
"4 •'»
fc # «¦

»- « -«
* ¦ »
4 • *
»-#¦¦««

jil - ii ¦ 1
»»• « «
•? i* ««
<*,? 1
.4:' *
111. 97. — Pierced Marble Windows.
(a) From fragments found in the Roman Forum ; (i) A window from a balcony in the Corso, now
in the Museo del Orto Botanico. Both are fifth century work. (After Mazzanti.)
No. 251]

THE BASILICAN STYLE

97

porch was added in front of the church door. The difficulty was
met in some measure by these means, but the contrast remained
between the spacious upper front and the badly connected lower
portion. A similar defect existed at the back of the basilica.
Here the roof of the apse went far up the flat wall, into which it
was gradually merged ; but here, too, there was lacking a well-
knit architectural combination of a character to please the eye.1
It would therefore be a mistake to think that the early basilica
was architecturally perfect. In the basilica, ecclesiastical art

111. 98. — St. Paul's on the Ostian Way.
Before the fire in 1823.
merely evolved a style of building suited to the requirements of
Divine worship. Certain imperfections also clung to the basilicas
in consequence of their origin, they having been modelled on
dwelling-houses, with the adoption of a few extraneous details.
The defects of the basilicas are, however, insignificant in com
parison with the chaste and venerable character shared by all
these buildings, particularly in their interior.
It was in these basilicas that the victorious Church spent her
1 Dehio, p. 115 ff. Cp. on the basilican style : Holtzinger, Altchristl. und byzant.
Baukunst. (Hdb. der Archil, 2, 3, 1), p. 25 ff. ; Altchristl. Basiliken in Rom und Ravenna
(Bormann and Graul, Die Baukunst, 4); Grisar, Civ. catt. (1898), 3, p. 718 ff, 4,
p. 460 ff. (1899), 1, p. 214.
VOL. II. G

98 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 252
youth. They were eye-witnesses of many a mighty battle and
glorious triumph. In Rome the basilicas were for centuries the
resort of fervent pilgrims from every part of the Christian world.
Yet blind prejudice alone could regret that this style was not
retained through all time, or desiderate a reversion to it. Church
architecture in the Middle Ages made enormous progress on the
basilica, though the principle of its development is only now
beginning to be understood and coming into its due. Amidst all
the alterations the fundamental plan of the basilica was, however,
always retained.
The so-called Romanesque style was obviously based upon
the early Christian basilica. The pillared basilica of the early
Middle Ages, with its vaulted roof and outside decoration, was
merely a development of the church of the fourth and fifth cen
turies, though it marks a genuine architectural advance.
The Gothic style, wThich in time superseded the Romanesque,
had still better right to be considered an advance. Nevertheless,
even this last progressed along the old traditional lines, being
really an improvement on the older Romanesque style of building.
All it did was to express the traditional ideas with more harmony
and force. It embodied the ideas, ecclesiastic and classic, expressed
by the basilica in a form agreeable to the requirements of the
Germanic and Romance nations, gratifying their love of power
and their leaning to symbolism and mysticism.
252. In order to acquaint ourselves the better with the ideas
embodied in the basilica, let us once more re-enter one. The
contrast between the insignificance of the outside and the im
pressive grandeur and luxury of the interior cannot fail to strike
us forcibly. The basilica, so to speak, hides its beauty from the
scurrying world, and reveals it only to those who seek God within.
In this we have a replica of the attitude of Christianity in the
midst of society at the time of the downfall of paganism. How
ever willingly the Church adopted all that was good and per
manent in the culture of classical antiquity ; however much she
associated herself with all the currents of the day in order to
sanctify and elevate them, there always remained a gulf fixed
between the world and its heathen memories on the one hand,
and the pure regions on the other, in which the Church wor
shipped the Creator of all things " in spirit and in truth."
The contrast with the "World" was taught by the Gospel,

no.2S2] THE BASILICAN STYLE 99
and also by the Fathers. It was therefore right that this should
be expressed in Christian architecture, and especially in the
outward aversion of the basilica for the pomps and vanities of
the world.
The very fore-court or atrium, into the lofty enclosure of
which we enter before crossing the sacred threshold, seems to
admonish us to collect our thoughts. Its majestic gateway, often
consisting of columns and arches (Prothyron) ; the seclusion and
calm of the interior of the court, where we hear no sound but the
splashing of the Cantharus to remind us of inward purification ;
the sarcophagi of the departed lined up in the cloisters ; the
scenes from the life of Christ and of the saints on the front — all
unite in creating the frame of mind with which one should enter
the house of God. This fore-court in itself contains a sermon on
seclusion from the world and religious concentration.
In the holy temple itself the newcomer is struck with astonish
ment and admiration at the splendour displayed in God's honour.
A consciousness of the triumph of the Faith winning public
recognition after having been so long oppressed, could not fail
to have taken possession of the visitor in the years following
Constantine. The impression of grandeur and splendour was,
however, soon completed by the religious fervour awakened in the
soul when the eye was cast down the majestic range of columns
through the Triumphal Arch with its stately mosaics, and alighted
on the mysterious decorations of the apse towering above the
altar. The mighty pillars, in their ordered and regular lines,
converge towards one point, namely, the Altar of Sacrifice, which
is the centre of Faith and of Hope. The very walls seem to meet
in the apse at the Cathedra of the Bishop — i.e. at the spot where
he is seated — whom the congregation obey as God's own vicar.
The wide, spacious aisles of the church allow a full view of the
assembly of the faithful gathered together as a single family — a
well-organised family in which the sexes are kept apart. - Even
at the present day we still have inscriptions speaking of the men's
side and of that of the women, and of the enclosure reserved for
consecrated virgins. These enclosures were probably, as a rule,
marked by wooden screens which could be readily shifted from
one spot to another. That the division was made by the aisles
is not likely. Nobles and officials had their place near the
•" Presbytery," and catechumens, like penitents, were separated

ioo ROME AND THE POPES [no. 252
by the lattice of the narthex. In Rome the latter was not in
front of the church, but usually at the commencement of the nave,
and formed by fixing lattice-work on a high railing from one
of the first pillars straight across the nave to the pillar opposite.
The bishop or priest who read the Word of God from the
ambones in the chancel could thus be heard by those who were
standing in the narthex. In this way the spiritual head of the
congregation had all the members of his family before him at
once in the vast hall, of which the oneness was scarcely broken
by the many columns.1
The co-ordination of entirely uniform parts is peculiar to
basilican architecture, in which it differs essentially from the
Gothic. The basilica consists of a system of parts, one sup
porting the other. To a certain extent this is typical of the
character of the Romans, with their co-ordinate development of
law and statecraft. Popular political action and reaction were
quite alien to the spirit of the Romans, and only became possible
in the freer atmosphere of the Middle Ages. The soaring
mediaeval cathedrals, with their wonderful balancing of opposing
forces, are an embodiment of the post-Roman polity. The ideal
of Gothic structures is height ; that of the basilica is breadth and
length. The number of comparatively low aisles, giving great
spaciousness to the basilica, also expresses an idea dear to the
Romans, viz. the extent and magnitude of the Roman Empire.
Roman architecture was pervaded throughout by this character
of massiveness and imposing magnitude.2
The interior of the basilica expresses, however, more than
the mere idea of greatness. It is also beautiful in the Roman
and classical meaning of the word.
Here, in the retirement of the sanctuary, the Church celebrates
her triumph in the language of the day, by having recourse to the
art of the period, which was truly the classic art of the Roman
1 BOSIUS (Roma soil., 2, c. 6) gives an inscription from a tomb at St. Peter's : " AD S.
PETRVM APOSTOLVM ANTE REGIA | IN PORTICV COLVMNA SECVNDA
QVANDO INTRAMVS | SINISTRA PARTE VIRORVM | LVCILLVS ET
IANVARIA HONESTA FEMINA." This text does not, as was supposed, neces
sarily mean that the left aisle was reserved for men or the right for women. It is not
reasonable to suppose that the people assembled only in the side aisles. On the frag
ment VIRGINVM CANC(ellus) from North Africa, see Acad, des inscr. (seance 6 Dec),
1889. See also the passages cited by Schultze (Archdologie, p. 52 ff), from the early
Christian period.
2 Cp. H. Schrors, Die kirchl. Baustile im Lichte der allgemeirien Culturentwicklungr
in the Zeitschr. fitr christi. Kunst, 9 (1896), 35 ff.

no. 252] THE BASILICAN STYLE 101
Empire, as yet uninfluenced by foreign spirit. Within the basilica
all is cheerful and attractive, all is ennobled by the majesty and
calm of the antique, so far as an art already struck with decay
could allow.
The light from outside was not tempered, but streamed in
abundantly through the stone fretwork which served as windows
(cp. 111. 97). It entered by as many lofty windows in the nave as
there were arches above its columns. The radiant daylight shone
on the splendid colouring of the pictured saints, bringing in triumph
their crowns to Christ. It glistened on the marble walls and
columns as though calling all present to rejoice in the triumph
of the Church over the hostile forces of hell. The symbol of
this triumph was the crowned monogram of Christ, which was
frequently inserted in gold mosaic on the keystone of the Triumphal
Arch. It also figured in other parts of the interior, particularly
on the capitals.
The tessellated floor, which in those days was unencumbered
with benches, freely reflected the light ; the wealth of hang
ings and votive offerings ; the dazzling blaze of burning
lights — particularly at the evening services on great vigils and
festivals — in which the polished pillars shone again like candel
abra ; finally, the mosaic figures, which, especially in artificial
light, seemed magnified and almost endowed with life and motion
— all this combined to form a superb and entrancing spectacle.
Such lavish splendour may perhaps appear extravagant to later
taste, but for the centuries which followed Constantine it was a
genuine Roman expression of religious triumph, and served to
strengthen the Christian Romans in their faith. Let us only
imagine the feelings of a cultured Christian foreigner on a visit to
Rome and, full of wonder, entering these basilicas for the first
time. The very existence of the Church at that period, the
strengthening of her position in the world, made it imperative
that she should thus be presented to her children and to those
who were still strangers to her.1
What we have described is the basilica in its full festal raiment,
which, needless to say, it did not always and everywhere affect.
Not every basilica was enriched with the gifts of all Christendom
like the churches of St. Peter and St. Paul, or of the Lateran —
that apple of the Pope's eye — or the Esquiline Basilica of our
1 We shall deal later with the manner of lighting and furnishing the larger basilicas.

102 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 253
Lady, the greatest of Mary's churches in the Western Empire. All
basilicas, however, even the least favoured, were architecturally
apt to elevate the souls of their visitors.
253. In order to see how the already complex Liturgy received
an appropriate setting in the basilica, and how well it there found
itself at home, it is only necessary to recall it to mind. The
entrance of the celebrant and accompanying clergy could take
place with far greater ceremony in the long-stretched hall than in
a circular building. Suitable positions existed, moreover, for each
different function — for the Sacrifice of the Altar, the lessons, and
for the accompaniment rendered by the singers in the choir.
When the choir intoned the old melodies in which was
enshrined the best and most sacred of the classical music of
antiquity, purified according to Christian canons — for such indeed
is what we now call plain chant — the impression came that, after
all, a certain likeness existed between the chant and the form and
decoration of the basilica. These melodies mainly consisted in a
manner of chanting in which a measure was repeated with
regularity, thus admirably expressing the reposeful action of
prayer. The psalms and responses, for instance, were thus
rendered. We have here a quiet, constant succession analogous
to that of the columns of the basilica. The soft cadence of these
airs seemed to undulate as harmoniously along the aisles as the
long series of arches converging on the apse. There was a
livelier and more free kind of singing, for instance, at the Gradual,
the Tract, and the Alleluia, in which rhythm and melody followed
the burden of the words and the feelings of the singer. The
voices, now jubilant, now solemn, now raised in supplication, now
full of thanksgiving, resembled the changeful and luxuriant
decoration of the church. Yet just as the decoration of the
basilica was ordered with a view to one effect, and indeed in a
sense converged on one point in the apse, so also the vocal music
was subject to rule, the melodies being combined so as to produce
one total effect, the repetition of similar musical phrases expressing
similar frames of mind, and the concluding cadences varying
according to the tone adopted.
The basilica was pervaded by a spirit different from that of
the heathen temples. The difference in form expresses the con
trast between the two worships. All the glory of an ancient
temple was without. The open area, the superb portico, the

no. 2S4] S. PAOLO FUORI LE MURA 103
glistening marble walls adorned with statues, the frontals with
their rich sculpture and bright acroteria, the tasteful friezes with
their allegoric or mythological figures, the carefully designed roof,
often covered with bronze-gilt tiles— all this outward show enclosed
a small, dimly-lighted temple-space, the cella, with its image of the
god. The people did not meet in the temple itself, but in the
open air, amid surroundings quite unsuited to the recollection
called for by the presence of God. The crowd itself, unlike that
in the basilica, bore no resemblance to a family made one in
Faith and Hope, and in which rank is sunk. The comparison
shows plainly how the basilica, the " House of God " — Aula Dei or
Dominicum, as it was often called — was also the domus ecclesiae, i.e.
the home of the congregation, a holy meeting-place resorted to by
the poorest as well as by those blessed with the wealth of the
world.1 Old St. Paul's, Sta. Maria Maggiore, and Sta. Sabina : Three
Specimens of Early Christian Architecture
254. Through a misfortune which can never be sufficiently
deplored, the finest example of a Roman basilica preserved down
to the nineteenth century was destroyed in 1823, when a fire
laid waste the basilica above the Tomb of St. Paul on the Ostian
Way. Of the two other largest basilicas in the city, old St.
Peter's with its five aisles has long ago disappeared, whilst the
venerable Lateran Basilica, which also once had five aisles,
though it still exists, has almost entirely lost its ancient form in
1 AVLA DEI CLARIS RADIAT SPECIOSA METALLIS | IN QVA PLVS
FIDEI LVX PRETIOSA MICAT. So begins a sixth-century inscription in SS.
Cosmas and Damian, which is characteristic of the splendour of the Basilicas. See
GRISAR, Analecta Rom., i, 81. EUSEB., Hist, eccl., VIII., c. 13: t&v lKKk-qaiG>v ol oIkoi,
VI I., c. 30 : 6 tijs iKKK-rioias of/cos. Dominicum comes from dominus (domus Domini), and
resembles Kvpiaxbv, whence "kirk" and "church." In Rome Dominicum was tantamount
to Basilica, though more rarely used. There is a well-known inscription of the first half
of the fourth century on the metal collar of an escaped slave. In the event of again
escaping he was to be brought back to the church of St. Clement: TENE ME
Q | VIA FVG. ET REB ] OCA ME VICTOR | I • ACOLIT | O A DOMIN | ICV
CLEMENTIS I ^ • De Rossi, Bull, di archeol. crist, 1863, p. 25. Next to the
name of the patron saint it was usual to put that of the founder of the basilica. Both
are seen on the bronze collar of some animal, possibly a shepherd's dog, belonging to
St. Paul's. A^AAD BASILICA APOS I TOLI PAVLI ET DDD NNN FILI-

CISSIMI PECOR, where " domini nostri" stands for the three emperors, who ordered
the restoration of this church, as is mentioned below, p. 107. De Rossi, Bull. arch.
crist, 1874, p. 63.

104 ROME AND THE POPES [N0.254
consequence of repeated alterations. The two best preserved of
the larger basilicas are, as we have already remarked, Sta. Maria
Maggiore on the Esquiline, and Sta. Sabina on the Aventine.
Both of them and old St. Paul's deserve closer examination.
We couple old St. Paul's with the two existing basilicas because,
though destroyed, we are better informed about it than about
the earlier appearance of old St. Peter's, or of the original church
of the Lateran. We have sketches, views, and descriptions
made of St. Paul's in the last century, which we have not for the
other basilicas. Neither did the fire destroy it entirely, for the
transept, with the Triumphal Arch and the apse, were spared.
The handsome new building which replaced the old one, and
was erected on the same spot, differs materially in character
from its predecessor. St. Paul's is also more interesting to
the student, since it belongs to the fourth century, whereas
Sta. Maria Maggiore and Sta. Sabina were erected only in
the fifth.1
To state briefly the peculiarities of old St. Paul's, we may
say that it was of greater dimensions than any other basilica in
Rome, not excepting old St. Peter's. The nave and side aisles
were 390 feet in length, and their total width was 195 feet. The
huge nave completely dwarfed the side aisles, as may be seen in
111. 99, which shows the ground plan of the church taken shortly
before the disaster of 1823. At the end of the nave the span of
the Triumphal Arch measured some 46 feet. To the right and
left the arch was supported by a colossal column provided with
an architrave, forming a fitting conclusion to the central lines of
pillars. No fewer than eighty pillars, all of the Corinthian order,
but of various marble and with irregular bases, some being early
work and others new, supported the nave and adjoining aisles.
Each of the four colonnades consisted of twenty pillars, all sur
mounted by arches, giving abundant variety to the structure.
The pillars had been purloined from divers public buildings. In
1 Nicolai, Basil, di S. Paolo, Roma, 1815. With plates. This work was partly
written by Nibby, especially where inscriptions are treated. Rossini (Sette colli di
Roma, 2, PI. 99 ff.) gives some good views. Cp. HUBSCH, Kirchen, PI. 10, 11, 12;
DEHIO, PI. 17, n. I and 21 ; and the illustrations in HOLTZINGER, 24, 43, 88, and 188 ;
and in Kraus, Gesch. der christi. Kunst, 1, 322.
Note to 111. 99. — After Nicolai, Basilica di S. Paolo, plate slightly amended. For the
explanation of the numbers, see Nicolai. The usual entrance was not in the atrium (A),
but at the back of the church (44). To the right (52, 53) is seen the commencement of
the cloisters.

1 111. 99. — Plan of Old St. Paul's. (Before the fire.)

no. 254] S. PAOLO FUORI LE MURA 105
the aisles were twenty-four of choice Pavonazzetto marble taken
from the Basilica yEmilia on the Forum. Some of these, salved
from the fire, have been refurbished and set up again — four at the
side altars of the transept and four in the apse.1
After the Triumphal Arch came the transept, of which the
uncommon width even exceeded that of the nave. This transept,
however, projected scarcely more than the depth of two walls
from the main line of the building-, whereas at St. Peter's and at
the Lateran the transepts jutted out considerably further.
The altar of St. Paul's (111. gg29), which was erected over the
Tomb of the Apostle, stood in the midst of the transept, near
the Triumphal Arch, and on the same spot where it still stands.
Between the apse and the altar were twenty pillars, mostly of
porphyry, which were removed by Sixtus V. They stood round
that portion of the altar turned towards the apse, and supported
an entablature with statues and lamps.2
Turning towards the five entrances at the opposite end of the
church, the spectator was struck by the panelled ceiling, richly
ornamented with gold, which concealed the roof. It appears that
under Leo I. a similar gorgeous ceiling was put up after lightning
had destroyed the previous one. During the ninth century the
work was again done anew.3
Beneath this broad, flat ceiling an effective series of windows,
consisting of pierced marble slabs, stretched right and left along
the clerestory. Including the transept, the Basilica contained
sixty-six large and forty-one smaller windows. Between each
upper window a large figure was painted, whilst below was a
double row of square panels set in painted frames, and depicting
scenes from the Old and New Testament. Judging by a few
1 Giovanni Dondi, in the interesting description of the Basilica, which he wrote
about 1375 (de Rossi, Inscript. christ.) speaks of ninety columns ; Panvinius (Septem
eccl., p. 73) gives eighty-eight, but evidently they included subsidiary pillars not belonging
to the original structure. The statistics furnished by both writers concerning the propor
tions of the Basilica are noteworthy, illustration of a pillar in Mothes, Baukunst des
MA. in Italien, I, 111. 15. Ibid., 111. 14, the Ionic columns of the Triumphal Arch.
On the controversy between Lanciani and de Rossi regarding the Pavonazzetto columns,
see Mittheil. des archdol. Inst., 1888, p. 95, and 1889, p. 242. The name of Hadrian's
consort, Julia Sabina, is found upon some of these columns, a fact which makes it
doubtful whether they came from the Basilica JEmMa, which was already standing in
Julia's time.
2 UGONIO, Stationi, p. 237. The Liber pont. says of Leo III. (2, 30, n. 416): "super
columnas marmoreas, quae slant in circuitu altaris, ex metallis martnoreis platomas
fiosuit." These pillars had before merely a wooden entablature.
3 Liber pont, 1, 239, Leo I., n. 66. The "camera" here alluded to seems to me to
mean the ceiling.

106 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 254
copies of these taken during the seventeenth century, and now
at the Barberini Museum, modern experts have decided with
tolerable certainty that many of these pictures belong to a date
earlier than the eleventh century. Some of them may even have
been restorations of works dating from the foundation of the
Basilica.1 Immediately above the line of arches, two to each, were
medallions with the portraits of the Roman Bishops. As speci
mens of the most ancient we give (111. 100 and 101) those of
Damasus and Siricius. These busts each had a marginal in
scription giving the name of the bishop represented. At the
Lateran Basilica and at St. Peter's there were similar illustrated
series of the Popes. The Basilica of Sant' Apollinare in Classe
at Ravenna also kept the portraits of the bishops of that city
(see 111. 91). It is possible that this custom of placing the
bishops' portraits in churches corresponded to the ancient custom
of adorning mansions with circular portraits of the owner's
ancestors. In Rome these likenesses of the Popes had an added
importance in that they evinced in monumental language the
apostolic succession of the heirs of Peter. They were a lasting
testimony, borne by the three leading churches of Rome, to the
right of supremacy assumed by each successor of the Prince of
the Apostles. They silently proclaimed that communion with
1 E. Muntz, L ancienne basilique de St. Paul hors-les-murs, ses fresques et ses
mosaiques, &c, in Revue de Part chret., 1898, p. 1 ff, with PI. I and 2 from the Barberini
Library. Note to Ills. 100-101. — Photographs by Commendatore C. Tenerani. Damasus is
better preserved than Siricius, whose vesture has been badly touched up by a- later artist.
Damasus is wearing a white crimson-edged tunic and a dark yellow pallium, which is
thrown over his shoulder and covers his left arm. The latter is not the pallium as it will
later be worn by archbishops, but the classical pallium, such as is worn by all the ancient
Popes of this series ; this explains the absence of the cross which figures on the ecclesi
astical pallium. The size of the tonsure is typical. The portrait of Damasus is 82
centimetres in height, that of Siricius 81. The background is grey, encircled in green,
in a red and yellow frame. An inscription beside each Pope gives the length of his
pontificate in years, months, and days :
DAMA SIRICI
SVS VS SED.
SED. ANN.
ANN. XV
XVIII M. XI
M. II D. D. XXV
X
Other instances of such Christian imagines clypeatae are the portraits in the Oratory of
St. Chrysogonus at Ravenna (GARRUCCI, Arte crist., PI. 224 f.) ; of the Apostles on the
Triumphal Arch of San Vitale, in the same city (ibid., PI. 259) ; and those in the chapel
of Zeno at Santa Prassede, in Rome (ibid., Pi. 287). See also our 111. 91.

111. 100, 101.  TWO OF THE OLDEST PORTRAITS FROM ST. PAUL'S.
Damasus (above) and Siricius.

no. 255] S. PAOLO FUORI LE MURA 107
the bearers of the Papal power is the touchstone of unity and
orthodoxy.1 The portraits themselves at St. Paul's, St. Peter's, and the
Lateran were not so much authentic likenesses as idealised
pictures. The heads still preserved from old St. Paul's prove
this by the way in which one resembles the other. Against the
modern mosaics which now replace those earlier paintings of the
Popes a charge of uniformity cannot be brought, for they offer a
remarkable diversity of types, though, no more than their pre
decessors, do they pretend to historical accuracy, which indeed
is no longer possible. It is only when we come to the Popes of
the fifteenth century that the pictures can have any claim to be
genuine portraits. On the contrary, it is practically certain that
the great mosaics on the Triumphal Arch of St. Paul's carry us
back to antiquity. With them we have already dealt (p. 73 ff.)
in speaking of Pope Leo I.
255. An inscription extant, though altered, reminds us that
this "Aula" was begun by Theodosius and completed by
Honorius to the glory of the Apostle Paul, the "Teacher of the
World." As a fact, Theodosius the Great in conjunction with
Valentinian II. and Arcadius had, by an edict of the year 386,
ordered building operations to be commenced. By the time
that the church was ready to be consecrated under Pope Siricius,
in 390, the Emperor Theodosius was also sovereign of Italy.
We still have the inscriptions referring to this dedication, which
formerly were set on the first pillar of the second northern aisle,
probably because this was the last to be erected. Unluckily this
cipollino-pillar, owing to its material, fared badly in the fire.2
1 During the fire only forty-two portraits were saved, all from the south wall. They
range from Peter to Innocent I. ; thirty-four are to be identified by the early inscriptions ;
the portraits of Eleutherus and Dionysius were lost. De Rossi, Bull. arch, crist, 1870,
p. 122 ff. On these and other similar portraits, and on the origin of this decoration at
S. Paul's, see Duchesne, Liber pont. 1, xxv. ff. ("la serie antique commencait au-dessus
de la corniche, en haut de la nef, sur le mur meridional") ; and MiJNTZ, I.e., p. 9 ff.
The above-mentioned likenesses of the earliest Popes on the whole still preserve the
character given them in the fifth century (cp. 111. 100, 101), though traces are often found
of mediaeval restoration in the vesture. For instance, on the portrait of Pope Eusebius
the clavus of the tunic is all awry. All these Popes wear, besides the white tunic with
red clavi, the antique dark pallium of the rhetors and philosophers, not the ecclesiastical
pallium, which is merely a white strip. Cp. my article, "Das romische Pallium," in
the Festschr. . . . des Campo Santo zu Rom (1897), p. 93.
2 See above (p. 15, 111. 82), the inscription and our remarks on the pillar-base. De
ROSSI (Musaici, Arco di Placidia) calls attention to a statement made by MORONI alone
(Dizionario, 12, 206), that in the middle of the shaft there was another inscription :
episcopus devotus. The twelve ancient pillars of the present side portico, among which
ours is found, were damaged by the fire, and had therefore to be re-chiselled.

108 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 255
For the larger of the ancient basilicas of Rome specially
stamped bricks were used. The bricks of St. Paul's, as was
proved by specimens unearthed, bore' the words : " Our Lord
Flavius Valentinian Augustus." This was the basilica's way of
proclaiming that it owed its construction to the generosity of the
Emperor. We have already alluded to the stamp borne by the
bricks of St. Peter's : " Our Lord Constantine Augustus." 1 Doubt
less the roof of St. Paul's was also formerly covered with its own
special tiles, manufactured in the brickfields belonging to the
State. About these, however, we know nothing, as the scholars
of former days took but little interest in such matters. In recent
years the roofs of many basilicas have yielded an unexpected
harvest of antiquities, for in spite of the alterations and restora
tions which they have had to undergo, they still guard their
archaeological treasures. In 1895 no less than sixty-six large
tiles bearing stamps of the fourth and fifth century were taken
from the roof of Santa Maria Maggiore.2
The edict of the three Emperors in 386, which relates to the
building of St. Paul's, is addressed to the City Prefect Sallustius.
It commissions him to take counsel with Siricius, Bishop of Rome,
and " with the people and Senate," with a view of erecting the
proposed new church. The spot had hitherto been occupied by
the small church of St. Paul, built by Constantine. The new
basilica was not only to cover this same ground, but also all the
space in front of it, formerly a part of the Via Ostia ; indeed, the
new church with its atrium stretched across the Ostian Way well-
nigh to the bank of the Tiber. The architect of the building was
called Cyriades. He is mentioned in the letters of Symmachus,
the senator, as the mechanicus and professor mechanicus?
The church built at the end of the fourth century — and the
same is true of that of the present day — was oriented in a direction
opposite to that erected by Constantine above the Tomb of St.
Paul. Thus, under Constantine, the apse did not open west-
1 D. N. FL. VALENTINIANVS AVG (Nicolai, Basil, di S.Paolo, p. 264; de
Rossi, Musaici, Arco di Placidia). D. N. CONSTANTINVS AVG (Marini, Iscri-
zioni doliari, p. 73, n. 146 ; DE ROSSI, hiscr. christ., 2, I, p. 347, and Musaici, I.e.).
2 See Mgr. Crostarosa, the industrious and successful explorer of Sta. Maria
Maggiore, in the Nuovo Bull, di archeol. crist., 2 (1896), 52 ff, and 3 (1897), 101.
3 This Edict, which is of value for topography, says: "iter vetus, quod Basilicae
\Constanti?iianae\praeterit dorsum \i.e. absideni\ quodque ripae Tiberi?ii amnis adiacet."
Panvinius, De septem eccl., p. 71. It is published also in the Epistulae collectionis
avellanae, ed. Gunther, i (1895), 46. Cp. Stevenson, Area di Lucina, in Nuovo Bull.
di arch, crist., 4 (1898), p. 60 ff.

no. 256] S. PAOLO FUORI LE MURA 109
wards but eastwards, and the priest, who offered the sacrifice
facing the people, accordingly looked towards the east.1
This orientation was the usual one at Rome in the case of the
Constantinian churches and in that of many other ancient churches.
Constantine's basilicas at St. Peter's and the Lateran led the way.
We know, moreover, that the temples in Pagan times usually had
their entrance to the east. Christians adopted this custom, and
attached a mystic significance to the eastward position of the
sacrificing priest facing the Paradise of Eden and the scene of
the earliest promises. At the same time, where any reason for so
doing existed, Christians made no difficulty about swerving from
this direction. Examples occur in Rome which show that the
direction of a street, or other circumstances, frequently made a
deviation of ancient basilicas necessary. Of the Roman churches,
forty-three face the east, forty-five the south, and fifty-two the
west. In the case of St. Paul's the orientation of the second build
ing was altered to gain ground and to avoid interfering with the
tomb of the Apostle.2
256. In the progress of the work on the new church in 1834,
and again in 1850, remains of the Constantinian Basilica were
found, and even its plan was ascertained with some degree of
certainty.3 It was noticed at once that the situation of St. Paul's tomb in
his little basilica was the same as that of St. Peter's tomb in the
basilica built by Constantine at the Vatican. The slab which
covered the tomb since Constantine was level with the floor of
the church. It bears an inscription, in genuine characters of
Constantine's time, which runs :
PAVLO
APOSTOLO MART
The writing was turned towards the visitor, who advanced
1 Grisar, Analecta rom., i, 290 ff.
2 Kraus, Gesch. der christi. Kunst, 1, 281 ff, on orientation ; he bases his views on
those of H. Nissen, who considered that the heathen temples were oriented according to
the sun's position on the festival of the god. Nissen thinks he has proved that, in 211
churches, the buildings were so constructed as to face the rising sun on the "birthday"
of their patron martyrs. According to Nissen's measurements, the east lies between
235°_303°) the south between 304°-353°, and the west between 56°-i25°. Comparisons
between heathen temples and Christian churches with respect to this matter are, however,
still highly problematic.
3 The plan of the ancient Basilica is given by Belloni : Sulla primissima basilica
ostiense (1850) ; also by Lanciani, Pagan and Christian Rome, p. 150. Cp. Stevenson
in the N. Bull. arch, crist., 1898, p. 60.

no ROME AND THE POPES [No. 256
from the middle of the small three-aisled church towards the
tomb and the altar erected over it. Above the tombstone was a
chamber (area) similar to that which we spoke of in describing
St. Peter's tomb. From the tombstone a shaft descended into
the actual tomb. This state of things was carefully maintained
in the second Basilica of St. Paul's, erected by Valentinian or
Theodosius. It remained all through the Middle Ages and down
to last century, when the fire most fortunately spared the tomb.
The altar also preserved the orientation it had received in the
time of Constantine throughout the mediaeval period and until the
destruction of the church, although the position of the basilica had
been reversed. At St. Paul's alone, of all the churches of mediaeval
Rome, the celebrant at Mass turned his back to the people and
faced the apse, i.e. the east, as had been the case under
Constantine. The foot of the tombstone, with its inscription yet
legible, was also turned towards the east.1
There is another peculiarity of St. Paul's, due to the respect
shown by antiquity to the immediate surroundings of the Apostle's
tomb. Whereas elsewhere the Pergula or iconostasis and the
choir (schola cantorum) were usually situated at the end of the
nave in front of the Confessio, in the mediaeval St. Paul's they
were placed between the altar and the apse. Twenty pillars here
formed a square and supported an entablature. This reminiscence
of the Constantinian Basilica survived till the sixteenth centurv,
when an inexorable decree of Pope Sixtus V. condemned it to
destruction. It is difficult to suppress a sigh at the fate of the
basilicas during the sixteenth century. The name of Sixtus V.
is associated with the removal or destruction of many an archi
tectural structure in the earliest churches of Rome, and his
example unfortunately soon proved infectious. Many an
interesting chancel, with its ambones for the lesson and gospel,
which had lasted till then ; many an ancient pillared Pergula
and marble balustrade, sculptured in early Christian times, was
sacrificed to the theory which held sway under Sixtus V., viz.
that the early basilicas should be disencumbered so as to allow
the eye to sweep unhindered to the throne in the apse. In the
apse at the end of the basilica, Sixtus, with his cardinals, was
1 See vol. i. p. 299 f., and Analecta rom., 1, 259 ff., Dissertaz. : Le tombe apostoliche
at Vaticano ed alia Via Ostiense, with a reproduction of the inscription on the slab
(PI. 7), from a new rubbing.

No. 2S7] S. PAOLO FUORI LE MURA in
wont to perform the solemn liturgical rites which he had revived
(capellae), and for which his alterations were expected to make
¦room. It is distressing to read in his contemporary, Pompeo
Ugonio, how recklessly changes were resolved on ; still more
distressing are the encomiums which this courtly writer lavished
on Sixtus for his vandalism.1
So long as the ancient architectural details in St. Paul's
remained untouched, the surroundings of the Apostle's tomb,
Rome's second Palladium, must have been exceedingly imposing.
We need only figure to ourselves the vast hall, which seems like
an ante-room to the sepulchral dwelling-place of the Apostle ; for
the whole church is but a funeral monument above his ancient
" Trophy " on the Ostian Way. The tabernacle or baldachin over
the altar, supported by four costly pillars, guides the eye from
afar to the holy place. High above the tabernacle rises the
Triumphal Arch with its brilliant mosaics. The great semicircle
of the apse in the half-light of the background fittingly terminates
the whole monument. Truly a dignified and glorious memorial,
so contrived as to attract the eye to the " regal home," which is the
burial-place of the Apostle. This grand Theodosian monument
to the Apostle of the Gentiles added yet more to its glory as time
went on, owing to many additional decorations and the gifts
which came to it from the whole Christian world.
257. Being the sepulchral basilica of an apostle, St. Paul's har
boured a great number of distinguished tombs. In the adjacent
cemetery, in its portico and in the interior, were the magni
ficent sarcophagi of the dead who had expressed a desire to
rest near the Apostle of the Gentiles. The great inscriptions
stretched as far as the neighbouring Catacomb of Lucina. Even
to-day many of these on the walls of the cloisters at St. Paul's
still mutely extol the departed, and bear witness to their faith
and hope. At some unknown mediaeval period these had been
removed from the tombs — possibly when the latter had fallen into
disrepair — and served for centuries as paving-stones for a portion
of the basilica.
One group of inscriptions may be mentioned here as an
example. They surround the tomb of Felix III., the contem-
1 Pompeo Ugonio, Historia delle Stationi di Roma, Roma, 1588, dedicated to
Camilla Peretti, sister of Sixtus V. Onuphrius Panvinius, like Ugonio, an archaeologist,
says of the ambones in St. Paul's : " praegrandia e marmore pulpita, pro lectione epistolae
et evangelii antiquitus facta et ineptis sigillis exornata." De septem eccl., p. 74.

112 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 258
porary of the closing years of Odovacar, and therefore would seem
to belong to remote ancestors of Gregory the Great, of whom
Felix III. was one, for Gregory calls him atavus meus. Felix III.
was the only Pope buried in St. Paul's. A large slab near his
tomb bore the name of the pious matron Petronia, whom he had
married before receiving priestly orders. In the metrical inscription
she is extolled as the pattern of a deacon's wife (levitae coniunx,
forma pudoris). Three members of her family were buried in
the same tomb ; their names stand under that of Petronia, intro
duced with the simple formula : Hie requiescit. There was
Paula, a daughter of the Pope (clarissima fiemina) ; his little son,
Gordian (dulcissimus puer) ; both, according to the dates given,
must have died during the first two years of the pontificate of
Felix III. (484 and 485). The third inscription mentions a holy
virgin, ^Emiliana (Sacra virgo), who had died in 489, and who
doubtless was also one of the Pope's near relatives. The
names of Gordian and ^Emiliana reappear in the same family at
the time of Gregory the Great, the father of this Pope being called
Gordian. The tomb of the father of Felix III. was also quite
near ; at least it seems highly probable that the presbyter Felix,
who is heard of in the history of the erection of St. Paul's, and
whose metrical inscription is still preserved almost entire, was the
Pope's father. As already stated, this presbyter restored the
roof of Paul's shrine (veneranda culmina Pauli).1
258. If we quit the church by the main door we find ourselves
in the great square atrium, which stretches down almost to the
Tiber, whence the best view of the outside of the building was to
be obtained. A good idea of what it was may be obtained from
the drawings taken thence previous to the burning of the basilica
(see 111. 98). To see it, however, as it was in antiquity, the cam
panile should be struck out, early basilicas not having one. The
church was, moreover, formerly surrounded by a circle of smaller
buildings, among which were the alms-houses built by Pope
Symmachus, similar to those he had erected near St. Peter's and
near St. Lawrence's. Symmachus also established a bath in the
neighbourhood. The mortuary chapels (cubicula) ranged about
the church are mentioned under Pope Sergius I., who restored
1 Text of epitaphs quoted with commentary in de Rossi, Inscr. christ., I, 366, 371.
Cp. Duchesne, Liber pont., 1, 240, 253. Greg. M., Horn. 38 in evang., n. 15 ("ires
paler meus sorores habuit, quarum . . . alia Gordiana, alia AZmiliana" See); Dialog.,
4, c. 16.

no. 259] S. PAOLO FUORI LE MURA 113
them, as well as an outer ambulatory. The inscription of a certain
Eusebius describes the cemetery. Monasteries also must have
existed here at an early date. In 1633, Giovanni Severano could
still recognise the apse and entrance to an ancient church of St.
Stephen, and the ancient fountain in the middle of the atrium was
yet in existence in the fourteenth century, at the time of Cola di
Rienzo. This tribune of the people, who was also a devoted
explorer of Roman ruins, mentions this cantharus aquarum in his
notebook. It was the identical fountain placed there by Leo
the Great, but was soon to be destroyed, for Fra Giocondo, in
the fifteenth century, could find only some fragments of the fine
poetic inscription which it bore, and these, so he said, he dis
covered " among the thistles and thorns." 1
For many ages this splendid basilica stood surrounded by
nothing save wreck and ruin. The old basilicas of Rome wit
nessed many a great and striking event of history, but they, too,
had to experience affliction and misery.

259. If St. Paul's, so unhappily destroyed, was best fitted to
bring before us the basilicas of the fourth century, we yet have
two fairly well preserved specimens of those of the fifth century
in the two richly decorated Basilicas of Santa Maria Maggiore
and Santa Sabina.
Both churches were completed and consecrated under Xystus
III. (432-440). The former had been preceded by a still earlier
basilica on the same site. In the case of both, building materials
were purloined from earlier public edifices ; both also owe their
orientation to the buildings formerly occupying the same spot,
and to the direction of the old streets between which they were
erected. In Santa Maria the celebrant faced the south-east ; in
Santa Sabina, on the contrary, the apse opened towards the
north-west. Both of these basilicas, with their square atrium in front of
the main door, extended down to the ancient roads which went
past them. In 1888 the old street of Santa Maria was partly
1 Liber pont, i, 263, Symmachus, n. 80: "pauperum habitacula, balineum." Ibid.,
1, 375, Sergius I, n. 163 : " tegnum ( = tigna, tecta) et cubicula." The vicinity of such
structures lead us to infer that the outer aisles were devoid of windows. On the inscrip
tion of Eusebius, see Analecta rom., 1, 100. On Cola di Rienzo and Giocondo, see
Lanciani, Pagan and Christian Rome, p. 153.
VOL. II. H

ii4

ROME AND THE POPES

[No. 259

111. 102. — Stamp on the oldest
Tiles of Santa Maria Mag
giore (5th or 6th century).
A drawing from a cast taken by
Mgr. Crostarosa.

excavated at the end of the great piazza ; that of Santa Sabina
passed between this church and the Temple of Jupiter Dolichenus
(Sant' Alessio) by the edge of the
Aventine Hill above the Tiber, up to
the point where " St. Sabina's stairs,"
as Gregory the Great called them,
led down to the river. Both churches
have long since ' lost their great
atrium, which in each case has be
come a mere portico. In both in
stances, however, we may still find
characteristic relics of the original
buildings. To this category belong,
for instance, the tiles discovered upon
the roof of Santa Maria Maggiore
with the monogram of Christ, the
Greek genitive Kassiou (i.e. from the
factory of Kassios or Cassius), and the initial letters of Christ,
Michael, and Gabriel (111. 102 )/
On entering either of these stately churches we are captivated
by the grace and harmony of their proportions (Ills. 103 and 104).
Both are three-aisled. Santa Maria has forty-four Ionic columns
supporting a straight entablature. The nave is 54 feet in width,
but the two side aisles are each only 20 feet wide. The length
1 For the origin of both Basilicas, see present work, vol. i., p. 193, 196 f., and the
remarks below upon their earliest mosaic work. Discovery of the "strada romana quasi
esattamente parallela alia facciata della basilica" in the Bull. arch, com., 1888, p. 255.
On S. Sabina, Greg. M., Registrum, 2, n. 10 (Maur., 2, n. 8): " hortum positum regione
¦brima ante gr ados sanctae Sabinae." For the road between S. Alessio and S. Sabina,
cp. Lanciani in the Bull. delP istit, 1890, p. 88, after the authoritative work by Merini
on S. Alessio. For the erroneous statement in the Martyrologium rom. parvum (August
29) : "Romae ad arcum Faustini Sabinae martyris" cp. Grisar, Analecta rom., I, 243.
For the bricks found by Mgr. Crostarosa, see Nuovo Bull, di arch, crist., 1896, p. 52 ff. :
Inventario dei sigilli impressi suite tegole del tetto di S. Maria Maggiore. Cp. my article
in the Civiltd catt., 1896, 4, 471.
Note to 111. 103. — New photograph by Commendatore Carlo Tenerani. See III. 107 for
the details of the arches of Santa Sabina ; for the polished stone on the half column in the
middle, see vol. iii. 111. 176-7. To understand the former appearance of the Basilica, we must
suppose the row of round-arch windows restored, the rafters concealed by an elaborately
decorated ceiling, the barriers enclosing the altar and schola cantorum restored according
to the remains yet preserved, and, for the altar, a simple marble table surmounted by a
pillared tabernacle. Thus ideally reconstructed, this church will serve to bring before us far
more vividly than the present St. Paul's what an ancient basilica really was. May the
Dominicans, in whose hands the church now is, and whose founder's history is linked
with it, succeed in carrying out such a restoration, and give Rome and her visitors a
glimpse of the former, splendour of the city's basilicas. Means to carry out such a work
would be found in the Associazione artistica fra i cultori di Architettura, which so success-
ifully restored S. Maria in Cosmedin, and is now occupied at S. Saba on the Aventine.

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no. 259] STA. MARIA AND STA. SABINA 115
of the basilica is more than 240 feet. The church of Santa
Sabina, on the Aventine, is not quite so large. Its twenty-four
beautifully fluted pillars belong to the Corinthian order ; . nor do
they support an entablature, but a series of light arches. Santa
Maria is less lofty now than formerly, for the floor has been materi
ally raised, and, in consequence, new bases have been fixed to the
columns to replace those covered up below. A result of this is
that the flat roof, with its wealth of decoration, appears too heavy.
Santa Sabina is quite different. In this poorer basilica the
height of the nave has not been diminished, and the bases of the
columns are the same as of old. The flat ceiling was, however,
abolished long ago, so that the rafters are now visible. This
circumstance increases the apparent size of the church, though
this design did not enter into the plans of the early architects.
In the clerestories of both basilicas we can still count the multi
tude of early windows with their semicircular arches, at present
mostly bricked up. At one place in the outer wall of Santa
Maria these windows may still be seen with their ancient unfaced
brickwork. We have had them figured (111. 106), because they
are the only portions — save the pillars, architrave, and mosaics
of the inside — which give us a glimpse of the early aspect of
the church.
With regard to the pillars and the mosaics, it is worth our
while to compare the two sister churches. It will be seen that,
even in structures belonging to the same period, the basilican style
allowed of great variety and free handling. It will also soon be
observed — and this is an important point in the history of Roman
architecture — that churches very frequently drew both their plan
and their materials from previous edifices situated on or near
the same spot.
In Santa Maria the fine pillars of white Parian marble came
from some earlier classical building. They may be from the
Sicininian Basilica which formerly stood in this so-called Sicininian
quarter on the spot now occupied by the church, or from some
other monument ; perhaps they hail from the neighbouring
portico of Livia. At the foot of some of the pillars, before the
floor was raised, the name of Rufinus in ancient lettering could
be read. Probably this was the name either of the quarry-owner
or of the dealer who brought the pillars to Rome. The pillars
in Santa Sabina came from a temple on the top of the Aventine.

116 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 259
To the present writer it was of great interest to find the name
of Rufinus written in the popular style, RVFENO, upon the
base of one of the columns in Santa Sabina. He also saw, in
the sixth-century Roman basilica of SS. Martin and Silvester, the
name PROPVS (Probus), in early Roman characters, on the
shafts of two ancient pillars. The contractor Rufinus at Santa
Maria and at Santa Sabina is probably one and the same person.
He little dreamt that his pillars would one day form the leading
ornament in two Christian basilicas, where they stand about the
altar in the House of God.1
The pillars at Santa Maria support on their Ionic capitals an
architrave which stands alone of its kind in Rome, on account of
its graceful design, its mosaic decoration of classical garlands
upon a gold ground with birds playing between them, and its
remarkable state of preservation since the earliest days of the
basilica. Above this line follow, first, the threefold architrave
properly so called, then a broad frieze, and, finally, the cornice.
This entablature, which crowns so artistically the volutes of the
capitals throughout the length of the aula, contributes greatly to
the majestic beauty characteristic of Santa Maria Maggiore.
The columns of Santa Sabina are not smooth, but tastefully
and deeply fluted. They are of the same white Parian marble as
those of Santa Maria. Above the columns of the nave, which
have a more cheerful look than those of the other church, the
architrave is replaced by arches, of which the brickwork is faced
with slabs of variegated marble (111. 107). Upon this surface,
according to fifth-century taste, figures and ornaments of a secular
character are introduced, which are, however, frequently sur
mounted by small crosses of the same workmanship, art in those
days endeavouring to hallow everything with the sign of our
Redemption. This well-preserved veneer now forms one of the
features of this church. Formerly inlaid work of this kind was
largely used in the basilicas. The rotunda of St. Stephen, on
the Caelian, was particularly noted for its coloured marble facings ;
formerly at Santa Sabina there were remains of similar handicraft
upon many other parts of the interior.2
1 On the popular form " Rufeno," see Analecta rom., I. La piii antica imagine della
Crocifissione sulla porta di S. Sabina, p. 454, note. On the origin of the pillars cp.
Nibby, Roma antica, 2, 672. The inscriptions, Corp. inscr. tat, VI., n. 364 ff, are from
the church of Santa Sabina.
2 For the veneer at S. Sabina, e.g. in the portico, see UGONIO, Hist, delle Stalioni di
Roma, fol. 8. Cp, de Rossi, Musaici, S. Sabina.

111. 104. — Santa Maria Maggiore on the Esquiline. (Present appearance of the interior. Tenerani's photograph.

N0.260] STA. MARIA AND STA. SABINA 117
260. This kind of decoration, so closely allied to mosaic, leads
us to examine the real mosaics which embellish both basilicas.
Sta. Maria and Sta. Sabina were equally famous for the
mosaics which perpetuated the memory of their foundation and
the name of their founders. We can see that the custom, so
prevalent in modern Rome, of erecting everywhere monumental
inscriptions to preserve the memory of the builders or restorers
of religious buildings, dates from early Christian times, and that
this earlier custom was in turn but an imitation of classical an
tiquity. In Santa Maria, as we already know, Xystus III. placed
the dedicatory inscription of his new church (nova tecta) within
the entrance, with a picture of our Lady surrounded by martyrs.
Similarly at Santa Sabina we may still see the great mosaic dedi
cation within the church above the entrance, telling us of the
erection of the basilica in the time of Pope Celestine by Peter, a
presbyter from Illyricum. We translate the commencement:
While Celestine held the supreme Apostolic office,
And shone throughout the world as Primate,
What thou seest here was founded by a priest of this city,
Hailing from Illyricum, Peter by name, a name he well deserved.1
At present, of the accompanying mosaics there remain only
the two matrons to the right and left, personifying the Church of
the Circumcision and the Church of the Gentiles, as inscriptions
beside them explain (see present work, vol. i., 111. 26). Up to
the seventeenth century, above them could be discerned the
figures of the founders of the Roman Church, Peter and Paul.
A hand from above was delivering to Peter the book of the
Gospel-law, marking his mission as a new Moses to the chosen
people ; Paul, as Apostle to the Gentiles, was in the act of
preaching. Further up were to be seen the symbols of the four
Evangelists.2 Opposite the entrance, stands, in both basilicas, the triumphal
arch of the apse, also covered with mosaics. We have already
described the pictures at Santa Maria (see above, p. 34 ff.), and
1 Grisar, Analecta rom., i, 146, with figure: CVLMEN APOSTOLICVM CVM
CAELESTINVS HABERET | PRIMVS ET IN TOTO FVLGERET EPISCO-
PVS ORBE I HAEC QVAE MIRARIS FVNDAVIT PRESBYTER VRBIS |
ILLYRICA DE GENTE PETRVS VIR NOMINE TANTO | DIGNVS, &c.
8 ECLESIA EX CIRCVMCISIONE — ECLESIA EX GENTIBVS. Cp. de
ROSSI Musaici, S. Sabina, where what is known of the lost portions is given after
Ciampini, Vet. Monim., p. 191 ff, PI. 48-

n8

ROME AND THE POPES

[No. 260

shown how, in association with the Council of Ephesus, they
glorify Mary as the Mother of God. At the top of the arch we
again find the great inscription of Xystus III., still in fair preser
vation, as well as the Throne of God, and the Chief Apostles,
between the symbols of the Evangelists (111. 105). The trium
phal arch of Santa Sabina, down to the seventeenth century, was
faced with mosaic work in ancient style. Busts in the shape of
medallions (imagines clypeatae) were set all round the semicircle.
In the centre was the head of our Lord with a cruciform nimbus,

111. 105. — A portion of the Mosaic of Xystus III. in Santa Maria Maggiore.
GARRUCCI, Arte crist., tav. 211.

and on each side a number of male busts without any aureole,
finishing off at the ends with the usual figurative views of Jeru
salem and Bethlehem. The two last expressed in a different
form the same idea as the two matrons spoken of above ; they
were symbols of Judaism and Paganism, both converted to
Christianity. The subjects of the mosaics in the apse in either
church are unknown, though probably at Santa Maria the arrange
ment and choice of the four principal saintly personages, and,
along the lower border, the bright, classical river-scene with its
Note to III. 107. — De ROSSI, Musaici di Roma. The larger coloured figures resem
bling mirrors on stands are repeated above each pillar. That shown to the right of our
illustration (minus the cross) occurs, however, only twice on each side of the nave. All
the rest have crosses, of which the tailed extremities are typical of the fifth-century
Roman cross.

111. 106. — A Window at Santa Maria Maggiore.
(From the eastern side. After Mazzanti.)

111. 107. — Specimen of the Marble Veneer on the Arches in
Santa Sabina. (Fifth century.)

no. 260] STA. MARIA AND STA. SABINA

119

fishes and genii and symbolic figures, are all reminiscencesi of
the original mosaic.1
At Santa Maria, moreover, we have the priceless mosaics on
the walls of the nave. Under the windows are two series of
mosaic scenes from the Old Testament, especially from the
history of Moses and Josue. When complete, there were no less

111. 108. — The Crossing of the Red Sea.
From Garrucci, Arte crist., tav. 219; Kraus, i. 417. From the
mosaics of Pope Liberius in the nave of Santa Maria Maggiore.
than sixty-three separate pictures (111. 108). They are mostly
vigorous, and executed in the genuine ancient spirit of beauty
and simplicity. As works of art they rank higher than the
mosaics of the Triumphal Arch, a fact which leads us to suppose
1 On S. Sabina, de Rossi, I.e. On S. Maria Maggiore, ibid., Musaici, Abside di S.
Maria Magg. MfJNTZ, Revue archM., 1879, II., 114 ff. Our Illustrations 107 and 108
are merely sketches. For finer specimens from S. Maria Maggiore, see above, Ills. 84
and 85. For the scene of the angels' meal, see 111. 127. Some excellent pictures and
some poor criticism will be found in J. P. Richter and A. C. Taylor, The Golden Age
of Classic Christian Art (Rome, 1904).

120 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 260
that they are a work of earlier times. This supposition is con
firmed by various archaeological observations. Thus, whereas
on the Triumphal Arch the angels all have wings, as it was cus
tomary to portray them in the fifth century, the angel here shown
appearing to Josue has none. The Lamb of God upon the
frieze, which is of the same date as the other mosaics of the nave,
is also without the attributes of the nimbus and cross, which were
usual in the fifth century. In addition, thanks to closer investi
gation, it has been found that the masonry of the wall of the
nave differs from that of the apse. It seems therefore clear that
the mosaics with the Old Testament scenes, and indeed the whole
nave excepting the apse, is of older date than the pontificate of
Xystus III. We are thus driven back to the pontificate of Pope
Liberius in the fourth century, for of this Pope the Liber pontifi
calis tells us that he " erected a basilica to his name " near the
Macellum of Livia. It bore " his name," that is, it was called
Basilica Liberii until it had been altered and restored by Xystus
III., when it began to be called after our Lady.1
These ancient mosaics thus help us to elucidate the origin of
the building. At the same time they form a sort of guide through
the obscurity surrounding the origin of the favourite Bible pictures
which subsequently came into such frequent use. This is, how
ever, not yet the proper place to discuss them.
One circumstance only may here be alluded to, which so far
has escaped notice. On the left side, looking from the entrance,
the scenes from Abraham's history begin near the altar ; the first
two are, however, out of chronological order ; in fact, next to the
altar is a picture with the Sacrifice of Melchisedech ; then comes
the meal offered by Abraham to the three angels ; after this we
have the separation of Abraham and Lot, and then scenes from
the life of Jacob. Clearly Melchisedech and the angels' meal
1 GARRUCCI, Arte crist, 4, 17, pointed out Liberius as the originator of the mosaics,
and the same was done by DOBBERT in the Repertorium fiir Kunstwissenschaft, 14
(1891), 179; cp. 8 (1885), 163, n. 3. DE ROSSI also inclined, with some hesitation, to
Liberius (Musaici, S. Maria Maggiore : Decorazione delta navata). KRAUS is more
emphatic in his Gesch. der christi. Kunst, I, 418 ; cp. 414. On the other hand,
Schultze (Archdol. der christi. Kunst, p. 237) still considers them due to Xystus III.,
and also maintains that they are Greek work (cp. p. 233 ff). The Liber pont., on the
buildings of Liberius, I, 208, Liberius, n. 52 : " Hie fecit basilicam nomini suo"
Note to III. 109. — Cp. Kraus, Gesch. der christi. Kunst., \, p. 439. Abraham is
coming forth from his house to meet his guests with a calf ready prepared on a dish.
Sara is at the door seemingly pondering over the prediction which has been made to her
(Gen. xviii.). Above, angels are holding a disc with Christ's monogram. To the left
stands Jeremias, and, to the right, Isaias. Beneath him is a bevy of saints. Cp.
P. BAUMSTARK, Liturgia romana e liturgia dell' esarcato (Rome, 1904).

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no. 26.] STA. MARIA AND STA. SABINA 121
have been brought near to the altar on account of their relation
to the Holy Eucharist. In the Sacrifice of Melchisedech stress
has clearly been laid on the figures of Bread and Wine, which,
according to the Holy Scripture itself, were prototypes of the
sacrifice offered upon Christian altars. The outstanding features
of the scene are the basket with the loaves solemnly offered by
Melchisedech, and the big chalice with wine, shaped like the early
Christian two-handled chalice, and placed upon the ground. In
the angels' meal the " morsel of bread " (Gen. xviii. 5) is likewise
prominent, a jar of wine being also added.
A similar juxtaposition of these scenes in the neighbourhood
of the altar, where they form a sort of pictorial Bible commentary
on the Mass, may be observed at Ravenna in the sixth-century
altar chapel of the rotunda of San Vitale. Here the angels'
meal closely resembles the analogous scene on the Liberian
mosaic in Rome. At Ravenna the addition of Abraham's sacri
fice of his son Isaac excludes all doubt as to the typical meaning
of the whole scene (111. 109).
In Santa Maria on the Esquiline, opposite the scenes just
spoken of, again beginning at the altar, is a series of mosaics in
the same style, with incidents from the life of Moses and Josue.
The first has been lost, and replaced by a modern painting of the
Annunciation. The second is from the early history of Moses.
Unfortunately several of the exquisite mosaics of Santa Maria
Maggiore have now been covered wholly or partly by later
pictures. 261. Its sister church of Santa Sabina, on the Aventine, seems
never to have been equally rich in mosaics. On the other hand
this church possesses to this day a unique artistic treasure in the
famous wood-carving of its doors, of which we have already spoken.
Both halves have exquisitely carved panels and borders, all done
in cedar. These doors belong to the period of the basilica's
foundation, and form one of the most precious monuments of
early Christian art. The present writer has shown elsewhere
that the character of all the scenes corresponds well with the time
of Xystus III., though all may not be by the same hand. One
of the most celebrated scenes upon the doors is that of Christ
crucified with the thieves.1
1 See my article Kreuz und Kreuzigung auf der altchristl. Thiire von S. Sabina in
the Rom. Quartalschr., 8 (1894), 1 ff, and in Italian in Analecta rom., 1, 427 ff, with a

122 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 261
The Crucifixion may lay claim to be the oldest of all repre
sentations of the cruel death of Christ. The attitude of the three
figures stretched upon their crosses seems to have been borrowed
from the type of the Orante, with outstretched arms, which
appears in the catacombs and on sarcophagi ; indeed, the paint
ings of the catacombs and the Christian sculptures of the sarco
phagi have unquestionably exercised an influence over the work
on these doors.
The composition and the subjects also recall the mosaics in
S. Maria Maggiore. Both works are characteristic productions
of Roman art in its decline, which had, however, nothing in
common with the so-called Byzantine style.
In the choice of subjects represented upon the doors of S.
Sabina we also find a point of contact with the Christian art of
the Middle Ages. Upon these doors are displayed in consider
able detail the corresponding pictures from the Old and New
Testament, of the prophetic types and their fulfilment (Concordia
Veteris et Novi Testamenti), which were to be so popular in later
art.1 We must, however, conclude our comparison between S.
Sabina and S. Maria. The former, like the Esquiline Basilica of
S. Maria, also had its own baptistery. It stood outside the main
building, whereas that of S. Maria may have been in the transept,
for there is reason to believe that such a transept existed here
formerly, whereas S. Sabina certainly never had one. From the
first both churches had their schola cantorum in the nave for the
lower clergy, the ambones being attached to it. At a later date
this arrangement was altered. The mediaeval balustrade of the
choir at Santa Sabina was a restoration of Eugenius II., as was
proved by remains recently excavated from beneath the floor.
The ambones of S. Maria were restored or replaced by Alexander
III. Under Sixtus V. both churches were robbed of these and
other time-honoured fittings, a fact which did not prevent Pompeo
Ugonio from boasting, that, through Sixtus V., the church of S.
Sabina had acquired again "that splendour and glory with
new photograph of the Crucifixion scene. Cp. Kraus, Gesch. der christi. Ktinst, I, 494,
or a better reproduction in Berthier, La porte de S. Sabine, 1892. As regards the
artistic character of these doors, see Stuhlfauth, Die altchristl. Elfenbeinplastik
(1896), pp. 203 to 209. See present work, vol. i., Ills. 77 and 78, for two characteristic
scenes from these doors.
1 GRISAR, Kreuz und Kreuzig., p. 41 ff. On Roman "imagines de concordia Veteris
et Novi Testamenti!'' see Bede, Vitae quinque SS. abbatum, lib. 1 (P.L., XCIV., 720).

no. 26.] STA. MARIA AND STA. SABINA 123
which it had been endowed by his namesake and predecessor
Xystus III."1
Ugonio was better justified in praising Sixtus V. for having
dealt religiously with the ancient chapel of the crib at Santa
Maria. This was an oratory near the high altar, most probably
dating back to Xystus III., and representing the place where our
Saviour was born in Bethlehem. It was for this reason that the
church was called Basilica S. Mariae ad praesepe as early as the
sixth century ; it is only in the. twelfth century that we hear of the
original crib or manger being preserved in the church. The early
oratory called "the crib" was removed under Sixtus V. from the
place it had occupied during the Middle Ages ; but it was trans
ferred as it stood, i.e. with its walls and contents complete, to the
new site below the altar, in the middle of the newly erected Sistine
chapel. The old-fashioned mosaics of the " crib " were replaced
by decoration of a more modern kind, and a subterranean passage
was made around this remarkable shrine.2
No lapse of time and no restorations were able to efface traces
of the early narthex from the pillars of the two basilicas of S.
Maria and S. Sabina. The curtains which on great occasions
were hung between the pillars, and the lamps and votive offerings
have left their marks upon these pillars to this day.
The indications pointing to the former narthex in S. Sabina
and S. Maria and several other early basilicas of Rome are the
deep holes excavated at a certain height in a pair of opposite
pillars near the commencement of the nave. In these holes, now
often filled up, fitted the upper bar of the lattice-work which
crossed the nave and formed the narthex. The holes are every
where at an equal height of about 13 feet and always among the
first pillars ; in S. Sabina they are on the third pair, and in S. Maria
on the second. No other explanation can be offered for these
borings.3 1 Stationi, fol. 10, v. Ibid., fol. 9, v., on the choir-screens of Eugenius II., his Pergula
in front of the altar, and his inscription upon the bronze-gates of the latter. Mazzanti
found the remains of the decorations, now to be seen on the left wall. See his report,
with corresponding illustrations, in the Archivio star, dell' arte, 1896, p. 165 ff, or my
extracts from it in the Civiltd call., 1896, IV., 474 ff On the pulpit of Alexander III. in
S. Maria Maggiore, see Ugonio, fol. 67. The work of Paulus de Angelis, Basilica
S. Mariae Maioris descriptio (1621), unluckily does not say much about the fate of the
early Christian and mediaeval fittings of the Basilica.
2 UGONIO, Stationi, fol. 69, v. On the removal under Sixtus V., see CARLO FONTANA,
Delia traslazione dell' obelisco, lib. 1, pp. 40, 49. Civiltd catt., 1895, IV., 473 ff.
3 CROSTAROSA, Le basiliche cristiane, especially p. 59.

124 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 262
262. Whereas in the East the narthex for the accommoda
tion of catechumens and penitents was placed outside the basilica,
in front of the doors, in Rome these categories of the faithful
were allowed to worship in closer conjunction with the other
Christians. Though not indeed admitted to the congregation,
they could still hear the sermon and the lessons delivered from
the ambo, whilst the wide-meshed lattice served sufficiently as a
separation. Of this old arrangement, which died out about the
seventh century, traces are still found in several basilicas ; for
instance, at San Pietro in Vincoli, at San Crisogono and at Santa
Maria in Trastevere.1
It is noteworthy that these cavities in the pillars are not found
in the more recent basilicas. For instance, there are none in the
basilicas of S. Clemente (upper church) or of the Santi Quattro
Coronati, both founded by Paschal II., nor in the basilicas of Santa
Prassede or of S. Maria in Domnica, founded or restored by
Paschal I. In some of the earlier churches a row of pillars across
the nave near the entrance served the purpose of separating the
narthex. This may be seen in the lower church of S. Clemente
and the two memorial basilicas founded by Constantine, that of
St. Agnes on the Via Nomentana and of St. Lawrence on the Via
Tiburtina, over which upper churches were afterwards erected.
The other holes in the pillars were for iron bars or pegs, on
which various articles were hung. These holes are usually lower,
but each invariably corresponds with one on the opposite side of
the nave. They mark the place whence hangings and lamps were
suspended, or, when they are close to the altar, they may show
where the barriers of the presbyterium were inserted ; finally,
where they are found in the arches or architrave of the nave they
served to hold the rods on which lamps or votive offerings or
festal drapery were hung. Here there is abundant room for
hypothesis.2 The use of such curtains or tapestries was general in the
early basilicas, and, indeed, dated from classic times. To this
day it is still a custom of the Roman churches to deck themselves
out with hangings, though less profusion and also less artistic
1 Cp. Crostarosa, ibid., from whom we borrow most of our data. At the end of
his work the author gives a plate with the measurements.
1 Crostarosa is, we think, too absolute in maintaining that these holes served only for
curtains separating males from females. On the division of the interior for the two
sexes, see above, p. 99 f.

111. no. — Bas-relief showing curtained Basilicas, the Miracle of the Spring
and the Healing of the Woman with an Issue of Blood.
(From a sarcophagus at the Lateran. Parker's photograph.)

No-262] USE OF CURTAINS 125
taste is shown to-day than of old. Curtains are mentioned in the
Liber pontificalis in the lives of Hormisdas, Gregory the Great,
Benedict II., and the following Popes.1 They are often alluded
to in connection with the decoration of altars, as they there served
to close the four open sides of the pillared tabernacle standing
round the altar. In Rome the rods and rings for such curtains
are still to be seen on some of these tabernacles. Enormous
curtains were hung at the terminal arches of the aisles and similar
ones at the doors of the opposite end (111. no). Even the
walls may have been draped, for we sometimes find imitation
curtains in mosaic.2
Those between the pillars were doubtless smaller. The gifts
of tapestry bestowed by Hadrian I., Leo III., and Paschal I. upon
the church of S. Maria Maggiore were for hanging between the
pillars. The Liber pontificalis has carefully recorded the state
ments respecting these from the ancient register of Papal gifts.
It will repay us to look a little more closely at this report with its
curious terms. The spaces between the pillars of the nave at
Sta. Maria to be adorned with hangings were no fewer than 42
in number, as we may verify to this day. Hadrian I. accordingly
gave 42 vela made of pallia quadrapola. The presents of
Paschal I. consisted in 14 vela de fundato, 14 de quadrapulo, and
14 de imizilo, which again made exactly 42. Finally, the third
gift, that of Leo III., comprised white vela of pure silk "for the
spaces between the great pillars, right and left," again amounting
to 42. Among them were n vela rosata, perhaps so named
because they were ornamented with a design in roses.3
Many other notices in the Liber pontificalis of gifts of hangings
to churches can likewise have their accuracy tested. Hadrian I.
and Gregory IV. also bestowed hangings upon the basilicas of
1 See the passages quoted in DE Waal, Figiirliche Darstellungen auf Teppichen und
Vorhangen in rom. Kirchen, in the Rom. Quartalschr., 2 (1888), 313 ff. In a mosaic at
the Ravenna church of S. Apollinare Nuovo, a palace is shown hung with rich curtains.
On the vela alexandrina in antiquity, see MARUCCHI, Bull, archeol. com., 1892, p. 164 ;
and DE Rossi, Bull, archeol. crist., 1871, p. 54. For representatives of an Egyptian
velum belonging to a church in the fifth or sixth century slightly restored, see SwOBODA,
Rom. Quartalschr., 6 (1892), 95 ff, 105, PI. 6; and KRAUS, Gesch. der christi. Kunst,
l>532- 2 Holtzinger, pp. 64, 65, 194 ; Beissel, Gestickte und gewebte Vorhdnge der rom.
Kirchen, in the Zeitschr. fur christi. Kunst, 7 (1894), 358 ff. There were mosaics with
representations of curtains at Sant' Andrea Catabarbara in Rome. Holtzinger,
Fig. 194-
3 Liber pont., I, 500, Hadrian. I., n. 323 ; 2, 61, Paschahs I., n. 449; 2, 14, Leo III,
n. 391.

126 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 263
St. Lawrence (the Greater), St. Paul, and St. Mark, in each case
the number being identical with the intercolumnar spaces in these
churches. The first, St. Lawrence's, received from Hadrian I.
1 5 vela de stauracin seu quadrapolis and 1 5 of linen stuff ; here
there were altogether 30 spaces, if we include those at the
entrance. The second received 40 vela fundata from Gregory
IV.; here there were 42 arches, but two were otherwise filled.
The third received from the same Pope, 26 vela de fundato
and 26 of linen ; this church then reckoned 26 intercolumnar
spaces, which in this case have, however, not been preserved
intact.1 From such data we may see what care and expense was
bestowed on the decoration of the basilicas. We can thus form
some idea of the pride and pleasure with which a Christian
Roman of the fifth century — the period from which dates the
splendour of S. Maria and S. Sabina — would compare his trium
phant basilicas with the dark, decaying temples of his former
Pagan persecutors. Artists even introduced these basilicas on
the sculptures of the sarcophagi, as if to console the departed,
or perhaps to typify the heavenly abodes of praise (111. no).
Rotundas and allied Ecclesiastical Edifices
263. We have already stated that edifices on the central
plan, particularly those of circular form, in Rome and in the West
generally, were almost exclusively reserved for two purposes.
They served as baptisteries, or as memorial chapels partaking
more of the character of mausoleums than of churches (111. in).
In neither case were they used for the liturgy or as places of
assembly. The most distinguished circular baptistery in Rome, that
of the Lateran, we have already described. Its reputation as
Constantine's own led to many imitations. In point of fact,
Constantine himself had not been baptized there, but was merely
its builder. In the sixth century, however, the legend of Con
stantine's baptism gave added veneration to this building, which
in the meantime had been well restored by Xystus III.
1 Liber pont, I, 505, Hadrian. I., n. 334, where, however, DUCHESNE reads LXV.
instead of XV.; 2,79, Gregor. IV., n. 472; 2, 75, ib., n. 462. Cp. Crostarosa, I.e.,
p. 69 ff. Sarti had already noticed the coincidence of the numbers in the Basilica of St.
Paul. See DE ROSSI, Inscr. christ, 2, 1, p. 332, n. 7.

No. 263]

STA. COSTANZA

127

Only one other ancient rotunda intended for conferring bap
tism yet exists in Rome, this being the handsome and well-
preserved church near Santa Agnese, on the Via Nomentana,
known as Santa Costanza. Here the excavations in 1870 and

Theodoric's Tomb The Constantinian Family
at Ravenna. Mausoleum
From Dehio & Bezold, (Santa Costanza, near S. Agnese).
Kirchl. Baukunst des From Kraus, Gesch. der christi.
Abend!., PI. I. Kunst., i. 352, 363.

Funerary Cella above the
Catacomb of Callistus.

111. 111. — Plans of Centralised Church-buildings.

1888 showed clear traces of the arrangements peculiar to bap
tisteries ; i.e. the great central basin into which the person about
to be baptized descended. Below, remains were even identified
as the stove which in early Christian times was used to warm
the baptismal water.1
This Baptistery of Santa Costanza, of which both the style
and decoration belong to the fourth century, was nevertheless
not originally built to serve as a baptistery. It came to be used
for the latter purpose only at a later date, and, even then, perhaps
only occasionally. The original purpose of the building would
place it in the second category of rotundas, for it was built in
354 by Gallus as a mausoleum for his wife Constantina, Con
stantine's daughter. In the fifteen symmetrical niches of its
inner wall once stood a splendid row of sarcophagi enclosing
their dead, and alternating with artistic marble candelabra of
classical design and statues of the Imperial family. Among the
1 Ground plan in Dehio (see above), PI. 8, Nos. 1-2. Holtzinger, Die altchristl.
Architektur, p. 246 ; ScHTJLTZE, Archdologie der altchristl. Kunst, p. 100 ; Kraus, Gesch.
der christi. Kunst, I, 353. On the history of the origin of the Rotunda of S. Costanza
and the results of the excavations, cp. Garrucci, Arte crist, PI. 204, and de Rossi,
Musaici, S. Costanza. DUCHESNE, Liber pont, 1, 196 ff. DEHIO (p. 34) compares the
Mausoleum of S. Costanza with the Rotunda of S. Maria Maggiore at Nocera, a Baptis
tery, and the Rotunda at Brescia, the latter belonging apparently to the year 612.

128 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 263
sarcophagi, the famous porphyry so-called Tomb of Constantia, with
its bas-reliefs of vintage scenes, has been preserved to us. Origi
nally standing in the centre of the mausoleum, it was removed
to the niche at the back ; it is now in the Vatican Museum. We
also still possess a few splendid marble candlesticks, of which the
style is remarkably pure (111. 112).1
Classical works were evidently purloined to decorate the
Imperial mortuary church, just as they had been for the arch of
Constantine near the Coliseum. The whole church is, moreover,
permeated by a classical atmosphere. A double line of graceful
granite columns, bearing lofty imposts, form a circle inside, en
circled by an arched gallery (111. 111). The mosaics on the
vault of the latter are eloquent of the grandeur and peculiar
character of the Constantinian era, of which the building and its
decoration are creations. Amidst a few scarcely perceptible
Christian symbols, they include so many skilfully executed profane
scenes — for instance, of the gathering and bringing home of the
grapes, the treading of the winepress, &c. — that the Christian
rotunda, after the Middle Ages were past, had the ill-deserved
fate of being accounted an ancient Temple of Bacchus. It figures
in many sketch-books of Renaissance architects and designers as
a typical heathen temple.2
Almost contemporary with the foundation of the building —
i.e. still belonging to the fourth century — are the two mosaics in
each concha of the two niches facing one another on the right
hand and left. One represents the giving of the Law to Moses,
and the other the giving of the Law to Peter. It is only recently
that closer study led to the recognition of the real antiquity of
these much touched-up works, and of the relation in which they
stand to each other. Together they express the idea that God
is the Lawgiver both of the Old and of the New Covenant. What
Moses was in the Old Covenant, that Peter, by Divine decree,
has become in the New. As both mosaics have a certain
baptismal meaning, they may have been added when the mauso
leum became a baptistery. The cupola of the rotunda, which
1 The sarcophagus of Constantia is shown in Garrucci, PI. 305. Two of the can
delabra are at the Vatican Museum, the others are at S. Agnese. Our 111. 112 is from a
photograph by Tenerani.
2 The mosaics, still preserved, are given in DE ROSSI, Musaici, S. Costanza, and in
Garrucci, PI. 205 ff. ; cp. Kraus, i, 406. Judging by the names scratched on the walls
at the entrance, many artists of note from the sixteenth century to our day made a
pilgrimage to this "Temple of Bacchus."

111. 112. — Candlestick from the Mau
soleum of Santa Costanza near
S. Agnese.

No. 264]

ROTUNDAS

129

surmounts the circle of columns, was formerly also decorated with
mosaics of the time of Constantine. This is known from a
sketch-book at the Escurial. They consisted of a wealth of
pictures, mostly profane, but full of life and variety, and classically
accurate to nature, which covered the whole interior of the gorgeous,
well-lit vault (111. 113). Even the floor of the rotunda glittered
with rich mosaic. In the principal niche a portion of the mosaic
decorating the upper part has been preserved, with traces of

MMM/MWJMtWMMWmJMmJM^^^

111. 113. — Scenes from the Mosaic of the Cupola in Santa Costanza.
From an old drawing at the Escurial.
a Constantinian monogram of Christ upon a starry sky. In
this case, as elsewhere, a pagan accompaniment has been
Christianised.1 264. Two other Christian mausoleums of circular shape were
those which stood in Nero's Circus on the left side of old St.
Peter's. These buildings, which have now disappeared, were
originally intended to receive the Imperial family of Theodosius,

1 Cp. F. Jubaru, La decorazione bacchica del mausoleo crist. di S. Costanza, H Arte,
7, 1904 ; Grisar, Heidn. und christi. Formen in der konstantinischen Kunst zu S. Co
stanza, Zeitschr. fur kath. Theol., 29, 1905, p. 566 ff. Our 111. 113 is from Garrucci,
Arte crist., PI. 204. Cp. Kraus, Gesch. der chr. Kunst, 1, 405.
VOL. II. I

130 ROME AND THE POPES [No.264
but at an early date in the Middle Ages were appropriated by the
Church for other uses.1
Outside Rome, on the Via Labicana, we may still see the vast
ruins of the mausoleum of Constantine's mother, St. Helena,
called in popular language Torre Pignattara. The splendid
porphyry sarcophagus ornamented with equestrian scenes, and
known as the Tomb of Helena, now at the Vatican Museum, is
said to have been found here.2
If we turn our attention from Rome to the other cities of Italy,
we shall there find other well-preserved early Christian rotundas,
some being baptisteries and others mausoleums. The most ancient
baptistery of Naples, that near the duomo, is of this shape. The
mosaics of the cupola which have recently been brought to light
belong to the fourth century, and are on the same artistic level
as the decorations on the cupola of S. Costanza in Rome. At
Ravenna typical forms exist of both kinds of buildings, some of
the Gothic and others of the Byzantine period. In the city
itself two baptisteries attract special notice — that of the Catholics,
San Giovanni in Fonte, and that of the Arians, Santa Maria in
Cosmedin (111. 1 16-17, a, c). Outside the city stands Theodoric's
massive two-storied circular mausoleum. Its vast structure dis
plays the strength of the Goths as clearly as its external decora
tion shows their sense of form and harmony (111. in).3 The
beautiful mausoleum of the Empress Galla Placidia is in the
form of a cross (Ills. 114 and 115).
The circular form of both the baptisteries and mausoleums is
a result of pre-existing Pagan custom. The baptisteries were
imitations of the so-called nymphaea, whilst it is even more evident
that the mortuary rotundas grew out of the classical architecture
of heathen mausoleums. The mausoleum of Constantina near
the Basilica of S. Agnese, and that of the Imperial descendants
1 See present work, vol. i., p. 274. The ground plans are from those of Alfarano,
previously cited (vol. i., p. 277, note). Cp. ROHAULT DE FLEURY in Nuovo Bull, di
arch, crist., 1896, p. 41 ff. : 5. Andre1 au Vatican, with plate.
2 Ground plan in Bosio, p. 323. For the sarcophagus of Helena, see Bottari, 3,
PI. 196.
3 For Naples, see GARRUCCI, PI. 269. Ravenna, S. Giovanni in Fonte, ground plan
in Dehio, PI. 3, No. 7; Holtzinger, p. 213; Schultze, p. 93. S. Maria in Cosmedin
at Ravenna, Dehio, PI. I., No. 7 ; Holtzinger, p. 213. For the Mausoleum of Theo
doric, see LUBKE, Kunstgesch., 10 ed., p. 267 ; HOLTZINGER, p. 249. The Rotunda of S.
Maria della Torre at Tivoli is a classical nymphaeum in almost perfect preservation, used
as an oratory during the Middle Ages. Dehio wrongly speaks of it as a mausoleum
(p. 24), adding that it is ascribed to the fourth century by some, to the seventh by
others.

111. 114. — Mausoleum of Galla Placidia at Ravenna.
Exterior (DARTEIX, Architecture lombarde, p. 18).

111. 115. — Mausoleum of Galla Placidia at Ravenna.
Section (Essenwein, Ausgcinge der Idas s. Baukunst. Hdb. der Archit. ii. 3).

No. 264]

ROTUNDAS

I3I

of Theodosius near St. Peter's, were modelled on the numerous
Pagan circular sepulchral monuments, great and small, which
surrounded the city. To these belong the still existing ruins of
the Torre de' Schiavi in Gordian's Villa, at the third milestone
on the Via Praenestina (111. 116, b). We are also still able to
admire the Pagan circular mausoleum of a member of the Cotta
family, the so-called Casale Rotondo, at the sixth milestone on
the Via Appia. A whole farm with olive-gardens and barns
complete is now picturesquely established upon its platform. The
well-known circular tomb of Csecilia Metella, nearer to Rome and

Arian Baptistery
at Ravenna.

Torre de' Schiavi,
near Rome.

S. Giovanni in
Fonte at Ravenna.

111. 116, 117. — Ground Plans of Centralised Buildings.
From Dehio and Bezold, Die kirchl. Baukunst des Abendl., PI. i, 2.

close to the Basilica of S. Sebastiano, was on an equally grand
scale. During the Middle Ages it was a stronghold of the
Gaetani. The lofty, ancient battlements of the ruin are visible
far over the Campagna. The Emperor Hadrian's mausoleum,
now the Castle of Sant' Angelo, reared its mountain-like round
walls on the right side of the Tiber, whilst on the left bank the
mausoleum of Augustus, enclosed within the city by the Aurelian
Wall, was a scarcely less colossal building of the same shape.
Finally, we may instance the ruins of a large heathen circular
mausoleum discovered in the early eighties in front of the Salarian
Gate ; this is the mausoleum of the Lucilian family, bearing
inscriptions relating to Lucilia Polla and her brother Marcus
Lucilius Paetus. Christians had taken possession of this building

132 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 266
in the fourth century, for a Christian burial-place was found duly
established in its interior.i
265. Whilst in Rome church buildings of central design were
either baptisteries or sepulchral monuments, at Ravenna Byzan
tine influence was responsible for a circular structure destined for
neither one nor the other purpose, but to serve, like the basilicas,
for public worship. The church of San Vitale in Ravenna, which
will often be mentioned in the course of this history, is a perfectly
thought-out circular building such as are so frequent and popular
in the East. It is a miniature Western rival of the church of St.
Sophia, built at Constantinople by the Emperor Justinian. If the
latter by its combination of unity and massiveness is the triumph
of the Byzantine circular style, the same style on Italian soil
breathes more grace in San Vitale. The plan of this celebrated
Ravenna church is octagonal, with an inside gallery resting upon
pillars and columns. Above the main arches the octagon becomes
circular and forms a foundation for the cupola. The rich structure
displays a clerestory with pillars and windows, and the cupola is
also pierced by a circular row of lights. A profusion of marble
decorations, the delicate Greek capitals and the mosaics of the
apse built on to the octagon, have made of this church a genuine
treasure of art. It was completed in 547, when it took its place
among the venerable churches of that same city, which still repre
sent so impressively the traditional basilican style of early Christian
times.2 266. So much discussion has been aroused by the circular
church of S. Stefano Rotondo in Rome that it has come to be
called the sphinx on the Ceelian. It does not, at first sight, seem
to fit in with the theory that all rotundas in Rome were either
baptisteries or mausoleums, for, so far as we can tell, it never was
either. The too brief notice in the Liber pontificalis mentions
merely that Pope Simplicius "consecrated" this church.3
Recent investigations have, however, established that this
church of such unusual shape, with its double concentric arcade,
was not originally a building intended for Christian worship, but,
as had been even previously suspected, a secular structure dating
1 Cp. Gatti, Bullett. arch, com., 1886, p. 226 ft.
2 Ground plan in Dehio, PI. 4, No. 2 ; Holtzinger, p. 99 ; Schultze, p. 94 ,-
Kraus, i, 358.
3 Liber pont, 1, 249, n. 72 : " Hie dedicavit basilicam sancti Stephani in Celio
monte."

No. 266]

S. STEFANO ROTONDO

!33

from classic times ; that it was, in fact, the Macellum Magnum
of the second city region.1
The great building served in heathen days as the market of
the Cselian. It is evident, at first glance, that the fine rotunda,

111. 118.— S. Stefano Rotondo on the Cselian.
Formerly the Macellum Magnum. Plan of the original building.

with its once partially open porticoes, was well suited for this
purpose (111. 118). The entrance was then on the city side and
1 Ground plan in Dehio, PI. 2, No. 1 ; Holtzinger, p. 97 ; Kraus, i, 353 ; and
better in Lanciani, L' Itinerario di Einsiedeln (Monumenti antichi dell' accad. reale dei
Lincei, 1), PI. 2. Cp. with this Lanciani's commentary, p. 71 ff. Our illustration (111. 118)
is after Lanciani, with the ancient adjoining street added. E, the present entrance, with
its later colonnade ; C, the original entrance. The latter continued to serve its purpose
even after the translation to this church of SS. Primus and Felicianus and the erection
at the opposite end of the little apse in which the high altar now stands. No altar seems
to have existed formerly in the middle. On our plan the ancient walls and pillars are
shown in black.

J34

ROME AND THE POPES

[No. 266

— — Jl^=]tzr-n 11 — 11 — i, — 11- — 11—
31 — icnoF

not, as now, at the back of the building. It was entered from the
ancient street, which passed by the present church of S. Maria in
Domnica. Towards the end of the fourth century, perhaps under
Gratian, the rotunda must have been repaired and restored.
Certain striking irregularities in the pillars, bases, and capitals
can only be ascribed to some reconstruction of this kind. We
have other examples during Gratian's time of similar restorations
hastily effected without taste or judgment. The masonry and
various decorative features show the period of the alterations.
The building seems, however,
to have continued to serve as
a market until the following
century, when it fell a victim
to some great catastrophe.
After that it was not again
restored for secular purposes,
but was made over by the
Government to Pope Simpli
cius, at whose hands it was
altered into a church. A
market hall could well be
dispensed with now in the
scarcely inhabited region of
the Caelian.
The catastrophe which
brought about the ruin of
this building at some period
before the pontificate of
Simplicius was probably the
same which, according to historical testimony, destroyed the
neighbouring mansion of the Valerii, namely, the burning of the
Cselian during Alaric's sack of Rome.1
Simplicius rebuilt the edifice and dedicated it to the honour of
the first martyr and deacon, St. Stephen of Jerusalem (111. 120).
He must at that time have received from Palestine some relics of
this saint, so much venerated in the early Church. The cross
upon the capitals of certain columns in the interior, as well as
the brick crosses found outside above some of the windows

=3i=nczit=3t

¦M

III. 119. — A Window in S. Stefano Rotondo
surmounted by a Cross in Bricks.

1 See vol. i., p. 62. Lanciani, I.e.

111. 120.— S. Stefano Rotondo on the Caelian. (Interior. Photographed by C. Tenerani.;

no. 266] s. STEFANO ROTONDO 135
(at F and B on 111. 118), might date from this restoration
(111. 119).1
Among the opinions ventured on concerning the origin of
S. Stefano Rotondo before the matter had been settled by the
archaeological details just given, was the attractive suggestion
that the church had, even originally, been built as a rotunda in
imitation of the circular memorial church of St. Stephen outside
the gates of Jerusalem. This theory can now indeed no longer
be held, for the excavation of St. Stephen's at Jerusalem has
shown it to be a basilica with three aisles, and not a rotunda. This
much may, however, be said : it is not improbable that the
Roman rotunda was dedicated to St. Stephen that Rome might
have a monument to match the far-famed shrine in Palestine.
The Empress Eudocia had built the church in the Holy Land at
immense expense, intending it to serve as her own sepulchral
monument. At the time of Pope Simplicius her grand-daughter
Placidia was the spouse of Olybrius, one of the phantom emperors.
Hence it seems not unlikely that Placidia, on account of the attach
ment of her family to the first martyr, may have obtained for Pope
Simplicius the Cselian market-place, with the proviso that he
should make of it a monument to St. Stephen.
If such was indeed the case, then this remarkable building
would in a sense bear the stamp of a mausoleum or memorial
church. If, however, no such connection existed, then the un
usual form of this early Christian church must be accounted for
by the fact of its having been originally built for a secular purpose
and by the unwillingness or inability of its transformers to alter
the design of the edifice.
Roman Churches Established in Ancient Halls
267. Before it became customary to adapt heathen temples
for Christian ritual there were already various places of worship
in Rome, established in the vast rectangular halls of secular build
ings. For the history of ritual and of architecture such churches
deserve more attention than they have hitherto received ; they
furnish, indeed, one of the most interesting chapters in the history
1 From a drawing by Mazzanti, showing the cross discovered by the present writer.
The barriers in the church are modern. At our request the absurd wooden "tabernacle"
has been withdrawn from the middle of the building.

136

ROME AND THE POPES

[No. 267

111. 121. — Plan
of Sta. Balbina.

of the outward transformation of Rome. These halls belonging
to the period before Constantine, when they had once been trans
formed into churches, continued to be used for worship as though
they had been basilicas. Some still exist as venerable churches,
and, in some instances, very little was known of
their origin until recent years.
These ancient halls are : first, Sta. Balbina
on the Aventine, one of the oldest titular churches
of Rome, a building which may perhaps have
belonged formerly to the palace of the Fabii
which stood there (111. 121); then the church
of S. Adriano on the Forum, which was adapted
from the hall of the Comitium of the Senate ;
thirdly, St. Martina ad Forum, the former
Secretarium Senalus, like the previous trans
formed into a church by Pope Honorius I. ;
fourthly, SS. Cosmas and Damian, also on the
Forum and established, as our readers know,
in the ancient rectangular hall where the city
archives were preserved ; fifthly, the church of
Sta. Croce in Gerusalemme (111. 122), which
occupies a vast hall of the ancient Sessorian
Palace ; sixthly, the lost church of St. Andrew
Catabarbara. Finally, there was the oratory
of St. Silvia, served by the Greek monks of
St. Saba, and established in a hall built in the
last days of the Empire.1
The transformation of these halls into
churches was effected very simply by adding
a semicircular apse to the back wall ; so far
as was necessary for this purpose the wall was
in each case removed. This can be perceived to this day by
an attentive observer, from the appearance of the wall at the
back of the churches of Sta. Croce and Sta. Balbina. It is
the same at Sant' Adriano. On the other hand, in SS. Cosma
e Damiane a partition-wall was put up in the middle of the hall
and an apse inserted in this.2

m. 122

Plan of
Sta. Croce in
Gerusalemme.

1 Plans of the first five churches in Lanciani, L' Itinerario di Einsiedeln, PI. 2. On
St. Silvia, see Civ. catt., 1905, 3, p. 210 ff.
2 On the church of SS. Cosmas and Damian, see vol. i., p. 232 ff, and Ills. 52, 53, 54.

no. 268] ST. ANDREW CATABARBARA 137
In addition, in the case of two of these halls of exceptional
width, pillars were brought into use to form a nave and two side
aisles. By this means these halls were made to resemble basilicas.
This happened in both Sant' Adriano and Sta. Croce. In the
latter the erection of the twelve massive granite pillars, which
stood in the interior, must date from the first century after the
establishment of the church under Constantine. Unfortunately,
during a recent "restoration," these pillars were partly enclosed
in masonry and became mere pilasters. But neither the older
pillars nor the present pilasters correspond with the original plan
of the hall, the wide span of its apse showing that they should
be absent. This is the reason why such pillars were lacking when
the hall first began to do duty as a church.1
An ancient German building — viz. the earliest portion of the
Cathedral of Treves — offers an analogy with these Roman halls
altered into churches. The eastern portion of this cathedral has
preserved almost perfectly the shape of an ancient hall. Of
course a great many other instances might be cited in Italy, and
especially in the vicinity of Rome. The Cathedral of Palestrina,
to give but one example, is the ancient Forum Hall of the town,
adapted to religious uses. Remains of the ancient sundial of the
Forum still exist on its front.2
268. Among the above-mentioned early Christian hall-churches
of Rome, the most important for the history of civilisation was
the hall of St. Andrew Catabarbara, also known as Catabarbara
Patricia, which has now disappeared from the Esquiline. It was
established during the time of Pope Simplicius, probably under
Ricimer, between 471-483, in the splendid aula of Junius Bassus,
consul in 317. The founder of this church was the Gothic army-
captain Flavius Valila, sometimes known as Theodovius, who in
the eyes of the Romans was a barbarian. The singular designation
of Catabarbara Patricia must have some connection with this
foreigner, who was also a Roman patrician. The name Cata
barbara was a barbarous mixture of Greek and Latin invented
during the Byzantine period.3
1 Lanciani, I.e., p. 492, with the measurements of the Sessorianum.
2 For Treves, see Dehio, p. 46 and PI. 12, figs. 9 and 12. Willems, La sainle
robe (.891), p. 319 ff. : Lapartie romaine de la cathe'drale de Treves, with plans. Pales
trina : MaruCCHI, Guida archeologica di Preneste (1885), pp. 55, 64, 161. BLONDEL in
Melanges darchM. et d'hist., 2 (1882), 176 f.
3 In the Liber pont, 1, 249, Simplicius, n. 72, we still have : "basilica beati Andreae
iuxta basilicam sanctae Mariae" ; though further on (Gregorius II., 1, 397, n. 178) we

i38

ROME AND THE POPES

[NO. 268

It was this same Goth, Valila, who founded the church at
Tivoli, whence came the far-famed Carta Cornutiana. Like his
contemporary the barbarian Ricimer, he seems to have amassed
considerable wealth in Rome. Just as Ricimer founded the
church of S. Agata dei Goti, so Valila, according to the text of
the dedicatory inscription, " betrothed " his goods to Christ, and
gave his property — i.e. this
magnificent hall and the
surrounding ground — as a
legacy to Pope Simpli
cius. The latter, according
to the same inscription,
dedicated the hall to St.
Andrew, to whom, so far,
no special church had been
consecrated in Rome. No
pillars were put up in the
rectangular interior, but the
apse, with which the build
ing was already provided,
was decorated with a mosaic
representing Christ sur
rounded by the apostles.1
Such was the beginning
of the first Roman church
to St. Andrew. It stood
on the present site of the
" Hospital of St. Anthony
111. 123.— Marble and Mosaic Decoration on the Abbot, and was entered
the Walls of St. Andrew Catabarbara. during later times from the
An old drawing;. Holtzinger, Altchristl. Architek., r r , , , .
p. i94. forecourt of the church of
St. Anthony.
The inscription mentioned stood in letters of mosaic in the
apse down to the sixteenth or seventeenth century. It was
copied by Platina, and also by the Flemish painter Van
find: '' monasterium sancti Andreae apostoli quod Barbare nuncupatur" ; finally (Leo III.,
2, 28, n. 413): " tecta basilicae beati Andreae apostoli quae appellatur cata Barbara
patricia" For its origin, see vol. i., p. 197. Cp. Analecta rom., 1, 80.
1 Carta cornutiana. DUCHESNE, Liber pont., I, CXLVI. The inscription is in. DE
Rossi, Bullett. arch, crist, 1871, p. 8, 23. Cp. ibid., pp. 5 ff. and 41 ff, a full account of
this church.

no. 268] ST. ANDREW CATABARBARA 139
Winghe, though it was Peter Sabinus who recorded it with the
most accuracy. The much earlier classical text of the inscription
in which Junius Bassus dedicated to secular purposes the public
hall he had erected has also come down to us.1
It was not until 1686 that the building, then already dilapi
dated and despoiled, was almost completely destroyed. What
remained was finally cleared away after 187 1. It is only from
the drawings of Giuliano da Sangallo and Giovanni Ciampini, and
from a few fragments of the decorations still preserved, that we
can realise the classic charm of the work.
Junius Bassus, who was certainly still a pagan when the
building was erected, had the interior walls of his hall entirely
faced with inlaid work in choice coloured marble (111. 123). This
work not only comprised decorations of the choicest character,
but also some large historical pictures, all carried out in mosaic.
Later artists found here their best models. The ancients made
great use of this kind of work, which they called opus sectile.
We have already seen specimens, though far less perfect, at
Sta. Sabina.
Here, in the aula of Bassus, even when it had been trans
formed into a church, these marble pictures of public games and
wild-beast fights continued to glitter on the walls for thirteen
hundred years. Busts of Titus, Domitian, and other emperors
were there displayed surrounded by martial trophies. The large
round-arched windows had, right and left, marble facings, which
imitated hangings with Egyptian designs (vela alexandrind).
Above these stone draperies, within square frames, were historical
scenes, also in stone ; and, finally, quite at the top, similar scenes
arranged in oblong frames. Among these pictures mythological
subjects were not lacking ; for instance, one scene depicted Hylas
carried off by the nymphs. All this decoration was allowed by
Pope Simplicius to remain, though some of it, out of respect for
God's worship, may for a while have been concealed behind those
costly woven or embroidered hangings which were then so fre
quently used in churches. The presence of one of these scenes
must, however, have been welcome to pious Christians, for it repre
sented the triumph of the Emperor Constantine over Maxentius.
This last scene from the church of Catabarbara Patricia has
1 Text of Bassus in de Rossi, ibid., p. 27.

140 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 269
been preserved among Sangallo's drawings. The Emperor
stands upon a high tribune, and in front of him are cheering
soldiers with uplifted spears ; a triumphal car, the carpentum, is
approaching. This triumph was to celebrate publicly, in the
customary manner, the alteration in Roman affairs, even pagans
rejoicing over the revolution which was a consequence of the
death of Maxentius at the Milvian Bridge. If the Senate, though
still almost wholly pagan, could erect in 3 1 3 the famous Triumphal
Arch to Constantine, it is no wonder to find this victory again
glorified two years later in the public aula of the heathen Consul
Bassus.1 *
Four only of these scenes survive. They show the Rape of
Hylas, with an Egyptian curtain below it ; the solemn installation
of a consul, possibly of Junius Bassus himself; lastly, two wild-
beast fights between tigers and a cow and a bull. The two
former are now in the Palazzo Albani (del Drago) in Rome ; the
two others in the Capitoline Museum.2
All these rich decorations of St. Andrew Catabarbara, trophies
of the finest classical art of the kind made to do service in the
house of God, show the universal fate of classical art at that
period, finding its sanctuary in the Church. Stimulated by profane
art, that of the Church also won rich laurels, especially in the
domain of mosaic- work.

Mosaics in Rome. The Church's Pictorial Language
at the Time of her Splendour
269. Mosaic-work stood in high favour among the Christian
artists of the fourth and fifth centuries. Thanks to this art, rich
tessellated pavements were provided in churches, baptisteries,
and even in subterranean crypts and vaults — as, for instance,
is shown in the splendid example unearthed in 1838 in a crypt
1 See illustrations from the Codex of Sangallo (in the Barberiniana) in de Rossi,
ibid., PI. 1-4, and Bullett. arch, com., 1893, PI. IV.-V. ; in the latter, p. 98, with explana
tions by Marucchi. For greater detail, see de Rossi, p. 46 ff. See also text and figures
in Ciampini, Vet. monim., 1, 52 ff, and PI. 21-25, 7^. On PI. 1 he gives a ground plan
of the hall.
2 There is a fine coloured illustration of the Capitoline scenes in the Bull. arch, com.,
1893, PI. II. — HI. In 1892 these fragments were seen by the present writer lying neg
lected between the beds in the church of S. Antonio Abate, then used as a military
hospital. Cp. A. Nesbitt in Archaeologia, 40, 267-296. Lanciani, Pagan and Chris
tian Rome, p. 28 f. D'AGINCOURT, Pittura, PI. 13, n. 3 ; 84, n. 1.

No. 269]

ROMAN MOSAICS

141

near the mausoleum of St. Helena (111. 124).1 This art was
also responsible for wall-decorations of all sorts, from simple
coloured facings to geometrical and figured ornaments of the
highest artistic merit ; but it reached its perfection in mosaic
scenes, forming the finest and, at that date, the best-appreciated
decoration for places of worship. These pictures, produced at
the cost of incredible toil by combining myriads of tiny marble or
glass cubes, bear a truly monumental character. On account of
their permanent character and the high artistic value of the work,
they appealed strongly
to the taste and feeling
of the Romans of that
period. Not that the art of
painting in colours was
neglected, and, doubtless,
the forecourts and in
teriors of the basilicas,
the oratories, and the
mansions of the wealthy
were all ornamented with
paintings by Christian
artists. But whereas few
of these treasures have
come down to us in consequence of the perishable nature of
their colouring — the catacombs alone having sheltered success
fully their store of pictures — Rome can even to-day congratulate
herself on the possession of a large number of mosaics from the
late imperial and early mediaeval period.2
As a whole, these mosaics bear witness to a real awakening,
showing as they do an improvement on the productions of secular
art in the period preceding Constantine's edict of peace. In them

111. 124.-

-Floor-mosaic of a Crypt on the
Via Labicana.

1 From Kraus, Gesch. der christi. Kunst, i, 403. The crypt was discovered near
Torre Pignattara (St. Helena). It is not certain that it is a Christian building, but if the
dove with the olive-branch, and the crosses, be not accidental features, they would lead us
to suppose that the work was a Christian one.
2 Apart from the frescoes of the catacombs, of which more anon, the following
paintings may be mentioned : 1. The Orante and its figurative surroundings in a hall
recently excavated beneath the church of SS. John and Paul (see vol. i., p. 57) ; 2. the
picture in the Oratory of St. Felicitas (see vol. i., p. 216) ; 3. the two portraits of leading
Romans found in the lower church of San Clemente ;. 4. the pictures in the early
Christian oratory excavated from under the Monte di Giustizia. The first alone may
still be seen.

142 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 270
we see religious art pressing forward, anxious to show all it can
do by adapting and reinvigorating ancient themes and permeating
them with Christianity. In one branch alone of the plastic art
do we find a similar successful renewal of Roman art under
Christian influences — namely, in the sculptures of the sarcophagi,
with which we shall deal later. Sculpture in the service of the
dead, and mosaics in the churches attended by the living, such
were the favourite forms of art in the Church during the declining
days of the Roman Empire.
The mosaics in the basilicas, where they are not merely orna
mental, represent either historical events or symbolic or typical
objects. To the first category belong first and foremost the historical
scenes drawn from the Old or New Testament ; to the latter a
series of figures, such as lambs, doves, the hand of God, pictures
of rivers or cities, which were usually added to other pictures to
give them a still deeper significance. Many scenes can be described
as historico-symbolic, for they portray a definite fact or event with
the help of ideal imagery, thus making its significance plainer.
Thus, for instance, the giving unto Peter of the power to loose
and to bind is expressed by figures which impress on the beholder
the importance of the event ; or again, the reward of the martyrs at
the hand of Christ is depicted so as to show the confessors with
their crowns forming a circle around their transfigured Saviour or
led by the Prince of the Apostles to Christ in the abode of the
blessed. 270. The portion of the basilicas in which mosaic art
was most lavishly and appropriately displayed, was, agreeably
with both the architectural and liturgical idea, the tribune or
apse. In Constantine's time a certain subject had already established
itself as peculiarly adapted to the mosaic decoration of the apse,
the subject being one of combined historical and symbolic char
acter. Above all it glorified Christ, whose law, victorious since
Constantine, was here displayed triumphant ; then the Princes of
the Apostles, the glory and ornament of Christian Rome. At the
same time the picture turns our thought to the world which now,
since the overthrow of paganism, comes unhindered from East
and West to Christ and His saving streams. So well-known and
usual was this speaking figure, that we even find it depicted in

No. 270]

ROMAN MOSAICS

H3

unexpected situations ; for instance, on the bottom of a gilt glass
(111. 125) and on a marble graffito from the catacombs.1
In the same manner as ancient art was wont to show the
Emperor bestowing on a governor, about to be despatched to his
province, a scroll in token of his new authority, so here Christ, as
Lord and Lawgiver of the New Covenant, stands in a royal
attitude upon a hillock surrounded by refulgent clouds, His right
hand held aloft in command and his left holding the roll of
the Law. This roll He commits to St. Peter, who receives it
with covered hands.
Tallying with the
bent and venerable
figure of St. Peter
stands, on the other
side, that of St. Paul
in a bold, confident
posture, teaching the
Gentiles. The scene
is framed by two
lofty palm trees,
which recall Pales
tine, and at the
same time typify
the Promised Land
of Heaven. On
one of the palms is
poised the Phoenix,
symbolising the re
surrection ; for the resurrection from the dead is the seal
and confirmation of the truth and power of the New Cove
nant (1 Cor. xv. 14). The river Jordan flows from the hill
upon which the Divine Lawgiver stands, the name IORDANES
being expressly given on the gilt glass mentioned, and on
several mosaics. The Jordan typifies the water of baptism,
the Sacrament of the New Birth, which is for humanity the
primary condition and foundation for the attainment of salva
tion and blissful eternity. In the lower part of the picture

in. 125.

-Peter receives the Roll of the Law.
Part of a gilt glass in the Vatican.

1 For the gilt glass reproduced above, see Garrucci, Vetri orttati, 2 ed., p. 84 ff ;
Arte crist., PI. 180, n. 6 ; also vol. i., p. 574. The graffito from the Catacombs, now at
Anagni, is figured in the present work, 111. 86.

144 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 271
on our gilt glass, two cities are represented at each corner,
bearing one the name of lERVSALE, and the other that of
BECLE (Bethlehem), and standing for the two categories called
unto salvation, the Gentiles and the Jews. As types of the
faithful flock of Christ, we see lambs, here six in number,
migrating from the two cities to the centre, where stands another
lamb upon a rock, whence flow four streams. This is the Lamb
of God, enthroned upon the rock whence flow life-giving streams,
a rock even more wonderful than that of Moses in the wilderness.
The four streams are the four Gospels, which refresh the parched
earth with Divine doctrine. Viva Christi flumina is the descrip
tion given by Paulinus of Nola of the four evangelists.1
Another subject of frequent occurrence in the apses is also
repeated upon a gilt glass. The Saviour of the World is there
seen seated upon a raised throne, surrounded by those who will
reign with Him in Heaven — Peter and Paul and other martyrs.
The elements of this composition are sometimes found mingled
with those of the former, and moreover the accessory symbols
are sometimes varied. Other schemes were also invented, the
artists being free in their work and not tied down to any particular
pattern.2 271. To take the chief mosaic works in Rome belonging to
this period in their chronological order, we must give the first
place to that in the Rotunda of Sta. Costanza, near the Basilica
of S. Agnese on the Via Nomentana. These mosaics, both those
which are lost and the comparatively few still preserved, were
produced by a highly skilled hand in Constantine's time (see 111.
126 ; cp. 111. 113). We have already described them. A modern
historian of art says justly of the classical character of the work :
" It expresses the conception of a Christian community to which
the transition to the New Covenant involves no breach with all
that was best and most beautiful in the traditions of antiquity.
Christianity, as displayed in the vaulting of Sta. Costanza, was
certainly not responsible for the overthrow of classicism." "Had
it been possible to retain it," rightly adds the same author, "the
1 PAULINUS, Epist. ad Severum, 32, n. 10 : " Petram superstat ipsa petra ecclesiae
De qua sonori quattuor pontes meant \ Evangelistae viva Christi flumina." Cp. DE
Rossi, Bull, di arch, crist, 1887, p. 1 19, where he deals with the similar scene on the
silver reliquary from Northern Africa, now in the Christian Museum of the Vatican. On
the marble graffito at Anagni (see previous note), there is a connection between the
lower and the upper scene.
2 For Christ enthroned, see Garrucci, Vetri, PI. 18, n. 4.

No. 271]

ROMAN MOSAICS

H5

spirit of Damasus, Ambrose, Theodosius, and Augustine would
have saved it." J
According to the well-grounded modern view, the second place
belongs to the two long rows of biblical scenes in the nave of Sta..
Maria Maggiore. It has been previously shown that they must
have been placed in the upper walls of the nave under Pope
Liberius. Here we must, however, protest against the judgment
of Kraus, who opines that their execution is "very coarse." It
is unjust to speak of the figures as "stunted" and "deformed."

111. 126. — Vintage Scenes and Decorative Designs in the Mausoleum of Constantina
(Sta. Costanza).
Garrucci, Arte crist., tav. 206 ; Kraus, Gesch. der christi. Kunst., 1, 406.

When closely examined — a difficult business on account of the
height — it becomes clear that many of the flaws in the work are
due to coarse and injudicious attempts at restoration. The figures
certainly are " often of massive proportions," but that is char
acteristic of Roman art in general and of that epoch in particular.
In spite of this the draughtsmanship usually betrays a sure hand
and deep feeling, and the design as a whole bears the impress of
genuine art still permeated by classicism. Here, indeed, greater
1 Kraus, Gesch. der christi. Kunst, 1, 406. Garrucci, Arte crist, PI. 204-207..
KONDAKOFF (Hist de Part byzantin . . . dans les miniatures, Paris, 1886-1891) remarks
(1, 103): "Le veritable art chretien se revele d'abord dans les mosaiques ; mais les
premieres productions de cette espece nous offrent un melange singulier d'idees chretiennes
et de formes pa'iennes, aussi bien dans les types que dans les motifs d'ornement et dans.
la composition." VOL. II. K

146 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 271
freedom and truth to nature is displayed than in the mosaics on the
Triumphal Arch of the same church executed on the following
¦century.1 A proof of our contention is furnished by the picture of
Abraham's meeting with the three angels, and their entertain
ment by the patriarch and his wife Sara, a remarkable mosaic in
three scenes, of which we here give, for the first time, a photograph
(111. 127). At the top we see the greeting of the angels. The
leading angel in the centre, who is wholly surrounded by a halo,
accepts, with Roman dignity and pride, yet not without grace,
the salutation of the patriarch, who is seen bending low. In the
lower part Abraham, outside the tent, first directs Sara to pre
pare the food and then waits upon his three guests, who are
seated at table in the open air under an oak. Agreeably with
the canons of Roman art, particularly in the last days of the
Empire, this mosaic thus brings before us a whole story by means
of juxtaposed scenes.
The third great work is the mosaic in the apse of the Basilica
of Sta. Pudenziana, the earliest and choicest apsidal decoration
still preserved by a Roman basilica. There is enormous difference
between these grand animated and natural, albeit dignified, figures
and those rigid mosaics of Rome belonging to the Byzantine and
Carlovingian periods. In the centre Christ our Saviour sits
enthroned in majestic repose and classic beauty. The inscription
on His open book proclaims Him the " Protector of the church
of Pudens." Around Him are seated the Apostles in life-like and
dignified posture. Behind them two female figures approach our
Saviour, tendering Him their crowns, and, according to the more
probable opinion, typify the Church of the Gentiles and that of
the Jews. In the background, behind the two women, stands a
large structure comprising a portico and various buildings. Some
have thought this a view of the city of Rome in the neighbour-
' Garrucci, PI. 215-222. Kraus, p. 418. See above, p. 33 ff.
Note to III. 127.— Photographed by Commendatore Carlo Tenerani. In all three
scenes Abraham may be recognised by the likeness. Cp. 111. 109, with Abraham waiting
on the angels. In our illustration may be seen the bread and the beaker of wine, just as
is the case on the neighbouring mosaic representing Melchisedech (see above, p. 120 f),
in either case figuring the Eucharistic species, both the mosaics being near the high altar,
¦where the Eucharist was offered. On the whole series of Pope Liberius's mosaics more
.ample information, based on photographs by C. Tenerani, was given by the present
•writer in his November conferences, 1898, on Christian archasology (Nuovo Bull, di
,arch. crist, 1899, p. 82). Cp. H. Graeven, Bonner Jahrb., 105 (1900), p. 152 and PI. 18
i(on the sacrifice of Melchisedech).

111. 127. — Abraham and the Three Angels.
(Mosaic in Sta. Maria Maggiore.)

no. 271] ROMAN MOSAICS 147
hood of the Sta. Pudenziana. But, with more likelihood, it might
be taken as a comprehensive view of the holy places in Palestine,
then so familiar to the Romans. This would give a reason for the
bare hill rising in the centre in imitation of Calvary, and bearing
a tall cross which the artist evidently desired to bring into
evidence. We shall not be wrong in believing this to be the
cross at Jerusalem, of which the relics, then only recently found,
were in great demand throughout the Christian world. The cross
sparkles with jewels as did that then venerated at Jerusalem,
according to the testimony of the saintly pilgrim ^Etheria. The
four Evangelists bear witness upon the same mosaic to the sign
of our salvation, being figured by the conventional symbols of the
angel or man, the lion, the ox, and the eagle. The work belongs
to the close of the fourth century, and probably forms part of the
decorations added by Pope Siricius when the church had been
already restored.1
The mosaics in Sta. Sabina, which come next in the fourth
place, date from the pontificate of Celestine I., or perhaps from
that of his successor, Xystus III. At any rate it is certain that
the fifth work belongs to the latter, namely, the decorations on
the Triumphal Arch of Sta. Maria Maggiore. As we have
previously described both these works, they need not delay us
here.2 The influence of the classical tradition of art is more notice
able than in the two last-named works, in the mosaics of one of
the niches in the Oratory of SS. Rufina and Secunda, which is
really the ancient porch of the Lateran Baptistery (6). The
decoration is so tasteful, and, with all its profusion, so delicate,
that it is usually ascribed to an earlier date. Yet since Xystus III.
most probably erected the porch when restoring the baptistery,
its mosaics most likely belong to his time. They are, moreover,
purely decorative, and, as we know, traditions of the best period
were usually better preserved in decorations than in representa
tions of persons. The design consists in green foliage beautifully
outlined in gold on a blue background. A tiny figure of the
Lamb of God between four doves in the upper border and six
larger crosses amidst the twining leaves are the only additions
1 Garrucci, PI. 208. Kraus, p. 490. The inscription runs : DOMINVS CON
SERVATOR ECCLESIAE PVDENTIANAE. Cp. Analecta rom., Dissert. 13, n. 2.
2 Garrucci, PI. 210. See above, p. 33 ff. Kraus, pp. 412, 414.

148 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 27.
which can be recognised. The crosses would lead us to suppose
that before Hilary built his Oratory of the Holy Cross near by,
confirmation was administered here in the portico, which thus
served as the consignatorium — i.e. where candidates were marked
with the cross.1
The next mosaic in order of time is that executed under Leo
the Great on the so-called Arch of Placidia in St. Paul's (7).
Although much altered later, it still reflects, as we have seen, early
composition, and is instinct with the ancient Christian spirit.2
A much better preserved mosaic, which comes next in point
of date and is also ascribed to Pope Hilary, covers the vault
in the Oratory of St. John the Baptist, which this Pope
erected beside the Lateran Baptistery (8). Here again the
work consists principally in mere ornamentation gracefully
wrought into a single whole. Delicate creepers twine round
four staves, which meet in the centre at the Lamb of God
standing within the Crown of Victory. As has been rightly
observed, the birds and baskets of flowers and other details
within the panels thus formed remind us strongly of the paintings
in the Catacombs.3 The whole oratory seems to be constructed
on the plan of a mortuary chapel, namely, on that of St. John at
Ephesus where Pope Hilary had once fled for refuge.1
The next is the oldest apsidal mosaic still existing in its
entirety, and covers both the Triumphal Arch and the apse. This
is the work by Felix IV. (526-530), in SS. Cosmas and Damian
on the Roman Forum, with which we have already dealt (9).
The arch is surmounted by the Lamb of God in the midst of
apocalyptic scenes. The apse displays the majestic figure of our
Saviour upon raised ground, with the Princes of the Apostles
on each side leading to Him the titular saints of the church,
Cosmas and Damian. This mosaic, which, in spite of some signs
of decadence, is full of the force and simple grandeur of Roman
works of art, was in reality merely the last of a rich series of
decorations in marble and mosaic which adorned the ancient hall
of the archives, and perhaps also the adjacent Heroon of Romulus,
1 Kraus, p. 411. De Rossi and also Rohault de Fleury, Le Latran au moyen-
dge (PI. 43), give illustrations. In Garrucci this mosaic has been overlooked.
2 Garrucci, PI. 237. Kraus, p. 412. Muntz, L'ancienne basilique de St-Paul-
hors-les-murs, in Revue de Part chret, 1898, p. 1 ff. and 108 ff. Cp. with what was said
above, p. 74 f.
3 Garrucci, PI. 238. Kraus, p. 413. * See above, p. 53.

no. 272] MOSAICS OF RAVENNA 149
i.e. the annexed rotunda, for the inscription on the mosaic in the
apse boasts of the "radiance" of the " Hall of God" (Aula Dei
claris radiat speciosa metallis). The "Aula Dei" is the whole
church, and the mosaics which in classic times decorated the
Templum Sacrae Urbis will probably have been left undisturbed
by Felix.1 The series of early mosaics, in which the tradition
of good Roman art still prevails, closes with that in the Basilica of
San Lorenzo fuori le mura (10). Upon the Triumphal Arch
which spans the sepulchre of the Saint, we see Christ seated upon
the globe as He also appeared in the lost mosaic of St. Agatha's
(Vol. I., 111. 21) — a late and not very artistic design. Whereas,
however, in St. Agatha's the Apostles stood in rows on each side
of our Lord, there are here, besides Peter and Paul, only four
figures — St. Lawrence, the titular saint of the church ; associated
with him as deacon, St. Stephen, whose relics under Pope
Simplicius had been brought from Jerusalem and deposited in
this church ; then in the corners, St. Hippolytus, who reposes
near by, and on the other side, to correspond, the author of the
mosaic and restorer of the church, Pope Pelagius II., holding in
his hands the model. Pope Felix IV. had been similarly depicted,
and for a like reason, in SS. Cosmas and Damian.2
272. No city in the fourth or fifth century yielded such
brilliant specimens of mosaic work as Rome ; in spite of the un
favourable circumstances of the period, nowhere was the standard
of ancient classical culture in this difficult department held so high
as in the Eternal City. In the fifth century Ravenna had, how
ever, already begun to rival Rome. Under the patronage of the
Roman sovereigns it began to cultivate this branch of art, and
continued to do so throughout the Gothic period, with the support
of the Gothic rulers, as well as later when the Eastern Empire
had reasserted its sway, and with such success that it came to
surpass even Rome. In Rome the last-mentioned mosaic in San
Lorenzo already in some measure foreshadows the approach of
that blank rigidness with which increasing incapacity and want of
1 Garrucci, PI. 253. See above, p. 103, and vol. i., p. 232. Kraus, p. 418. Remains
of the ancient mosaic, perhaps, however, a mere veneer of marble, were still seen in the
sixteenth century by Andrea Fulvio, du Perac, and Ugonio. Cp. DE Rossi, Bullett.
arch, crist, 1867, p. 66.
2 Garrucci, PI. 271. Kraus, p. 420. On the lost mosaic in St. Agatha's, see vol. i.,
111. 21. On a number of other lost mosaics in Rome, see Muntz, The Lost Mosaics of
Rome, in the Americ. Journal of Arch., 2, n. 3 ; and in de Rossi, at the end of his
Musaici.

r5°

ROME AND THE POPES

[No. 272

taste stamped the Roman mosaics of the following period. The
drawing becomes steadily more lifeless and stiff; the figures
become gloomy to a degree ; sanctity is most awkwardly ex
pressed by abnormal leanness, and an abundance of gilding is
employed to make up for artistic deficiency. On the other hand,
who has ever visited Ravenna and could forget its basilicas deco-

111. 128. — Mosaic in the Apse of San Vitale in Ravenna.
Garrucci, Arte crist., PI. 258 ; Kraus, op. cit, p. 441.
rated with such venerable mosaics ? The nave of Sant' Apollinare
Within the Walls (S. Apollinare Nuovo), with its long series of
saints, the Baptistery of the Catholics, radiant with mosaics, and
so many other buildings of Ravenna, leave an indelible impression,
and will, even in future ages, attest how profoundly suggestive
early Christian art could be. An attentive observer will, however,
find even in Ravenna, especially in the later mosaics, many tokens
of foreign influence upon the native Italian traditions. From the

no. 273] ROMAN MOSAICS 151
East came especially the tendency to insist unduly on the drapery
and decorations, These were the results of the so-called Byzan
tine style in Italy.1
One of the finest specimens of the mosaic art was that
produced by Rome's rival on the Adria in the decoration of
the altar neighbourhood in the Rotunda of San Vitale, a work
which seems to be due to Bishop Ecclesius (522-532). In the
apse (111. 128) the figure of our Saviour, still youthful and
beardless, sits enthroned upon the globe, bestowing a crown
upon St. Vitalis, to His right, while, on His left, Bishop
Ecclesius approaches, holding a model of his rotunda. Vitalis,
in his golden chlamys, and Ecclesius, in planet and pallium,
are each led to Christ by an angel. Graceful ornaments
frame the picture ; a garden, watered by four streams, spring
ing forth at the feet of Christ, and containing birds and
flowers, no doubt symbolises heaven, the abode of bliss.
The outer border is decorated by a rich design formed of
blossoms resembling crossed cornucopias united at the top in the
monogram N^ (Iesus Xristus). Above this, between the cities
of Bethlehem and Jerusalem, two floating angels, like ancient
figures of Victory, support the same monogram combined with
a cross ~^x~- Under the cities are palms bearing fruit, and, at
the sides, slim cypresses.2
273. Once more returning to Rome, did we desire to dilate on
the magnificence and abundance of the mosaics produced by
classical art in its second spring, it would be our duty to give a
list of the manifold works which have disappeared in various
ways, but of which notices or descriptions have come down to
us. We should also have to pass in review those mosaics of
which fragments still exist, and finally proceed to the Roman
cemeteries to admire the specimens of mosaic art found there.
For even in the service of the dead, workers in mosaics laboured,
not only laying pavements of many colours in the mortuary
chapels, but even covering the whole surface of the vaults with
their designs. We see an instance of this on a tomb in the
1 Cp. Kurth, Die Mosaiken der christi. Aera; Die Wandmosaiken von Ravenna,
1902. 2 Kraus, pp. 441, 438. Garrucci, Arte crist., PI. 258.

152 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 274
Cemetery of St. Hermes, where remains still exist of mosaics
portraying Daniel among the lions and the resurrection of
Lazarus. From one cemetery in Rome, that of Cyriaca, we
have the two large mosaic portraits published by de Rossi of
Flavius Julius Julianus and his wife, Maria Simplicia Rustica,
probably relatives of the City Prefect Rusticus Julianus, who died
in Rome in 388. 1
But we must now turn our attention to the paintings. True,
painting was but of small account when compared with the mosaic
art, yet, adapting itself more easily to the genius of the artist, it was
responsible for a far larger number of works.
Painting and the Cemeteries
274. Owing to the perishable character of their productions,
as has been already explained, comparatively few works of
Christian painters in the late Empire have survived to this day.
The venerable remains of early Christian painting must be looked
for principally in the Catacombs— a fact which is responsible for a
drawback, viz. that these pictures, designed to remain under
ground, and therefore to be seen always by artificial light, have
usually been roughly drawn and irregularly coloured, and in
consequence of these imperfections they really afford no insight
into the actual state of the art of painting when they were pro
duced. In spite of this, Christian thought and deep feeling find
worthy expression in the common language of art.
The well-executed picture of our Lady with the Infant
Jesus, under an arcosolium in the Coemeterium Ostrianum, be
longs to the fourth century (111. 129). The two Constantinian
monograms of Christ show at once that the picture belongs
to the period when the Church secured peace. In the fourth
century the arcosolium of Zosimianus in the Catacomb of St.
Cyriaca was decorated with several frescoes, one, for instance,
depicting a soul as an orante, standing before the judo-e, from
whom she receives her reward ; others display the Good
Shepherd, the Prophet Jonas under his ivy, Moses removino- his
shoes, and finally our Saviour enthroned between two apostles.
In the Cemetery of Callistus a picture of the judge bestowing
1 Mosaic in the Cemetery of St. Hermes, Garrucci, PI. 204, n. 1. For portraits, see
de Rossi, Musaici, fasc. 1.

no. 274] CHRISTIAN PAINTING 153
rewards also belongs to this period. It, too, displays Constantine's
monogram, Christ in the midst of the twelve Apostles and two
harts quenching their thirst at a spring bursting from a rock.
Presumably the Divine Lamb stood upon this rock, as in the
mosaics, but its figure has completely disappeared. The same
catacomb also contains a curious fourth-century picture, that,
namely, of a female greengrocer painted over her tomb.1
In the Catacomb of St. Domitilla may be seen the fourth-
century portrait of the grave-digger (Fossor) Diogenes, and near
it the raising of Lazarus ; also Moses bringing water out of the
rock, and other pictorial decorations. In the same catacomb, and
belonging to the same date, is the beautiful scene where the
departed Veneranda is led into the gardens of Paradise by the
martyr Petronilla. The representation upon an arcosolium of
the Apostles Peter and Paul, with Constantine's monogram be
tween them, belongs to the end of the century. On the same
tomb we have a repetition of the scene of Christ surrounded by
the Apostles. It has often been stated that on this picture Peter
alone has a halo about his head to distinguish him from the other
Apostles. As a matter of fact this is inaccurate, and close inspec
tion shows that the nimbus is wanting even in the case of Peter.
In the fourth century two other important frescoes were painted
in St. Domitilla, of which the subjects have only lately been
correctly explained. One picture was thought to represent either
the administration of the Sacrament of Penance, or a sermon by
a Pope in the Catacombs, whereas in reality it shows the Divine
Judge. The other fresco, presumed to be a picture of the Annun
ciation, more probably, judging by the remains, represented the
three young men in the fiery furnace.2
In the Cemetery of Praetextatus, to mention some pictures
dealing with other subjects, but still of the fourth century, we
have a tomb with the monogram of Christ, upon which Celerina
1 Liell, Die Darstellungen Maria, PI. 6 ; Kraus, i, p. 193. Wilpert was once
inclined to see in the picture of Mary an idealised portrait of the lady buried on the spot
(cp. Cyklus christolog. Gemalde aus der Katakombe der hll. Petrus und Marcellinus, \ 891,
p. 48), but later on he was induced by arguments, seemingly decisive, to revert to the
opinion held, among others, by Aringhi, namely, that the subject of the fresco is the
Mother of God and her Divine Son. See in his large work, PI. 207.
2 On the paintings of the Catacombs generally, see the coloured illustrations and
explanations in WlLPERT, Die Gemalde der Katakomben, in Italian, Le pitture delle
catacombe, 1903, which gives 267 plates. See also Lefort, Eludes sur les monuments
primitifs de la peinture chre"t. en Italie, 1885, p. 72 ff, and Hennecke, Altchristl.
Malerei und . . . Lileralur, 1896.

154 ROME AND THE POPES [N0.274
and two other dead ladies are symbolically depicted as lambs, but
with their names attached. There are also portraits of Peter and
Paul, of Xystus II. with a companion, and finally a sheep sur
mounted by the name of Susanna, with two wolves described as
Seniores. This is Susanna of the Bible story, with the two
Elders, figuratively represented. In the Cemetery of St. Cyriaca
we find on an arcosolium Peter with the cock, and in the lunette
Christ with the five wise virgins on His right hand and the five
foolish on His left. The latter carry their extinguished lamps in
an inclined position, a vigorous way of expressing their want of
oil. The so-called Platonia is, in the interior, adorned with
pictures of our Saviour and the Apostles, which probably belong
to the time of Pope Damasus. In the neighbouring Cemetery
of St. Sebastian we see a remarkable picture of the Nativity of
Christ. The manger of the Divine Infant has the form of a four-
legged table, and behind it may be seen the heads of the ox and
the ass. This is the only scene of the kind in the Catacombs.
In the Cemetery of SS. Marcellin and Peter is a vault illustrated
with scenes of Abraham's sacrifice, of Jonas cast upon dry land
by the fish, and with orantes representing the departed, besides
other ornamentations.
In the cemetery of the same martyrs, Marcellin and Peter,
at the turn of the fourth and fifth centuries, were executed the
choice paintings which embellish the crypt. The two holy
martyrs appear identified by their names and accompanied by the
martyrs Gorgonius and Tiburtius, all together raising their hands
towards the Lamb of God standing upon a rock, whence issue
the four streams. In this vault our interest is, however, aroused
particularly by the life-size picture of Christ and the Princes of
the Apostles. Both the draughtmanship and the colouring are
exceptionally well done for that period, and, what is no less
important, the two Apostles display very human features and all
the characteristics with which they were usually depicted in
Rome. In the Coemeterium Ostrianum we again see Peter and Paul
on each side of Christ enthroned. This work may belong to the
same period as the previous, but it is of less artistic merit. The
common statement that the Apostles have the halo as well as
Christ is erroneous ; our Lord alone is thus distinguished.
The pictures just mentioned are but a small selection from

no. 275] CHRISTIAN PAINTING 155
those we might have cited, for painters were very busy in the
Catacombs during the fourth century.
In the fifth century, however, the number of frescoes in the
Catacombs began to decline rapidly. The decay of the city
and the misfortunes which overwhelmed it have left traces even
here. The grand fifth-century figures of St. Polycamus, St.
Sebastian, and St. Quirinus, in the Crypt of St. Caecilia in the
Cemetery of Callistus, stand as memorials of a fast-waning
civilisation. They are of regular Roman type. In their tunics
and classically draped palliums, the figures, with their shaven
faces, bring vividly before the spectator the Roman nobles of
the period.
Two paintings only belonging to the sixth century can be
pointed out in the Roman catacombs, namely, the two frescoes
over the tomb of Cornelius, Pope and martyr, in the Catacomb
of Callistus. They represent Cornelius with Cyprian, and Pope
Xystus II. with Optatus, all vested in tunic and planet, with
the pallium to denote their episcopal dignity. These works
probably date from the time of John III., for the inscription
sounds like a sigh of relief after the unspeakably sad days
which Rome had experienced before this Pope, the restorer
of the Catacombs.
275. In these paintings of the Catacombs, as the above examples
testify, the profound symbolism of ancient times had gradually
ceased to prevail. Pictures of a more simple historical character
steadily superseded the thoughtful and significant paintings of
older date. Christ's apostles appear more frequently, for they are
the venerable pillars of the now firmly established Church of the
New Covenant. The martyrs of the Catacombs are also glorified
as joint victors in the universal triumph of the Church. Thus a
reflection of the improved situation of the Church is found even in
these underground passages, affording fresh subjects for the brush
of humble artists. The technical skill of these paintings is, on the
whole, on the old level, save that we now miss the refinement and
tenderness met with, for instance, in the earliest classical pictures
in the Catacomb of Priscilla. The artists of the period succeeding
Constantine move less gracefully along the beaten track ; they
show a sort of preference for brown, reddish colouring and strong
dark outlines, clearly displaying the figures. The result of this is
that their compositions resemble rilievo work, and are devoid of

156 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 275
the real characteristics of paintings. In this wise the frescoes of
the cemeteries form a sort of natural transition to the mosaics,
for in mosaics the technical treatment is the same ; indeed, many
paintings of the Catacombs might be transferred as they are from
the white chalky surface to the yellow or gold ground of the
mosaics.1 The subjects of the paintings often coincide, even in the alle
gorical portions, with those of the mosaics. Thus, to allude only
to two lost pictures, poetic inscriptions from the cemeteries on the
Via Salaria speak of pictures belonging to the fifth century which
may have been either mosaics or frescoes. One such inscription,
placed there by Pope Boniface I., was copied by pilgrims in the
crypt of the martyr Felicitas. The words show that the corre
sponding picture represents the heavenly triumph of Felicitas
surrounded by her seven sons, likewise martyrs, just as we saw it
depicted in the Oratory of St. Felicitas near the Baths of Trajan.
Among other things the poem states that " she accompanies
her guileless children amidst the pleasant meadows," and that "a
floral crown bedecks her triumphant head."2
The second poem was found in the memorial Basilica of St.
Silvester, at the spot where Pope Celestine I. had been buried.
According to the text there must have been here a picture
showing the martyrs Felix and Philip in glory, i.e. with crowns
in their hands, standing near the Everlasting Judge. Quite in
keeping with the war which Celestine had waged on Nestorius,
the poem begins with a profession that this Judge was the same
who, as God, was born, was crucified, and had returned to
heaven.3 We might also call attention here to the beautiful doctrinal
1 A remark rightly made by E. Frantz, Gesch. der christi. Malerei, I (1887), 154 ff.
2 De Rossi, Inscr. christ, 2, 1, pp. 88, 116, 136. Cp. Duchesne, Liber pont, 1, 229.
According to the copies cited in the text above, the following stanzas occurred in the
poem : " Insontes pueros sequitur per amoena vireta,
Tempora victricis fiorea serta ligant."
Besides the picture with these verses, there was another, and the accompanying verses
warrant the conclusion that the martyrs were there depicted with the instruments of
their martyrdom, probably with them at their feet.
3 De ROSSI, Inscr. christ, 2, 1, p. 62, 68. Cp. DUCHESNE, Liber pont, 1, 231 :
" Qui natum passumque Deum repetisse paternas
Sedes atque iterum venturum ex aethere credit,
Iudicet ut vivos rediens pariterque sepultos,
M artyribus Sanctis pateat quod regia coeli
Respicit interior, sequitur si praemia Christi"

no. 276] CHRISTIAN PAINTING 157
poem which has come down to us in early copies from the Roman
"mansion of the widow, Rusticiana," probably wife of the cele
brated Boethius, who was executed in 524 This poem must also
have been placed beneath a picture of our Lady with the Holy
Child at her breast. The author of this, a certain " Orator
Andreas," extols in words, replete with profound thought, and cast
in an agreeable metre, the glorious privileges of both Mother
and Child, saying, for instance, of the latter that He was " twice
begotten — as Creator, without a mother ; and as Redeemer,
without a father." 1
Another poem of equal literary skill was one copied by
early pilgrims and epigraphists in the portico of St. Peter's, and
which belonged to a painting or mosaic above the entrance to the
basilica, representing the Emperor Constantine the Great. The
verses tell of a recovery of the Emperor, due to the intercession
of St. Peter. The custom of placing circular pictures and portraits
above the entrances to churches or mansions has been abundantly
proved. Constantine himself had such a portrait placed above
the entrance of his palace in Constantinople. When the narthex
of the earliest Basilica of St. Clement in Rome was excavated,
two large portraits were found in it of such perfect style that they
were plausibly ascribed to the very beginning of this church, i.e.
the fourth century.2
276. Such metrical picture-inscriptions as those mentioned
above form links in a chain of texts which are very important
for the history of art. Epigraphs of this kind stand on a similar
footing with the valuable collection of statue-inscriptions which
have been preserved by the poet Prudentius in his so-called
Dittochaeum, and in the Tituli Ambrosiani? This was a form
of poetry apart. Such verses often describe lost paintings to us
with so much fidelity and freshness that, with the aid of similar
1 Grisar, Analecta rom., i, no: "Bis genitus, sine matre opifex, sine patre re
demptor!' 2 For the text belonging to Constantine's picture in St. Peter's, see vol. i. p. 302. It
begins : " Credite victuras animas remeante favilla'' We pointed out in our previous
volume that the fable of Constantine's recovery from leprosy either arose from a mis
understanding of this text, or was at least partially substantiated thereby. On the picture
in Constantinople, see Eusebius, Vita Constant, 4, c. 15, in which he says that Constan
tine had himself painted there " as an Orante on the gate of the Royal Palace, above the
vestibulum." This situation corresponds with the one chosen at St. Peter's in Rome.
For the portraits in San Clemente, see Stevenson in Mostra di Roma nelP esposiz. di
Torino, p. 215, n. 308.
3 S. Merkle, Festschr. des D. Campo Santo, p. 33 ff. ; Rom. Quartalschr., 1896,
p. 185 ff.

158 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 276
works still in existence, it would almost be possible to reconstruct
the originals. Thus the poems of Paulinus of Nola on the
frescoes in the church of St. Felix, built by him at the
beginning of the fifth century, are full of information valuable
for the history of early Christian painting. Such so-called
Tituli, standing below pictures, do not seem to have been
preserved in Rome later than the early mediaeval ages. They
show, however, that the classical custom had been adhered to,
even when pictorial productions were already far removed from
classic art.1
These and earlier metrical inscriptions bear witness to a
parallelism of scenes from the Old and New Testaments. Re
ligious artists appreciated highly that figurative explanation of
Holy Scripture to which the Fathers were so much addicted,
even at the time of Prudentius. His verses in the Dittochaeum
are based upon such a correspondence of type and antitype
in the Old Testament and the New, for in them twenty-four
scenes from the Old and twenty-five from the New are dealt
with in tetrastichs. As yet, however, the symbolic connection
of Old and New Testament is only indicated in a general way,
nor is the concordance of individual type with individual antitype
insisted on. As is well known, mediaeval artists went much
further. In the so-called Poor Man's Bible, on which the decora
tions of the churches were largely based, each scene was usually
matched by another, one being taken as the foreshadowing and
the other as the fulfilment. In this the interpretations of the
Fathers were closely followed, and the resemblance insisted on
was thus frequently merely outward. That in Rome such artistic
adaptation of the Holy Scriptures, within certain limits, was early
quite usual is proved from the carving on the doors of Sta.
Sabina, where it is apparent that many Old Testament events are
directly contrasted with similar ones belonging to the New. The
mosaics placed by Pope Liberius in Sta. Maria Maggiore are also
derived from the Bible, and give a chronological series of pictures
from Genesis and Josue, of which they form a sort of picture-
1 Among such Tituli in Rome may be cited the inscription of Pope Agapetus in his
library (which later on came into the possession of Gregory the Great) on the Clivus
Scauri (see de Rossi, Inscr. christ, 2, i, p. 28, n. 55; cp. p. 16); also the remarkable
poem by Honorius I. on the Apostles and Christ's Ascension (Analecta rom., 1, 120).
Cp. a good notice by DE ROSSI : De titulis christianis metricis et rhythmicis, at the
beginning of vol. ii. of his Inscr. christ. ; cp. ibid., p. xxxiv. ff. Garrucci, Arte crist,
1, 460 ff.

no. 276] PICTURED BIBLES 159
book.1 Such juxtaposition of Old and New Testament scenes
came to be known as Concordia Veteris et Novi Testamenti?
Rome furnished patterns for such pictures even to far-distant
lands. Benedict, the art-loving Abbot of St. Peter's Monastery
at Weremouth (Jarrow) in England, brought back from Rome
designs (imagines) for the decoration of his church and his
Monastery of St. Paul. This happened during his fourth and
fifth journey to Rome in 678 and 684. Venerable Bede mentions
that it was after the pattern of these Roman imagines that Bene
dict had Isaac represented bearing the wood for his own sacrifice
as a type of our Saviour bearing His cross. Likewise the picture.
of our crucified Saviour was paralleled by the brazen serpent of
the wilderness, by looking upon which the Israelites were healed.3
Only by the merest chance has this notice come down to us
to add to our knowledge of the influence exercised by Roman
art upon the Christian world. Doubtless many other pilgrims
coming from afar carried away models for a similar purpose. In
England a Latin Evangeliary, preserved in the Cambridge
Library, and containing eighteen coloured scenes from the New
Testament, may well have been brought to England from Rome
by St. Augustine, the apostle of England and disciple of Gregory
the Great. The pictures belong, however, to an earlier period,
as is clear from the youthful, beardless appearance of Christ.
The work reminds us strongly of the carvings on the doors of
Sta. Sabina, and of the sculptured sarcophagi of the fifth and
sixth centuries with their historical scenes. These miniatures
may therefore quite well have been painted from patterns such
as Benedict's imagines, which also served for larger works. We
must remember that these imagines which accompanied Benedict
on his travels can have been neither frescoes nor mosaics, but in
all probability were themselves mere miniatures on parchment.
He may indeed have brought back a few of those ivory carvings
in which biblical scenes were often illustrated, but such carvings
were expensive, and were to be found only in the houses of the
rich. It is not unreasonable to suppose that the preparation of
such parchment models was a special industry in Rome, partly on
account of the numerous orders given by inhabitants of Rome to
1 On the doors of Sta. Sabina, see Rom. Quartalschr., 1894, p. 41 ff, and Analecta
rom., 1, 455 ff. On the mosaics in Sta. Maria Maggiore, see above, p. 33 ff.
2 See above, p. 122. 3 From the passage in Bede, cited on p. 122.

160 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 277
painters, mosaic-workers, and sarcophagus-sculptors, and partly on
account of the demand among foreign visitors for similar produc
tions. This supposition would enable us to understand the
similarity of types prevalent in Rome for expressing the same
subjects, whether in painting or in stone, as well as the agreement
of artists in other regions of Italy and even elsewhere with those
of Rome, an agreement which is manifest even in trivial details.1

Painting and the Bible
277. We shall now take another step forward and approach
the question raised lately regarding the earliest illustrated Bibles.
Was there in the century and a half after Constantine such a
thing in Rome as a copy of the Holy Scriptures enriched with
illustrations ? De Rossi, with his proved antiquarian insight,
had expressed the view that the biblical mosaics of Liberius in
Sta. Maria Maggiore stood in some connection with a picture-
Bible.2 How common at that period was the practice of illustrating
books is evident from certain secular productions. The fourth-
century illustrated Virgil, in the Vatican, is a popular specimen
of this kind, intended to familiarise young people with Virgil's
poems. There was a more handsome fourth-century MS. of the
Philocalian Calendar of 354, illustrated with fine pictures, of which
we have only some poor copies, which are nevertheless invaluable
monuments of such illustrations. Rome figures among the four
personified cities. The most perfect example of secular book-
illustration dates from the end of the classic period, and is the
Vienna MS. of Dioscorides's work on Botany — a MS. written
and illustrated for Juliana Anicia, daughter of Olybrius, who
became Emperor in 472. On the title-page, a part of which we
reproduce here (111. 130) on account of its classical design, we see
the lady in question seated on a throne between allegorical figures
of magnanimity and intelligence. The genius of knowledge,
represented by a naked boy, offers her the author's work. The
1 For the work in Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, see Garrucci, Arte crist.,
vol. iii., p. 64 ; with good illustrations after photographs, PI. 141. Kraus, Gesch. der
christi. Kunst, 1, 469. DE ROSSI, De origine, historia, &c, bibliothecae sedis apostolicae,
p. 62. 2 De Rossi, Musaici, fasc. 24, Navata di S. Maria Maggiore. Kraus, Gesch. der
christi. Kunst, 1, 451 ff.

111. 129. — Our Lady and the Holy Child.
(Painting from the Coemeterium Ostrianum.)

111. 130. — Miniature of " Dioscorides " Juliana Anicia, with
symbolical figures.

no. 278] PICTURED BIBLES 161
female figure doing homage to Juliana Anicia, according to the
inscription, shows the gratitude of the arts. In the panels formed
by the ornamental framing, little naked genii are working at the
various crafts.1
If secular books were so finely decorated, we may safely assume
that equal zeal was shown for the Book of Books, for the treasure-
store to which both religion and art were under such deep obliga
tion. In point of fact we have at least some fragments of scrip
tural books illustrated in that period — for instance, the Vienna
Genesis, the Vatican scroll of Josue, the Cottonian Bible, and
certain MSS. of the Psalms.
278. The Genesis in Vienna, containing 48 miniatures, seems
to belong to the fourth century, and thus to take the first place
chronologically, as it certainly does artistically, among illustrated
books of the Bible. Although nothing is known of its origin, its
art is certainly that of Imperial Rome, which we here see making
its way into the new religious world. One must observe the
realistic treatment of these pictures and the naive simplicity of
their portrayal of ancient life to understand the peculiarities of the
earliest Roman mosaics ; for instance, of Sta. Costanza and the
earlier ones in Sta. Maria Maggiore.2
The Liberian mosaics in Sta. Maria Maggiore stand on much
the same level as the illustrations of the Vienna Genesis. Like
these, they indulge in that characteristic practice of Roman art
during the second and third centuries of introducing into one and
the same picture the same persons two or three times over as
taking part in events happening on different occasions. This
graphic form of pictorial narrative, which has been called the
"continuous," spread from Rome, and was found throughout the
1 There is an excellent reprint of the Vatican Virgil (Cod. 3225) and some specimens
of another codex (3867) in Codices e vaticanis selecti phototypice depicti, fasc. 1 and 2
(1899). The illustrations of the Calendar are given by Strzygowsky, Jahrbuch des
archdol. Inst, 1 (1888). For Dioscorides's coloured title-page, see Labarte, Hist, des
arts industriels* (1872), 2, PI. 43 ; cp. Kraus, Gesch. der christi. Kunst, 1, p. 459. For
the inscriptions on the miniature, cp. also Lambecius Kollar, Comment, bibl. Vindob.,
2, c. 7. The MS. has just been reprinted, ed. J. de Karabacek, &c. : Dioscurides,
Codex Aniciae Iulianae picturis illustratus, &c. (Lugduni Batav., 1906) in vol. x. of the
Codices Graeci et Latini photographice depicti.
2 F. W. v. Hartel und Fr. Wickhoff, Die Wiener Genesis (fahrb. der Kunst-
histor. Sammlungen des allerhbchsten Kaiserhauses, vol. xv. and xvi., also separately,
Vienna, 1895). The work contains all the illustrations beautifully reproduced. Cp.
Garrucci, Arte crist, PI. 1 12-123, and Kondakoff, Histoire de Part byzantin, 1, 78,
where he calls attention to the realistic and classical character of many of the pictures.
H. B. Swete (Introd. to the Old Test, in Greek, 1900, p. 139) thinks the writing is of the
fifth or sixth century.
VOL. II. L

1 62 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 278
world in the sculptured sarcophagi, in carved ivories, in paintings
and mosaics, and held its ground so stubbornly throughout the
Middle Ages that only in the sixteenth century was it superseded
by the present mode of representation which, with its taste for
oneness, makes no allowance for the time-series, and depicts but
the single moment.1
A second feature common to the biblical mosaics in Sta. Maria
Maggiore and the pictures in the Vienna Genesis is the strong
emphasis upon individual characteristics and the avoidance of
uniform types. Comparatively little attention is paid to the
colouring of the details, the artist endeavouring above all to
secure a lively impression by exaggerating the more essential
peculiarities. The blatant contrast of the colours, applied side
by side, makes it easy for the spectator to grasp the meaning of
the whole. This style has been given the name of " Illusionism,"
a word which might give rise to misunderstandings. The style
itself is, however, perfectly recognisable, and is an outcome of the
whole trend of previous Roman art. Greek art is differentiated
by the fact that it is idealistic rather than realistic, ever striving
after perfection in form and colour even in detail. It also
sanctioned the use of stereotyped forms to denote definite ex
pressions. The dominant characteristics of Roman art were,
however, handed down to Christian art, and constantly re
asserted themselves, especially in Rome, not only in the mosaics
and paintings of the Catacombs, but also in the biblical scenes
inserted in churches and in manuscripts.2
The next place belongs by right to the scroll of the Book of
Josue, illustrated with miniatures and preserved in the Vatican.
It is a strip of parchment about 33 feet in length. These minia
tures, all permeated with the spirit of Roman art, show well
the progress made by Christian painting, and are a striking
confirmation of what we have been . saying. They relate events
in a style at once "clear, vigorous, and dramatic." Their connec
tion with older art is unconscious rather than conscious. The
artist's creations are his own, for he, as a true child of his time,
worked without the slightest wish to imitate others. Just as was
the case in the Genesis pictures, so here, too, we find the artist
1 Cp. Wickhoff's introduction to the Genesis already quoted.
2 For "Illusionism," a word preferred by Wickhoff, see his introduction to the
Viennese Genesis, p. 76, &c.

no. 278] PICTURED BIBLES 163
personifying the rivers, introducing the Jordan holding a rudder
and with the classical inclined vase whence flow the waters. The
city of Jericho is shown as a woman seated in artistic attitude
before the walls, with a mural crown upon her head. It is true
that the angel appearing to Josue has a nimbus and wings ; but,
in other respects, with his drawn sword, he resembles a typical
Roman soldier. The work is a copy made in the seventh or
eighth century, but the original was very much older.1
It is of interest to know that the pictures in the scroll of Josue
in several respects agree with the Liberian mosaics in Rome, even
more closely than do those in the Vienna Genesis. The warrior
angel just described is a case in point, as well as the whole con
ception of the scene where Josue stops the sun in its course. Yet
neither the scroll of Josue nor the Vienna Genesis nor the
Cottonian Bible we are about to discuss are portions of the actual
picture-Bible which supplied the subjects for the Liberian mosaics.
So far this work has eluded search. The Cottonian Bible,
ascribed to the turn of the fifth and the sixth centuries, is only a
small fragment of a larger work, though it contains about 130
illustrations. It is now in the British Museum. Its style shows
traces of Byzantine influence.2
Illustrations superior in taste and execution to those of the
Bible last mentioned are found in some psalters. These, like the
two previous works, must be ascribed to the end of the classical
period. They have succeeded well in their task of picturing
lyrical subjects, but their very character made them useless as
models for church decoration. In this they had not the advantage
of those scenes from Bible history which were so extensively used
in churches.3 Even in the sixth and seventh centuries illustrated copies of
the different books of the Bible found their way into the remotest
countries of Christendom, and we are justified in supposing that
some at least of these were produced in Rome. The MS. of
Rabbula in Florence, written in 586, refers to a Syriac picture-
Bible. A Byzantine illuminated Bible exists in the sixth-century
1 Scroll of Josue, Cod. gr. vatic, n. 405. The angel is well shown in Hartel und
Wickhoff, Wiener Genesis, PI. C, p. 56. See the illustrations in Garrucci, PI. 157-167.
2 Garrucci, PI. 124-125.
3 Cp. the two good illustrations from the Greek Psalter of the Bibl. Nat. in Paris,
Gr. 139, in Kraus, Gesch. der christi. Kunst, 1, 454, 455. Tikkanen, Die Psalterillus-
trationen, 1895 ff-

1 64 ROME AND THE POPES [N0.278
codex of Rossano. Both Bibles contain the New Testament.
An instance of a seventh-century illustrated Bible is given by the
Ashburnham Pentateuch, written under Germanic auspices. It
is therefore probable that a picture-Bible of this sort existed in
Rome, though most likely all such illustrated historical books
of the Bible were in the same form as the Vatican Josue, i.e. in
scrolls — scrolls being preferred to codices because they made
it easier to take in the whole at a glance and also facilitated
comparison.1 That at present neither scrolls nor painted books are forth
coming which could demonstrate conclusively the practice of this
art in Rome is a result of the utter destruction of all the written
monuments in the city. We must remember that of all the manu
scripts now in the possession of the Apostolic See, the churches
and monastic houses of the city of Rome, not one dates from the
period preceding the eighth century. The earliest Roman book
we possess is a Bible given to the Pontifical Library during the
eighth century. This is a codex, formerly kept at Amiato and
now in Florence, which was written at the Monastery of Were
mouth and brought to Rome in 716 as a present to the Holy See
by Abbot Ceolfrid, Benedict Biscop's successor. From the eighth
to the tenth century, again, only the merest fragments of the
literary wealth of the Roman Church have been rescued. Un
fortunately amidst the disasters which overwhelmed Rome, manu
scripts were less able to hold their own than the city's colossal
monuments-2 There is another remark called for by this disappearance of
archives and libraries. Owing to their destruction our knowledge
of the city and of the Papacy, in spite of the seeming abundance
of historical sources, is deficient. We have therefore no right to
1 The Syriac miniatures from the Codex Laurentianus, in Garrucci, PI. 128-140.
Cp. Kraus, p. 463, 464. Evangeliorum codex grae^us purpureus Rossanensis, by O. v.
GEBHARDT and A. HARNACK, 1880. Edited, with photographs, by HASELOFF (1898).
On the Ashburnham Pentateuch, see A. SPRINGER, Die Genesisbilder mit besonderer
Riicksicht auf den Ashburnham Pentateuch, in the Abh. der phil.-hist Kl. der K. Sachs.
Gesellsch. der Wissensch.,g (1884). Wickhoff ( Wiener Genesis, p. 95) says : " It would
be of interest to find whether all the historical books of the Bible did not once exist in
similar scrolls (as the Vatican Josue)." See also C. M. Kaufmann, Hdb. der chr.
Archdol (1905), p. 326 ; V. SCHULTZE, Die Quedlinburger Miniaturen, 1898.
2 On the Codex Amiatinus, see DE ROSSI, De origine, &c, bibliothecae sedis apost,
p. LXXII.-LXXVIII.,and in greater detail in the memoir La bibbia offerta da Ceolfrido,
&c, in the collection AI sommo pontef. Leone XIII. omaggio delta Biblioteca Vaticana,
1888. Ceolfrid had had the copy made after the text of St. Jerome's Bible, with illustra
tions added. He had also acquired in Rome a copy of the pre-Hieronymian Bible, one

no. 279] LAMPS OF THE BASILICAS 165
reject as non-existent everything doubtful or which cannot be
proved by documents, or to deal too much after our own will with
points of history which are not clear.
Luxury in the Lesser Arts and in Church Vessels
279. Technical arts in the age following Constantine were
busily engaged in decorating places of worship and their altars
with metal work of all sorts, specially with work in gold and
silver.1 The Christian Roman world adorned its sanctuaries with
a prodigality which now seems almost incredible. Certain
passages in the Liber pontificalis, enumerating with laborious
precision the donations made by the Roman Bishops to their
churches, would almost lead one to suppose that artists used
the precious metals at their disposal exclusively for basilicas,
baptisteries, and churches. Judging by the constant entries,
there must have been an Oriental profusion of crosses, chalices,
patens, candelabra and other lights, crowns, votive offerings of all
kinds, cruets, and vessels for wine, arches to cover the altars, and
balustrades to front them ; there were also statues of Christ, of our
Lady and of the apostles, bas-reliefs and scenes from sacred history,
and so forth, in almost countless number. Moreover, to complete
the delusion many of the objects are given Oriental names. They
witness to the extent of the then Roman Empire throughout which
these arts were practised.
In speaking of Pope Hilary we quoted several instances of his
lavish donations for the embellishment of various churches. A
few words must now be said of the means adopted for lighting the
churches. We should not be doing justice to the basilicas,
of those corrected by Cassiodorus, and beautifully illuminated. This Bible from Rome
served to stimulate the art of miniature painting in England. Cp. Corssen's article upon
the Bible of Cassiodorus and the Codex Amiatinus in the Jahrb. fur prot Theol., 1883,
p. 619 ff, and E. Ranke in the Theol. Literaturztg. (Leipzig, 1887, p. 268 ff). Ranke
(p. 275) wished to place the pictures of the Cassiodorian Codex, which Bede saw and
utilised, on a level with those in the Codex Rossanensis. May they not contain traces of
the Roman picture-Bible? In this department it is easy to raise such questions. Batiffol
writes : " Les belles illustrations de la Genese de Vienne, du Josue' du Vatican, de l'evan-
gile de Rossano ne se rattachent-elles point a une Bible illustree et tres ancienne, dont il
serait possible de retrouver des traces dans plus d'un monument figure de l'antiquite'
chretienne romaine?" Cp. de Rossi, Bull, di archeol. crist, 1882, p. 148 ff. Also
Batiffol in the Bulletin critique, 1887, p. 249, in his review of Kondakoff's Hist, de
Part byzantin.
1 Steph. Beissel, Bilder aus der Gesch. der altchr. Kunst in Italien, 1899.

1 66 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 279
baptisteries, and church buildings already described did we not pic
ture them to ourselves in all the splendour of their myriad lights.
In ancient times nothing was known of lights upon the altars
themselves. They hung before or behind it, or stood around it
as lofty candelabra of traditional, classical shape. Altars over the
tombs of the more famous martyrs were noted for the number of
their lights and the costly character of their lamps. St. Jerome
explains the symbolic meaning of this. " It shows," he tells us,
"that the saints were illumined at their death by the light of
Faith ; and reminds us that they now shine in the light of glory
in their heavenly home." 1
Not only the neighbourhood of the altar but the entire basilica
was brilliantly illuminated on festive occasions. For this purpose
chandeliers were usually hung from the arches of the nave,
between the pillars, or from the ceilings of the nave and aisles
(see 111. 93). They generally consisted of circular metal frames,
with sockets to hold oil lamps or candles. Others, called gabatae,
took the form of plates or shells in bronze, silver, or gold. All
these vessels were commonly adorned, not only with religious
emblems, but also with designs borrowed from the secular style
of the day, often with dolphins or lilies. Glass also was sometimes
used in the lamps.
The chains from which these sumptuous lamps were suspended
were also, not unfrequently, skilfully fashioned. In 1886, when
excavations were in progress in an early Christian basilica at
Verona, pieces of such chains were found near the foundations of
the cupola, in which Christ's monogram, and crosses and mono
grams combined, did duty as links. This discovery also threw
light upon the use of some interesting fragments of chains pre
served in the Vatican Museum and formed by a series of Latin
crosses. They, too, must have been used in churches, and prob
ably supported a chandelier or lychnus pensilis, as it was called.2
The gabatae previously mentioned were sometimes called
Signum Christi; or in Greek, Signochriston. Chandeliers of this
description were probably made on the model of the monogram.3
The shapes of the lamps were very ingenious. To realise
1 Adv. Vigilantium, c. 13. Cp. DE ROSSI, Bull, de arch, crist, 1887, p. 126.
2 On Verona : Notizie degli scavi, 1886, p. 214 ; de Rossi, Bull. arch, crist., 1891,
p. 139 ff., Pi. IX., n. 2, 3. On the Vatican chain : de Rossi, ibid., p. 143.
3 Liber pont, 2, 78 ff, Gregorius IV., n. 471 : " gabathas aureas purissimas interrasiles
phylopares signochristas pendentes in catenulas III." De Rossi, ibid., p. 144. A

no. 279] LAMPS OF THE BASILICAS 167
this we have only to look at the pictures made public of the recent
discoveries in Northern Africa. Some have the symbolic figure
of a ship or of a fish. The lamp of the Basilewski collection is
famous, and takes the shape of a small basilica. The Liber
pontificalis, even in the single case of Pope Hilary, speaks of him
giving lamps which it describes variously as: farus, farus
cantharus, lampas, lucerna, corona}
Paulinus of Nola describes with poetic enthusiasm the brilliant
illumination of the basilicas in the fourth and fifth centuries. He
is full of the impression made by these " waving lights swinging
from brazen ropes." An echo of the wealth of the past is the
statement of the Liber pontificalis that Hadrian I. had a large
chandelier (farus) in the form of a cross able to bear 1365 candles
made for St. Peter's. It was hung in front of the Presbyterium,
but lighted only four times a year.2
Prudentius likewise celebrates the glories of the churches'
illuminations. Speaking of Easter Eve, he says that the panelled
ceiling inside was studded with a host of stars and the vault of
heaven robbed of its brightest lights. Venantius Fortunatus
likewise, referring to the services held in the evening, says that
the flood of light made it seem as if the golden orb of day still
filled the church with its radiance.3
The abundant light reflected by the glistening marble walls
and the gilt and highly coloured mosaics must indeed have
resulted in a fairy-like effect ; it must have made the great halls
of the basilicas seem even more vast, and have produced a perfect
kaleidoscope of colour.
This extraordinary display of lights is not to be explained
"gabata" preserved at San Martino ai Monti in Rome, belonging to about the fifth
century, is reproduced in de Rossi, Bull, archeol. crist, 1890, PI. VIIL-X. It is the one
dedicated to St. Silvester which Duchesne mentions in his Liber pont, 1, 201.
1 Cp. the ship-form of the lamp of Valerius Severus (present work, vol. i., III. 14).
Garrucci, PI. 469. See, ibid., others in form of the basilica, and PI. 472, 5, of a fish.
Cp. illustrations of African lamps in KRAUS, Realencykl. der christi. Alterth., 2, 272 ff.
Cahier has an article on early Christian lighting in the Melanges darchM., d'hisl, et de
litte'r. (Charles Cahier et A. Martin, 3, 1-5 1). Cp. Rohault de Fleury, La Messe,
v. 6, PI. 441 canistra; PI. 439, 446 coronae; PI. 441, 444, 445 gabatae. Le Blant, De
quelques sujets represents sur des lampes en terre cuite de I'dpoque chre"t. (in Milanges
d'archdol. &c, 6 (1886), 229 ff.
2 Paulinus, Poem. 27, v. 389 ff. (P.£., LXL, 657 ff). Liber pont, 1,499, HadrianusL,
n. 320 : " Fecit farum maiorem" &c.
3 Prudentius, Cathemerinon, 5, v. 141. He speaks of the " laquearia" of the
church as being studded with "purpurei hesperi." Venantius Fortun., lib. 5,
carm. 6 (P.L., LXXXVI 1 1., Mon. Germ. hist. Auctt. antiq., t. 4). Cp. Sidonius Apol
linaris, Ep. 5, n. 17.

1 68 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 279
solely by the zeal of the day for the splendour of God's services ;
even in classical times due appreciation had been shown for the
effects of brilliant lighting. Festivals of the emperors, and,
previously, pagan celebrations, were usually marked by extensive
illuminations. Among the objects most frequently found by
excavators in Rome are lamps, both small and large, usually in
terra-cotta. Many have heathen emblems, others display neutral
designs, and in the catacombs and generally among those belong
ing to the period after Constantine, there are many bearing the
monogram of Christ or some other symbol of Christianity. Such
Christian tokens are found not only on lamps used in churches,
but also on those intended for secular purposes. This was their
way, perhaps all unconsciously, of protesting against the misuse
of these lamps by a certain debased form of heathen art, for it is to
be noted that no other handicraft was so frequently made a vehicle
for the lustful and obscene, especially for the portrayal of incidents
borrowed from mythology.1
The larger Roman basilicas, from their earliest time, owned
landed property settled on them expressly for the maintenance of
the lamps. In the inventory of the property given by Constantine
to the Lateran Basilica, for instance, we are told that a portion
was bestowed for this purpose, and we may safely assume, even
when the Liber pontificalis is silent, that similar donations in the
case of other basilicas were made with a like object. The
cost of lighting was certainly considerable. Often choice oils,
balsam, or spikenard were burnt at the shrines, and the con
tents of the lamps were made even more costly by fragrant
additions.2 To increase the splendour of the lights round the tomb of St.
Paul, Gregory the Great made over to this basilica the vast
estate known as "Aquas Salvias," and numerous other properties.
Similarly, Gregory II. ceded a whole series of olive-yards to
St. Peter's " for the provision of lights " ; their names may still be
seen hewn in stone at the entrance to St. Peter's. The eighty-nine
bronze lamps now at St. Peter's tomb are a poor reminder of the
state of things in antiquity ; indeed, the present surroundings of
the Confession of the Prince of the Apostles, in the wealth of their
1 Le Blant, De quelques sujets (Mel. d'arch., 6, 1886, 234).
2 Gift to the Lateran : " constituit (Constantinus) in servitio luminum massa Gargili-
ana," ' &c. Liber pont, 1, 173, Silvester, n. 36. Cp. Duchesne, ibid., 1, CXLV.

no.28o] VOTIVE OFFERINGS 169
decoration, would stand no comparison with those of the sixth
and seventh centuries.1
280. Rich, and in their way perfectly unique, ornaments of
the tombs of the Apostles and, generally, of the basilicas of Rome,
were the votive offerings in gold and silver made by the Popes
and Roman people, and also by foreign pilgrims to these shrines.
The art of metal-working, then so much in favour, brought votive
gifts of the most varied designs into the possession of the churches.
Such votive offerings consisted not merely in lamps, candle
sticks, and candelabra of every sort offered to the favourite saint,
but also in crowns (called regna), crosses, monograms, beautifully
wrought symbolic figures, sacred vessels, or simple decorated
tablets, all usually bearing an inscription from the donor, and often
mentioning the fulfilment of a vow (votum solvit). These objects
were frequently exhibited before the altar on the pergula, a row
of columns connected by an entablature, reminding one of the
iconostasis of the Greeks. Later on, even the chalices, patens,
ewers, and other sacred vessels recently received in gift were
hung upon the pergula. It is easy to picture the impressive
effect of the brilliant lights described, flashing on this glittering
array of gold and silver treasures.2
The precious cross of the Emperor Justin II. gives us an
idea of the shape and costliness of some of these gifts. It is still
in the Vatican Basilica, and is the sole relic of the quondam
treasure of that church (111. 131). The cross is covered with
silver-gilt plates studded with uncut gems ; jewels also hang from
rings on either arm. In the centre of the obverse side a relic of
the cross has been inserted instead of the figure of the Crucified,
which from motives of reverence was at that time avoided as
far as possible. The reverse shows in the centre the Lamb of
God supporting a crutched stick, and at the extremities silver
medallions with pictures of the Eternal Father and the Son, and
1 Greg. Mag., Regislr., 14, n. 14 (ed. Maur., 14, n. 14); Jaffe-Ewald, n. 1991.
For the inscription, which this document reproduces, see my Anal, rom., I, 157 ff. (with
a photograph). On Gregory II., see DE ROSSI, Inscr. christ, 2, 1, p. 210, 413 ; Jaffe-
Ewald, n. 2184. Cp, for both Popes, A. Rocca (P.L., LXXV., 479-482).
2 Gregory III. gave to St. Peter's, for the pergula of the Oratory to All the Saints
which he had erected there, among other things, " gabatas aureas," " gabatas saxiscas,"
" cruces pendentes," " amulas superauratas pendentes," "fibulatoria," " coronam auream
cum cruce pendentem ingemmis" " calicem argenteum, quipendet in absida ipsius oratorii."
Liber pont, I, 417, Gregorius III., n. 195 ff. Rohault de Fleury (La Messe) has some
clever sketches illustrating the manner in which such things were hung. Cp. PI. 295,
"calicessuspendus"; PI. 393, "burettes suspendues" ; and especially PI. 255,"ustensiles
sacres, pergula d'une basilique." See also 5, p. 102, " couronnes suspendues."

170

ROME AND THE POPES

[No. 281

of the donors — i.e. the Emperor and Empress — in the attitude
of orantes ; the cross also bears a votive inscription of the

sovereigns.1

281. How much silver-plate was possessed by a small country
church not far from Rome is known from the donation of Valila,
the Catholic Goth, to the church he founded on a property near
Tibur called Massa Cornutanensis. The deed, usually spoken of
as the Carta Cornutiana, belongs to the year 471, and is the
oldest giving a detailed inventory of the furniture of a church.
The pious and wealthy Goth— Vir clarissimus et inlustris et comes
et magister utriusque militiae, as he signs himself at the close of

131. — Cross of the Emperor Justin II. in the Vatican Basilica.

the deed — enumerates the estates which he makes over to the
aforesaid church for the support of the clergy, for the expenses of
the lighting, and for repairs. In this document we find the long
list of the carpets, curtains, and hangings given by him ; they
were of the choicest material, and are described by odd-sounding
foreign names. Mention is also made of the codices, the four
Evangelia, the Apostolorum, the Psalterium, and the Comes —
this being the first time we hear of this last lectionary. Re
garding the plate he says: " I also assign to the church, for its
1 On the cross, see de Waal, Rom. Quartalschr., 7 (1893), 245 ff, Die antiken Reli-
quiare der Peterskirche, and PI. 16, 17. STEFANO BORGIA, De cruce vaticana (a special
monograph), Roma, 1779 5 Garrucci, PI. 430, fig. 4, 5 ; Kraus, Realencykl., 2, 243.
The reliquiary has, in parts, been restored. The inscription runs :
Ligno quo Christus humanum subdidit hostem
Dat Romae lustinus opem et socia decorem.
See present work, vol. iii., No. 436. The cross is over a foot in height.

no. 282] SPLENDOUR OF THE CHURCHES 171
adornment and for the worthy celebration of its most holy
mystery, the following vessels : A silver paten, a large silver
chalice and two smaller ones, a silver ewer (hydria), a cruet for
offering [the wine], a strainer, a thurible, a silver cantharus lamp
with chains and eighteen dolphins, four silver chandeliers with
little chains and also silver candelabra ; further, for the Confes
sion, two silver doors and a key. The above articles have been
weighed in the city scales, and their weight found to be 54 lbs.
7 oz. in silver measure. Moreover, I give two large bronze
standard lights, each with eight dolphins, and also six larger
canthari and twelve smaller ones, two bronze lilies, and two
bronze candelabra." 1
If a country church which has not left the slightest trace in
history was possessed of such a rich collection of objects wrought
in metal, we can form some idea of the number and wealth of
similar articles in the great basilicas of the city.
282. We may well believe that the custom of surrounding the
sacred altar with objects of value in such profusion was suggested
and furthered by the desire, so prevalent among Christians in
Rome after Constantine, to make their churches vie in splendour
with, or even surpass in glory, the temples of the idolators. To
this praiseworthy ambition a curious objection was made in later
times. It has been said that religion was externalised by this
parade and appeal to the senses. It has even been alleged that
paganism thereby found its way back into the Church. A dis
cussion of such charges, so far as they are ostensibly based upon
theological grounds, can scarcely be attempted here. In point
of fact they start from wrong premises and a misapprehension
of the nature of worship and of ritual. From an historical point
of view, however, it must be observed that when the city of
Rome became Christian it could in no way divest itself of the
habits and claims which were a natural consequence of Roman
civilisation. Many such habits, in themselves entirely blameless,
expressed feelings common to the whole of cultured mankind.
These were adopted by the Church without the slightest sus
picion, but with her characteristic tolerance. She was anxious
not to repel people, as she certainly would have done had she
enforced that simplicity which appeals to many modern religious
1 Duchesne, Liber pont., I, cxlvi. Bruzza, Regesto di Tivoli (Bibliot delP acca-
demia storico-giuridica di Roma, v. 6, 1880), p. 15.

172 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 283
bodies. She preferred, however, to educate the age by guiding
all that existed of good into still better channels. The Church
will ever adorn her sanctuaries with earthly glamour, and lay
the offerings of wealth before the throne of God. At the same
time she is not of opinion that in every age and country similar
artistic tastes or standards of splendour would be as appropriate
as they were in the case of people accustomed to all the pomp
and circumstance of ancient Rome. Nor has the charge of
plagiarism levelled at the early Christians the slightest terror for
any one acquainted with conditions of life in that age ; far from
it, such a one will compare certain inventories of heathen temples
with the Christian inventory just cited, and feel no surprise when
he finds that many articles on both lists agree in description and
name. A similar pagan inventory of considerable historical interest
exists in the neighbourhood of Rome. This is the lengthy marble
inscription belonging to the Temple of Diana in the Grove of
Nemi. We here find enumerated in detail everything which
had been supplied for the service and decoration of two temples ;
presents of choice materials — such as those given to the church
at Tibur — eight bronze railings with standards just as above, a
handsome hydria, also as above ; likewise two necklaces with
jewels for the statues of the gods ; also earrings with gems, and a
crown set with precious stones ; then, further, twenty-one topazes,
eighty-four garnets, four silver statues, onepatera, one linen robe,
one tunic, one girdle, one stola, one silk purple robe, one alba,
and so forth.1
Early Christian Statues in Rome. Wood'carving
283. But Christian sculptors and metal-workers did not confine
themselves to producing such small objects ; they also created
marble and bronze statues, though not in the same profusion ;
above all they filled the burial-places of the departed with sar
cophagi artistically adorned with rilievo-work. The names of
all the Christian votaries of the plastic art, like those of artists in
other departments, have, however, been lost. Only of one single
Roman sculptor was the name discovered by de Rossi, in manu
scripts containing copies of early inscriptions. This sculptor
1 Corp. inscr. tat, XIV., n. 2215.

isifc

111. 132. — Statue of the Good Shepherd.
(In the Lateran Museum. Cp. Garrucci, PI. 428, fig. 5 ; Kraus, Gesch. der
christi. Kunst, 1, p. 227.)

N0.283] CHRISTIAN STATUARY 173
deserves mention, not only on account of his being such an excep
tion, but also because of the quality of his work. On the pedestal
of an early Christian statue which stood in the church of San
Crisogono in Trastevere, according to the seventeenth-century
manuscript just mentioned, was to be read the inscription : " Fla
vius Tertullus gave in gift to this church [this statue], the work
of his chisel," an inscription belonging to the fourth or fifth
century.1 In early Christian sculpture the object most frequently
represented seems to have been the Good Shepherd. Five such
ancient statues are still in existence in Rome, to say nothing of
numerous rilievos of the same subject, and a bust of the Good
Shepherd which tops a pilaster (hermula).2
The best of all these works is unquestionably the famous
statue in the Lateran Museum (111. 132), belonging to the be
ginning of the third century. The Shepherd, full of youth and
grace, is seen bearing the sheep upon His shoulder, its feet being
held with each hand. The work enables us to see with what
readiness and skill Christian art, still, so to speak, in its infancy,
seized upon the spirit of classicism, and brought the old laws of
symmetry and harmonious beauty into the service of its own
ideas. The existence of such a work of art, or of the marble
statue of Hippolytus in the Lateran Museum, which vies with
it in beauty, is sufficient to disprove a spiteful statement which
once was current, to the effect that the early Church looked on
sculpture with suspicion. External circumstances alone prevented
the cultivation of this branch of art during the period preceding
Constantine. After his time it was extensively practised. To
deal with the charge, once so frequently laid against the early
Church of having discouraged art, would be on our part equi
valent to the admission that all we have said above was worthless
or untrue.3 A good piece of Christian work, still in the old classical style,
is the statue just mentioned, that of the philosopher and doctor
1 De Rossi, Bull, archeol. com., 1889, p. 139. The inscription runs : "Ft. Tertullus
de arte sua aeclesiae donum posuit."
2 De Rossi, ibid., p. 131. Statua del buon pastore. Cp. Kraus, Gesch. der christi.
Kunst, 1, 226.
3 For the myth regarding the early Christians' hatred of art, see Kraus, Gesch. der
christi. Kunst, 1, 58 ff, 241. Garrucci, Storia dell' arte, 1, 1 ff, 17 ff, the well-known
canon of Elvira (an. 306), forbidding "picturae in ecclesia," was intended only for Spain,
and was required by local circumstances. Hefele, Conciliengesch.'1, 1, 170. De Rossi,
Roma sott, I., 97. Funk, Kirchengesch. Abh., 1, 346 ff.

174 ROME AND THE POPES [No.284
of the Church, Hippolytus. The seated figure, an object of
much admiration, is a typical representation of a stately rhetor.
A book in his right hand, his left laid upon his breast, wrapped
in his many-folded pallium, he sits on a cathedra decorated with
lions' heads and paws, and bearing inscribed on it a list of his
works. This treasure of the Lateran Museum was discovered by
Pirro Ligorio in 155 1, nigh the tomb of St. Hippolytus near the
Basilica of San Lorenzo. The statue belongs to the time of per
secution, probably to that of Alexander Severus.1
284. The bronze St. Peter in the great Basilica of the Vatican
(111. 133) possesses many characteristics in common with the statue
of Hippolytus in the Lateran. Here too the subject is seated in
the imposing attitude of the rhetor or philosopher. The right
foot is haughtily stretched forward ; the sandals are of the old
form, fastened with straps ; the mantle or pallium shows the
customary folds, though here they are less graceful than on the
statue of Hippolytus. The head, the right hand raised in the
gesture of speaking or blessing, and the left with the keys, betray
a later influence ; at least their style is different, and, in our
opinion, they did not belong to the original cast. The head,
especially, displays a character not in keeping with the other parts,
its expression of solemn grandeur being forced and overdone.2
The old view that this statue was recast by Leo the Great
from the statue of Jupiter Capitolinus is the merest invention.
Nor can anything be urged on behalf of the opinion that ascribes
the work to the third century or to an even earlier date. Un
happily the past is entirely silent concerning this statue in St.
Peter's ; neither in antiquity nor even in the Middle Ages is it
once mentioned.
The first to allude to it was Maffeo Vegio in the fifteenth
century, and he too is silent as to its origin. We are thus
compelled to confine ourselves to the data furnished by the
work itself in deciding the approximate time of its creation.3
1 Shown in Garrucci, PI. 430. Kraus, p. 230.
2 Illustration in Garrucci, PL 429; Kraus, p. 231. In ray Analecta rom., 1, p. 634,
I have dealt with the view of Wickhoff and others on the age of the drapery, and
brought in for comparison the marble statues of St. Peter in the Vatican Crypt (p. 639),
a statue of an ancient philosopher at Madrid (p. 637), and that of Charles of Anjou in
the Palazzo dei Conservatori (p. 644).
3 The ingenious inferences of Domenico Bartolini (1850), who traces the origin of the
statue to Marcia Severa, wife of the Emperor Philip the Arab, are as wide of the mark as
those of Torrigio (1675), who agrees with the tradition of his time, and refers it to Leo
the Great.

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111. 133. — The Ancient Bronze Statue of St. Peter in the
Vatican Basilica.

no.284] THE BRONZE ST. PETER 175
Latterly many have suggested that it was cast no further
back than the thirteenth century. It was urged that the seated
marble statue of Charles of Anjou in the Senatorial Palace on
the Roman Capitol, which belongs to that time, could be taken as
proving that St. Peter's statue belonged to the same period.1
An impartial observer comparing the two statues can, how
ever, scarcely deny that an immense difference exists between
the coarse and really inartistic figure of the prince on the Capitol
and that of the Apostle at St. Peter's. To the present writer the
bronze St. Peter of the Vatican still seems to be a production of
Christian art at the decline of the classical period. In it the
fifth or sixth century seems to have left a trace of its spirit and
taste and of its technical methods. The statue was most likely
cast in one of the many ancient moulds then still existing, or
possibly a statue of some philosopher was purloined to make a
new mould. The original model was probably not of the best,
and was no doubt rather stiff and ungraceful. To this model a
new head was given with the traditional features of St. Peter. At
the same time the right hand stiffly raised in blessing and the left
hand with the key were also added. Finally, the statue was cast
in the made-up mould.
The period in question, as is proved by its many works in
metal, was quite capable of such a task. The articles of the
time of Pope Hilary, for instance, of which we have already heard,
and those enumerated in the Liber pontificalis under Pope Sym
machus (498-514) show that there is nothing unreasonable in
ascribing the statue to this period. On the other hand there
are circumstances which actually point to the Pontificate of
Symmachus.2 Pope Symmachus resided near St. Peter's, and both the
Basilica and its neighbourhood were indebted to him for many
embellishments. We may read with wonder of the rich silver
" Confessions " and " Arches " he erected in the oratories of the
rotunda near St. Peter's, which he altered into a church of St.
Andrew, as well as in the oratories of the Baptistery hard by. The
decoration of the Cantharus in the atrium of St. Peter's with
figures cast in bronze seems to have been mainly his work.
1 F. Wickhoff, Zeitschr. fiir bildende Kunst, 1890, p. 109 ff. Kraus also (p. 231)
inclines to this view.
2 Liber pont, 1, 261 ff, Symmachus, n. 79 ff.

176 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 285
This decoration comprised, among other things, four bronze
dolphins for the corners of the cornices of the roof. These
dolphins, connected by a brass railing in the form of arcades,
each rested on a marble lamb — or symbol of Christ, as they are
described in the ancient description — which in turn each had a
basket of bread in front of it to figure the Eucharist. The brazen
roof was also surmounted by a brazen monogram of Christ within
a crown of victory. As the editor of the Liber pontificalis justly
remarks, all this work is in perfect keeping with the taste of
Symmachus's time.
This fountain at the Vatican, whilst affording us fresh instances
of the amount of metal-work produced at the time, shows also that
bronze-casting still went on at the turn of the fifth and sixth
centuries, and that the bronze St. Peter may well belong to the
same period. As already stated, the precise date of this much
discussed work of art cannot, however, be fixed with any degree
of certainty. This very fact makes the figure appeal strongly to the religious-
minded spectator. Not only does it fascinate him by its uncanny
majesty, which seems to belong to another sphere, but also by
recalling to his mind the long ages which have passed in pro
cession before this statue of the Prince of the Apostles, bringing
from faithful millions to the Church's supreme head on earth a
tribute of reverence in the kiss they impress upon his foot.
The inscription of an ancient statue of St. Peter, probably at
Pavia, boasts that Peter stands upon a Divine Rock. This text,
preserved in the Einsiedeln Itinerary, was once wrongly ascribed
to the statue in St. Peter's. There would, however, be no harm
in quoting it here to show the idea conveyed by the figure. " Look
on the Word of God, the rock shaped in gold by God ; upon this
rock I rest and shall never waver."1

285. It has already been said that the wooden doors of Sta.
Sabina, with their biblical scenes — one of the most valuable
1 De Rossi, Inscr. christ, 2, 1, p. 33. Grisar, Anal, rom., 1, 112. What I said
about the bronze statue in the Civiltd catt (1898, II., 459 ff. ; 1899, II., 717 ff.) was
reprinted with corrections in my Anal, rom., 1, 627 ff. Marucchi is for the fifth century
(Memorie degli apostoli, 1894), and Petersen (Mitth. des arch. Instit., 1900, p. 172) has
recently been able to show by a comparison with other bronzes that the work belongs to
the end of the classic age.

N0.285] THE DOORS OF STA. SABINA 177
of early Christian carvings— also belong to the fifth century.
Only the gross carelessness in archaeological matters displayed
by earlier authors can account for the want of attention shown to
this masterpiece, and for its having even been ascribed to the
close of the Middle Ages.
If we now again hark back to these doors it will only be to
complete our previous statements and to show the position
occupied by this work among the artistic productions of the
Late Empire.1
Their design and composition are partly an obvious echo
of the Catacombs, but they also witness to a progress vouched
for also by the Roman sarcophagi. They likewise foreshadow
in some sort the new lines into which Christian art was just
beginning to venture, especially in the mosaics of the basilicas.
In the parallelism of scenes from the Old and New Testaments,
which these doors present, we have already a foretaste of the
Middle Ages. In order the better to appreciate the artistic
character of the work, let us refer to the photograph previously
given (Vol. I., 111. 78), which conveys with such truth the scene
showing the Christian Empire and the ruler. In the background
we see a symbolical church in the shape of a Christian oratory.
The scene is given plainly and clearly enough, and even the
perspective is fairly good, but the awkward, ungainly figures of
the applauding nobles and commons before, or rather below, the
Temple betray the hand of an artist who was already a stranger to
the best traditions of Roman art. It was clearly his aim to show
his figures in active movement, but he has conspicuously failed to
impart the slightest life to his creations. Even heavier are the
three figures on the little panel placed above, representing our
risen Lord appearing to the two holy women in the garden. On
the other hand, the double border which here, as elsewhere,
surrounds the picture is lightly executed and in excellent taste.
The classical character of the work is demonstrated by this
decoration.2
1 J. J. Berthier, La porte de Sainte-Sabine d Rome (Fribourg, 1892). Grisar,
Kreuz und Kreuzigung auf der altchr. Thiire von S. Sabina, in the Rom. Quart, 8
(1894), 1-48, and in Italian in my Anal, rom., 1, 427 ff. Garrucci, Storia delP arte,
PI. 499 ff.
2 Illustration also in Berthier, p. 54 ; in Garrucci, PI. 500, n. VI. The first cor
rect reproduction of the Crucifixion scene on the door is the photograph given in my
article cited in the previous note. It was again given by Kraus, Gesch. der christi.
Kunst, 1, 174, and Schultze, Archdol, p. 335 ff.
VOL. II. M

178 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 286
The other carving at Sta. Sabina, which, in our opinion, repre
sents the Church militant and triumphant (Vol. I., 111. 77), is of
a vastly different stamp. It is perhaps the finest piece of carving
dating from the fifth century, and would seem to be the work of a
different hand than the last mentioned. Probably this scene was
once the conclusion of a whole series. Above the firmament,
symbolised by the sun, moon, and stars, stands the youthful figure
of Christ, with an open scroll in His hand, in the centre of a huge
crown of victory, between the letters A and LU, showing Him to
be the beginning and the end of all things. The head of Christ
is almost an imitation of the ancient statues of Apollo, and both
attitude and drapery are natural and dignified. Emblems of the
evangelists, the witnesses to His Divinity, occupy the corners
outside the crown ; among them the heads of the lion and eagle
have a distinctly classical stamp. Below, i.e. on this earth, the
Church, portrayed as a matron, looks up prayerfully and expectantly
to her Saviour. Beside her, to represent the power and preaching
mission of the Church, stand Peter and Paul, easily recognised by
their usual types. Both together hold a cross within a wreath
above the matron's head. A peculiar characteristic of this cross
is that the head sends a small beam upwards. This would seem
to symbolise the longing for things above, which is a part of the
faith and hope of the Church militant. The beam in some sense
connects the lower picture with that above, forming of the two
one whole.1
We may now turn our attention to a vaster field, which
furnishes an even greater wealth of materials for the history of
the civilisation of the period.
Sarcophagi in the Service of Art and of Christian Doctrine
286. The custom in vogue among the better-class pagans of
burying their dead in artistically ornamented marble sarcophagi
was adopted also by wealthy Christians. These stone dwelling-
places of the dead, with their heavy chiselled lids, were especially
numerous in the extra-mural basilicas. Many of these coffins
1 See the photograph in my article, Kreuz und Kreuzigung, &c. The scene betrays
remarkable agreement with the picture of the Ascension in the Syriac Codex of Rabbula
in Florence (Garrucci, PI. 139). Yet it cannot represent the Ascension, because this
appears upon another panel of the door. It is more likely that the artist took his model
of the church from a picture of the Ascension.

no. 286] THE SARCOPHAGI 179
were provided with feet ; others were sheltered beneath a roof
supported by pillars ; yet others were enclosed within barriers ;
many were, however, more humble, and stood simply ranged
side by side. A few were brightly painted or gilt. All, how
ever, bore inscriptions setting forth the name, and frequently also
the honours, family rank, and office of the defunct. But these
viri illustres and clarissimi, these consuls and ex-consuls, prefects
and senators, no longer display on their sarcophagi scenes from
heathen mythology or the names of the gods. Such subjects
they have left to their ancestors in the mausoleums lining the Via
Appia and other consular roads. As beseems Christian noblemen,
laid to rest in the neighbourhood of Christian sanctuaries, they
have had their marble sarcophagi adorned with scenes borrowed
from the Old and New Testaments. Here a totally new field was
opened for Christian artists, giving them an opportunity to be
come the most popular instructors of the Faithful.
In the inscriptions we no longer find the invocations and
greetings usual in pagan times. Even the old classic formula,
Diis manibus (D.M.), very seldom appears in these inscriptions,
and when it does this may be merely a result of carelessness.
Instead of such we now find on the sarcophagi consolatory con
fessions of the Christian faith and of the hopes it brings with it.
Above all, and, so to speak, as a watchword, we find the constantly
recurring expression, " In Peace." IN PACE had a double
meaning : so far as this world was concerned, it signified that the
departed had died in peace and in the unity of the Catholic
Church, whilst, of the future life, it asserted that, through the
graces of the Atonement, the dead man looked with confidence
for everlasting rest. At the present day, in many cases where
the sarcophagi display scenes which might just as well be pagan,
this one formula, in pace, is the only proof that the dead man was
a Christian. Neutral emblems, offending neither pagans nor Christians,
are, in fact, exceedingly common on the stone sarcophagi.
Among the decorations in most frequent use were the " vic
tories " serving to support the tablet with the inscription or bust
of the deceased ; genii with extinguished torches ; nereids,
tritons, or dolphins disporting themselves in the sea. The Dios
curi, cupids, masks, and mythical griffins were models to be
found in every sculptor's studio. No less usual were scenes from

i8o

ROME AND THE POPES

[No. 286

country life — cattle at grass, the vintage, or the work of the
different seasons ; there were also wild-beast fights with lions or
tigers, wild-boar hunts and other similar subjects. Cupid and
Psyche, from the well-known pagan myth, sometimes appear upon
Christian sarcophagi, conceivably as a simple symbol of the love
of the deceased ; the sun and moon and Great Bear are some
times personified ; likewise Uranus, bearing the canopy of
heaven ; the sea, the winds, rivers, and other natural objects. Yet
nothing could have been further from the artists' minds than any
thought of serving the gods they portrayed, or of indulging in
any worship of Nature. Art, in all innocence, adopted the devices
of the period, and saw no harm in in
different symbolism. On Christian sarco
phagi we may see Orpheus charming the
wild beasts with his lyre (111. 134). To
the Faithful he appeared as a figure of
Christ, whose teaching had also been vic
torious over savagery. Ulysses, with the
Sirens, was also allowed admittance as
a symbol of life's journey which Christ's
grace enables the wayfarer to accomplish
in spite of its perils (111. 135).1
One Christian sarcophagus, though only
one, is known which displays an act of
heathen worship — namely, a service in
honour of Bacchus. In this case, however,
the sarcophagus was so placed in the catacomb that the sculpture
was turned towards the wall and thus put out of sight. All that
could be seen by passers-by was the name of the dead man cut
in the unpolished reverse of the sarcophagus. In other cases
similar heathen scenes were either plastered over with a thick
coat of whitewash, or simply battered out of shape with hammer
and chisel. The use of such coffins could not always be avoided,
for we must bear in mind that, till late in the fourth century,

111. 134. — Fragment of an
early Christian Sar
cophagus, showing
Orpheus.

1 On Orpheus, see de Rossi, Bullett. di archeol. crist, 1887, p. 30. On Ulysses,
KRAUS, Roma sott2, p. 352. The Philosophumena (7, 1) advises the Faithful to close
their ears, like Ulysses, to false doctrines, and to cling to Christ's cross, that they may
not be led astray. Cp. Maximus Taurin., Horn. 39 de pass, et cruce Domini, 1 (P.L.,
LVIL, 339). For 111. 135, see Kraus, p. 216 ; Realenc, ii. p. 541 ; DE ROSSI, Roma sott,
I., p. 30. Kraus points out that the Christian character of the work is not above suspi
cion, and that the monogram of Tyranius is identical with that of the city of Tyre on the
coins of Demetrius Nicator (145 B.C.).

No. 286]

THE SARCOPHAGI

181

Christians were frequently compelled to procure their sarcophagi
from heathen workshops, owing to the limited number of sculptors
sharing the Christian faith. 1
The ready-made stone coffins on sale in the shops had blank
spaces left for the insertion of the name. Others were provided
with rough, provisional masks on which the features of the dead
person might be chiselled, so as to form an imago clypeata. In
the Lateran Museum may be seen a Christian sarcophagus with
some fine religious scenes, but upon which the busts of the de
ceased man and wife have been left unfinished (111. 136). Not
far from this is another on which the imago clypeata shows signs
of being a true portrait. The Christians generally were not fond
of representing the dead person on his last resting-place ; in this

111. 135. — Fragment of an early Christian Sarcophagus, showing Ulysses.
they differed from their pagan ancestors, who had been wont to
place a life-size effigy of the dead shown reposing on the lid of
the coffin. Among the numerous Christian sarcophagi of Rome
not one has adopted this custom ; a certain antipathy prevailed
for exhibiting the dead.
On the other hand, deceased Christians often make their
appearance in the form of orantes. This was a spiritual and
figurative way of portraying them which was very much in
demand in the Catacombs. The departed soul, depicted with
arms outstretched, prays for the dear ones it has left on earth.
When these come to pay their respects at the tomb, the figure
seems to assure them that their beloved departed is ever mindful
of them before God — surely a touching symbol of the indissoluble
bond uniting the members of a family and all the Faithful, an idea
first brought into the world by Christianity.2
The Good Shepherd is, however, the figure most often found
1 Kraus, Gesch. der christi. Kunst, I, 226, 241.
2 Wilpert, Ein Cyklus christologischer Gemalde in der Katakombe der Ml. Petrus
und Marcellinus (1891), pp. 30-49.

1 82 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 287
on the stone coffins. When the persecutions ceased it rose with
the Church from the Catacombs, and became prominent in the
sculptures of memorial basilicas and of the open graveyards.1
Christian instinct felt how appropriate this symbol was on the
tombstones, face to face with the dead. The sheep borne so
lovingly on the Shepherd's shoulders seemed peculiarly fitted to
typify the soul of the believer, which, even in the pangs of death,
commits itself trustfully to its Saviour-
Heathenism had always experienced an uneasy dread of death
and of the uncertainty of what followed. Unconsciously this
horror of death led pagans to deck their tombs, by preference,
with bright scenes displaying most incongruously the joys of life ;
with pictures of wedding-feasts and of wild field-sports. Every
where, even in his grave, the true child of heathen Rome sought
to be reminded of the joys of this world, that there might be no
interruption in the ceaseless round of pleasure.
Christian society considered death in a very different light.
To the believer, death brought the fulfilment of his hopes — a
future life of rest, peace, refreshment, and light, to which his
Saviour had obtained for him admission.
Accordingly the picture of the Good Shepherd in the Chris
tian abodes of the dead was an expressive way of showing the
difference between the death of the pagan and that of the
Christian. It is true, certainly, that occasionally on heathen
sarcophagi we see the shepherd bearing a sheep upon his
shoulders, but in such cases it is but an ornamental detail, perhaps
• merely a portion of some unmeaning scene from country life.
The trained eye of the Christian saw in the same figure, displayed
on the tomb of a fellow-believer, something much higher.
287. Passing over the many isolated symbols which a visitor
observed on the tombs in the forecourts of the amburbal basilicas,
let us give our attention to those scenes suggested by the Bible
narrative and Christian symbolism which are most fully dealt with
and most often met among these productions of Christian art.
No monuments of early Christian art in Rome have been
preserved which could better aid us in forming an opinion upon
the earliest efforts of Christian sculptors and the peculiarities of
church-art at its commencement. In the fourth and fifth centuries
1 Kraus, Gesch. der christi. Kunst, i, 226, 244.

no. 287] THE SARCOPHAGI 183
this seems to have been almost the only field in which Christian
sculpture could exercise its activity, for extant works of a differ
ent scope are comparatively rare. Yet its work on the sarcophagi,
being distinguished by originality, adaptability, deep spiritual
insight, and great technical skill, was well able to hold its own
with the best contemporary products of profane art. At the turn
of the fifth and the sixth century a decline set in, which, from causes
to be explained later, was so strong and rapid that it makes it all
the more necessary for us to dwell a little here upon a department
of art of which the efflorescence was so brief.
As a rule the sculptured decoration was displayed only on the
front, the back, flanks, and lid of the sarcophagus being more
simply treated. The front itself occasionally bore a scene or
portrait only in the centre, the remainder of the surface being
almost invariably ornamented with the well-known wavy lines
(striae, strigiles). (Cp. Vol. I., 111. 65.) The subject of the sculp
ture in the centre was usually the Good Shepherd ; sometimes
it showed our Saviour with the youthful appearance then pre
ferred. In the latter case He is either represented alone, with
the scroll of the Law-giver in His hand, or between Peter and
Paul, or some other saints (cp. 111. 81). The Redeemer is also
often shown with the cross of victory in His hand, or seated
upon a throne and teaching, with the lion and the serpent under
His feet, in token of His supremacy. Not unfrequently in the
central scene we see the deceased brought into heaven by the
saints, the gates of heaven being shown by curtains. Jonas cast
up by the whale is a favourite type of the Resurrection. Finally,
instead of these or other images, there may simply be the mono
gram of Christ surrounded by the crown, figuring the triumph
of faith (111. 140).
If such sarcophagi of the simpler sort display much corre
spondence with the paintings of the catacomb, still more striking
becomes the resemblance in the sculptures adorning the stone
coffins of the wealthy, where the fronts sometimes present whole
series of representations. Occasionally so numerous are the
scenes, historical or symbolic, that there is no room for them all
on the front, and they are therefore continued on the flanks.
Such trophies of early Christian art may be seen and admired
in numbers, not only in Rome but also in various other parts of
the Roman world, especially at Ravenna and at Aries in France.

184 ROME AND THE POPES [N0.287
Yet no more suitable place exists for appreciating the rare eleva
tion and creative genius of Christian art in this sphere than the
galleries of the Christian Museum of the Lateran. There one's
very surroundings, with their memories of the ancient Papal
residence, are in peculiar harmony with the pleasure afforded by
these works of art. At the command of Pius IX. the archae
ologist P. Giuseppe Marchi began in 1854 to gather together
there all the most beautiful marble sarcophagi which Rome
possessed. Not only his memory, but also that of those dis
tinguished scholars Giovanni Battista de Rossi and Raffaelle
Garrucci lingers in these halls, for both were greatly indebted
to these monuments of Christian art in its youth and power, to
which indeed they owed much of their knowledge of archaeology,
and which furnished them with invaluable instruments for further
research.1 A visitor to Rome who has rambled through the Catacombs,
and has made himself also familiar with the splendours of the
city's basilicas, finds it easier, amidst the stately rows of sarco
phagi in the Lateran, to enter into the spirit of those early times
when the world was still celebrating the triumph of its deliverance
from paganism.
The correspondence already alluded to as existing between the
simpler artistic creations of the Catacombs and the more perfect
work on the sarcophagi is apparent enough in the subjects which
adorn the latter : Adam and Eve, Noe in the Ark, Daniel in the
Lions' Den, Job on the Dunghill, our First Parents in Paradise,
the Youths in the Fiery Furnace, the Three Wise Men from the
East, &c. (cp. 111. 136).2
But all these stories, as the Church increased in age, have
been expanded remarkably. Thus the portrayal of Adam and
Eve serves also to depict the creation of man and woman, while
some Christian artists even go so far as to adopt as their model
the pagan myth of Prometheus. The further history of our First
1 Joh. Ficker, Die altchristl. Bildwerke im christi. Museum des Laterans (1890),
p. 1 ff. O. Marucchi, Guida del Museo cristiano Lateranense, 1898. R. Grousset deals
with the Christian sarcophagi in Rome which are not at the Lateran Museum in his
ittude sur I' hist, des sarcophages chrdt (Paris, 1885), in the Biblioth. des dcoles franc ¦
d'Athines et de Rome, fasc. 42.
2 See below, No. 290, for the explanation of this illustration. The fact that the por
traits of the man and wife in the clypeus are unfinished would lead us to suppose that
this sarcophagus was a ready-made one, which its buyer, for some reason or other,
refrained from completing in this particular.

no. 287] THE SARCOPHAGI 185
Parents is illustrated in such wise as to connect it with what has
gone before ; the Serpent-Tempter coiled about a tree ; the
Fall ; the Promise of a Saviour ; the Sacrifice of Cain and Abel.
Similarly, whereas in the Catacombs Moses is only seen striking
the rock, or putting off his shoes in front of the burning bush,
here we find in addition scenes showing the Israelites' departure
and the wonders performed before Pharaoh. Moses constantly
stands as a figure of Peter and his mission. Gospel stories,
especially our Saviour's miracles, also scenes with Christ in the
midst of the Apostles, occur much more frequently here than in
the Catacombs.1
The scenes upon the sarcophagi gradually become more and
more historical in character.
This accounts for the fact that certain symbols much used in
primitive times, such as the fish and the anchor, were little by
little driven into the background, or at least deprived of their
earlier significance. Other emblems, on the contrary, grew in
popular favour to such an extent that they came to be used almost
exclusively. Towards the close of the palmy days of plastic art,
the favourite figures were vines growing out of the (Eucharistic)
vase ; a pair of birds, doves or peacocks, advancing from either
side towards the cantharus, or vase, or monogram, or cross, and
symbolising mankind seeking in God its spiritual food (see Ills.
139 and 140, cp. 111. 145). Even upon the richest sarcophagi of
the best period the historical scenes are usually drawn from an
established repertory of subjects with which the artists were
familiar. These we find everywhere repeated, though the hand
ling of the subjects exhibits great diversity. Often the scenes are
assembled so as to form real sculptured homilies illustrating a
whole group of doctrines or else a succession of events from the
Bible narrative, which explain and elucidate each other. Here, in
the language of art, is a lecture delivered to the Faithful on their
religion, than which, surely, no loftier task could be chosen by an
artist.2 As the sphere of these works of art is entirely religious, the
spectator will be inclined to overlook certain shortcomings in
execution. In the case of many artists the deed fell short of the
will, and they failed to render at all adequately the sublime ideas
1 A. Perate, L'arMol. chrdt (1892), p. 308.
2 Garrucci, Storia delP arte crist, 1, 41 ff.

1 86 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 288
undoubtedly present to them. We must not forget that Roman
art was already on the wane. Another reason which should
mitigate the severity of our judgment is the difficulty the artists
must have experienced when obliged to cram so many things
into the limited space at their disposal. On the other hand, when
endeavouring to seize the meaning of the sculptures we must not
look everywhere for deep symbolism or expect to find invariably
any close connection between the different scenes. Recent ex
pounders of these monuments have sometimes found more in
them than there really is. It occasionally happens that scenes
are strung together with no regard to any inner association, but
simply to obtain a certain outward symmetry, the figures of one
scene matching those of the other. Some figures, here and there,
are merely stop-gaps, for, as already explained, the artists could
not break loose from the conventions which ruled Roman art.
Whence it happens that scenes which in deed or idea belong to
gether, have to be sought for at quite different points of the series.
Artists had various methods of dividing the front surface of
the coffins. When it was their intention to cover the whole front
with their work, they were wont to divide up the surface available
for this purpose. This they did by inserting either a sort of frieze
running from end to end of the sarcophagus and dividing it into
two, or a row of pillars which, with fine artistic effect, divided the
surface into panels. The two devices were not infrequently used
together, both the upper and the lower storey being broken up
by arcades into compartments, each of which corresponded in size
with the object to be portrayed, being large when it had to receive
a whole scene, or quite small when it was to contain but a single
figure, for instance an apostle.
288. The time has now come for us to study in detail some of
the more remarkable types of sarcophagi, and the first to attract
our notice will surely be that magnificent stone coffin in the
Lateran Museum, which at one time was sheltered beneath a
roof of its own (see Vol. I., 111. 66). This roof, which rested on
two exquisite marble pillars, and a copy of. a picture from the
Catacombs upon the wall above the coffin, give a good idea of
the outward appearance and surroundings of many of the tombs
in the porticoes and basilicas.
The scenes upon this sarcophagus, which form a single series,
are separated by small pillars in high-relief, adorned with rich

No. 288]

THE SARCOPHAGI

187

foliage and supporting a flat entablature. In the centre of the
series Christ appears as a handsome curly-haired youth ; He is
seated upon the vault of heaven, which is held aloft by Uranus.
Supported by two disciples, He bestows the Law upon St. Peter,
seen on the right ; whilst on the left, St. Paul, with arm upraised,
addresses our Saviour.
This principal scene, to which probably the figure in the next
arcade on the left also belongs, is placed between the Sacrifice of

111. 137. — Side of a Sarcophagus with Christ's Prediction to Peter.
Church Buildings are seen in the Background.
From a sarcophagus at the Lateran Museum. Cp. 111. no, and vol. i. 111. 66. After
Garrucci, Arte crist., PI. 323, fig. 5.

Isaac (Abraham with his sword) and Pilate's Judgment (Christ
shown as a young man), the former scene being the type of the
latter. The execution of these two latter scenes offer some points
of interest and some reminiscences of classical antiquity. Thus
Pilate had behind him, as a token of his rank, the pila aurea,
upon which stood a bust of the Emperor ; only a fragment of this
still exists. Abraham likewise has placed his son, not upon the
pile of stones and wood mentioned in the Bible, but upon an altar
shaped like a marble Roman ara.
The sides of this sarcophagus are also sculptured. On one

1 88 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 288
two subjects are displayed : Moses Striking the Rock, i.e. the
Old Testament type of Peter shown on the front, and the Woman
with the Issue of Blood, whose cure at Christ's hands showed the
Redeemer's power (111. no). The sculpture at the other end is
entirely taken up with Peter (111. 137). It shows him at the
moment when Christ foretells his threefold denial, and at the
same time gives him the mission of confirming his brethren as soon
as he shall be himself restored to grace. This group was fitted
to impress Christians with Peter's dignity rather than with his fall.
The pillar, which supports the cock, separates Christ from Peter.
The background of both these scenes shows a number of
edifices. They are of great historical importance, representing
basilicas and rotundas, either baptisteries or mausoleums. At
the summit of the cupola of a rotunda we notice the monogram
of Christ. The doors display the usual drawn curtains, and the
windows consist of pierced marble slabs (cp. 111. 97).
If the artist really intended to express a single idea by all
these scenes, then we may believe his object to have been the
manifestation of the Church or of her power. Taken in detail,
the sense would then be : the Redeemer, entering into heaven
(Uranus), through His death bequeathed His power to the world
in Peter. This power it is which quenches the thirst of those
who thirst after righteousness — as the Israelites were satisfied in
the wilderness by water from the rock — and which brings healing
to a sick world, just as it cured the woman with an issue of blood.
This power is potent ; though Peter, on whom it was first con
ferred, made proof of weakness and actually denied his Saviour,
yet his fall was the occasion for his receiving a Divine promise
which shall never be made void. This explanation is, however,
merely a possible one.
This sarcophagus was found, under Sixtus V., beneath old
St. Peter's. On this spot, where it may have lain so many
centuries, the scenes it bears take on a peculiar significance. The
inscription, which is unknown, must have been upon the original
lid, which is now lost. The artistic quality of the figures would
seem to prove that the work belongs to the first half of the fourth
century.1
1 Ficker, n. 174, p. 117. Illustration in Garrucci, PI. 323, n. 4-6. The sarcophagus
comes, according to Bosio (p. 85 ff), " ex vaticano coetneterio" The roof (Phot. Tuminello,
n. 585), of which the upper part reminded one of the Late Middle Ages, has recently
been removed. The two columns came from the ancient chapel of St. Venantius in the

N0.289] THE SARCOPHAGI 189
289. In April 1595, in the same basilica and in the closest
proximity to the tomb of Peter, the finest of all the sarcophagi of
Rome came to light (see Vol. I., 111. 13), that, namely, of the
Roman City Prefect, Junius Bassus, who, according to the still
extant inscription, "went to God as a neophyte under the consul
ship of Eusebius and Hypatius," i.e. in 359.1
Junius Bassus, a scion of the noble house of the Anicii, was
probably a son of the Consul Junius Bassus, the former owner of
the hall upon the Esquiline which Valila made into a church of
St. Andrew. According to a custom far too frequent at the time,
he had delayed baptism until the close of his life, and possibly his
white robe of baptism was also his shroud.
The colossal sarcophagus of Parian marble which his illustrious
relatives provided for his remains is some eight feet in length and
five in height. The work must have been executed by one of
the best Roman sculptors of the period. The execution of the
ten large and six small scenes on the front is remarkably elegant.
The decoration of the pillars, capitals, and friezes has also been
carried out with taste and care. The arrangement is very appro
priate. The large historical scenes are arranged in a double row
of five, in each case the scene containing the dominant idea of
the whole being in the centre. Between these two rows small
symbolic scenes are so cleverly introduced that their effect, far
from being disturbing, serves as a decoration to the whole. These
little scenes we reproduce here2 (111. 138), and their situation
may be ascertained by a comparison with the illustration already
given of the sarcophagus (Vol. I., 111. 13). They are to be found
above the alternating gables and shell-shaped arches which cover
Lateran Baptistery. The slab forming the lid of the sarcophagus, with loaves upon a
chalice-like vessel, and anchors and dolphins, came from the cemetery of Praetextatus.
The picture was a copy of the frescoes in the arcosolium of Silvester in the cemetery of
Saturninus and Thraso.
1 Illustration in Garrucci, PI. 322; cp. 1, 459 ; Dionisi-Sarti, PI. 81, p. 201 ff. ;
Kraus, Gesch. der christi. Kunst, 1, 245. Bosio (1632), p. 45. The most modern work
on the matter is that of DE Waal, Der Sarkophag des Junius Bassus (1900), with 13
plates. On the lambs between the upper and lower scenes, see Kraus, Roma soil,
p. 366, and Perate, Archeol, p. 320. The sarcophagus, according to ancient testimony,
was found buried "in ipsa crypta [S. Petri]." See DE ROSSI, Inscr. christ., 1, 81 ; Bull.
archeol. crist, 1871, p. 53. The inscription reads : IVN • BASSVS ¦ V • C • QVI
VIXIT ANNIS • XLII • MEN • II ¦ IN • IPSA PRAEFECTVRA VRBI NEO-
FITVS IIT AD DEVM • VIII • KAL • SEPT EVSEBIO ET YPATIO ¦ COSS.
2 From a drawing by the painter Tabanelli ; some of the little figures which are
mutilated have been restored. The scene which presented the greatest difficulty was
that marked as A, which shows the Three Youths in the Fiery Furnace and the Angel.
I am indebted for its decipherment mainly to Mgr. Wilpert. De Waal, in the work
previously cited, has given them on a larger scale, but according to my drawings.

190 ROME AND THE POPES [No.289
the lower sculptures. These small symbolic figures express in
the infant language of Christian art the very idea conveyed by
the inscription above the frieze of the upper row of sculptures,
viz. that the deceased by baptism had been admitted into the
Church and to the possession of salvation. The symbolism of
these scenes is singular in that all the actions are depicted as
carried out by lambs, but among them the principal is the so-
called initiatio, or admission of the neophyte into the community
of the Faithful. This initiation consisted in an act which, though
twofold, was essentially one — namely, in the reception of Baptism
and the Eucharist. These two sacraments are therefore symbo
lised in the place of honour, viz. above the central arch : A lamb
(D) receives from a dove coming from above a stream of water or
of grace — symbol of Baptism ; another (C) touches the baskets of
bread with a staff — a well-known symbolic suggestion at one and
the same time of the miracle of the loaves and fishes and of the
Holy Eucharist. Scene A shows the Three Youths in the Furnace
and the Angel who protected them ; this symbolised the sincere
confession of faith, which disregards all danger, and, at the same
time, the life of faith which the baptized must live. The last
group of lambs on the right (F) illustrates, by the raising of
Lazarus (also a lamb), that the resurrection and life everlasting
are the reward of a firm confession of faith. Two further scenes,
which correspond, proclaim the twofold power of teaching and
of sanctifying, divinely committed to the Church into which the
catechumen is entering. Saving grace is expressed by the stream
of water (B) which a lamb, symbolising Moses, brings forth to
quench another lamb's thirst by striking a rock with a staff.
Supernatural truth (E) is symbolised by the book given to a
lamb by a hand from on high ( Traditio Evangelii, Symboli).
These sculptures on the Christian sarcophagi accordingly speak
in a language both instructive and impressive. Their very orna
mentation conceals treasures of profound wisdom, and may rank
among the sources of our knowledge of early Christian history
and civilisation.
In the two series of larger scenes adorning this same sar
cophagus, the central one in each case refers to Christ. Below
He is shown in His earthly life, at His entry into Jerusalem, lowly
and poor (Zach. ix. 9) ; above, He sits enthroned in heavenly
glory above Uranus, committing the Law unto Peter, and giving

111. 138. — Lambs on the Sarcophagus of Junius Bassus.

No.289] THE SARCOPHAGI 191
to Paul the mission of teaching. To the right of the last scene
stands our youthful Saviour before Pilate, who sits on his faldis-
torium in the corner panel of the sarcophagus looking pensive
and doubtful. To the left, Peter, about to suffer the same death
as his Master, is being led away by soldiers, whilst in the corner
Abraham is preparing to sacrifice Isaac. On the right of the
central scene below, Daniel (a modern restoration) stands between
the lions, and, further on, Paul, a prisoner between two soldiers ;
to the left is the Fall of our First Parents, a silent allusion to the
promise of redemption ; and then Job in his troubles, the latter,
like Daniel, being an expression of the Christian's hope in a life
to come.1 In spite of the lofty inspiration of these pictures, the realism
occasionally found in them is rather startling. For instance, Job's
wife, visiting her husband in his malady, passes bread to him on
a stick, being careful to hold a corner of her apron to her nose
lest she should be overcome by the stench. In the same way
Adam and Eve are shown entirely nude in a fashion at which
modern prudery might easily take offence, but which was quite
common at that time. Daniel in the lions' den was probably
also represented naked, conformably with artistic usage.2
The scene before Pilate is masterly in its fidelity to nature.
The judge on his faldstool is crowned with bay, but, as his
attitude shows, this is no sign of mirth. The slave standing
before him, clad in the tunica exomis, and holding a jug and
platter of genuine Roman shape, would almost seem to have been
copied from some pagan scene of sacrifice. The ara of antique
form before which Abraham is in the act of sacrificing his son also
recalls heathen sacrifices. It is even supplied with the usual patera?
Finally, in the scene of our First Parents, the allusion to their
future lot is also very expressive. Adam has the sheaf of corn
beside him, in token that he must in future eat bread in the sweat
of his brow. The lamb standing by Eve hints that she and her
daughters will have to spin wool and attend to the flocks.
1 Mgr. de Waal endeavoured, indeed, to explain the whole work as eschatological.
Such an interpretation, however, involves one in considerable difficulty.
2 On the other hand, in the most ancient Roman representations of Daniel among
the lions (Cappella Greca, S. Domitilla, Crypt of Lucina) he is shown clothed. Cp.
Wilpert, Fraclio panis, p. 3. On the nude, see Garrucci, Storia dell' arte, 1, 51, &c. :
Nuditd delle figure umane.
3 Cp. my article on this sarcophagus in the Rom. Quartalschr., 10 (1896), 313 ff, with
a larger photograph.

192 ROME AND THE POPES [No.289
Christian art at that time was eminently suggestive. Its real
strength lay far more in this idealism — i.e. in its spiritual con
ception of art — than in its material value — i.e. in the fidelity and
elegance of its work. In many instances symbolism alone was
sought. There were cases where, for a symbolic reason, one
scene was made to enter another. Thus upon a sarcophagus in
the Lateran Museum, where Christ should be seen crowned with
thorns, the crown which the soldier holds over our Saviour's head
has already become a crown of victory (111. 139).1 Upon the
centre of this same sarcophagus the crown of victory is depicted
n
with the monogram y( hanging in classic style from the beak
of an eagle. The crown rests upon a cross, on the cross-beam of
which doves are perched, and stretch forward towards the crown.
Below, at the foot of the cross, two soldiers are mounting guard,
just as at our Saviour's tomb. The whole is a representation of
Christ's resurrection, thoughtfully composed of elements partly
symbolical and partly historical.2
A curious combination of scenes occurs upon another sar
cophagus, where, before Pilate, instead of the person of our
Saviour, we find Isaac about to receive the death-blow from his
father. A common and simple device of the artists was to sub
stitute Peter, or even Christ, for Moses in the scene of the striking
of the rock. Christ also appears performing miracles which in
fact occurred in different places and on different occasions. For
instance, on a single scene He is shown healing the man born
blind and the woman with an issue of blood ; or He multiplies the
loaves whilst granting the petition of the woman of Canaan.
An utter contrast to these artistically conceived productions
are the common playful scenes we often find upon the flanks of
the sarcophagi. The stone coffin of Junius Bassus, described
above, is a good instance in point. Looking at the two sides,
one feels oneself transported into the secular art of those days.
Graceful winged genii and small naked urchins are busy at
pastoral work ; on the left is the vintage, on the right we see the
changing seasons figured in action. There may, of course, be
here an allusion to the harvest of eternal reward and to the
1 From a photograph by Alinari. Cp. KRAUS, Gesch. der christi. Kunst, I, p. 133.
The end scene on the right shows Pilate about to wash his hands ; two slaves with uten
sils of classical shape attend on him ; in the background is the praetorium.
2 Perate, p. 318, fig. 211. Kraus, Rom. sott, p. 361, fig. 61.

•y-gfl;

111. 139.— A Sarcophagus at the Lateran. In the Centre, the Resurrection symbolised ; to the Left the Carrying of the
Cross and the Crowning with Thorns; to the Right, Christ's Arrest and Condemnation.

no. 290] THE SARCOPHAGI 193
alterations of a lifetime, but it is quite certain that this was not
intended in every case where such scenes are found.
290. Rather less ancient than the. sarcophagus of Bassus is
the enormous marble coffin in the Lateran Museum, of which the
sculptures have been described by de Rossi as an epic of Christian
doctrine (111. 136).1
At the top to the left it shows the creation of man by God
the Father. The Creator is supported by two figures, which can
only signify the Son and the Holy Ghost. Next to this we see
the Fall of our First Parents in the garden and the promise of the
Redeemer. The fulfilment of this promise is depicted below on
the left, where the Three Wise Men appear worshipping the
Divine Child held by Mary in her lap, while behind her — an
unusual thing — the Holy Ghost is again depicted in the form of
a human being, He having effected the Incarnation. Christ, the
New Adam, corresponds to the First Adam ; the Three Wise
Men, as first-fruits of mankind restored to Christ, correspond to
the first-fruits of fallen human nature.
The scene portrayed beside the three Magi of the healing of
the man born blind is very significant. The two scenes explain
each other. The world, sunk in blindness after the Fall, receives
the light it seeks through the Child lying in Mary's lap and
worshipped by mankind.
To the right of the sarcophagus we see, above, the miracles
and deeds of Christ, and, below, the corresponding miracles and
deeds of Peter.
Christ turns water into wine and miraculously multiplies the
loaves. Both miracles are symbols of the Holy Eucharist. And
as, in accordance with Christ's words, " He that eateth my
flesh . . . hath everlasting life, and I will raise him up in the last
day," the last scene in the upper row is the raising of Lazarus.2
In the lower series Peter continues the work of Christ. First
he receives from Christ, with the prediction of his fall, an assur
ance that he will afterwards be unswervingly constant ; then he
proves the strength of his faith when taken prisoner by the Jews ;
1 De Rossi, Bull, archeol. crist, 1865, p. 70. Cp. Kraus, Gesch. der christi. Kunst.
1, 237, fig. 192 ; Roma sott, PI. VII. GARRUCCI, PI. 365, n. 2. FlCKER, Altchristl,
Bildw. des Laterans, p. 39 ff. MARUCCHI, Guida del Museo crist. later., p. 26 ff, PL 2.
2 John vi., 52, 55. The Church makes use of this Gospel in the Mass of the Dead
(Missa quotidiana defunctorum), thus establishing the connection between the Eucharist
and the doctrine of the Resurrection, a connection much insisted on in early Chris
tian art. VOL. II. N

194 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 291
finally, like another Moses, he strikes the rock and gives water to
believers thirsting for salvation. The features leave no manner
of doubt that it is the same person who strikes the rock, who is
led away captive by the soldiers, and who stands beside the cock
and receives the prediction. On all three occasions Peter is
shown with a staff in his hand. This staff, when it is introduced
in the performance of a miracle, betokens the power of working
wonders ; otherwise it is the emblem of authority and govern
ment. As Peter was working no miracle during his denial or
when taken prisoner, it could there stand only as the staff of
government, the symbol of the power over the Church with which
Peter was invested.
These scenes from the history of Peter are separated from the
others in the lower row by one of Daniel among the lions, supple
mented by some other figures. As de Rossi remarks, this
prominent position in the centre must have been assigned to the
scene because it sums up, so to speak, all the truths expressed
elsewhere. Daniel is here the type of the suffering Saviour, and
at the same time of the redeemed and expectant Church.
This magnificent sarcophagus, with its suggestive doctrinal
illustrations, adorns the inside staircase of the Lateran Museum.
It strikes one particularly by its enormous undecorated lid, and
the unfinished likenesses of the married couple inside the clypeus
on the front. This work of art was found close to the Confession
at St. Paul's on the Ostian Way. There the coffin had been
buried — though probably not before the latter part of the Middle
Ages — just as had been done with that of Junius Bassus in
St. Peter's.
291. Most of the sarcophagi which were in basilicas or their
fore-courts stood exposed to view ; very few indeed can have been
buried. It may be mentioned here that in the fifth century as yet only
basilicas outside the walls (St. Peter's and St. Paul's were among
the number) could serve as depositories for the dead. Roman law,
which forbade intra-mural interments, first began to be less
stringently enforced at the beginning of the next century.
The most handsome and artistic sarcophagi made a brave
show in the oratories and mausoleums which people of wealth
and rank erected for themselves near the basilicas. Maffeo
Vegio, in the fifteenth century, tells us of a remarkable mausoleum

no. 29i] THE SARCOPHAGI 195
of this sort, dating from early Christian times, which stood behind
the Vatican Basilica. This mysterious spot so near the tomb of
Peter arouses our interest.
It was a building erected by the Anicii to contain their sarco
phagi. Vegio found its size more suitable to a church than to an
oratory. In the interior a row of columns topped by marble deco
rations went round three sides of the edifice. The mausoleum,
then quite neglected and unvisited by any one, adjoined the
centre of the apse of St. Peter's. As we know from other sources,
throughout the Middle Ages it was a belief of the populace that
Peter had once lived there, and that a table and the marble seats
then visible had been used by the Prince of the Apostles. In
point of fact it is more likely that this marble furniture had
been supplied by the Anicii for use at the Christian funerary
banquets. When Vegio visited this monument its fate was unfortunately
already sealed. It was the first to be demolished in the course
of the erection of the new church of St. Peter under Nicholas V.
Vegio, with great diligence, read the inscriptions which were
upon the frieze surmounting the columns. The long epigraphic
texts, written in distichs, according to his copies, contained the
epitaphs of Sextus Petronius Probus and his wife Anicia Faltonia
Proba. This famous Probus was Praetorian Prefect in 368, and
in 371 was Consul conjointly with the Emperor Gratian.1
During the excavation of the soil under this mausoleum in the
progress of the building operations the splendid marble coffin was
found which had contained the body of this illustrious Roman and,
probably, that of his wife also. Another superb sarcophagus,
showing the giving of the Law to Peter and other scenes, was also
recovered thence. The sarcophagus of Probus, which had never
been previously opened, further yielded many articles of gold
and also some costly robes. The gold found, instead of being
treasured, was simply melted down and then made into a precious
chalice adorned with gems.
The epitaph of Probus is a testimony to the faith and trust of
its time. In one passage it manifests a striking similarity with
the present formula used in prayers for the dead. The words
1 Text: Corpus inscr. hit, VI., n. 1756; cp. n. 855; DE ROSSI, Inscr. christ, 2, I,
348 ; also in Acta SS. Iunii, tom. VII., Append., ed. Palme, p. 71* (VEGIUS, De basilica
¦vaticana, 1. 4, n. 106 ff. The Oratory is shown on Alfarano's plan (DE ROSSI, I.e., 229),
under /.

196 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 292
now used, " May eternal light shine upon him," are there para
phrased as follows : " Mayest thou enjoy new light ; Christ is
thy light." 1
The sarcophagus itself can, even now, be admired in St.
Peter's. It has experienced many vicissitudes, but at any rate it
was spared the fate which in Rome overwhelmed so many sarco
phagi equally richly ornamented ; it was never utilised as a horse-
trough. It served as an ornament in the Baptistery of St. Peter's
until 1694. Then after having remained a long while in a corner
of the basilica near the chapel of the Crucifixion it was, in our
own day, taken out and installed in the chapel of the Pieta,
opposite the so-called holy pillar, upon a suitable pedestal.2
The front is divided into five compartments by spiral marble
pillars. In the middle, Christ as a youth stands upon a hill,
whence gush forth the four symbolic springs. In His right hand
He holds a cross set with jewels, and in His left the scroll of the
Law. Peter and Paul support Him. Under each of the four
other arches stands an apostle, made known by the roll he holds,
each with a companion. The series of apostles is continued upon
either side, each of which has three compartments.
The married couple are shown in the centre of the back surface,
which is far less ornate. Probus is clad in tunic and pallium, and
bears in his hand the diploma by which he was invested in his
office. His wife Proba appears in the long-sleeved matron's
stole, and from her head a mantle falls like a veil over her
shoulders. The palmy days which could produce such works were not,
however, to endure.
292. It has already been remarked that during the fifth
century the art of sarcophagus-sculpture in Rome came to a
sudden end.
Not only did the sculptures, once so fine, become clumsy, but
stone coffins of any shape or kind became scarce. WThereas sar
cophagi in the fourth century, and even to the first half of the fifth,
were so numerous that even now, after centuries of wreck and
plunder, we still find fragments of these splendid works scattered
over the ground above the catacombs of Callistus, Praetextatus,
1 "Luce novafrueris, lux tibi Christus adest."
2 Garrucci, PI. 325. A. Busiri-Vici, La colonna santa ed il sarcofago di Probo
Anicio (Roma, 1888), PL 3.

no. 292] THE SARCOPHAGI 197
Domitilla, Cyriaca, and elsewhere, those dating from the second
half of the fifth century become increasingly rare. In the sixth
century another and simpler mode of burial was becoming every
where the rule, namely, to inter in simple graves. Rome's decline
after its capture by Alaric must have been responsible for this.
The political decay which then set in, and the insecurity of burial-
places outside the walls, must have combined to ruin the art of
sarcophagus-making ; the extinction of this craft is therefore but
one more expression of the distress of the age.1
A few centuries later it even became a custom in Rome to use
over again for the burial of the Christian dead, sarcophagi decorated
with undoubted heathen scenes. The dread which such an action
would have caused Christians in former days was out of place, now
that all trace of heathenism had vanished from society. No danger
being apprehended of a revival of paganism, Christians were no
longer compelled to be on the defensive against it. On the con
trary, they were beginning to look upon heathen works of art as
spoils of victory, with which they could demonstrate the triumph
of Christianity over heathendom. Heathen scenes were also now
no longer fully understood. What, however, generally led to the
employment of heathen sarcophagi was the wish to house in a
suitable resting-place the remains of illustrious dead, coupled with
the inability of later ages to produce anything even remotely
resembling such works of art. The time will come when the
remains of highly venerated saints will be concealed behind
sculpture showing a Caledonian hunt, a bacchanalian procession,
or some scene from Roman or Greek mythology. But while in
Rome the art of sarcophagus-making was expiring with astonish
ing rapidity, it was experiencing in Ravenna a certain revival.
Under Theodoric the Goth and his successors it was patronised in
this new metropolis, and the Byzantines in turn took it into
favour when, at the close of the Gothic domination, they re
established their supremacy.2
Ravenna at the present time still possesses a large number of
Christian sarcophagi in its venerable churches. In their treat
ment these reflect in some sort the early tradition and prove that
the Christian art of Rome was transplanted to the capital of the
1 De Rossi, Roma solt, III., 447 ff.
2 De Rossi, I.e., 453. Kraus, Gesch. der christi. Kunst, 1, 251 ff. Schultze,
Archdologie, p. 258.

198 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 293
Gothic kingdom. They exhibit, however, peculiarities which
deviate from all previous types. Above all we note the decreasing
use of historical scenes ; the presence of large, long-armed crosses
in high-relief and of huge monograms of Christ ; a favourite
design is now the vase or cantharus, on each side of which animals
are seeking food, and a few other well-worn symbols. As an
instance we may cite the sarcophagus of Archbishop Theodore.
This work goes back beyond the Archbishop's own time, and was,
as the position of the inscription shows, converted to his use only
by an afterthought (111. 140). The celebrated sarcophagus, also
at Ravenna, of the Exarch Isaac is another similar case. It is,
indeed, a fine characteristic work of the school of that city, but
was executed long before Isaac's time.
Ravenna has also furnished us with the name of a sculptor
or purveyor of sarcophagi. This was a certain Daniel, whom
Cassiodorus, the Ostrogothic statesman, praises for his artistic
skill and rewards with a diploma authorising his business. He
must have been a sort of wholesale dealer, as he seems to have
produced his marble direct from the quarries. The only other
marmorarius of whom we know that he carved sarcophagi was
named Eutropos, and was probably a man of less importance.
We find this artist represented upon his own sarcophagus in the
Museum of Urbino. With the help of an apprentice, he is busy
at a sarcophagus with two chisels at a time.\
Artistic Representations of the Church and of St. Peter's
Office
293. The symbols used in Rome to betoken the Church and
the Primacy were so many and varied that our subject demands
that we should give some attention to these illustrations of
Christian doctrine.
The Church as a rule appears as a matron wearing the stola
matronalis, and veiled with a mantle.
It is thus that we saw her on the door of Sta. Sabina pray
ing with outstretched arms between Peter and Paul. In the
interior of that same basilica she is twice found in the same dress
and attitude upon the mosaics near the entrance, once described
1 On Daniel, see Cassiodorus, Varia, 3, c. 19. For Eutropos and a figure of the
sarcophagus in the Museum of Urbino, see Perate, p. 295.

111. 140. — Sarcophagus of Archbishop Theodore (677-691) in Ravenna.
(After a photograph by Alinari.)

no. 293] THE CHURCH IN ART 199
as " Church of the Circumcision," and, again, as " Church of the
Gentiles." There can therefore be no doubt as to the symbolic
meaning of the matron. In the two pictures last mentioned she
holds an open book in her left hand and raises her right like a
teacher.1 Sometimes, however, the Church is depicted, more simply, as
an orante. It was formerly the rule to go further than facts warranted in
seeing representations of the Church in these orantes. Even
when an orante bore the name of one deceased, it was declared to
be a symbol of the Church. The truth is that in such cases we
must see in the orante an idealised portrait of the departed,
praying in the beyond for those he or she has left behind. It is,
however, a different matter when orantes have no name attached,
and are found under circumstances which exclude any allusion to
the dead, but which allow of an application to the Church.2
This, for instance, is the case with the most ancient sarco
phagus in the Lateran Museum, a work of exceptionally beautiful
classical design. It is one of the few which certainly date from
the period previous to Constantine, and probably belongs to the
time of the Antonines, i.e. to the latter half of the second century.
On this masterpiece, which hails from the Christian cemeteries on
the Salarian Way, an idealised orante is placed in such associa
tion with the Good Shepherd that she can be taken only as
our Saviour's Bride, i.e. as the Church.3 Even then Christians
were wont to call the Church " Virgin and Mother " (virgo
et mater)? The figuring of the Church as a woman was quite usual in
primitive times. This is evident from the imagery and compari
sons used for the Church in the " Shepherd " of Hermas ; in the
so-called second homily of St. Clement ; 5 and, in some sense too,
in the epitaph of Abercius, where Pistis (Faith) is personified
as a woman, who accompanies the Christian bishop upon his
1 Garrucci, PL 310. See present work, vol. i., p. 135.
2 De Rossi, Bull. arch, crist, 1872, p. 39 ; Wilpert, Ein Cyklus christol. Gemalde,
p. 33 ; and, with a different interpretation, Rom. Quartalschr., 1899, p. 23; cp. above,
p. 153, note 1.
3 See illustration in de Rossi, 1891, PL 2-3 ; cp. p. 55 ff. ; Marucchi, Guida del
museo later. PI. 3 ; Kraus, Gesch. der christi. Kunst, 1, p. 240. A similar combination
will be found in Garrucci, PL 371, fig. 2.
4 « Virgo mater, sponsa Christi!' thus in the legend of SS. Nereus and Achilleus ;
cp. DE ROSSI, Roma sott, 1, p. 348.
5 Funk, Opera Pair. Apost, 1, p. 161 ff

200 ROME AND THE POPES [No.293
wanderings, and everywhere in the assembly of the friends sets
before him the Eucharistic Fish.1
The custom of delineating the Church as a woman in prayer
passed into the figurative language of the Middle Ages. Upon
the miniatures decorating the tenth and eleventh century scrolls
of the Paschal hymn Exsultet, which is sung on Holy Saturday,
an orante is sometimes depicted near the words ecclesia mater.
Moreover, upon mediaeval works the Church very often appears
as a virgin in a posture of faith and trust at the foot of the crucified
Saviour, whilst the Synagogue, also figured as a woman, turns
away in pride and unbelief from the Cross.2
Another very frequent figure of the Church is a ship. This
symbol, also an ancient one, held its own in the Middle Ages.
On Roman and Italian sculptures of the early Christian school
we may see Christ in the ship at the helm, while the Apostles —
and in one instance also the Evangelists, expressly designated by
name — are rowing. Sometimes a lighthouse is visible on the
shore, to remind us of the haven of life everlasting. Sometimes
under the ship appears a dolphin, which figures our Saviour, and
bears the Church upon its back. Again, a fish occasionally
accompanies the ship, and carries the Eucharistic bread in its maw.
Finally, the ship may be seen in a storm, carrying those within it
in safety, whereas those without are tossed by the waves and fall
a prey to the elements. This is but a figurative way of express
ing the truth that outside of the Church there is no salvation.
Something similar is also signified by the oft-recurring scene of
Noe in his Ark.3
St. Maximus of Turin, a contemporary of Pope Leo and
Pope Hilary, in one of his homilies, concludes with these words
a lengthy explanation of the ship of Peter : " Christ sails in that
ship alone, which is navigated by Peter as teacher. . . . This
ship travels over the high seas of this life, and while the world is
1 It would be wrong to cite in this connection the mosaic in the Oratory of St.
Venantius, near the Lateran Baptistery, for the feminine figure to be seen there is
neither symbolical nor the portrait of some consecrated virgin in episcopal pallium, but
wears the mappula, a vestment frequently found in pictures of our Lady. Cp. Analecta
rom., I, p. 552. On Abercius, see present work, vol. i., p. 317.
2 Cp. the figure in the upper portion of the Exsultet scroll (tenth century) of the
Biblioth. casanatensis in Rome, in LANGLOIS, Mdlanges d'arch. et dhist, 1886, PL 8;
cp. p. 476 ; Wilpert, Nuovo Bull, di arch, crist, 1899 ; de Rossi, Bull. arch, crist,
1891, p. 63.
3 Wilpert, Realencykl. der christi. Alterth. (Kraus), 2, p. 731 ; de Rossi, Bull.
arch, crist, 1868, p. 77 ff ; 1870, p. 53 ff. ; 1871, p. 125.

111. 141.— A Sarcophagus of the Lateran. To the Left, Peter strikes the Rock; his apprehension; receives Christ's
promise. The remainder shows wonders wrought by Christ.

No. 294]

ST. PETER IN ART

overwhelmed in the flood, it saves all those who trust themselves
upon it. . . . When the waters of the deluge had subsided, a
dove brought to Noe in his ark the emblem of peace. Christ also
brings blessed peace to the Church of Peter, when the Day of
Judgment comes, for He is the Dove ; yea, He is Peace."1
On the work alluded to above as including also the Evangelists,
our Saviour, clearly designated by His name " f estis," stands
at the prow of the ship. According to de Rossi's well-founded
supposition, at the stern, now broken away, sat St. Peter with his
hand on the rudder. In another scene Peter is discovered in a
ship with Christ, busily engaged in catching fish.2

294. So far as the representation in Roman art of the Prince
of the Apostles, Peter, is concerned, we have already mentioned
some of the com
moner types : Peter
is the counterpart
of Moses in that he
obtains water by
striking the rock
(111. 141) ;3 on two
early Christian frag
ments of gilt-glass
the figure of Moses
striking the rock
actually bears the
name P E T R V S
(111. 142).4 Again
we find Peter re
ceiving from Christ,
with the prediction
of his weakness, the
office of confirming
his brethren. He is also represented with the staff of authority ;
for instance, on the ivory pyx in Berlin, where, for the sake of
1 Serm. 114: De mirabilibus (P.L., LVIL, 721 ff).
2 On the fragment showing the prow, see DE ROSSI, I.e., 1871, p. 127 ; on the other
ship, see ibid., p. 128. Cp. Garrucci, Storia delP arte, 6, 105, on the Lamp of Valerius,
which also takes the shape of a ship. See vol. i. 111. 14.
3 Photograph by Tuminello of Rome. In the middle is the healing of the paralytic,
who is carrying his bed ; to the right the cure of the man born blind, the miracle of
Cana, and that of the loaves. i Kraus, Roma soil.2, p. 339 ff., PL 6, fig. 2.

111. 142. — Moses — Peter.
Gilt-glass in the Vatican.

202 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 295
greater clearness, the staff is shown as a club (111. 143). x Especi
ally frequent is the scene in which Christ bestows on Peter the
scroll of the law (Dominus legem dat). This last scene is found
even on a picture in the Catacombs.2
Wherever St. Peter is represented with other saints or apostles
which is frequently the case both in the Catacombs and elsewhere,
he always occupies the place of honour. When shown in such
groups he has under his feet a stool or suppedaneum. It is worth
noting in this connection that in ancient art the suppedaneum was a
royal emblem.3
In the time of Leo the Great, Neon, Archbishop of Ravenna,
had Peter represented on two large pictures, which served as a
decoration to the refectory of his new episcopal residence. On
one was shown Peter's call to convert the heathen, i.e. his vision
of the linen sheet let down from heaven with all manner of
unclean animals ; on the other, Peter, surrounded by the other
apostles, was receiving from the hand of God coming from on
high the Law of the New Covenant. As late as the ninth cen
tury, Agnellus, the Ravennese historian and presbyter, was still
able to decipher the old inscription in hexameters placed by Neon
under the two paintings. In these verses he sings the praises of
Peter, set up by our Saviour to be a light for ever among the
apostles— -Peter, that stable foundation of God's House, who
makes the Church to shine in light and might ; who tames the
rough hearts of men with the doctrine of truth, and teaches all
Christians to live in harmony.4
295. On old pictures St. Peter is often shown with a cross,
1 Photograph taken with the kind permission of Mgr. Baumgarten from Die kalho-
lische Kirche (Leo-Gesellsch., 1899, p. 3). Previous illustrations of this pyx are not to be
trusted. 2 In the picture from the Catacomb of Priscilla, made public by Wilpert in de Rossi's
Bullettino (1889, PL 7 ; cp. p. 23 ff).
3 Peter's taking of the first place among the apostles reminds us of the ducatus of
the apostolate which an anonymous successor of St. Peter (in the work De aleatoribus,
which cannot be later than the third century) ascribes to himself. Cp. present work,
vol. i., p. 310. On the fifth-century terra-cotta scene of the Last Judgment, in the Museo
Barberini in Rome, of all the apostles, Peter alone is seated on Christ's right, and has a
suppedaneum. Cp. KRAUS, Rom. Quartalschr., 1892, p. 1 ff. ; GARRUCCI, Storia delP
arte, 1, p. 383, on the faldstool or faldistorium and high predella occupied by Peter in
the scene of the Washing of the Feet.
4 Agnellus, ed. Holder-Egger (Mon. Germ, hist, Script, rer. tang, et Hal., p. 293).
In the penultimate stanza of the second poem we follow Garrucci (1, 510) in reading
" unum omnes" instead of " tu omnes" : " Bis senos inter fratres inprincipe sistis | Ipse
loco, legesque novae tibi dantur ab alto, \ Quis fera corda domas hominum, (quis) pectora
mulcts | Christicolasque doces unum omnes esse per orbem. \ lamque tuis meritis Christi
parat gloria regnum?



111. 143. — Peter with the Staff.
(From a pyx in Berlin.)

no. 295] ST. PETER IN ART 203
which sometimes assumes the form of the monogram, but occasion
ally has the usual shape. This cross, placed in his hands, is "the
banner of the Church's kingdom, whose standard-bearer and leader
Peter is."1
Dracontius, a Christian poet from Africa, who flourished to
wards the end of the fifth century, bestows on Peter some titles
which read like a commentary on those pictures in which he is
seen with the cross. Dracontius speaks of him as the "standard-
bearer of the sublime cross, the God-appointed captain of nations
without number." A bronze statuette in Berlin, which displays
St. Peter holding aloft a cross-monogram out of all proportion
to his size, would seem to represent him as standard-bearer of
Christ's kingdom.2 On a medal, which may have been struck in
the fifth century, Peter is holding the cross- monogram -

whilst

he receives from Christ the scroll of the Law.3 This medal would
seem to have been intended to be worn, the round holes with
which it is pierced being no doubt designed to enable it to be
sewn on to some article of dress. The custom of thus wearing
medals is one which can be shown by other proofs to have been
prevalent in the early Church. In all likelihood in Rome itself
such medals of St. Peter were in great demand, especially among
the pilgrims.
To mark the high esteem in which St. Peter was held, early
Christian art was also wont to depict him as the chief shepherd
feeding his sheep.
On a mosaic of the Roman Basilica Pudentiaria, for instance,
he was to be seen seated between two sheep, which he is watching.
The inscription of the mosaic in question showed that it belonged
to the pontificate of Pope Siricius, i.e. to the fourth century. In
1 De Rossi, Bull, di arch, crist, 1869, p. 45.
2 W. BODE, Die ital. Plastik (Hdb. der kbnigl. Museen zu Berlin, 1891, p. 1, 3) ;
KRAUS, Gesch. der christi. Kunst, I, p. 232. The statuette is not quite four inches in
height. There can be no doubt that it does represent St. Peter. Professor Miiller, in
an address to the Roman Congress of Christian Archasology (April 1899) pointed out
that it may have formed a part of a bronze lamp, and instanced certain resemblances
with the lamp of Valerius (present work, vol. i., 111. 14), which is adorned with similar
statuettes. The work, which may belong to the fourth century, is also interesting, as it
shows the features then attributed to the Prince of the Apostles. For Dracontius, see
his Laudes Dei, 3,217 ff. P.L., LX., 857. _ .
3 De Rossi, Delle medaglie dell' etd della pace e del trionfo, in Bull. arch, crist, 1869,
p. 43, fig. 4. In St. Peter's an ancient, richly-adorned Christian sarcophagus beneath
the altar of Popes SS. Leo II., III., and IV. presents, among other scenes, one in which
Peter receives the Law from Christ, holding a cross-monogram fixed on a long staff.

204 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 295
this picture the Apostle would seem to have been seated on a
cathedra, in token of his authority. His head was encircled by a
nimbus, which at that time was not allowed to every saint, but
only to our Redeemer, and occasionally to our Lady and the
Princes of the Apostles.1
On the font at St. Peter's the Apostle may also have been
depicted as a shepherd — at least there is a temptation to follow
Garrucci in reading thus a passage from Prudentius in which the
poet describes how Peter at this spot leads the thirsty sheep to
water.2 The ushering into heavenly bliss of the souls of the departed
is a function often attributed to the saints by early Christian art.
It is, however, deserving of notice that for this purpose the saints
chosen are usually the Princes of the Apostles ; in such scenes
Peter appears as the heavenly doorkeeper, to whom the keys of
heaven are committed, and Paul as his inseparable companion.
Not until comparatively lute, i.e. apparently not before the
fifth century, did it, however, become usual for artists to place in
Peter's hands the keys alluded to in the Gospel. Neither in the
paintings of the Catacombs nor on the fragments of gilt-glass,
where Peter is so frequently found, do we ever see that picture of
him with the keys of which later art was so fond. The bestowal
of the power of the keys is, however, shown as an historical scene
on the sarcophagi, though more frequently on those of Southern
Gaul than on those of Rome.3
The whole right hand portion of the front of a sarcophagus in
the crypt of St. Peter's is devoted to the Prince of the Apostles.
In the compartment at the end Peter is receiving the keys from
Christ, shown as a youth ; to mark his reverence, he accepts them,
not with his naked hands, but in the hollow formed by his pallium,
which he holds spread out between his arms. In the next arcade
his fall is predicted by Christ, and he receives the office of con
firming his brethren. In yet another compartment he is seen
holding a tall cross and approaching Christ, who, with His left
hand, offers him an open scroll in token of his office. A pecu
liarity of this scene is formed by the sheep surrounding the hill
1 The old drawing of Ciacconio (Cod. Vatic, 5407, p. 82) was printed by de Rossi,
Bull, arch crist, 1867, p. 43. Cp. ibid, concerning a picture of St. Domitilla.
2 Peristephanon, 12,43, B.L., lx., 564; GARRUCCI, Storia del! arte, 1, p. 401. Cp.
Anal, rom., 1, p. 92, an inscription in the Vatican Baptistery.
3 Kraus, Gesch. der christi. Kunst, 1, p. 247.

no. 295] ST. PETER IN ART 205
on which Christ stands, and from which a number of streams
take their rise. This portion of the picture signifies the spiritual
benefits conferred by the true Divine Shepherd, who is about to
create Himself a vicar in the supreme pastorate.1
As to the mosaic of Galla Placidia, on the Triumphal Arch of
St. Paul's, we should not be justified in adducing it in this con
nection. It is true that on it Peter holds in his hand the keys ;
but, as already explained (see above, p. 75), his portrait, like
that of St. Paul with the sword, is a later restoration.2
On the other hand, in the mosaic .of the Arian church of S.
Agata in the Subura, adorned by Ricimer, the keys belonged to
the design of the early artist. They were borne by Peter on
his hands, which were covered reverently by his pallium. A
counterpart of this figure is to be seen even now in Ravenna,
in the mosaic erected by Theodoric, the Arian King of the Goths,
in the Baptistery of S. Maria in Cosmedin. On the picture of
the Ascension in the Syriac codex of the Laurenziana in Florence,
a work belonging to 586, Peter again has the keys in his hand ;
he, too, alone among the Apostles, bears a high cross.3
With both cross and keys Peter appears on the mosaic of
Pelagius II., in the Roman Basilica of San Lorenzo fuori le mura,
and on that of John IV. in the chapel of St. Venantius in the
Lateran Baptistery. Finally, we must not forget the great bronze
statue in the Vatican Basilica of St. Peter with the keys, which,
as we said before, most likely belongs to the fifth or sixth
century.4 On all these representations, with the exception of the Syriac
codex, the keys are always of the ordinary shape with which we
are familiar to-day, and which they assume even in the bronze
statue of the Vatican. Hence there is no justification in the con
tention that the form of the key shows the statue in question to
be of later date, seeing that the early Church was well acquainted
with keys of the present shape.5
1 Garrucci, Storia delP arte, PL 330, fig. 5.
2 De ROSSI, Musaici, Arco di Placidia.
3 The mosaic of S. Agata, in Garrucci, PI. 240, n. 2, after the sketch in the Vatican
codex of Ciacconio, n. 5407 ; present work, vol. i. 111. 21. S. Maria of Ravenna, in
GARRUCCI, PL 241. The picture from the Laurenziana, ibid., PL 139, n. 2.
4 The mosaic of San Lorenzo is in Garrucci, PL 271 ; de Rossi, Musaici, San
Lorenzo. That of San Venanzio, in Garrucci, PL 272 ff. ; de Rossi, Musaici, S.
Venanzio. 6 In the Christian Museum of the Vatican the originals of some such keys are
preserved.

206 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 295
We may fittingly close our sketch of the old representations of
St. Peter by quoting a suggestive passage from Optatus of Mileve.
This advocate of unity against the African Donatists wrote as
follows in the fourth century: "For the sake of unity was Peter
exalted above all the Apostles ; he alone received the keys
of heaven that he might communicate them to the rest. . . .
There were many who had never faltered, and yet one alone,
he, namely, who had offended the Lord by his sin, received the
keys." Optatus accordingly lays stress on the fact that the keys
were not given to Peter out of consideration for his deeds, but
solely for the sake of the Church's unity.1
Primacy and Oneness, such is the twofold idea everywhere
seen and felt in the history of the Church and Papacy. This
same idea will loom very large in the storms which Rome and
Italy have to traverse at the commencement of the Middle Ages.
1 Optatus Milevitanus, De schism. Donatist, 7, 3. P.L., XL, 1087.

II.— ROME AND THE POPES DURING THE
GOTHIC DOMINATION IN ITALY

CHAPTER I
THE POPES DURING THE EARLY PERIOD OF THE GOTHIC
KINGDOM IN ITALY
Pope Felix III. (483-492)
296. Odovacar's rule in Italy was not destined to endure.
Another Germanic chieftain came with his brave followers to
overthrow it
Theodoric, the Ostrogoth, in agreement with the Emperor
Zeno, assembled an army at Novae (Szistowo) in Mcesia (488),
and set out for Italy, accompanied by his whole nation. Once
more that afflicted country was to experience the horrors of
foreign invasion. " A whole people," writes a contemporary,
" came down upon us ; for houses they had caravans, and every
thing they could lay hands on they swept into their vagrant
tents."1 In the art of war, in generalship and in numbers the Ostrogoths
were superior to the mercenary leader, Odovacar, and the Italians
under his command. In battles on the Isonzo and at Verona
Theodoric was victorious, and in 490 or 491 the city of Rome,
like the rest of Italy, was compelled to accept his sway. Ravenna
alone, protected by its walls and the sea, still offered a shelter to
Odovacar and the remnant of his forces. For three years he
defended himself there with heroic courage. Not until March 5,
493, did the fortress capitulate. John, Bishop of Ravenna, acted
as envoy, and was successful in securing favourable terms for
Odovacar. "He opened the gates of the city," writes Agnellus,
the Ravenna chronicler, "and went forth accompanied by priests
and clerics, with crosses, censers, and the gospel-books, to demand
terms of the oppressor. The band chanted psalms and bowed
down to the ground in supplication. Bishop John's wish was
granted : not only the inhabitants of Ravenna, but all the
1 Ennodius, Paneg. Theodorici, ed. SlRMOND, p. 963.
VOL. II. 209 0

210 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 297
Romans, were promised quarter. Then followed the surrender
of the city." J
But although Theodoric had promised Odovacar his life and
freedom and a share in the government, he, soon after, slew him
with his own hand, for he was anxious to govern Italy as sole
ruler. His residence he fixed at Ravenna, and not in Rome, nor
did he make his entry into Rome until the year 500.
The foundation in Italy of the Ostrogothic kingdom was as
much due to the crafty policy of the Byzantines as to the energy
and talents of Theodoric. The inhabitants of Eastern Rome had
always considered Odovacar in the light of a usurper, and it was
merely to displace him that the Emperor Zeno had called the
Ostrogoths into Italy. He hoped to reap advantage from the
struggle between his two dangerous foes. As a matter of fact,
Theodoric's retreat from Mcesia did relieve Constantinople, the
eastern capital, from the standing terror caused by the presence
in its neighbourhood of the warlike Goths. Even when Theo
doric had proved victorious, he continued to acknowledge Zeno as
Emperor, governing Italy only as the representative of the Roman
Emperor. Under his capable rule the administration of the coun
try was improved ; the soldierly qualities and discipline of his race,
added to the strength of this popular ruler, and his impartial
justice and kindly treatment of the Romans reconciled the^ country
to its fate.
This alteration in the conditions prevailing in Italy began
under the pontificate of Felix III. (483-492), and was completed
during that of the great Pope Gelasius (492-496).
297. Of Felix III. we have already stated that he was a
member of the Roman family of the Anicii, an ancestor of
Gregory I., and Leo the Great's third successor on the throne of
Peter. His pontificate was disturbed not only by the downfall of
Odovacar's kingdom, but also by a violent persecution of the
Catholics, started by the Vandal King. Theodoric and his
Ostrogoths were indeed Arians, but they respected the Catho
licism of their Italian subjects; only towards the close of his life
did Theodoric become a persecutor. On the contrary, among
1 Agnellus, Liber pont. eccl. Ravenn., ed. Holder-Egger (Mon. Germ. hist. Script
lang. et ital), p. 303 : "pax ilia ab eo cuncessa est, non solum Ravennenses cives, sed
etiam omnibus Romanis, quibus beatus postulavit lohatmes."

NO. 297] FELIX III. 211
the Vandals in Africa, who had never associated on friendly terms
with the native Roman population, the flames of hatred and per
secution of the orthodox Romans blazed forth fiercely under King
Hunneric, the son of Genseric, especially at the beginning of the
pontificate of Felix III.
Hunneric hoped to strengthen his hold on the country by
compelling the natives to adopt the Arian tenets. He fancied
that an Arian National Church, subservient to the King, would
be the best guarantee for the persistence of the Vandal domination
in Africa. But the blood which he shed in torrents had the
opposite effect ; it prepared the way for the shattering of the
Vandal kingdom, which had in reality never emerged from bar
barism. Victor Vitensis, author of a history of this persecution,
revolted by the sight of their cruelty, addresses the Vandals as
follows : " You are capable of nought but of hating the Romans ;
all you desire is to degrade their nation and race, and you would
fain exterminate every citizen." 1
During that persecution, steadfast Catholics to the number of
4976 were, in a single year, despatched into the desert, where
they perished from hardship and want. The bishops were
banished to islands, especially to Corsica, where they were forced
to fell wood for ship-building. In many cases Catholics heroically
suffered death or mutilation in proof of the strength of their
religious convictions. An envoy of the Emperor Zeno was able
to see for himself how the blood of the Faithful was shed with
refined cruelty even in the streets of Carthage.
This the envoy saw when actually on his way to Hunneric's
palace, whither he was proceeding, under his sovereign's orders,
to endeavour to obtain a respite in the persecution. According
to Evagrius, Zeno had been begged by Pope Felix III. to use
his influence on this behalf with the Vandal King, a statement
which seems credible. The misfortunes of the African Faithful
and their bishops must have touched Rome's heart no less than
the plight of Italy, ravaged by war, and the ominous dissensions
of the Eastern Churches.2
As soon as the storm in Africa had subsided through Hun
neric's death in 484, Pope Felix turned all his attention to the
1 Victor Vitensis, Historia persecutions vandal., 5, c. 18. Leclercq, L'Afrique
chrdt, 1, p. 182 ff.
2 Evagrius, Hist, eccl., 3, c. 20.

212 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 297
spiritual welfare of the distressed population. Among other
matters it was necessary to settle the conditions for the readmis-
sion of Catholics, whether lay or clerical, who had fallen away.
This was done by the Pope at a Roman Synod held in 487, and
attended by forty-three bishops.1

Felix regarded the future of the East with great apprehension.
Belief in the Church's oneness was there waning fast under the
influence of the Acacian schism. On the other hand, the fatal
principle of the omnipotence of the secular sovereign in all
domains, both civil and religious, was making triumphant head
way. It will be sufficient for our purpose to recall the cause of
the schism : this was the Henoticon issued by the Emperor Zeno
in favour of the Monophysites. This led to the excommunication
of Acacius, Patriarch of Constantinople, by Pope Felix in July
484, in consequence of the Patriarch's attitude towards the
heretics. The name of Acacius has ever since remained attached
to the prolonged schism between Old and New Rome which was
the result. In language worthy of an ancient Roman, the Pope
fearlessly pointed out to the Emperor how ill his conduct befitted
such a sovereign, and how unfortunate it was for the unity of the
Church, for the dignity of Peter, and even for the welfare of the
Empire. " Your Highness has informed me," so he writes on August
1, 484, "that my detailed exposition of the truth proved both
tiresome and irritating. Well, I shall now use fewer words,
but I shall repeat the truth." The letter goes on to show the
injustice of maltreating and misleading the Papal legates. Am
bassadors sent by St. Peter had been refused the safe-conduct
guaranteed by the law of nations. Once for all the Holy See
would never recognise a heretic like Peter of Alexandria. " Since
You find my admonitions wearisome, I leave it to You to decide
which you hold dearer, communion with Peter Mongus or com
munion with Peter the Apostle. . . . 2
" I must, however, point out to You one fact. The highest
power in temporal matters has been bestowed upon You, together
1 Council of March 13, 487, in THIEL, Ep. rom. pont, p. 259; MANSI, 7, 1171 ;
Jaffe-Kaltenbr., Regesta rom. pont, p. 82.
2 Thiel, I.e., p. 247 ; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., I.e., n. 601.

no. 298] GELASIUS I. 213
with the obligation of leaving the direction of spiritual affairs in
the hands of those whom God has appointed for this purpose.
Your Government has everything to gain by allowing the Catholic
Church to govern itself in accordance with its own laws ; espe
cially bearing in mind that it has already helped You to regain
Your crown [from Basiliscus]. Where God's ordinances are
concerned, You will be considering the interest of Your Empire
in submitting, according to God's institution, Your Imperial will
to the priesthood ; in receiving with faith, without seeking to
preach it Yourself, the doctrine of salvation from the heads of the
Church ; in observing the laws of religion without forcing civil
ordinances on the Church, to the dishonour of its Divine
Founder." 1
Felix III. died March 1, 492. He was not interred in St.
Peter's, the usual burial-place of the Popes of that day, but in
St. Paul's on the Ostian Way, most probably because his family
was closely connected with this church. He was succeeded by
Gelasius I., who seems to have been consecrated on the same
day.2 Pope Gelasius I. (492-496)
298. The principles expressed by Felix in his letter to Zeno
were unswervingly upheld by Gelasius against both Zeno and his
successor Anastasius.
This Pope, a man of strong character and great perspicacity,
owing to his many writings dealing with the questions of the
Eastern Church, and his learned treatises on various heresies,
became both the theologian and the historian of the struggles of
that day. In consequence of his character, and perhaps of his
African descent, his literary style has more vigour than that of
1 . . . Regiam voluntatem sacerdotibus Christi studeatis subdere, non praeferre, et
sacrosancta per eorum praesules discere potius quam docere, &c. Cp. with the language
used by Felix III. in his other letter to the Emperor (Thiel, p. 270 ; Jaffe-Kaltenbr.,
n. 612) : " haec ergo . . . tamquam sollicitus pater, salutem prosperitatemque clementis-
simi filii manere cupiens diuturnam, fidenter imploro" &c. At that time we often find
the Popes in their letters calling the Emperor their son. Cp. Gelasius to the Emperor
Anastasius (Thiel, p. 350; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 632): " quia, gloriose fili, et sicut
Romanus natus Romanum principem amo, colo, suspicio" &c. Felix III. writes to
Bishop Vetranio (Thiel, p. 276; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 615), that he should give good
advice to " domno filio nostro christianae meritis Augusto" the Emperor being " prae-
cipuus sacrae re ligionis filius."
2 Duchesne (Liber pont, 1, cclii.) dates the death of Felix III. more accurately
than Jaffe (2 ed., 1, p. 83). In the chronology of the ensuing pontificates the more
recent calculations of Duchesne in his edition of the Liber pontificalis are to be preferred.

214 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 298
his Roman predecessor ; he seems also to have been filled, even
more than Felix, with the consciousness of the plenitude of power
he owed to Peter. Against the Greeks, Gelasius was emphatic
in upholding the doctrine vouched for by the whole of tradition,
viz. that the confession of the Apostolic See is unassailable ;
" that it never will be deformed by any stain of false doctrine or
any contamination of error ; for if such a thing could happen to
us," he continues, " which we are firmly convinced never will,
how could we claim to resist foreign heresies, and whence could
we expect admonition for other wanderers from the path of
truth ? " 1 <
But while formulating these principles and demanding obedi
ence from the highly placed ringleaders of the Greek schism, he
never forgets to pay them the respect due to their rank, writing
to them with the greatest deference. Even in his dealings with
so narrow-minded and tyrannical an Emperor as Anastasius, who
succeeded Zeno, this courtesy did not fail him ; for after Anas-
tasius's accession, and at the Emperor's request, he sent him
a friendly letter.2
Some bishops who strove to persuade the Pope to take over-
indulgent measures were quietly enlightened as to what the
Acacian schism meant. For instance, he explained to the Dar-
danian Episcopate how necessary and well-justified was Rome's
demand that the schismatics should cease from honouring the
memory of Acacius, the excommunicate. Among other things
he says : " If the schismatics obstinately insist on bestowing on the
leaders of the faction favouring monophysism and the Henoticon
the liturgical honours of the diptychs, they become partakers in
these fatal errors of faith, and are doing their best to poison
Catholic truth by heresy." 3 Not even the admission of the
1 Epist ad Anastasium August, n. 6 (Thiel, p. 353; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 632).
A. Roux justly points out (Le pape Gdlase, 1880) that the strongest testimonies to the
moral ascendancy of the Primacy at that time are to be found in Gelasius. He quotes
(p. 79) a passage from the Defensio declarationis cleri gallicani, ascribed to Bossuet :
"... quo melius pontificum de suae sedis amplitudine mag7iificenlius dixit." Some
passages from Gelasius were incorporated by the Vatican Council in the Constitution
De ecclesia Christi, particularly in those portions of the Constitution which relate to the
Primacy of the Holy See.
2 This letter was cited in the previous note. In this letter is found, amidst many
exhortations, the famous passage : " Duo quippe sunt, imperator auguste, quibus prin-
cipaliter mundus hie regitur : auctoritas sacrata pontificum et regalis potestas. In quibus
tanto gravius est pondus sacerdotum, quanto etiam pro ipsis regibus hominum in divino
reddituri sunt examine rationem" (THIEL, p. 350 ff).
3 Epist. ad episcopos Dardaniae (THIEL, p. 335 ff. Collectio Avellana, ed. GUENTHER
{Corpus SS. eccles. tat, 1895], Pars I., p. 220 ff. Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 623).

no. 299] GELASIUS I. 215
Primacy of Peter by his Greek opponents availed to turn him
from his purpose.1
One special grievance against the Greeks was their obstinacy
in claiming for the See of Constantinople its usurped pre-eminence.
Like Leo the Great and Damasus, Gelasius repeatedly entered
the lists on behalf of the " second See," as he called Alexandria,
and of the third, which was Antioch. These two, so he laid it
down, and not Constantinople, followed immediately after Rome
in rank. The Imperial Court, as Gelasius argues, had resided
at Ravenna and Milan, at Sirmium and Treves, yet the bishops
of these places never tried to exalt themselves at the expense of
their brethren, as the Bishop of Constantinople would fain do,
because he lives under the shadow of the Imperial Palace.2
In Italy and in the West generally, in spite of the ruin con
sequent on the immigration of the barbarians, the Pope saw better
grounds for hope and comfort than in the East. To Bishop
Rusticus of Lyons he opened his heart, in 494, when expressing
to him his joy at the unity and charity of the Gallic Bishops ; he
invites him to share his sorrow over the East : " What pain, what
persecution oppresses us on account of the business of this godless
man Acacius. In spite of it all we stand firm ; amid all this
affliction we do not yield ; fear does not make our courage sink.
Though anxious and harassed, we rely upon Him who may allow
us to be tried, indeed, but never overcome." This letter he
despatched by Epiphanius, the saintly Bishop of Pavia, who was
then about to start for Burgundy on a mission to King Gundo-
bald ; Theodoric, the kindly King of the Ostrogoths, was desirous
of redeeming from this sovereign some of his prisoners of war.3
299. Though Theodoric remained an Arian, he treated the
Church with great fairness. The Gothic chieftain showed un
failing respect for Roman law and Roman civilisation. To him
Gelasius could turn with entire confidence whenever such rights
of Peter's successor were called into question as had been
recognised by Imperial law.*
1 Cp. letter of Felix III. (Thiel, p. 270 ; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 612) on the acknow
ledgment of the Primacy by the Patriarch Flavita (Phravitas) of Constantinople : " ad
beati Petri apostoli sedem suae refert dignitatis exordium . . . Petrum petram fidei esse
non tacuit," &c.
2 In another letter to the Bishops of Dardania : Thiel, pp. 392 ff, 414 ff. ; Guenther,
p. 369 ff. ; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 664. 3 Thiel, p. 359 ; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 634.
4 Thiel, p. 489. Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 722 ; cp. n. 641, 652. Other passages in
Schnurer, Die politische Stellung des Papstthums zur Zeit Theoderichs, in the Hist.
Jahrb., 9 (1888), 263, 264.

216 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 299
The Bishops of Italy, too, stood by the Church's head during
their country's distress. From Gelasius they received the fullest
instructions regarding the appointment of priests in the devastated
and often almost deserted districts. One letter to the Bishops of
Lucania, Bruttium, and Sicily dealing with ordinations and other
ecclesiastical matters holds an important place in canon law.1
One consoling feature in this Pope's work was his readiness to
protect right and freedom, and the poor from oppression, at a period
when violence and greed seemed everywhere rampant, even in
clerical circles.
Gelasius did not think it beneath him to place before his
bishops, and even before secular grandees, their duty of caring for
widows and orphans. The first letter of the series recently dis
covered in the British Museum contains a recommendation of a
widow named Antonina to three bishops, requesting them to give
her the protection of the law (tuitio), and adding that "nothing
better becomes the priestly office than defence of the weak and
helpless." 2
Not only did Gelasius constantly dispense alms to the needy,
but, according to the Liber pontificalis, on one occasion " he saved
the city of Rome from the danger of famine." Of this fact we
have no further information, but it would be reasonable to sup
pose that the chronicler refers to some larger gift than usual made
for the sustenance of the poor, and consisting of alms or a portion
of the revenue of the Church's patrimony. This help may have
been afforded on some occasion when, as was sometimes the case,
the usual annona of the city failed to be distributed in time owing
to the vessels laden with corn being scattered by a storm. On
some such occasion a certain faction among the nobility, deeply
attached to ancient customs, had superstitiously called upon Castor
and Pollux for a prosperous voyage, but the gods had, however,
failed to hearken to their prayers. Gelasius himself it is who
points this out to the devotees of heathen rites.3
Castor and Pollux were not alone in retaining some adherents
1 Thiel, pp. 360-379. Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 636.
2 LOEWENFELD, Epist rom. pont., I ; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 629.
3 Duchesne (Liber pont, 1, 256, note 6) quotes on the famine a passage from
Gelasius's work against the Lupercalia (c. 8, Thiel, p. 603) : " Castores vestri certe," &c.
The letter of Gelasius to Bishop Rusticus of Lugdunum (Lyons) (Thiel, p. 359 ; Jaffe-
Kaltenbr., n. 634) also seems to contain an allusion to the trial and to the help afforded
by outside charity : " quam in arcto fuerimus . . . quam utile fuerit et quod misit
[Aeonius, episcopus Arelatensis] et quod ad nos misisti, subsidium."

no. 299] GELASIUS I. 217
in Rome, for the Senator Andromachus and other tenacious
votaries of ancient Roman custom even ventured to take up the
cudgels on behalf of the Pagan Lupercalia. It is true the Luper-
caha were no longer regarded in the light of a heathen act of
worship, but as superstitious rites they had survived to that date.
On February 15, the traditional day for the celebration, youths
(luperci) clad in skins still ran about the city as of yore to scare
away the wolf of ill-luck. Amid all sorts of wild frolic, they struck
the women they met with their sacred whips, the blow being
credited by the foolish with the power of conferring fertility.
The procession was called Lupercalia, because it started from the
fabled Lupercal, the well-known cave on the Palatine. The
whips were called februa ; as these were supposed to avert evil
and bring health through purification, the expression februare
became synonymous with " to purify " ; whilst February (Febru
arys) was the month of purification.
Such traditions accordingly still survived under certain forms
in the fifth century. The folly of the Lupercalia even assumed
some importance under the Emperor Anthemius, for their celebra
tion in his reign has been specially recorded. It must, however,
have ceased about that time, for it is noticeable that in the
pontificate of Gelasius, what Andromachus and his friends pro
posed was no mere continuation of the ancient festival, but its
re-introduction. Their reason for seeking to re-establish it was the outbreak in
Rome of a pestilence which they ascribed to the discontinuance of
the Lupercalia, which, without further ado, they again brought
into vogue. Under these circumstances Gelasius thought it time
to put a stop once for all to this folly, for the claim to make the
festival a popular one was too provoking to be borne. The Bishop
of Rome accordingly issued an order prohibiting the Faithful to
take any part in the ceremonies.
He further attacked these rites and those who observed them
in a special work which has come down to us. Among other
things, he reminds his opponents that their beloved Lupercalia
had never afforded the city any protection against the great
calamities which had overtaken it. When Alaric advanced on
Rome, when civil war between Anthemius and Ricimer laid waste
the city, were not the Lupercalia still observed ? Not only does
he demonstrate the foolishness of this relic of paganism, but, as a

2i 8 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 299
good shepherd of souls, he points out that the reason of the
Divine displeasure and of the frequent calamities of the city might
well be sought in the heathen customs and heathen vices still
prevalent among many Romans.1
According to a view very generally received, Gelasius about
this time instituted the feast of the Purification of our Lady
(Candlemas), with its procession, in order to offer a counter-
attraction to the Pagan procession of the Lupercalia. This view
cannot, however, be proved historically. This festival of Mary,
with its characteristic accompaniment of the candles, was adopted
by Rome from the East; when, no one knows. It is first
mentioned as existing in Rome in the seventh century. ^Etheria,
however, found it already kept in Jerusalem in 386, though on
February 15 (14), i.e. forty days after the Epiphany, the Eastern
Christmas, and not on February 2, as in the present Roman
calendar. In Cyril's time the feast was observed in Alexandria
with a procession in which candles were carried. Theodotus of
Ancyra seems also to vouch for a similar custom. As, however,
February 15 was also the date of the heathen Lupercalia, some
connection may quite well exist between one festival and the
other.2 According to the Liber pontificalis, the watchful eye of
Gelasius detected the existence of Manichaeans in Rome, though
this sect was strictly forbidden by law. He had them expelled,
their books being burnt in the porch of Sta. Maria Maggiore.
In acting thus he was but following in the footsteps of Leo the
Great. He also showed great zeal against the Pelagians, who
had again appeared on the scene in Picenum and in Dalmatia.
In what concerned faith and morals Gelasius was indefatig
able in watching, warning, and stimulating the episcopate belong
ing to his province. The numerous excerpts of this sort from his
letters, which found their way later into canon law, show him in
the light of an active legislator in many fields.
300. The memory of Gelasius stood so high, even in the
1 Adv. Andromachum senatorem, &c. Thiel, p. 598 ff. GUENTHER, p. 453.
2 Cp. DUCHESNE, Origines du culte*, pp. 260, 461, and Liber pont., I, 381, note 43.
Baumer, Gesch. des Breviers, p. 300. Nilles, Calendarium, 1, 91. USENER, in Philo-
sophische Aufsdtze zu Ehren von E. Zeller, 1887, p. 286 ff. CABROL, Etude sur la
" Peregrinatio Silviae" (1895), p. 78. Stiglmayr, Katholik, 1895, 1, 566, on MlGNE,
P.G., vol. LXXVIL, 1040-1049, 1389-1412. KELLNER, Heortology, a History of the
Christian Festivals (Engl, trans.), p. 175. On Cyril, see E.G., LXXVIL, 1040 ff. On
Theodotus, ibid., 1389 ff. Cp. Vita S. Theodosii coenobiachae, P.G., XXXI II., 1186.

no.3oo] GELASIUS I. 219
period immediately following, that he must needs be accorded a
place of honour, second only to Leo the Great, among the fifth-
century Popes. That we should be justified in giving him such a
position is clear from what we know of him from other sources and
also from his writings, which reflect a vigorous, comprehensive,
and profound understanding. The Pope's character is spoken of
with warm appreciation by the learned Dionysius Exiguus in a
letter which heads his collection of laws. What he has here
gleaned from contemporaries and pupils of Gelasius bears the
stamp of truth and is no mere stereotyped official formula, such
as those with which we have so often to remain content in the
case of early Popes.1
" A saintly disposition animated him," says Dionysius. "He
accepted the highest place in the Church by God's will for the
salvation of many. In it he behaved more as a servant than a
sovereign. Together with the ornament of purity he possessed
profound wisdom. This man lived in prayer, reading, and study,
and, when necessary, would even pen documents with his own
hand. He found much pleasure in the society of monks. In
his spiritual conversation with them, he was inflamed with holy
love and sunk in the contemplation of God's Word. ... He
was also noted for his prudence and patience. Mortification and
fasting he preferred to pleasures, pride he vanquished by
humility, and so devoted was he to deeds of mercy that he
died in poverty, after relieving countless poor." Dionysius
continues his praise, extolling Gelasius as a man "great even
among the saints," as a Pope who had seen in the honour of his
supremacy only a crushing burden, whilst regarding the slightest
neglect of his office as an omission to the detriment of souls for
which he would have one day to answer.2
Gelasius was the most prolific writer of all the Popes who had
reigned hitherto. His homilies on the Bible and the Liturgy
have not come down to us, nor have his hymns and other works.
He wrote a Sacramentary, or at least composed prayers and pre
faces to improve the wording of the Mass. The so-called Sacra-
mentarium Gelasianum cannot, however, be termed his work,
owing to the many alterations and additions. Besides the
numerous letters and decrees already mentioned, we still possess
1 Cp. Duchesne, Liber pont, 1, 256, note 5.
2 Ep. ad lulianum presb. (Thiel, p. 286 ff. ).

220 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 301
several treatises by Gelasius on the heresies and schisms of his
day ; for instance, " Against the Heresy of the Pelagians," " On
the Penalty of Anathema," " On the Two Natures in Christ
against Eutyches and Nestorius"; finally, two tracts on the
Acacian schism. The Pope died, full of merit, on November 21,
496, and was buried in St. Peter's.1

Pope Anastasius II. (496-498)
301. The lamentable schism between old and new Rome
induced Gelasius's successor, Anastasius II. (Pope from Novem
ber 24, 496, to November 19, 498), at the very beginning of
his pontificate, to make the furthest possible advances in order
to bring about reconciliation and reunion.
He sent two bishops to Constantinople with a very deferential
letter, in which he notified his accession to the Emperor, and at
the same time requested in a friendly way that Peter's supremacy
over the whole Church should be acknowledged, Acacius's name
expunged, and Alexandria brought under the sway of orthodox
doctrine. He declares therein that the baptisms and orders con
ferred by Acacius would readily be acknowledged as valid in
Rome.2 In this condescendence Anastasius went beyond anything done
by his predecessor Gelasius. The latter had of course been
willing enough to accept Acacius's orders, but, for special reasons,
he had refused to take the initiative of sending to the Emperor a
letter of greeting.3 He had also avoided any intercourse with the
Patriarch of the Court, preferring to await events.
Pope Anastasius, on the other hand, at least sent verbal
messages of peace to the Patriarch of Constantinople. His
1 An allusion to the biblical and liturgical homilies is seen by Duchesne (Liber pont,
I, 257) in a codex of Gennadius at Verona (XXII.), where it is stated that Gelasius
" scribsit . . . tractatus diversarum scribturarum et sacramentorum delimato sermone."
On the Sacramentarium Gelasianum, cp. BISHOP, The Earliest Roman Mass-Book, in
the Dublin Review, 1894, II., 245 ff. On the titles of the treatises of Gelasius, which,
until Thiel's edition, were inserted in the Pope's epistolary, see Thiel, p. 1011.
2 Ep. ad Anastasium imp. (Thiel, p. 615 ; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 744). As regards
the principal cause of contention, he says: "Nomen taceatur Acacii, quod multis ex
causis scandalum vet ofifendiculum ecclesiarum concitavit" He clearly and strongly
condemns Acacius's " excessus atque praesumptiones" (Thiel, p. 617 ff).
3 GELASIUS, Ep. ad Anastasium imp. (Thiel, p. 349 ; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 632) :
" quum directi de partibus orientis vel videndi me licentiam sibi vestris praeceptionibus
abnegatam tota urbe disperserint." On the later conduct of Pope Gelasius, cp. Schnurer's
remarks on his letter to the Senator Faustus Niger in the Hist. Jahrb., 1888, p. 259.

no. aoi] POPE ANASTASIUS II. 221
envoys even found ways and means in the Greek capital to come
to an understanding with the apocrisiaries of the schismatic
Patriarch of Alexandria, and the latter promised the legates to
justify himself to the Pope in a document which he would entrust
to them. These demonstrations of goodwill towards the separated
Easterns on the part of Anastasius seem to have caused great
annoyance to a certain section of the higher clergy of Rome — a
common phenomenon in the history of the Popes. A new Pope
will frequently seek to heal previous dissensions, the change in
the person embodying the supreme power, making this easier to
accomplish in the Church than in a temporal kingdom governed
by dynastic traditions. The efforts of the new Pope in such
cases are, however, very likely to prove offensive to the sup
porters of the previous policy.
Anastasius II., besides taking the measures we have mentioned,
entered into communication, greatly to the dismay of his friends,
with the See of Thessalonica, which then stood under a cloud.
In that region the Acacian schism had found vehement advocates
and patrons, particularly in Andrew the Archbishop. On the
arrival in Rome of his deacon, Photinus, sent as an envoy, people
with amazement saw him honourably received by the Pope and
admitted to communion. Such people had either never learnt or
had forgotten that Andrew had already made amends in public.
He had published, both in his own and in the neighbouring
dioceses, a letter of reconciliation which he had received from
Gelasius, and had besides solemnly anathematised Acacius. The
choice of his deacon Photinus as envoy to Rome was, however,
not fortunate, for he seems to have been wanting in discretion,
and to have made false statements among the Roman clergy
regarding the conditions laid down for his bishop's reconcilia
tion. A certain senator named Festus, himself inclined to give
Byzantium more than its due, also seems to have contributed
to the misunderstanding of the course of action taken by
Anastasius.1 Thus, in the very bosom of the Roman Church, a strong
party was found to withstand their own bishop. The enemies
of Anastasius believed that he had needlessly swerved from the
1 On Festus and his intrigues in Constantinople, see Schnurer, ibid., p. 267.

222 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 302
stern attitude of the two previous Popes, and that the Church
would suffer for his policy of weakness. It was even spread
abroad that the Pontiff, in his zeal for peace, would, after a while,
revoke the condemnation of Acacius.
His episcopal envoys had scarcely returned from Constanti
nople, and discontent was yet rife among the clergy of the city,
when the Pope's death terminated his brief pontificate.
At the next election the rightful choice fell on the deacon
Symmachus, a Sardinian, who was consecrated November 22,
498. At this election the Roman clergy were not, however,
unanimous, one small faction refusing to concur, and ultimately
setting up an antipope, in the person of Lawrence, the arch-
presbyter. The supporters and followers of the antipope were only a frac
tion of the clergy, consisting mainly of short-sighted men who were
over-disposed to peace, and who had really expected Anastasius
to subscribe to the Henoticon. They now fixed their hopes on
Lawrence. This party was, however, ultimately obliged, as we
shall see, to yield to Symmachus.
Symmachus on his part dealt sternly with the Greeks, who
had already shown their unreliability and love of schism.
302. The cloud resting upon the memory of Anastasius II.
was responsible for the one-sided view taken of him by some later
members of the Roman clergy. Of it we find the traces even in
the statement of the author of the Liber pontificalis, who brings a
formal charge against Anastasius II.: "The Pope secretly in
tended to restore the memory and honour of Acacius, but this
he was not allowed to do ; he died, overtaken by the judgment
of God."1 This statement of the Pope's insincerity is an untruth. It is
disproved by official documents, of which the author of those lines
was ignorant. His allusion to the speedy death of Anastasius as
a Divine punishment may have met the views of some of his con
temporaries, but it has no foundation in fact. The short notice in
the Liber pontificalis had, however, an unexpected result in later
ages. The book, with all its defects, was in mediaeval times the
principal source of the history of the Popes. Its comments on
Anastasius were accordingly accepted without hesitation as
1 Liber pont, i, 258, Anastasius, n. 75 : " voluit occulte revocare Acacium et non
potuit; qui nutu divino percussus est."

N0.302] POPE ANASTASIUS II. 223
authentic, particularly after they had been incorporated bodily
by Gratian in his famous collection of laws.1
The chroniclers of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries
were not satisfied even with this. A Pope who had sought to
betray the Church must needs have died a shocking death,
Martinus Polonus, Amalric Augerii, and Bernard Guidonis there
fore make Anastasius die the same sudden death as Arius, being
found dead with his bowels protruding. Dante even gives the
unfortunate Pope a place in hell, where an inscription above his
place of torment proclaims that "Photinus had tempted him from
the path of rectitude." Later theologians, on their side, made the
act of treachery of which they fancied Anastasius guilty a pretext
for dealing with all kinds of theoretical questions regarding the
relations of the Church with her chief pastor. They placed this
Pope on a footing with Liberius, who, they believed, in all sin
cerity but quite wrongly, had sided with the Arian Emperor Con
stantius. In both cases their mistake arose from their reliance on
the incorrect statements of the Liber pontificalis and other doubt
ful authorities. Investigation has put all these statements in their
true light.2
Historians have certainly accomplished an honourable task in
disproving these and such like fables of the Middle Ages.
It is useless to deny that fables and legends have often ob
scured our pictures of the past. They date from a period when
there was but little inclination for criticism, and when want of
critical apparatus, the absence of books and mental intercourse
threw writers helplessly back on the spurious statements handed
down by former ages. For this reason a historian can scarcely
exercise too much caution, particularly when he comes across
certain startling and exceptional facts, such as are met in the
parchment books of mediaeval scholars.
In excuse for the misjudgments of past times, let it, however,
be said that, even at the present day, historians busy with the
Middle Ages are by no means safe from forged documents,
fabricated in modern times and then ascribed to the past, to its
advantage or otherwise.
One such document is actually met with in the history of Pope
1 Gratian cites the story in his Decretum, dist. 19, c. 8.
2 Martinus Polonus, &c, see Dollinger, Die Papstfabeln des Mittelalters*,
p. 150.

224 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 302
Anastasius. Multitudes of people have read with admiration and
pleasure the epistle sent by the Pope to Chlodovec, King of the
Franks, baptized at the beginning of his pontificate. In it he
congratulates the King and the Church that so great a ruler with
all his people had been caught in the net of Peter the Fisherman.
With prophetic intuition, he hopes that the Frankish nation will
in the future form the especial protection of the storm-tossed bark
of Peter. Now, recent research has established beyond the
shadow of a doubt that this letter, first found among the papers
of the Abbe Jerome Vignier in the seventeenth century, was
invented and forged by this scholar, who was well versed in
ancient style. Vignier had done the same with other documents,
concerning the authorship of which there can no longer be the
slightest doubt.1
In the study of history we must expect surprises, perhaps even
more than in other fields of positive learning. It was only in 1866
that an indubitably authentic letter of Anastasius II. to the Gallic
episcopate was made public for the first time, after having been
found in a seventh-century MS. In this the Pope condemns with
the utmost precision as a heresy the doctrine that the soul of man
originates in the act of procreation, and is not the result of a direct
act of God. Until then no such authoritative settlement of the
question was known, and indeed for some time after the discovery
of this document theologians who had not heard of it were con
tent to establish by other means the theological certainty of the
doctrine of the soul's creation.2
Further on an opportunity will occur of dealing with a whole
series of spurious legends and forged fragments from the com
mencement of the sixth century. These apocryphal documents
made their appearance after the death of Anastasius II., during
the struggle for supremacy between Symmachus and Lawrence,
the antipope. Later they were very widely circulated, and caused
1 The letter of Anastasius appeared first in d'Achery's Spicilegium, 3, 304. On it see
J. HAVET, Questiojis mdroving, II., I, I, pp. 258, 261 ; Grisar, Anal, rom., 1, 47. The
letter is still treated as genuine in THIEL, i, 623, and in Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 745 ; see,
however, in Jaffe, 2, 693, the Addenda. Recent efforts to defend it have failed.
2 The document, discovered by v. Maassen, is reproduced in an article by Tosi in
the Oesterr. Vierteljahrsschr. fiir kath. Theol, 5 (1866), 556. Thiel gives it, p. 634.
The above decision was not known to Jos. Kleutgen when he wrote in the Innsbruck
Zeitschr. fur kath. Theol, 6 (1883), 197 ff, his article on the origin of the human soul.
He refers (p. 229) to a decision by Benedict XII. (ti342), in an epistle to the Armenians,
which had also been entirely overlooked by theologians. Cp. the Innsbruck Zeitschr.
fiir kath. Theol, 7 (1884), 236.

no.3o2] POPE ANASTASIUS II. 225
no little confusion in historical accounts. Such were the " Deeds
of Pope Liberius," the " Deeds of Pope Marcellinus, or the Synod
of Sinuessa," the "Purgation of Pope Xystus III.," the "Charge
of Polychronius, Bishop of Jerusalem," and certain documents
ascribed to Pope Silvester. No one now denies that these are
forgeries. Quite recently it has been maintained, most unfairly,
that they were concocted for the purpose of bolstering up the
pretentions of the Popes. We shall see elsewhere, however, that
they were really of a perfectly harmless character.1
1 JANUS [Dollinger], Das Papstthum (1892), p. 22 ; Papstfabeln des Mittelalters*,
p. 58 ff.

VOL. II.

CHAPTER II
THEODORIC, RULER OF ROME, AND POPE SYMMACHUS
The First Years of Symmachus and the Laurentian Schism
303. Byzantine interest had helped to establish in Italy the
throne of Theodoric the Ostrogoth. It was also to the Byzantine
party that the opponents of Symmachus, the duly elected Pontiff,
looked for support. Constantinople was responsible for the revolt
of the electors, and Lawrence could count on being seconded by
the Greeks. To secure a Bishop of Rome amenable to the views
of the heretical Imperial Court had been the constant aim of
Festus, the senator already mentioned. This patriotic Roman
and over-zealous servant of the Empire, when on an embassy to
Constantinople on behalf of Theodoric, while Anastasius was yet
living, had held out hopes that the Papal subscription might
ultimately be obtained for the Henoticon. This hope being
frustrated, on the death of Pope Anastasius, Festus resolved to
do his best to give Zeno's successor, the Emperor Anastasius — a
determined Monophysite — the pleasure of having in Rome a Pope
quite favourable to his views. The handful of electors who
voted for the arch -presbyter Lawrence had been bribed by
him. Of Lawrence, Festus felt sure that he would give his
approbation to the Henoticon?
Symmachus had scarcely received consecration in Constan
tine's Basilica of the Lateran when his rival, Lawrence, on the
very same day was consecrated Bishop in the church of Sta.
Maria Maggiore.2
Both then strove to obtain recognition from King Theodoric,
1 This bribery is proved by THEODORUS LECTOR, Hist, eccl, 1. 2, c. 17.
2 According to the first revision of the Liber pontificalis (Catalogus Felicianus in
DUCHESNE, Liber pont, 1, 97), Lawrence had on his side only "separata aliqua pars
clericorum vel senatorum." Cp. G. SCHNURER, Die politische Stellung des Fapstthums
zur Zeit Theoderichs, in the Hist.Jahrb., 9 (1888), 251-283, and particularly the remarks
on p. 269 against Vogel, Die rom. Kirchensynode vom Jahre 502 [i.e. 501], in the Hist.
Zeitschr., N.F. 14, 401. See also PFEILSCHIFTER, Der Ostgotenkbnig Theoderich und
die kath. Kirche (Kirchengesch. Studien, ed. KNOPFLER, SCHRORS & Sdralek t. 1-2
1896), p. 56 ff. . o. .

no. 3o4] LAURENTIAN SCHISM 227
and each betook himself personally to the Court of Ravenna.
Theodoric, however, wisely decided to regard as Bishop of Rome
that one who had the greater number of electors. This was
equivalent to an acknowledgment of Pope Symmachus, and, for
the time being, Lawrence saw fit to submit.1
No sooner had Symmachus returned to Rome than he as
sembled seventy-two Italian bishops, and held a synod with them
(March 1, 499) in St. Peter's. Presbyters of the city churches to
the number of sixty-seven also took part in the assembly, and it
is in their signatures that, for the first time, we find the almost
complete list of the Roman titular churches and their names.2
The synod devoted itself to the task, appropriate enough
under the circumstances, of devising measures for the governing
of Papal elections in the future. Under severe penalties it forbade
any member of the clergy to promise his vote in the interests of
any one during the lifetime of a Pope. With regard to the election
itself, it was settled that, according to the custom already long estab
lished, when the electors were divided the choice should fall on him
who had the majority of votes. According to an expression in the
decree, it would seem that at the same time they laid great weight
upon the possibility of a Pope previously nominating his successor.
The rival Bishop Lawrence was assigned the See of Nuceria, in
the Campania, whither he retired, taking with him the sympathy
of his party, which was still secretly dissatisfied. The synod
closed with good wishes to King Theodoric, the sovereign of the
land.3 Theodoric and the City of Rome
304. The following year saw the arrival in Rome of the
glorious King of the Ostrogoths, who came to take formal pos
session of a city whose grand traditions he appreciated so well.
He was received outside the gates by the Senate and clergy,
with the Pope at their head. His first visit was to the Vatican
Basilica, where he, the Arian, offered prayers at the Tomb of
Peter, for the Arians, no less than the Catholics, venerated the
1 For the unavoidable expenses which Pope Symmachus was obliged to incur on this
•occasion, see Ennodius, Ep. ad Luminosum, ed. Vogel (Mon. Germ, hist, Auctt ant,
7), p. 83, 223-229. Cp. Cassiodor., Var. g, n. 15, 16, ed. Mommsen (Mon. Germ, hist,
Auctt. ant, 12), p. 279 ff.
2 See present work, vol. L, p. 188.
3 Acts of the Synod in Mansi, 8, 230, 305 ; Thiel, p. 642 ; Mommsen, I.e., p. 399 ff.
" Exaudi Christos Theodorico vita ! dictum trigesies."

228 ROME AND THE POPES [No.3°4
Prince of the Apostles. After this he passed through the city in
brilliant procession — his northern escort being much admired —
and arrived at the ancient Senate-hall on the Roman Forum. At
this memorable spot, which still maintained an important place in
public life, he desired to greet the secular magistrates of the city
and all the descendants of the Quirites there assembled. There,
too, the privileges of Rome were to be solemnly confirmed.1
Theodoric there made a speech to the assembly from the place
called adpalmam auream. The audience consisted of the Senate
solemnly convened ; of the clergy arranged according to their
rank ; of a crowd composed of inquisitive citizens and foreign
visitors from every nation ; and, finally, of the stalwart Gothic
soldiers of the royal escort. Truly a scene worthy of the master-
hand of an artist : The fabled hero of the German legend —
Dietrich of Bern, so famous in the Middle Ages — holding forth
in front of the ancient Capitol and grand monuments of classic
times, and promising to defend the rights of the descendants of
the Gracchi and of Scipio ; assuring the phantom Senate that its
existence would be recognised, and Rome that in his laws, govern
ment, and conduct he would ever protect her.2
This proceeding was in a certain sense the prophetic
announcement of that bond of union between Roman and
1 The visit to St. Peter's tomb is mentioned in the Excerpta Valesiana (ed.
Gardthausen in Ammianus Marcellinus, Hist, vol. ii., ed. Mommsen, in Mon.
Germ, hist, Auctt. ant, 9), c. 65. We shall, in future, quote these Excerpta as the
"Annals of Maximian" (Archbishop of Ravenna, ca. 550). It is probable that they
were written under him.
2 Vita Fulgentii, c. 13 : "in loco, qui Palma aurea dicitur, memorata Theodorico rege
concionem fauente." In the Annals of Maximian : " venit ad senatum et ad palmam." In
CASSIODOR., Var. 4, n. 30, ed. MOMMSEN (Mon. Germ, hist, Auctt. ant., 12), p. 127, on
another occasion allusion is made to a " Curvae porlicus, quae iuxta domum palmatam
posita, forum in modum areae decenter includit" As, moreover, this place is designated
as being beside the Arch of Severus (Acta S. Restituti, in Acta SS., 29 Maii VII., p. 12 :
"iuxta arcum triumphi ad Palmam"), it must be near the ancient secretarium senatus,
the present church of Sta. Martina. Perhaps near, or even in, this building were to be
seen the trophies of victory gained in the public games, in which at that time both City
and Senate were so deeply interested. Cp. CASSIODOR. , Var. 2, n. 28: " Athletam
populis palma designat esse victorem." On the left (i.e. to the south) of St. Peter's portico,
a place where Pope Honorius built a chapel to St. Apollinaris, was called ad palmala
(Liber pont, 1, 323, Honorius, n. 119), I believe because Pope Symmachus had orna
mented it with palms in mosaic (Liber pont, 1, 262, Symmachus, 79). See below, p. 243,
how the Synod in St. Peter's in 501 is called " synodus palmaris." On the other hand,
the passage cited in Gregorovius, i4, 278, from the Liber pont. (1, 233, Xystus III.,
n. 63) : " domus Palmati intra urbe" has nothing to do with the title in question ; it
alludes to the house of a certain Palmatius near Sta. Maria Maggiore. The Senate-hall
in Cassiodorus is often called after the ancient Atrium Libertatis, upon which it had
been erected — for instance, " Libertatis aula? " Libertatis penetralia!' " Libertatis curia"
" Libertatis atria" and sometimes simply " Libertas " ; see Mommsen's ed. of Cassio
dorus, I.e., p. 567.

No. 304] THEODORIC AND ROME 229
Teuton civilisation which in later times was to lead to a fresh
and fertile development of national life.
Fulgentius of Ruspe, who was present on the occasion, com
pares the Rome of that period with the Heavenly Jerusalem.
The beauty of the scene and the surroundings in which it was
set aroused in the mind of the impressionable African monk the
thought of the City of God with its peaceful and sublime splen
dour. Unhappily, the Arian Goths were by no means prepared
to inaugurate an era of peaceful progress.1 As soon as his speech
was at an end, the King gave orders that his ratification of
Rome's privileges should be graven on brass and set up in the
Capitol. He then made his triumphal entry into the crumbling
Imperial palaces on the Palatine, of which he took possession,
without, however, establishing there a permanent residence.
Ravenna remained his usual residence, and thither he returned
after remaining in Rome for about six months.
Theodoric left careful instructions for the restoration of the
Imperial Palace on the Palatine. He displayed great apprecia
tion and feeling for the ancient monuments of the city, and made
himself responsible for the repair of many of the buildings of
Rome. Instances of his care are to be found scattered among
his edicts, which afford a most interesting glimpse into the civili
sation at that period. They have been preserved to us in the
Variae of Cassiodorus, who was responsible for them.2
Cassiodorus, a zealous Catholic, was admirably fitted to repre
sent the old Roman world at the Court of the Ostrogothic King.
In the sphere of statecraft he might well be called the last of the
Romans. The endeavour for which he stood, to reconcile and
unite in joint action for the good of civilisation the two great
nations, formed a fitting termination to the glorious history of
ancient Rome.3
1 On Fulgentius in Rome, see present work, vol. i., p. 137.
" Buildings of Theodoric were thought to have been found among the later erections
on the podium of the so-called Palatine Stadium (C. L. Visconti e R. Lanciani, Guida
del Palatino, 1873, p. 92), but these buildings seem to belong to a much later date.
There is some doubt about the discovery on the Palatine of bricks of Theodoric.
3 A. Thorbecke, Cassiodorus Senator, 1867. A. Franz, Cassiodotius. Beitrag zur
Gesch. der theol. Liter., 1872. Usener, Anecdoton Holderi. Ein Beitrag zur Gesch.
Roms in ostgothischer Zeit (1877), P- 66 ff. IG. ClAMPI, / Cassiodori net V. e net VI.
secolo, 1876. G. Minasi, Cassiodoro nato a Squillace, &c, 1895, with careful local
indications. Cp. Bardenhewer, Patrologie, pp. 589-593. The latest edition (1894)
of the Variae of Cassiodorus by Mommsen (with an historical introduction) contains
some of Theodoric's letters in the appendices, as well as the Acts of the Roman Synods
of 499, 501, and 502 ; also remains of Cassiodorus's orations.

230 ROME AND THE POPES , [No. 305
305. The edicts of Theodoric, or rather of Cassiodorus, for
the preservation of Roman monuments often surprise us by the
detail and care they display. The office of supervising and pre
serving the buildings was entrusted to a special city architect, the
architectus publicorum, a subordinate of the praefectus urbi. The
earlier office of the curator statuarum was likewise re-established.
The "custodian of the statues" was to watch lest greed or van
dalism should do harm to the statues exposed to view in such
enormous numbers. The State undertook, among other matters,
to restore Pompey's vast theatre ; this work was entrusted to
Symmachus the Patrician, who had distinguished himself by his
new buildings in the neighbourhood of Rome. In 508 Theodoric
had the Coliseum restored, after it had been damaged by an
earthquake ; attention was directed principally to the podium and
arena, the portions most necessary for use. In no less than three
inscriptions we may, to the present day, read about the merit of
the clerk of the works, Decius Marius Venantius Basilius. He
is therein given titles which sound oddly out of place in Gothic
Rome : ' ' vir consularis, inlustris praefectus urbi, patricius, consul
ordinarius." 1
An edict comprised in the collection of Cassiodorus informs
us that large sums were expended on a Tiber wharf, portus Licini,
and the adjoining works, which included brick kilns, which
were to furnish the State every year with 25,000 bricks for the
buildings of Rome. In the Variae we also find the Roman
aqueducts dealt with, and incidentally we learn that the classical
office of the comes formarum had been revived. The keeper of
the aqueducts was to repair damaged places in the conduits, and to
take care that the public thermae and baths still in use were kept
regularly supplied with water. Special architects were also
nominated to control the gigantic underground drains of Rome.
One of these, named John, was placed by Theodoric under the
instructions of the City Prefect, Argolicus. Two high officials for
the seaport of Rome are also mentioned, and correspond to a
similar dual appointment of former days ; they were known as
the comes portus urbis Romae and vicarius portus. In the
1 The charter appointing a Roman architectus publicorum begins ( Var. 7, n. 15, ed.
MOMMSEN, p. 211) : " Romanae fabricae decus peritum convenit habere custodem." On
the curator statuarum, Var. 7, n. 13. The inscriptions of the Coliseum in the Corp.
inscr. lat, VI., n. 1716 a-c. Lanciani, Iscrizioni dell' anfiteatro Flavio (Bull. arch.
com., 1880, pp. 211-282), p. 233.

No. 305]

THEODORIC AND ROME

231

rhetorical diploma nominating the first, the two towns of Ostia
Tiberina and Portus Romanus are extolled with exuberant
adjectives as the centres of harbour traffic.1
The city walls, dismantled and decayed at many points, natu
rally claimed a share of the new Government's solicitude.
Theodoric undertook at great cost the repair of the work of
Aurelian and Honorius. For this purpose bricks were also sup
plied by the public brickworks in Rome. In the city walls, in

+RECLNTHEOBE RlCOFEUxROMA

+|N NO/MI

NEDEI

+KECDWTHEODE + RICOB0HOR0ME
111. 144, 145. — Tiles and Bricks of Theodoric and of the Popes of his time,
from San Martino ai Monti.
The bas-relief with the doves is a contemporary work from the same church.
public, buildings, in churches, and even on the roofs of ancient
basilicas, tiles or bricks bearing Theodoric's stamp have been
found down to quite recent times (111. 144-5). Besides the name
and royal title, they usually bear a cross and the words, " For
the welfare of Rome," or " Happy Rome." The words, " Felix
Roma," if they fail to express the reality, do at least testify to the
1 Var. 1, n. 25, ed. Mommsen, p. 28. The portus Licini and other "portus'' con
nected with it formed a riverside brickfield. Two bricks stamped with " portus Licini "
are known. Corp. inscr. lat, 15, n. 199, 408. Cp. Dressel, Corp., I.e., p. 123. Var. 7,
n. 9 : " Formula comitivae portus urbis Romae!'
Note to III. 144-5. — From a drawing by the architect Mazzanti. The bricks last found
on the old roof of San Martino are now in the wall of an embankment near the roof.
That bearing the inscription " In nomine Dei" and also the bas-relief with the doves, is
in the crypt of the same church.
232

ROME AND THE POPES

[NO. 305

desire of helping the city to a new period of prosperity and
happiness.1 Even the title fnvicta Roma ventured once more into the field,
though probably with some diffidence. The words, " Unvan-
quished Rome," are to be found on some Ostrogothic coins (Ills.
146 and 147) ; the figure on them still wears the helmet, while the
reverse of the coin has the wolf suckling Romulus and Remus,
or else the Roman eagle. The reader is, however, well aware

111. 146. — Ostrogothic Coins.
A and B bear invicta ROMA. C, Coins of the Ravenna type.
that the eagle's wings were then already very weak, and that
glory was less in place than anxiety lest the buildings of Rome
should collapse. To prevent such a calamity still further pre
cautions had been taken in the edicts.

1 The words are : +REG[NANTE] • D • N • THEODERICO • FELIX ¦ ROMA •
or BONO ¦ ROME. On these and other inscriptions of Theodoric's time, see Gaet.
MARINI, Iscrizioni aniiche doliari, ed. DE ROSSI-DRESSEL (Bibl. dell' accad. stor. giurid.,
3), n. 149-159 a, p. 74 ff. Dressel deals with such bricks in the Corp. inscr. lat, 15,
p. 441, n. 1663 ff.
Note to Ills. 146 and 147.— 111. 146, after FRIEDLANDER, Miinzen der Ostgoten, PL 3 ;
111. 147, after the same work, PL 1. In series B, according to Eckhel, the two eagles
stand for Rome and Constantinople ; in spite of the flaming sacrifice, the cross shows
that the Victory represented is a Christian symbol. In series C we find the monogram

No. 305]

THEODORIC AND ROME

233

A comes named Suna was specially charged with the business
of utilising available blocks of marble from the ruins. A special
official was further entrusted with the supervision of the prepara
tion of lime. As we have no certain knowledge of a similar post
existing in antiquity, it seems probable that the Gothic Govern
ment established it for the purpose of putting a stop to the abuse
of casting into the kilns portions of marble buildings and even
sculpture, a practice which in later times became quite common
among the Roman desecrators of the city.
Careful count was kept of the money annually granted for
improvements in the city. According to the sixth-century so-called

111. 147. — Coins of the Emperors Anastasius and Justin I. with Theodoric's
Monogram, and the words " invicta roma."

Annals of Maximian of Ravenna, two hundred pounds in gold from
the revenue duties on wine were set apart solely for the repairs
of the palace and walls of the city.1
The same, almost contemporary, record says in praise of
Theodoric : " He generously distributed gifts of money and
corn, and, by dint of capable administration, he filled the treasury
which he had found quite empty. He took no steps against the
Catholic religion. He pleased the common people with circus
and other public sports, so that even the Romans themselves
of Ravenna, and the town personified, with the inscription Felix Ravenna; another coin
has the Roman eagle on the reverse, and on the obverse the monogram of Ravenna.
On the date of these coins, see Friedlander, ibid. On the coins in 111. 147, the mono
gram is that of Theodoric. Cp. DAHN, Urgesch. der germ, und roman. V'dlker (ed.
Oncken), 1, p. 301 ; Pflugk-Harttung, Das Hoheitsrecht iiber Rom auf Miinzen und
Urkunden (Hist.Jahrb., 25, 1904, p. 469 ff.).
1 Annals of Maximian, c. 67.

234 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 306
called him Trajan or Valentinian because his reign vied with that
of those Emperors." Such are the flattering terms in which
Theodoric is described by this reliable historical source, of which
the origin, moreover, is Roman and not Gothic.
According to these Annals, the distribution of corn " to the
people and poor " of Rome amounted annually to 1 20,000 bushels
(modii). This quantity then represented a value of 2000 gold
solidi, one solidus being the price for 60 bushels. About 72 solidi
went to make one pound in gold. The ancient praefecture of the
annona, which had shrunk into comparative insignificance, now
regained some of its importance. In a diploma full of minute
instructions the newly appointed Prefect is told that he must
satisfy the people clamouring for bread, and that whilst the highest
Imperial official, the Praefectus praetorio, supervises the transport
of corn from distant provinces, it is the business of the Praefectus
annonae to distribute it to the hungry ; the Prefect of the Annona
must superintend the bakeries and the bread weights, and also
keep a watchful eye on the pork-butchers, &c. &c. For, as the
edict concludes, "the love of the populace is strong and reliable
only when they are preserved from hunger." :
306. If the few annals which exist of those years always speak
in favourable terms of Theodoric's rule, we must bear in mind
that the misery of the previous period had been so great that the
contrast was vividly felt. It may be that, under the influence of
the change, contemporaries were led to exaggerate the security
and protection conferred by Gothic rule. The eulogies of
Theodoric by recent writers, however well grounded they may be,
are sometimes due to a too entire reliance on certain exaggerated
or rhetorical expressions used in the sources.2
There could be no question of any real attachment to the new
Government on the part of the Romans so long as the Goths
remained strangers to the religion of the people. A great spiritual
1 Diploma of the praefectus annonae : Var. 6, n. 18.
2 Sometimes even the sources have their meaning forced. For instance, Dahn says
that, according to tradition, it had been possible to "leave gold on the public highway
and find it again after a year and a day" (Urgesch., I, 248). As a matter of fact the
Excerpta Valesiana, c. 72, merely state, as D. Coste rightly translates, that "his ad
ministration of justice was so strict, that if any one liked to leave gold or silver in his
villa, it was as safe as if it had been inside the city walls " (Geschichtschreiber der deutschen
Vorzeit%, 6 Jahrh., 3, 381). Dahn also goes too far when he praises Theodoric for
having maintained a certain "ecclesiastical supremacy" over the Catholics, which he
certainly would have declined with thanks (Urgesch., 1, 308 ff. ; cp. SCHNURER, Hist.
fahrb., 1888, p. 271 ff). Gregorovius (i4, 382) even thinks, without alleging any proof,
that "as long as Theodoric reigned the clergy were entirely subject to civil jurisdiction."

no. 3o6] THEODORIC AND ROME 235
gulf divided them from the Romans. In the main they were still
considered barbarians, and, what in the eyes of many was even
worse, heretics. It was a great mistake of Theodoric's, one which
betrayed a want of political insight, to retain in his kingdom the
outworn Arian creed instead of seeing in Catholicism the pledge
of a better future and making it the foundation of political life.
Dreadful tales were also current among the Roman populace of
the King's reckless harshness when actuated by motives of
ambition. It had not been forgotten that as soon as he found
himself absolute master of Ravenna he had broken his word and
with his own hand slain his luckless rival Odovacar ; he had even
gone so far as to exterminate the whole of Odovacar's family and
all his followers among the nobility. In time great discontent
was aroused by the behaviour in Tuscia of Theodahat, son of
Theodoric's sister, who was in the habit of seizing arbitrarily
upon the property of his neighbours. The Latins must have
owed the Gothic soldiers many a grudge on account of high
handed proceedings of this sort.1
The pliant Romans acquiesced nevertheless in the Gothic
rule. They were made amenable by the King's bounty to the
city and by the public sports which received great encouragement
from those in authority.
Gladiators certainly were no longer to be seen in the Coliseum,
but there was no lack of bold wild-beast combatants (venatores
or arenarii), pugilists and wrestlers (athletae) to display their
barbarous skill. An edict regarding the games drawn up by
Cassiodorus contains, amidst lengthy archaeological disquisitions
of doubtful historic value, a very valuable description of the
dangers attending the wild-beast combats of that time. We also
learn that the freshly nominated consuls celebrated their taking of
office not only by large distributions of money, but also by public
sports in the arena. When Eutharic, the son-in-law of Theodoric,
The fulsome panegyric of Theodoric by Ennodius of Pavia, composed in 507 by order of
Pope Symmachus, must be interpreted as beseems a panegyric written in a debased
period. According to Carlo Cipolla, it was not even recited by its author, but sent as a
manuscript to the King. ClPOLLA, Intomo al panegirico, &c, 1889 (Atti d. r. accad. di
Fadova, 4, 209 ff). Hodgkin also praises Theodoric too highly in his Theodoric the
Goth, the Barbarian Champion of Civilisation (New York, 1891). Cp. the more substantial
work of PFEILSCHIFTER, Der Ustgotenkbnig Theoderich, 1896.
1 AMEDEE GaSQUET (Hetnpire bvzantin et la monarchic franque, 1888) points out that
the Catholic Franks could play a different and much more important part than the Ostro
goths in the fusing of Roman and German. " Theodoric restait par la force des choses
le repr6sentant du dogme arien parmi les barbares " (p. 131). His manner of romanising,
also, was more violent and less natural than that of the Franks.

236

ROME AND THE POPES

[No. 306

entered upon his consulship in 519, wild beasts of several sorts
were sent to Rome from Africa for use in the Flavian amphi
theatre. Romans stared in amazement at animals, of which the
like had not been seen in Rome for ages.1
During the Gothic period, too, the vast enclosure of the Circus
Maximus, between the Aventine and the Palatine, again re-echoed
with the shouts of the charioteers and the cheers of the crowd.
Cassiodorus in his description shows us the immense gateway
with its twelve entrances through which the chariots dashed forth
upon their wild career. Down the centre ran the spina with the

111. 148. — The Circus Maximus.
Reconstructed, after Schneider, Das alte Rom., PL 6, fig. 15.

two huge Egyptian obelisks ; of these the larger one had been
brought by the Emperor Constantius, the other had already been
set up under the Emperor Augustus ; the former now adorns
the Lateran, the second is in the Piazza del Popolo.2
The Circus Maximus must at that time have been practically
what it was under Trajan (111. 148), though portions of the tiers
with their seats may then already have fallen in. A complete
restoration would scarcely have seemed desirable, for the popula
tion of the city had now been reduced to such an extent that it
would not have filled the enormous spaces provided. The church
1 Var. 5, n. 42, a digression upon the scenes at the wild-beast combats. Cassio
dorus, Chronicon (at the end), on Eutharic : " multa vidit Roma miracula editionibus
singulis? 2 Var. 3, n. 51.

B

111. 149. — A Race in the Circus Maximus.
Bas-relief of a sarcophagus from Foligno. After Annali dell' Istit. archeol, 1870, PL LM. Cp. Baumeister, Denkmdler des klass. Alterthums, 3, p. 2093.

No.3o6] THEODORIC AND ROME 237
of the Resurrection, or of S. Anastasia, on the slope of the Pala
tine at the northern angle of the circus, looking down upon
the high enclosure of the circus on which its foundations partly
rested, served to show that the spirit of the age was now no
longer the same as when the circus was built.
We may safely assume that the details of the ancient sport of
chariot-racing had undergone no great change. Of what the
scene was like we may form some idea from a large bas-relief
belonging to the period of the decline, which, as it happens, repre
sents the Circus Maximus (111. 149). On the left (A) we see the eight
gateways (carceres) whence the chariots emerge, and, above, the
giver of the games in his box. We also see the spina, around
which the chariots raced, and which extended from the two
conical metae (B) near the carceres to another pair of metae (C)
on the right, and which supported the obelisk (D) in the centre.
The two stands, one with the seven revolving dolphins (E), the
other with seven eggs (F), served for counting the courses round
the spina. A noble, vested in the toga plicata, stands ready with
a palm branch for the victor (G). As eight chariots are repre
sented, we may take it that each of the four recognised circus
factions have two. At different points, among the chariots,
temples, altars, and statues may be seen which embellish princi
pally the border of the circus. At the top on the right is depicted
a triumphal gate, which must correspond with the arch in honour
of Vespasian and Titus which formerly existed at the south end
of the Circus Maximus. Party feeling at the circus games in
Rome still ran high, though at any rate it was less reckless and
savage than in Constantinople, where at this very time, in 501,
no fewer than three thousand persons were said to have fallen
during a fight which broke out in the hippodrome between the
supporters of the green faction and those of the blue. Eight
years later, however, even in Rome, the circus sports resulted in
deeds of brutal violence. Two senators, Importunus and Theo-
doricus by name, in the progress of a quarrel with the green faction
(Prasina) incited their retinue to attack, sword in hand, the oppo
site party. Edicts from the King to the Senate and the Roman
people were necessary to restore order.1
In his wordy decrees Cassiodorus also dealt with theatres,
1 Var. 1, n. 30, 31 ; ep. 1, n. 27.

238 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 3°7
and, with a philosopher's dislike, inveighed against the deteriora
tion of the drama and of all theatrical entertainments. He
declared that the authorities felt obliged to yield in some measure
to popular folly and to the ungovernable craving for amusement,
but that they expected sober, decent conduct from those who
availed themselves of the permission, and that they appealed to
the moral sense of the spectators. As of old, a tribunus volup-
tatum was appointed by the Government and was charged with
the maintenance of some semblance of order and propriety among
the actors and actresses of the different kinds of theatres ; popular
amusements were not to serve as schools for vice ; above all the
tribune himself must set an example of good morals in the midst
of the prostitutes among whom his work would lie.1
307. According to the language of these edicts, the noble city
of Rome had the ideal task of setting a standard of good manners
for the rest of the world.
Well-ordered civil life, such as it was the Government's aim to
impose elsewhere on both Goth and Roman, ought surely to be
found in the focus of the ancient Empire. " If we regulate by
law the customs of foreign nations," says an edict ; " if every
commonwealth in league with Italy submits to Roman jurisdic
tion, how imperative it is that the seat of civil government (i.e.
Rome) should show great respect to these laws. Whosoever
holds public office in Rome should be distinguished for his love
of order and attention to the law." 2
The influence of men such as Cassiodorus, the statesman, and
the famous senators Boethius and Symmachus, actually led, during
the best period of Gothic rule, to the verification of the words
contained in another edict : " The honour of the Goths is to
maintain intact the civilitas Romanorum," that is, to preserve the
ordered course of civil life on the old Roman model.3
In one sense the Goths never appropriated the civilitas Ro
manorum, their race despising Roman laws. They preferred to
retain for themselves their Gothic statutes and laws. The men,
1 Var. 7, 11. 10, ed. Mommsen, p. 209. This diploma for the tribunus voluptatum
recommends severity, "ne quod ad laetitiam constat inventum, tuis temporibus ad culpas
videatur fuisse transmissum. . . . Castitatem dilige, cui subiacent proslitutae."
2 Var. I, n. 27, ed. MOMMSEN, p. 29 : " quanto magis decet ipsam civilitatis sedem
legum reverentiam plus habere?
3 Var. 9, n. 14, ed. Mommsen, p. 278 (Athalaric to Gildilas, Comes of Syracuse:
" Gothorum laus est civilitas custodital' The context shows that "civilitas" here as
elsewhere, signifies regular judicial proceedings, in contrast to blood-feud. The usual
translation, " It is the glory of the Goths to preserve civilisation," is not accurate.

No. 3o7] THEODORIC AND ROME 239
all of them soldiers, who with their families took possession of a
third part of the land, formed, so to speak, a military caste. The
Italians, i.e. the Roman inhabitants of the country, clung to their
own ancient laws, and were accordingly judged by Roman law.
The Goths, being soldiers, established themselves in Rome in the
old military quarter of the city, to the south-east, on the Caelian
and Esquiline, as far as the Imperial villa Ad duos lauros, and
Centumcellae. In their quarter were the Arian churches of St.
Agatha and St. Severinus. Both in Ravenna and Constantinople
they also inhabited separate quarters, where they had churches
of their own.1
To regulate mutual life and to decide cases in dispute, the
so-called Edictum Theodorici was issued. As has now been
proved, this was published during the King's above-mentioned
visit to Rome.2 His statutes are mostly based on Roman juris
prudence, and sometimes, in the interest of order, are even more
stringent. To wise laws were also added military discipline, strict super
vision, and prompt legal aid. A real effort was made to spare
Roman subjects from arbitrary oppression. Altogether the change
of government was scarcely noticeable in the public functions,
whether political or civil. The former government centres at
Ravenna and Rome continued to exist and worked as of old.
The praefectus praetorio, the ancient divisions of the provinces,
with their duces, rectores, and praesides ; the municipal system of
the cities, with their curiae, curiales, and defensores, were all
retained intact.
Even the venerable Senate prolonged its existence, but its
jurisdiction no longer extended beyond the city boundaries. This
once all-powerful corporation, though it still comprised the whole
body of the highest nobility, retained but a moral authority in
matters concerning the country. Its sphere of action was mainly
limited to smaller local matters.3
It exercised among other prerogatives a certain judicial power,
1 TOMMASSETTI, 77 quartiere militare di Roma (Mitth. des arch. Inst, 17, 1902),
p. 98 ; ZEILLER, Les dglises ariennes de Rome d Pdpoque de la domination gothique (Mel.
d'archdol. et d'hist, 1904), p. 17 ff.
2 F. SCHUPFER, R. Accad. dei Lincei, Classe di scienze morali (Dec. 18, 1887).
3 The exaggeration involved in the use of the old formularies is very marked when
Theodoric addresses the Senate : " Domitori orbis, praesuli et reparatori libertatis "
(THIEL, p. 695 ; MOMMSEN, Cassiodorus, p. 392). LECRIVAIN, Le sdnat romain depuis
Diocldtien d Rome et a Constantinople, 1880 (Biblioth. des dcoles franc. dAthenes et de
Rome, fasc. 52).

240 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 308
as may be seen, for instance, in a case in which Jews were
concerned. Jewish masters had been injured or murdered by
Christians in their service, and on the criminals being brought to
justice a riot ensued against the Jewish synagogue. The latter
must doubtless be looked for in the transtiberine quarter, where
the Jews had been established since early times. Some hot
headed anti-Semites went so far as to set fire to the synagogue
during the excitement. This was reported to Theodoric by the
comes Aligern, to whom the injured parties complained, and he
at once sent his directions to the Senate. They were to inves
tigate the matter carefully, securing justice and compensation to
the Jews, and suitable punishment for the offenders. Any one
having any complaint against the Jews was invited to take this
opportunity of bringing it to the cognizance of the Senate.1

Pope Symmachus and the Roman Synodus Palmaris (501)
308. The Senate's reduced sphere of action corresponded with
the narrow views of a portion of its members and to their small-
minded meddling in church affairs. This was an evil under which
Pope Symmachus suffered greatly.2
The controversy regarding the Papal election had indeed been
settled amicably, and the rights of Symmachus had been acknow
ledged. But scarcely had Theodoric quitted Rome to betake
himself again to Ravenna, than the senatorial party opposed to
the Pope, and some of the clergy led by Festus the senator,
brought charges against him at the court. They accused Sym
machus of the delinquency of not having celebrated Easter in
a beseeming manner, and also brought against him hateful charges
of immoral intercourse with women and illegal alienation of church
property. Symmachus, being unwilling to proceed to Ravenna
to justify himself against such calumnies, his opponents induced
Theodoric, who had less experience in canon law than in war and
statecraft, to despatch to Rome an episcopal Visitor, just as if
1 Var. 4,n.43. Cp. BERLINER, Gesch. derjuden in Rom (1893) ; RlEGER (item. 1895-6).
2 USENER, Das Verhdltniss des rom. Senates zur Kirche in der Ostgotenzeit (Com
ment, philol. in hon. Mommseni, 1877). SCHNURER (Hist, fahrb., 1888, p. 281), proves
by an example that Usener goes too far in according ecclesiastical rights to the Senate,
but points out that legal co-operation in church matters at that time on the part of the
Senate must be admitted. Pfeilschifter, Theoderich, pp. 104 ff, 228 ff, gives very good
reasons against Usener. Gregorovius says simply : " In matters disciplinary the Senate
laid down the rules for the Church" (i4, 338 ; cp. 339).

no.3o8] SYMMACHUS AND THE SENATE 241
there were no bishop in the city, for so far it had been the rule to
send Visitors only to vacant sees. This bishop, Peter of Altinum
in the diocese of Aquileia, was so little conscious of the irregu
larity of his proceedings that he took the side of the Pope's
opponents, oppressed him in manifold ways, and formally sanc
tioned the sequestration of his churches and church property.1
The Catholic party were averse to a schism, and met the
difficulty, conformably with Theodoric's wish, by arranging for a
Synod with the express consent of Pope Symmachus. About the
month of May, 501, a hundred and fifty Italian bishops had already
assembled in council in the Roman Basilica fulia, i.e. in Sta.
Maria in Trastevere, to settle the questions and charges pending.
Its business was difficult and involved. Symmachus announced
that he would appear at the Synod and justify himself only on
condition of being first reinstated in all his rights, and in this his
claim was perfectly fair. The result was a standstill. Finally,
however, seeing that he could not obtain his object on account
of his opponents, he decided to take part in the assembly without
the restoration of his temporalities. A fresh session was therefore
arranged to take place on September 1 in the Basilica of S. Croce
in Gerusalemme. But while on his way thither to meet the other
bishops, he was attacked by the hostile senatorial party, and so
hardly pressed that he barely escaped with his life. He thereupon
returned in all haste to St. Peter's, where, during those troublous
times, he resided more as a prisoner than as a Pope. He once
more refused to take any part in the Synod, indignantly declar
ing : " I will no longer submit to your trial ; I am in God's hands ;
I am at the mercy of the King, come what may." 2

1 "

Visitator . . . contra religionem, contra staluta veterum vel contra regulas
maiorum a parte cleri vel ab aliquibus laicis fuerat postulatus." Thus the bishops
assembled at the Synodus palmaris (see below). When the Visitor was asked for, it was
stated (cp. the decree of 483, quoted further on) that Symmachus had forfeited his office
through alienating church property. That the latter charge, as well as that of im
morality, was invented is easily seen from the circumstances. Dahn (Kbnige der Ger-
manen, 3, 215, and Urgeschichte, 1, 312) takes the side of the Pope. Symmachus, in the
first revision of the Liber pont, is praised as " bonus, prudens, humanus, gratiosus" (ed.
DUCHESNE, 1, 97), and the so-called Fragmentum Laurentianum (in Duchesne, i,
44 ff), written by an ardent partisan of the chief of the schism, demands cautious criti
cism of the statements it makes against Symmachus.
2 The Acts of this Synod and the final report are in Thiel, p. 657 ff. ; in Mommsen
(Mon. Germ, hist, Auctt. ant, 12), p. 416 ff. Vogel (Hist. Zeitschr., N.F. 14, 400 ff.)
and Stober (SB. der Wiener Akad., phil.-hist KL, 112, 269 ff.), place both these Synods
or sessions, as well as the Synodus Palmaris (for which see further on), in 502 ; and they
are followed, among others, by Schnurer (Hist fahrb., 9, 274 ff). The consular dates
seem, however, too strong in favour of the older system, which divided the Synods
between the years 501 and 502. See Duchesne, Bulletin crit, 1886, p. 439 ; 1888,
VOL. II. Q

242 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 308
Theodoric on his part, however, made it known that, as a
temporal prince, the decision could not rest with him, and that it
was his desire that the Synod already convened should not dis
solve before the matter was settled. Were the Bishops then to
sit in judgment upon the Pope — subordinates upon their head?
This question had never before been brought before the Church
in such a form, certainly never amidst such unexampled difficulties
as those then aroused by party strife. The case was to be the
touchstone of the monarchical organisation of the Church. It was
a matter of doubt whether and how to maintain, under the then
circumstances, the old principle which so far had never been
directly called into question — viz. that the Pope, as Christ's vicar,
has no earthly power above Him. The Bishops themselves com
posing the Synod hesitated to pronounce judgment upon their
head, the Pope, whether in his favour or against him, so long as
he raised his voice in protest against the proceeding. To the
King they wrote that " it was an unheard of thing and quite
unprecedented that the Pontiff of this See should be brought up
for trial and judgment." Symmachus himself maintained un
swervingly the same principle.1
Yet it was necessary to come to some decision, seeing that
the faction fights continued, and the streets of the city ran with
blood. The senators Festus and Probinus, with their adherents,
waged war against the Pope's party, which was captained by
p. 200. Mommsen (Cassiodorus, p. 426) adheres to the latter dates, and locates the
Synodus Palmaris in 501 (October 23). Pfeilschifter argues very ingeniously for the year
502 ; but, in spite of this, Vogel has recently come back to the older view, and accepted
the year 501 (NeuesArchiv, 23 (1897), 57). For the history of the Synods and their prin
cipal enactments, cp. MAGANI, Ennodio, 2 (1886), 52 ff.
1 The King declared: "quia non nostrum iudicavimus de ecclesiasticis aliquid censere
negotiis" (Thiel, p. 656; Mommsen, p. 424). The bishops, writing to Theodoric:
" Causa nova est, et pontificem sedis istius apud nos audiri nullo cotistat exemplo "
(Thiel, p. 677 ; Mommsen, p. 423). At that time, therefore, the bishops certainly had
not before them the so-called Symmachian forgeries (see above, p. 224 f.), or, if they had,
they attached no weight to them. Before these forgeries came into existence Pope
Gelasius had expressed the conviction of past times respecting the Popes' superiority to
any earthly tribunal (" summa sedes a nefnine iudicatur") in the words : " Cuncta per
mundum novit ecclesia, quoniam quorumlibet sententiis ligata pontificum sedes beati Fetri
apostoli ius habet resotvendi, utpote quae de omtii ecclesia fas habet iudicandi, neque cui-
quam de eius liceat iudicare iudicio ; siquidem ad Mam de qualibet mundi parte canones
appellari voluerint, ab ilia autem nemo sit appellare permissus." Ep. ad episcopos Dar-
daniae, c. 5 (Thiel, pp. 399, 416 ; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 664). We can therefore only
be surprised when Dollinger (Das Papstthum, p. 23) gives such far-reaching and tragic
purpose to those forgeries and the mythical Council of Sinuessa, as if they had unduly
exalted the position and authority of the Pope by putting him above earthly tribunals,
and making him supreme judge of appeals. These stupid tales he puts under the signifi
cant heading: " Forgeries for the purpose of altering the Church's constitution." This
work of Dollinger, formerly known as " Der Papst und das Concil, by JANUS," cannot
be described as a truly historical work.

no. 308] SYMMACHUS AND THE SENATE 243
another senator named Faustus. Priests and monks, and even
nuns, who withstood the schism were mercilessly assaulted. In
spite of all, the people, with their sound religious sense, in the
main, sided with Symmachus.
The timorous Fathers of the Council at last, on October 23,
501, came to a decision, which was signed by seventy-six bishops.
This happened at that session of the lengthy Council which re
ceived the name of Synodus Palmaris — a name which came either
from the decree having been promulgated on the Roman Forum,
ad palmam, whence Theodoric had addressed the people, or
perhaps because the assembly was held in the forecourt of St.
Peter's, at a place called ad palmata, of which we find mention
elsewhere.1 The decree decided that all the denunciations hurled against
Symmachus were to be regarded as nothing in the eyes of men.
All questions concerning the Pope must he left to God's judg
ment, and all the Faithful were under strict obligation to obey
him. The Synod also adjudged the temporalities to Symmachus,
appealing to " the commands of the sovereign who had empowered
them," and without whose intervention the latter measure could
of course scarcely have been carried out. Thus at this Synod
the principle that the Pope is not amenable to justice (summa sedes
a nemine iudicatur) had, after all, finally carried the day.2
But the Senate, divided in its opinion, could not so quickly
see its way to retreat. To prove their power they left the lawful
Pope in practical exile at the Vatican, and, to spite him, they even
recalled home from Ravenna his former rival Lawrence. The
latter had been awaiting quietly the outcome of events at the
Court of Ravenna. Both he: and the visitor, Peter of Altinum,
were forthwith excommunicated by the Pope, who made the
rejection of both a condition for those of the schismatics who
sought to re-enter his communion.3
In 502 another Synod met in Rome under the Pope's
presidency to confirm the order which had now been restored.
One of its resolutions, which deprived the turbulent opposition
of one of their best weapons, shows us how anxious the Church's
1 Ad palmata, see above, p. 228, note 2. The Synod is described as " Quarta
synodus habita Romae Palmaris" (Thiel, p. 657 ; Mommsen, p. 427).
2 The decree, Thiel, p. 666 ; Mommsen, p. 431.
3 Duchesne, Liber pont, 1, 265, note 10; Thiel, p. 697. On the relations between
Symmachus and the Emperor Anastasius, cp. Schnurer, Die politische Stellung des
Papstthums zur Zeit Theoderichs d. Gr., II., in the Hist, fahrb., 10 (1889), 253 ff.

244 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 309
authorities were about the future. In 483, under Odovacar, there
had been a declaration of the Prsetorian Prefect, Basil, whereby
future Popes were forbidden to alienate church property under
pain of excommunication, and this pronouncement had been im
prudently accepted by the Senate and clergy gathered together
to elect a successor to Simplicius. As this declaration might be
a dangerous weapon in the hands of the Pope's foes, who were
charging him with alienations, the Council assembled by Sym
machus, on November 6, condemned it. In its deliberations the
Synod invoked the ancient axiom that "no layman can settle
any church matter without the Pope's leave." On the same
occasion Pope Symmachus very advisedly took the course of
himself issuing a prohibition — couched in terms stronger than
those of the declaration — against any alienations of property
belonging to the Church. By this means his opponents were
deprived of their main weapon of offence.1
The sad times for the Church in Rome and the neighbour
hood were nevertheless not yet at an end ; unity had not yet
been restored. Lawrence not only held his own with his faction,
but during four long years retained in his power all the titular
churches of the city. Symmachus had, however, the consolation
of finding his conduct approved by the best churchmen. The
principle, too, that the Pope is subject to no judge met with all
but universal approval.
309. Contemporaries of Symmachus have left us in their
writings emphatic testimonies in favour of this principle and
of the Pope. Avitus, the famous and learned Bishop of Vienne,
was shocked by the proceedings against the Pope — about which,
indeed, he had received only vague reports — and wrote in haste to
certain members of the Senate. No one, so he urges, could under
stand by what law, or by what right, a superior could be judged,
by his subordinates. The Synod was doubtless well-intentioned,
1 For Basil's declaration, see Thiel, p. 686, in the Acts of the present synod
(p. 682 ff); in MOMMSEN, p. 445. It was annulled, " ne in exemplum rematieret prae-
sumendi quibuslibet laicis, quamvis religiosis vel potentibus, in quacumque civitate
' quolibel modo aliquid decernere de ecclesiasticis facultatibus." In this same declaration
of 483 it was said that the choice of Simplicius's successor must take place (as Simplicius
had urgently recommended) after consultation with Basil ("non sine nostra consultatione
cuiuslibet celebretur electio ") ; Bishop Cresconius of Tudertum (Todi) remarked that this
was equivalent to putting the Papal election in the hands of the laity, which is contrary
to the canons. The decree issued by the Pope to bind himself and his successors is
called by the Synod " obligatio, qua se per caritatem Christi connectit summus pontifex,"
a clear proof that the Pope was acting freely.

no. 309] ENNODIUS ON THE POPES 245
but, in his opinion, it could not be pronounced free from rashness
in undertaking to settle such a controversy. "If the authority of
the Pope of Rome may be impugned, it is not one bishop, but the
whole episcopate which becomes unstable." Such are the words
of one who was a Burgundian bishop, a Roman by birth, and a
zealous upholder of Christian Latinism.1
In Italy the polished writer Ennodius of Pavia felt called upon
to pen a defence of the Synodus Palmaris. Here, not without
some heat, he takes to task the opponents of the Council and of
the Pope. The axiom that the Supreme Pastor of the Church is
subject to no judge, but to God alone, is to him a doctrine to which
the Church has ever clung. He does not even think it necessary
to discuss the limitations which in theory and practice safeguard
this doctrine from abuse.2
Ennodius further enters upon a long disquisition regarding the
holiness of the Popes, which, strange as it may sound, was a
matter which had to be dealt with. The opposition, and even
Theodoric himself, had laid stress upon it, arguing that if the
Pope could not be judged, it followed that he could not sin.
Ennodius was, however, ready to answer by means of a distinc
tion. The constitution of a monarchy bestows indeed far-reaching
legal privileges on the sovereign. But private, moral responsibility
is something quite different ; in the case of the monarch it is so
great that he is not allowed to break the least precept of the
moral law. Further on he also sees fit to point out that, as
regards the holiness of the Popes, their lofty position is a good
reason why they should receive extraordinary grace from God for
their personal guidance. The merits likewise and the intercession
of their saintly predecessors, so he says, bring down upon them
heaven's choicest blessings. Moreover, Christ allows a special
providence to prevent unworthy persons from usurping the Papal
office. Moreover, as a rule, only such men are elected Popes
as are not likely to cause complaint. The words used by
1 Letter 34 of Avitus in Peiper's edition (Mon. Germ, hist, Auctt. ant., 6, 2), p. 64 ff.
He says of the Primacy : " Si papa urbis vocatur in dubium, episcopatus iam videbitur,
non episcopus vacillare."
2 The opposition had published a treatise, Adv. synodum absolulionis incongruae.
Ennodius replied with the Libellus adv. eos, qui contra synodum praesumpserunt (in the
new edition of Ennodius by Vogel, Mon. Germ, hist, Auctt. ant, t. 7). On the absur
dity of judging the Pope he gives his view, which was that of older times also : " Alio-
rum forte hominum causas Deus voluerit per hominem terminare ; sedis istius autem
praesulem suo sine quaestione reservavit arbitrio." Praefatio (ed. VoGEL, p. 61 ; P.L.,
LXIII., 200).

246 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 310
Ennodius naturally must not be taken to mean that it is absolutely
impossible for an unworthy person to secure the sacred office, or
for one whose intentions were good in the beginning to fall after
wards into grievous crime.1
310. In spite of the votes of the Synod and of the best men
in the Church, Lawrence was not prepared to surrender. Among
other basilicas he retained possession of St. Paul's outside the
walls. This church he and his followers converted into a kind of
rival to St. Peter's, where Symmachus resided. In St. Paul's,
where the busts of all preceding Popes decorated the upper walls
of the nave (see 111. 101), Lawrence had his own portrait inserted
as the last of the series. In the seventeenth century Cardinal
Barberini's draughtsman, who sketched these pictures, was able
to read the name "Laurentius" under one on the north side, a
name which can refer only to Lawrence of Nuceria, who alone
of all the Popes and antipopes bore the name of Lawrence.
The portrait must have been painted during the period of
Lawrence's success, as no one would have set it up after his
downfall.2 Lawrence was ultimately overthrown through the efforts of
Symmachus at the Court of Ravenna. In 505 the Pope again
complained to Theodoric, through the deacon Dioscorus of
Alexandria, concerning the intolerable state of things in Rome.
At last the King allowed himself to be persuaded by the wily
Greek to interfere effectively, giving orders that Symmachus
should be reinstated in all his rights. The senators had to look
on while the city churches were restored to their lawful bishop.
Lawrence was forced to seek refuge outside Rome, a country seat
belonging to his patron Festus affording him a quiet retreat for
the remainder of his life. In Rome peace was gradually re-estab
lished, and Cassiodorus could boast in his chronicle that during
his consulship, in 514, the year that Symmachus died, he had
been able to bring the long-drawn quarrel to an end.
1 Ibid. Praefatio (ed. Vogel, p. 62 ; P.L., LXIII., 200). These details are cited in
the so-called Dictatus Gregorii VII., where the holiness of the Popes is spoken of (P.L.,
CXLVIII., 408 ; JAFFE, Monumenta Gregoriana [1865], p. 175). In Langen (Gesch. der
rom. Kirche, 2, 235) the passage of Ennodius is so mistranslated as to appear in an
invidious light. Langen can only speak as he does of the "extraordinary increase in
the pretensions of the Roman See " during this struggle (p. 236), by relying on the trans
parent forgeries of Symmachus's enemies.
2 Duchesne, Liber pont, 1, XXVIII.

no. 3ii] SYMMACHUS AND THE EAST 247
Continuation of the Eastern Schism
311. While schism was being slowly stamped out in Rome,
the Greek Court once more excited division in the field of dogma.
Persecution of the eastern Catholics was this time accompanied by
revolting personal affronts to the Pope.
The Emperor Anastasius, a blind devotee of monophysism, in
one of his decrees railed against Pope Symmachus, the defender
of orthodoxy, as a Manichsean, an unworthy Pope, and one who
had unjustly treated the Church of Constantinople. The answer
of Symmachus, written between 506 and 512, was dignified and
firm. He has few words for the attacks against his own person ;
he is content to call the city of Rome and his public writings as
witnesses to his maintenance of the orthodox faith. But with the
attitude of the Papacy towards the schismatic Church of Con
stantinople he deals at great length, justifying it and placing in its
true light the cause of the old dispute, namely, the Greeks' mis
taken support of Acacius, the excommunicate. Moreover, as he
points out, the Acacian schism had assumed a more threatening
character owing to the Emperor's open advocacy of the Eutychian
heresy. "Think you," he says with noble dignity, "that because
you are the Emperor you need not fear God's judgment ? Do
you fancy that as Emperor you are beyond the power of the
chief Apostle Peter? . . . Compare the dignity of the Emperor
with that of the Church's head ; the one takes charge only of
worldly matters, the other of things Divine. As Emperor you
receive from him baptism and the sacraments ; you crave his
prayers and blessings, from him you ask a penance. . . . Revere
God in us, and we shall revere God in you. But if you do not
revere God, how can you claim privileges from Him whom you
deprive of honour ? Consider, O Emperor, the long list of those
who, since the beginning of Christianity, have persecuted the
Faith. They have perished ; but the true religion has shone forth
with greater splendour the more it has been oppressed." x
Such was the grand language used by a Pope, who in his own
city was the sport of opposing factions, and whose situation there
was sad to a degree. How heavily the Emperor's hand was felt
in the East soon became clearly known in Rome through the
Greek fugitives who sought shelter there. Very pathetic is an
1 Thiel, p. 700 ; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 761.

248 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 312
appeal from the oppressed Churches, written by a large number of
the orthodox pastors to the Bishop of Rome, in which they beg
Symmachus, the divinely appointed healer of the sick, as they
call him, to use all the remedies in his power for their benefit.
"Take care of the broken members of the body of our Church,
strengthen our feeble hands, steady our shaky knees, direct our
footsteps in the right way. . . . Show us the royal road between
the two contrary errors, both of them condemned, of Nest6rius
and of Eutyches. Enlighten us in the confession of the true
Faith, which Pope Leo and the disciples of the Holy Fathers of
Chalcedon have handed down to us." Yet these suppliants, whose
names do not appear, are not quite clear as to the questions in
dispute ; they ask why, in the Church's hour of trial, they should
not hold communion with such persons as did not reject from their
communion those who were excommunicated by Rome.1
An answer of Pope Symmachus, addressed to the bishops,
clergy, and people of Illyricum, Dardania, and the two Dacias,
contains a solution of this doubt, and at the same time a counsel
of encouragement to look their trouble firmly and patiently in
the face. The time had come when it befitted the Faithful to
show fight ; the hour when an everlasting reward could be won
by confession. To yield at the expense of truth, or to compound
with falsehood, would be to allow the Church's body to remain
sick and feeble. To remain the friends of the Apostolic Church
of Peter, and to save themselves from falling into the bondage of
worldly powers like those who were estranged from Rome, they
must, once for all, firmly dissociate themselves from the followers
of Eutyches, Dioscorus, Peter, Timothy, or Acacius.2
312. After long and fruitless struggles, the Pope to whom it
was granted to conclude peace with the Greeks was Hormisdas,
the successor to Symmachus. The latter ended his trying ponti
ficate on July 19, 514, and was buried in St. Peter's.
1 Thiel, p. 709; Mansi, 8, 221.
2 Letter of October 8, 512, in Thiel, p. 717 ; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 763. The senders
seem to have been the Bishops of Illyricum, Dardania, and Dacia.

CHAPTER III
POPE HORMISDAS AND RECONCILIATION WITH THE EAST
Hormisdas and the Empire
Hormisdas was consecrated on July 20, 514, the day following
the death of Symmachus, and no disturbances are mentioned as
having occurred. From what Ennodius says we may gather that
Hormisdas was recommended or designated by his predecessor
for succession in the Papacy. He came from Frusino (Frosinone)
in Latium, or in Campania, to use the mediaeval expression then
already current.1
The Emperor Anastasius was at that time hard pressed by the
revolt of his general, Vitalian, and the urgent demands of the
Catholics for peace. He accordingly entered upon negotiations with
Hormisdas. In the interests of peace he gave a formal promise to
hold a Council at Heraclea under the Pope's presidency. In spite of
this, two embassies despatched for this purpose to the East were
fruitless. The second one consisted of the Bishops Ennodius of
Pavia and Peregrinus of Misenum. As the Emperor, by the time
they arrived, chanced to have nothing more to fear from Vitalian he
tried to corrupt them by bribery. As this did not succeed, he
had them secretly brought out of the city of Constantinople by a
side gate, embarked in a crazy ship, and, with orders to touch
land nowhere on the voyage, despatched under a strong escort to
Rome. Conscious of his power, he even wrote to the Pope : " On
him who hearkens to no expostulations we shall waste no words
in making petitions. We can indeed endure being scorned and
despised, but not being commanded."2
1 On this designation, see Schnurer, 10, 258; Pfeilschifter, p. 138; Duchesne,
Bull, crit., 1893, p. 236.
2 For the Papal instructions to the first embassy, the earliest example of such a
document, see Thiel, p. 748 ; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 774. Papal letters to second em
bassy : Thiel, p. 796 ff. ; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 789 ff. The Emperor's answer, July
11, 517 : Thiel, p. 813 ; Mansi, 8, 424. On the work of Hormisdas in the East, see
Schnurer, p. 259 ff, who sets right many mistakes of Langen (Gesch. der rom. Kirche,
2, 253 ff), and of Rose (Kaiser Anastasius I., 1882). The latter passes judgment upon
the correspondence of Hormisdas without having read it even in Thiel's edition.

250 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 313
The Emperor, now eight-and-eighty years of age, after having
thus brought all connection with the Pope to an end, used the last
year of his life in confusing yet more the issues between Church
and State. On July 1, 518, he expired suddenly in his palace
during a violent thunderstorm, perhaps from fright, or perhaps,
as the Liber pontificalis opines, being struck by lightning. His
successor was the Emperor Justin I., whose disposition was more
conciliatory, who saw the need and the urgent desire of the
people for union, and who was anxious not to oppose it. As a
matter of fact, this craving of the Faithful for the restoration of
peace was already bursting the political barriers. Through the
intermediary of Gratus, a Comes of the Imperial consistory, written
requests of the new sovereign, of his nephew Justinian, and John II.,
the Patriarch of Byzantium, were presented to Hormisdas, praying
him to come personally to the East to establish peace, or at least
to despatch legates with conditions of peace and full powers for
its conclusion.1 After having sought King Theodoric's advice, the Pope
deputed Germanus, Bishop of Capua, a certain Bishop John, the
presbyter Blandus, Felix and Dioscorus, deacons of the Apostolic
See, and Peter, the church notary. It was in the beginning of
519 that, accompanied by the blessings of every Roman, they
started upon their hopeful voyage across the sea.

The Formula of Hormisdas
313. The envoys from Hormisdas brought to Constantinople
a formulary (libellus) by signing which the schismatics would show
their submission to the See of Peter, and secure their re-incor
poration in the Catholic Church. This famous formula Hormis
dae had been drafted some years previously, and had been
submitted and accepted in the provinces of Illyricum and in
Spain.2 The Formula of union was now to triumph entirely.
Under the influence of the better spirit now pervading the
torn and harassed East, the hindrances which had previously stood
1 See the letters, THIEL, p. 830 ff; Mansi, 8, 434 ff
2 The legates' instructions : Thiel, p. 838 ff. ; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 805. The
formula Hormisdae, in Thiel, p. 754, as used in 515, i.e. in its definitive form. For its
use in Illyricum, see Thiel, p. 780 (Ep. ad Iohannem Nicopolitanum). For Spain, cp,
Thiel, p. 793 (Ep. ad omnes episcopos Hispaniae).

no. 3i3] HORMISDAS 251
in the way were removed. No allusion was made to the Henoti
con. The removal of the name of Acacius from the diptychs
was agreed to without opposition ; no objection was taken even to
the erasure of the names of his successors and Imperial patrons,
Zeno and Anastasius. The Greeks no longer desired any cloak
for heresy, now that they sincerely wished to forswear the heresy
itself. In Constantinople, John II., the Patriarch, subscribed to the
formula on Maundy Thursday, March 28. On this occasion a
special synod met in the Imperial Palace. " I look on God's holy
Churches," John adds, in writing, " that of Old Rome and that of
New Rome, as one and the same Church. I regard the See of the
Apostle Peter and See of Byzantium as one and the same. ... I
agree with the Pope in confession of doctrine, and reject all those
whom he rejects." The Emperor, the Senate, and all present
testified their approval and consent by loud applause. All then
went in procession from the palace to the church, to seal by the
celebration of the Liturgy the solemn ending of the Acacian
schism, which had not ceased to distract the East for five-and-
thirty years. The people thronged the vast enclosure. They
wept, and gave vent to their enthusiasm by cries and thanks to
God. From the choir resounded acclamations to St. Peter, to
the Pope, the centre of union, and to the Emperor, its happy
protector. The clergy of Constantinople declared with amaze
ment that never had so great a number of people received Holy
Communion as on that memorable day.1
The formula of Hormisdas went the round of the Greek
Empire. John II. of Constantinople, and Epiphanius, his successor,
laboured for its acceptance throughout the other dioceses of the
Empire. In the city of Alexandria, it is true that Timothy, the
heretical Patriarch, still held out ; whilst the Church of Antioch
was given a weak and impotent head in the person of Euphrasius ;
but the papal definition of Faith, also called the regula fidei, is
computed by Rusticus, the deacon, to have been subscribed by
about 2500 bishops.2
In the course of later times it was repeatedly brought forward
1 Cp. reports of the legates to the Pope (Thiel, p. 856 ; Mansi, 8, 453), especially
the separate report of the deacon Dioscorus, the most active member of the embassy,
Thiel, p. 858 ; Mansi, 8, 454.
2 Rusticus, Contra Acephalos Disp., in fine (P.L., LXVII., 1251).

252 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 313
afresh on important occasions, its ground-principles serving to
express the abiding law of doctrinal harmony with the See of
Peter. This occurred under Popes Agapetus, Nicholas I., and
Hadrian II. Even at the CEcumenical Council of the Vatican a
portion of it was embodied in the decree relating to the Roman
Primacy. It begins thus : "The first condition for salvation is to preserve
the true rule of Faith, without swerving from the constitutions of
the Fathers. The words of Christ : ' Thou art Peter, and upon
this rock I will build My Church,' may not be disregarded.
These words have been proved in very deed, for the Apostolic
See has ever preserved the Catholic religion without stain.
Desirous not to be cut off from this faith and doctrine, and
anxious to follow the institutions of the Fathers, we solemnly
reject all heresies." There then follows a list of various Eastern
Christological heresies with the names of their inventors, includ
ing that of Acacius. Further on in the document a general
assurance is given to the Pope : " Obeying the Apostolic See in
everything and teaching what it has decided, we hope to stand
joined with you in that single bond of union which the Apostolic
See proclaims and in which the stability of Christendom consists." ]
The altar of St. Peter's in Rome bore eloquent witness in the
multitude of its Greek votive offerings to the settlement now
happily secured. The Emperor and the Imperial family, in
cluding Justinian, the future Emperor, as well as the Patriarch
and many other people of note, sent valuable gifts in precious
metal to be exposed at the tomb of the Prince of the Apostles.
During the Pontificate of Hormisdas, Theodoric, King of
the Goths, also presented two silver candelabra, each weighing
seventy pounds, to the tomb of Peter. From Chlodovec, King
of the Franks, who had rejoiced all Catholics by joining the
Church, a richly jewelled crown came after his death (511) as a
1 The beginning, after Thiel, p. 754 : " Prima salus est regulam reclaefidei custodire
et a constitutis patrum nullatenus deviare. Et quia non potest Domini nostri Iesu
Christi praetermitti sententia dicentis : ' Tu es Petrus, et super hanc petram aedificabo
ecclesiam meam! haec quae dicta sunt rerum probantur effectibus, quia in sede apostolica
immaculata est semper catholica servata religio." The text is also in Mansi, 8, 451 ;
P.L., LXIIL, 444; Denzinger, Enchiridion, n. XX. The formula Hormisdae often
echoes passages in the correspondence of earlier Popes ; e.g. cp. on fidelity to the
Apostolic See, Ep. episc. Dardaniae ad Gelasium (Thiel, p. 349) ; on the purity and
immutability of the Faith of the See of Peter, Ep. Felicis III. ad Zenonem imp. (Thiel,
p. 224) ; on the importance of Leo the Great's judgment against Eutyches, Ep. Simplicii
ad Zenonem (Thiel, p. 188).

no. 3i3] HORMISDAS 253
gift to St. Peter. Around the tomb of the Apostle, sovereigns
and nations rallied in charity, as around the hearth of one
vast family.1 To complete the success and satisfaction of Pope
Hormisdas, shortly before his death, there came over the sea from
Africa the good tidings that the last great persecution of the
Catholics, begun by the Vandal King Trasamund, had been
terminated by this Arian's death. To the joy of the Roman
Church, there was nothing more to hinder the triumphant return
of the banished bishops and their reinstatement in their sees.2
When Hormisdas departed this life, on August 6, 523, he
can scarcely have foreseen that after such happy experiences a
sad change in the position of the Church in Italy would suddenly
be brought about by the action of King Theodoric.
After a week's delay John I., a native of Tuscia, was
consecrated Pope.
1 Liber pont, I, 271, Hormisdas, n. 85 ff.
2 Jaffe-Kaltenbr. (p. 101 ff.) gives a collection of ninety-five authentic letters of
Hormisdas. Under n. 862 is included the didactic epistle, devoid of date, in which
Hormisdas quotes and amplifies the previously mentioned decrees (see present work,
vol. i., p. 338 ff.) of Damasus and of " Gelasius." In Thiel (p. 931), they appear under
the following headings : I. De ordine librorum canonicorum; II. De numero apostoli-
carum sedium; III. De constitutionibus sanctorum conciliorum; IV. De opusculis sanc
torum patrum, quae recipiantur; V. De opusculis apocryphorum, quae recipienda non
sunt. Guenther has dealt with the order of the letters, Beitrdge zur Chronologie der
Brief e des Papstes Hormisdas, in the SB. der Wiener Akad., phil.-hist. Kl, vol. 126
(1892).

CHAPTER IV
JOHN I. (523-526) AND THE GOTHIC KINGDOM IN ITALY
John L, a Martyr
314. John I. received, in 525, from Theodoric an invitation to
betake himself to Ravenna, which unhappily left him no choice.
Though ill, and full of gloomy forebodings, he set forth. He
knew quite well that the haughty King had for some time past
cherished a deep feeling of hatred for Romans and Catholics
generally. The measures taken by the Emperor of the East for
the conversion of heretics and especially of Arians, who were one
in faith with the Goths, had increased Theodoric's ire. The
mainspring of his aversion was, however, political distrust. The
friendly delations re-established between Rome and Byzantium
had excited in him the deadly suspicion that the clergy and
nobility of Rome were allying themselves with the Emperor
against his own rule in Italy. Pope John was accompanied on
his melancholy journey by the senators and ex-consuls Theodore,
Importunus, and Agapitus, and by another Agapitus, a patrician.
On reaching Ravenna, Theodoric desired John to set off at
once on an embassy to Constantinople, and, among other things,
secure an undertaking from the Emperor to restore the recent
converts from Arianism to the Arian faith. The Pope declared
bluntly that he would carry no such message, but that he was
ready to fulfil any other commands of the King. The indignant
monarch then had him brought on board ship with three bishops,
Ecclesius of Ravenna, Eusebius of Fanum, and Sabinus of Capua,
and the distinguished Romans just named. The vessel was then
despatched by the quickest route to Constantinople.1 There an
1 According to the Annals of Maximian, the King said to John I. : " Die ei (Iustino)
inter alia, ut reconciliatos haereticos nequaquam in catholicam restituat religionem " (c. 88,
ed. Mommsen, p. 328). That is to say, all those who declared themselves ready for
conversion, even if they came of their own accord, were to be refused admission into the
Catholic Church, while those already admitted were to be induced to return to Arianism
— surely an extraordinary demand to make of a Pope. But that the Annals really imply
this to have been Theodoric's intention is clear from the Emperor's declaration which
they also record, viz. that he " could never yield up to the Arians those who had been
reconciled and had accepted the Catholic Faith." 25+

no. 3i4] POPE JOHN I. 255
honourable reception on the part of the Catholic capital of the
East and the Court formed a brilliant contrast to the treatment
just experienced. The news spread like wild-fire through the
delighted and excited city that the Pope was arriving, the first
of Peter's successors to tread the soil of Constantinople. The
distinguished guest was met at a distance of twelve Roman miles
from the walls of the city, the people and clergy receiving him
in solemn procession with crosses and candles. The Emperor,
too, on meeting him, prostrated himself, honouring him, says
our authority, as though he had been Peter himself.1
Among the various matters of business which the Pope accepted
to arrange on behalf of Theodoric, one was probably the proposal
that those who remained Arians should not, for the time being,
be forcibly deprived of their churches. But, needless to say,
nothing was settled in fulfilment of Theodoric's main demand.
During his stay in Constantinople John performed the religious
ceremony of crowning the Emperor. At Easter, on April 19,
he publicly celebrated the liturgy in the Latin language, and
during the ceremony took precedence in rank over the Patriarch
of the capital. After this he quitted the city in haste, and was
conveyed back to Ravenna with his companions. It would
seem indeed that the whole while, even during his stay in
Constantinople, he had been watched by people in Theodoric's
service. In Ravenna, the King had him remorselessly cast into prison.
Quite unreasonably the Pope's share in the Emperor's coronation
had incensed the King yet more, and added to his distrust. This
imprisonment was the last bitter cup to be forced on the un
fortunate Pope, whose only fault was his devotion to duty. As
a result of the fatigue of his voyage, and of the fresh indignities
and sufferings he was made to bear, he survived but a few
days, and breathed his last in prison, a noble victim of his own
courage and the undeserved suspicion of a despot. He died on
May 18, 526.
His body was at first interred outside the walls of Ravenna.
In the almost contemporary Annals of Maximian it is stated that
during the funeral a man possessed was restored to his senses
1 " Venienti ita occurrit ac si beato Petro? Ann. Maximian., c. 91, ed. MOMMSEN, I.e.
Cp. Liber pont, 1, 275, Iohannes, n. 87, and the Chronicon Marcellini, ed. MOMMSEN
(Mon. Germ. hist. Auctt. ant, t. 11), p. 102. The event happened in 526. Duchesne,
note 8.

256 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 315
when the body was carried past. The people and the senators
also, so we are told, had reverently taken fragments of the Pope's
robes as relics of a saint. Not long after, the "martyr who died
with glory" — to use the expression of the Liber pontificalis — was
brought to Rome, where he found a resting-place in the porch
of St. Peter's among the other Popes of his period. At the end
of his metrical epitaph one could read the significant words which
describe, with the fate of this Pope, the fate of the Papacy as a
whole, of which the path leads through the sorrows of this life
to heavenly glory : " Priest of the Lord, thou fallest a victim of
Christ ; yea, in this wise did the Popes earn God's highest favour
here below." 1
315. Other distinguished victims were also to be sacrificed in
Italy at about that same time.
The irritability, cruelty, and distrust which seemed to possess
King Theodoric in the last portion of his reign, make this other
wise eminent ruler seem petty and feeble in *¦'¦ e evening of his
life. His bad humour turned him into a blind, reckless foe of
the Romans and of the Catholic Church. Cassiodorus, his good
genius, had withdrawn, and new counsellors now advised the
monarch — for instance, an unscrupulous officer of state named
Cyprian, and a Jewish attorney named Symmachus, his most
influential adviser. Cyprian, even before the journey of John
already related, had accused the senator and ex-consul Albinus
of high treason for having intrigued with Constantinople.
Boethius, a great man, equally famous as a statesman and a
writer, generously undertook to defend Albinus and the Roman
Senate. The consequence was that he himself had to bear the
brunt of the King's suspicion and displeasure. His execution
amidst exquisite torture remains an indelible blot in the history
of the King of the Goths. Shortly before his death, Boethius
penned his well-known treatise "On the Consolation of
Philosophy " ; this work, composed in prison by the deeply
religious author, is full of profound thought cast in the elegant
form of antiquity. The book seems to shed a soft radiance
over the figure of the sorely-tried sage. It is the poet Dante
who makes St. Thomas Aquinas say of Boethius —
1 Liber pont, i, 276 : " defunctus est . . . martyr" ; the first recension has " defunctus
est cum gloria? The epitaph with "procumbis victima Christi" is in de Rossi, Inscr.
christ, 2, 1, p. 57, who gives good reasons for ascribing this anonymous text to John I.
Cp. Duchesne, note 15.

no.3i6] THEODORIC'S BUILDINGS 257
" By seeing every good therein exults
The sainted soul, which the fallacious world
Makes manifest to him who listeneth well." '
How small in comparison with this spokesman of Romano-
Christian culture appears the fierce King, who, after so brilliant
a beginning, relapses into barbarism at the suggestion of blind
political prejudice and religious hatred. Nor did the King's rage
subside. The fate of Boethius was shared by his father-in-
law, the aged Senator Symmachus. The guilt of the leader of
the Roman Senate lay in the fear lest he should avenge the
murder of Boethius on the King. He was accordingly ordered
to Ravenna, and there beheaded. In his mania of dread,
Theodoric next issued an edict forbidding any Roman throughout
the kingdom to carry weapons. By pulling down a Catholic
oratory at Verona he showed that even churches were not safe
from his rage. The Annals of Maximian complain of him that
"he became a fee of God, unmindful of the blessings he had
received." According to this authority, Symmachus the Jew
had already prepared a law, according to which the Arians
would immediately have entered into possession of the Catholic
churches of the country. The King was, however, seized with
an attack of dysentery, which terminated fatally (August 30, 526).

Theodoric's Buildings
316. The Mausoleum which Theodoric erected outside
Ravenna as his own burial-place, still exists almost uninjured
(111. 150). Its strong and massive form, crowned with a cupola
consisting of a single stone, is typical of the Gothic period in
Italy. This rotunda, which strikes out a new line in architecture,
reveals in some sense the aboriginal talent which lay dormant in
this gifted nation. Whoever ponders on it will call to mind with
1 The book De consolatione philosophiae has been as variously judged as the author
and his cruel death. Those who dispute the Christian character of Boethius have been
dealt with by A. HlLDEBRAND (1885), J. DRASEKE (Jahrb.fiir prot. Theol., 1886, p. 312
ff), and N. SCHEID (Stimmen aus Maria-Laach, 1890, II., 374 ff). The De consolatione
is dedicated to philosophy, as its title shows. It is not a theological work ; in fact, it
avoids trenching on specifically Christian truth. But this, as the authors just mentioned
rightly contend, is no proof that the " last Roman philosopher " was not a Christian. At
the present day his theological treatises furnish an external argument of which older
writers were not able to avail themselves. Under Leo XIII. the worship accorded
Boethius at Pavia since time immemorial was sanctioned for that diocese. Dante,
Farad., 10, v. 124 ff, Longfellow's trans.
VOL. II. R

258

ROME AND THE POPES

[No. 316

some sadness the great hopes to which the energy of the Goths
gave rise as long as they remained on friendly terms with the
Church and with the Romans. Unluckily these hopes were
never to be realised, for no sooner had Theodoric vanished from
the field of history than all prospect disappeared of the nation
making the progress it had once promised.
The unfortunate Goths, far from consolidating either their

111. 150. — Theodoric's Mausoleum at Ravenna.
Exterior. Cp. Kraus, Gesch. der christi. Kunst, 1, 855.

religion or their culture, were soon to engage in a sanguinary
struggle for their existence, and in spite of all its valour their
nation was to bleed to death upon the battle-fields of the fair pro
vinces it had conquered. The Mausoleum at Ravenna is the nation's
tombstone. But this edifice, as the King's building activity in
Rome would already lead us to suppose, is not the only witness
standing to Theodoric's enterprise in the architectural domain.
Many cities of Italy, but especially Ravenna, reaped the harvest
of his passion for building and love of art. In Ravenna, his

111. 151. — SS. Silvester and Martin (S. Martino ai Monti), with the Medieval
Tower of the Capocci.
(Photograph by Commendatore C. Tenerani.)

No- 317] SYMMACHUS AS BUILDER 259
capital, he built a vast royal palace, of which a mosaic in one of
the city churches is commonly thought to be a picture. Theo
doric also restored Trajan's aqueduct and other conduits of the
city, besides erecting a smaller palace, a portico, some baths,
the Basilica of Hercules, various churches, and the Arian
Baptistery. The latter buildings, several of which are still standing in the
city, contribute by their character to give Ravenna its peculiar,
venerable aspect, and to rank it above Rome itself for its pro
fusion of monuments in good condition belonging to the fifth and
sixth centuries. It is true that, under Theodoric, Rome's wealth
of marble was often laid under tribute for the embellishment of
Ravenna. Superfluous marble blocks from the Pincian Palace
were; by the King's orders, brought to Ravenna by the catabu-
lenses or public carriers. To make up for this his men and his
money were often enough at Rome's service for the building of
new churches in the Eternal City ; particularly was this the case
during the better days of his government, when as yet he was
kindly disposed to Catholics.1
Pope Symmachus, during Theodoric's reign, built the Rotunda
of St. Andrew, beside St. Peter's. This Pontiff, one of the most
prolific poets among the Popes, provided the altars of the Rotunda
with verses of his own. Besides other churches, he built the
Basilica of St. Prancras outside the Aurelian Gate, and the
Basilica of SS. Silvester and Martin, close to the ancient Titulus
yEquitii. This last is the church now called S. Martino ai
Monti (111. 15 1).2
317. The Basilica of SS. Silvester and Martin, still in a fair
state of preservation, may be placed beside the previously
described churches of Sta. Maria Maggiore, Sta. Sabina, and San
Paolo fuori le mura, as a type of the basilicas of the sixth century.
But what excites our interest in SS. Silvester and Martin's, is, on
the one hand, the connection of this basilica with the Titulus
sEquitii — a place of worship reckoned among the earliest public
churches in Rome — and on the other its association with Theo
doric's rule. The Titulus Alquitii may still be visited below the
church, and as memorials of Theodoric we may see in the upper
1 Var. 3, n. 10, ed. MOMMSEN, p. 84 : " marmora quae de domo Pinciana constat esse
deposita." 2 For the inscriptions by Symmachus, see de Rossi, Inscr. christ, 2, 1, p. XLI. :
¦" videtur Damasi quodam modo pressisse vestigia."

260 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 317
part of the present building a collection of recently discovered
roofing-tiles bearing his name.1
The Basilica deserves close examination. Two rows, each
of twelve, fine, ancient columns divide the inner space. These
columns are all of similar size, shape, and sort of marble, a remark
able exception at that period, when change and variety had already
become the rule. On the lower portion of two of these columns
the present writer found the name of Propus (Probus). This, as
at Sta. Maria Maggiore and Sta. Sabina, gives us the name
either of the quarry-owner or of the contractor who supplied the
marble. When the church was being built, these columns were set up
on high bases, because they proved too short in proportion to the
height of the structure. They support highly worked Corinthian
capitals, most of which betray by their decoration that they do
not date from the period previous to Theodoric and Symmachus.
By striving unduly after greater variety of form, they deviate con
siderably from the ancient type of Corinthian capitals, but in spite
of this they are executed with taste and skill.2
The pillars are linked up with one another by a straight entab
lature, consisting of a marble architrave with projecting corbels.
There is no transept.
The apse makes a fine sight when seen from without, i.e.
from the Piazza in the adjoining modern street, its effect being
heightened by the lofty mediaeval tower of the Capocci family.
The upper border of the apse, below the roof, is encircled by a
sixth-century cornice. The profusely decorated corbels support
panels, which, looked at from below, are seen to bear large
1 Liber pont, I, 262, Symmachus, n. 80 : " basilicam sanctorum Silvestri et Martini a
fundamento construxit iuxta Traianas? Cp. Fragmentum Laurentianum in DUCHESNE,
Liber pont, 1, 46 : " Hie (Symmachus) beati Martini ecclesiam iuxta sanctum Silvestrem
Falatini inlustris viri pecuniis fabrica?is et exornans, eo ipso instante dedicavit? The
various names of the church are explained in the text. For the ancient condition of the
church, see FlLlPPINl, Ristretto . . . della chiesa dei SS. Silvestro e Martitio ai monti.
Roma, 1639. Cp. CROSTAROSA, Nuovo Bull. arch, crist, 1898, p. 201 ff. Upon the tiles
shown on the church may be read Theodoric's formula : " + Regnante domino nostro
Theoderico bono Rome" and " +Regnante domino nostro Theoderico,felix Roma? Cp.
above, p. 231. For the stamp also found in San Martino, " +In nomine Dei," and pro
bably dating from the time of Symmachus, see DE ROSSI, Bull. arch, crist, 1869, p. 94 ;
1870, p. 15. During the latest restoration it was proved that many of the beams under
the roof spanning the broad nave date from the time either of Theodoric or of Sergius II.,
who restored the church.
2 Mazzanti (La scultura omamentale, Archivio storico dell' arte, 1896, p. 48) gives a
good illustration of the capitals. A number of those nearest the main entrance are
distinguished from the others by greater purity of style ; they may possibly have been
purloined from some earlier structure.

111. 152. — Cornice of the Apse in SS. Silvester and Martin's.

111. 153. — Remains of a pierced Marble
Window in the fourth-century
Titulus JEquitii.
(Mazzanti, Archivio storico del? arte, 1896, p. 42.;

no. 317] SYMMACHUS AS BUILDER 261
fantastic masks in the ancient style (111. 152), alternating with
rich ornaments of trailinp- foliaee.1
Classic influence was still much in evidence ; but a profusion
of secondary details and decorations which the period lacked
sufficient artistic sense to control was now making its appearance.
A similar remark may be made regarding the mosaics ; opulence
and ornament both in dress and other details become the order
of the day, but expression and sincerity to nature gradually
deteriorate. In consequence of fresh excavations the interesting crypt of
the church of S. Martino, to the left of the apse, has been partly
laid bare ; it is composed, particularly on the east side, of great
blocks of tufa — taken from the Servian city wall, which passes
the church on that side — which in some cases retain the stone
masons' marks of the original builders.
Here, accordingly, in a certain sense, the Rome of earliest
times is linked with incipient mediaeval Rome.
But Imperial Rome is also represented here, ; in fact, the
Basilica may be said to stand in the shadow of one of the wonders
of the classic world, for it rose in the immediate neighbourhood
of Trajan's superb baths. Trajan had extended these thermae,
begun by Domitian, from the Oppius as far as this part of the
Esquiline. According to an inscription they were still used in
the fourth century. For a long time they were wrongly associated
with the name of Titus. It was near their north-eastern angle that
Symmachus erected this church.2
In our own day, rooms which belong to the best period of
Roman architecture, have been excavated beneath the apse among
other blocks from the Servian wall. A ruined portico also came
to light, of which one portion ran parallel with the northern wall
of the church.3
According to a contemporary authority, Symmachus had
erected and decorated his sacred fane with the assistance of a
1 The apse, in Hubsch, PI. 4, diag. 9. Our Illustration 152 shows as in Mazzanti
(p. 48) a mask of the cornice. Similar masks are also found in the church of SS. Nereo
ed Achilleo, beneath the cornice within the apse.
2 Fourth-century inscription: Corpus inscr. lat, VI., n. 1670: "ad augendam ther-
marum traianarum gratiam." For the remarkable inscription of Scaptoparene, of the
year 238, in which the "portions thermarum traianarum " is mentioned, see Lanciani,
Bull. arch, com., 1892, p. 27. As the usual road to the church from the populous quarters
of the city led past these baths, people naturally associated them with the name of the
church. 3 Bull. arch, com., 1880, p. 317 ; 1888, p. 221 ; 1892, p. 342 ; 1893, pp. 26, 116, 300.

262 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 317
certain noble " Palatinus." He dedicated it to St. Martin of
Tours, the great apostle of Gaul and promoter of monasticism
among the Germans and Romans of the north. Symmachus had
a special reason for selecting this spot as the site for his basilica.
He evidently wished to honour anew the ancient Titulus sFquitu
lying close by. The church of the presbyter yEquitius stands to
the west, directly under the hill upon which the new basilica was
built, and is a sanctuary dating from the days of Constantine.
This pious priest of Pope Silvester had given up his own house
and grounds for the establishment of a Titulus, and, at the
instigation of Silvester, the Emperor Constantine had enriched the
Title with important foundations. The low situation at the foot
of a slope covered with buildings in decay may have unfavourably
affected the masonry. At any rate Pope Symmachus connected
it with his basilica by a staircase.1
The venerable Titulus was thus preserved as a place of
worship ; in fact during mediaeval times it became a much
frequented shrine of St. Silvester, mainly owing to the legend
started by the sixth century forgeries regarding this Pope, which
told of a great synod held under his presidency in the " Baths of
Domitian or of Trajan," the Titulus Aiquitii being mistaken for
these thermae. Everything which concerned Silvester seemed
calculated in the Middle Ages to excite the poetic fancy of the
Roman populace. An archaeological discovery has, however,
proved that Pope Silvester was venerated here as early as the
fifth century ; we allude to the silver votive offering of that date,
a sort oigabata, found near this place, and which, according to its
inscription, had been given in honour of Pope Silvester.2
In the newly erected church of St. Martin the worship of two
renowned saints was combined : that of the extirpator of Roman
Paganism, St. Silvester, who bound the dragon of the temple of
Vesta, and that of St. Martin, who in the North was the
1 The Titulus JEquitii is the first church mentioned in the Liber pont under Pope
Silvester (i, 170, n. 34), and its situation is described : " in praedium Equitii iuxta termas
Domitianas." For this Titulus, see present work, vol. i., p. 190; DUCHESNE, Liber
pont, 1, 188, note 4 ; Lanciani, Bull. arch, com., 1893, p. 26 ; also his excellent com
mentary on the Einsiedeln Guide, Monumenti antichi, I, 484-489.
2 The Synod, comprising 275 bishops, was said to have been held in the "thermae
Domitianae, quae (or quae nunc) cognominantur Traianae,'' or simply in the "thermae
Domitianae? See Duchesne, I.e. The Baths of Titus are, however, excluded by recent
discoveries. It would seem at the period when these apocryphal documents were com
piled the Title of /Equitius was looked on as an appendage of the neighbouring Baths
of Trajan, which had been begun by Domitian. On the gabata, see above, p. 166, n. 3.

no. 3i8] SYMMACHUS AS BUILDER 263
great champion of Christianity and civilisation, and father of
monasticism. The fact that St. Martin, the Pannonian monk and bishop,
who laboured among the Gauls, was venerated by the Church
as early as the fifth century, is one of the earliest, or at least on
of the most noteworthy, instances of a Confessor, who was not a
martyr, being made the recipient of liturgical honours. Even at
the present day we may see in his office the trace of the transition
from the worship of martyrs to that of simple confessors. We are
there told, as if to justify the inclusion of this Confessor in the
list of saints, that, though Martin had not been struck by the
persecutor's sword, he had in other ways secured the palm of
martyrdom.1 That veneration for St. Martin, already widespread in Gaul,
should have at that time been introduced into Rome may possibly
have been due to the person described above as " Palatinus," who
bore the cost of the building. He may have been some Gothic
official of the court, like Valila, the founder of St. Andrew Cata
barbara, and if he was, like Theodoric, a Northerner, then the
memory of St. Martin would probably have been dear to him, and
would have suggested the saint as a patron for his church.
318. From San Martino the old flight of steps leads down to
the Titulus sEquitii. This is, indeed, in a sad state of decay,
yet the portions of the ancient church still remaining carry us
back in mind to the times of ^Equitius and Silvester (Ills. 153
and 154). Walls and vaults belonging to the fourth century still
exist ; the visitor's foot still treads upon remains of the ancient
black and white tessellated paving of the floor. On the walls
classical coloured decorations, now almost effaced, may yet be
discerned. It is clear that ^Equitius, with the broad-mindedness
usual in his time, when transforming his house into a church, left
intact such of the decorations as were not distinctly idolatrous.
In the eighties of last century the present writer was able to
admire the mythological figures painted in heathen times with a
light, artistic brush on one of the vaults. They had then just
been brought to light by excavation, but have since been entirely
ruined by the damp. Filippini the Carmelite, who in 1637 found
his way into these long-forgotten vaults, saw on the pictures, disks,
1 Brev. Romanum, Nov. u, in ii. Vespers, Ant. ad Magn.

264 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 319
mythical griffins, birds and foliage, all carried out, as he phrases
it, " in a grotesque style " ; also a bounding stag and little figures
with " flowing drapery." Even now, showing in what esteem
this site was held in the Middle Ages, we may make out on the
walls paintings depicting saints bringing their crowns to Christ,
or grouped around Him and Our Lady. On the ruined vaults
remains of large, coarsely-worked ornaments in the shape of
crosses and stars, are also to be seen.1

319. Theodoric was only able to do what he did for the pre
servation of the monuments of Rome and for the erection of new
buildings in other cities of Italy, thanks to the excellent financial
administration conferred by him on the Gothic kingdom. The
administration of the kingdom was conducted on Roman lines.
The King, looking on himself as the supreme governor of the
Roman Empire of the West, appointed as officials and function
aries of his realm men who were also favourable to the ideals of
Rome. Theodoric never regarded himself as King of Italy, or
even of Rome. He never styled himself thus, nor yet King of
the Goths, but simply King, without any addition. His right to
the title of King was founded on his German sovereignty.2

Theodoric and the Empire of the East
The public position of the Ostrogothic Kingdom enables us
to understand how the Byzantine Emperor could continue his
relations with the West. The governing power which Theodoric,
according to an agreement made with the Emperor Anastasius,
exercised throughout the Western Empire, with the exception of
conquered Spain, was practically that of a Roman Viceroy. He
was (although he never used the title) at once magister militum,
Consul, and Patrician. As the idea of a Roman Empire of the
1 There is no good plan of these remarkable vaults. An attempt at one will be found
in a photograph by Parker (No. 227 ff). Parker also (No. 3057 ff.) gives the mythological
pictures, which according to him were discovered in 1872. For the disks, &c, see G. A.
FlLIPPINl, Ristretto . . . delta chiesa dei SS. Silvestro e Martino ai motiti, pp. 16, 26.
2 Procopius (De bello Pers., 2, c. 1, and De bello Vandal, 1, c. 13) calls him and his
successors " Kings of the Goths and of the Italians." Cp. MOMMSEN, Ostgothische
Studien, Neues Archiv, 14 (1889), 223-249, 451-544; 15 (1890), 181-186. Our next
section embodies Mommsen's researches.

no. 3i9] THEODORIC'S KINGDOM 265
East and West, one and undivided, still held good, he could govern
Italy and the other countries which then went with it merely in
the name of the Byzantine Emperor. The only peculiarity about
his case was that his rule was not to be a personal privilege, but
a permanent right vested in the Gothic Sovereign.1
Theodoric, the ruler of the West, for instance, had not the
right of minting money, or, if he had, it was only as a subordinate.
Nor could he legislate save within limits. For the appointment
of a Consul he had to seek consent of the Emperor Anastasius.
Not having the right of bestowing Roman citizenship upon aliens,
he was unable to appoint Goths to Roman offices, or to put them
in the Senate. On the other hand, he could nominate Romans
to any office in his portion of the Empire.
Theodoric was formally authorised to wear the royal insignia.
Odovacar had never envied these externals, and had even sent
the ornamenta palatii back to Constantinople. These the Em
peror Anastasius returned to Theodoric, who accepted them. The
German King might therefore be seen in his Palace at Ravenna
robed in purple, with the diadem on his head, and seated amidst
the Imperial regalia.2
In his private capacity he was reckoned not only a Roman
citizen, but also a member of the tribe of the Flavii, just as
Odovacar had previously taken the name of Flavius when he
received from the Emperor the rights of Roman citizenship ; in
this wise a certain imaginary connection was established with the
family of Constantine and the later Emperors, who were all of
them Flavii. In the edicts of King Theodoric (they are called
edicta and not leges) the name of Flavius does not appear, because
they were all drafted by Cassiodorus, who had a rooted objection
to the then Roman habit of accumulating names.
The Germans in Theodoric's State were, judging by the
standard of Roman law, to all intents and purposes merely foreign
soldiers in the Roman service. They held the same position as
the ancient barbari or gentiles belonging to the Empire. In the
main they were subject to the old regulations governing friendly
1 The idea of a Roman Empire one and undivided was fostered by Cassiodorus
among the Ostrogoths. Cp. Var. i, n. i, ed. Mommsen, p. 10 (Theodoric to the
Emperor Anastasius) : "pati vos non credimus, inter utrasque res publicas, quarum
semper unum corpus sub antiquis principibus fuisse declaratur, aliquid discordiae
permanere. . . . Romani regni unum velle, una semper opinio sit." Cp. 10, n. 32 ;
11, n. 13.
2 Mommsen, Ostgothische Studien, 14, 537, note 2.

266 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 320
populations settled on the borders of the Roman Empire. In the
Roman system everything was based on tradition and legal pre
cedent, in which indeed lay the secret of Rome's strength and
authority. On the other hand, the German tribes outside Italy — the Bur-
gundians, the Visigoths, and the Vandals — had shaken themselves
free of this sort of tutelage ; they had raised themselves, thanks
to their energy, from their former position of subordination to a
state of independence ; their kings ruled independently, and were
no longer mere generals of the Romans' German allies. They
had the right of coining money and of making laws, though some
times, whether from force of ingrained habit, or from motives of
personal interest, or owing to the influence of bishops who by
birth or training were Romans, they continued to accord a certain
pre-eminence to the Emperor of the Roman Empire. When
Theodoric wrested from the Visigoths the kingdom of Spain,
which hitherto had enjoyed an immunity of this sort, he too
immediately adopted the style and dignity of an independent
king, though he confined this independence to his action as King
of Spain. From all this it is easy to see how incorrect it would be to
look on the famous Gothic Sovereign as the founder of a new
Germano-Roman polity.1
Theodoric's Successors on the Ostrogothic Throne
320. When death snatched the crown from Theodoric, there
was no male heir on whom it could descend. No keener blow
than this could have been dealt at his kingdom in Italy, parti
cularly at a time when he had alienated so many hearts by his
oppression of the Catholic Church and its Chief Pastor, and by
his unjust persecution of the Roman Senate.
The subsequent reigns following each other in rapid succession
would almost lead us to suppose that some overpowering hostile
fate rested on the Goths. On behalf of Athalaric, the infant son
of Theodoric's daughter Amalasuntha and the Visigoth Eutharic,
Amalasuntha herself, a high-minded and well-educated woman,
assumed the regency. By every means in her power she en-
1 Mommsen, 14, 540. Cp. the quotations from Hartmann, Gesch. Italiens im Mittel-
alter, p. 79 ff.

No.32o] THEODORIC'S SUCCESSORS 267
deavoured to bridge over the wide gulf still yawning between
Roman and Goth. She herself, both in thought and action, was
more a Roman than a Goth. In her mind everything depended
upon retaining the friendship of Justinian, the Roman Emperor
and law-making representative of the ancient Empire.
Under such circumstances a counter current of Gothic feeling
in the hearts of the nobles of her people was inevitable.
Athalaric paid the penalty of his excesses by an early death,
and his mother chose as co-regent Theodahat, a well-educated
but violent and rapacious soldier, a son of Theodoric's sister
Amalafrida by her first husband ; Cassiodorus, who had then re
turned to Court as Chancellor, drew up the edict by which both
Amalasuntha and Theodahat were to share the throne of Italy.
But Amalasuntha fell, a victim to the hatred of the Gothic
nationalists. She was banished by Theodahat to the delightful
isle of Martana, on the lake of Bolsena, and was there violently
done to death by unknown hands. Her death, however, furnished
her friend, the Emperor Justinian, with a good pretext for de
claring war against the Ostrogoths and wresting Italy from them.
Italy was to become once more a province of the Empire
immediately dependent on the Emperor.
It seemed a favourable moment for such an enterprise. The
far-reaching plans of Justinian, which aimed at re-establishing
Rome's power throughout the West, had just been realised with
remarkable success in the Vandal kingdom. In 533 he had
captured Carthage, and had brought Gelimer, the last Vandal
King, in triumph to Constantinople. With the help of a general
so able, energetic, and faithful as Belisarius, who had accomplished
the conquest of Africa, the Emperor hoped soon to see Italy too
at his feet.
With this end in view, Belisarius landed in December 535 in
Sicily. Dalmatia was attacked by the Byzantine general Mundus,
and the north-westerly portion of the Ostrogothic State was, at
the demand of the Greeks, simultaneously assailed by the Franks.
King Theodahat, whose courage was no greater than that of his
predecessor, the boy-king Athalaric, first made reckless overtures
to the Emperor Justinian, and then took measures to offer a
hopeless resistance to the Imperial troops advancing from the
south of Italy. Finally his own Gothic chieftains, at Regeta in
the Pontine Marshes, declared him deposed, and raised a new

268 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 320
leader, Vitiges, on the shield. This brave and prudent King at
once decided upon the only right step, viz. to leave Rome and
Central Italy to the steadily approaching Roman armies, and to
concentrate his own forces and those of his allies behind the
ramparts of Ravenna. Belisarius, without meeting any resistance,
entered Rome by the Porta Asinaria, beside the Lateran, on
December 9, 536. The welcome given to the .Roman tokens of
victory and to the Catholic general by both Pope and Senate was
joyful and sincere.

CHAPTER V
THE POPES FROM JOHN I. TO VIGILIUS
Felix IV. (526*530), Boniface II. (530*532)
321. When the forces of the Eastern Empire under Belisarius
once more brought the Roman eagles back through the gates of
Rome, the head of the Church was Pope Silverius. No fewer
than four Popes had succeeded one another during the short
period which intervened between his pontificate and that of
John I., who died in prison.
The last portion of the Gothic occupation of Rome had been a
time of sad trial for the city, for the country, and for the Roman
Bishop. The Church of Rome had rarely had to face such diffi
culties at home. Dangers of a sort never experienced hitherto
were created by the machinations of political factions and by
disputes concerning the papal succession. Interests of the most
divergent nature invaded the Church and sought to influence the
elections. John's first successor, Felix IV., a native of Samnium, and the
son of Castorius, had been backed by the overwhelming influence
of Theodoric. The electors, however, gave him their votes, and
he was duly chosen Pope, and consecrated July 12, 526. Felix
naturally enjoyed the favour of the Gothic Government, and with
no detriment to the Church. When the Roman clergy complained
to Theodoric's successor, Athalaric, at Ravenna that the liberties
of clerics were constantly violated by the civil courts of law, a
royal edict, penned by Cassiodorus, and showing great reverence
for papal authority, was issued to forbid such injustice. It insisted
on the observance of the earlier custom whereby any civil or
criminal charge brought by a layman against a cleric was to be
tried before the Bishop of Rome or the ecclesiastical judges
appointed by him. Any one infringing this rule and taking
such a case before the King's justices was to incur a penalty of
ten. pounds in gold. The treasury officials in Rome (palatini
sacrarum largitionum) were to collect these fines and place
269

270 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 321
them in the Pope's hands for distribution among the poor of
the city.1
Another remarkable token of royal favour towards Pope Felix
IV. was the permission he received to adapt into the church of
SS. Cosmas and Damian, the two classical buildings on the Roman
Forum. The famous mosaics of Felix IV. in this church even at
the present day carry us back in mind to the closing period of
Gothic rule.2
But in Rome the party of the Goths was always faced by that
of the Byzantines. Both had eminent representatives in the
Senate and in the Church. Whilst this conflict endured it was
the rule to cast about even during the Pope's lifetime for a suit
able successor. It appears that under Felix IV. the wishes of the
Byzantine faction were already centred in the person of the
deacon Dioscorus, a distinguished and; capable Alexandrian cleric,
who had done excellent service to the Popes not only under
Hormisdas, when peace was concluded with Constantinople, but
also under Symmachus at the Court of Ravenna. Dioscorus now
belonged to the Roman clergy, but, on account of his birthplace,
he also represented the Greek element. His previous attitude
seemed to promise well.
In 530, Felix IV. was brought near to his end by a severe ill
ness. To obviate the risk of schism, and to secure the successor in
whose hands he considered the reins of power would be safest, he
took a step of which the like had never been taken before. He
bestowed his episcopal pallium, with right of succession in the See
of Rome, on Boniface, his trusty and well-deserving Archdeacon,
a man who, as the son of Sigibald, was of a German family though
a Roman by birth. A letter signed by the Pope's own hand was put
up in all the Roman Tituli proclaiming this appointment to the
clergy, the Senate, and the people. Consideration for the quiet and
peace of the Roman Church, says Felix in the document, had made
it necessary, especially as the Church of that juncture was im
poverished and weighed down by debts. Should Felix recover,
Boniface would, moreover, return the pallium. He trusts that all
1 Var. 8, n. 24, ed. MOMMSEN, p. 255 : ". . . longae consuetudinis institution . . .
ut ad antistitem negotium suum dicturus occurreret . . . Ideo considerantes apostolicae
sedis honorem," &c. (there then follows the decision). An undue importance has been
given to this edict, as though it had contributed greatly to ecclesiastical exemption and
the "political power" of the clergy ; see, e.g. GREGOROVIUS, I4, 328.
2 For the church and the mosaic, see present work, vol. i., p. 232 ff.

no. 322] BONIFACE II. 271
will accept his decision in a God-fearing and religious spirit, since
he, the Pope, had taken it only after much prayer, and under
guidance from on high. Any one causing divisions and striving
to rend the Church is no longer a son of the Church, and must
be excluded from Communion. Let all know that he has given
notice of " this his will " to the authorities, i.e. to the Court at
Ravenna.1 322. Felix IV. died very soon after, apparently on September
22, 530, and Boniface II. was immediately consecrated, and Dios*
corus too. The latter had also the support of by far the greater
part of the Roman priests, and whereas his consecration took place
in the Lateran Basilica, that of Boniface had occurred in a mere
hall of the Lateran Palace, the so-called J ulian Basilica.
Felix's nomination of his own successor, far from being
productive of good, plunged the Roman Church anew into
schism. It was indeed a lucky thing that, before a month had passed,
Dioscorus was dead. After his demise his large party wisely
agreed not to continue the schism, but to submit to Boniface,
setting thereby an example of singular moderation. No fewer
than sixty Roman presbyters made a written declaration to
Boniface, rejecting the memory of Dioscorus, anathematising him,
and giving his surviving rival the satisfaction of being called
beatissimus papa and papa venerabilis?
It is scarcely credible that this overwhelming majority of the
Roman presbyterate had previously acted against their consciences
in using their right of election to oppose the choice of Boniface. It
seems more probable that they wished to show their disapproval of
the new manner of appointment. When, however, they were ready
to forsake their attitude of opposition, Boniface, so far as we can
judge by the wording of our documents, actually induced them,
by what means we know not, not only to acknowledge him at the
expense of Dioscorus, now deceased, but also expressly to promise
that they would in the future not oppose the designation of his

1 The text according to Mommsen's edition is given in the Neues Archiv, 11 (iS
367; previously in Duchesne, Liber pont, 1, 282, note 4. The heading runs: " Incipit
praeceptum papae Felicis " ; at the close the words are : " Quam ordinationem meam .
hanc voluntatem meam?
2 The libellus of the presbyters in Mommsen, p. 368 ; in Duchesne, note 8 :
"... anathematizans Dioscorum persuasorem . . . Quod si aliquando similia tempta-
vero in ea causa, in qua veniam ab apostolatu vestro merui, tunc ecclesiasticae subiaceam
ultioni?

272 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 323
successor by the Pope. This promise is made in the above-
mentioned declaration.
Boniface was quite convinced of the necessity and usefulness
of the nomination or designation of one Pope by the other.
He considered the discarding of the previous practice the only
expedient to be adopted under the circumstances of the time.
As soon therefore as that declaration, duly signed by every
presbyter, had been deposited among the archives of the church,
he assembled a council at St. Peter's and made known to the
clergy that he had decided on the deacon Vigilius as his future
successor. This measure was acquiesced in quietly by those
present, and the assembly dispersed. Against this proceeding
feeling began, however, to grow, and soon opposition became so
strong that Boniface was compelled to ask himself whether the
measure should not be cancelled. Choosing the lesser evil, he
yielded, convoking to the tomb of Peter another council, in which
we are informed that the Senate had a share. Before the whole
assembly Boniface confessed that he had done wrong in designat
ing Vigilius as his successor, and thereupon cast the decree into
the flames.1
Until recently little was known regarding these remarkable
proceedings. The nomination of his successor by Felix IV.
with the details involved, was first made clear in 1882 by the
discovery of three documents in the capitular archives of Novara.
The first two documents were the deed in which Felix designates
his successor and the text of the presbyters' anathema against
Dioscorus. The third is the report of a decision taken by the
Senate, about which we must now speak.2
323. During the pontificate of Boniface, reproach was brought
against the Senate, in connection with the above proceedings,
that it, or at least several of its members had allowed themselves
to be corrupted, and in consequence of bribery had taken sides in
the question of the appointment to the Holy See. It is not
clear whether this charge relates to the trouble at the time of
1 Liber pont, I, 281, Bonifatius II, n. 92 : "ante confessionem beati apostoli Petri
ipsum constitutum praesentia omnium sacerdotum et cleri et senatus incendio consumpsit."
2 The find was made by G. Amelli, at that time librarian at the Ambrosiana, and now
Prior of Monte Cassino ; the documents were first dealt with by him, in 1882 in the
Scuola Cattolica of Milan (Vol. 21, No. 122). Duchesne has an article on them in the
Mdlanges d'archdol. et dhist, 3 (1883), 239 ff. (La succession du pape Fdlix IV.). Cp.
text and commentary in P. Ewald, Neues Archiv, 10 (1885), 412 ff. (Aden zum Schisma
des fahres 530).

no. 323] BONIFACE II. 273
Dioscorus, or to the choice of Vigilius, but at any rate so jealous
was the illustrious Senate of its good name that the charge of
corruption moved the Fathers of the Curia to exculpate them
selves by a public deed.1
The Senate accordingly took the same action as Pope
Symmachus had once taken with regard to the alienation of
church property of which he had been accused. By senatorial
decree they forbade, under penalty, any offer or acceptance of
money for the purpose of influencing the choice of a candidate
at future papal elections. Thereby they simply made known
their assent to the ecclesiastical regulations already in force.
In sending their decree (contestatio) to "the presbyters, deacons,
and all the clergy," they were making use of their ancient
privilege of co-operating with the church authorities in the
maintenance of ecclesiastical discipline ; perhaps this threat of
penalty may also have had a wholesome effect upon certain
members of the clergy who were oblivious of their duty, and
may even have been necessary to stop the abuse.
The Senate's decree pleased the Gothic Court at Ravenna.
Not long after, under John II., it was included in the law of the
land, the nature of the offence and the amount of the penalty
being also at the same time more clearly set forth. It was also
extended to all the sees in the Gothic kingdom. This edict
of Amalasuntha and Athalaric, framed by Cassiodorus, seems
indeed somewhat irreverent to the clergy, whom it threatens,
but the observation with which it begins is quite correct,
namely, that its contents are but an application of the canonical
ordinances.2 In one point this edict is still less honourable, and cannot
be alleged as a pattern for church laws, namely where, in order to
prevent contested elections, it directs that whenever such a case
is carried by the people, the nobility, and the clergy of Rome to
1 CASSIODOR., Var. 9, n, 16, ed. MOMMSEN, p. 281 : ". . . Dudum siquidem senatus
amplissimus ab splendore suo cupiens maculam foedissimae suspicionis abradere, provida
deliberatione constituit, ut in beatissimi papae consecratione nullus se abominabili cupi-
dilate pollueret," &c. " Quod nos laudantes et augentes inventum" &c. The recently
discovered senatorial decree, or rather report upon this decree, is in Mommsen, Neues
Archiv, 11 (1886), 368 : "Atque senatus talia proposuit Senatus amplissimus presby-
teris," &c. ; also in Duchesne, Liber pont, 1, 282, note 4; in Ewald, p. 414. I agree
with Ewald that this decree of the Senate and that included by Cassiodorus ( Var. 9,
n. 15, 16) are one and the same.
2 Var. 9, n. 15 : " Iohanni papae Athalaricus rex" (ed. Mommsen, p. 279). The
King merely wishes " talia decernere, quae possunt sacris regulis convenire." The decree
was issued at the close of 533.
VOL. II. S

274 ROME AND THE POPES [no. v-a
the Ravenna tribunals a money payment shall be made. Three
thousand solidi, so it says, may be demanded by those judges of
the court who decide the question, a sum which, seeing it comes
from the Church, shall be given to the poor. The last clause was
in all likelihood observed but little in practice, for Roman officials
in the service of the Goths had not unlearnt the Byzantine art
of filling their own pockets.
When Felix IV. designated his successor he was at pains
to point out how straitened the Roman Church was financially.
The directions contained in the edict just spoken of enable us
to understand better why the Pope, then on the point of
death, sought to avert a quarrel over the election. Similar
expenses had had to be incurred even before the exact amount
had been fixed by royal edict. In addition to this the Church's
revenue was always drained to some extent to meet the pro
mises made by rival candidates for the purpose of securing votes.
Under such circumstances many people conceived an objection
to an election of any sort, and were thus led to welcome the
idea of the Pope designating his own successor.
The financial embarrassment of Felix IV. towards the close of
his pontificate was due partly to his great liberality towards the
clergy and the poor of the City, partly to a disastrous failure of
the crops. The revenues (pensiones) usually drawn by the Holy
See from its Patrimonies were then at a very low ebb. On the
other hand it is stated of Boniface II. that, when a famine was
feared, he distributed very abundant alms. We are even told
that, from legacies he had received, he made presents of dishes
(probably of silver) to the presbyters, deacons, sub-deacons, and
church notaries. The epitaph of this Pope also extols his
charity.1 John II. (533-535), Agapetus I. (535-536)
324. Pope Boniface II. reigned only till October 17, 532,
whilst John II., who succeeded him, seems to have been elected
on January 2, 533. His pontificate, too, lasted but two years
and four months. His own name was Mercurius, which, pro-
1 Liber pont, I, 281, Bonifatius II., n. 92 : " Hie presbiteris et diaconibus et subdia-
conibus et notariis scutellas de adeptis hereditatibus optulit," &c. The epitaph in DE
ROSSI, Inscr. christ. urbis Romae, 1, n. 1029 ; 2, 1, n. 126, 141. DUCHESNE, Liber pont,
1, 283, note 14. GRISAR, Anal, rom., 1, 151, with illustration of the few preserved frag
ments, PI. II., n. 6.

111. 154.— Fourth-century Marble Parapet in the Titulus .^Equitii.

111. 155. — Marble Screen in San Clemente with the Monogram of John II. (Mazzanti, Archivio storico dell' arte, 1S66, p. 49.)

N°' 324] POPE JOHN II. 275
bably on account of its pagan, mythological sound, he exchanged
for John. A Roman by birth and the son of Projectus, he had,
before his election, been presbyter of St. Clement's Basilica on the
Caelian, with which the reader is already acquainted.1
In San Clemente two inscriptions referring to this Pope
before his election still exist. In them he calls himself Mercurius
presbyter. Both belonged to a marble pillared ciborium erected
by himself and his clerical brethren of the Basilica. The
marble screen of the schola cantorum also bears a monogram
of the name John as a memorial of its erection during his
pontificate. (111. 155.) 2
At the election of Pope John II. party feeling seems to have
been very active.
In connection with it, a defensor of the Roman Church
brought very serious complaints before, the Ostrogothic Court
at Ravenna, to the effect, namely, that members of the electoral
body had promised money to secure votes, and that liabilities
had been incurred to the detriment of the funds intended for the
support of the poor ; church vessels, even, had been openly put
up for sale. Such reports carried by self-seeking and party-
spirited persons to the Arian Court of Ravenna, laid the Roman
clergy open to every insult. The City was the sport of political
factions. The Pope was forced to realise in bitterness how
entirely dependent he was on the secular power, residing in
a city which was not even his property. How mortifying must
it have been to John II. and to all right-minded people, when, by
command of the government, the decree of the Senate against
simony in papal elections was again brought into prominence,
and, together with the corresponding edict of Amalasuntha and
Athalaric, graven on marble and put up in the court of St.
Peter's.3 This was the last decree of which history is cognisant,
corporately issued by the ancient Senate. After this decree,
during the next few years, the Senate is only alluded to a few
1 See present work, vol. i., p. 212 ff.
2 Grisar, A?ial. rom., 1, 151.
3 Var. 9, 15, 16. In the last edict, which was addressed to the City Prefect Salventius
towards the end of 533, we read at the close : " Tam definita nostra quam senatus con-
sulta tabulis marmoreis praecipimus decenter incidi et ante atrium beati Petri apostoli in
testimonium publicum collocari; dignus est enim locus, qui . . . decreta contineat" (ed.
Mommsen, p. 281). The last clause shows that this was the first instance of the posting
up of secular decrees at St. Peter's.

276 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 325
times, and then quite cursorily ; after that it disappears altogether
from the history of the world. It surely had a grand past to look
back upon, when, like so many of the monuments of classic Rome,
it was forced to share the inevitable fate of dissolution. The
outstanding fact is, however, that this last senatus consultum of
the patres conscripti was issued to promote the welfare of the
Church and Papacy. It sought to assure greater regularity in
the election of the Church's head. In no better way and in no
better place could the Senate more worthily have closed its
career than by this edict for the benefit of the Papacy, graven
on marble and set up as a memorial in front of St. Peter's.
The decree was to strengthen the great upholder of Rome's
future, and to corroborate that authority, which, as the protector,
and, later on, as the owner of Rome, was to render yet more real
the City's claim to be the Urbs aeterna?
In the time of John II. the Eastern Empire on one occasion
proved its veneration for the Eternal City and the Apostolic See.
The Emperor Justinian, who had always an eye on the West,
sent Hypatius, Bishop of Ephesus, and Demetrius, Bishop of
Philippi, to Rome, to present to the Pope their monarch's con
fession of the Catholic faith and his assurances of respect for
the teaching office of St. Peter. They were probably also
bearers of fresh princely gifts from Justinian for the Apostle's
Tomb. These presents consisted of a gold scyphus to be used
for the consecration, set round with costly jewels, besides other
silver chalices both for the consecration and for communion, and
four purple, gold-embroidered hangings.2
Thus did Justinian approach Rome with envoys and gifts.
Not long after, his victorious general was to enter the gates
with the forces of Eastern Rome and incorporate once more
the City in the Empire.
325. When John II. died on May 8, 535, he was followed five
days later by Agapetus, a Roman and a son of the presbyter Gor
dian belonging to the church of SS. John and Paul on the Cselian.
When elected he was Archdeacon. Belonging to a senatorial
family, he had a mansion in the vicinity of the church just named.
The house adjoined the sumptuous residence to be occupied later
1 LECRIVAIN, Le sdnat romain (1888), p. 200 ; Le role du sdnat apres Thdodoric.
2 See above, p. 9. On the gifts : Liber pont, 1, 285, Iohannes II., n. 93. The four
hangings or curtains ^pallia olovera aurotexta") were probably for the four sides of the
pillared tabernacle of the high altar.

no. 325] POPE AGAPETUS 277
on by Pope Gregory the Great, and even appears to have come
into Gregory's possession, and, through him, into that of the
Gregorian monastery of the Clivus Scauri. In this mansion
Agapetus founded a library, of which the text of the dedicatory
inscription has come down to us.1
The choice of Pope Agapetus unquestionably indicates the
reappearance in Rome of that party which formerly supported
Dioscorus, the Greek. They had not yet forgiven themselves
for having been persuaded, after the death of their candidate,
to condemn his memory. The disturbances at the election of
John II. may have been partly their doing. Having now again
secured the upper hand, with their friend Agapetus as Pope, these
restless clerics were soon to see the fulfilment of their fondest
hope, viz. the rehabilitation of Dioscorus.
One of the new Pope's first acts was to institute a search in
the archives for the declarations signed by his supporters, with
the condemnation of Dioscorus, in order to try the case anew.
The clergy were called together in synod, whereupon the Pope
appeared, carrying the documents, which, in the presence of all,
he committed to the flames. This was no mere act of personal
spite. Dioscorus, the deacon, had in fact secured the votes of a
very large percentage of the clergy who were against the novelty
of a Pope appointing his own successor. In the incident just
related we have merely a new and more energetic condemnation
of the practice, conveyed by the quashing, as unjust, of the
anathema against Dioscorus. Boniface II. had been defeated
in his attempted nomination of Vigilius, and the same party
which had then secured a victory over him was now successful
in obtaining a condemnation of the very principle of designation.2
As a matter of fact, from this time onward the nomination of a
Pope by his predecessor was a thing excluded by the Church's
practice. Only during the reform initiated by Gregory VII. did
it threaten to reassert itself again. In previous history, moreover,
in spite of an apparently contrary statement of Eusebius, it can
not be proved with any plausibility that any Pope obtained his
office through being designated by his predecessor. All that we
1 Duchesne, Liber pont, i, 288, note 1.
2 " Libellos anathematis . . in medio ecclesiae congregatis omnibus, incendio con-
sumpsit? Liber pont, 1, 287,^. 94, The foes of designation could appeal to Canon 23
(included by Dionysius Exiguus in his collection) of the Council of Antioch in encaeniis
(Mansi, 2, 1307 ; Hefele, i, 520).

278 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 325
have are certain passages in Ennodius which would lead us to
conjecture that such a thing occurred in the case of Hormisdas ; it
is just possible that he owed his position to his predecessor
Symmachus.1 According to Canon Law, the more probable opinion is that a
Pope could not prescribe designation as the usual mode of appoint
ment to the Holy See, nor may a Pope under ordinary circum
stances dictate his own choice. As a rule the Pope must be
chosen by free election, that the danger may be averted of any
thing in the nature of a dynasty among the Popes, and arbitrary
choice precluded. Were designation to become the rule, cases of
such arbitrary nominations would speedily arise, for the Popes,
being usually men of advanced age, it would be an easy matter
for the unscrupulous to take advantage of their natural infirmities,
and thus become favourites and secure their own designation. It
is a different matter when designation takes place exceptionally.
Should the Pope in a special case consider that the ecclesiastical
or political situation is such as to render designation necessary or
very advisable for the Church's welfare, then he may, according
to the opinion of some theologians, appoint his successor, cancel
ling, for the time being, the right of the electors by virtue of the
supreme power bestowed upon him for the Church's good.2
In the light of this wise principle of Canon Law we may
perhaps estimate the conduct of Felix IV. and even of Boniface II.
more mildly than apparently was done by the party opposed to
them. It may be that both Popes, with their keen insight into the
internal dissensions and outward political dangers of the Church,
saw reasons sufficient to justify designation. On the other hand,
the sharp opposition they encountered had the advantage of
preventing the experiment being attempted save on these few
occasions. In judging the endeavour of these two Popes we must also be
mindful of the fact that the succession of the Emperors on the
1 K. Holder, Die Designation der Nachfolger durch die Pdpste. Inaugural-Disser
tation (Freiburg, Switzerland, 1892). Cp. GRANDERATH, Stimmen aus Maria-Laach 4c
(1893, II.), 81 ff, and 7 (1874, II.), 139 ff. ; DUCHESNE, Bull, critique, 1893, p. 236 • and
especially the masterly article by J. Hollweck, Kann der Papst seinen Nachfolger
bestimmen? (Archiv fiir kath. Kirchenrecht, 74, 1895, II., 329-424), together with the
literature cited in it, p. 330. Cp. G. Peries, L 'intervention du pape dans t'dlection de
son successeur (Pans, 1901); Sagmuller, Die Ernennung des Nachfolgers durch die
Pdpste (Theol. Quartalschr., 1903, fasc. 2).
2 Hollweck, p. 375, and Granderath, 45, 81 ff, who disagree with Holder.

no. 326] POPE AGAPETUS 279
Byzantine throne was quite commonly secured by designation.
The same principle was also accepted by the Gothic sovereigns
in Italy. This secular sanction given to the custom, and particu
larly the example of Eastern Rome, more easily explains how, at a
time of great stress, the Church could have recourse to a practice
unheard of in her own history.
Under Agapetus the political situation of the Papacy grew
even more difficult than hitherto, and politico-ecclesiastical feuds
did not fail to exercise their influence in the election of his
successors. 326. The preliminaries to Justinian's warlike expeditions
against the Ostrogoths in Italy led to the Pope's visiting Con
stantinople as an envoy. Though the Pope, as a noble Roman,
was certainly by no means averse to the conception of a Roman
Empire, he, too, followed in the footsteps of the martyred Pope
John I., and approached the Emperor with a view to upholding
peace. It was the intention of Agapetus to induce him to spare
the Gothic kingdom. This object he desired both out of respect
for the ruler of his country and because he wished to avoid the
horrors of a prolonged war. The entreaties and threats of King
Theodahat eventually led him to undertake the mission in person.
Theodahat in his distress had turned to the Pope and the Senate
with most urgent representations and commands. Among the ill-
advised steps he took in his abject terror must be reckoned the
written threat addressed to the Senators to the effect that, did
they not open negotiations with Justinian, he would have every
one of them slain with their wives and children. There was,
however, a further reason which induced Agapetus to undertake
his journey, namely, the danger in which the Faith stood in the
East, owing to the Monophysites. Of this we are informed in the
narrative of Zacharias of Mitylene, where questions of dogma
occupy the foreground. We are told that at the request of
Ephraim, Patriarch of Antioch, the presbyter Sergius was instru
mental in persuading the Pope to take the decision he did, and
also accompanied him on the voyage.1
So little did Agapetus shrink from any difficulty in the
interests of Rome that, being in some temporary embarrass
ment as to money for his journey, he actually pledged to the
1 Anecdota syriaca, German trans, by Ahrens Kruger, 13, p. 207 ff.

280 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 326
Roman treasury-officials valuable plate belonging to St. Peter's.
Later on, the Pope's legal representatives again claimed it,
though they obtained it only by a decree from Cassiodorus, the
praetorian Prefect of the day, to the officials Thomas and Peter,
to which decree we owe our knowledge of this interesting fact.
By command of the Emperor Justinian, the Pope was very honour
ably received outside Constantinople. One person only was
excluded by Agapetus from the reception, viz. Anthimus, the
Court Patriarch, whose promotion to office had been irregular,
and who was suspected of heresy. No sooner had the Pope
succeeded in obtaining an audience — in which he was received
by Justinian with every honour — than he perceived that his
peace-mission was bound to be a failure. The Emperor informed
him point blank that the preparations were already too far
advanced, and the expenses already incurred too heavy, for war
to be avoided.1
Religious differences with the haughty Anthimus, who was
the Court's favourite, were soon to make themselves manifest.
Agapetus, poor as he was and wanting in worldly resources, in
this matter affecting the faith, displayed great strength of char
acter in spite of all the seductive arts employed by the Court.
He unflinchingly faced the tempest aroused by Theodora, the
Empress, a former actress, who alternately by threats, attempts
at bribery, and noisy scenes demonstrated her attachment to the
cause of the heretical Patriarch. Unmasked as a Monophysite,
this ambitious man was in the end deposed by the Pope and
forced to quit his see. Agapetus replaced him by Mennas, a
hieromonachus and head of the great hospital in Constantinople
which bore the name of Samson.2
The Pope had convoked a synod in the Greek capital to decide
various points, especially to repress the heretical intrigues, regard
ing which ninety-six heads of monasteries in Constantinople and
1 Cassiodorus to Thomas and Peter, Var. 12, n. 20, ed. Mommsen, p. 376.
LlBERATUS, Breviarium, c. 21 : " imperator pro multis fisci expensis . . . supplicationes
papae noluit audire." The account in the Liber pont, 1, 287. Agapitus n. 95 must be
corrected by this, for there the theological matters are placed quite in the foreground.
The following passage in the Liber pont. regarding Justinian's pretext for making war
should be noticed : " Iustinianus Augustus indignatus est Theodato regi, eo quod occi-
disset reginam Amalasuenta, filiam Theodorici regis, commendatam sibi, qui (instead of

1 eum regem fecerat"
2 The account of an eye-witness of the sojourn of Agapetus in Constantinople and
particularly of his death, is given in Baronius, Annals, an. 536, n. 59 ff, from the' cod.
vat, 1538. On the Pope's resistance to Anthimus he says, n. 60: " columnam se suffulsit
immobilem."

no. 327] POPE SILVERIUS 281
the neighbourhood had sent him a petition, when he was suddenly
taken ill, and departed this life on April 22, 536. He died, says
a western eye-witness, with signs of joy that formed a striking
contrast to the grief of those present. Bishops from different
provinces came in great number to the funeral ; the streets re
sounded with psalms chanted by the long procession of priests
and monks. The public squares, porticoes, and even the roofs
failed to hold the crowd of people. All were full of veneration
for Peter's successor ; many extolled the departed ; no bishop,
nay, not even an emperor, concludes the account, ever had so
grand and wonderful a funeral. The mortal remains of Agapetus
were enclosed in a leaden shell and sent back to Rome, where
they were buried that same year in the atrium of St. Peter's.1
Constantinople has ever been a dangerous city to the Popes.
John I. had returned thence only to die in a dungeon. Agapetus
departed this life there whilst vainly interceding for Italy and
struggling against heresy. Vigilius, the next Pope after Agapetus
to journey to East Rome, had to undergo a moral martyrdom at
the hands of Justinian. Finally, Martin I., who, later on, was
carried thither by force, owes his martyr's crown to a course of
ill-usage which began there. But even in Old Rome itself, the
seat of the Papacy, Constantinople, with its abuse of power, was
to be disastrous to the next successor of Agapetus.
Silverius and Vigilius
327. Agapetus was succeeded by Silverius, ofFrusino in Cam
pania, son of Hormisdas, an earlier Pope, and hitherto a Roman
sub-deacon. Owing to the circumstances of the moment his ap
pointment was not by election ; he was placed upon the Pontifical
throne by King Theodahat, but the choice was subsequently
ratified by the clergy. So far the Popes had usually been chosen
from the ranks of the Roman deacons. The Archdeacon of Rome,
in particular, stood, so to speak, on the step of the Papal throne.
Leo I., Hilary, Felix III., Symmachus, Hormisdas, Boniface II.,
had all been deacons at the time of their election. John II. had,
indeed, been a presbyter, but Silverius formed a still more notable
exception, being a sub-deacon. His consecration seems to have
taken place on June 8, 536. The sad figure of this unfortunate
1 The account is in Baronius, i.e., n. 64 ff. Liber pont, 1, 286, n. 96.

282 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 327
Pontiff fitly ends the series of Popes who, within a space of ten
years, had occupied the See of Peter.
The anger of the Empress Theodora knew no rest. In her
womanlike passion she sought to avenge the fall of Anthimus.
Unhappily she found a tool in Vigilius the deacon, then in Con
stantinople, the same who had already once before almost reached
the Papal dignity through his nomination by Boniface II., but
had never actually obtained it. The deacon was weak enough to
make promises to the woman, who offered him the Papacy, to
gether with seven hundred pounds in gold. He agreed that
when Pope he would endeavour to carry out her will as far as
possible. There is no proof that he openly promised to establish
heresy, but the Empress believed in her own mind that it would
at last come to this. She does not seem to have troubled herself
with the means whereby to win over to her plans her husband
Justinian, who was irreproachably orthodox.1
Vigilius returned to Rome with letters of recommendation from
the Court. The General Belisarius at that time ruled the city
from the Pincian Palace, where he had taken up his residence,
while the Goths, who had concentrated their forces at Ravenna,
were already on their way to Rome, which they intended to
besiege. The efforts of Theodora and Vigilius were to be vigorously
seconded in Rome by Antonina, the wife of Belisarius. Like
Theodora she had risen from the lowest rank of society to be the
consort of the great Roman General, and what she wished for
above all was to retain the favour of the Empress.
Certain Byzantines who were in the secret now produced a
forged document, in which Pope Silverius offered the Gothic
besiegers of Rome to play the traitor and to open to them the
gate close to the Lateran, viz. the Porta Asinaria. Belisarius,
1 The accounts of Vigilius and of the last days of Silverius given by the second Vita
Silverii'm the Liber pont, I, 291, n. 100 f., and the Vita Vigilii, 1, 296, n. 102 ff, are by some
spiteful adversary of Vigilius. They should be corrected by the statements of Liberatus
in the Breviarium, c. 22 ff, by the remarks of Procopius (De bello goth., 1), and certain
other witnesses. Cp. DUCHESNE, Liber pont, Introd., 1, XXXIX., his notes on the text,
and particularly his article Vigile et Pdlage (Rdvue des questions histor., 1884, II., 369 ff),
with the reply to Chamard, ibid., 1885, I., 579 ff. Cp. Savio, II papa Vigilio, 1904. The
Liber pontificalis is nevertheless to be trusted in much of its information, above all in
its statements regarding the character of Vigilius and the origin of his unfortunate
behaviour. That he acted " amore episcopatus et auri" is also stated by Liberatus.
Nevertheless the latter must not be implicitly followed either, for his work is hostile to
the attitude taken by Pope Vigilius towards the Emperor in the notorious controversy of
the " Three Chapters."

no. 327] SILVERIUS AND VIGILIUS 283
though he did not believe the letter to be genuine, nevertheless
charged Silverius with treachery. The charge is significant, since
it makes us see that the Pope was certainly not regarded as a
foe of the Goths, his former masters, to whom, indeed, he had
never proved disloyal, even in the most difficult circumstances.
Just as little could he have been accused of hostility to the Romans,
for, according to Procopius, he had even induced the inhabitants
of the city to open the gates of their own accord on the approach
of the overwhelmingly powerful forces of Eastern Rome, that all
bloodshed might be averted. Silverius was first summoned
before Belisarius in the Pincian Palace, where he was openly
accused of treason. Antonina and Belisarius, moreover, de
manded that, obediently to the orders of the Empress, he should
condemn the Council of Chalcedon, and confirm the Monophysite
doctrine by an official decree. This was much the same thing
as demanding his abdication, which, indeed, was the object of the
whole proceeding. The real crime of Silverius was his unwilling
ness to betray the Church's faith, not his supposed treachery to
the forces of the Empire.
After returning from the audience he no longer took up his
residence in the Lateran, but in Sta. Sabina, on the Aventine,
far from the walls and gates of the city. Thither another
summons, together with a safe-conduct, was soon brought him
by Photius, Antonina's son. Silverius accordingly betook himself
a second and yet a third time to the Pincian Palace, though he
was well aware of the violent measures which were being secretly
prepared against him in consequence of his firmness. In vain did
his friends (consiliarii) warn him against trusting in the assurances
of the Greeks. The third time, after he had prayed and com
mended his cause to God, he went accompanied by a number of
his clergy. These were, however, made to wait at the " first and
second curtain " — that is, in the ante-chambers. Silverius was
led alone into the audience-hall, where Belisarius sat at the foot
of the couch on which his wife was reclining. Antonina began to
upbraid the Pope vehemently for his pretended treachery. While
she was yet speaking, John, a sub-deacon who had been won over,
approached Silverius, snatched from his shoulders the pallium
which marked his episcopal rank, and then, having thus declared
him deposed, led him into a side-room, where his other robes
were removed. Having then been vested in a monk's habit, he

284 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 328
was delivered into safe custody. Another sub-deacon, named
Xystus, had meanwhile announced to those anxiously awaiting
Silverius that he was no longer Pope, but a mere monk, upon
which they all fled in alarm and terror. Next day the presbyters,
deacons, and all the clergy were summoned by Belisarius and
informed that they must elect a fresh Pope. Under pressure, and
though Silverius had never resigned, Vigilius the deacon was
actually elected to the office for which he longed. To Belisarius
he had promised two hundred of his seven hundred pounds in
gold, though he eventually refused to pay the sum. But what was
still worse, he also showed no inclination to confirm heresy. He
likewise refused to consent to the rehabilitation of Anthimus.
After all, blind ambition is something very different from betrayal
of the Faith. A letter, supposed to have been written by Vigilius
after his usurpation of the Papal throne, and containing heretical
declarations, bears unmistakable signs of being a forgery.1
328. Vigilius was never regarded as true and rightful Bishop
of Rome by those among the clergy who had the Church's law at
heart, at least not so long as Silverius survived. The author of
the second account in the Liber pontificalis regarding Silverius
lets this be clearly understood.2
Vigilius was consecrated on March 19, 537, soon after Silverius
had been declared deposed. In spite of this, the contemporary
Roman writer continues to describe him as Archdeacon.3
How deeply the dauntless confessor, whose dignity was never
lowered but rather increased by Byzantine violence, shamed the
fickle deacon who betrayed both his Church and his own honour !
With admiring sympathy we follow Silverius into exile at Patara,
in Lycia, whither he was conducted by the myrmidons of Beli
sarius. The good local bishop was shocked at the sight of a de
posed Pope dressed as a monk. He at once hurried to the Emperor
Justinian at Constantinople, and addressed him as follows : " What
hast thou allowed to happen ? There are many kings in the
world, none is raised so high as the Pope, who rules the Church
throughout the world, and who now wanders abroad as a homeless
1 The way in which Langen (Gesch. der rom. Kirche, 2, 345) quotes and uses this
letter as genuine (Mansi, 9, 696 ; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 909, and Addenda) would lead
one to suppose that its authenticity had never been called into question. Cp., however
the well-grounded objections in Pitra, Anal, novissima, p. 465 ff, and Duchesne'
Revue des questions hist, 1884, II., 373 ; 1885, I., 584 ; GRISAR, Anal, rom., 1, 55 ft".
2 Duchesne, Liber pont., 1, 295, note 24.
3 The name "Archdeacon," in the Liber pont, 1, 293, Silverius, n. 101.

no. 328] POPE VIGILIUS 285
exile." The Emperor, troubled by such words, was ready to send
the Pope back to Rome that his cause might be fairly examined ;
but his wife Theodora, by fraud and apparently, too, with the
help of Pelagius, the Roman deacon then on a visit to Constan
tinople, contrived to have him indeed brought back to Italy, but
there consigned to his foe, Vigilius the usurper.1
Vigilius sent Silverius, in the charge of two defensores and
several slaves, to Palmaria ; this was one of the three Pontine
islands in the Tyrrhenian Sea, opposite the promontory of Circe.
These islands in antiquity had been the place of banishment of
many Romans. Once here, the consort of Belisarius and the
hard-hearted Vigilius heaped humiliations and sufferings on Sil
verius, striving thus to execute the wishes of the Emperor's spouse.
Such were the privations which the Pope had to endure — accord
ing to the Liber pontificalis being even deprived of food — that
death did not tarry in releasing him from his torment. The date
of his demise is, however, uncertain.2
The contemporary account justly describes him as a martyr.
The same account also states that many sick people hastened to
his tomb on the island, and by prayer obtained wonderful cures.
The earliest proof of his receiving liturgical honours is found in
an eleventh-century calendar of feasts, preserved in Sta. Maria, on
the Aventine.3

Vigilius was now the sole possessor of the Papal dignity, and
was accordingly recognised by the Roman clergy, who thus made
good the absence of an election. The Pope may have sought to
make amends for the manner in which he obtained his position by
striving to fulfil its duties, and particularly by labouring in defence
of the true Faith. We have a really model epistle addressed by
him, in 540, to the Emperor Justinian against the Eastern heresies.
1 The Bishop of Patara, in Liberatus, Breviarium, c. 22. Pelagius, ibid.
2 Beside the Liber pont. and Liberatus, cp. Procopius, Hist, secreta, 1, p. 13, 16, ed.
DlNDORF. Cardinal Baronius shows his love of truth by sharply condemning Vigilius,
Annal. a. 538, n. 18 : " Vigilius pondere sederunt praegravatus," &c. ; a. 555, n. 2 : " iusto
Dei iudicio in insula defunctus confectus ipse aerumnis ex morbo, qui coegerat sanctum
praedecessorem Silverium deportatum in insulam illic animam exhalare. Qui enim
malis artibus ad pontificatum sibi paravit ascensum, ipsum adeptus, immensis semper
agitatus est fiuctibus," &c. " Nunquam tamen ipsa navis [ecclesiae] impingit in
scopulos,'' &c.
3 L. GUERARD, Un fragment de calendrier romain au moyen-dge, in the Mdlanges
darchdol., 13 (1893, pp. 153-175), 169. This amplifies a statement which Duchesne, Liber
pont, 1, 295, note 23, borrows from Papebroek.

286 ROME AND THE POPES [N0.329
Its language must have made the scales fall from the Empress's
eyes. In this document the Pope energetically defends the great
Synods of Ephesus and Chalcedon, the decrees of Leo I., and
the conduct of Agapetus against the Patriarch Anthimus.1
A declaration of Pope Vigilius, preserved in the Liber pon
tificalis, expresses well his attitude and frame of mind. It pur
ports to be an extract from the correspondence between Vigilius
and the Empress Theodora. The authenticity of the correspon
dence may not be certain, but the remark in question corresponds
with the character given Vigilius by history : " Once upon a time
I spoke foolishly ; I can in no wise carry out thy will and restore
to office the deposed heretic Anthimus. Though unworthy, I am
the Vicar of Blessed Peter the Apostle, as were also my prede
cessors, the venerable Agapetus and Silverius, who condemned
Anthimus." 2
329. In the East the firmness of Vigilius and Justinian's
steadfast orthodoxy would soon have re-established peace in the
Church had not the Emperor occasioned fresh disturbances by his
interference in theological questions and by his uncalled-for
religious ordinances. Justinian issued an edict against what was
known as Origenism, in which he made his own the views of the
late famous Abbot Saba of the great lavra near Jerusalem ; the
synods which followed the Court, quite unnecessarily hastened to
give their support to this edict.
The Emperor next promulgated (544) a law against the
Nestorians, hoping thereby to bring back the Monophysites into
the Church. In this he condemned the so-called Three Chapters,
a name which covered certain writings of Theodoret of Cyrus and
Ibas of Edessa, and the person and writings of Theodore of
Mopsuestia. To the Emperor and his advisers the Nestorians ap
peared to be using these names and writings as a shield. The sub
ject of the Three Chapters, thanks to the amateur theologian seated
on the throne, to his bishops and synods, soon became one of the
most burning questions of the Empire, though intrinsically it was
of slight importance. In the East, and subsequently also in the
West, the subject caused a state of excitement which in our day
seems almost incredible, and threatened to produce a widespread
schism. 1 Mansi, 9, 35 ; Guenther (Collectio Avellana, 1), p. 348 ; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 910.
2 Liber potit, 1, 296, n. 103 : . . . " etsi indignus, vicarius sum beati Petri apostoli."

no. 33°] POPE VIGILIUS 287
Whilst, in the East, Justinian's edict against the Three
Chapters was widely subscribed to by the bishops, the Western
provinces of the Empire, with good reason, showed less com
pliance. Not indeed that the edict was wrong in its condemnation,
but it seemed uncalled for and inexpedient. They feared, too,
that it was directed to some extent against the Council of
Chalcedon. The violent conduct of the Easterns, headed by
their dogmatising sovereign, was, moreover, in itself calculated to
rouse antipathy and grave misgivings. The strong-willed monarch,
now that the question had been raised, was, however, determined
to secure for his pet edict the assent of the West, and especially
of Pope Vigilius, and thus transform it into a doctrinal decision
of the whole Church. To accomplish this he resolved to bring
Vigilius to Constantinople, and it was decided to seize upon him
by force. We should not be far wrong did we follow the Liber ponti
ficalis in ascribing an active part in this plan to the Empress
Theodora. Had this vengeful woman given up all the hopes
once centred on her favourite ? Or was it that she wished to
vent on Vigilius her feminine spite ?
330. An animated and extraordinary scene was enacted in the
Transtiberine quarter of Rome on November 22, 545.
Pope Vigilius, on this day, the feast of the Roman martyr
Caecilia, was celebrating the Liturgy in her titular church on the
further side of the Tiber. Whilst the service was in progress the
whole quarter and all points of egress from the church were
gradually occupied by Imperial troops. The Pope had not yet
pronounced the last prayer (the oratio ad complendum, super
populum, as an authority calls it), when an Imperial official,
Anthimus the Scriba, forced his way through the crowd thronging
the Basilica and bade the Pope immediately follow him. In
answer to the question : Whither ? the reply was : To Constan
tinople ; and Vigilius, who had not even been allowed to conclude
the service, was dragged down to the Tiber, where a boat lay
ready. The populace followed in fear and suspense. After he had
embarked with some of his faithful clergy, it became, however,
clear that the crowd was divided in its opinions. It may be that
they had been stirred up, or, possibly, a mob consisting of
enemies of Vigilius had been got together for the occasion. The

288 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 33°
fact is that whilst some stood in tears and begged the Pope to
conclude the prayer that had been interrupted, responding then
with a loud Amen, another crowd collected on the shore and hurled
coarse invective after the departing Pope. They threw stones,
clods, and old crocks at the boat, and cried : " Take with thee
hunger, take with thee death ; thou hast brought evil upon the
Romans, may evil be thy companion." J
Vigilius left the 'city, which he was never to see again, in the
greatest ferment. He had never succeeded in winning over all
those of his flock who were aware of the means he had used to
raise himself to the highest dignity in the Church. Many openly
murmured against him, even whilst acknowledging him as Pope.
His enemies, with the utmost disregard for truth, related shocking
stories of his deeds of violence. One of his notaries he had
given so staggering a blow that the man had expired on the spot ;
Asterius, his niece's husband, he had caused to be seized by
night and flogged to death, &c. &c.2
What must have been the feelings of Vigilius while the ship
glided down the deserted Tiber towards the sea, and he could
reflect upon his past life in Rome, now brought to so tragic a
close. He must have thought with some misgivings of Constanti
nople, to which he was returning — the city where he had begun
that disgraceful career which had borne him to the Papacy.
There he was to see the dignity for which he had given so
much, and even his own person, deeply humiliated by the tyrant.
Severe indeed was the penance which awaited him in the capital.
The cries, moreover, which had echoed in his ears as he took
his departure reminded him that Rome had suffered during his
pontificate from famine and mortality. Such cries he must have
heard in the city before, but they had then not been directed
against him. Heartrending indeed had been the groans and sighs
of the citizens of Rome over their sufferings during the Gothic
war of his time ; unspeakable distress filled the streets, particularly
during the last siege of the city under King Totila. Famine was
rampant, and contagious diseases swept away countless numbers.
Pope Vigilius, because he stood for the Byzantines, was denounced
by his opponents as the cause of all the misfortunes of the war.
We cannot, however, at present describe these events, for the
1 Liber pont, i, 297, 11. 104.
2 Ibid., n. 103 ff.

N0.330] POPE VIGILIUS 289
history of the city of Rome during the weary Gothic war belongs
to another place.
The tragic departure of Vigilius from the West, involving a
long absence from Rome of any Pope, invites us to cast a glance
on the work done in the West by the last Popes, a matter to
which we were unable to give sufficient attention in sketching the
history of their pontificates.

VOL. 11.

CHAPTER VI
RELATIONS OF THE PAPACY WITH THE NEW NATIONS
OF THE WEST
Rome's Tasks
331. As we have seen, the Chair of Peter had been endangered
latterly by a certain hesitancy and uncertainty about the elections.
Through the interference of monarchs, through the worldliness of
the clergy and of the Popes themselves, the Papacy had been
dragged down from the lofty heights in which its place really was.
But, however hampered by shortsight or self-seeking, even when
difficulties from without were, to all seeming, diverting it from its
true task, the Divine guidance never forsook this See, but enabled it
to perform unremittingly the duties which devolved upon it among
the nations.
The action of the Primate abroad never showed any signs of
flagging, even at the very time when history shows us the papal
power weakened at its Roman headquarters, either through the
policy of secular governments, or through party feeling at home,
or through human shortcomings in the Popes themselves or their
counsellors ; the power of their pastoral language, before which
all Christian nations bow, must seem to an onlooker still more
extraordinary, bearing in mind their situation at home.
In the West at that period the Bishop of Rome, everywhere
acknowledged as the centre of Catholic unity, was nobly seconded
in his endeavours by influential bishops.
Whereas the Western Roman Empire was being rent asunder
to form new political agglomerations, the Catholic bishops of
Italy, Gaul, Germany, and Spain remained closely bound to
gether. Many kept up active intercourse with one another ; in
spite of national barriers, by word and deed they kept alive,
even in far-off lands, the Roman idea of unity and catholicity,
giving it, however, a higher meaning — that, namely, of the
Church.

no. 332] ROME AND THE WEST 291
The Arian bishops in the new kingdoms were united by no
such bond.
Arianism, which practically everywhere assumed the form of
a State religion, felt neither the desire nor the need to stretch
beyond the limits of its own country or beyond the range of
view of the sovereign of the land. Even had it so desired, it
could not have done so. Its bishops were men of no importance ;
its religious potency almost nil. Compared, in respect to action
and influence, with the cultured Latins, distinguished both for
their education and force of character, who usually occupied the
Catholic sees, the Arians were put completely in the shade. The
contrast was increased by the Arians' spite and jealousy against
the Roman system and the Catholic Church.
332. One of the most distinguished of the Catholic bishops, who
gave expression to the ecclesiastical catholicity of Rome, was the
Burgundian bishop, St. Avitus of Vienne. The conviction of
the Gallic bishops that they were under the successor of Peter,
and had in him a pledge of stability not shared by the heretical
party in their country, is very faithfully reflected in the letters
of this writer, whose native strength was tempered by Roman
culture. Avitus exclaims : If Arianism is not to be our ruin, we must
with all our might take the part of the Bishop of Rome. His
words show that Arianism really contributed to facilitate the work
of the Primacy through the opposition it excited and kept alive.1
The Bishop of Vienne is equally attached to the Roman
Empire and to the lawful throne of Burgundy ; he would fain see
the two brought more closely together. Himself a Roman by
birth, he seeks to bestow on the Burgundian State the best that
Rome could give.
Unspeakable was his delight when Sigismund, King of the
Burgundians, entered the Catholic fold. He and Chlodovec,
King of the Franks, were the only Catholic sovereigns among
the rulers of that day. King Sigismund, fascinated by the attrac
tion of Rome, of her tombs, and the glory of her Church, betook
himself thither, and was there received by Pope Symmachus
1 To the senators of Rome, Faustus and Symmachus, ep. 34, ed. Peiper (Mon.
Germ, hist, Auctt. antiq., 6, 2), p. 64: "Si nobiscum huiuscemodi pericula formidatis,
expedit, ut gubernatorem vestrum participato labore tueamini."

292 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 333
with honour and affection. Under the impressive influences of
this new world, the convert listened eagerly to the admonitions
of Symmachus, who bade him reign henceforth as beseemed
a Catholic sovereign. After his return he begged the Pope,
through Avitus, to give him often, at least by letter, the benefit
of the advice of him who is " head of the whole Church." He
also asked for relics of the Saints to be sent him, as those he
had himself brought from Rome were not numerous enough.1
The letters of Avitus are a copious source of information
regarding the history of religious and educational progress during
his whole period. His epistles are addressed to Rome, Constanti
nople, Jerusalem, and to the Burgundian and Frankish kings.
Throughout he is occupied with the interests of religion and the
furtherance of unity and peace. "I am a watchman," he says;
" I hold the signal-horn, and may not be silent." From Pope
Hormisdas he requested and received a detailed account of the
course of the negotiations with the Greek Church, for these
matters were also of interest to him and his episcopal colleagues.
Such were the results of Rome's universal rule.2
Hormisdas rejoiced over this interest shown in Eastern
matters. By papal letters he put public opinion in Gaul on its
guard against the skilful perversions of the Greeks. With the
support of the prayers of his faithful brethren in the episcopate he
looks forward to the triumph of the Catholic Faith in the vast
regions of the East.3
Caesarius of Aries, a Supporter of the Popes
333. To the Popes the see of Aries was, however, even more
important than that of Vienne, where Avitus was Bishop.
This fortified city, lying near the sea at the mouth of the
Rhone, was at that time one of the centres of the Visigothic
kingdom. Formerly . Aries had been much favoured by the
1 Epist Sigismundi ad Symmachum papain, in THIEL, p. 730 : " pontificatus vester vel
praesentem monitis docuit vel absentem intercessionibus acquisivit"
2 " Speculator sum, tubam teneo, tacere mihi non licet," Ep. 49. The epistle of Pope
Hormisdas to Avitus (February 15, 517), in Thiel, p. 783.
3 For the relations of Avitus with the Holy See, cp. Grisar, Anal, rom., 1, VIII.,
" Roma e la chiesa dd Franchi," p. 348 ff, and C. BINDING, Das burgundisch-romanische
Kbnigreich (1868), who says, p. 130: "To the internal unity of the Catholic Creed, to its
united action, and indirectly to the strengthening of the Roman Primacy, much was
contributed by its foe, i.e. by heresy" ; and again, p. 174: " Avitus's call was for union in
the Church, union between East and West, between Rome and Byzantium. . . . This
grand Catholic union, as Avitus understood it, is reflected in his letters."

111. 156. — Two Popes with the Pallium, and St. Agnes.
(Mosaic in the Basilica of S. Agnese. After a photograph ; cp. Garrucci, Storia dell' arte, PI. 274.)

N0.333J C^SARIUS OF ARLES 293
Popes, but its ecclesiastical privileges had been curtailed by Pope
Anastasius II., who had withdrawn from the Archbishop of Aries
certain suffragan sees which had been subordinated to him by
Leo the Great. These Anastasius made over to Vienne. This
measure was revoked by Pope Symmachus, who, in doing so,
confessed quite candidly to ./Eonius, Archbishop of Aries, that he
blamed the mistaken conduct of his predecessor in acting contrary
to tradition. How much would the dignity of the Apostolic See suffer, he
says, were it to interfere with the arrangements it had itself made.
For his own justification Pope Symmachus, in an epistle to the
" Bishops of Gaul," roundly declares that Pope Anastasius had
allowed himself to take a hasty step, " owing to the urgent
requests of secular persons." J
The celebrity of Aries and its importance as the pivot of the
Popes' action in Gaul was greatly enhanced by its illustrious
Archbishop, Caesarius.
This saintly man, who was full of the spirit of God, during his
episcopal career (502-542) became, so to speak, the right arm of
the Papacy in those parts. From Pope Symmachus he received
the commission of watching the course of ecclesiastical events
throughout the Gallic and Spanish portions of the vast kingdom
of the Visigoths. As Vicar of the Apostolic See, he had to con
voke bishops to the synods ; whosoever failed to respond to his call
incurred canonical penalties ; only such matters as could not be
settled within the province were to be brought before the Apostolic
See, nor might any cleric or bishop proceed to Rome without a
permit from the Archbishop of Aries, the Papal Vicar.2
Such were the rules laid down by Pope Symmachus, who
placed unbounded confidence in the Bishop's zeal for the Church.
He grew to value Ceesarius yet more, when he had learnt to
know him personally on the occasion of the Archbishop's visit to
the Tombs of the Apostles. Caesarius took this opportunity to
submit various questions of discipline to the Holy See. The form
in which these questions were presented and the reply given, as
we may see from the copy yet preserved, is but an early instance
of those thousands of documents containing questions and decisions,
1 Epistolae Arelatenses, ed. Gundlach (Mon. Germ, hist., Epp. 3), p. 34 ; Thiel,
p. 655 ; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., 754.
2 Epp. Arelcttenses, p. 41 ; Thiel, 728 ; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 769. Letter dated
June 11, 514.

294

ROME AND THE POPES

[No. 333

which all through the Middle Ages and down to our own day
testify to the activity of the Popes.
The decisions given in the case of Csesarius, and dated 513,
are, however, equally intended for all the bishops placed under his
jurisdiction ; as the text runs, the addressee must bring them to
the knowledge of all. The decisions deal with waste of church
property ; Holy Orders obtained by simony ; hasty elevation of
laymen to ecclesiastical dignities ; seduction of women ; marriage
of consecrated virgins or holy widows ; and finally the interference
of unqualified persons in the election of bishops.1
On this occasion Symmachus granted Caesarius the right,
or possibly only confirmed it, of using the pallium within the
boundaries of Gaul.2
This is the earliest instance known of an investiture with the
pallium, an honour which afterwards was frequently conferred.
To wear the pallium was one of the highest
ecclesiastical distinctions. The article in ques
tion was a kind of white woollen scarf embroidered
with crosses, which at that time came down low
from the shoulders. In Italy and in some other
parts of the West only a privileged few among
the bishops and archbishops were allowed to wear
it ; elsewhere the pallium, in a different form,
was in general use among bishops. Its shape,
and the manner in which it was worn until the
ninth century, showed the pallium of the Roman
Church to be a descendant of the classical pallium,
so folded as to be reduced to a mere strip. This
man pallium jjacj formerly been a part of the philosopher's and
in its Olden iii i
form. teachers dress, and thus naturally came to be
used by the heads of the Church. Similar strips or
scarfs were worn by the higher Imperial officials during the Late
Empire, though in this case the ornament was put on in a different
way and was also of a different shape, being really the ancient
toga closely folded. The ecclesiastical pallium first appears in
Roman monuments on the portraits of Popes Cornelius and
Xystus II., and of Bishops Cyprian and Optatus at the Tomb of

111. 157.— The Ro-

1 Epp. Arelatenses, p. 37 ; Thiel, 723 ; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 764 : " Haec ad omnium
episcoporum volumus perfem notiham? .
2 Epp. Arelatenses ; Vita S. Caesarii, Acta SS., vi. Aug. p. 71.

no. 333] CAESARIUS OF ARLES 295
St. Cornelius in the Catacomb of Callistus. The painting may
probably be ascribed to the time of John III. (561-574). The
next representation extant is that on the mosaic in the Basilica
of St. Agnes on the Via Nomentana, dating from the time of
Honorius I. (111. 156). As may be judged from this and other
monuments, the Popes wore the pallium (111. 157) so that one
end (1) fell low down in front from their left shoulder, while the
other was carried backwards round the neck and over the right
shoulder (2), allowed to fall somewhat over the breast, the remain
ing portion being again thrown over the left shoulder (3), whence
it hung down at the back.1
Besides the pallium, Caesarius whilst in Rome received for his
deacons the distinction of wearing a dalmatic shaped and trimmed
like that of the Roman deacons. Any one who has perused the
list of civil dignitaries in the Roman Empire after Constantine,
i.e. the notitia dignitatum, and seen the regulations there laid
down for the outward habit and pomp of civil officials or who has
before his eyes the numerous and minute directions to the same
effect given by Cassiodorus, cannot be surprised at the importance
here attributed to mere accessories of dress. In such outward
things the Church could not escape the influence of the age, and,
with a broad mind, she made the best she could of the secular
customs of the day.
A synod which Caesarius held later on in Vicus Vasensis
(Vaison) took steps to introduce into the vast province the usages
of the Roman Church. Amongst other things it was decreed that
the name of the reigning Pope should be mentioned in the
Liturgy.2 As far back as 506 the indefatigable Archbishop, by virtue of
his papal authority, had assembled such bishops of Gaul and
Spain, as belonged to the Visigothic kingdom of Alaric, in council
at S. Agatha (Agde). The assembly decided to hold every year
a large council (an intention which was not carried out in practice),
1 Grisar, Das rbmische Pallium, und die dltesten liturgischen Schdrpen, in the
" Festschr., . . . des deutschen Campo Santo in Rom" 1897, p. 83 ff. Cp. with this my
addenda in Anal, rom., I, 542 ff, // vestito liturgico dei vescovi e dei papi; il pallio
sacro, and p. 675 ff. ; WILPERT, Larte (Roma), 1898, p. 102 ff. ; Braun, Die pontificalen
Gewdnder (1898), p. 132 ff. The oldest picture of Popes with the pallium is given in the
present work, vol. iii., 111. 201. See also ibid., 111. 191 and 223, where the shortness of
the portion hanging down in front, a peculiarity of Ravenna, may be noticed.
2 For the Synod of Vicus Vasensis in 529, see Concilia merovingica, ed. Maassen,
(Mon. Germ, hist, Auctt antiq., concilia aevi merov!), p. 55 ; Mansi, 8, 727.

296 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 334
and in so doing appealed to an earlier decree to this effect issued
by Pope Hilary. In one of their canons the Bishops lay especial
stress upon the. directions given by Innocent I. and Siricius with
regard to the celibacy of the clergy. The laws of the Roman
Church seem to have made the rule even in these regions.1
334. After the city of Aries had passed under the rule of King
Theodoric, the Ostrogoth, Caesarius, conformably with the spirit
of the papal ordinances, continued to work by means of councils.
Pie organised at least those of the three provinces immediately
under his control — Aries, Aquae (Aix), and Alpes Maritimae
(Embrun). He well knew the advantage of union and joint
action. With clear insight and ready judgment he was able to
secure great results from these gatherings.
This was particularly the case at the memorable Council of
Arausio (Orange) in 529, a council well known in the history
of the development of the doctrine of Grace as Arausicanum
secundum. The Synod was in itself quite insignificant. In fact, there is
some doubt whether it may be regarded as a Synod at all. In
spite of this its dogmatic decree had most far-reaching conse
quences, being in later times received by the whole Church as a
decision against the Pelagians, demanding unquestioning obedience
no less than the decrees of the largest councils. What obtained
for this Synod such weight was the authority of the Apostolic See,
which Caesarius had invoked in a timely and energetic manner,
and which, after the close of the Council, remained to lend force
to its decrees. The history of the Synod demonstrates so well
the authority of the Roman See in doctrinal decisions that it
demands some consideration here.
In Southern Gaul, at that time, the question was how best to
stamp out the after-effects of 5 Pelagianism. This dangerous
heresy, in the milder form of Semi-Pelagianism, still dragged on
its existence with its practical denial of the need of Grace for
salvation. With his learned pen Caesarius had written a treatise
" On Grace and Free Will," and, with another document describ
ing the ravages of the ever-spreading heresy, had sent it to Pope
Felix IV., from whom he received an answer full of praise and
encouragement. On the occasion of the consecration of a church, finding him-
1 Mansi, 8, 323, can. 9 : "papae Innocentii ordinatio et Siricii episcopi auctoritas?

no. 334] CAESARIUS OF ARLES 297
self in Arausio surrounded by fourteen of his bishops, he deter
mined to take advantage of their presence to hold a quasi-synod,
at which they might accept and promulgate a series of propositions
against Semi-Pelagianism. The basis of these propositions was
furnished by some brief doctrinal decisions sent to Caesarius from
the Apostolic See at some time unknown to us. As his ancient
biography informs us, the Archbishop had kept them ready "in
order to be able at any moment to produce full proof of true
doctrine with the help of tradition." In these ably-drafted theses
those who denied the need of Grace were deprived of their last
refuge, condemnation being pronounced on the opinion that the
beginning of Faith, or the pious inclination to saving Faith, could
be produced by human power and without supernatural aid.
These propositions were joyfully adopted by the little gather
ing. The assembled bishops, in the preface to their decree, state
expressly that it is their intention to set before those who err
certain propositions which come from the Holy See, and which
define the Catholic Faith in lucid terms.1
The decree was carried to Rome by the priest-abbot, Ar-
menius, with the minutes of the Council. He was to beg Pope
Felix to confirm the proceedings, not indeed because any confir
mation was necessary, but evidently that opposition might be
crushed more effectually. Felix having in the meantime departed
this world, the second Council of Arausio was duly ratified by his
successor, Boniface II., whom he had himself nominated. This
confirmation is the only document of Boniface which has come
down to us.2
Under the name of Arausicanum, the above decree was at
once accepted generally. It was no longer permissible to doubt
the absolute certainty of this doctrine laid down by the Council,
and Semi-Pelagianism was soon driven off the field by a Synod of
which the authority was made almost equal to that of an oecu
menical council. Such great and decisive power can only have
come to the Synod through the communicated authority of Rome.
It was, however, due to Caesarius that the petty local Synod of
Arausio adopted the language of Rome. Few understood so
1 Concil. merov., p. 46: "Secundum admonitionem et auctoritatem sedis apostolicae
iustum ac rationabile visum est, ut pauca capitula ab apostolica nobis sede transmissa
. . . ab omnibus observanda prof err e . . . deberimus."
2 The ratification is dated January 25, 531. P.L., LXV., 31 ; Jaffe-Kaltenbr,,
n. 881. Cp. Loning, Gesch. des deutschen Kirchenrechts, 1, 544.

298 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 335
well as he how necessary religious agreement with Rome was, at
a time when all the ancient, outward forms of the Empire were
being swept away. Few saw as clearly as this untiring worker —
who was at once a bishop, a Christian statesman, a father to the
poor, and a founder of monasteries — the social needs of the period
and the Church's power to satisfy them.
335. Caesarius also served the Roman Church as a link with
the Austrasian kingdom. When Theudebert of Austrasia, the
grandson of Chlodovec, sent Moderic, one of his noblemen, to
Rome to bring before the Apostolic See on his behalf a question
concerning marriage, the Pope's reply was transmitted to the
King by the intermediary of Caesarius of Aries.1
Nor was the Gallic Church to escape the influence of the
Primacy even later. Pope John II. intervened in the decree of
the Council of Massilia (Marseilles), 533, against Bishop Contume-
liosus of Riez, and made it even more stringent. Moreover, when
Contumeliosus appealed to Agapetus I., fresh judges were ap
pointed by this Pope.2
Pope Hormisdas issued a decree in favour of a monastery
near Aries, which forms the earliest instance known of a papal
letter granting protection and exemption to a monastic estab
lishment.3 Pope Vigilius, in a document dated May 22, 545, raised
Caesarius's successor, Archbishop Auxanius, to the rank of Papal
Vicar (vicarius apostolicae sedis), an office which had also been
held by Caesarius. The country of "Gaul," which this docu
ment attributes to Auxanius, here, as well a.s in the similar
letters addressed to the later Archbishops of Aries, Aurelian
and Sapaudus, means the great Frankish kingdom which Childe-
bert I. had established at the cost of great bloodshed, and to
which Aries belonged.4
Untold suffering had been caused throughout this land by
prolonged war and revolution. The Roman See afforded relief
as far as it could. In spite of all the wealth squandered by Rome
1 Epp. Arelatenses, 57 ; P.L., LXIX., 21 ; JAFFE-KALTENBR., n. 906. On Caesarius
and his relations with Rome, cp. GriSAR, Anal, rom., 1, 343 ff., 360.
2 Agapetus to Cassarius, Epp. Arelatenses, 56; P.L., LXVI.,46; Jaffe-Kaltenbr.,
n. 890. 3 Thiel, p. 988 ; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 864. The document belongs approximately
to the year 515. Blumenstock, Der pdpstl. Schutz im Mittelalter (1890), p. 27.
1 Vigilius to Auxanius, Epp. Arelatenses, 61 ; P.L., LXIX., 27, 29 ; JAFFE-KALTENBR.,
913 ff. On the subsequent Archbishops of Aries, see my Anal, rom., 1, 360 ff.

no. 336] NORTH AFRICA 299
on her glorious basilicas and tombs of the saints, on public wor
ship and ecclesiastical government, the Popes could still afford
large sums for the relief of their distant brethren.
When St. Caesarius left Rome he took away with him 8000
gold solidi as a gift from the Roman Church and various rich
members of it. In returning to his episcopal city, where he was
greeted with psalms, he brought back with him in triumph a whole
host of redeemed prisoners. Pope Symmachus is extolled in the
Liber pontificalis for having likewise redeemed prisoners of war
in Liguria, Milan, and different other places, afterwards dis
missing them to their own country with presents. The same
source also tells of the kindness shown by this merciful Pope to
the victims of the Vandal persecution, who languished in exile
and the greatest misery in the deserts of North Africa and the
island of Sardinia. North Africa and Spain
336. The Vandal King, Trasamund, since 508, had trans
ported some two hundred and twenty bishops to Sardinia. These
brave confessors of Christ were annually supplied by Sym
machus with clothing and money. The affection of the Roman
Church was an even greater comfort to them than the gift
itself. Few indeed of these harassed bishops survived till the hour
of release. A mere handful were able to attend the General
Council of Africa, which, after the fall of the Vandal kingdom,
amidst the rejoicings of all Catholics, was held at Carthage in the
Basilica of Faustus to re-establish and reorganise the Church.
At this peaceful gathering in 535 the president was Archbishop
Reparatus. Acknowledgment of Rome's pre-eminence was the guiding
principle of the assembled Fathers. On the question being raised
whether Arian priests of the Vandals, on becoming Catholics,
could retain their appointments, it was unanimously agreed to
by the bishops that Pope John II. should be asked to decide.
They did the same for another doubtful question, namely, whether
those who had been baptized by Arians as children could be ad
mitted into the body of the clergy. The embassy which went to
Rome consisted of two bishops, Caius and Peter, and the deacon

300 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 336
Reparatus, so well known in Rome through the Accemetan con
troversy.1 Instead of Pope John, who had died in the meantime, it was
his successor, Agapetus, who replied to both questions in the
negative. Together with his solution he sent, following in this
the usual custom of the Roman Church in similar cases, a collec
tion of ancient canons, since lost, that the bishops might be in
structed at first hand concerning the laws of the Church. The
papal decision was to be notified to all the bishops of North
Africa. The exclusion from the clergy of the above-mentioned con
verts from Arianism had its justification in the fear lest they
should embrace Catholicism from mere worldly motives. The
measure was, however, made milder by the wish expressed by the
Pope himself that converted Arian priests should have a share
in the ecclesiastical revenues intended for the support of the
clergy. He even directed that converts baptized by Arians
should be helped out of the Church's funds.2
The occasion also furnished Agapetus with an opportunity to
invest Reparatus, Archbishop of Carthage, with the metropolitan
rights which had previously been a prerogative of his see.3
Amidst this business it is pleasant to notice how affectionately
Agapetus enters into the joy felt by all the African Faithful over
the complete change which had at last occurred. An instance
of his sympathy is in the following words from one of his letters :
" We renew our rejoicing over your joy, and praise the Lord
that He has delivered us from the hand of our enemies. Yea,
He has delivered us, for your deliverance is ours, as your
sorrow was ours. The Church forms everywhere but one body,
and the head feels with twofold intensity every pain which affects
the whole body. How many tears did not your oppression and
your distress wring from us ! " 4
Many a Christian memorial, brought to light by excavations
during the last few years in the once flourishing African provinces
1 The African Council to John II., in Mansi, 8, 848 ; Guenther, Coll. Avell,
1, 33°- 2 Decision of Agapetus, in Mansi, ibid. ; Baronius, Annal, ad an. 535, n. 37 ;
Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 892. It bears the date September 9, 535.
3 Mansi, 8, 850; Guenther, p. 332 ; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 893.
1 The Pope in his letter to the Council specially commends the African Church for
being so well aware of the power of the Keys (potestas claustrorum) entrusted to the
Roman See.

No. 337] SPAIN 301
of the Church, unmistakably bears witness to the connection of
these sees with Rome, and to the veneration felt for the Roman
tombs of the apostles, from which relics were frequently brought
to Africa (111. 158, facing p. 324). 1
337. The epistle of Pope Hormisdas to Spain is the last docu
ment we shall quote here, as illustrating the relations between the
Apostolic See and the Western Churches while Rome was
governed by the Goths.
At the request of John, Bishop of Illici (Elche), Hormisdas,
in 517, sent him a number of canonical directions. As their title
shows, these were intended for " all the bishops of Spain," i.e.
for all the bishops belonging to the great kingdom of the Visi
goths in Spain. The regulations related to the election and con
secration of bishops, to simony and the holding of synods. Pope
Hormisdas appointed Bishop John to be, in a certain sense, the
representative of the Apostolic See in those regions, enjoining
him to report to Rome the progress of matters ecclesiastic. At
the same time he made Sallustius, Bishop of Hispalis (Sevilla), his
Vicar for Southern Spain, i.e. for Baetica and Lusitania.2
1 The tegurium shown hails from Megrun, near Tebessa. De Rossi, Bull. arch.
crist, 1877, p. 101 ff. ; 1878, p. 14 ff. ; 25, 115, PI. 5 ; and Capsella Africana, p. 18.
2 Hormisdas to John : Thiel, p. 787, cp. p. 106 ; to the Bishops, p. 788 ; to Sallustius,
P- 979 ; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 786, 787, 855.

CHAPTER VII
CHURCH GOVERNMENT IN ROME— MODE OF PROCEDURE
AT ROMAN SYNODS— CASSIODORUS
Rome and the Scythian Monks
338. During the Gothic period the Easterns twice made the
city of Rome a scene of their violent, heretical quarrels ; the con
trast with the more tractable Western nations was then curiously
evident. Not content with the standing religious controversies
they were ever fomenting in the Greek portion of the Empire,
the Oriental factions began to agitate and create disturbance even
in the churches and streets of Rome. They came hither to seek
the patronage of the Church's head, to which, indeed, they
attached every importance ; once there, they were, however, con
fronted by a judge who insisted on examining calmly and soberly
their doctrines, and who did not fear to denounce with all his
might whatever was due to mere waywardness.
At the time of Hormisdas, a restless troop of monks from
Scythia, led by a certain Leontius, arrived in Rome, and pro
ceeded to bombard the Pope with demands that he should grant
his confirmation to a proposition to which they were inordinately
attached, and which, so they fondly imagined, would at one stroke
cut away the ground from beneath the age-long errors of the
Greeks regarding the Divine and human nature of Christ. This
proposition ran : " One of the Trinity was crucified," and was in
itself, from a theological point of view, perfectly blameless.
Hormisdas received their application very coolly. In Con
stantinople, whither the Scythian monks had first betaken them
selves, their view had been embraced with much more enthusiasm.
Several persons of distinction had really fancied that Monophysites
and Nestorians might be brought into accord by means of such
a formula. Their hope was, however, never to be fulfilled, the
practical value of the proposed remedy being seen clearly enough
in the subsequent history of the notorious proposition. The mis
fortune was that Justinian, that ardent Imperial theologian, though

no. 338] THE SCYTHIAN MONKS 303
he had not yet ascended the throne, was led by his taste for
subtleties to attach great importance to the new invention. In
two letters he had begged the Pope to come to a decision regard
ing the sentence in question. On the other hand, the papal
legates in Constantinople had unceremoniously dismissed the
turbulent innovators, declaring that neither the Council of Chal
cedon nor Leo's epistle required the assistance of any such formula
for their completion or interpretation. Hormisdas also, from
motives of prudence and to avert complications, endeavoured to
dissuade the Scythian monks from their project. The only result
was that the monks now had recourse to other means to secure
their end. It was no easy thing to convince Greek dogmatists,
and in this case, to make matters worse, the Pope had to deal
with fanatic monks, who were aware that they were backed by
Justinian. Anticipating our modern advertisers, they put up bills
and placards in the streets, hoping thereby to obtain support ;
they sought to stir up feeling among those members of the Senate
who had Byzantine proclivities ; they even appealed to the exiled
bishops in Sardinia to help them with the weight of their opinion ;
they delivered inflammatory speeches at uproarious meetings held
in the open places of the city, taking care, however, to keep close
to the statues of the reigning family, where they were in sanctuary
and could not be touched.
The Romans had too much sound sense to let themselves
be excited by these strangers. Coming at last to the conclu
sion that neither instruction nor display of power would avail
to quiet his troublesome guests, Hormisdas took the step of
publicly condemning their pet formula. In spite of the fol
lowing which the party had gained among the bishops, the
Pope, in 521, pronounced the new-fangled proposition — "One of
the Trinity was crucified " — to be both useless and dangerous.
He did not actually condemn the formula itself as wrong, but he
preferred the clearer statement : " One of the three Divine Per
sons suffered in the flesh." The Scythian monks, who had now
been more than fourteen months in Rome, saw at last that it
would be useless to prolong their stay, and they accordingly fled
back to Constantinople. Needless to say that they accused
Hormisdas of heresy.
This Pope has left an excellent description of these zealots in
a letter to an African bishop named Possessor. This description

304 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 339
well fits the many Greeks who in those centuries stirred up theo
logical trouble. We can well understand how such a Pope, whose
time and strength were occupied in the government of the Church,
was indignant at having to wrestle with such narrow minds.
" They come to us," he says, " not to learn, but only to wrangle ;
in their blind excitement they are quite unable to take in the ideas
of others ; they fancy that both East and West should be attentive
to their discovery ; of monasticism they bear no trace, save in
their habit ; and of the monk's chief virtues, namely, humility and
obedience, they know nothing whatever."1
339. The dogged obstinacy of the Greeks, twelve years later,
again brought on the scene the same formula, " One of the
Trinity." Once again the Pope was drawn into tv ;.roversy,
which this time raged even more widely than h^r
It was principally the monks of Consta. vho row
occupied themselves afresh with the sentence i ^si on. The
Accemeti or monks of the " sleepless " monastery entered the lists
against the old formula. Unfortunately in so doing they made
the grave mistake of advancing certain Nestorian statements.
Against this Nestorianising tendency war was at once declared by
the friends of the old Scythian monks, who now had a new reason
for defending their formula with redoubled fervour, for to have
forsaken it under such circumstances would have been tantamount
to abetting Nestorianism.
Justinian, who in the meantime had become Emperor, accord
ingly issued, in 533, a theological edict, professedly in the name of
the bishops. It was intended to safeguard the formula, which it
restated and amplified after a fashion in itself quite correct, namely:
" The Son of God, made man and crucified, is one of the Holy and
consubstantial Trinity." Once more a crowd of excited monks,
consisting of Cyrus and his comrades, all of them Accemeti, hurried
to Rome. Though under the excommunication of Epiphanius,
Patriarch of Constantinople, they set to work in Rome, where they
were assured of the support of a number of senators.
Pope John II. refused to enter into communion with them,
but directed that the matter should be investigated in its new
phase, for, taking into account the revival of Nestorianism, it had
1 Ad Possessorem episc, August 13, 520, in Thiel, p. 926 ; Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 850 :
" ad concussionem quietis circa regum etiam statuas inclamantes." For Hormisdas's
decision, see Hefele, Conciliengesch., 2, 572.

no. 339] THE ACCEMETI 305
come to be questioned whether it would not be advisable to approve
the older formula which had previously been set aside. John
thought it necessary to take the matter all the more seriously,
seeing that Justinian had sent him two metropolitans to beg him
to confirm the Imperial edict.
Quite recently the discovery was made of a manuscript from
Novara containing a collection of the opinions of early Fathers,
both Greek and Latin, made in Rome at that time for the purpose
of the investigation. The collected passages all testify against the
Accemeti and in favour of the formula.1
The Pope eventually confirmed the formula, and on March 25,
534, sent a long letter to the Emperor Justinian on the subject.
He af graciously, .too graciously perhaps, to the Em
peror's ze Church. Especially does he praise, some
what artl Emperor's expressed desire to submit all
questions <af fcJ^ -Jri.ie to the Apostolic See. He gives notice
that he has removed the case from the secular courts, which have
no competence in such matters. The view of the Holy See, he
says, had been even previously that the wording of the formula in
the main agreed with right doctrine. Justinian's edict, being in
agreement with the tradition of the Apostles, he accordingly gives
it his sanction. Hence he follows the example set by the Patriarch,
Epiphanius, and pronounces excommunication on the Accemeti.
Owing to this letter, some have hinted that a material theological
contradiction existed between John II. and his predecessor Hor
misdas. That this assumption is erroneous, is clear from the
above.2 In a letter to eleven senators, illustres et magnifici viri, Pope
John informs them of what he has written to his " son," the
Emperor Justinian. He bids them follow the Church's law and
sever all connection with the Accemeti, with whom they must not
even speak. These senators seem to have been very much at
home in theology, at least in their own opinion, for the letter
quotes whole series of opinions of the Fathers, all divided in
groups according to the subject.3
1 Spicilegium Casinense, I, 157 ff. Cp. Duchesne, Bull, critique, 1894, p. 182.
2 John II. to Justinian, in Mansi, 8, 797 ; Guenther, Coll. Avellana, 1, 320; Jaffe-
Kaltenbr., n. 884 : " romanae sedi reverentiam conservatis et ei cuncta subicitis." Of
his own decision he says : " hoc sedes apostolica praedicavit hacienus."
3 John II. to Avienus and other senators, in Mansi, 8, 803 ; Jaffe-Kaltenbr.,
n. 885. VOL. II. U

306 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 34°
Among these excerpts appears — a point worth noting — one of
the pronouncements of St. Cyril of Alexandria against Nestorius.
Cyril had always been held in high esteem in Rome ; but, so far,
the writings of this champion against Nestorius had not been used
as much as might have been expected in view of his position.
John II. is the first of the Popes to base an argument on an
utterance of Cyril.1
Management of Church Affairs in Rome — The Synods
340. There seems scarcely any doubt that the above decision
of the Pope was come to at a Roman synod.2
It is true that nothing is expressly said of such a synod. But
custom, as well as necessity, had established that debated questions
of any importance were to be referred to councils, consisting at
least of the presbyters of the city, the neighbouring bishops, and
any foreign bishops who happened to be staying in Rome. These
were the petty synods to which Cyprian refers in the third century,
when he speaks of the Roman Bishop's Presbyterium. In the sixth
century special meeting-places, termed Consistories, existed for this
purpose 3 ; we have already alluded to several such synods in the
course of our narrative.
Our historical sources furnish us with one very instructive
instance, when dealing with the position of the Patriarch Epi
phanius with respect to the Apostolic See.
Epiphanius, Patriarch of Constantinople, had acted with zeal
and judgment in the affair of the Accemeti and in other matters
also. So great was the confidence of Pope Hormisdas in him,
that he had made him the Holy See's Vicar in the East. After
peace had been concluded on the basis of the " formula of Hor
misdas," the Pope readily permitted him to reconcile to the Church
such of the clergy as were willing to subscribe to the formula,
stipulating only that he should send a report to Rome on those
he had readmitted.
The Patriarch, however, allowed himself to be led away more
1 Cp. Schafer, in the Tubingen Theol. Quartalschr., 1895, p. 441 ff, specially
p. 447. 2 Hefele (Concihengesch., 2, 751) is mistaken in questioning this, against Mansi and
others. 3 For the presbyterium, see Mansi, 8, 774. The consistorium, for instance, in the
title of the seventeenth homily of Gregory the Great, in Evang. : " habita ad episcopos in
consistorio Lateranensi" according to the true reading of the MSS.

no.34o] ROMAN SYNODS 307
and more by the idea that his see of Constantinople was supreme
over all the East. In this he was following the wishes of the
Emperor, for Justinian, that Byzantine Louis XIV., was imperative
in his demand that the Church of the capital should hold the first
place among all the Greek Churches. The jurisdiction of the
Exarchs of Ephesus and Caesarea appears to have already ceased
in his time ; the right of nomination being unquestionably in the
hands of the Patriarch of the capital. In fact he never ceased to
claim the same right over the three great patriarchal sees of the
East. The only jurisdiction conceded to these Patriarchs, not
admitting of appeal to the Patriarch of the Court, was the purely
spiritual one exercised by them over the metropolitans of their
respective provinces.
This effort to enhance the authority of his see plunged
Epiphanius of Constantinople into a memorable conflict with
the Papacy. It was this dispute which afforded the pretext for
the above-mentioned petty Roman synods, held in the Papal
Consistory, which we have selected as examples of the ordinary
procedure at such councils.
Although the metropolitans of Eastern Illyricum had long
been subordinate to the Pope as their Patriarch, Epiphanius
had taken it on him to try a charge lodged against Stephen,
metropolitan of Larissa, by certain clerics who had come to Con
stantinople. He began, without any previous judicial investiga
tion, by forbidding the clergy of Thessaly to remain in communion
with Stephen. He then had the latter, in spite of his appeal to
Rome, brought to Constantinople by means of the secular arm,
which was always at the disposal of the higher bishops of the
Empire. At Constantinople, in a domestic synod (synodus
endemusa), Stephen's deposition was pronounced. Epiphanius
upbraided him with having dared to detract from the rights of
the Holy Church of Constantinople or New Rome by his appeal
to the Pope, and had him watched by the defensores of his
Church, for fear he should escape to Italy. He could not,
however, prevent his captive's letters from finding their way to
Rome. They were brought to the Holy See by Theodosius,
Bishop of Echinus, together with the complaints of other bishops
regarding Byzantine encroachments.
Boniface II. organised a small synod (531) in the "Consistory
of St. Andrew," i.e. in the old Imperial Mausoleum to the left of

308 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 340
St. Peter's, of which Pope Symmachus had made a church. It is
the earliest example of a Roman synod, of which the minutes in
cidentally give us a gHmpse into the details of official routine at
the time, showing us how the proceedings were conducted, for
which reason it deserves our attention.1
In the first session Pope Boniface is surrounded by four
bishops. Two come from the immediate neighbourhood of
Rome, Felix of Numentum and Carosus of Centumcellae ; the
others are Sabinus of Canusium, later celebrated as a saint, and
occasionally consulted by the Popes for affairs of importance, and
Abundantius of Demetrias in Thessaly. The latter was accident
ally present in Rome, bringing a complaint against another bishop
who had usurped his see. Besides the bishops, thirty-nine Roman
presbyters took part in the session, several of the twenty-five
Roman Tituli being accordingly represented by more than one
priest. Four "deacons of the Apostolic See " were also present,
but remained standing.2
The first of these deacons, Tribunus, the Archdeacon, intro
duced with due formality Theodosius of Echinus in Thessaly, who
had brought the complaint against the Patriarch of Constanti
nople ; hereupon, at the Pope's orders, Menas, the notary, read
out the first written charge. The acts of violence suffered by
Stephen of Larissa are therein described in detail by Stephen
himself, who declares that he relies confidently on the aid of the
Pope, who has the oversight of all the Churches in the world, and
who will doubtless defend with especial energy his own patriarchal
rights in his papal province of Illyricum.3
As this report also mentioned the intruder, who had usurped
the bishopric of Abundantius, the latter at once seized the oppor
tunity to record a formal statement in defence of his rights. After
the second letter of complaint from the metropolitan of Larissa
had been read, the first session was brought to a close.
Two days later there was a second session in the same
" Consistory." There were now forty-one presbyters present.
A memorial against Epiphanius of Constantinople sent by three
1 Council of December 7 and 9, 531, in Mansi, 8, 739 ff. This text is the authority
for all the description given above.
2 " . . . Praesidente venerabili viro papa Bonifatio una cum Sabino . . . episcopis,
residentibus etiam Sanctulo . . . presbyteris, adstantibus quoque Tribuno . . . diaconibus
. . . Bonifatius episcopus ecclesiae catholicae urbis Romae dixit : Venial."
3 He gives the Pope a "principatus " over the whole Church, but in Eastern Illyricum
also the "gubematio."

no. 34°] ROMAN SYNODS 309
bishops of Thessaly was handed in by Theodosius and read aloud
by the notary Menas. In it the three bishops begged for the re
instatement of Stephen, the persecuted metropolitan. Theodosius,
who was at once Stephen's advocate, and defender of the Pope's
patriarchal rights in Illyricum, then craved permission to have a
series of official documents from Popes and emperors read aloud,
by which these rights were guaranteed. He had brought copies
of them with him, and asked that they might later on be com
pared with the originals lodged among the archives of the Roman
Church. Unluckily the record of the synod breaks off in the middle
of the long list of deeds read out by Menas. Not -having the
minutes of the remainder of the proceedings, the outcome of the
discussion and the fate of Stephen of Larissa are a mystery.
It is one of the many unfortunate blanks found among early
historic documents due to the accidents to which such deeds
are so liable.1 *
To return, however, to that portion of the minutes which has
come down to us, and which is important enough as showing the
usual mode of procedure in church business at Rome. One is
struck by the resemblance in a whole number of points between
the procedure of this assembly and that usual in the secular
Roman law-courts. In its own courts of justice the Church has
taken over bodily the rules obtaining in the secular courts, even
down to small outward observances. A few instances will show
this. Bishop Theodosius at first waits with his charge-sheet outside
the door or curtain. The Archdeacon announces him within,
giving his name and office, and then requests the Pope to give
his orders. Pope Boniface says : " Let him enter." Theodosius
is now asked by the Pope, again quite formally, to state what he
requires, as though no one knew what was under discussion.
1 There are twenty-six of these documents contained in the minutes, viz. decrees of
Damasus, Siricius, Innocent I., Boniface I., Celestine I., Xystus III., and Leo I., besides
rescripts of the Emperors Honorius, Theodosius II., Valentinian III., and Marcian, and
a letter of Anatolius, Archbishop of Constantinople. The wording of these papal briefs
must have been borne out by the Registers, kept even at that time. On the authenticity
of these documents, see Duchesne, Byzantinische Zeitschr., I (1892), 538 ff, and parti
cularly p. 541, regarding two documents by Honorius and Theodosius II., called into
question by Mommsen. Duchesne's article is reprinted with additions in his Churches
Separated from Rome, Engl, trans., p. 154 ff. The latest writer to investigate anew and
to establish the authenticity of the disputed documents was R. v. Nostitz-Rieneck
(Zeitschr. fiir kath. Theol, 21, 1897, 1-50).

310 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 341
Being a Greek, an interpreter stands ready to render his words
into Latin. Theodosius then explains in general terms the
purport of the metropolitan's first libellus, which he holds in his
hands. By formal direction of the Pope ensues the legal accept
ance (susceptio) of this document, and then a new order of the
Pope is required for it to be read aloud. After all this circum
stance, the notary — whose Greek name (Menas) is worth noticing
— at last begins the recitation in Latin. At the end of the charge
he also reads verbatim the formula used by the subscriber : " And
by another hand: ' I, Stephen, humble Bishop of the Holy Church
of Larissa, have, with my own hand, signed this letter of complaint
drawn up by me and sent to my most holy and most blessed
Lord, the most venerable Father of Fathers, and universal
patriarch, Boniface.' ' After Abundantius had interjected his own
complaint, as above described, the Pope directed both charges to
be included among the archives. The minutes were written whilst
the session was actually in progress. The same formalities of
presentation and acceptance were observed in the admission of the
second deed of protest from the metropolitan. Finally the Pope,
owing to the lateness of the hour, terminates the sitting, giving
Theodosius permission to produce any other communications or
documents at the next session.
As regards the formalities of the second session, it is sufficient
to say that the beginning of the proceedings, as described in the
minutes, corresponds almost verbally with that of the first sitting.
There seems to have been a fixed judicial formulary of introduc
tion, as is, indeed, also shown by comparison with other Roman
synods. It runs : " After the consulship of Lampadius and
Orestes, on the fifth of the Ides of December, in the Consistory
of the blessed Apostle Andrew ; under the presidency of the
venerable Pope Boniface, with the Bishops (here follow their
names, with their dioceses) ; with the assistance of the presbyters
(their names, but without their titular churches) ; in the presence
of the standing deacons Tribunus, Agapius, Donatus, and Probus,
the Archdeacon Tribunus states (here follow his words). Then
Boniface, Bishop of the Catholic Church of the City of Rome,
says," &c. " Abundantius, Bishop of the city of Demetrias," so
we read in the first session, "rose up amidst the assembly and
said . . ."
341. From other synodal reports which have been preserved

no. 341] ROMAN SYNODS 311
in their entirety we learn that invariably, at the end of the delibera
tions, the presiding Pope, with the " placet " of all present, summed
up and announced the sentence, after which all signed the deeds.
The Pope was the first to attach his signature, with the unchang
ing formula : "Bishop of the Holy Catholic Church of the City
of Rome," then the bishops, with mention of their sees ; likewise
the priests, with mention of their Tituli; finally the deacons,
the latter sometimes adding the city' region to which they
belong.1 With the signatures appended, the minutes, which in those
times were still written upon papyrus, were complete. It is the
fact that such deeds were written upon perishable paper and not
upon parchment, which accounts for so few having come down to
us, even in later copies. Even papal bulls and other legal docu
ments were engrossed upon papyrus. The minutes of the Synod
were deposited, according to custom, in the Lateran Archives.
Bishops or others taking part, and having any particular interest
in the matter, were supplied with official copies through the papal
notaries. Sometimes these records of Roman Councils refer to more
intimate discussions among the members, or to consultations with
the Pope. At such times the person spoken of was expected to
quit the assembly. At the small Roman Council in 600, attended
by five bishops beside the Roman clergy, Probus, an abbot, was
duly introduced by a papal Secundicerius with the formalities
already described, but was obliged to leave the Synod again
immediately, " in order that we," as the president, Pope Gregory
the Great, explained, " may consider his request with our brethren
(the bishops) and our sons (the clergy)." 2
At the Synod of Pope Symmachus in 499, all the bishops and
presbyters present rise from their seats, in order to converse more
readily among themselves about the decrees concerning papal
elections. In some sense the session was suspended. As soon,
1 Cp. the signatures to the Council of 499, in Thiel, p. 653 ff, and in Mommsen's
edition of the Variae of Cassiodorus (Mon. Germ, hist., Auctt. antiq., t. 12, Appendix).
The papal signature : " Caelius Symmachus, episcopus sanctae ecclesiae catholicae urbis
Romae." 2 Append. adEpist.s. Greg. Mag.,ed. Maur., 2, 1297 ; P.L., LXXVIL, 1346; Jaffe-
Ewald, n. 1798. The formalities here described, as well as those of the Synod in 499,
are well worth comparing with those we dealt with above. In Gregory's Council, after
the ceremonious introduction of Probus, we likewise have the susceptio and then the
recitatio of his petitio.

312 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 342
however, as the wording of the decrees was agreed upon, all
solemnly resumed their seats, to express by deed the resumption
of the session ; and the notary having read aloud the decision
arrived at, it was, after express inquiry from the Pope, accepted
by a chorus of placet and fiat.
Certain solemnities, such as the acclamations in honour of the
monarch or of the Pope, or the summoning of the Senate, and even
the people, as witnesses to the proceedings ; introductory ad
dresses by the Pope, or closing announcements of the decision in
the church, sometimes followed by an anathema pronounced by
all present ; all these things seem to have been reserved for the
greater or provincial councils of Rome. The smaller assemblies
just spoken of were, on the contrary, in their simplicity the fore
runners of the mediaeval consistories, in which Pope and cardinals
met regularly and frequently to settle the more important questions
of church government. The deacons and presbyters alluded
to above were, even then, in deed, though not yet in name, the
Pope's cardinals, while the few bishops present from the neigh
bourhood form a group of judges to be later on replaced by the
cardinal-bishops of the suburban sees.
The Papal Court. Roman Learning and the Monasteries
of Cassiodorus
342. The Court surrounding the Church's Supreme Pastor,
even in the fourth century, had already begun to resemble the
Imperial Court.
This is seen, for instance, to some extent in the bestowal on
officials of the Curia of titles borrowed from Roman secular usage,
a practice of which we have already met several examples.
Owing, however, to the fewness of our sources of information, it
is very difficult to follow the slow and gradual growth which took
place in remote ages. We shall have an opportunity later to
study the papal officialdom and the Lateran Court at a period
when they will be more fully evolved.
Could we but rely on the forged " Donation of Constantine,"
then the state of affairs would be quite clear, even for the period
of Pope Silvester.1
1 Cp. the editions of this document by Grauert, Hist. Jahrb., 3 (1882), 25, and
by Zeumer, Die Konstantinische Schenkungsurkunde, II. (Festgabe fur R. v. Gneist
1888). Zeumer was responsible for the text of Constantine's Donation in the Mon.
Germ, hist, Formulae merov. et carol, aevi (1886), p. 492.

no. 342] THE PAPAL COURT 313
The unknown author who wrote this remarkable document
in the eighth or ninth century, informs us that the Emperor Con
stantine, after his legendary cure from leprosy, and alleged baptism
in Rome, gave the Lateran Palace to Silvester, and graciously
bestowed upon him a diadem, i.e. (according to Constantine's own
words as recorded in the text) " the crown upon our head, and
the frigium [phrygium'] and the superhumerale or lorum, about the
Emperor's neck ; likewise the purple chlamys and scarlet tunic ;
likewise outriders, such as the Emperor has, and the imperial
sceptre, with all the imperial regalia and the whole pageant. To
the most venerable clergy of the Holy Roman Church of every
degree we further grant the rank of Senators ; they shall be
Patricians and Consuls, and be allowed to adorn themselves with
other imperial distinctions ; and as at our Court the different
chamberlains, ushers, and other functionaries have badges of
office, so shall it also be with the clergy of the Roman Church ;
their horses, when in use, may be caparisoned with smart linen
trappings ; their feet shall be shod with the shoes of Senators.
Earthly things in their splendour shall be a type of the heavenly,
to the praise of God. . . . And let none sin through pride or
conceit." This fantastic document, at least in certain passages, brings
before us the Papal Court and its ceremonial as it appeared at
the author's time, i.e. in the Carlovingian period ; in other
respects it merely expresses the pious wishes of the cleric who
wrote it, and who evidently took great pleasure in outward pomp
and parade. The few extant monuments and written notices
prove that the Pope's surroundings had been far less gorgeous.
How highly the position, political and social, of the Papacy
was appreciated about the middle of the sixth century, even by
the most distinguished statesmen, may be seen in the letter of
Cassiodorus to Pope John II., of which the authority ranks far
above that of Constantine's Donation, and which is remarkable
enough at a period when no one had as yet dreamt of the States
of the Church.
Cassiodorus, in 533, was promoted to the highest secular
dignity in Italy, becoming Prefect of the Praetorium. It was
then that he commended himself with the utmost respect and
submission to the Pope. " Do not leave," he writes to him, " the
care of the City of Rome to me alone. It derives its security far

3 14 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 343
more from you. You are placed as a watchman over the Christian
people ; you show a father's love to all. The sphere of our care
is limited, but yours is quite universal. Your first duty is indeed
to lead the flock to spiritual pastures, but even their temporal
concerns you cannot disregard.. For as man consists of body and
spirit, a good father cherishes his children both bodily and
spiritually. Yea, his first concern is to avert by prayer those
earthly needs which may be a penalty for sin. . . .
" Give me counsel," he continues, " how I should fulfil my
duty. ... I am a Court official, but for all that I am still
your disciple. . . . May the See of Peter, which is the wonder
of the whole world, protect me, its reverer ; this See was
doubtless established for the whole world, but, since it abides in
Rome, it has special responsibilities towards us who live in the
City. Rome has the happiness of guarding in its midst the tombs
which all people desire to see, and on this account we have both
a claim and a pledge for the aid of the Apostles. This, together
with your prayers, will overcome the difficulties of our office."1

343. Cassiodorus remained in the service of the State for yet a
number of years, till the time of Vitiges and the Gothic War. He
then, in 540, at about the age of sixty, retired to his Calabrian
home, Vivarium, near Squillacium (Squillace), in order to devote
himself entirely to prayer and study in the monastery he had
founded upon his estate. During his lengthy public life he had
rendered incalculable service to the Papacy, to the influence of the
Church upon society, and to the reconciliation of the Latins and
Germans. The withdrawal into a monastery of this remarkable man may
truly be considered a great episode in the history of Italy and of
Christian learning. In the quietude of his cloister, splendidly
situated upon a hill overlooking the sea, surrounded by equally
studious kindred spirits, Cassiodorus by his writings and example
prepared the way for St. Benedict, laying down the roads on
which the monks of the West were to advance to the conquest of
knowledge. If the monasteries during the Middle Ages afforded
1 Variar., g, n. 2., ed. Mommsen (Mon. Germ, hist, Auctt. antiq., t. 12) : " Nos decet
cogitare aliqua, sed vos omnia. . . . Bene agere vel correptus exopto. . . . Sum quidem
iudex palatinus, sed vester non desinam esse discipulus. . . . Confessiones Mas quas
videre universitas appetit, Roma felicior in suis sinibus habere promeruit"

no. 343] CASSIODORUS 315
a shelter behind their enclosures to studies whether profane or
sacred, and kept alive throughout the time of trouble the sacred
fire of scholarship and culture, this is to be ascribed largely to the
foresight and enlightened industry of Cassiodorus.
Trained as he was in statecraft, he saw full well that the
Gothic kingdom, where learning had been protected and had
enjoyed a sort of second spring, was doomed to perish. It was
also clear to him that, after all he had done in vain for the Goths,
no other Germanic kingdom would take over the task of estab
lishing civilisation. Hence he devoted his last efforts to monas-
ticism. The only hope of Europe's future seemed to him to be
in religion, while nowhere were the religious ideals better em
bodied than in those associations, then becoming so popular in
Italy, of men who, forsaking worldly turmoil, gave themselves
wholly to higher things, without, however, neglecting the culture
of their time and the claims of learning. Whence the reliance
he placed on the monks' work for the cause of civilisation. It
was for them, too, that he wrote in his retreat, his fnstitutiones,
or " Guide to Studies both Divine and Secular." x
The first of the two books into which this work is divided is
a lengthy introduction to theological lore, particularly to the study
of Holy Scripture. The second is occupied with an epitome of
the seven liberal arts, and discusses successively Grammar,
Rhetoric, Dialectics, Arithmetic, Music, Geometry, and As
tronomy. The work was intended by Cassiodorus in some
measure to make up for the school he and Pope Agapetus had
hoped to found in Rome, but which the circumstances of the time
had made impossible. In point of fact, his " Institutions " did
actually become the manual of higher studies in the schools of the
Middle Ages.2
Cassiodorus, in the course of his literary career, to this first
one added other books, which enjoyed an equal repute throughout
the mediaeval period. They are, some of them, original works,
1 Institutiones divinarum et saecularium lectionum, P.L., t. LXX., ed. Garet. In
Cassiodorus, lectiones is equivalent to litterae ; see Ebert, Literatur des Mittelalters, 1,
501. In the Rule of St. Benedict the lectio, recommended to the monks, likewise means
literary work in general.
2 Cassiodorus had cherished the grand idea, well worthy of such a man, to introduce,
"cum beatissimo Agapito,papa urbis Romae . . . collatis expensis in urbe Roma professos
doctores scholae christianae," whose duty would have been, among other things, to ex
pound Holy Scripture "per expositiones patrum." Cp. Inst. div. litt, Praef. On the
Library which Pope Agapetus had founded for this purpose on the Clivus Scauri upon
the Caelian, see DE ROSSI, Inscr. christ., 2, 1, p. 16.

316 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 343
others translations from the Greek ; all are, however, intended to
be, not so much new contributions to knowledge, as sums em
bracing the whole field of learning for the instruction of posterity.
The schools of Rome were in later years to draw largely on
the material accumulated by Cassiodorus, but it must be remem
bered that the literary treasures of the city had also contributed
their share to the foundation of the great monastic library of
Cassiodorus. In this library, which its founder himself describes,
the works of the Fathers of the Church live in peaceful harmony
with the products of heathen literature.1
Cassiodorus recommends his disciples, whom he conducts with
no little pride through these parchment treasures, to study above
all the Bible, then Augustine, Jerome, and Ambrose ; but he
advises them also to read with care the masterpieces of heathen
and secular literature, which may help to form their taste and
enrich them with earthly knowledge. As he says : " In this
manner did the great lights of the Church make worldly wisdom
subserve the heavenly." Nor does he forget to point to Moses
as an example, who also was learned in all the wisdom of the
Egyptians.2 The founder of the monastic academy of Vivarium does not
omit to lead his visitor into the copyists' room. Here tireless
hands are busy transcribing ancient books. These antiquarii, as
Cassiodorus calls them, are bound to follow the rules of ortho
graphy, which he himself has drafted for their guidance. In his
" Institutions," Cassiodorus had already praised the tedious daily
work of these clerkly monks. No higher bodily work exists, but
it must be faithfully and attentively executed. " As many wounds
are inflicted on Satan," he exclaims, "as the antiquarius copies
words of the Lord. Whilst he is at work profitably educating his
own mind, he is at the same time a sower, dispersing the com
mandments of the Lord far and wide." 3
The monastery of Cassiodorus was provided with every com
fort, and had all the attractions of country life. It was, however,
the wish of its wealthy founder, who was wholly devoted to God's
service, that his community should rise above earthly things, even
1 On the Library : A. Franz, Cassiodorus Senator. Ein Beitrag zur Gesch. der
theol. Literatur, Breslau, 1872.
2 Cassiodorus on the classics, Instil, 1, c. 17 ff. ; P.L., LXX., 1133.
3 " Tot enim vulnera Satanas accipit, quot antiquarius Domini verba describit"
Ibid., c. 30.

no. 343] CASSIODORUS

3*7

above the pleasure which study brings, and live for virtue and the
service of God ; work for the everlasting good of society should
be their guiding principle amidst their seclusion. " All which
surrounds us here," he says, after describing the attractions of the
settlement, "are pleasures of this earthly present life, which afford
no warrant for the future. These things are transitory, but the
things of the next world are everlasting. In the midst of the
present let us turn our desires towards these Last Things, and
towards them alone, for they contain the promise of an eternal
reign with Christ." 1
For the greater inward recollection of those who wished to
pass their days as hermits, or had no special talent for study,
Cassiodorus erected another monastery at no great distance from
the first, on Mount Castellum. In both institutions, however, the
rule enforced not only work, but also the observance of the
canonical hours, with their psalms and lessons. The founder
in his writings admonishes the abbots of both monasteries
to guide their respective subjects with wisdom and love to the
life of perfection. 2
Cassiodorus, and, somewhat later, St. Benedict of Nursia,
through the influence they exercised upon conventual life, were
responsible for the dawn in Italy of a new spiritual period.
This period began, however, in the throes of a fearful war.
All the provinces of the country, and above all Rome, which had
already suffered so much, were stirred to their innermost depths
by the horrors of a struggle lasting nearly twenty years.

Into the bloodstained furrows of the ruined ancient world,
Providence cast the new seed of Christian culture in the shape
of monasticism, with its renunciation, its austerity, and its energy
in all fields, both temporal and spiritual. It was to grow into a
goodly tree, and that it did was mainly due to the aid which it
received from Rome.
1 " Verum haec oblectamenta sunt praesentium rerum. . . . Sed illic positi ad ilia
potius desideria transferamus, quae nos faciunt regnare cum Christo? Ibid., c. 29. On
the situation and arrangement of the Monasterium Vivariense, see the accounts by one
well acquainted with the spot, i.e. G. Minasi, Cassiodoro Senatore, ricerche storico-
critiche (Napoli, 1895), particularly pp. 143 ff, 221 ff.
2 Ebert, Literatur des Mitielalters, p. 504.

III.-ROME, BYZANTIUM, AND THE OSTRO
GOTHS AT THE TIME OF THE REVIVAL
OF THE EMPIRE IN ITALY

CHAPTER I
TWENTY YEARS OF WAR IN ITALY
General Survey. The Gothic Camp before the City of Rome
344. Vitiges, Totila, and Teias are the three famous names
connected with the first fall, the restoration, and the final
overthrow of the Gothic domination in Italy and Rome.
The war, which for either side was a matter of life or
death, lasted eighteen years, from 535 to 553, and led to
heroic deeds such as are rare in history, though its result
was to reduce Italy and poor, decaying Rome to a state of
absolute impotence, both material and moral. The remains of
classic splendour in life and culture could scarcely have sunk
into ruin under circumstances more tragic. Any other city but
Rome, caught up in such a whirlwind, would have perished
irretrievably. The city of the Tiber, after having been taken by Belisarius,
had first to stand a frightful siege by Vitiges from March 537 to
March 538. The Gothic King was, however, obliged to with
draw from the walls so heroically defended by Belisarius, and was
himself soon forced to open the gates of Ravenna to the Byzantine
victor. His brave successor, Totila, chosen King of the Goths in
541, re-established German rule as far as Apulia and Calabria,
with the energy and success of a Hannibal. Again was the
trembling and famishing city of Rome invested from the summer,
545, to the very end of the next year. At last the defence of the
Byzantine general, Bessas, was overcome, and Totila entered as
conqueror. After having plundered it and dismantled the walls
at several points, he left it to the advancing forces of Belisarius,
in order to undertake a random campaign in Lucania. After re
peatedly attacking the city, he once more took possession of it in
the beginning of 549, Belisarius, formerly the Emperor Justinian's
right hand, being now languishing in disgrace at Constantinople,
whither he had been recalled.'
vol. 11. 321 x

322 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 344
Not Belisarius, but Narses, the active and trusty general of
the Imperial forces, was to reap the reward of vanquishing Totila.
He gained over the hero the sanguinary battle of Taginae in 552,
and then, in triumph, entered Rome, which was to remain a
long while under the Byzantine sceptre. But in Southern
Italy the surviving remnant of the Gothic people, regardless of
death, still offered resistance. Teias, the new Gothic King,
hurried from the north by forced marches as far as Mount
Vesuvius. There, on the hills of Campania, overlooking the
blue sea and fertile plains, on the loveliest site in the world,
he was overcome by the superior numbers and strategy of the
Byzantines. Teias fell, covered with glory, after twelve javelins
had pierced his shield. Thus ended the Gothic power, which,
like Vesuvius, had vainly consumed its own force. This was in
March 553. Narses allowed the last band, some thousand strong,
to retreat under arms to Pavia. Another two years' struggle was
necessary to overcome the incalculable hordes of Alemanni and
Franks, under Leutharis and Butilin, though the Byzantines were
powerfully assisted by famine and pestilence prevalent in the
ranks of their foes. When all was over, Narses at last began to
reorganise under peaceable conditions the reconquered country.
Italy again became a province of that ancient and powerful
Empire which still emphatically described itself as Roman ; yet,
on account of the distance, the bond which linked Rome with
Constantinople, the capital, was somewhat loose ; Italy and
Rome have entered the inglorious period of the Greek
Exarchate. Such were, in broad outline, the occurrences which followed
one another after Belisarius had for the first time entered Rome
as a conqueror, greeted by Pope .Silverius.
As the present work does not deal with the details of military
history, such as those just sketched, but studies the life and evolu
tion of Rome on the background of its local and historical fortunes,
we must confine ourselves in the following pages to bringing
forward such items, topographical or historical, as are of marked
importance for learning what Rome was in those eventful years.
There is certainly no lack of reliable descriptions and notices of
this kind. A Greek writer of the time, Procopius, who accom
panied Belisarius, and was himself an eye-witness of most of the
happenings in Rome, has left us in his historical work an excellent

no. 345] THE GOTHIC WAR 323
picture of the varying fortunes of the City whilst the war was in
progress.1 345. What is chiefly remarkable is that in spite of all the
battles which took place near Rome, the walls were never once
carried by assault ; four times did the costly prize fall into the
winners' hands by treachery or by the gates being freely opened ;
once, indeed, the walls were scaled by Narses, but that was at an
unguarded point. Such was, even thenj the strength of the walls
of Aurelian and Honorius ; such were the services which could
still be rendered by those battlemented towers and loopholed
walls which girdled Rome in stone.
It is, however, true that the tactics of the besiegers were often
at fault ; in fact the brave Goths had scarcely any. Nor did the
Goths ever succeed in surrounding or actually investing Rome.
Supplies were never permanently cut off from the beleaguered
City. Their armies usually contented themselves with pitching
camps at various apparently suitable places round about Rome,
which they made the bases of their harassing petty campaigns
against the defenders, the battles being fought amidst the aqueducts
of the Campagna.
The accounts of the camps and the aqueducts given by
Procopius are of great topographical interest.
From the first the Goths preferred as a camping-ground the
undulating country between the north-eastern side of the City
and the Anio, which is traversed by the Via Salaria, the No
mentana, Tiburtina, and Praenestina. From the city walls could
be seen the earthworks thrown up round the camps, which were
further strengthened by a ditch and a stockade.
Vitiges, after having been beaten back a first time from the
City, erected for his great siege six such camps in the part of the
Campagna just mentioned. By this means, as Procopius says, he
threatened five of the city gates. His seventh camp he pitched
on the opposite, or right bank of the Tiber, in the so-called
Campus Neronis, i.e. on the flat ground stretching north-west of
Rome, along the base of Monte Mario from the Vatican to the
Milvian Bridge. This last camp was intended as a base for attacks
upon that gate which Procopius invariably calls the Aurelian.
1 Tardmbs ir6\epos or 'ItoXiko., in four books, ed. DlNDORF, Corpus Script, byz. (Bonn) ;
ed. Haury (Leipzig, 1905). A new Greek edition with Italian translation was begun by
D. COMPARETTI in .1895 (Istit. star, ital., Fonti per la storia a" Italia). German version
by D. COSTE in Geschichtschreiber der deutschen Vorzeit*, 6 fahrh., ii.

324 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 346
This is not, as has been thought, the gate called in ancient times
Porta Aurelia, which stood upon the Janiculus, and was then
known as the gate of St. Pancras, but rather the gate close to
Hadrian's Mausoleum, leading from St. Peter's to Hadrian's
Bridge and thence into the city.1
346. Besides this, Vitiges cut the aqueducts of Rome, most of
which passed over the elevated plateau he occupied on the east
of the city. The abundant streams of water fell from the broken
conduits into the river Anio, or else, after meandering through the
fields, where they formed unhealthy swamps, at last found their
way to the Tiber. As, however, the .city was provided with
sources of its own, the breaking of the aqueducts was not an
irreparable calamity. What was worse was the destruction by
Vitiges of Trajan's great aqueduct on the other side of the Tiber.
We know already that its water was led down the side of the
Janiculus, where even now it works the paper-mills beneath the
splendid fountain of Paul V. In those days the water-power set
in motion the numerous and very necessary corn-mills of the city.
The want of flour was soon felt bitterly by the Romans, more
so even than their being deprived of the baths and thermae
formerly supplied by the aqueducts. Belisarius managed, how
ever, to replace these mills by others, which he erected near the
Tiber, and which the Goths sought in vain to damage by float
ing tree-trunks down the river. No one who knew Rome before
the embankment of the river could forget the brisk, industrious
Tiber mills in the neighbourhood of the bridges below the
Janiculus ; they had continued in use, reminding one of those
first mills erected here in the sixth century.
It was an act of negligence on the part of the Goths not to
have occupied or strengthened the strategically important points
1 As regards this last gate, I agree with Gregorovius, I, 372. It was the "Porta
s. Petri in Hadrianio," which must then have been known as Porta Aurelia from the
adjacent Via Aurelia Nova (see present work, vol. i. p. 266 ff). The five other eates,
not expressly mentioned by Procopius, were probably the Flaminian, the Salarian, the
Nomentana, the Tiburtine, and the Praenestina. The Porta pinciana does not seem to
have served as a gate at that time, but to have been first made into one by Belisarius.
In Amnion's catalogue it is given as " porta pinciana clausa" (URLICHS, p. 78). As this
list, though originally drawn up in 403, exists only in the edition undertaken under Pope
Hadrian I., it is quite possible that the "clausa" refers to a fresh closure of the Pinciana
under Hadrian. Under Belisarius the gate was in use, as Procopius clearly states.
Though Gregorovius, p. 363, says : " The connection of the Tibur tina and the Praenes
tina with the present Porta S. Lorenzo and Porta Maggiore is doubtful," the doubt
alluded to has long been settled, and there is no doubt that the Honorian Porta
Tiburtina coincides with the Porta S. Lorenzo, and the Honorian Praenestina with the-
Porta Maggiore. Cp. Jordan, Topographie der Stadt Rom, 1, 358.

111. 158.  Marble Tegurium of an African Memoria or Relic-Altar
of SS. Peter and Paul. (See p. 301.)

CVMPERITVRAGETA1 MOVERVNTSANC
ISTAQVESACRILECi MARTYRIBVSQVC ^
QVOSMONSTRANTEDE AFPIXOMONVITCARMINEIVRECOLI
SEDPERIITTITVLVSCONFRACTOMARMORESANCTVS NECTAMENHlSiTERVMPOSSEPERlREFVlT
DIRVTAVIGILIVS'NAMMOXHAECPAPAGEMISCENS HOSTIBVSEXPVLS1SOMNENOVAVITOPVS

HI. 159.  An Inscription of Pope Vigilius from the Catacombs,
containing an allusion to the Goths or " Gem."

no. 347] THE GOTHIC WAR 325
lying at some distance outside Rome. This omission, repeated
even later, accounts for their small success. One of the most
important positions was unquestionably the town of Portus
Romanus (Porto), situated close to the sea on the right bank
of the Tiber; another was Tibur (Tivoli), which from its hill
commanded the whole country. With these towns, and the
Alban hills as their base, the Goths might, on the one hand,
have made their blockade more effectual, and, on the other,
have defended themselves more easily against the relieving
forces. As it was, they encamped in bands in the Campagna
beneath the torrid summer sun, and suffered scarcely less from
pestilence and the fevers bred by the fresh swamps, than the
terrified Romans whom they were besieging.
During these long sieges the farms and settlements — erected
by the industry of innumerable slaves — which still existed in the
neighbourhood of Rome, must have been ruthlessly destroyed.
Many a villa and grand building sank into ashes. In the
country houses of the Roman gentry many a marble statue, which
seekers of later ruins have been so fortunate as to discover, beean
then its long slumber beneath ruins and rubbish.
347. The larger Roman churches outside the walls were in
general spared by the Ostrogoths. We know this for certain of
the basilicas of the two Princes of the Apostles. On the other
hand the greedy hordes flocked into the underground Christian
necropolis surrounding Rome. Their rich finds in the Pagan
monuments on the surface of the ground naturally attracted them
to the depths below. These mausoleums of the classical period,
with their often valuable contents, had hitherto been protected
by law and by special guardians of their own ; they now fell a
ready prey to the Goths. The Christian crypts proved less
remunerative to the robbers. The Catacombs at this time were
almost deserted by Romans and pilgrims on account of the danger,
and the rough soldiers could rove the subterranean galleries search
ing for treasure without any fear of meeting processions of the
faithful, bearing lights and reciting prayers.1
The Catacombs still retain memories of the Goths' destructive-
ness. Pope Vigilius, after the besiegers had departed, set about
1 On the forbearance shown towards the two basilicas, see Procop., 2, c. 4. The
Liber pontificalis says of the other churches and tombs of the saints in the Catacombs :
"ecclesiae et corpora martyrum sanctorum exterminatae sunt a Gothis," 1, 293, Silverius,
n. 99 ; ed. Mommsen, p. 145.

326 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 347
repairing the havoc they had wrought in the burial-places of the
saints. An inscription by him, which could still be read in the
eighth century in the cemetery of the Jordani on the Via Salaria
Nova, on the grave of the martyrs Alexander, Martialis, and
Vitalis, states that when the " Getae " had pitched their " doomed "
camp before the city they waged a sacrilegious war against
the burial-place of these martyrs, which Pope Damasus had
once adorned and provided with memorial tablets. Vigilius
had shed tears over these ruins, and, after the departure of the
enemy, had restored everything, especially the marble inscription
of Pope Damasus. This metrical inscription of Pope Vigilius is
repeated word for word in other cemeteries. The Lateran
Museum still preserves a small fragment of one of these inscrip
tions, which we reproduce in 111. 159 in a restored form as a good
example of the writing of the time.1
In the Catacomb of Callistus the visitor may see another
memorial of those days. This is the marble copy of the great
epitaph upon Pope Eusebius, doubtless also executed under Pope
Vigilius. The original had disappeared, probably having been
broken up by the Goths. The copy, which is a laboured imita
tion of the characteristic Damasian inscription, contains several
mistakes, and shows, in a measure, the decay of epigraphy in
those years.2
1 " Cum peritura Getae posuissent castra sub urbe
Moverunt Sanctis bella nefanda prius . . .
Quos monstrante Deo Damasus sibi papa probatos
Affixo monuit carmine iure coli . . .
Diruta Vigilius nam mox haec papa gemiscens
Hostibus expulsis omne novavit opus."
Thus runs the inscription in the Coemeterium Iordanorum and elsewhere. The full text
in DE ROSSI, Inscript christ. urbis Romae, 2, I, pp. ioo, 137. Cp. DE ROSSI, Bull. arch.
crist, 1880, p. 37: Degli antichi danni e restauri dei monumenti priscilliani ; Triplice
Omaggio a Pio IX., PI. 3, Fig. 6 (whence 111. 159 is taken). The fragment of the first five
lines, shaded in our 111. 159, comes from the Coemeterium ad duas lauros on the Via
Labicana. In the same catacomb, on the ancient burial-place of the martyrs Peter and
Marcellin, restorations have been lately pointed out, which must date from the time of
Vigilius. A cross chiselled out of stone was also discovered there, which in its striking
form corresponds closely with the cross on the Porta Pinciana (see below, 111. 163 D).
MARUCCHI, La cripta storica dei ss. Pietro e Marcellino, in the Nuovo Bull, di arch.
crist, 1898, p. 137 ff, with a figure of the cross, p. 159.
2 The copy is given in de Rossi, Roma sott, II., PI. IV., cp. p. 195 ; and in Kraus,
Roma sott, PI. II. Another inscription which speaks of the "furor hostilis" of the
" Getae " against the martyrs' graves, was on the tomb of St. Diogenes on the Via
Salaria Vetus. The text in DE Rossi, Inscr. christ, 2, I, pp. 83, 100, after mentioning
the restorations, boasts : " Cum scelere hostili crevit amor tumults." At the grave of the
martyrs Chrysanthus and Daria, on the Via Salaria Nova, a similar poem spoke of the
destruction and restorations : " Crevit in his templis per tua damna decus." De ROSSI,
ibid., 84, 87, 116, 135 ; Bull. arch, crist, 1882, p. 59 ff. Cp. Duchesne, Liber pont,
i,293ff

=^¥v

111. 160.— The Campus Barbaricus, or Camp of the Goths, between the Aqua Claudia and Aqua Marcia.
(Reconstruction by Tabanelli, after the ruins still remaining.)

no. 348] THE GOTHIC CAMPS 327
De Rossi pointed out that, especially in the cemeteries
near the old and new Salarian Way, the damage done by the
Goths can still be traced. It was there of course that, under
Vitiges, the main body of the Gothic forces had been encamped.
De Rossi also, and doubtless with reason, connects the practice,
which became more and more frequent during the sixth century,
of burying the dead in the large, newly erected graveyards within
the city walls, with the prolonged stay of the enemy in the vicinity
of Rome. It seems that this custom had already begun by the
end of the fifth century ; the continued insecurity of the Cam
pagna in the following century led to its becoming henceforth
the rule.1
348. One of the Gothic encampments before the city, situated
in one of the most picturesque corners of the Campagna, can still
be pointed out with certainty. This is the so-called Campus
Barbaricus, on the Appian Way. The name stuck to it after
the war was over, and has come down to us in later surveys of
landed property in that district. Procopius describes how, in
537, the barbarians — as he always calls the Ostrogoths — very
cleverly established a stronghold in the vicinity of the Appian
and Latin Ways, fifty stadii from Rome, at the point, he explains,
" where two aqueducts, resting upon lofty arches, meet, and soon
after turn in opposite directions, only to cross each other again."
" The space in the middle," he remarks, " is made by these
aqueducts into almost a natural castle. The barbarians filled in
the arcades with masonry and earth, and thus obtained a fortress
in which they placed seven thousand men. Only the outbreak
of disease and the failure of provisions forced them to retire." 2
A double intersection of ancient aqueducts is still to be seen
at the present day at the distance, and in the district stated.
This is unquestionably the Campus Barbaricus. There, not far
from the Villa of the Quintilii, the majestic arches of the Aqua
Claudia are twice crossed by the lower arches of the Marcia
(111. 160),3 forming the enclosure where the Gothic camp was
situated. A mediaeval'tower, which now looks down sadly upon
1 De Rossi, Roma sott, I., 217 ff.
2 De Rossi, Bull. arch, crist, 1870, p. 104 ff. ; 1873, p. 95 ff, with a rather awkward
plan on PI. VII. Lanciani, Acquedotti, p. 148 ; Procop., 2, c. 3, 4.
3 The further one is the Aqua Claudia, which was also the higher, but of which the
piers here are scarcely to be seen to-day, though well preserved elsewhere. The Aqua
Marcia in the foreground is still in existence. The remains of the two villas are yet to
be seen. To the rear is seen the Latin Way, with its tombs still remaining.

328

ROME AND THE POPES

[No. 348

the ruins of the aqueducts, gives an aspect of grandeur to the
whole. The intersection of the ancient aqueducts, above which
rises the tower, is a triumph of classic skill (111. 161). 1 In 1853,
on the new road to Albano, which passes quite near between the
fourth and fifth milestone, Christian graves were found containing,

111. 161. — Intersection of the Aqueducts in the Campus Barbaricus.
wrapped in costly stuffs, bodies which bore traces of violent death.
They may have been of the number of the slain in the war
between the Goths and Byzantines.2
1 Lanciani, Ancient Rome, p. 63. The intersection is that seen to the left of the
previous illustration.
2 De Rossi, Bull. arch, crist, 1873, p. 96, and 1876, p. 35. LANCIANI, I comentarii
di Frontino intorno le acque e gli acquedotti ( 1 880), p. 1 48. Cp. the plan of the aqueducts
in Fabretti, De aquis et aquaeductibus (1788), PI. I., and Kiepert's special map
Dintorni di Roma (Carta arch, dell' Italia centrale).

111. 162. — The Porta Pinciana. (Outer side. After a photograph.)

no. 349] THE WALLS AND GATES 329
As a set-off to the entrenchments on the Appian and Latin
Ways, Belisarius established a special camp for his Hunnish
cavalry to the south of Rome, on the Ostian Way, just before
St. Paul's is reached from the City. It was placed at this point
in order, at the same time, to command the Tiber, which flowed
past it. Not a trace of this remains, any more than of the
portico leading to St. Paul's, which is alluded to by Procopius in
connection with the Hunnish camp, which no doubt it served
to cover.1 At a later period, during the second siege of Rome, Totila
pitched his principal camp on the opposite side of the river, near
the Via Portuensis. The place was at the eighth milestone from
Rome, on the so-called Campus Merulis. Even yet a district in
that neighbourhood is called " Campo di Merlo." The remains
of a church of " St. Peter, near the Bridge of Merulus," spoken
of in the seventh century, were discovered there in 1858. 2
The Walls and Gates during the Gothic War
349. After this glance at the camps, let us now turn to the
Walls of Rome ; they will be found to furnish us with many a
stone memorial of those stirring times.
These venerable ruins enshrine the memory of the courage
and strategic skill with which Belisarius defended them under
circumstances of appalling difficulty. They are also a grand
monument to the thousands of Goths who fell before them. Over
and over again did a strange fate hurl the stubborn children of
the North against these relentless stone barriers where all their
force was spent in vain.
During the earlier part of the war when the walls are spoken
of, the Porta Pinciana is most often mentioned (111. 162). This
small Gate, which still stands, is not built like most of the other
Gates of Rome. It appears to have been originally a mere postern
(posterula), only later raised to the dignity of a city gate. Owing
to the neighbourhood of the Pincian Palace, whence Belisarius
1 Procop, 2, c. 14. Lanciani has included the portico in his Forma Urbis. Cp.
PI. 44.
2 According to Greg., Dial., 3, c. 11, Totila was " ad locum, qui ab octavo hunts urbis
milliario Merulis dicitur." Liber pont, I, 346, Adeodatus : "hie ecclesiam beati Petri,
qui est via Portuense, iuxta ponte Meruli restauravit? Cp. A. PELLEGRINI, La basilica
di S. Pietro in Campo di Merlo, Roma, i860. De Rossi, Bull. arch, crist, 1870, p. 107.
Duchesne, Liber pont, 1, 347.

33°

ROME AND THE POPES

[No. 349

directed the defence of Rome, it obtained particular importance.
The keystone over the entrance from the outside still retains a
trace of the Byzantines in the great Greek cross within a circle
which is graven there (111. 163 B).1 On the city side there is a
Latin cross upon the corresponding keystone (111. 163 D). We
here find a practical expression of the twofold character, Latin

'''yMilliii/*

d 1 '¦' JMwiiifHi ¦

IMiO

li\iKi?

rr.\

111. 163. — Crosses on the Gates of Rome ; all from the Byzantine Period.
and Greek, then borne by Rome. It was no doubt Belisarius
who altered the older postern into the gate found there at
present.2 If we follow the city wall from the Pincian Gate towards the
1 A is from the inside of the Appian Gate ; it bears the words : " God's grace St
Conon, St. George.;' B is from outside the Pincian Gate ; D from inside the same ;
C is outside the Latin Gate.
2 Lanciani, in the Bull. arch, com., 1892, p. 102, explains the alteration by a plan, and
ascribes the gate to Honorius, without, however, giving any proof; also in his Forma
Urbis.

no, 349] THE WALLS AND GATES 331
east, we shall find large breaches showing signs of having been
patched up in early times. The way in which the repairs have
been carried out, and the wholesale use of older building
materials, especially of blocks of marble, leaves no doubt that
the work was performed in a hurry. Many of these places,
evidently broken down by violence, could they but speak,
would tell us of the assaults of the Goths and of the havoc
done by their rough, wooden battering-rams. In many in
stances they must be breaches made at that time and repaired
in hottest haste.
Some portions of the walls were also thrown down by Totila
during his stay in the vanquished city, as Procopius expressly
informs us. That was a deed of blind rage, for in no sense could
such destruction be of any use to the Gothic king, as he cer
tainly had no intention of giving up Rome again. The common
view that a third of the whole great city girdle was involved
cannot, however, be admitted : besides being inherently improb
able, this is contradicted by the appearance of the present wall,
which is practically unaltered. The passage in question of the
Greek historian must be taken to mean that the uppermost part
of the wall was dismantled in several places, perhaps only where
the structure was already damaged. In his great Forma Urbis,
Lanciani shows a long stretch of the wall to the left of the
Porta Nomentana, towards the Porta Salaria, as having been
destroyed in 546 by the Goths ; this is, however, an hypothesis
and nothing more.1
Totila had further destroyed all the gates of the city, if we
are to take the statements of Procopius literally. This, too, is
refuted by appearances, since many of the gates even now retain
the stamp given them by Honorius. (See 111. 164, and vol. i.,
Ills. 15, 32.) Yet at several of the gates, on closer examination,
it may be seen that the blocks of stone forming the arch of the
portcullis, or sarracinesca, have at some time been violently
knocked away and afterwards replaced in hasty fashion. We
may well ascribe their appearance to the injury they suffered at
Totila's hands, and the subsequent repairs by Belisarius or
Narses, especially as in the centre of these arches, for instance
1 PROCOP. 3 C. 22 : ToC irepi/3oXou iv %wpiois irdkKois tocovtov Ka.6Ci\ev txxov is TpiTr//i6piov tov
¦n-avrds nakiaTa. Ed. Comparetti, 2, 344. Gregorovius is thus led to state that "the
third part of this gigantic work (the wall) was overthrown" (1, 421). Luckily the words
bear another interpretation.

332

ROME AND THE POPES

[No. 349

on the Porta Latina, there are Greek crosses and monograms
(111. 164).1
Turning to the right at the Porta Nomentana, and proceeding
round the Praetorian Camp, according to Lanciani's Forma Urbis,
we should reach the Vivarium, which proved so fatal to the
Gothic hordes at their first onslaught under Vitiges. It was a
square of masonry, which had formerly served to contain wild
beasts, and projected from the city wall to the south of the Prae-

111. 164. — The Porta Latina. Interior.
Sketched by P. Franchi.

torian Camp. Here was situated the ancient gate, now walled-
up, called Porta Clausa, or Porta inter aggeres.
The Goths had hoped to be able to surprise the city from
this weak side. They clambered over the Vivarium, Belisarius
quietly looking on. When, however, they had filled it, the
1 PROCOP., 3, c. 24: Tlacras yap (-trvXas) SiacpBeipas TWDvas iTvxev, Utr-imp ouk icj>d-r) rexvcTiiv
BeXio-dpios TeKTi)vd/j.evos. Ed. Comparetti, 2, 355. Without removing the gates, the
treatment above described would have been sufficient to put them out of use ; nor was it
necessary that all should be so treated, even supposing that Totila wished to make Rome
an open city. Coste (p. 232) translates Texnruv wrongly by " carpenters." In my opinion
this means " master-masons," who were to repair the crown of the arches. It is quite
likely that just then there was a difficulty in finding workmen and time for work so
difficult, whereas carpenters to replace the portcullises were there in plenty. The hasty
repairs by the Byzantines are also very noticeable at the Appian Gate ; on the outer and

also on the inner side, where a " spire " cross

vithin a circle is seen, similar to

that on the outside of the Pincian Gate (see III. 163 B. For the inner side of the latter,
see above, p. 330). The same cross is observable also upon the remains of the Salarian
bridge over the Anio, built by Narses. On the latter, see F. Mazzanti, Archivio storico

No. 350]

THE MURO TORTO

333

Byzantine troops suddenly burst in upon them from the city, and
the Goths, who in so confined a space could neither fight nor flee,
underwent a terrible defeat.1
350. Proceeding in the opposite direction, towards the north
west, along the outside of the city walls and under the lofty

111. 165. — The Muro Torto, a Ruined Mass of Roman Masonry below the
Pincian Gardens.

boundary of the Pincian, we notice at the northernmost spur of
this hill a sunken mass of ruined masonry, now known as the
delP arte, 1896, p. 50, where a view of the former bridge is given, after d'Agincourt.
Above the cross on the inner side of the Appian Gate (111. 163 A) stands 6£0T XAPIO;
under it, API£ KCONON Ari£ r£G0Pn. Similar Byzantine restoration may be seen on
both sides of the Latin Gate. The outer side (cp. Nibby, Mura di Roma, PI. 24)
displays a monogram )k[ with Alpha and Omega in the right and left angles (111. 163 C).
Closer examination may show other gates, even those without Byzantine crosses, to have
been restored by Belisarius or Narses. The only other crosses upon the Roman gates
are those over the Porta Ostiensis.
1 PROCOP., I, C. 23, ed. COMPARETTI, I, 167 : OtfiTfyiffos iv fsifiapUf lcxvP0TaTa eyicei-
tcivov, &c.

334 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 350
Muro Torto (111. 165).1 The Pincian, described in antiquity
as Collis Hortorum, had then, as now, enormous substructures
on its northern side. To judge by several indications, this
masonry dates from about the first century. Reticulated work
of the best Roman period is visible both in the Muro Torto
and further west, below the last of the huge buttresses erected by
Pius VII. The Emperor Aurelian, when building his wall,
included in it the whole of the substructures of the Pincian.
This sunken corner is mentioned by Procopius in his History
of the Gothic war. He points it out as a place miraculously pro
tected by St. Peter, according to popular tradition. Evidently,
even then, the wall had long since assumed its bulging shape.
Some earthquake after the time of Aurelian, aided by the weight
of the soil behind, must have caused the damage. Belisarius,
among his first measures for the defence of the city, resolved to
break down this corner and replace it by another, as it seemed to
offer a very inviting opening to the enemy. But, according to
Procopius, the Romans assured him that St. Peter had made a
promise to mount guard himself there ; for which reason Belisarius
gave up the place. As a matter of fact, to the great astonishment
of the besieged, the point in question was never assailed even
during the succeeding years of warfare. Hence, concludes Pro
copius, from pious awe to this day no one has ever attempted any
repairs there.2
The expression "to this day " holds true to our own time, for
the condition of the " Muro Torto " has, in the main, continued
unchanged. The spot was nevertheless, doubtless even under
Belisarius, well defended. At no time, and least of all under the
cautious Byzantine general, did people leave this portion of the
wall to the exclusive protection of St. Peter. Looked at from
below, the leaning mass certainly gives the impression of frightful
ruin, but an attack upon the wall at this point would, all the
same, have been a more than hazardous enterprise. We must
also remember that at the time of Belisarius, as is clear from the
description by Procopius, the surrounding ground was consider-
1 After Nibby-Gell, Le Mura di Roma, PI. 4. The view is. taken from the western
entrance of the Villa Borghese. Cp. our Forma Urbis in vol. i. There is still some
reticulated work to be seen in the walls perceived to the right.
2 The most characteristic passage in Procopius runs (ibid., p. 165) : YleplfioKov SieppaybTa.
"Pui/iawi rrj crcperipg. yKthcrirr) in irdKaiov KaKovcrc tov x^P0"- iliTpov acplec tov airb(TTo\ov
VTroo~xio-8ai icrx^P^bicevoi airrcp Liek-qo-eiv tov ivTavOa cpvkaKTTjpiov.

No. 35i] HADRIAN'S MAUSOLEUM 335
ably lower than now, which would render the assault of the wall
still more difficult.
But this does not in any way impair the pious belief of those
early warriors or of the denizens of the city ; still less is it our
intention to call into question the reality of St. Peter's protection
of Rome. The representations to Belisarius may really have been
made by the Romans in the manner told us. History, however,
has the duty of taking circumstances into account, and as regards
Procopius, critics are well aware that his narrative is, generally
speaking, much more correct than his judgment or his philosophy.
At any rate he is quite right from every point of view in the
remark he makes, after the above statements : " The Apostle Peter
is the chief object of the admiration and devotion of the Romans."
Indeed, we may be certain that the Romans placed under Peter's
protection all the walls of the city, and not merely the " Muro
Torto." The Goths, too, vied with the Romans and Byzantines
in showing esteem for Peter ; Belisarius indeed presented the
Apostle's Tomb with a costly votive offering ; but, on the other
hand, even the Gothic King Totila, after taking possession of
Rome towards the end of 546, went forthwith to St. Peter's to
offer thanks.
351. Another point of the city fortifications, often mentioned
in the history of the war, was the huge Mausoleum of Hadrian on
the Tiber.
The portico previously spoken of led thither from St. Peter's.
This, as well as the other adjacent buildings, especially the far-
stretching circus of Hadrian, the Goths under Vitiges sought to
use as a base for assaulting the mausoleum itself. Hadrian's
Mausoleum was then, what it remained ever after, a place of great
military importance. It formed the key to the ./Elian Bridge, or
Ponte Sant' Angelo, across which passed the road to the main
part of the city on the left bank of the river. First turned into a
fortress by Honorius, it not only protected the bridge, but also the
so-called Gate of St. Peter (in Hadrianio), i.e. that then known as
the Aurelian Gate. This stood hard by the right bank of the
river, in the western of the two walls which ran from the
mausoleum down to the Tiber, enclosing the bridge between
them.1 During the first siege under Vitiges one of the main onslaughts
1 Cp. present work, vol. i. p. 264.

336 ROME AND THE POPES [no. 351
of the Goths was against the Imperial Tomb, for they had resolved
at all costs to carry the Aurelian Gate. Feigning an attack with
boats against the wall on the left shore, the Goths decoyed the
commander of the fortress into the open. Immediately other
Gothic forces under cover of the portico of St. Peter's, almost
without being seen, approached the Aurelian Gate. When close
to the latter they let fly a cloud of arrows against the ramparts of
the fortress, and then, covered by their great shields, rushed for
ward with ladders to storm the building. The small remaining
portion of the Greek garrison could use neither their ballistae nor
their bows, as the enemy was too close and too well covered by
their bucklers.1
The troops within the Mausoleum were thus driven to a
desperate measure. The ancient statues on the parapet were
hastily broken up and hurled down upon the Goths. Works of
art due to the genius of Greece and Rome, statues of the gods
collected by Hadrian and his successors, figures of the heroes of
former times, were dashed against the assailants, making great
gaps in their ranks. The Imperial Tomb was saved ; it was
surrounded by dead warriors buried beneath cold marble
fragments. Some idea of the wealth and number of the classical master
pieces on the Mausoleum is given by the statues, or pieces of
statues which have been found from time to time down to our
own day at the foot of its walls. Thence came the sleeping
faun in Munich, found under Urban VIII. in a new entrench
ment ; also the colossal bust of Hadrian which is now in the
Vatican, and was found in the time of Alexander VI. The recent
work of lengthening the ^Elian Bridge (1892) led to the discovery
of fresh important fragments, amongst others, heads of colossal
human statues and a portion of a horse's head of huge size.
According to Procopius, the uppermost portion of the Mausoleum
was decorated with figures of horses shown drawing a car four
abreast.2 In the course of the Gothic war, Hadrian's Mausoleum on two
more occasions became a scene of action, though no further

1 Procop., 1, c. 22, ed. Comparetti, i, 160. This passage, owing to topographical
ignorance, has been the subject of extraordinary explanations.
2 On the statues, see Bunsen, Beschreibung der Stadt Rom, 2, 1, p. 408 ; and for the
recent discoveries, see C. L. ViSCONTl, Bull. arch, com., 1892, p. 265 ff.

no. 352] BELISARIUS

337

attempt was made to carry it by storm. After Totila had cap
tured Rome a second time, he invested the Mausoleum, then held
by Paul, a captain of the Cilician cavalry. When the latter had
already determined to cut his way through the foe, he was allowed
by Totila to retire under arms with his men. The Gothic King
then strengthened the citadel by a fresh wall.
After Totila had fallen in battle against Narses, and the Greek
general had recaptured Rome, the last handful of the Gothic
garrison took refuge in the castle, where they defended them
selves and the valuable booty they had hastily concealed in it.
But, brave as they were, it was hopeless to think of prolonged
resistance. Narses magnanimously permitted them to with
draw, under the same conditions as the Byzantine captain
had retired previously.

Scenes in the City during the Gothic War
352. The inner history of the city during those stormy years
furnishes two scenes of a very different character ; one had its
setting in the Lateran, the other in St. Peter's. In the first, the
principal actors were Pope Vigilius and Belisarius ; in the second,
Vigilius and the poet Arator.
Belisarius had overcome King Vitiges and brought him captive
to Ravenna. Here the unfortunate leader of the Goths was told
that he was to be taken to the Emperor Justinian at Constanti
nople, and that Belisarius would accompany him as beseemed his
rank. On a previous occasion the Vandal King Gelimer had
similarly been taken to Constantinople to grace the Emperor's
triumph. According to the Liber pontificalis, the journey of
Vitiges began, not at Ravenna, but at Portus Romanus. Belisarius
first brought his prisoner to Rome, and, with him, visited Vigilius
in the Lateran Palace. In the hall called the Basilica of Julius a
solemn assembly was held to celebrate the conclusion of peace,
which seemed secure now that Vitiges had fallen. Belisarius and
those entrusted with the custody of Vitiges then took a solemn
oath in the presence of the authorities of the Church to do no
harm to the King in life or limb, but to take him unmolested to
the Emperor at Constantinople. In such wise did the German
chieftain amidst his humiliation receive from the Greek Empire
vol. 11. Y

338 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 352
an assurance of safety and good faith before the successor of
Peter.1 To this scene from Roman history may be added some other
reminiscences of Belisarius's association with the city.
It was perhaps then that Belisarius, out of gratitude for the
result of the war, placed in the hands of Vigilius the valuable
gold cross for the Tomb of Peter. It contained reminders of his
victories in the form of bas-reliefs, or simply the names of the
battle-fields ; beside the glorious Vandal campaign, it was also
to immortalise the Gothic War. To its making had gone one
hundred pounds of gold, and it was also richly studded with
jewels. Under Hadrian II., in the ninth century, it was still
preserved in the Lateran Treasury, but after his death it dis
appeared, owing to the pillage which the Lateran Palace suffered
during the vacancy of the see.2
The generous leader also bestowed on the Vatican Basilica
two great silver candlesticks ; of these Vigilius's biographer
remarks, in the Liber pontificalis, that they stand "before the
body of the Apostle Peter to this day." He also adds that Beli
sarius distributed many gifts and alms amongst the poor ; that he
founded, near the town of Hortae (Orte), on the Flaminian Way,
a monastery in honour of St. Juvenal (the first known Bishop
of Narni, which was near by), endowing it with many estates ;
and that he also built a hostel for pilgrims (xenodochium) in
Rome, on the Via Lata?
On the site of the pilgrims' hostel stands the church of
S. Maria in xenodochio, or inter trivium, now called Sta. Maria di
Trevi. An inscription outside the modern church, which speaks
of its foundation by Belisarius, comes from the lintel of the door
of the mediaeval church. It tells in Leonine verse how the
Patrician " Vilisarius," the friend of the city, had founded the
church for the remission of his sins, and bids the visitor pray to
God on his behalf.4
1 Liber pont, I, 296, Vigilius, n. 102 : " Tunc dederunt ei sacramenta in basilica Iulia,
ut salvum ilium perducerent ad Iustinianum." I cannot see why Gregorovius, I, 399,
relegates the whole proceeding to the region of myths, though it is vouched for by an
almost contemporary writer, simply because Procopius and the continuer of Marcellin's
chronicle fail to mention it. 2 Liber pont, ibid., and 2, 192, Stephanus V., n. 643.
3 Liber pont, 1, 296, Vigilius, n. 102 : "Xenodochium in Via Lata, et in Via Flam-
minea iuxta civitatem Hortas monasterium sancti luvenalis."
1 For text, see Armellini, Chiese2, p. 278, though not correctly. It is wanting in
Forcella. The writing is exceptionally good for the eleventh or twelfth century, to
which Armellini ascribes it. Nor can his notice be trusted of the discovery, in 1890, to

no. 353] ARATOR THE POET 339
It is not the only inscription in Rome containing the name of
Belisarius. Incidental references to the great soldier appear in
various epitaphs. These are the more noteworthy, because at
that period epitaphs were becoming scarce, and only very few
remain which contain any allusion to famous people or to the
Goths.1 On the other hand, the statue of Belisarius as a beggar,
which was formerly shown in Rome at the Villa Borghese, belongs
to the region of fables. The seated figure with hand outstretched
does not represent Belisarius at all, but some other person. The
almost universal credence in the mediaeval legend, which told how
the famous general lost his sight and was reduced to beggary,
affords the reason why so extraordinary a meaning was attached
to this statue. This false legend was also responsible for the
popular tale that Belisarius had stood at the Pincian Gate solicit
ing alms from passers-by. That the gate for a time bore his
name was due to a very different cause. So strong a hold had
the legend on popular fancy that during the Middle Ages an
inscription was placed above the gate, " Spare an obolus for
Belisarius." 2
353. In 544 the Vatican Basilica witnessed the other peaceful
event alluded to above. It would seem that as yet Rome stood
in no fear of the approach of the successor of her captive Vitiges.
During this interval of peace, Arator, a subdeacon of the Roman
Church, had composed a great poem in hexameters, dealing with
the history of the Apostles. Arator, who had formerly held high
office under the Goths, was a native of Liguria, and had been
persuaded by Vigilius to enter the Roman clergy. At a solemn
the east of the present church, of alleged remains of masonry belonging to the Xeno
dochium or its church. The long wall (not a portico) here referred to is older than
Belisarius. See Lanciani in the Bull. arch, com., 1892, p. 278. These remains are
shown by Lanciani in his Forma Urbis.
1 For instance, see the epitaph from San Pancrazio on Seberus the Tinctor (of 537),
where mention is made of " beatissimus papa Vigilius et Vilisarius vir excellentissimus
adque [sic] patricius," in de Rossi, Inscr. christ. urbis Romae, 1, 481, n. 1057. Cp. in my
Anal, rom., 1, 156, and PI. V., n. 5, the Roman epitaph in Sta. Prassede of the Goth
Viliaric, nephew of Trasaric, the magister militum. The text, belonging to the year 589,
is an interesting witness to the fact that there were high-placed Goths in Rome after the
fall of the Gothic kingdom.
2 On the wrong explanation of the statue, see the Italian edition of Winckelmann,
with Fea'S additions, Storia delle arti del disegno, 2, 421 ; 3, 513. BARONIUS (ann. 561,
n. 2) still believed in the scene at the Pincian Gate, given in his "Chiliades" by the
Greek writer, Joannes Tzetzes, in the twelfth century : BeXccraplip dfio\bv Sbre Tip cTpa.Triki.T-x).
The inscription is mentioned, for instance, by Uggeri, fournde pittoresque du tour des
murs de Rome (1828), p. 17. Cp. C. Meyer, Belisar in Sage und Kunst, Repertorium
fiir Kunstwissenschaft, 16 (1893), 4.

34°

ROME AND THE POPES

[No. 353

gathering in St. Peter's he now presented his poetical effort to
his papal patron.1
The ceremony, according to a notice included in the manu
scripts, took place on April 6. Several bishops and most of the
clergy assembled in front of the Apostle's Confession. Pope
Vigilius at once ordered part of the work to be read aloud, and
then handed it over to Surgentius, the Primicerius of the notaries,
to be preserved among the archives (scrinium). When, however,

111. 166. — San Pietro in Vincoli.
Section showing sanctuary and transept. Reconstruction.

as is stated in the same notice, the most cultured and learned men
in the city ceased not to beg the Pope to allow the work to be
publicly read in its entirety, the author himself was permitted to
recite the long poem of 2326 verses in the beautiful Basilica of
St. Peter ad Vincula, which owed its fine adornment to the
generosity of the Theodosian family (111. '166).2
The recitation was given in the presence of high and low,
clergy and laity, and required no less than four meetings, so many
passages being encored that progress was slow.3
1 Arator, De actibus apost. libri duo, ed. Arntzen, 1768. P.L., LXVIII., 81 ff.
2 Hubsch, Die altchr. Kirchen, PI. g, Fig. 8. This section shows well the various
parts of one of the finer basilicas. 3 P.L., LXVIII. 55.

no. 353] ARATOR THE POET

34i

Hence at such assemblies the custom of happier times still
obtained, namely, the public reading of the works of distinguished
poets. In the period of Rome's decline, classic customs were
forced to seek a refuge in the Church.
But it was not the classical muses, nor the Olympian gods,
which had inspired Arator, but the lofty themes provided by Holy
Scripture and the Church. At times his poetic vision reaches
perfection ; easy and graceful, or solemn and dignified, according
to the subject, his verses flow smoothly. There is, however, a
certain clumsiness in the adjustment of the various parts of the
whole ; the poet also indulges too much his taste for explaining
mystically and allegorically the facts of the Bible ; his language,
moreover, besides being obscure, shows traces of affectation.
Arator was the last Roman representative of early Christian poesy.
At the same time we can well understand the interest taken
in so rare an occurrence as the appearance in Rome of a new
poetical work, especially at such a moment in the city's history.
The poetic description of the fate of the persecuted Apostles and
their victorious preaching, particularly Arator's deeply felt glorifi
cation of St. Peter, the shield and comforter of the Romans, were
sufficient to ensure the poet a grateful and attentive audience.
Describing Peter's release from Herod's prison, he exclaims :
" From the Rock does Peter derive his name ; he has obtained
an everlasting name. This foundation will never know decay.
Peter, we await thee ; come to us, quit thy prison and save those
who love thee ! " J
What a deep impression, too, it must have made when soon
after, at the close of the first half of the poem, Arator came to
Peter's chains, kept in that very church. "A pledge for our
release," he says, " has been given us, a treasure hallowed by
the hand of Peter the prisoner and by the word of the angel.
Through these chains the Faith has been assured ; through them,
O Rome, thou wilt ever find salvation ; through these chains
thou art free for evermore, and thy walls shall never be shattered
by the foe. For Peter, who opens the portals of Heaven, closes
the way to the evils of war." 2
1 Lib. 1, v. 1013 ff.
2 Ibid., v. 1070 ff. : "His solidata fides, his est tibi, Roma catenis
Perpetuata salus; harum circumdata nexu
Libera semper eris," &c.
These verses were soon after made to serve as an inscription in the church in question.
De ROSSI, Inscr. christ. urbis Romae, 2, I, pp. no, 285. Cp. my article on Peter's
Chains in the Civiltd catt, 1898, iii., 205 ff, 210.

342 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 354
The last words belong to the period in which they were
written, and express but the divinely inspired hopes of the poet.
Was it really beyond the realm of things possible that the dreaded
Totila should soon after again threaten Rome, and finally seize
the city ? Though the Church taught her children to trust in the
saints, she never presumed to lay down laws for the help from
above which she taught them to expect. Help often comes
later than we in our impatience desire. To Rome also it came
late — not until a fresh scourge had been held over the city, and
her gates had again fallen. We see, however, the finger of Pro
vidence in the fact that the city was preserved at all for her future
mission in the world. That Rome, in spite of all these blows,
was able to strengthen her spiritual sway over the nations ; that
the Church, under such a Pope as Vigilius, did not suffer more
than it did, may be ascribed to the higher guidance which con
trolled the history of this city and of its spiritual See.
354. Vigilius, as has already been pointed out, owing to his
earlier doings, never secured the real esteem of the Romans ; this
was peculiarly unfortunate, as his was a time when the city stood
in sad need of a new Leo the Great.
In his allusion to Vigilius in the dedicatory portion of his
work, Arator indeed speaks of his marvellous charity. He carries,
says the poet, the flock upon his shoulders. There can, however,
be little doubt that this is but a piece of flattery, though it is quite
conceivable that Vigilius may have sought to wipe out the memory
of his usurpation of the See and his mishandling of Pope St.
Silverius by freely distributing alms. Official complaints made
against him by his enemies were, however, received in Constan
tinople. It may be that the Court had come at last to see that
it would be better for the city, in its hour of peril, to be ruled by
some trusty Papal Vicar than for Vigilius to foment by his pre
sence the existing dissensions. But the principal reason which
led to the Pope being brought to Constantinople, as described
previously, was the Emperor's interest in dogma. Justinian
hoped to secure the Pope's assent to his own decisions regarding
the Three Chapters.1
As already narrated, at Justinian's command Vigilius was
1 The Liber pont has something to say (i, 297, Vigilius, n. 103) concerning the
suggestions made by the " Romans " to Constantinople against Vigilius. The author
has, however, mingled truth with falsehood.

No. 3551 TOTILA 343
deported from Rome. This happened in November, 545, at a
time when the Goths under Totila were hourly expected before
the walls of the city.1
By the month of December, Pope Vigilius was in Sicily, where,
on the occasion of the Ember Days, he ordained priests and
deacons at Catania. Whilst in Sicily, the Pope had a quantity
of wheat gathered together from the Patrimonies of the Roman
Church situated in the island, and despatched it to Rome for the
support of the beleaguered city. The ships also carried two
vicars whom he had nominated to administer the Roman Church.
Ampliatus, a priest, was to act as Vicedominus, this being the
first known mention of the office, which included the supervision
of the Pope's residence. Valentine, Bishop of SS. Rufina and
Secunda, was to be the Pope's Vicar in things spiritual. Unfor
tunately, on entering the Tiber, the ships ran into an ambush of
the Goths, who seized the cargo and took the clergy prisoners.
Totila had Valentine brought before him, and after accusing him
of falsehood, had both his hands cut off. The duty of acting for
the absent Pope accordingly devolved on other persons ; it seems
likely that this was undertaken by Pelagius, the deacon, and
Mareas, a priest. At a later date, in 554, Applicatus, a presbyter,
and Stephen, a deacon, are spoken of as the Pope's vice-regents.2
Rome's Woes during the War
355. The famine in Rome had meanwhile become acute.
Procopius has left frightful accounts of it. Tottering figures
were to be seen stealing into waste places and climbing the
city walls in search of nettles, which were then boiled and
gulped down as the rarest dainties. People without number
died of starvation. Many, as the Liber pontificalis tells us, had
to fight the temptation of devouring their own children. The
Greek commanders of the city, Bessas and Conon, made the situa
tion yet worse through their rapacious extortions. Crowds ready
for flight had to come before them and pay dearly for permission to
1 See above, p. 287 f.
2 Liber pont, I.e., n. 105, with Duchesne's notes. Applicatus and Stephen are men
tioned in the letter of Pelagius I. to Maurus, Bishop of Praeneste, in 558 (Mansi, 9, 736 ;
Jaffe-Kaltenbr., n. 951) : "Pro indictione secunda et tertia Applicato quondam pres-
bytero et Stephano diacono vices pontificis in urbe agentibus " before the elevation of
Pelagius, as the letter itself expressly states.

344

ROME AND THE POPES

[No. 355

save what remained of their life by leaving Rome. Houses and
mansions gradually became deserted ; but the fugitives, who had
been in such haste to leave, mostly met their death in the' neigh
bourhood, in consequence of want and exposure.1
One day Pelagius the deacon, in the name of the still sur
viving Romans, appeared before Totila in his camp on the
Campus Merulis. Pelagius, who was afterwards to succeed Pope
Vigilius, was much esteemed in the city, and in Italy generally,
as the friend of Justinian. Since his return from Constantinople
he had distributed his large fortune among his fellow-citizens.

5,RnP^M

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If 1 ^'MMfj^j^

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Hawaii

111. 167. — The Porta Asinaria near the Lateran.
Exterior, reconstructed.
Now he approached the Gothic King to intercede for the people ;
he asked only for a short truce ; should Rome in the meantime
receive no help from the Empire, the city would then yield itself
to the mercy of the Goths.
Totila, whilst maintaining a friendly mien, repulsed the ad
vances of Pelagius in so haughty and merciless a fashion that
the latter at once withdrew. The deacon merely assured him
that the cause of the people was in God's hands, who punishes
those who turn away suppliants in contempt.2
On December 17, 546, Totila entered the city by night. The
Porta Asinaria was given up to him by I saurian soldiers. This

1 Procop., 3, c. 16 ff. Liber pont, I.e., n. 107 : " ut etiam natos suos vellent comedere."
2 Procop., 3, c. 16.

no. 356] TOTILA 345
was the very gate which the Greeks in their spite had falsely
accused Pope Silverius of wishing to betray. The Byzantines
had now the mortification of seeing it fall the first into the hands
of the foe. The gate still exists, almost intact, as one of the
city's most picturesque monuments of the Late Empire (111. 167).1
The Goths, in their delight, remained drawn up during the rest
of the night in the Lateran plain, under the windows of the Papal
residence and Basilica. The Greek soldiers and their leaders thus
had opportunity to escape. The people, by this time reduced to a
few thousands, flew for sanctuary to the churches, where all, from
the beggar to the senator, awaited their fate in trembling. In St.
Peter's the patricians Maximus, Olybrius, and Orestes joined the
populace before the altars. Thither, too, came Pelagius the
deacon, the crowd's last hope.2
Towards the same Basilica of the Vatican, at break of day,
Totila came in triumph, accompanied by a swarm of armed
followers. Pelagius met him at the top of the steps to intercede once
more on behalf of the population. He besought the King to be
merciful to the city, now lying before him as a slave. What Leo
the Great had obtained from Genseric, Pelagius now secured
from Totila, who gave his word that none would be slain, though
the Gothic soldiers were to be allowed the fullest right to plunder
as they chose. After the King had prayed in the holy place, he
made known his strict commands regarding the treatment to be
shown to the Romans.3
356. As a matter of fact, only 60 non-combatants and 26
soldiers lost their lives ; women were respected. On the other
hand, the rich mansions were stripped with brutal violence, great
jubilation hailing the discovery of the treasures amassed by the
greed of Bessas. Fires also broke out in several places through
the carelessness of the plunderers. Procopius expressly speaks of
"many houses of the city" having fallen a prey to the flames,
1 U GGERI,/ ourneds pittoresques, 2, PI. 6. Coming out by the present Porta di San
Giovanni the remains of this fine gate will be seen to the right.
2 If we could credit Procopius (3, c. 20), the population had been reduced to 500.
3 For the scene on the steps, see Procop., ibid. Strange to say, Coste, in his trans
lation, p. 223, makes the deacon bear the " Most Holy," i.e. the Eucharist, in his hands,
whereas the Greek has : to. xpurTiavibv \byia iv raTs xeP<*l <i>ipav, that is, the Book of the
Gospels, as was customary on such embassies. See above, p. 209. The Liber pont,
n. 107, says of Totila: " habitavit rex cum Romanis quasi pater cum filiis" — an echo of
the state of mind of the people so suddenly delivered from the direst misery.

346 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 356
whilst Jordanis, the Goth, in his history of his nation, even states
that Rome was destroyed.1
It is certainly futile, out of affection for the Goths, to say that
the damage done by them did not exceed the loss of a few houses.
But it is equally far-fetched to speak of the destruction of the
city, or to say that whole regions were reduced to ashes. It is
true that the tradition current in Rome at the end of the Middle
Ages put down the decline and fall of Rome to the hated Goths.
This opinion had its source in the Romans' undying recollection
of the unexampled sufferings which overtook the city during the
siege and after its capture by Totila.
There can, however, be no doubt that the Gothic King did
threaten to raze the city to the ground. To tell the truth, he was
intoxicated with his triumph, and his deed in dismantling some
portions of the city wall was that of a madman, for he, more than
any one else, would soon need them for his own safeguard ; he
would seem to have vented his spite on the stones against which
the best blood of his Goths had been spilt.
Totila's awful threats against Rome and its strength and
grandeur, against that foe beside which he felt himself small, led
Belisarius to send him a famous letter, for Belisarius himself
seems to have taken the threats very seriously. He pointed out
to the King what lasting disgrace he would bring upon his own
name should he destroy the greatest and most notable of all cities.
Rome had been left by the ancient world as a memorial of its
power and grandeur ; the best artists and architects in the world
had laboured through long ages at the work ; such reproach
would the destruction of Rome bring upon the Goths that,
should their success in war change, an event which is always
to be reckoned with, they would lose all claim to mercy.2
Though Totila stopped short of the folly of actually destroying
Rome, he relieved his rage for vengeance by expelling all surviving
inhabitants. This measure also is a difficult one to understand.
What added to the King's wrath was the news of the victories
gained by the Byzantine general Joannes in Southern Italy. He
felt fiercely anxious to quit Rome and measure swords with his
1 Jordanis, Romana (al. De summa temporum, or De regnorum successione), ed.
Mommsen (Mon. Germ, hist, Auctt. antiq., 5, 1) : " demolita Roma? On this alleged
destruction, and on Procopius, see Gregorovius, i, 424 ff, who seeks to minimise the
damage done.
2 Procop., 3, c. 22, ed. Comparetti, p. 345.

No- 357] TOTILA 347
new foe. It is in this connection that Procopius mentions the
order given for the evacuation of Rome. "The King took
with him," he says, "the Roman senators, and the remaining
citizens, with their wives and children, he packed off to the
villages of Campania ; not a soul was to remain behind in
Rome, so that he left a city quite void of inhabitants."1 So
writes the most trustworthy historian of the war.
Rome thus became for a time a tomb and a wilderness ; the
Queen of the Earth was seen deprived of all trace of life. That
was the deepest and most humiliating calamity which the city
ever experienced.
After Totila's withdrawal the Romans slowly returned to their
homes. Nevertheless, from that time the ancient senatorial families
rapidly disappeared from the scene of history. The nobles carried
off by Totila to Campania were rescued by Joannes and removed,
first to Calabria and then to Sicily. Many doubtless followed
the road taken by so many fugitives, and proceeded to Con
stantinople. Thus did fate lead the members of the Senate into
countries varied and remote ; very few eventually returned to
Rome. 357. Totila had left a garrison in Algidum, near the city. It
was, however, unable to prevent Belisarius from making his
Byzantine troops again masters of Rome. Without any siege,
without even being obliged to storm it, the city fell into his
hands in the spring, 547. 2
The general's first step was to repair the walls and gates, for,
better than his opponent, he realised the importance of attending
to the defence of Rome. When, in winter, he was forced to
hurry to Southern Italy against Totila, never to return again to
Rome, the scene of his triumph, the city lost her most powerful
defender.3 358. Totila reappeared in the neighbourhood of Rome at the
1 PROCOP., ibid., ed. COMPARETTI, p. 347 : 'Ex 'Pii/iy S.v9parov oiStva ideas, d\\' ip-qpcov
adrijv Tb Tapdirav dirohiirthv.
2 According to Procopius (I.e.), Algidum was 120 stadii (i.e. 22 kilometers or 12
Roman miles) to the west of Rome, and the garrison was intended to prevent Belisarius
from attacking Rome from Portus. The place cannot therefore be identical with Algi
dum, the early " Oppidum" on the Latin Way, southward below Rocca Priora. It would
be more likely found on the Aurelian Way, or between that and the Via Portuensis.
Alsium or Palo is too far distant from Portus and from Rome to be thought of in this
connection, though proposed by Nibby (Dintorni di Roma, 1, 124) and Gregorovius
(1, 426). 3 On these restorations, see above, p. 330 ff.

348 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 359
beginning of 549 and at once set about taking the place by storm.
The Isaurians, quartered at the Ostian Gate, treacherously opened
that gate to him, and he became master of the city on easy terms.
This time, in contrast to his former conduct, the victor strove to
people anew the still almost deserted streets and to strengthen
the ramparts.
Totila even hit upon the idea — which some moderns have
praised, but which under the actual circumstances could only be
termed barbarous — of having games celebrated in the Roman
Circus. Who but a callous soldier could have had the heart to
invite the crushed population to see horses and chariots racing ?
Nor was this all. While he was yet before Rome in the
encampment he had previously fortified on the Campus Merulis,
Cerbonius, Bishop of the Tuscian coast-town Populonium, was
brought before him on the charge of having sheltered a number of
mercenaries of the Byzantine army whom he had hoped to shield
from certain death. Totila declared the deed of mercy to be an
act of high treason, and determined to administer an exemplary
punishment. It was accordingly proclaimed in Rome that the
Bishop would be thrown to a bear in the presence of the King.
When the barbarian in grand state, surrounded by his troops
and a cowardly crowd of people, prepared to feast his eyes on a
spectacle recalling the days of Diocletian, behold, the first bear
let loose from its cage laid itself down quietly on the ground in
front of the saintly Bishop and reverently licked his feet. A
long shout of admiration went up from the astounded crowd of
lookers-on. Totila himself could not but express his veneration
for the Bishop, who was forthwith set free. Gregory the Great,
when recounting this incident, refers to eye-witnesses of the
event still living in Rome in his time.1
359. Among the cultured and illustrious families of Rome,
which survived the Gothic war, Totila left an evil name. In the
home of Pope Gregory upon the Cselian the memory of Rome's
cruel foe remained deeply graven. In many passages of his
writings the Pope gave expression to these feelings. Moreover,
even Totila's own countryman, Jordanis the Goth, in his
De Getarum origine et rebus gestis, speaks with little sym-
1 Gregor., Dial. 3, c. 1 1 : " Ursus . . . lambere episcopi pedes coepit . . . Cui rei
hi qui tunc praesentes fuerunt, adhuc nonnulli supersunt eamque cum. omni illic populo se
vidisse testantur."

111. 168. — The Porta Pinciana. (City-side. From a photograph by Commendatore Carlo Tenerani.)

no. 359] TOTILA AND ST. BENEDICT 349
pathy of the "havoc" wrought in Italy by the "enraged" King,
and lays stress on the cruelty which the Romans had to suffer at
his hands.1According to a probable opinion, Jordanis, in 551, was
Bishop of Croton and Pope Vigilius's companion in Constanti
nople. He dedicated to him, so it would appear, another work
of his composition, seemingly a sort of universal chronicle. Like
Cassiodorus and many other distinguished men, Jordanis was
convinced that the only hope for the Gothic nation lay in the
peaceable accommodation of the Goths to the Roman Empire and
Roman civilisation. Unhappily the wars destroyed all prospect
of such a consummation. Jordanis, like most of his Catholic con
temporaries, was thus driven to take the side of the Empire, i.e.
of Byzantium. As against Totila and his successor, who were
Arians, like all the earlier Gothic sovereigns, the Byzantines
seemed to him to stand for unity, both ecclesiastical and
Imperial.2 The Roman nobility also were persuaded that the fate of
their city was linked with the Empire established at Byzantium.
So many monuments in Rome kept fresh the remembrance of the
Empire and the Emperors, even the walls and the gates — for
instance, the picturesque Pincian Gate (111. 168) 3 — where the
Roman eagles had so recently fought with the Barbarians.
The reader will not expect us to recount the downfall of the
truculent Totila or the tragic end of King Teias and the remnant
of the Gothic nation. The overthrow of Totila at Taginae and
of Teias near the Vesuvius are events having no special bearing
on our subject.
When Totila marched northwards to besiege Rome for the
first time, he passed through Campania at the foot of the heights
on which the monastery of Monte Cassino sits enthroned. At
that time St. Benedict (f 543), the founder of the monastery and
the reviver of Western monasticism, was still living within its
sacred walls. The King had heard of this wonderful man and
wished to see him. He wanted also to test the Saint's superior
1 Gregory calls the Gothic King "perfidus Totilas," and says he had treated Cerbonius
as one " crudelitatis immanissimae vesania succensus?
2 Wattenbach, Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen* ', I, 77, and W. Martens, fordanes1
Gotengesch., p. II., against Mommsen relative to the biography of Jordanis and his
connection with Pope Vigilius.
3 Cp. 111. 162, the exterior of the same gate. The interior, on the present plate, is
rather too dark to allow of the hollow being seen into which the portcullis was drawn up.

350 ROME AND THE POPES [No. 360
knowledge, and he accordingly sent his sword-bearer Riggo in
advance, disguised in the King's purple robe, rich shoes, and
surrounded by a train of warriors led by the Counts Vult, Ruderic,
and Blidin. It was to be seen whether Benedict would mistake
Riggo for the King or not. The Saint had barely caught sight
of the person announced as the King than he cried out to him,
" My son, lay aside those robes, for they are not thine." Riggo
and his followers sank upon their knees, startled and confounded.
King Totila was sent for, and so moved was he at the sight of the
Saint that he threw himself on the ground to do him honour, and
refused to move till Benedict himself raised him. The Abbot
then said to him: "Thou art doing and hast done much evil.
Cease thy crimes. Thou shalt enter Rome and cross the sea.
Nine years shalt thou reign, and in the tenth thou shalt die."
The warrior King stood as if petrified. He could only stammer
that he commended himself to the holy Abbot's prayers.
Gregory the Great, who recounts the incident, adds that Totila,
from that day, acted with less cruelty.1
When at last St. Benedict heard of the capture of Rome by
Totila, he said to the Bishop of Canusium, who had brought the
news, and expressed a fear that the city would be destroyed :
" Rome will not be destroyed by the foreign nations ; it will fall
to pieces of its own accord, beaten by storms, by lightning,
hurricanes, and earthquakes." "This prophecy," writes Gregory
the Great, "we may see being fulfilled in the ruins of the olden
city and in the elemental disturbances which are ever increasing
them." 2

360. While, in Italy, Ostrogoths and Byzantines were engaged
in the long and bloody struggle which was to decide their fate,
prayers were rising to God from many a peaceful monastery on
the hills or in secluded valleys where settlements of pious and
hardworking monks had been established by St. Benedict. One
1 Dial. 2, c. 14 ff. Riggo, Vult, Ruderic, Blidin, such is the spelling of these Gothic
names in all the more ancient manuscripts of Gregory's Dialogues. Perhaps the name
of Vult has been preserved in Vultvilla, the early name of the present Mentorella, near
Tivoli. 2 Dial. 2, c. 15, where Gregory at the same time shows how careful he was as to
the sources of his information. He says of Benedict's prediction : " Quamvis hoc
Honoratus, eius discipulus, cuius mihi relatione compertum est, nequaquam ex ore illius
audisse se perhibet, sed quia hoc dixeril, dictum sibi a fratribus fuisse testatur."

N0.360] TOTILA AND ST. BENEDICT 351
of the hymns of the office, sung probably even then, brings to our
ears the song of peace chanted by the monks assembled around
the altar for their nocturnal vigil :
" That, while each consecrated hour
We praise and sing His glorious power,
The offerings of this day of rest
May with His choicest gifts be blest." x
Such were perhaps the words sung by Benedict and his
monks on the holy heights of Monte Cassino when Totila, at
the head of his Gothic escort, came marching to the monastery.
1 Fourth verse of the hymn " Primo die quo Trinitas" (Brev. Rom. pars Hiem.
Dominica ad Matutinum).

INDEX

Abercius, epitaph, 293
Abraham, 260, 289, 109, 127
Abundantius of Demetrias, 340
Acacius of Constantinople, 242 f., 297 f.,
301 f., 311, 313
Accemeti, 336, 339
Actors and actresses, 306
Ad Palmam Auream, 304, 308
Adam and Eve, 287, 289 f., 136
Adeodatus builds St. Paul's, 244
Adriano, S., on the Forum, 267
AL\\a Flacilla, coin, 80
^Emiliana, virgin, 257
Nonius of Aries, 333
^Equitii Titulus, 316 f.
^Etheria (Silvia), 271, 299
Aetius, 213
Africa, 231, 336
Agapetus, I., Pope, on Papal election, 325 ;
death at Constantinople, 326 ; defended
by Vigilius, 328 ; relations with Gaul,
335 ; North Africa, 336 ; projects
schools, 343
Agapitus, senator, 314
Agapius, deacon, 340
Agata dei Goti, S., 295
Agnellus, historian, 294, 296
Agnes, basilica of St., 250, 262, 156
Alaric, 266
Albinus, Consul, 315
Alessio Sant', 259
Alexander, martyr, 347
 III., Pope, 261
 VI., 351
Algardi, 238
Aligern, a Comes, 307
Almshouses, 258
Alpha and Omega, 82, 225, 163 c
Altar, ancient, 250, 94
Amae, 246
Amalafrida, 320
Amalasuntha, 320
Amalric Augerii, 302
Ambo, 250
Ambrose, St., on State and Church, 212 ;
his receptions, 227 ; on Liberius, 228
Ampliatus, Vicedominus, 354

Anatolius of Constantinople, 227
Anastasia, wife of Marinianus, 244
 S., or Anastasis, church of, 240, 245,
306
Anastasius, Emperor, 298, 303, 311 f., 313,
319 ; coins, 147
 I., Pope, 215 ; described, 228
 II., relations with the East, 243, 301 ;
with Gaul, 333 ; his legends, 302
 of Thessalonica, 232
Anatolius of Constantinople, 227
Andreas, orator, 275
Andrew, Catabarbara, St., basilica, 245,
267 f., 123
 Rotunda, 264, 316
 of Thessalonica, 301
Andromachus, senator, 299
Angels, represented, 225, 260, 271, 273, 278,
84, 109, 127, 128
Anicia Faltonia Proba, 291
Anicii, 244, 289; mausoleum, 291. See
Juliana
Annona, 227, 299, 305
Annunciation, 84
Anthemius, Emperor, 241, 299
Anthimus, Patriarch, 326 ff.
 scribe, 330
Anthony, Abbot, S., 364 ; hospital of, 268
Antioch, school of, 222
Antipopes. See Dioscorus, Eulalius, Law
rence, Ursinus
Antiquarii, 343
Antonina, wife of Belisarius, 327
 widow, 299
Apocrisiaries, 237, 301
Apocrypha, 225, 302
Apollinare in Classe, S., 249 f., 91,
 Nuovo, S., 272 f.
Apostolorum, Basilica, SS. See Sebas
tian, S.
Appeals to Rome, 216
Applicatus, Papal Vicar, 354
Apse, 250, 270
Aqua Claudia and Marcia, 348, 160, 161
 ¦ Trajana, 346
Aquae Salviae, 279
Aqueducts, 305, 346, 348, 160, 161
Ara, ancient altar, 289
Arator, poet, 353 ff

The numerals in thick type refer to the illustrations, the others to the sections.
VOL. II. 353 Z

354

INDEX

Arausicanum II., 334
Arcadius, Bishop, 223
 Emperor, 255
Archives. See Scrinium
Argolicus, Prefect, 305
Arianism as a State religion, 214, 331
Aries. See Vicars
Armenius, abbot, 334
Art, 247
Ascanius of Tarragona, 241
Ashburnham Pentateuch, 278
Asterius, 330
Athalaric, 320
Athanasius on Councils, 214
Atrium, 250 ff.
Attila and Leo the Great, 238
Augustine of Canterbury, 276
 Hippo, on Innocent I., 217 ; on con-
ciliar limitations, 218 ; honoured by
Popes, 219
Aurelian of Aries, 335
— - Emperor, 350
Auxanius of Aries, 335
Avienus, senator, 339
Avitus of Vienne, 309, 332

B

Bacchus, "Temple" of, 263
Balbina, church of St., 121, 267
Baptism, delayed, 289
Baptisteries, 220, 246, 248, 263 f., 83, 116 ;
font in, 246 ; water heated by stove,
. 263
Baronius, 328, 352
Basil of Csesarea, protests against Valens,
214; his menology, 228
 Legate, 236
 Prefect, 308
Basilica Julia (various), 308, 322, 352
Basilicas, preference for, 248 ; origin and
shape of, 249 ff. ; 89-93, 103, 104 ;
symbolism, 252 ; liturgy, 253; decora
tion, 262 ; how lighted, 279
Basiliscus, usurper, 242, 297
Basilius, a Roman official, 305
Baths for pilgrims, 245, 258
Bede, St., 276
Belisarius, in North Africa, 320 : vanquishes
Ostrogoths, 344 ff. ; his wife, 327 ; his
legends, 352 ; entreats with Totila, 356
Benedict Biscop, St., 276, 278
 of Nursia, St., 343, 359 f.
 II., Pope, 262
Bernard Guidonis, 302
Bessas, Byzantine general, 344, 355
Bethlehem in art, 225, 270, 128
Bibiana, church of St., 245
Bible, illustrated, 276 ff.
Blandus, presbyter, 312
Boethius, senator, 275, 307, 315

Boniface, Legate, 236
 I., Pope, seeks confutation of Pelagi
anism, 219; his election, 226; an in
scription, 275
 II., nominated by predecessor, 321 ;
appoints his successor, 322 ; munifi
cence, 324 ; confirms the Arausicanum
secundum, 334 ; in consistory, 340
 III., 213
Bricks, 255, 259, 305, 102, 144
Britain, 219
Britius of Perugia, 212
Burgundians, 332
Butilin, 344
Byzantium. See Constantinople

Cecilia Metella, 264
 church of St., 330 ; crypt, 274
Caesarius of Aries, 333 f.
Caius, conciliar envoy, 336
Calix ministerialis, 246
Cambridge, C.C.C., evangeliary, 276
Campus Barbaricus, 348, 160
 Merulis, 348, 355, 358
 Neronis, 345
Candlemas, 299
Candlesticks, 112
Canons, 216, 236
Cantharus, 244, 250 f. ; meaning chandelier,
281
Capocci, tower of the, 151
Cardinals, 341
Carosus of Centumcellae, 340
Carta Cornutiana, 268, 281
Carving, 283
Casala Rotondo, 264
Cassia, 245
Cassiodorus, 296, 304 ff, 315, 319, 321, 326,
342 f.
Castor and Pollux, invoked, 299
Castorius, father of Felix IV., 321
Catabarbara. See Andrew
Catabulenses, 316
Catacombs, 257, 274 ff, 347. See Coeme
terium
Causae majores, 216
Celerina, 274
Celestine I., Pope, combats Pelagianism,
219; Nestorianism, 222 f. ; burial-
place, 275
Celestius, 217 f.
Celibacy, clerical, 333
Cemeteries. See Coemeterium
Cencius Camerarius, 246
Ceolfrid, Abbot, 278
Cerbonius of Populonium, 358
Chant, 253
Charles of Anjou, statue, 284
Childebert I., king of the Franks, 335

The numerals in thick type refer to the illustrations, the others to the sections.

INDEX

355

Chlodovec I., king of the Franks, 302, 313,
332
Christ, monogram of, 80, 82, 129, 139, 140 ;
represented in art, 225, 244, 268, 271 f.,
274, 280, 283, 285 ff, 295, 81, 86, 87,
128, 132, 136, 137, 141
Chrysogonus, church of St., 262, 283
Church, in art, 293 ff. ; property, 308 ;
organisation, 233, 236, 298, 340 ; and
State, 212, 227, 308
Ciaconius, 246
Ciampini, Giov., 268
Ciborium, 250
Circus factions, 306
— — Maximus, 306, 148, 149
Civilitas Romanorum, 307
Clement, church of St., 262, 324, 155
Clivus Scauri, 325
Cosmeterium of St. Callistus, 274, 347
 Cyriaca, 273 f.
 Domitilla, 274
 Hermes, 257, 273
 Jordanorum, 347
 SS. Marcellin and Peter, Ostrianum,
Praetextatus, and Sebastian, 274
 Priscilla, 275
Coins, 80, 146, 147
Cola di Rienzo, 258
Coliseum, 305 f.
Comes, lectionary, 281
Concordia Veteris et Novi Testamenti,
261, 276
Confirmation, 246
Conon, Byzantine general, 355
Consignatorium, 271
Consistories, 340
Constantina, wife of Gallus, 263. See Sta.
Costanza
Constantine, Emperor, coin of, 80 ; basilica,
249, 90; edifices, 220, 244, 255, 256,
263> 3'7 ; legends, 263, 275 ; donation,
342 ; triumph, 268
Constantinople, usurpations of the see, 236,
298,301; relations with Theodoric, 3 19 ;
re-conquest of Rome, 344 ff. ; unhealthy
atmosphere, 243, 326
Constantius, 214
Contumeliosus of Riez, 335
Cornelius, Pope, 274, 333
Coronation of Emperor, 314
Cosmas and Damian, church of SS., 250,
267, 272, 321
Costanza, Rotunda of Sta., 220, 263, 271 ;
plan, 111 ; mosaics, 113, 126
Cottonian Bible, 278
Council of Agde, 333
 Aquileia, 212
 Arausio (Orange), 334
 Aries, 232, 244
 Carthage, 217, 336
 Chalcedon, 236 ff.
 Ephesus, 219, 222 f., 234, 242

Council of Jerusalem, 217
 Mileve, 217
 Nicsea, 216
 Rome, 217 f., 222, 224, 243, 297, 303,
3°8, 322, 340 f.
 Saragossa, 215
 Sardica, 216, 219
 Sinuessa, 302
 Vaison, 333
 Vatican, 313
Cresconius of Tudertum, 308
Crib, 225, 261, 274
Crisogono, S., 262
Croce, S., in Gerusalemme, 246, 267, 308 ;
plan, 122
Cross, represented, 119, 131, 163, 259, 271,
349
Crucifix, 261
Cubicularii, 244
Cupid and Psyche, in Christian art, 286
Cursus Leoninus, 237
Curtains, 250, 261 f., 110
Cyprian of Carthage, 274, 340
 Ravenna, 315
Cyriades, 255
Cyril of Alexandria, opposes Nestorius,
222 ff. ; receives Papal support, 339
Cyrus, a monk, 339

D

Dalmatics, 333
Damasus and the Primacy, 212; stormy
pontificate, 226-228 ; portrait, 100 ;
father, 245
Daniel, in lion's den, 289 f.
 a sculptor, 292
Dante, 302, 315
Dardania, 298
Defensores, 243, 324, 328, 340
Demetrias, Virgin, 244
Demetrius of Philippi, 324
Diana, Temple of, 282
Dietrich of Bern, legend, 304
Diogenes the Fossor, 274
Dionysius Exiguus, 300
Dioscorides, 277
Dioscorus, deacon, Legate and antipope,
310, 312 f., 321 ff, 325
 Patriarch of Alexandria, 234, 242
Diptychs, 242 f., 298
Dittocbasum, 276
Dollinger, 308
Dominicum, in sense of church, 253
Domnus of Antioch, 234
Donatism, 215
Donatus, deacon, 340
Dove, for reservation, 250
Dracontius, poet, 295
Dress, 333, 156
Duchesne, 225, and passim

The numerals in thick type refer to the illustrations, the others to the sections.

356

INDEX

E

Easter, 308
Eastern position at the altar, 256
Ecclesius of Ravenna, 272, 314
Empire and Church, 212
England, 276, 278. See Britain
Ennodius of Pavia, 296, 306, 309, 312, 325
Ephraim of Antioch, 326
Epiphanius of Constantinople, 313, 339 f.
 Pavia, 298
Eucharist, how represented, 260, 289 f.,
109, 138. See Dove
Eudocia, 266
Eudoxia, Empress, 235
 Licinia, coin, 80
Eugenius II., Pope, 261
Eulalius, antipope, 226
Eulogius of Alexandria, 236
Euphemia, basilica of St., 236
Euphrasius of Antioch, 313
Eusebius, consul, 289
 court-official, 214
 of Dorylaeum, 234
 Fanum, 314
 historian, 325
 Pope, 347
 inscription of, 258
Eutharic, Theodoric's son-in-law, 306, 320
Eutropos, 292
Eutyches, 234 ff. See Monophysism
Evagrius, 297
Evangeliary (C.C.C.C), 276
Evangelists, their symbols, 271, 87, 105
Exemption of monasteries, 335

Faldistorium or faldstool, 289, 143
Farfa codex, 244
Faustus Niger, senator, 301, 308
February, origin of word, 299
Felicitas, crypt of St., 275
Felix, deacon and legate, 312
 of Nola, 276
 Numentum, 340
 III. (II.), Pope, buildings, 245 ; con
cern for foreign Churches, 243, 297 ;
buried in St. Paul's, 297 ; wife and
family, 244, 257
 IV., favoured at court, 321 ; nominates
successor, 323 ; corresponds with Cae
sarius, 334
 and Philip, MM., 275
Festus, senator, 301, 303, 308
Filippini, G. A., 318
Firmus of Csesarea, 223
Flavian of Constantinople, 234 f.
 Philippi, 222
Flavita. See Phravitas
Flavius Philippus, 215

Font. See Baptistery
Forgeries, 232, 302, 317, 342
Founders' names recorded, 260
Franks, 320
Fulgentius of Ruspe, 304
Fundus Crispinus, 245

Gabat/E, 279
Gaetani, 264
Galla Placidia, 235, 240, 244,271 ; coin, 80;
mausoleum, 114, 115 ; triumphal arch,
Gallus, son-in-law of Constantine, 263
Garrucci, Raffaele, 287, 295
Gelasius I., Pope, on lay interference,
242 ; opposes Byzantium, 243 ; erects
country churches, 243; on the Prim
acy, 236, 298, 308 ; kindness and
energy, 299 ; described, 300
Gelimer, Vandal king, 320 352
Genesis, Vienna, 278
Genii in Christian art, 113, 126, 130
Genseric, Vandal king, 238, 240
Germanus of Antissiodorum, visits Britain,
219
 Capua, 312
Getae (Goths), 347
Giocondo, Fra, 258
Giovanni in Fonte, S., 250, 264, 116
Glass-gilt, 125, 142
Good Shepherd, 283, 132
Gordian, son of Felix III., 244, 257
 father of Agapetus, 325
Gorgonius, M., 274
Gothic camp, 160 ; style, 251 f.
Gratian, Emperor, coin, 80 ; on Church,
212 ; his restorations, 266
 canonist, 302
Gratus, a Comes, 312
Greek monks in Rome, 338
Gregorovius, 238, 345, 356 ; requires amend
ment, 240, 304, 306, 308, 321, 349, 352
Gregory I., the Great, Pope, his family,
244, 257, 325; gifts, 262, 279; in
council, 341 ; on Totila, 358 f.
 II., 279
 IV., 262
 VII., 325
Gundobald, Burgundian, 298

H
Hadrian, Emperor, 351 ; villa, 249
 I., Pope, 262, 279
 II., 3I3.352
Halo. See Nimbus
Helena's mausoleum, 264
Henoticon, 242, 301, 303

The numerals in thick type refer to the illustrations, the others to the sections.

INDEX

357

Heresies, their cause, 221
Hermas, " Shepherd" of, 293
Herod, 225
Hilary of Aries, 213, 232
 Poitiers, on Constantius, 214
 I., Pope, buildings, 245, f., 271, 279 ;
adventures at Ephesus, 234, 241, 246 ;
helps foreign Churches, 241, 333
Hippolytus, 271 ; his statue, 283
Holy Ghost, in art, 290, 136
Honorius, Emperor, 226, 244
 I., Pope, 333, 156
 III., 246
Hormisdas I., Pope, 262 ; whether desig
nated, 325 ; relations with Byzantium,
312 ; with Gaul, 332 ; with Spain, 337 ;
formula of union, 313 ; exempts a mon
astery, 335 ; dealings with the Scythian
monks, 338 ; father of Pope Silverius,
327
Hosius of Corduba, 214
Hunneric, Vandal king, 297
Hylas and the nymphs, 268
Hypatius, Consul, 289
 of Ephesus, 324

I
Illyricum. See Vicars, Thessalonica
Imagines, clypeatae, 254, 260, 286
Importunus, senator, 306, 314
In pace, 286
Initiatio, 289
Innocent I., 216 f, 333 ; his personality,
226, 228
Isaac, exarch, 292
Isaurians, 355, 358
Isonzo, battle on the, 296

J
Jerome, St., on the Popes, 227 f., ; on
symbolism of lights, 279
Jerusalem. See Bethlehem
Jews, massacred by Christians, 307. See
Symmachus
Joannes, Byzantine general, 356
Job, 289
John of Antioch, 222 ff.
 Chrysostom, 216
 II., of Constantinople, 312 f.
 of Illici, 337
 Jerusalem, 216
 Papal Legate, 312
 I., St., Pope, his election, 313; dies
in prison, 314
 II., his monogram, 324, 155 ; his con
tested election, 324 ; activity, 335 f.,
339

John III., care for cemeteries, 274, 333
'  IV., 295
 and Paul, basilica of SS., 325
— — of Ravenna, 296
 sewer-overseer, 305
 Talaia, 242 f.
 Roman subdeacon, 327
Jonas, 81
Jordan, 270
Jordanis, 356-359
Joseph, St., in art, 225
Josue, scroll of, 278
Julian of Cos, 237
 Eclanum, 218 ff.
Juliana Anicia, 277, 130
Julianus (Flavius Julius and Rusticus), 273
Julius I., St., Pope, 226, 228
Junius Bassus, 268 ; sarcophagus, 138, 289
Justin I., Emperor, 312 ; coins, 147
 II., his cross, 280, 131
Justinian, Emperor, on the Church, 213 ;
builds S. Sophia, 265 ; on the Three
Chapters, 329 f. ; relations with Italy,
320, 344 ff ; with Popes, 324, 326 ff., 338
ff. ; described, 324, 327 ; his triumph,
352; summons Vigilius, 354
Juvenal of Jerusalem, 222
 Narni, 352

K

Keys, 87, 295, 336
Kraus, F. X., 271, axid. passim

Lamps, 279
Langen, Joseph, 215, 309, 327
Lateran, baptistery, 220, 246, 248 ; oratory
of St. John, &c, 246, 83 ; orientation,
255; origin of name, 249 ; the museum,
287 f.
Lawrence, antipope, 301, 303, 308 ff.
 Basilica of St., 245, 271, 295
Legends, 238, 263, 275, 302, 304, 352
Leo I., Emperor, 227, 237
 M., 245
 I., Pope, buildings, 244, 254; as
deacon, 220 ; life-work, 230 ; against
heretics, 231 ; concern for foreign
Churches, 232 ; on hierarchy, 233 ;
against Monophysism, 234 ; relations
with the court, 235 ; Chalcedon, 236 ;
energy and kindliness, 237 ; place in
history, 238 f. ; as pastor and preacher,
240; his Tomus condemned by Coun
cil, 242
 III., 262
Leontius and his monks, 338
Leutharis, 344

The numerals in thick type refer to the illustrations, the others to the sections.

358

INDEX

Liber pontificalis, 246, 262, 279, 299, 302,
3", 328 {., 335, 352, 355
Liberatus, 327
Liberius, Pope, summoned to court and
banished, 214 ; described by Ambrose,
228 ; his basilica, 260
Libraries, 243, 245, 343
Licinia Eudoxia, coin, 80
Lights, see Windows ; artificial, see Cande
labra and Lamps
Lime-kilns, 305
Liturgy, 228, 253, 306
Lucentius, Legate, 236
Luciferians, 226
Lucilii, 264
Lupercalia, 299

M

Macellum Magnum, 266, 118, 120
Maffeo Vegio, 284, 291
Magi, 84, 136, 290
Manichasans, 231, 240, 299
Marchi, Giuseppe, 287
Marcian, Emperor, 236 f.
Mareas, Papal Vicar, 354
Maria, S., in Cosmedin (Ravenna), 264, 116
 in Domnica, 262, 266
 Maggiore, its mosaics, 225, 271, 84,
85; station, 246; apse, 250; interior,
259, 92, 93, 104 ; windows, 106 ; pic
tures, 260, 105, 108, 271, 127; crib,
225, 261 ; curtains, 262
 ad Praesepe, 225
 in Trastevere, 262, 308
 di Trevi, 352
Marinianus, Consul, 244
Mark, Pope St., 228
Marmorarius, 292
Martin of Tours, St., 317
Martina, St., church on the Forum, 267
Martino, S., ai Monti, 316, 151, 152
Martinus Polonus, 302
Martyrologium Hieronymianum, 228
Mary, worship of, 225 ; in art, 84, 85 ; for
churches, see Maria
Mauritius, Emperor, 213
Mausoleums, 248, 264, 111, 114, 115, 116
Maximian of Constantinople, 223
 Ravenna, 304
Maximus, a patrician, 355
 of Turin, 293
 usurper, 215
Medals, worn, 295
Menas, a notary, 340
Mennas of Constantinople, 223, 226
Menology of St. Basil, 228
Mercurius. See John II., Pope
Metal-work, 246, 280
Michael, Emperor, 239
Milan, Bishops of, 227

Mills in Rome, 346
Misenus of Cumae, 243
Moderic, 335
Monophysites, 234 f., 242, 326 f., 329
Morin, Dom, 235
Monks, the Scythian, 338
Mosaics, 225, 246, 260, 269 ff, 295, 84, 85,
87, 105-109, 123, 124, 126-128, 156
Moschus, 236
Moses as Peter, 287
Mundus, general, 320
Muro Torto, 350, 165

N

Narses, victorious at Taginas, 344; his
magnanimity, 351
Narthex, 250 ff, 261 f.
Nemi, grove of, 282
Neon of Ravenna, 294
Nereus and Achilleus, church of SS., 317
Nestorius, Nestorianism, 219, 221 ff, 329,
339
Nicholas I., Pope, 239
 V., 291
Nimbus, use of, 225, 260, 271, 274, 295, 84,
87
Nola, basilica of, 250
Notitia dignitatum, 333
Nunciatures, 237. See Apocrisiaries

O

Odovacar, slain by Theodoric, 296, 306
 his kingship, 319
CEcumenical Patriarch, 213, 236
Olybrius, Emperor, 266, 277
 Patrician, 355
Optatus of Mileve, 249, 274, 295
Opus sectile, 268
Orange. See Arausicanum II.
Orantes, 261, 274, 286, 293, 129
Oratories, 138
Ordination, right of, 340
Orestes, Patrician, 355
Orientation, 255, 259
Origen, condemned, 215
Orpheus, 286, 134
Ostia, Bishop of, his privilege, 226; the
port of, 305
Ostrogoths, their kingdom, 296 ff. ; their
fall, 344 ff.

Paganism, relics of, 240
Painting, 269, 274 ff.
" Palatinus," 317
Palestrina, cathedral of, 267

The numerals in thick type refer to the illustrations, the others to the sections.

INDEX

359

Palladius the deacon, 219
Palazzo Albani (del Drago), 268
Pallium, 274, 284, 327, 333, 156, 157
Palma aurea, Palmaris, 304, 308
Pancras, basilica of St., 316
Pantheon, 88
Panvinius, 246
Paschal I., Pope, 262
 r II., 262
Paschasinus, Legate, 236
Patrick, St., 219
Patrimony of the Popes, 227, 246, 323, 354
Patroclus of Aries, 216
Paul, the Apostle, in art, 105, 125; his
tomb, 256
 basilica of St., dedicatory inscription,
215, 82 ; decoration, 244, 87 ; treasury,
246; exterior, 251, 98; interior, 254,
99 ; its erection, 255 ; surroundings,
257 f. ; donations, 262, 279
 a captain, 251
 V., Pope, 346
Paula, daughter of Felix III., 244, 257
Paulinus of Nola, 250, 276, 279
Peacocks, meaning of use, 287
Pelagius, Pelagianism, 216 ff, 299, 334
 I., Pope, doings as deacon, 328, 354 f. ;
as Pope, 354
 II., 271, 295
Peregrinus of Misenum, 312
Pergula, 250, 256, 280
Peristylium, 249, 89
Peter, the Apostle, his bronze statue, 133,
238; in art, 284, 290, 294 ff, 142,
143
 basilica of St., restored by Leo I.,
244; cantharus, 248; interior, 275;
honoured by potentates, 235, 241, 280,
3°4, 313, 324, 35°> 352
 St., ad vincula, 235, 262, 166
 of Alexandria, 2 1 2
 Altinum, 308
 Chrysologus, 234
 the Fuller, 242
 Mongus, 242-297
 the presbyter, 260
 Roman official, 326
 Sabinus, 268
 conciliar envoy, 336
Petronia, wife of Felix III., 244, 257
Petronilla, 274
Philocalus, Philocalian Calendar, 277
Philotheus, 241
Phocas, Emperor, 213
Phoenix, 125
Photinus, deacon, 301 f.
Photius, son of Antonina, 327
Phravitas of Constantinople, 298
Pincius, 350
Pirro Ligorio, 283
Pius VII., 356
 IX., 287

Placidia, wife of Olybrius, 266
 See Galla
Platina, 268
Platonia, 274
Polycamus, M., 274
Polychronius of Jerusalem, 302
Pompeo Ugonio, 256, 261
Pompey's Theatre, 305
Ponte S. Angelo, 351
 Molle, 345
Popes, their portraits, 254, 100-1, 310 ; epis
tles, 229, 237 ; relations with councils,
223, 236, 334 ; intervene in dogma and
discipline, 215-218, 222 f., 231 f., 234,
236 f., 241 ff, 297 ff, 31 1, 313, 326, 328,
334 f-j 33^ f. ; dealings with hierarchy,
233 ; influence in Italy, 227, 231 ; in
Gaul, 215 f., 232, 241, 334 f. ; in the
East, 216, 232, 234, 237, 242 f., 297,
301, 326 ff, 338 ; in North Africa, 216,
231, 297, 335 ff. ; in Spain, 215 f., 232,
341, 337 ; their standing and nation
ality, 222 f., 226 ff, 299, 323, 335, 342 ;
election, 226, 303, 308, 323 f. ; designa
tion of successor, 312, 321 f., 325 ;
change of policy, 224 f., 301, 333, 339 ;
how addressed, 213, 232, 322; name
mentioned in Liturgy, 333 ; whether
impeccable, 309
Porta jElia, 345
 Asinaria, 320, 327, 355, 167
 "Aurelia," 345, 351
 Clausa, 349
 di S. Giovanni, 355
 Latina, 164
 Pinciana, 345, 349, 352, 162, 168
 Salaria, 349
Portus Licini, 305
 Romanus, 305, 346, 352
Possessor, a bishop, 338
Possidonius the deacon, 222
Potentius, 231
Praefectus annonae, praetorio, 305
Praetextatus, Pagan, on the Popes, 227
Praxedis, Basilica S., 262
Presentation in the Temple, 85
Primus and Felicianus, SS., 266
Priscillianism, 215, 231
Probinus, senator, 308
Probus, abbot, 341
 deacon, 340
 stone-dealer, 259, 317
 See Sextus
Processions, 299
Procopius, 327 344-351, 356
Projectus, father of John II., 324
 Legate 223
Prosper of Aquitania, on the Roman
Pontiff, 216 ; against Semi-Pelagian
ism, 219
Proterius of Alexandria, 237
Prudentius, 276, 279, 295

The numerals in thick type refer to the illustrations, the others to the sections.

36°

INDEX

Pudentiana, church and basilica of St.
[i.e. of Pudens], 271, 295
Pulcheria, Empress, 236
Purification B.V.M., 299

Quesnel, Paschase, 240
Quintilii, villa of the, 348
Quirinus, 274

R

Rabbula M.S., 278
Racing, 306
Rade, 212, 227
Raffaele, 238
Ravenna, visited by Innocent I., 216 ;
abode of art, 265, 272, 292, 316 ;
under Ostrogoths, 296 ff.
Ravennius of Aries, 232
Reparatus, archbishop of Carthage, 336
 ^ deacon of Carthage, 336
Resurrection, church of. See Anastasis
Ricimer, 268
Riggo the Goth, 359
Robber-Council, 234
"Roma locuta, causa finita," 217
Romanesque, 251
Rossi, G. B. de, 277, 283, 287, 290, 347
Rotundas, 248, 263 ff, 83, 111, 117, 118,
120, 150
Rufina and Secunda, oratory of SS., 271
Rufinus, 228
 or Rufenus, 259
Rufus of Thessalonica, 222
Rustica, Maria Simplicia, 273
Rusticiana, wife of Boethius, 275
Rusticus the deacon, 313
 Julianus, Prefect, 273
 of Lyons, 298

Saba, abbot, 329
Sabina,Sta., basilica, 222, 250,96,103, 259 f,
107, 261, 268, 285, 293
Sabinus of Canusium, 340
 of Capua, 314
Sacramentaries, 500
Sallustius, Prefect, 255
 of Sevilla, 337
Salventius, Prefect 324
San Gallo, 268
Sapaudus of Aries, 335
Sapores, a dux, 212
Sarcophagi, 212, 286 ff., 295, 110, 135, 136,
138, 140, 141

Sardinia, 335 f.
Schola cantorum, 250, 256, 261, 324
Scrinium Apostolicum, 215, 325, 353
Scyphi, 246
Sebastian, basilica of St., 250 ; portrait,
274
Secundicerius, 341
Semi-Pelagianism, 219, 334
Senate, 304, 307, 322 f., 341, 356
Sergius I., Pope, 239, 258
 presbyter, 326
Sermons in Rome, 240
Severano, Giov., 258
Severus, founder of S. Anastasia, 245
Seville. See Vicars
Sexes, separate in church, 252
Sextus Petronius Probus, 291
Sicininian Basilica, 259
Sigibald, father of Boniface II., 321
Sigismund of Burgundy, 332
Silverius, Pope, persecuted by the court,
327 ; greets Belisarius, 344 ; his sup
posed treachery, 327, 355 ; dies in
Palmaria, 328
Silvester I., Pope, honoured, 228, 317 ;
place in donation of Constantine, 342 ;
Basilica of, 275
 and Martin, basilica of SS., 316 f.,
151-154
Silvia, oratory of St., 267
" Silvia," the pilgrim, 271, 299
Simony, 323 f.
Simplicius, Pope, his buildings, 245, 266,
268, 271 ; work in the Church, 242
Siricius, Pope, riot at election, 226 ; his
inscription, 82 ; his portrait, 101 ; his
buildings, 215, 255 ; work for Church,
215
Sixtus V., Pope, 254, 256,288; his vandalism,
256, 261
 See Xystus
Socrates, historian, 228
Sohm, 214
Soul, creation of, 302
Sozomen, historian, 228, 240
Spain, 231
Stations, 246
Statues in Christian use, 283
Stephen, St., basilica on the Via Latina,
244 f.
 Ostia, 258
 Tiburtina, 245
 Rotunda, 245, 259, 266, 118, 120
 of Larissa, 340
 Papal Vicar of Rome, 354
Suna, a Comes, 305
Suppedaneum, 294
Surgentius, notary, 353
Susanna, in art, 274
Symmachian forgeries, 302, 308
Symmachus the Jew, 315
Patrician, 255,305, 307,315

The numerals in thick type refer to the illustrations, the others to the sections.

INDEX

361

Symmachus, Pope, birthplace, 226 ; elec
tion, 301 ; buildings, 258, 284 ; Synodus
Palmaris, 308 f. ; combats Acacian
Schism, 311; designation of successor,
325 ; interview with Sigismund, 332 ;
relations with Gaul, 333 ; his charity,
335 f. ; in council, 341
Synods. See Councils
Synodus Palmaris, 304, 308

Tabernacles, 250
Teias, king of the Ostrogoths, 344
Tertullus, Flavius, 283
Theatres, 306
Theodahat, Theodoric's nephew, 306, 320,
326 f.
Theodora, Empress, 326 ff.
Theodore of Ravenna, 292
 senator, 314
Theodoret of Cyrus, 212, 228, 234
Theodoric the Ostrogoth, 296 ff, 303 ff,
313 ff. ; his mausoleum, 111, 150 ; his
bricks, 144
 senator, 306
Theodorus, Lector, 303
Theodosius I., on church-power, 212,
255
 II., 213, 223, 234 f.
 of Echinus, 340
Theodovius (Valila), 268
Theophilus of Antioch, 249
Theotokos, 224 f.
Thessalonica. See Vicars
Theudebert of Austrasia, 335
Thomas, Roman official, 326
Three Chapters, 329
Throne, episcopal, 250
Tiburtius, M., 274
Tiles, 255. See Bricks
Timothy Aelurus, 237, 242
 Salophaciolus, 237, 242
Tituli Ambrosiani, 276
Titulus vEquitii, 316 ff.
Tivoli, or Tibur, 249, 264, 268
Tomus, 241
Torre Pignattara, 264, 269
 dei Schiavi, 264, 116
Totila, king of the Ostrogoths, 344, 348-
360
Tractoria of Zosimus, 216, 218
Traditio symboli, 289
Traducianism, condemned, 302
Trajan (Titus), baths of, 317
Transept, 250
Trasamund the Vandal, 313, 336
Treves, cathedral, 267
Tribunus, archdeacon, 340
Turibius of Astorga, 231
Tutus, Legate, 243

U

Ugonio, Pompeo, 256
Ulysses, in Christian art, 286, 135
Uranus, in Christian art, 289
Urban VIII., Pope, 351
Ursinus, antipope, 212, 226

V

Valentine, Papal Vicar, 354
Valentinian I., Emperor, 212
 II., coin of, 80 ; 215, 255
 III., on Roman supremacy, 213 ;
against Manichaeans, 231 ; visits Rome,
235
Valila, 268, 281, 289
Van Winghe, 268
Vandals, 297, 313, 335 f.
Vatican Virgil, 277 ; Josue, 278. See St.
Peter's
Vela Alexandrina, 262, 268, 123
Venantius, St., chapel, 295
 Fortunatus, 279
Veneranda, 274
Verona, battle of, 296
Vessels for Mass, 246
Vetranio, 297
Via Appia, 264, 348
 Labicana, 245, 264
 Lata, 352
 Latina, 244, 348
 Laurentina, 245
 Nomentana, 345
 Ostia, 255
 Praenestina, 264
 Salaria, 345, 347
 Tiburtina, 345
Vicars, Papal, in Aries, 216, 231 f, 241,
333 ff
 Constantinople, 340
 Rome, 354
 Sevilla, 241, 337
 Thessalonica, 208, 232, 301
Vicedominus, 354
Victor Vitensis, 297
Vienna Genesis, 277
Vigilius, Pope, nominated by Boniface II.,
322 ; favoured by court, 327 ; proceeds
to Constantinople, 330 ; concern for
Aries, 335 ; for the City, 347, 354 ;
dealings with Belisarius, 352 ; with
Arator, 353 ; an inscription, 159
Vignier, Jerome, 302
Visitors, episcopal, 308
Vitale, San, in Ravenna, 260, 265, 272,
128
Vitalian, general, 312
Vitalis of Truentum, 243
Vitiges, king of the Ostrogoths, 320, 344-
352

The numerals in thick type refer to the illustrations, the others to the sections.

362 INDEX

Vivarium, in Rome, 349
 near Squillace, 343
W
Walls, of Rome, 305, 317, 345, 349 ff.
Weremouth, 276, 278
Windows, 251, 259, 266, 317, 97, 106, 119,
153

X

Xystus II., Pope, 274
 III., kindness to Pelagians, 220 ; to

Nestorians, 224 ; erects Lateran Basi
lica, 220, 271 ; rebuilds Sta. Maria
Maggiore, 225, 260
Xystus, a subdeacon, 327

Zacharias of Mitylene, 326
Zeno, Emperor, 242, 296 f., 313
 of Hispalis, 241
Zosimianus, 274
Zosimus, historian, on the Popes, 227
 Pope, 216, 218, 228 f.

The numerals in thick type refer to the illustrations, the others to the sections.

END OF VOL. II.

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