Hr

» ?

t * * * *

^¦«A*vr-»i-.v-»:'«fr,N*v.'fl(wi

srael's Golden Agi

>/:. i. du

HI— nwnmtwumi

* 9 • # ?

DIVINITY SCHOOL
TROWBRIDGE LIBRARY

Ibanoboofts for Bible Classes ano
private Stuoents
EDITED BY
Professor MARCUS DODS, D.D.

Rev. ALEXANDER WHYTE, D.D.

ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
By J. DICK FLEMING, B.D.

ISRAELS GOLDEN AGE

THE STORY OF THE UNITED KINGDOM

J. DICK FLEMING, B.D.
PROFESSOR OF SYSTEMATIC THEOLOGY AND APOLOGETICS,
MANITOBA COLLEGE, WINNIPEG

off A-

fl\il DIVINITY SCHOOL]

EDINBURGH
T. & T. CLARK, 38 GEORGE STREET
1907

Printed by
Morrison & Gibb Limited
FOE
T. & T. CLARK, EDINBURGH
LONDON : SIMPKIN, MARSHALL, HAMILTON, KENT, AND CO. LIMITED
NEW YORK : CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS

CONTENTS

CHAPTER I.
PAGE
Establishment of the Hebrews in Canaan . . 8

CHAPTER II.
The Founding of the Kingdom . . . .18
CHAPTER HI.
The Exploits of King Saul . . . . -36
CHAPTER IV.
Saul and David ...... 5°
CHAPTER V.
Mount Gilboa ...... 68
CHAPTER VI.
David King at Hebron . . . . -78
CHAPTER VII.
David King at Jerusalem ..... 92
CHAPTER VIII.
Religious Life in the Time of David . . .114
5

CONTENTS

CHAPTER IX. PAGE
The Reign of Solomon . . . . ,122

CHAPTER X.
Decline of the Golden Age . . . . .144
APPENDIX A.
The Sources of the History . . . 149
APPENDIX E.
The Chronology of the Period . . . .160

ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
THE STORY OF THE UNITED KINGDOM

CHAPTER I.
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE HEBREWS IN CANAAN.
Paragraphs 1-7. The Conquest. Josh. i.-Judg. i.
1. The Canaanites : their natural Advantages.
4. Their Weakness through Lack of Union.
3. The summarised Account of the Conquest.
4. The more detailed Narratives.
5. Probable Course of the Conquest.
6. Limits of Israel's Domination.
7. Varying Methods adopted by the Invaders.
8-10. The Iron Age. Judg. ii.-xxi.
8. Conflict with other Aspirants to Canaan.
9. Long Period of tribal Anarchy.
10. Prophetic View of the Period : its Truth.

CHAPTER I.
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE HEBREWS IN CANAAN.
I. The Conquest of Canaan. — When the tribes of the Hebrews
crossed the Jordan to take possession of Canaan, — the land
flowing with milk and honey,— they soon found that they were
engaged on an enterprise harder than they had dreamed.
Doubtless they were inspired with all the natural courage which
resulted from their desert training, and they were fired by a
religious enthusiasm which made them expect great things from
the God who had so wonderfully helped them in the past. But
the nations whom they purposed to subdue, and if possible to
exterminate, were no mean foes. Not only had they the
advantage of fighting for their hearths and homes, but they were
better equipped for warfare than their invaders. Unlike the
nomad tribes of the Sinai peninsula and the hardy but rude
mountaineers of the East Jordan land, the peoples of Canaan
had learned many of the arts of civilisation, and had used them
to improve their methods of war. They had settled down to
agricultural and city life : they dwelt in walled towns and
villages which greatly added to their defensive strength. If,
as a trading community, they had lost something of their native
hardihood and come under the enervating influence of luxurious
habits, they made up for this loss by the improvement of their
weapons and accoutrements of war. They had horses and
chariots of war, which were especially effective in the valleys,
9

IO ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
and were greatly dreaded by their enemies. Add to this that,
here and there throughout the land, there were still remnants of
the larger-boned races, the " giants " of former days, and it will
not be difficult to realise what a formidable task awaited the
invaders. 2. In one respect, however, the Canaanites were at a dis
advantage : they were weak by reason of their disunion. They
had no national or even tribal organisation : every city was a
law to itself, and under its own independent king. The most
probable explanation of this lack of central organisation is to be
found in the view that the Canaanites had been till recently
under the domination of Egypt, and that the same troubles which
favoured the exodus of the Hebrews also brought the Egyptian
domination of Canaan to an end. It seems impossible as yet to
synchronise the story of the exodus and of the conquest of
Canaan with the history of the Egyptian Pharaohs ; but we know
that for some centuries the Pharaohs from Thothmes ill. onward
exercised or claimed a suzerainty over Canaan and Syria ; and
we may fairly suppose that at this time their hold was relaxed,
leaving Canaan without a head and without a protector.
3. The story of Israelitish conquest, as given in the Book of
Joshua, raises questions of no little difficulty. The prevailing
view throughout the book is that the conquest was undertaken
and accomplished by Israel as a whole under the leadership
of Joshua.1 Together the tribes crossed the Jordan, under
portents quite as strange as had attended them in the cross
ing of the Red Sea. Together they stormed Jericho and Ai,
devoting both cities to destruction in the name of Jehovah.
Together they smote the coalition of kings under Adoni-zedek of
Jerusalem in the great battle of Gibeon ; and together once more
they smote the kings of the north by the waters of Merom. And
these conquests were pursued both in the south and in the north,
till all Canaan (within its ordinary limits) was practically in
Joshua's hands. Thereafter Joshua distributed to each tribe its
1 This is true as well of the J and E documents as of those assigned to D 2.

ESTABLISHMENT OF THE HEBREWS IN CANAAN II
inheritance by lot ; and so the great war of conquest closed.
" So the Lord gave unto Israel all the land which He sware to
give unto their fathers ; and they possessed it, and dwelt therein.
And the Lord gave them rest round about, according to all that
He sware unto their fathers : and there stood not a man of all
their enemies before them ; the Lord delivered all their enemies
into their hand. There failed not ought of any good thing which
the Lord had spoken unto the house of Israel ; all came to
pass." 1
4. No sooner, however, do we study the details of the conquest
in the latter chapters of Joshua and in the first chapter of
Judges, than we discover that a large part of the conquest of the
various territories was accomplished by individual tribes, or by
groups of tribes, fighting on their own behoof ; and, further, that
the conquest was by no means so decisive and thorough as the
general statements led us to imagine. It is scarcely possible to
doubt that we have in many instances duplicate accounts of the
same facts, and that many conquests attributed to Joshua and all
Israel generally were, more exactly speaking, carried out by the
tribes working for their own hand.2 In such cases we must, of
course, give the preference to the account which gives the more
particular details. One can easily understand how, by a certain
foreshortening of vision, much might be ascribed to the great
leader of the invasion which really took place beyond his sphere
of command, and even long after his death.
5. The frank recognition of this divergence prepares the way
for the discernment of its true limits. The two points of view —
that of national and that of separate tribal action — are not
necessarily exclusive ; nor is there anything in the later details
which disturbs the tradition that the tribes in the first place
crossed the Jordan together, and made a united attack on the
1 Josh. xxi. 43-45 ; and cf. x. 40-43, xi. 23.
2 e.g. as to Hebron and Debir, cf. Josh. x. 36-39 with Josh. xv. 13-19,
Judg. i. 10-15 ; as to Hormah, Josh. xii. 14 with Judg. i. 17 ; as to Gezer
Josh. x. 33 with Josh. xvi. 16, Judg. i. 29, etc.

12 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
land. It is quite conceivable, that after the first successful
onslaughts the tribes separated in order to occupy the land and
to carry their conquests farther ; and that this separation took
place with Joshua's approval. In all probability this separation
began only after the two great battles of Gibeon and Merom,
when Joshua crushed the coalitions of kings in the south and
north, and thus prepared the way for the further conquest of the
individual towns and their territories.1 When the back of the
resistance was thus broken, it would seem that Judah and Simeon,
together with the Kenites and the Kenizzites (Caleb and Othniel),
proceeded to the conquest of the south country, while the house
of Joseph and the remaining tribes spread themselves towards
the north, and battled with the Canaanites with varying success.
In these later conquests it is probable that Joshua continued as
the leader of the tribe of Ephraim, to which he belonged, and
assisted them to make good their possession of the central
plateau of Canaan.
6. But whatever may have been the precise course of the
conquest, there is no doubt as to the results actually attained.
While Israel gradually acquired a dominating power in the land,
the Canaanites were by no means exterminated, nor did they lose
all power within the circle of the conquered territory. Judah
1 Wellhausen rejects the idea of a united invasion, and in order to find
room for a settlement of Simeon and Levi at Shechem (cf. Gen. xxxiv., xlix.
5-7), supposes a first invasion by Judah, Simeon, and Levi, — an invasion
almost abortive, — followed later by a second invasion of Joseph and the other
tribes under Joshua. Others (Kittel, Kent) suppose that the tribes of Judah
and Simeon separated from the rest after the capture of Jericho. It is
difficult to follow Wellhausen in the somewhat airy speculation with which
he starts ; and the argument for the separation of the tribes after the fall of
Jericho (Judg. i. 16, where the Kenite is said to have started with Judah for
the south from "the city of palm trees," i.e. Jericho) is not at all conclusive.
Gilgal near Jericho was for a long time the headquarters of Joshua's army.
It is hard to conceive the great battles of Gibeon and Merom otherwise than
as a supreme effort on both sides — coalition against coalition. Either we
must reject these battles as mythical, or we must take them as they are
represented, as the two great drastic victories of a united nation, which paved
the way for the further conquest of the land.

ESTABLISHMENT OF THE HEBREWS IN CANAAN 13
and Ephraim came off best : Judah seized the southern hill-
country between the Dead Sea and the land of the Philistines,
while the house of Joseph occupied the fertile land between
Jericho and the plain of Esdraelon. Yet Judah could make no
headway against the peoples in the valley (Avvim, Geshurites,
Philistines, and others), and only gradually acquired power. by
incorporating within its league various non-Israelitish clans ;
while to the northward of its territory it was separated from the
other tribes by a huge wedge of Canaanitish cities,1 which were
either allied with Israel, or independent. Another great line of
Canaanitish cities remained in the plain of Esdraelon,2 extend
ing between the Jordan and the sea. The tribes beyond the
great plain were even less successful. In the case of Asher and
Naphtali, it is even said that these tribes dwelt in the midst of
Canaanites.3 The last tribe to find a settlement was Dan, which
was forced to migrate from the south to the far north, to Laish,
near the sources of the Jordan.
7. Doubtless this subj'ugation of the land in detail occupied a
considerable time, and was carried out in a great variety of ways.
After the first enthusiastic onslaughts, in which the Hebrews
applied the terrible law of sacred extermination (Herem), and
carried all before them, the tribes would find it to their advantage
to league themselves with certain cities so as to war more freely
with others, or, when the issues of war were not decisive, to enter
into more permanent contracts of friendly alliance. In the north,
particularly, where Canaanite and Israelite mingled together and
divided the territory pretty equally, it is possible that the inter-
1 Jerusalem, Gibeon, Beeroth, Chephirah, Kiriathjearim, Aijalon, Shaalbim,
Beth-Shemesh, and Gezer (Josh. ix. 17 ; Judg. i. 29, 35). The accounts vary
as to Jebus or Jerusalem (cf. Josh. xv. 63, Judg. i. 21 with Judg. i. 8 :
the latter perhaps an anticipation of David's conquest), but in any case
Jerusalem remained in the hands of the Jebusites.
2 Beth-shan, Ibleam, Endor, Jezreel (?), Taanach, Megiddo, and Dor
(Josh. xvii. n-13; Judg. i. 27, 28). Shechem, to the south, likewise
remained in large measure a Canaanitish town (cf. the story of Abimelech,
Judg. ix.).
3 Judg. i. 32, 33.

14 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
penetration took place quite gradually and peaceably, and that
only by slow stages did the Hebrew tribes come to dominate
their neighbours. In the south also the Hebrews must have
come at last to some terms of mutual toleration and alliance
with the groups of Canaanitish towns that remained. In
Judah and elsewhere, the Hebrews had no hesitation in
strengthening themselves by friendly alliances with other
clans. The more rigid theory which regarded all alliance and
intermarriage with the Canaanites as an abomination, and
extended the law of Herem to -all without discrimination, was
certainly never applied, and probably represents a much later
standpoint.1 8. The Iron Age. — Scarcely had the Hebrews entered into
substantial possession of their territories, than they were called
to defend their possessions from new aspirants to the land. At
various times the tribes of Moab or Ammon or Midian swept
over the land, carrying death and desolation, and greatly out
numbering the forces that gathered for the defence. It was only
after a term of years, and by the most heroic efforts, that these
unwelcome visitants were expelled. At another time the
Canaanites of the north under Sisera made a supreme effort to
recover their position in the land, and for some time they carried
all before them ; but the prophetess Deborah woke the slumber
ing religious and national sentiment, — many of the tribes united
their strength under Barak's leadership, — and in one crowning
victory by the river Kishon the power of the Canaanite was
finally broken. Later still the Philistines appeared in the field,
and proved the deadliest foe the Hebrews had yet to encounter,
fastening on the land with the evident determination to establish
1 Cf. Deut. vii. 1-4, xx. 16-18, which prescribes the total destruction of all
Canaanites, and the prohibition of all covenants and intermarriage with
them. In several cases where the Herem is said to have been applied
(Josh x. 28-39), we must give the preference to the more exact accounts which
are preserved from earlier sources, which make no mention of the Herem
(Josh. xvi. 10, xv. 13-19 ; Judg. i. 10-15, 29)'

ESTABLISHMENT OF THE HEBREWS IN CANAAN 1 5
there a permanent sovereignty. They would probably have
succeeded, had not the very extremity of the Hebrews brought
about a strong reaction of national and religious feeling, by which
the power of Israel was revived.
9. The data are lacking for any exact and continuous account
of this troubled period. In the Book of Judges the various tribal
traditions have been gathered together, and set in a framework
that often fits but ill with the facts narrated. The vague word
"Judge" is applied indifferently to local warrior-heroes like
Samson, as well as to more or less national figures like Gideon
or Deborah : and it is only a misreading of the facts to think
that any definite office was implied, or that any individual so
named exercised a judicial authority over all Israel. During
those centuries of tribal anarchy there was evidently no such
thing as a national government, and only in rare instances did
national sentiment revive, and lead to a confederation of several
tribes against a common enemy.1 Nor has any solution been
found of the chronological problem : the harmonising attempts —
which apply the principle that many of the periods named are
synchronous instead of successive — can only lead to an un
certainty2 as to the actual facts. We must be content, there
fore, to regard this period as one of the darkest ages of Israel's
1 According to the Song of Deborah, Barak was followed by the men of
Benjamin, Ephraim, Machir (Manasseh), Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali.
Reuben, Gilead (Gad), Dan, and Asher are condemned for taking no part
in the conflict ; while Judah and Simeon are not even mentioned.
2 The chronological data of the Bible were doubtless meant to harmonise
with the general statement in 1 Kings vi. 1, that 480 years (twelve generations
of forty years) had elapsed between the exodus from Egypt and the building
of the temple in the fourth year of Solomon. But if we add together the
periods of the judges and the interregna of oppression as given in Judges,
we arrive at a total of 410 years, or, omitting the period of Samson as in
cluded in the time of Philistine oppression, 390 years. When we add to this
the 40 years of the wilderness journey, x for the time of Joshua, 20 or 40
for Eli, y for Samuel, 20 for Saul (?), 40 for David, and 4 for Solomon, we
have as total for the whole period (534 or) 514+*+/ years. The explana
tions given of the discrepancy are not wanting in suggestiveness ; but they
are not constructively helpful.

1 6 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
history, and its records as affording us only typical side glimpses
of the conditions that prevailed.
10. The story as now told in Judges takes the point of view
that all these invasions with their accompanying miseries were
a judgment on the Hebrews for their declension from the true
worship of Jehovah; and that all the heroic exploits which led
to the expulsion of the invaders were the tokens of Jehovah's
saving grace to a repentant people. The conception of a nation
passing through a succession of moral conditions — of corruption
followed by invasion, and again of repentance followed by deliver
ance — may imply a unity of national sentiment such as seldom
exists, and seems to present too mechanically the operations of
Providence ; yet the prophetic view has a substantial truth. The
great danger to which Israel was exposed at this time lay in its
association with the Canaanites. The conquerors of Canaan
were in many respects inferior to the peoples they had conquered,
and had much to learn from them in the arts of civilisation. They
adopted their methods of agriculture, and of settled city life ; they
had constant dealings with them in trade ; they learned from them
improved methods of war as well as improved habits of living in
time of peace. Intermarriage prevailed more or less extensively,
and as time went on the native peoples were more and more
absorbed by the ruling race. The danger was that the same
process should take place in the sphere of morals and religion ;
and that in these respects, too, the Canaanitish customs should
come to prevail. It was more than a danger : in point of fact
the two religions were to some extent fused, and the Baal-gods
of nature gave some of their attributes to the God of the Hebrews.
Both Israelite and Canaanite worshipped on the high places ; and
both held harvest thanksgiving festivals in similar fashion in
honour of the giver of oil and corn and wine. But what was
worse, the lower superstitions of the Canaanites affected the
very conception of Jehovah, narrowing His Divinity, localising
His presence, and so favouring the growth of a vulgar idolatry.
We have no reason to suppose that the Hebrews were altogether

ESTABLISHMENT OF THE HEBREWS IN CANAAN 1 7
free from idolatry even in the earlier Mosaic time ; but in these
later days the thought of Jehovah as the nation's God and
Saviour fell more and more into the background, and idolatry
greatly increased. We need only refer here to the ephod (or
idol of Jehovah) which Gideon set up at Ophrah, after which
"all Israel went a-whoring," to the similar idolatrous supersti
tions of the Danites,1 or to the terrible vow of Jephthah, implying
the recrudescence of human sacrifice. When such things were
possible, even among fervent believers in Jehovah, it is evident
that the very basis of Israel's worship of Jehovah, as distinct from
Canaanite Baalism, was in deadly peril. We may well believe,
therefore, that the calamities that befell Israel in the course of
these centuries were true chastisements of the Lord, leading the
people to fall back with more earnestness upon the God of their
fathers, their wonderful deliverer in the past. In the zeal of a
Barak or a Gideon, and in the inspiring Song of Deborah, we
see something of the nature of a spiritual revival. And when, in
the last years of this period, the Divine chastening came in its
utmost severity, — in the crisis of the Philistine oppression, — we
shall see Israel rising to its feet as a nation conscious of its unity
and strength, and, with Jehovah for its watchword, shaking itself
from its degradation, and ushering in a more hopeful era.
'Judg. xviii,

CHAPTER II.
THE FOUNDING OF THE KINGDOM.
Paragraphs 11-13. The Philistine Subjugation.
1 Sam. iv., xiii. 19-22.
n. The Philistines.
12. The Battle of Aphek.
13. Its disastrous Consequences for Israel.
14-20. Beginnings of Revival.
14. The Possibilities in Israel.
15. The religious Enthusiasts. 1 Sam. x. 5-7, 10-13, x'x> 18-24.
16. Their Influence on the People.
17. Estimate of their Significance.
18. Samuel's early Life and Activity. 1 Sam. vii. ; cf. also i.-iii.
19. The Necessity of Union, and the Idea of the Kingdom.
20., Samuel's Attitude to the Monarchy. 1 Sam. ix.-x. 16; cf. viii.,
.\. 17-24, xii.
21-27. Saul's Anointing and Self-dedication, i Sam. ix.-x. 16.
21. Saul's early Days.
22. His Meating with Samuel the Seer, who anoints him.
23. Saul among the Prophets.
24. The religious Crisis in Saul's Life.
25. Importance of such Moments of Enthusiasm.
26. Their Possibilities for the Future.
27. Was the Experience ever repeated? 1 Sam. xix. 18-24.
28-32. How Saul founded the Kingdom, i Sam. xi.
28. The Deliverance of Jabesh-Gilead.
29. Saul made King. 1 Sam. xi. 15 ; cf. x. 17-24.
30-32. Lessons from Saul's Elevation.
30. As due to Chance.
31. As due to Saul's heroic Energy.
32. As due to God's Choice.

CHAPTER II.
THE FOUNDING OF THE KINGDOM.
1 1. The Philistine Subjugation.— For many years the Philistines
were the foremost antagonists of Israel. They were intruders
in the land of Canaan like the Israelites themselves ; but the
time of their invasion — as indeed their entire earlier history-
is involved in great obscurity. They came originally from
Caphtor, commonly identified with the island of Crete— whence
probably the name Cherethites given to a southern Philistine
tribe ; while other indications imply a connection with Egypt.1
The various data are harmonised by the supposition that they
first wandered from Crete to the land of Egypt, and thence later
migrated to the coast-land of Canaan. The land they coveted
was then occupied by the Avvim, a Canaanitish tribe : dis
possessing these, they built up a small but powerful State in
the plains and coast-land to the west of Judah. Though not
of Canaanite origin, they seem to have readily amalgamated
with the Canaanite inhabitants, and to have adopted their
1 Amos ix. 7 ; Jer. xlvii. 4 ; c Sam. xxx. r4. In Gen. x. 14, the
"Casluhim" and the "Caphtorim" are mentioned together as the children
of Mizraim, i.e. Egypt, the Philistines being derived from the former tribe.
According to Maspero, the Philistines are to be identified with the " Pursati"
who are mentioned among the invaders of Egypt in the time of Ramses III.
(c. 1200 B.C. ). Defeated by that prince both by land and sea, they wandered
to the coast-land of Canaan, and were permitted to establish themselves
there as vassals of Egypt. 19

20 Israel's golden age
language and religion. They were a warlike people, further
advanced than Israel in civilisation and the arts of war. Their
five chief cities— Gaza, Askelon, Ashdod, Gath, and Ekron— were
ruled by independent military princes, who were closely united
in military confederation. It was the deadly conflict with this
warlike race which drew the tribes of Israel together, and led
to the founding of the kingdom.
12. In the preceding period of their history, the anarchic
period of the "Judges," the Israelites had frequently waged war
with their formidable neighbours in the plain. Fortune had
not declared decisively for either side. Probably neither felt
strong enough to attempt to dispossess or to subjugate the other :
the war for a long time was little more than a series of border-
raids without national significance. The story of Samson's ex
ploits is referable to such a period of desultory border warfare.
But at length— probably about the beginning of the eleventh
century — the war broke out on a national scale, and the
Philistines took a decisive step with a view to the conquest of
the highlands of Canaan. Assembling all their forces, they
moved northward by the plain of Sharon in the direction of
the valley of Jezreel. They were met by the Israelites at Aphek,
situated at the entrance of the valley of Dothan.1 The defenders
had mustered in great force. A double battle was fought, which
proved disastrous to the Israelites : multitudes were slain, while
the remnant of the army was routed and scattered. The ark of
Jehovah, too, which the Israelites had brought superstitiously
into the field, and on whose help they had counted on their
second onslaught, was captured by the victorious Philistines, and
placed as a trophy in the temple of Dagon at Ashdod.
13. How many of the tribes of Israel took part in this battle,
and shared in the crushing defeat, it is impossible to say ; but
it seems to have been quite decisive for the nation as a whole.
1 It is assumed here that this is the same Aphek as that mentioned in
1 Sam. xxix. It is not absolutely certain, however, that the two Apheks
are to be identified. Cf. G. A. Smith, Historical Geography, 401.

THE FOUNDING OF THE KINGDOM 21
The capture of the ark must have acted disastrously on the faith
of all the tribes : it would seem as if God had failed His people
in their hour of need, or even that Jehovah had proved inferior
in power to the rival gods of Philistia.1 This shock to faith must
have reacted upon the nation's courage, and weakened the hands
of any who might propose a renewal of the struggle. Nor does
it seem that Israel at that critical time had any leader to unite
the tribes and rally round him the scattered forces. All re
sistance was at an end ; and the Philistines proceeded at their
leisure to make themselves masters of the country. They
destroyed the sanctuary of Shiloh, and put the priests to the
sword : 2 they advanced as far south as Gibeah in Benjamin,
where they placed a resident governor : 3 and they acted as lords
of the whole land of Israel. The extent of their conquest may
be seen from the incidental notice in I Sam. xiii. 19-22, which
speaks of the total disarmament of the people. It may well be
believed that the order of disarmament was made really effective
only where the Philistines actually garrisoned the territory;4
but there can be little doubt that for half a century or more s
Israel was ground down under an iron heel.
14. Beginnings of Revival. — Though it seemed as if the spirit
¦> 1 An indication of this feeling may be found in the story of the later fortunes
of the ark. When the Philistines, smitten with superstitious fears, permitted
the return of the ark to Canaan, it was allowed to remain for afoout a century
in the half-Canaanitish town of Kiriath-jearim. It was only restored to
honour in David's time.
2 This is nowhere expressly mentioned, but may be gathered from Jer. vii.
12-14, xxvi. 6, and Ps. lxxviii. 60 ff. A few years later we find the descend
ants of Eli as priests at Nob.
3 1 Sam. xiii. 3. The word is also translated "garrison" and "pillar."
4 The order must have been largely evaded ; for Saul had no difficulty
in procuring arms for his soldiers when he set out — on short notice — to
the relief of Jabesh-Gilead.
5 Within this period must be included the "judgeship" of Samuel, as
narrated in 1 Sam. vii. Speaking roughly, there were two generations
between the date of the battle of Aphek and that of the battle of Michmash
in Saul's time ; for Ahijah, who was Saul's priest at Michmash, was grandson
of Phinehas, Eli's son, who was slain at Aphek (1 Sam. iv. 17, xiv. 3).

22 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
of the nation was finally broken, and nothing remained in prospect
but political extinction, the cause of Israel was not altogether
hopeless. Disunited outwardly, and still in the primitive stages
of organisation, the people yet retained certain elements of union
and strength that might be called into action. By their common
faith in Jehovah, as well as by the feeling of their common origin,
the tribes of Israel were spiritually bound together ; and in this
unity of faith and sentiment lay the possibility of powerful united
action. And if Israel did succumb, for the time, before the better
organised and disciplined hosts of the Philistines, the people
still possessed the untrained courage and independent spirit of
hillmen. If once these elements of faith, patriotism, and courage
were awakened and welded together, the Philistines might soon
find their suzerainty a thing of the past. These oppressors of
Israel apparently considered that their subjects had finally
reconciled themselves to their fate, and were all unaware that
beneath the thin crust of their military rule there slumbered a
volcano. 15. Now for the first time we hear of the "Bands, of the
Prophets." These were companies of religious men, who roused
their enthusiasm by the aids of music and song, accompanied
by dancing : falling at times into mad ecstasies which were
generally regarded as manifestations of the Divine working.
Little is positively known of these bands, who are here mentioned
only incidentally. It is possible that such companies appeared
even in earlier times, and that they came into special activity
in periods of gloom and national depression. We cannot avoid
connecting their appearance at this time with the calamities
caused by the Philistine subjugation. Their fervid songs would
give outlet — the only safe outlet in such times — to those national
and religious sentiments which the Philistines had done their
best to crush by their tyrannous domination as well as by the
destruction of Israel's sanctuaries.
16. In such times of national depression, religion and patriotism
would naturally go hand in hand. The cause of Jehovah was

THE FOUNDING OF THE KINGDOM 23
felt to be one with the cause of Israel ; and these bands of
enthusiasts represented both. Though not, in any definite sense,
teachers of the people, they would doubtless impart an enthusiasm
that would stir both courage and faith. Wandering in bands
throughout the country, and gathering round the high places
where the people assembled for worship, they roused the people
by their wild music and half-frenzied songs. Their fervid
"prophesying" naturally inflamed the hearers to a deeper
realisation of their subject condition, and to new desire to see
the land of Jehovah freed from the yoke of the foreigner.
17. How are we to judge of such ecstatic manifestations ?
They are by no means isolated phenomena : parallels may
readily be found among the Mahometans, in the dancing
dervishes who dance and" whirl themselves into ecstatic excite
ment ; or among Christians, in those zealots and fanatic sectaries,
who in various ages of the Church's history have astonished and
troubled the sober world by their extraordinary behaviour.
We should not too hastily condemn them. Religious feeling,
when it escapes from the ordinary channels of sober thought,
is like an inundation : it may exercise a fertilising power in
some directions, while producing havoc in others, till new
channels are found for reason and sober action. So we may
judge — not too contemptuously — of these roving companies of
prophets who sustained their enthusiasm or gave expression
to it by the help of music and dancing. They may be charged
with producing a spiritual fervour by unspiritual means, and
encouraging excesses of behaviour that bordered on insanity.
Yet we must remember that they were the forerunners of the
more orderly prophetic guilds of Elisha's time, and represented
the humble beginnings of the genuine prophetic spirit. And
they served a useful purpose : in those days of gloom they did
something to rekindle the faith and courage of the nation. Not
by teaching addressed to the understanding, but by strains of
rousing music and by enthusiastic praise of Jehovah, they
brought a message of hope to Israel, and helped to revive

24 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
patriotic zeal and religious faith. With all their rude fervours,
they represented the better spirit of the nation, now awaking
from the lethargy of dejection and despair to a new vision of
God, and a new world of order and righteousness.
1 8. Enthusiasm, however, requires guidance : and in this case
the directing mind was found in Samuel, the aged seer of
Ramah. An Ephraimite by birth, Samuel had come up to
Shiloh some time before the Philistine invasion, where he
assisted Eli in the service of the ark and the duties of the
priesthood. After the fatal battle of Aphek, followed by the
destruction of the sanctuary of Shiloh, he seems to have
returned to his native place of Ramah, where he discharged the
functions of priest of the high place. He also became known
in the neighbourhood as a seer, invested with undefined super
natural powers. It is possible that during the long period of
Philistine domination he exercised at times a much wider
influence ; and though the later accounts of his "judgeship" and
his successful war with the Philistines cannot be easily harmon
ised with the continuance of Israel's subjection,1 we may well
believe that Samuel had conferences with the heads of the
tribes, and urged upon -the people the necessity of repentance
and religious renovation. The danger was indeed imminent,
that under the Philistine yoke the people might lose faith in the
God of their fathers, and see little to choose between Jehovah
and the Baals of Canaanitish worship ; and no doubt Samuel
strenuously resisted the encroachment of heathenish supersti
tions. Samuel also saw the evils of the political situation, and
did his best to meet these. While seeking to strengthen the
people's faith and their loyalty to Jehovah, he also endeavoured
to revive their courage. Hence he could not but sympathise
with the prophetic bands as helping forward the reforming
movement.2 His own enthusiasm, however, was of a more
1 Compare i Sam. vii., especially vv. 13-17, with 1 Sam. ix. 16, xiii. 19-22.
2 He is represented, in a later account, as head over one of these bands
at Ramah (1 Sam. xix. 20).

THE FOUNDING OF THE KINGDOM 25
enlightened kind. He was not content to stir up religious
patriotic sentiment, but sought ways and means of realising the
ideal to which it pointed. While the roving bands revived the
dormant spirit of the people, Samuel took steps to direct the
rising sentiment into wholesome channels.
19. The sole hope of political redemption for Israel lay in
organised union. Past experience had abundantly proved that
isolation and tribal division meant weakness and constantly
recurring anarchy. The loose tribal organisation was no longer
adequate to the requirements of a people who were settling down
to habits of agriculture and trade, and who were surrounded by
envious and hostile nations. If they were to live and prosper,
some unifying organisation was absolutely necessary. Hitherto,
in case of emergency, Israel had contented itself with temporary
chieftains — tribal leaders (judges) who came to the front in the
hour of distress, but whose authority was only limited and
partial, and practically fell away when the pressing danger
ceased. What was needed for permanent development was a
power that should make itself felt over all the tribes, and bind
them together in organic union. Doubtless the idea of the
kingdom had long floated before the mind of Israel : it was
suggested by the customs of other nations. But hitherto the
necessity for it had not been so keenly felt, and the tribal feeling
was too strongly developed. Earlier attempts, like that of
Gideon's son, Abimelech, had resulted in little more than a
tribal kingship. The decline of this tribal sentiment favoured
the growth of a wider national aspiration, and paved the way
to the realisation of the ideal. The present crisis and the
burden of the common oppression forced matters to a head.
The salvation of the State now clearly lay in political unity, and
a movement began in Israel which favoured the establishment
of a monarchy. Samuel grasped the situation. He it was who
headed and directed the movement, and who found the suitable
man. 20. Was Samuel favourable to this movement from the

26 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
beginning? The earlier accounts differ very considerably from
the later on this point. According to the earlier narratives,1
Samuel acted upon his own initiative, and under the inspiration
of Divine guidance. God had looked upon the affliction of His
people, and their cry of distress had come up before Him.2
Evidently the institution of the kingdom was divinely approved,
as necessary for the deliverance of Israel from the oppression
of the Philistines ; and Samuel carried out the Divine will when
he anointed Saul, and inspired him to aim at the kingdom. But
this narrative is supplemented, or modified, by later accounts,3
which occupy a different standpoint. In these narratives the
terrible straits to which the people were reduced by the Philistine
domination are quite ignored ; and the demand for a monarchy
is connected merely with the maladministration of Samuel's sons
(viii. 5), or with the dread inspired by Nahash, king of Ammon
(xii. 12). The demand is represented as displeasing to Samuel,
who regarded it as a virtual rejection of the invisible sovereignty
' of God, and endeavoured to dissuade the people from their
purpose by showing them the arbitrary and despotic treatment
they might expect under a kingly government.4 These differing
accounts may be so far harmonised by supposing that at first
Samuel had very grave doubts as to such an innovation, regard
ing it as both sinful and unwise ; but that later he overcame his
scruples, — perhaps yielding to necessity, — and so took the direc
tion of a movement of which he originally disapproved. A
critical treatment of the sources has led others to the conclusion
that the earlier presentation of the facts is more firmly rooted in
the historical situation ; and that the other presentation is more
1 1 Sam. ix., a. 1-16, etc. 2 1 Sam. ix. 16 ; cf. LXX.
3 1 Sam. viii., a. 17-24, xii. etc.
* 1 Sam. viii. 7, 8, n-18, x. 19, xii. 17-20. The differing accounts really
start from different views of the historical situation. The earlier accounts
presuppose the crushing domination of the Philistines ; the later presuppose
that the Philistines have been expelled, and that Samuel and his sons have
been peacefully judging Israel. The attempt to harmonise such data does
justice to neither branch of the Bible narrative.

THE FOUNDING OF THE KINGDOM 27
probably a reflection of the unfavourable views which came
later into vogue, when the evils of monarchic government had
made themselves felt. That Samuel should have anticipated
some of these evils is not impossible ; but it seems more likely
that, seeing the obvious advantages that would accrue from
such an institution, he did his utmost to forward a movement so
essential to Israel's restoration.1
21. Saul's Anointing and Dedication. — Saul, the future king of
Israel, was the son of Kish, a well-to-do Benjamite of Gibeah.
Tall and strong and unassuming, he had hitherto found full scope
for his energies in tending his father's herds, and busying him
self with the duties of the field ; and he had therefore no
thought of the high destiny awaiting him. To him, as to
the Roman Cincinnatus, the call came while he was following
the plough. Saul may be said to have received a double call :
his contact with Samuel fired his soul, and the appeal of Jabesh-
Gilead called into definite action the inspiration he had received
from the prophet. In both cases alike Saul was pursuing his
homely duties when the higher call came.
22. It was a seeming accident that brought Saul into the
presence of Samuel. Some of his father's asses having strayed,
Saul was sent with one of the servants of his father's household
to seek them. He passed hither and thither through the hill-
country of Ephraim ; and for three days he searched and
inquired in vain. He was about to return, abandoning the
pursuit as hopeless, when his servant suggested that they
should visit the seer, whose city (Ramah) was close at hand.
Ascending to it accordingly, they found on inquiry that it was
a day of special feasting and sacrifice ; and they met Samuel
himself on his way to the high place. The seer recognised Saul
i The conception of the sinfulness of the monarchy as a defection from
God, it is futile to defend. The kingship did not take the place of a
theocracy, but of tribal leadership or anarchy. The germ of the unfavour
able opinion of monarchy is found in Deut. xvii. 14-20.

28 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
as the man of God's choice, the destined saviour of Israel from
the hand of the Philistines. Setting Saul's mind at rest as to
the lost asses, he brought him to the high place, gave him an
honoured place at the feast, and on parting the following morn
ing anointed him privately in Jehovah's name, at the same time
predicting, seer-like, what should befall him on his homeward
journey. We cannot doubt, too, that Samuel communicated
to the young man his ideas regarding the nation and its need of
a permanent head to save it from its present distress, and to
make it strong for Jehovah's cause. His solemn words fell on
willing ears : Saul's ambition was fired, and his spirit was
prepared for the future that lay before him. He departed home
with " another heart " — with a quickened patriotic ambition, and
with something added of the seer's religious fervour.
23. As Saul was returning to his home at Gibeah, he was
met by a band of prophets coming down from the high place in
the neighbouring "Gibeah of God."1 They were engaged in
prophesying after their fashion : singing and gesticulating, and
accompanying their action with the music of pipe and harp,
tabret and psaltery. It was a stirring, but for Saul probably no
unusual sight. In an ordinary mood Saul would have passed
them by without further consideration. Sensible, practical man
that he was, he had small respect for a fervour that spent itself
in stamping the ground and filling the air with noise. But now,
to the amazement of all who knew him formerly, Saul was for
once carried away by the contagion of spiritual excitement. By
his conversation with Samuel a new world had been opened up
to him ; and he was all the more susceptible to the yearnings
and the fervent faith which the prophetic music and chanting
naturally expressed. Forgetting, therefore, his usual dignity and
reserve, and yielding to the enthusiasm of the moment, Saul
threw off his upper garment and danced and gesticulated with
the rest.
1 For the difficult geographical question as to the various Gibeahs, see note
on p. 37.

THE FOUNDING OF THE KINGDOM 29
24. The saying that arose in consequence, " Is Saul among
the prophets ? " no doubt implied a certain criticism of Saul's
conduct. Though the people were accustomed to the eccentri
cities of the professed prophets, they could not but express their
wonder when they saw a man like Saul joining in their frenzied
excitement. Unaware of the significant event that had turned
Saul's mind into new channels, and remembering only the
usually placid, even phlegmatic character of the man, they were
astonished at the extraordinary change, and perhaps amused by
it. We need not join them, however, in such derision. We do
not deny the crudeness, or even, in part, the fanaticism, of the
faith that stirred in these early prophets. By their want of
intelligence, their disregard of propriety, and their appeal to
mere emotion, they stood on a different platform from the later
prophets, — men who were afire with the sense of the Divine
righteousness, and who gave clear guidance to the nation. Yet
we may well believe that Saul was a better man when, in the
first flush of his new ideals, he yielded to the influence of these
humble forerunners of the prophets, and to the Divine impulses
they inspired. It proved at least that his soul was awake and
responsive, and accessible to thoughts and feelings that were
formerly strange to him : the religious nature of the man had
clearly burst the ordinary conventional bonds. In the new
prospect opened up by Samuel, which stirred his blood to lofty
ambition, there mingled, doubtless, many conflicting motives ;
and it was still a question whether the merely personal element
was to win the upper hand in the moulding of his aims, or
whether his new life was to be sanctified by a spirit of self-
surrender to God's will and of unselfish devotion to the well-being
of the people. Now the decision was made. As he encountered
the band of prophets with their stirring message, it was as if God
spoke to him through their enthusiasm, calling him to yield
himself in self-forgetting devotion to the great cause of his
people's redemption. In responding to the prophetic summons,
he was submitting to the power of the spiritual, and so preparing

30 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
himself solemnly for the new task awaiting him. He would have
his new commission cleansed from earthliness : he would hallow
his patriotic ambition by unsheathing his sword in righteousness,
and devoting himself to God's service. That was the real hour
of Saul's conversion, his spiritual baptism of fire ! As he joined
the enthusiasts, and threw himself heart and soul into their
prophesying, Saul felt that he was entering on new paths, and
that, personal ambitions were being absorbed by the holier aim
to which he now consecrated himself — the service of Jehovah in
the deliverance of his country.
25. Such crises of feeling, and apparent turning-points of life,
occur at times in all men's experience. There are moments
even in the dullest ajid most prosaic mind, when unknown springs
are opened, when higher impulses reveal themselves, and the
things of God come home to the heart with a new power of
appeal. It may be a case where the solemn questions of life
force themselves upon the mind, requiring a sincere decision ;
or where one stands at the parting of the ways, and widely
different motives strive within for the mastery. For the moment,
it may be, better impulses prevail, and the whole nature is up
lifted in a transport of impassioned thought and feeling. The
man is transformed by the new enthusiasm : to his friends and
neighbours he seems like another man. His ordinary reserve is
laid aside : his self-regarding instincts are lost in a current of
wider affections : he has yielded himself, body, s'oul, and spirit,
to the mighty influence of the Spirit that has taken possession of
him. It seems as if a new life had begun which must flow hence
forth in pure and noble channels.
26. The promise of such moments of high vision js not always
belied. They may prove the beginning of a new life in God, a
life begun in great tempest of soul, but persevered in long after
the inspiring strains of the early enthusiasm have passed away.
The life once swayed by diviner impulses will often remain faith
ful to the Divine voice when it resumes the burden of daily duty,
and, when the inundation of holy fervour subsides, may bear

THE FOUNDING OF THE KINGDOM 3 1
back to the ordinary channels new streams of devotion, and
energy, and patient hope. But we have also to recognise the
warning fact — very solemnly illustrated in Saul's life — that the
result may be quite otherwise. The real test comes later, when
the first glow has passed and the cold light of everyday experience
returns. The momentary surrender to religious enthusiasm is no
guarantee of permanent conversion.
27. Was this baptism of fire ever repeated in the case of Saul ?
It is probable enough that the later account which describes a
precisely similar experience is but a repetition of the story here
given.1 Yet it is not inconceivable that in later years, when
Saul's life was darkened by morbid jealousy and despondency,
similar circumstances might recall vividly the feelings of the
past, and even awaken flashes of similar enthusiasm.2
28. How Saul founded the Kingdom. — Though Saul's mind was
now fired with the ambition to establish the kingdom in Israel,.
and deliver his country from the hated domination, he concealed
his thoughts in his own breast until a definite opportunity of
action should present itself. Samuel had advised him to act as
God would inspire him, when the occasion came ; 3 but the path
to be pursued was not yet made clear, and therefore he returned
to his former occupations in his father's house at Gibeah. The
opportunity for which he waited came in an unexpected way.
On the other side of Jordan, the town of Jabesh in Gilead was
sore beset by the Ammonites under King Nahash. In all prob
ability Nahash had seized the opportunity afforded by Israel's
weak and divided state, and sought to enlarge his kingdom in
the east, as the Philistines had done west of the Jordan. The
1 1 Sam. x. 10-13 and xix- 23> 24> which are both treated as giving rise
to the proverb of "Saul among the prophets," are usually taken as duplicate
versions of the same story. In that case the preference must lie with the
former of the two narratives, if only on psychological grounds.
2 Cf. F. D. Maurice, Prophets and Kings, chap. ii. , where this point of
view is earnestly and eloquently presented.
8 1 Sam. x. 7.

32 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
Jabeshites were almost reduced to the point of surrender ; but
the terms of submission proposed to Jabesh were cruelly hard,
namely, that their lives should be preserved, but that all fighting
men should be deprived of their right eyes. This atrocious
condition, which if carried out would incapacitate the Jabeshites
from further warfare, they had provisionally to accept : they agreed
to capitulate in seven days unless the town was relieved. Mean
while they hastened to send messengers to their brethren beyond
Jordan, appealing pitifully for help in their cruel situation. The
appeal, however, would have been unavailing — such, no doubt,
was the depression of spirit caused by the long-continued
Philistine domination — had not the painful news come to the
ears of Saul. He was driving his oxen home from the plough
when the summons came ; and he accepted it as Heaven's call.
While others helplessly lamented, Saul forthwith proceeded to
act. Hewing a yoke of oxen in pieces, he sent the bloody tokens
hither and thither through the land of Israel, with the accom
panying threat that whoever neglected the summons should have
his own oxen similarly treated. The summons so impressively
given was immediately and widely obeyed. Mustering his forces
hurriedly at Besek (between Shechem and Beth-shan), Saul
crossed the Jordan during the night, and surprised the enemy in
the early dawn. The Ammonites were completely defeated ; and
Jabesh was relieved from its dire extremity.
29. The eyes of all Israel were naturally turned to the man
who had so conspicuously served them, and shown such able
generalship. In the joy of their great victory the tribes gathered
at Gilgal, between Jericho and the Jordan, one of their ancient
mustering-places. There they hailed Saul as their king, and
solemnly ratified their election by offering public sacrifice to the
God of Israel.
30. lessons from Saul's Elevation. — We may profitably look
back at this point, and trace the different elements that contri
buted to bring about the elevation of Saul to the kingdom.

THE FOUNDING OF THE KINGDOM 33
It was attributable in part to a marvellous chance. Saul went
out to seek his father's asses, and he found — a kingdom ! Had
the asses not been lost, Saul in all likelihood would not have
travelled so far south as to Ramah ; and not having met Samuel,
he might never have imagined for himself any other life than the
ploughing of his father's fields, and the tending of his flocks and
herds. On such a trifle, as it seems, the fate of Saul and of the
kingdom hung ! And in all the ordinary experience of life,
similarly, how great a place — under God— we must often attribute
to the trifling incident ! How frequently good and evil fortune
alike seem to have been dependent on a word, an accident, a
chance coincidence ! If we trace any of the great events or
achievements known to us, we often find the train laid in some
passing remark or straw of circumstance, which came in at the
critical moment, and determined, mayhap, the whole further trend
and colour of men's lives.
31. But beneath the chances that make themselves visible on
life's surface, there lies another, a more essential element of
greatness ; and we have a profounder truth in the second picture
of Saul's elevation, which represents it as the reward of his own
worth and warlike energy. Greatness is not really determined
by chances, but by the capacity of a man to use them. In the
hour of his nation's need, when Jabesh was hard beset, Saul
found the opportunity of revealing his worth. In this case, be
it noted, the chance was given not to Saul only, but to all
patriotic men in Israel. Saul alone acted upon it : he showed
his worthiness to be king by doing kingly service. By his
successful deliverance of Jabesh, by the promptitude and energy
displayed in effecting it, he showed himself to be head and
shoulders above the people, not in stature merely, but in
character and elevation of spirit. Can we fail to read the deep
moral lesson? No heroic achievement is explained, and no
man's greatness is determined, by mere chances or accidents.
These only determine the platform or sphere of a man's activity.
The determining factor lies in the man's worth and character, in
3

34 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
his skill to take hold of opportunity, in his readiness to act nobly
when the occasion comes. Had Saul been other than the man
he was, he might have gone out to seek the asses, and met
Samuel a hundred times, and gained nothing by it ! And so,
generally speaking, the amazingly fruitful accident is but the
straw on the surface of the stream ; and there flows beneath it,
where true greatness is achieved, a whole river of high motive,
earnest resolve, and daring deeds, which carry the man on to his
achievement. 32. Still another picture represents the elevation of Saul as
being due to God's choice.1 A later narrative shows the people
gathering in their families and tribes before Jehovah at Mizpah,
where in the presence of Samuel the sacred lot was cast. The
result was the selection of Saul as the man of the Divine choice.
We may allow the letter of this later story to pass, if only the
essential lesson is preserved. We may prefer to see the choice
of God revealed more surely in the circumstances that brought
Saul before the notice of Samuel, and in the proofs he gave of
his fitness for kingly power. But we shall miss something of the
truth, if we forget that Saul was in very deed the man of God's
choice. That he was called and ordained of God, gifted with
special powers of body and mind for the task of sovereignty,
and surrounded by opportunities devised to give these powers
scope — this, at least, was the faith of Samuel who anointed him,
and of those who crowned him king. And must we not trace
Saul's later failure to fulfil his high calling to the fact that he
himself had too little faith in this high determining element in
his career. If we may anticipate the impression of his later life,
Saul had too little sense of his grave responsibility. Hence came
his later acts of unchecked passion and tyranny ; his jealousy
unworthy of a king ; his failure to prove himself after all a king
after God's own heart. It was because he, and those who
followed him on the throne, failed — as all did fail more or
less— to realise fully their high calling, that there arose among
* 1 Sam. a. 17-24.

THE FOUNDING OF THE KINGDOM 35
the later prophets of Israel the ideal of a King to come, who
should " reign in righteousness " and maintain on earth the moral
order : a king on whom " the Spirit of the Lord should rest, who
should not judge after the sight of the eyes, nor reprove after the
hearing of the ears, but with righteousness should judge the poor,
and reprove with equity for the meek of the earth."

CHAPTER III.
THE EXPLOITS OF KING SAUL.
Paragraphs 33-39. War of Independence, i Sam. xiii.
i-7«, 15^-23, xiv. 1-46.
33. Preparations for War with the Philistines.
34. Opening of the War.
35. Position of the Armies at Michmash.
36. Jonathan's Exploit.
37. Defeat of the Philistines.
38. Saul's ill-advised Taboo.
39. Importance of the Victory of Michmash.
40-44. Further Conquests.
40. War with Edom, Moab, Ammon, Syria. 1 Sam. xiv. 47-52.
41. Harsh Treatment of the Canaanites. 2 Sam. xxi. 2.
42. Religious War against Amalek. 1 Sam. xv. 1-9.
43. Saul's Disobedience to the Law of Herem.
44. How far worthy of Condemnation.
45-50. Saul's Estrangement from Samuel, i Sam. xv. 10-35,
xiii. 8-14.
45. Samuel's Anger and Judgment of Saul.
46. His Conduct at Gilgal.
47. Another Version of the Cause of Estrangement.
48. Conclusion as to Saul's Attitude to the Prophetic Party.
49. The Temptation of Saul's exalted Position.
50. The Breach with Samuel ominous for the Future.

CHAPTER III.
THE EXPLOITS OF KING SAUL.
33. The War of Independence. — Though Saul was now formally
installed as king of Israel, he had still to enter into effective
possession of his kingdom. The Philistines who still dominated
the country must have regarded the new step as unfavourable
to their pretensions over the land, and as virtually an act of
rebellion against their authority. Saul knew he must prepare
to make good his kingship against this dreaded enemy ; and he
lost no time in strengthening his position. Taking advantage of
the enthusiasm of the tribes who had hailed him king, he retained
with him under arms three thousand of the people, putting a
third of his force under the command of his son Jonathan ; and
advancing from Gilgal, he took up his position in the central
heights of Benjamin, at Michmash, Bethel, and Geba (Gibeah).1
1 As the text of chaps, xiii. and xiv. now stands, there is evident confusion
between the two names, Geba and Gibeah. Thus Geba (xiv. 5), Geba of
Benjamin (xiii. 16), Gibeah (xiv. 2), and Gibeah of Benjamin (xiv. 16, xiii. 2)
are used to denote the place of Saul's encampment ; and again, the Philistine
governor's station, previously named Gibeah or Gibeah of God (x. 5, 10), is
here named Geba (xiii. 3). A third place of the same name was Saul's home,
Gibeah or Gibeah of Saul (x. 26, xi. 4). Of these, Geba and Gibeah of Saul
are expressly distinguished in Isa. x. 29. In all probability the site of Saul's
encampment (we call it Geba throughout) was the hill now called Jeba : it
stands opposite Michmash (Mukhmas), from which it is separated by a deep
ravine, the Wady es Suweinit. Saul's Gibeah was probably the modern Tulel
el Ful, lying about three miles south-west of Jeba. From the allusions made
37

38 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
34. The signal of the war was given by Jonathan, who slew
the military governor1 left in the district by the Philistines.
Thereupon the Philistines prepared for a new invasion of the
land, while Saul appealed to the tribes for further reinforcements.
These not being forthcoming, Saul was obliged to retreat from
his northern positions, which the enemy occupied. The advancing
hosts inspired so much dread that the Israelites scattered in all
directions, seeking safety in rocks and caves. It seemed as if the
spirit of the people, which had risen for the moment in response
to the heroic enthusiasm of Saul, had now been as suddenly
quenched at the approach of their old oppressors. Instead of
being reinforced, Saul's army was sadly reduced : when he joined
forces with Jonathan at Geba, his three thousand men had shrunk
to six hundred.
35. The two armies were now in sight of each other. Saul's
camp at Geba was separated from that of the Philistines at
Michmash by a ravine with steep and almost inaccessible
rocks on either side. Saul had chosen his ground well. The
Philistines saw that the small army opposed to them were in a
position to make a strong defence. Instead, therefore, of making
any immediate onslaught, they contented themselves with posting
a garrison on the hill overlooking the valley, and occupied their
time in raiding all the country to the north, and on either side of
Michmash. 36. The situation was an extremely critical one for Saul and
the six hundred men who "followed trembling" after their
leader. It required some heroism even to face the Philistine
to Gibeah of God (the governor's residence) in chap, x., one naturally
concludes that it was a sacred place in the near neighbourhood of Saul's
Gibeah ; but G. A. Smith identifies it with Ram-allah near El-Bire
(Historical Geography, p. 250).
1 The word here used (N'cibh) is not the usual word for garrison, and should
probably be rendered either "governor, military officer," or, as the LXX
suggests, a "pillar set up in token of victory." The expression "Jonathan
smote (or slew) the N'cibh" favours the former of the two renderings ; but,
whichever be preferred, the significance of the deed would be much the
same.

THE EXPLOITS OF KING SAUL 39
hosts with such a paltry and timorous band. Jonathan relieved
the situation by a daring single-handed exploit which was remark
ably successful, and turned the scales against the invaders.
Trusting in Jehovah's help, and taking advantage of the dispersion
of the Philistines on their marauding excursions, he devised a
surprise. Without a word to anyone else, he and his armour-
bearer descended into the ravine, and then climbed boldly up
by the crag on the other side. As they proceeded they were
observed by some of the Philistine garrison, who invited them
scoffingly to approach without fear ; apparently they were
mistaken for some timorous Israelites who had fled from
Michmash and hidden themselves in the ravine on the approach
of the Philistines. Interpreting the invitation as a Divine
presage of success, they drew near accordingly, and fell un
expectedly on the garrison, slaying a number of them. The
rest, fearing an ambush of the Israelites, took to flight, and
carried disorder into the Philistine host. The various bands,
encamped on the surrounding hills or returning from their foray,
were seized in their turn with panic, and fled in all directions.
37. The increasing confusion was so apparent that the watch
men of Saul's army noticed it from the other side of the valley.
On hearing the report of it, Saul called to him the priest with the
ephod,1 that he might learn Jehovah's will ; but before the
inquiry could be concluded he saw that time pressed, and resolved
on immediate action. He at once crossed over with his men,
and joined battle with the enemy. The Philistines were already
in terror and confusion ; and Saul's advancing army completed
their discomfiture. Moreover, those of the Israelites who had
previously deserted to the Philistine side, or perhaps had been
pressed into the service of their lords, now turned round and
aided in their overthrow ; while others who had hidden them-
1 The LXX reading is clearly to be preferred. The ark at this time was
at Kiriath-jearim, and no mention is made of its being brought to Geba.
The "ephod" was not the linen ephod of the priestly dress, but an image of
Jehovah which was used in early times in giving Divine oracles (so in
Judg. xvii. and xviii. ; 1 Sam. xxi. 9, xxiii. 6, 9, xxx. 7).

40 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
selves through fear came forth from their hiding-places and
joined in the pursuit. The Philistines never recovered from
their confusion, but gave way on every hand before an enemy
that seemed to emerge from the ground. They were driven in
headlong flight, first in a north-westerly direction to Beth-aven,
and thence across the watershed and down the pass of Beth-horon
to Aijalon — a distance of about twenty miles.
38. The defeat of the Philistines would have been still more
crushing, had not Saul, in the excitement of victory, rashly laid
a curse on the people if they should partake of food before the
evening. His motive was not merely to ensure that there should
be no relaxation of the pursuit, but to propitiate further the
Divine favour by a special act of self-denial. The result of this
unfortunate taboo was that the people who feared and respected
it began to faint for want of food, so that the vigour of the
pursuit was weakened. Still further untoward consequences
befell. Being ignorant of the taboo, Jonathan partook of a little
honey which he had gathered in passing through a forest. The
people, also, at the close of the day when the taboo ceased, flew
upon the spoil, and slaughtered and ate without regarding the
usual sacrificial rites. Fearing the consequences of this breach
of religious custom, Saul commanded that a great stone should
be brought, and that the animals should be solemnly slain and
their blood offered before the Lord. For his unwitting dis
obedience to his father's taboo, Jonathan would have been put to
death in spite of his heroic exploit. The people, however, inter
vened on behalf of their hero, and insisted that he should be
ransomed.1 On the spot where he had set the sacrificial stone,
Saul built an altar to Jehovah, in grateful recognition of his
marvellous victory.
39. The battle of Michmash was really the Bannockburn of
1 Some have thought that a human victim was substituted : if so, the fact
has been omitted by a later editor. It has been pointed out, however, that
animal substitutes were not unknown in the early laws (Ex. xiii. 14, 15,
xxxiv. 20).

THE EXPLOITS OF KING SAUL 4 1
Israel's earlier history. The victory was a decisive one : it
shattered the Philistine domination, and secured Saul in his
position as king of Israel. And besides delivering the nation
from subjection, it yielded moral results in the national life that
were even more permanent. The national faith in Jehovah was
revived and strengthened ; and at the same time the blessings
of national unity were more clearly realised. The people awoke
to a new consciousness of their power, and a new confidence in
God and their king, which could not fail to bear fruit in the
expansion of the nation's life.
40. Saul's further Conquests. — The Bible writers do not aim
at giving a consecutive political history, nor indeed had they
material for such a history before them. We are not told
whether the Philistines withdrew at once from the land, or how
long they left Israel at peace before renewing their pretensions
of sovereignty. Nor are details given in regard to many wars
which Saul waged successfully with other nations bordering
on his kingdom. With the exception of the Amalekite war,
Saul's achievements are very briefly summarised. We are told
that he warred successfully with Edom, Moab, Ammon, the
kings of Zobah and Beth-Rehob, — Syrian tribes inhabiting the
country between Gilead and Damascus, — as well as with the
Amalekites and the Philistines. It is probable that Saul had
other wars with the Ammonites besides his famous campaign
for the relief of Jabesh-Gilead, and that — as happened later
under David — the Ammonites called the kings of Zobah and
Beth-Rehob as their allies into the conflict with Israel. From
the summary given, we are justified in concluding that wherever
Saul turned he was able to hold his own, and to drive beyond the
borders of his kingdom all those nations that had formerly taken
advantage of Israel's weakness. During Saul's reign, Israel was
master of its own territory.
41. With a view to strengthen his kingdom, Saul seems also to
have taken certain measures against the Canaanites that remained

42 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
in the land. We have already seen that at the time of the first
conquest of Canaan the Israelites had left here and there
throughout the land considerable zones of Canaanitish towns.
In process of time many of these had declined in power, and
had been absorbed by Israel ; but there were still several places
in the very centre of Canaan — such as Jerusalem, Gibeon, Beeroth,
and possibly other places in that neighbourhood — which remained
under Canaanitish rule, and were more or less independent.
Such towns in the heart of Israel hindered the unifying of the
nation, and might well be regarded as rally points for Israel's
enemies. Apparently Saul desired to suppress their independ
ence, or to bring them more completely under his authority.
This he tried to accomplish by force. He secured the submission
of Beeroth ; and he pressed hard on the Gibeonites, forgetting
the old bond of alliance (Josh. ix.). Though he stopped short
in his repressive measures, he was later charged with having
put many of the Gibeonites to death.1 The policy of Saul was
continued under better auspices by David, when he took
Jerusalem from the Jebusites, and made it the capital of his
kingdom. 42. The story of the Amalekite war is narrated with more
fulness, and is specially interesting as illustrating the old custom
of Herem, or the law of sacred extermination ; and, further, as
explaining Samuel's estrangement from Saul. The Amalekites
— a nomad horde inhabiting the Sinai peninsula — had been from
the time of Moses the sworn enemies of Israel. They had often
raided Judah, and had joined with Moab and Ammon and the
Midianites in devastating the land of Israel.2 Now that Israel
was strong enough to take a long-desired vengeance,3 a sacred
war was proclaimed. The word went forth from Samuel that
Amalek should be devoted to destruction : neither man, woman,
child, nor any living thing was to be spared. Saul accepted
1 The scanty data are found in 2 Sam. xxi. i, 2, iv. 2, 3.
2 Ex. xvii. 8-16 ; Judg. iii. 13, vi. 3.
3 Cf. Deut. xxv. 17-19.

THE EXPLOITS OF KING SAUL 43
this terrible charge as a Divine command, and proceeded to put
it in force. He advanced with a large force of soldiers from
Telaim, below Hebron ; and, after giving the friendly tribe of
the Kenites a warning to depart from among the Amalekites,
he surprised his enemies, and inflicted upon them a crushing
defeat, pursuing them even to the borders of Egypt. Pitilessly,
he carried out the command of Jehovah in regard to the Amalekite
captives : with the single exception of King Agag, they were
immediately put to the sword. The destruction of property was
less complete : the less valuable part of the spoil was destroyed,
but the best of the sheep and cattle were spared. Saul returned
in triumph to Carmel,1 where he erected a trophy of his victory ;
and thence he proceeded with his army and the spoils of war to
Gilgal, to offer sacrifices of burnt-offerings to Jehovah.
43. In one respect Saul's war with Amalek was eminently
successful : the blow thus dealt was so decisive in its results,
that though they remained to harass Israel's borders with
their roving bands,2 they were never again a formidable foe
to Israel. But Saul had come short of what was expected of
him : he had failed to obey literally the charge to exterminate
Amalek. It is true the law of Herem did not invariably require
the total destruction of the spoil. The cattle and the spoil were
sometimes reserved for the use of the people themselves ; while
again, in other cases, the valuables were brought into the treasury
and dedicated thus to Jehovah — as in the case of Jericho.3 But
in this particular case the understanding on which Saul entered
on the campaign was that Amalek should be entirely consumed.
In saving Agag and the best part of the spoil, Saul fell short
of what was conceived to be a sacred and inviolable religious
duty. 44. The question whether Saul is to be condemned for his
failure to carry out to the letter the cruel law of extermination
1 A Calebite town lying about seven miles south of Hebron.
2 1 Sam. xxx. r
3 Josh. vi. 19, ai, 24 ; Deut. ii. 34, 35.

44 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
is not to be answered off hand. It leads back to another question,
namely, whether Saul in disobeying the sacred custom was follow
ing the leading of his better conscience ? An old legend tells us
that Christ once came upon a man who was labouring on the
Sabbath day, and so breaking the letter of the religious law as
to the Sabbath rest ; and He said to him, " Man, if thou knowest
what thou doest, blessed art thou ; but if thou knowest not,
God's curse is upon thee ! " In other words, if the action is
motived by a contemptuous disregard of the standing law, it
is wrong ; but if it is inspired by some higher principle revealed
to conscience, it is right, and will be blessed of God. Here,
similarly, Saul's disobedience to the sacred law of the Herem
must be judged in the light of the principle or motive from
which he acted. If he spared Agag from genuine sympathy
and fellow-feeling, or from a horror of shedding more human
blood ; and if he spared the sheep and oxen from the rising
doubt whether God could really have desired or commanded
such a purposeless slaughter : in that case we should certainly
be justified in approving his disobedience as a mark of his clearer
insight into God's will, and as one of those acts of humanity
which led in time to the abolition of a barbarous practice. But
there is also the other possibility ; and in view of all the circum
stances it is only too probable that Saul was acting here from
merely personal motives and against his conscience of what duty
required ; and that he spared Agag with a view to his own self-
glorification, and the rich spoil from motives of greed. It was
certainly in this dark light that Samuel regarded Saul's conduct ;
and in the narrative of their discourse with one another at Gilgal,
Saul spoke as a guilty man whose own conscience condemned
him. 45. Estrangement from Samuel.— As the story proceeds to
narrate, Samuel received a Divine intimation of what had
befallen. Angry and grieved at Saul's failure to carry out
his commission, he went to confront the rebellious king at

THE EXPLOITS OF KING SAUL 45
Gilgal. Saul met him with smooth words : he had done
substantially all that was required of him ! He admitted that
the people had taken the best of the spoil ; but represented
that this was done not from any motives of greed, but in order
to offer sacrifice to the God of the armies of Israel, who had
crowned their crusade with success. Samuel was unmoved by
such excuses. He assumed that Saul had spared Agag simply
to grace his triumph, and the spoil to gratify his own or the
people's avarice : the pretence of sacrifice was only a hypo
critical excuse. " Does Jehovah delight in offerings and sacrifices,
As in obeying the voice of Jehovah?
Behold, to obey is more than richest sacrifice,
And to hearken than the fat of rams.
For rebellion is as the sin of soothsaying,
And stubborness as idolatry and Teraphim.
Because thou hast rejected the word of Jehovah,
He has rejected thee from the kingdom of Israel."
46. In accordance with this stern judgment, Samuel made as
though he would depart from the king, with the evident intention
of taking no further part in the Gilgal celebrations. Saul sought
to detain him by laying hold of his garment ; but Samuel tore
himself from his grasp, and the garment was rent. The prophet
interpreted this as a sign that the kingdom was rent from Saul,
and given to another and a better man. On Saul's reiterated
request, however, Samuel was so far appeased that he remained
to be present at the sacrifice, and did not break openly with the
king. He did what he could to repair Saul's fault : he com
manded that the captive king should be brought before him,
and solemnly hewed him in pieces with his own hand : so
carrying out the intention of the law of Herem, which Saul had
too lightly disregarded. Henceforth he had no further dealings
with Saul, but retired to Ramah, where he mourned over the
fallen king as a father grieves over his prodigal son.
47. This story — which belongs to a secondary stratum of the

46 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
narrative — can scarcely be taken as affording a complete explana
tion of the estrangement that took place between Saul and the
prophetic party. Another explanation is elsewhere given :
connected, this too, with a sacrifice at Gilgal, and dating
apparently from the beginning of Saul's career.1 According
to this-version of the story, the prophet fell out with Saul at
the very opening of the Philistine war. Saul was at Gilgal
with his forces, waiting till Samuel should come and offer
sacrifice. He waited the seven days appointed by the prophet,
and then, as Samuel did not appear, and further delay seemed
dangerous, Saul acted as his own priest, and offered sacrifice
with his own hands. Samuel appeared at the close of the
sacrifice, and, denouncing the king's folly, he declared that for
this act of disobedience his kingdom should not stand. This
story does not clearly explain how the difference was caused.
We are not told why Saul should be asked to wait for seven
days at Gilgal, ¦ in circumstances that were extremely critical :
the evident reference to Samuel's saying at the time of Saul's
anointing (i Sam. x. 8) throws no light on the matter.2 Further,
according to the story as it stands, Saul waited the literal seven
days, and only proceeded to offer the sacrifice when Samuel
failed to appear at the appointed time. We must conceive
Saul's sin to have lain either in being too anxious to proceed
with the sacrifice, or in presuming to take the priestly function
upon himself; yet the first might seem excusable in such a
critical situation, and the last would more readily be regarded
as a sin in later times, when the stricter priestly legislation was
established.3 The main value of this story is the indication it
1 i Sam. x. 8, xiii. jb-i^a.
2 Both the story and the reference in i Sam. x. 8 are evidently later
insertions in the narrative, and neither is very happily placed. Between
the time of Saul's anointing and the opening of the Philistine war, many
things must have happened which Samuel could not have precisely antici
pated. 3 H. P. Smith (International Critical Commentary), who speaks of "the
straits of the commentators," seems to afford another instance of them

THE EXPLOITS OF KING SAUL 47
gives that there were more grounds than one of Saul's difference
with Samuel.
48. Without pronouncing definitely on the causes of the
difference between Saul and Samuel, we may reasonably
conjecture that a fair understanding continued for some time
between king and prophet, and that many causes contributed
to bring matters to an actual rupture. Not only did Saul at
the beginning prove a brave warrior and an able leader, but
to a certain extent also he had the religious welfare of the people
at heart. It was probably under Samuel's inspiration and guid
ance that he- endeavoured to purify the religious life of Israel
by expelling from the land the soothsayers and those who had
familiar spirits — people who made their livelihood by preying
on the darkest superstitions of the people.1 Doubtless he held
Samuel and the prophets in high honour as God's representatives
. and spokesmen ; and he himself had once been touched by the
Divine fire of religious enthusiasm.
49. But Saul's success was his danger. Only a man of great
strength of character could rise to such a perilous height of
power and keep his soul unimpaired. Think of the revolution
that took place in this man's life, when he stood forth from the
ranks approved by his stalwart form, his merits, his successes,
to receive the virgin-crown of Israel ; and when there rose to
heaven, with the smoke of the burning sacrifice, the joyful
shout of an enthusiastic people, " Long live the King ! " How
exulting must have been the pride of his achievements ! How
grateful the incense of the people's praise !
" For lo, thou art grown to a monarch ; a people is thine ;
And all gifts, which the world offers singly, on one head combine !
High ambition, and deeds which surpass it, fame crowning them, — all
Brought to bear on the head of one creature — King Saul ! "

when he says, "The only conclusion to which we can come is that the
author glorifies the sovereign will of Yahweh, who rejects and chooses
according to His own good pleasure."
1 1 Sam. xxviii. 3.

48 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
Saul's achievements and success, unaccompanied by the spirit
of obedience and steadfast adherence to God's will, seem to have
proved his ruin. They led to an increase of self-will, and gave
increasing opportunity for the exercise of despotic power. The
keen eye of Samuel may have detected the weak spot in Saul's
character long before it came to an open rupture ; and many
acts on Saul's part, now forgotten, may have contributed to the
growing estrangement.
50. However it came about, the breach with the prophets was
ominous for Saul. It was a breach with what was best in the
religious life of the nation. It was a sign that Saul was moving
away from the better principles that first actuated him : it was
the first cloud of the gathering storm that was soon to sweep
over his life, darkening his mind, and marring the natural nobility
of his character.

CHAPTER IV.
SAUL AND DAVID.
Paragraphs 51-56. David's Introduction to Saul's Court.
1 Sam. xvi.-xvii.
51. David's early Life. 1 Sam. xvi. 1-13.
52. Saul's Melancholy. 1 Sam. xvi. 14-23.
53. David as Court Minstrel.
54. Story of the Fight with Goliath. 1 Sam. xvii.-xviii. 5.
55. Difficulty of harmonising Details of Tradition.
56. David's Friendship with Jonathan.
57-67. David's Advancement and Saul's Jealousy.
I Sam. xviii. -xxi.
57. David's further Promotion : the Septuagint Version. I Sam. xviii.
6-30.
58. David the Nation's Favourite.
59. The Song of the Women, and rising Jealousy of Saul.
60. The Unworthiness of Saul's Attitude to David.
61. The Jealousy at first concealed.
62. David's Marriage with Saul's Daughter.
63. Saul's Attempt on David's Life : David's Escape. I Sam. xix. 1-17.
64. Other Traditions as to David's Escape. 1 Sam. xx.
65. Stories of David's further Flight. 1 Sam. xix. 18-24, xxi- I0rl5-
66. David flees southward by Nob to Adullam. 1 Sam. xxi. 1-9.
67. Saul's Vengeance on the Nob Priesthood. 1 Sam. xxii. 6-23.
68-74. David's Outlaw Life, i Sam. xxii. -xxvii.
68. In the Stronghold of Adullam. 1 Sam. xxii. 1-5 ; 1 Chron.
xii. 8-1 8.
69. The Deliverance of Keilah. 1 Sam. xxiii. 1-13.
70. The Freebooter Captain in Southern Judah.
71. Dealings with Nabal the Calebite. 1 Sam. xxv.
72. Saul's Pursuit of David. I Sam. xxiii. 14-xxiv., xxvi.
73. David passes over to the Philistines. I Sam. xxvii. 1-6.
74. David's double game at Ziklag. 1 Sam. xxvii. 7-12.

CHAPTER IV.
SAUL AND DAVID.
51. David's Introduction to Court. — David, the son of Jesse,
belonged to a Bethlehemite family of some note, being descended
through Boaz from the ancient heads of the tribe of Judah. As
the youngest son of a large household,1 he had to take a humble
position in the family : he was occupied in keeping his father's
sheep on the desert steppes of Judah. In the simple and hardy
life of a shepherd, he developed that physical strength and
power of endurance which later stood him in good stead ; while
he also acquired some skill in music, and beguiled his leisure
hours by playing on the harp (or rather guitar). He grew up to
manhood a comely, valiant, thoughtful, and prudent lad, who
believed in the future of his people, and trusted in his people's
God. 52. It was his skill in music that first brought David under
Saul's notice. In the latter years of his reign the king had
become subject to strange fits of melancholy. An " evil spirit
from the Lord " troubled him, showing itself in morbid seizures
which alarmed those who were about his person. The manner
in which these fits are described indicates that a change for the
worse was taking place in Saul's character, and that the Divine
spirit of his earlier days no longer inspired him. The cause of
1 He was the seventh son of Jesse according to 1 Chron. ii. 15, the eighth
according to r Sam. xvii. 12, 14.

52 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
this change is nowhere definitely explained, but we can scarcely
help connecting it with his breach with Samuel and the prophetic
party. Saul had begun his government of Israel with something
of the prophetic enthusiasm, and probably for some time had
been guided by the ideals of Samuel. In delivering the land
from the oppressor, in exterminating Amalek, in adopting sharp
measures for the suppression of the Canaanites, and in banishing
from the land those who professed communion with the ghost-
world, he was led by religious as well as by political motives,
and was doubtless inspired by prophetic influences. The es
trangement of this powerful party in the State must have left
Saul ill at ease. His breach with Samuel was a breach with his
own conscience : he felt that he was drifting from the policy in
spired by his earlier faith. He was angered, too, by the isolation
of his position, and perhaps felt its insecurity ; for, indeed, it was
hardly safe for a king in those days to be out of touch with the
religious spirit of his nation. Saul's moodiness increased : his
spirit was darkened by a brooding suspicion which manifested
itself in fits of settled gloom or outbreaks of frenzied passion.
53. To relieve such fits of melancholy, David the young
minstrel was brought to court : Saul's advisers conceiving that
the soothing power of music might work a cure. David's playing
had the desired effect : Saul was roused from his gloomy fit by
David's skill. Perhaps the sight of the valiant youth, as well as
converse with one whose faith was still fresh and untroubled,
combined with the power of music and song to effect the cure.
Saul came in time to love the youth ; and as he relied upon his
help when his morbid fits recurred, he attached him permanently
to his court by making him his armour-bearer.1
1 The beautiful story of the anointing of David by Samuel at Bethlehem
belongs to one of the latest strands of the narrative, and there are insuper
able difficulties in the way of its being regarded as historical in the modern
sense. Not only do David's father and brethren fail to show any re
membrance of such a significant act (1 Sam. xvii. 17-28), but David him
self later speaks of Saul as "the Lord's anointed" (xxiv. 6, xxvi. 9), and
makes no such claim in regard to himself (cf. especially xviii. 23). To

SAUL AND DAVID 53
54. Another version of the tradition in regard to David's in
troduction lo Saul rests it not on his. musical gifts, but upon a
notable feat of arms. According to this story, David was still at
Bethlehem tending his father's flocks, while his brethren were with
King Saul in the west, fighting against the Philistines, Though
a brave lad, he was not yet a warrior : indeed, he was but a
boy, quite unaccustomed to the use of arms (xvii. 33, 39, 42).
The inveterate enemies of Israel had marched into the hill-
country of Judah as far as Ephesdammim and the Vale of Elah,
about sixteen miles westward from Bethlehem,1 Saul's army
was encamped on the opposite side of the valley, and separated
from the enemy by a ravine or torrent-bed. As the armies
faced each other, a champion came forth from the Philistines,
Goliath of Gath. He was a giant in stature, being ten feet high :
he was cased in bronze, and armed with javelin, sword, and
spear. An attendant preceded him, bearing an enormous shield.
This formidable champion challenged the army of Israel tb find
a man who would dare meet him in single fight. Morning and
evening, for forty days in succession, he stood forth and defied
the army of Israel ; but though Saul made large offers to the
man who should slay the challenger, no one ventured to risk such
an encounter. By accident the young David arrived in the
camp : he had been sent by his father with food for his brethren,
and to learn how they fared. Hearing of the challenge, and
explain this silence, it has been supposed that the unction of David was not
understood at the time, and that perhaps it was regarded by those present
as a "part of the usual consecration of the guests in a sacrificial feast"
(W. R. Smith). This explanation really robs the symbolic act of its mean
ing ; for if Samuel veiled the significance of the rite from David and from
his family, the intention of the rite must have been entirely unfulfilled.
Keeping in view both textual and critical grounds, we must be content to
take the story as a concrete picture of the truth that David was destined by
God from the beginning for his high vocation ; that he was in truth the
Lord's anointed, and the man after God's own heart.
1 The Vale of Elah is the modern Wady es-Sant, or valley of acacias.
Ephesdammim is mentioned elsewhere as a well-known battlefield, and a
scene of victory over the Philistines, in David's reign (1 Chron. xi. 13 and
2 Sam. xxiii. 9).

54 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
observing the general dismay in the camp, David at once offered
to do battle with the giant. He was brought before Saul, and,
after overcoming the king's scruples as to his youth and inex
perience, he went forth to meet Goliath with no other armour
than his shepherd's staff and his sling. There ensued words of
mutual defiance : the young hero meeting the contempt and the
curses of his enemy with a confidence resting on faith in the God
of the armies of Israel. As the combatants drew nearer, David
put a stone into his sling— he had gathered it from the pebbly
torrent-bed close at hand— and shot it with unerring aim at the
Philistine. It sank into his forehead ; and while he lay stunned
upon the ground, David ran forward, pulled the giant's sword
from its sheath, and cut off his head. At the death of their
champion, the Philistines were dismayed : they broke and fled
in disorder, and the Israelites pursued them beyond the border.
At the close of the battle David was called into Saul's presence,
and inquiry made of his name and lineage ; whereupon the king
attached the young hero to his service, and gave him a military
command. 55. This story of David's wonderful exploit in the Vale of Elah
is hardly to be brought into line with that which attributes his
introduction to Saul's court to his musical gifts. The two stories
may be partly harmonised by giving the preference to the shorter
form of chap, xvii., as presented in the Septuagint Version. If,
with the Septuagint, we omit those sections which tell of David's .
coming up from Bethlehem, and Saul's latter inquiry as to the
young stranger,1 the remainder of the story is more nearly con
sistent with the account of the preceding chapter. We might
then suppose that David was in the field of Elah as Saul's armour-
bearer ; and with the omission of the last verses of the chapter
the difficulty as to Saul's ignorance of his favourite attendant
disappears. This explanation, however, does not quite attain its
end ; for even in the shortened form of the narrative the hero is
1 The omissions of the LXX are xvii. 12-31, 41, 48*, 50, 55-58, xviii. 1-5.
There are a few other small variations.

SAUL AND DAVID 55
still a boy who has come straight from the sheepfolds, and knows
little of war or courts. In the preceding chapter, the David who
came to Saul's court as musician and armour-bearer was already
a "mighty man of valour and a man of war" (ver. 18) : not a
youth, therefore, who needed to be equipped for the first time
with the accoutrements of war, and still less a mere ruddy lad
whose appearance would strike a Philistine with contempt.- It
seems better, therefore, to leave the story as it stands in our
Bibles, and to admit freely that we have several accounts — not
always consistent — of David's early rise to notice and fame.
This admission is all the more necessary in the present case, as
we have another tradition recorded elsewhere (2 Sam. xxi. 19),
according to which Goliath of Gath was slain in the following
reign by one of David's mighty men— a Bethlehemite named
Elhanan. 56. While there is thus a difficulty in harmonising the stories
of David's early life, we cannot doubt the uniform tradition that
David performed wonderful exploits in the war with the
Philistines, and so acquired favour in the eyes of Saul and all the
people. By his valorous deeds and his modest behaviour he also
gained the lifelong friendship of Jonathan, Saul's most valiant
son. The two heroes exchanged armour in token of comradeship ;
and in the darker days that were near at hand David found in
Jonathan a helpful and loyal friend.
57. David's Advancement and Saul's Jealousy. — The story of
David's further promotion and of the beginnings of Saul's
jealousy is given in the eighteenth chapter, where again the
Septuagint Version differs considerably (chiefly by way of
omissions) from the Hebrew text. The former has been generally
accepted by modern critics as marking the earlier strand of
narrative, and gives a more consecutive account of the growth
of Saul's jealousy, as advancing step by step with David's
promotion. According to this version, the story reads as
follows : —

56 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
."And. the women came out of all the cities of Israel,
dancing in unison, to meet David, with timbrels and with
joy and with cymbals. And" the women came out playing ;
and they sang, Saul has smitten his thousands, and David
his ten thousands. And this thing appeared grievous in
the eyes of Saul ; and he said, To David they have ascribed
the ten thousands, to me they have ascribed the thousands.
And Saul was afraid of David, and he removed him from
him, and appointed him his captain over a thousand ; and he
went out and came in before the people. Now David was
prudent in all his ways ; and the Lord was with him. And
Saul saw that he behaved very wisely ; and he stood in awe
of him. And all Israel and Judah loved David ; for he went
out and came in before the people. And Michal the
daughter of Saul loved David ; and it was told Saul ; and
the thing was pleasing in his eyes. And Saul said, I will
give her to him, and she will be a snare to him. And the
hand of the Philistines was against Saul (?). And Saul
commanded his servants, saying, Commune ye secretly with
David, and say, Behold, the king hath delight in thee, and
all his servants love thee : become the king's son-in-law.
And Saul's servants spake these words in the ears of David.
But David said, Seemeth it to you a light thing to be the
king's son-in-law? for I am a poor man, and of no repute.
And the servants of Saul recounted to him according to
these words spoken by David. And Saul said, Thus shall
ye say to David. The king desireth not any dowry, but an
hundred foreskins of the Philistines. Now Saul thought to
make David fall into the hands of the Philistines. And Saul's
servants told David these words ; and David was pleased
with the idea of being the king's son-in-law. And David
arose, and went, he and his men, and smote of the
Philistines a hundred men. And he brought their foreskins ;
and he became the king's son-in-law, and Saul gave him his
daughter Michal to wife. And Saul saw that the Lord was
with David, and all Israel loved him ; and he stood yet the
more in awe of David." 1
1 It will be noticed that this version makes no mention of the proposed
alliance with Merab, or of the passionate outbreak of frenzy on' Saul's part.
The latter, psychologically considered, seems to be antedated. The Merab

.SAUL .AND DAVID 57
58. Following this version, we have an intelligible account
of the growth of Saul's jealousy, as advancing step by step with
David's promotion. It seems to presuppose more than the
single duel recounted in the previous chapter. The story of
David's fight with Goliath may therefore be taken as a typical
• picture of many other battles with the Philistines in which David
championed the cause of Israel, and gave proof of signal bravery.
By his warlike deeds, combined with the charm of youth, and
his attractive personality, he speedily rose to be the favourite
hero of the nation ; and ere long Saul himself had to stand
second in the praises of Israel.
59. Thus we are told how, on one occasion, when Saul and
David returned from the wars, the women streamed forth from
the towns to greet the warriors and to celebrate their victory
with music and dancing.1 Doubtless they sang the praises of
Jehovah, the God of battles, and of Saul their admired leader
and king. But above even the name of Saul they set that of
their favourite hero David, the champion of Israel, who had won
his laurels in many a hard fight, and had led his soldiers from
victory to victory. Their song was summarised in the refrain :
"Saul hath slain his thousands,
And David his ten thousands."
These words represent probably a summary of the language used :
the drift rather than the exact words of their song of triumph. It
is enough to suppose that the women dwelt somewhat longer on
David's merits than on those of Saul, or that they manifested
a more lively enthusiasm when they sang the praises of the
younger hero. Without meaning to cast any slight upon Saul,
incident may refer to Saul's failure to implement his promise to give his
daughter to the slayer of Goliath. As the story of David's marriage with
Michal takes no account of such a promise, the addition regarding Merab is
probably to be referred to a later source.
1 "The Bedawin women still dance out with singing to meet the warriors
returning from a foray" (H. P. Smith, quoting Doughty's Travels in Arabia
Deserta).

58 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
they might easily betray in words quite respectful to the king,
the general feeling that David stood first in their estimation. In
any case Saul felt himself depreciated : it was as if a wrong had
been done to him. It is not easy for any man who has been
accustomed to take the first place to content himself with a lower.
And Saul was keenly jealous of his reputation. Chosen as king
over Israel, not by any prescriptive title, but because of his
personal energy and valour, it was natural that he, the nation's
foremost man, should desire to maintain his position as the first
warrior of his people. No wonder, therefore, he was displeased
when the suggestion came to him, by his own observation and
the praises so liberally bestowed on David, that he was being
eclipsed by his former armour-bearer.
60. The jealousy was natural ; but, on the other hand, if Saul
had been a better man, he would have submitted with a good
grace to the people's estimate of David's superiority. Had he
remembered that the true aim of every Israelite was not his own
advantage or fame, but the independence and might and
prosperity of Israel, he would not have been so readily offended.
Had he possessed the generous spirit of Jonathan, he would
have accepted David's warlike ability as a Heaven-sent gift to
the nation ; and, repressing any feeling of soreness at the young
hero's superior success, he would have rejoiced that such a valiant
warrior had arisen in Israel. His growing jealousy indicated
that Saul's character was changing for the worse. Now that he
was king, he was yielding to the temptation of his high position :
his generous devotion of spirit was on the decline ; the private
interest of the king was weighing more with him than the public
good of the kingdom.
61. For a considerable time Saul kept his jealousy carefully
concealed in his own bosom. He did not yield to it all at
once : he may have even battled against it as unworthy of his
better nature. Certain it is that for some time David was
publicly honoured ; and those who knew nothing of the king's
secret mind thought of him as standing high in Saul's favour,

SAUL AND DAVID 59
and entrusted at times with the most important king's business.
Saul appointed him to a command in the army, making him
captain of a thousand; he gave him other commissions, in proof
of his confidence ; finally, he retained him at court, and made
him captain of the bodyguard.1
62. Honour and success followed David in every undertaking ;
the favour of the people increased. He was still further exalted
by his marriage with Michal, the daughter of Saul : a union which
was favoured by Saul himself, and gave David new dignity in
the eyes of the people. Had Saul's jealousy been fully awake
from the first, and his suspicion of David's loyalty aroused, he
would scarcely have entertained any proposal of intermarriage
with his rival, and still less would he have furthered it ; but it is
quite conceivable that he acted with a divided mind. He felt
that the alliance with the hero would be an honour to his family,
and so he approved and furthered the marriage ; yet he allowed
his jealousy to guide him in the matter of the purchase-money —
the slaying of a hundred Philistines by David's own hand. By
safely fulfilling the hard condition, David not only acquired new
reputation, but added still more fuel to the flame of the king's
jealousy. 63. The jealousy of the king became at length so fierce and
uncontrolled that it could no longer be hidden. Jonathan first
saw the impending danger, and, warning his friend to keep
himself in hiding, he spoke with his father in the field, and ex
postulated with him. He so far succeeded in his efforts that
Saul for the moment abandoned his evil designs. But new
successes of David over the Philistines revived Saul's jealousy
and raised it to an ungovernable pitch of hatred. A new fit of
brooding melancholy seized the king. Unconscious of danger,
David, as was his wont, was playing before him on the guitar,
when Saul, transported to frenzy, cast his javelin at him, and
tried to pin him to the wall. David evaded the weapon, escaped
1 1 Sam. xxi. 2 and xxii. 14, where "is taken into thy council" should
probably be read " is captain over thy bodyguard."

6o ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
from -Saul's presence, and fled to his own house. Saul's mind
was now made up, apparently, to rid himself of his enemy : he
had David's house surrounded by guards, who were to slay him
when he came forth in the morning.1 David, however, escaped
through the window by night. His wife assisted his escape by
pretending to Saul's messengers that he was ill, and placing the
teraph or household idol in his bed to further the deception.
The trick gave David time to make good his escape from the
district of Gibeah.
64. An independent and parallel account of David's escape,
and of previous efforts of Jonathan in his favour, is given in
chap, xx., which goes back to a time when David was still at
court, and when no one apparently suspected Saul's evil intentions
but David himself. Jonathan could hardly be convinced that
David's suspicions were well founded.2 The friends agreed,
however, that David should remain in hiding' for three days, and
that Jonathan should seek to discover the king's mind when he
remarked on David's absence from the royal table. It was also
arranged that David should on the third day be in concealment
near to a certain heap of stones, and that Jonathan should
indicate to his friend the result of his observations by means of
his archery practice, and his calls to the lad who went to gather
the arrows. David's suspicions proved to be correct. On the
first day of David's absence Saul gave no sign ; but on the second
he broke out into stormy invective against both David himself
and Jonathan who befriended him ; and finally he was so
maddened by anger and blind passion that he cast his spear at
his own son. Saul's hatred of David was thus quite apparent.
Jonathan left the table in anger ; and the next day he gave
David the required sign with the arrows, letting him know that
his only safety lay in flight. Thereafter followed an affecting
1 It was contrary to Oriental morals to invade a sleeping foe, and par
ticularly to violate the women's apartments.
- This could not have been the case if David had already been assaulted by
Saul, and had just escaped from Saul's soldiers.

SAUL AND DAVID 6l
interview between the two friends, in which they took leave of
one another, after sealing their covenant of friendship anew with
their tears.1
65. David's further flight is likewise the subject of several
traditions. Passing by the narratives which refer to his flight
to Ramah, and to a momentary appearance at Gath,2 we follow
here the main narrative, which tells of David's flight southward.
66. It was natural that David should seek refuge in his own
tribe. The mountain fastnesses of Judah afforded many a place
of concealment ; and there he would be out of Saul's immediate
reach. As he passed south, he halted at Nob, which lay a little
northward of Jerusalem. It seems that the priesthood of Eli's
house had removed to this place after the destruction of Shiloh ;
so that Nob was at this time one of the chief sanctuaries of
Israel.8 Ahimelech, the priest of the sanctuary, showed all
honour to David, evidently regarding him still as the king's
favourite ; but he was amazed to see him travelling alone.
David, fearing to be suspected, professed to have received a
secret commission from Saul, and one requiring special haste ;
and he persuaded Ahimelech to give him of the sacred bread of
the sanctuary, as well as to inquire at the oracle for him.4 David
then proceeded on his journey, and found refuge in the strong
hold of Adullam.
67. Ahimelech paid dear for his unsuspecting hospitality.
When Saul heard that David had received friendly treatment at
1 The story halts somewhat at the close ; for if the two friends could meet
and converse, the device of the arrows was quite unnecessary. In any case
the double device was not needed ; for if Saul proved favourable to David,
there was no need for further concealment. It is possible that some needful
details have been omitted.
2 These are evidently duplicate versions ; cf. 1 Sam. xix. 18-24 with x.
10-13, and xxi. 10-15 with xxvii.
3 The chief priest at Nob, Ahimelech, son of Ahitub, is doubtless the
same person as Ahijah, son of Ahitub, and great-grandson of Eli, who served
Saul in. his opening war with the Philistines (cf. 1 Sam. xiv. 3). The name-
endings Melech (king) and Jah (Jehovah) have practically the same meaning.
4 Ahimelech is also said to have given David the sword of Goliath, which
had been laid up beside the ephod as a trophy of victory.

62 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
Nob, he summoned Ahimelech and all the priestly household,
and in the heat of senseless rage commanded them to be slain.
The only man he could get to do the abominable deed was Doeg
the Edomite, the wretch who had first given information against
the priests. It is said that eighty-five persons in all were put to
death ; and at the same time the town of Nob was utterly laid
waste, men, women, and children being ruthlessly put to the
sword. Only one priest escaped — Abiathar, one of Ahimelech's
sons. This descendant of Eli fled with the ephod to David, who
welcomed him all the more cordially that he had been the un
witting occasion of his family's doom.
68. David's Outlaw Life. — David remained some time at
Adullam. This stronghold lay probably in the west of Judah,
not far from Socoh and Azekah and the Vale of Elah.1 It was
an ancient royal town of the Canaanites, and may possibly have
been in their possession when David came seeking protection
from Saul's wrath. In this town or in its neighbourhood David
found security, and he did not remain alone for long. There
gathered around him the warriors of his- family and kindred
from Bethlehem and Judah ; and amongst these were the brave
sons of Zeruiah, — Joab, Abishai, and Asahel, — who were hence
forth devoted to his cause.2 As David's breach with Saul
became known, men came from all quarters to follow his
standard. We hear of several heroes from the tribe of Gad,
who came from beyond Jordan to follow the fortunes of the
new chieftain. In addition to these, a motley company gathered
at Adullam, men who found themselves in difficulties, or in debt,
or smarting under the oppression of tyranny. David was fain
to welcome every one who came with arms in his hand and a
stout heart ; himself outlawed, he had perforce to join company
1 Its site is marked by some ruins bearing the name Aid el Ma. There are
rows of caves in the neighbourhood. Cf. Josh. xii. 15, xv. 35.
2 The sons of Zeruiah were relatives of David, 2 Sam. xvii. 25, xix. 13.
According to 1 Chron, ii. 16, Zeruiah was David's sister.

SAUL AND DAVID 63
with men who had broken the law, as well as innocent sufferers
from it. The suspicions he expressed when one band of men
came to him, — under Amasai, — and which were allayed only when
the chief of the band made the strongest asseverations of loyalty
(1 Chron. xii. 16-18), may be taken as a passing indication that
there were among his followers men of little principle, who would
betray their leader if they found it to their advantage.. David
had to adapt himself to his position. He was an outlaw and a
captain of outlaws ; and while his personal influence and his firm
rule might cause some degree of order and justice to prevail, the
life at Adullam was inevitably a life of rudeness and violence. It
was, no doubt, with a view to provide his parents with a quieter
refuge than Adullam afforded, that David sent them beyond the
Jordan, and secured for them the hospitality of the King of Moab.1
Meantime at Adullam his unruly followers increased ; and David
had soon a formidable band, four hundred strong.
69. One of the first exploits of the outlaws greatly increased
their credit with the men of Judah. A few miles south of the
fortress of Adullam lay the fortified town of Keilah. The Philis
tines had come up in considerable force, and not only robbed the
threshing-floors of the newly harvested grain, but felt strong
enough to attack the town of Keilah itself. The news of the
attack reached David ; , and after making careful inquiry of
Jehovah by means of the ephod, and receiving all encouragement,
he bravely attacked and smote the Philistine besiegers, and saved
the town. The people of Keilah welcomed their deliverer ; and
David would have continued in the place, which was more com
modious than Adullam for his growing army, had he not heard
that Saul was making great preparations against him. Fearing
that his retreat might be cut off, and that in the event of a siege
the inhabitants of Keilah might secure themselves by betraying
him into Saul's hands, he followed the advice of the sacred oracle,
and departed from the town.
1 What became of David's parents later we are not told. Perhaps they did
not live to see their son exalted to the throne.

64 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
70. With his company, now increased to six hundred, David
betook himself to the southern hill-country of Judah, and to the
neighbourhood of Hebron. Here he lived the life of a freebooter
captain, roaming from place to place and levying contributions
from the surrounding townships. In the pressing need of his
situation, it is too probable that the rights of property were often
disregarded ; and no doubt there were some — the Ziphites, for
example — who would willingly have seen the district rid of such
high-handed outlaws. Yet, on the whole,^David seems to have
cultivated friendly relations with the families and townships of
Judah. He and his six hundred men gave some return for the
blackmail levied in the district, by defending the land from the
marauding Amalekite and other tribes, which not infrequently
made incursions upon the southern borders ; and it is possible
that David pursued the same generous method as he did later,1
and did not forget to reward his friends of Judah by sharing with
them any booty he might gain in his more distant expeditions.
71. That David acted with tact and moderation in this period
of outlawry, is witnessed by the story of his dealings with the
Calebite family. Nabal, a wealthy sheepowner of Maon, who
was a member of this clan, was celebrating the feast of sheep-
shearing at Carmel,2 when David sent messengers to him
requesting a contribution in return for the protection he had
afforded to his herdsmen and flocks. Nabal was little inclined
to favour the freebooters, still less to contribute to their support :
he returned an insolent answer. David at once ordered his men
to arm, and advanced to chastise the man who had defied him ;
and it would have gone hard with Nabal had it not been for his
wife Abigail, who anticipated David's intended vengeance by
winning words and a handsome present. Nabal died soon
after ; and David united the strong family of Caleb to his
interests by taking Abigail to wife.
1 When at Ziklag, 1 Sam. xxx. 26-31.
2 Modern Kurmul. Ziph, Maon, and Carmel were all on the same plateau,
a few miles south of Hebron.

SAUL AND DAVID 65
72. So long as David was in the fortress of Adullam, Saul
took no active measures against the outlaw ; and though he
prepared to attack him in Keilah, he abandoned his purpose on
hearing of David's withdrawal from that place. But his jealousy
allowed him no rest. He made many attempts to discover
David's retreat in southern Judah, and to crush what he re
garded as a rebellion. David had apparently made himself
obnoxious to the neighbouring people of Ziph : they acted the
part of traitorous spies, and reported David's whereabouts to
the king. The story of Saul's pursuit is told at great length,
and in varying traditions. These recount how on one occasion
David and his men had a very narrow escape. Hearing that
Saul was in close pursuit, they hid themselves among the rugged
crags of the wilderness of Maon. Saul advanced so near them
that his force rounded one side of the hill when David and his
men were descending upon the other. The fugitives would
scarcely have escaped capture, had not Saul been turned from
the pursuit by the news of a Philistine raid, which required his
immediate attention. On a later occasion the story tells how
the pursuer came into the power of the pursued, and how David
came upon Saul when he was off his guard. David might have
put his bitter enemy to death, and was even incited to do so by
those who stood by; but he magnanimously refrained. "The
Lord forbid," he said, "that I should stretch forth my hand
against the Lord's anointed ! " By such a chivalrous act David
showed clearly that he had as yet no ambition to substitute
himself for Saul on the throne, and that the king's suspicions
of him were quite unfounded.
73. David's position in Judah became at length so insecure,
that in desperation he decided to pass over to the Philistines.
Both as a patriot and as a religious man, he must have hesitated
long to take such a step ; for the Philistines were the sworn
enemies of his country, and to quit the land of Jehovah was in
a measure to lose the sense of Jehovah's presence.1 He seemed,
1 Cf. 1 Sam. xxvi. 19.
5

66 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
however, to have no alternative ; and accordingly he made pro
posals to King Achish of Gath, which were readily accepted.
Achish handed over Ziklag in the south country1 to David and
his followers ; and they removed thither with their wives and
families. The King of Gath doubtless regarded his new allies
as vassals : they were expected to bear arms in the Philistine
interest, to give account to the king of their movements, possibly
also to pay tribute.
74. That this step was matter of necessity rather than of choice
on David's part, was shown by his conduct during the sixteen
months of his stay at Ziklag. He was not disloyal at heart to
his country ; he was, in fact, pursuing a double game. While
pretending to be warring with the people of Judah and the allied
tribes, the Kenites and Jerahmeelites, — so giving Achish the im
pression that he was now bound to the Philistine interest, — David
really directed his raids against the enemies of Israel farther
south, the Amalekites and other hostile tribes. For greater
security in this course of deception, he prosecuted these wars
with a relentless thoroughness, annihilating whatever hostile
bands he encountered, and leaving neither man nor woman
alive to report his doings to the King of Gath.
1 Its position is probably marked by the ruins of Zuhelike, which lie east
ward from Gaza.

CHAPTER V.
MOUNT GILBOA.
Paragraphs 75-87.
75. New Advance of the Philistines, i Sam. xxviii. 1, 2, xxix.
76. David's Escape from a Dilemma.
77. Burning of Ziklag, and David's Vengeange. i Sam. xxx.
78. His triumphant Return.
79. Saul's Consultation of the Witch of Endor. 1 Sam. xxviii. 3-25.
80. Mount Gilboa. i Sam. xxxi.
81. The resultant Extension of the Philistine Power.
82. The gracious Deed of the Men of Jabesh-Gilead.
84-87. General Estimate of Saul.
84. General Review.
85. Saul's Life a Failure.
86. Its better Side.
87. David's Judgment to be accepted.

CHAPTER V.

MOUNT GILBOA.

75. New Advance of the Philistines. — The Philistines now took
advantage of the divided state of Israel to make a united effort
to recover their former prestige and power. Summoning all
their forces from the various cities, they moved northward in
different companies toward Esdraelon and the valley of Jezreel.1
Among the princes that gathered to the war was Achish, king
of Gath. He summoned his vassals in force, and David among
the rest. The Israelite outlaw had evidently won the full con
fidence of Achish ; and when David professed, in ambiguous
terms, his allegiance, and his willingness to join the Philistine
army, he was so thoroughly satisfied with his vassal that he
gave him a new appointment as chief of his bodyguard. In
the circumstances David felt obliged to accept the honour, and
to take the field against his own country. He did so, we may
believe, with no light heart, and hoping that God would show
him a way out of the dilemma.
76. In fact his deliverance came about in a very simple way.
When the forces were being reviewed at Aphek 3 — the rendezvous
1 The two names are often used indifferently and applied to the entire
plain that stretches between the Jordan and the sea above Mount Carmel.
Properly speaking, the valley of Jezreel is the eastern portion between Jezreel
and the Jordan ; while the great Plain to the west, through which the Kishon
flows, was later called Esdraelon.
2 1 Sam. xxix. 1, 2 ; cf. iv. 1. Aphek was probably situated in the plain

70 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
of the Philistine host— the other lords of the Philistines objected
to the presence of David in the army. They knew him only
as the champion of their enemies; and they very naturally
feared that the man who had once been, as they thought, a
traitor, might prove traitor again. In spite of the testimony of
Achish in his favour, they insisted that David should return
to Ziklag. David made a feint of being insulted by their want
of confidence -, but he was only too glad to be extricated from
a serious difficulty. He took his departure ; while the Philistines
Continued their advance northward, and, entering Esdraelon by
the valley of Dothan, took up their position at Shunem, which
lay on the north side of the valley, and on the southern declivity
of Little Hermon. Saul, who had hastily gathered his forces
to meet them, encamped on the opposing ground of Mount
Gilboa, — a strong defensive position, from the abutting hills of
which he could oversee the hosts of the Philistines.
77. When David returned to Ziklag after three days' hard
marching from Aphek, he found the town a smoking heap of
ruins. Some roving bands of Amalekites had seized the oppor
tunity given by David's absence to raid the southern territory
of Philistia and Judah, and had revenged themselves on David
by burning Ziklag, and carrying off the spoil, with all the women
and children. Among those carried away were David's two
wives, Abigail and Ahinoam. David's followers were loud in
lamentation at the unexpected calamity : they even accused
their leader of having, by his former cruel treatment of the
Amalekites, given cause for such reprisals. David put an- end
to the mutinous threats of his followers by vigorous action.
of Sharon, where it unites with the valley of Dothan, from which the Plain
of Esdraelon could be conveniently reached. The Philistines would naturally
be mustered before they had passed far beyond their own borders. The
previous mention of Shunem in the Plain of Esdraelon (xxviii. 4) has led
many to think of Aphek as situated elsewhere ; but section xxviii. 3-25 is
probably inserted out of place, its true position being between chaps, xxx.
and xxxi.

MOUNT GILBOA 7 1
After inquiring of Jehovah by means of the ephod and receiving
an encouraging answer, he at once led his company in pursuit
of the marauders. When they arrived at the Wady Besor,1 his
men began to faint with fatigue, — they were already weary with
the hard marching from Aphek, and their present expedition
demanded haste, — and a large number broke down entirely.
David therefore left two hundred of his company to guard the
passage at Besor, while he pressed on with the remaining four
hundred. Guided by an Egyptian slave whom the Amalekites
had left behind in their retreat, David overtook the raiders, and
fell upon them as they were feasting and making merry with
the spoil they had gathered from Judah and Philistia. The
surprise was completely successful. Before darkness set in,
David and his four hundred had routed the Amalekite host with
immense slaughter : none escaped but four hundred young men,2
who mounted the camels and fled. The women and children,
together with the spoil of Ziklag and other places, were recovered.
78. The victors returned triumphant, their former murmurings
being now turned to jubilation at David's success, and at the
sight of the spoil.3 The victorious leader handed over a share
of the booty to his company, distributing it equally to those
who had fought, and to those who had remained at Besor — thus
creating a wise and just precedent. From the rest of the spoil
he sent rich presents to all the friendly townships of Judah. He
thus made it clear that while he had been obliged to take service
with the Philistines, his heart was still with his own people.
He was also — designedly or not — serving his own interest for
the future, should altered circumstances bring him back to his
own land.
1 Perhaps the Wady es Sheriah, which runs to the sea a few miles below
Gaza. 2 Young men or slaves. These were possibly tending the camels while
their masters were feasting ; and they may have taken the first opportunity
to escape.
8 Ver. 20 is unintelligible as it stands ; but the reference is doubtless to
the delight of the people at the sight of the enormous booty.

72 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
79. The Witch of Endor. — While Saul was awaiting battle at
Mount Gilboa, he sought as usual for some indication of Jehovah's
mind as to his fate in the coming conflict. He was doubtless
all the more eager to obtain guidance because he was seriously
alarmed at the numerous and well-ordered hosts of the Philistines,
as compared with his own divided and hastily gathered forces.
No answer, however, was forthcoming through any of the
ordinary channels. Neither dream, nor priestly oracle, nor
prophetic word1 was granted to relieve his anxiety. In his
better days Saul had expelled from the land those who practised
secret and unhallowed arts, and professed to hold communication
with the unknown. In his despair he now had recourse to one
of these. On inquiry he learned that there was a woman with
a familiar spirit at Endor, beyond Little Hermon (a distance
of about twelve miles). To reach her dwelling he had to make
a circuit of the Philistine encampment. He disguised himself,
and, with only two attendants, made the journey in safety under
cover of the darkness. The king wished to remain unknown
to the woman ; but when he asked her to bring up Samuel, she
looked at him2 more narrowly, and discovered who he was.
Having thus given the king this proof of her discernment, she
proceeded to describe the spirit that rose at her call ; and Saul,
convinced by her words that Samuel was before him, bowed
himself to the earth. The voice from the grave pronounced
his doom, and the coming defeat of his army.3 The king was
1 Similar methods of inquiry were common among other nations of
antiquity. Homer (Iliad, i. 62) tells how, on occasion of a pestilence among
the Greeks, Achilles advised, "Let us consult some prophet, or priest, or
interpreter of dreams, for dreams also come from Zeus."
2 Ver. 12, where the true reading is probably that found in some versions
of the Septuagint, ' ' When the woman saw Saul." This seems a more likely
interpretation than that suggested by others, that the woman recognised Saul
by the threatening attitude of the spirit she had invoked, or by the un
expected success of her art.
8 It is not said that Saul himself saw Samuel. One can imagine that the
woman deceived her visitor by the help of a medium, or by making use of
ventriloquistic arts. Of course the story itself is evidently told from the

MOUNT GILBOA 73
utterly prostrated by the terrible prediction ; but was at length
induced to rise and take food. He returned to the army at
Gilboa with death in his heart, yet resolved to sell his life as
dearly as possible. The die was cast against him ; but in his
later conduct he showed the spirit of Macbeth in a similar
case : "Arm, arm, and out !—
If this which he avouches does appear,
There is nor flying hence, nor tarrying here.
I 'gin to be aweary of the sun,
And wish the estate o' the world were now undone. —
Ring the alarum-bell ! Blow wind ! come wrack !
At least we '11 die with harness on our back."
80. Mount Gilboa. — On the following day the Philistines left their
encampment, and offered battle in the plain. Though the hope
and enthusiasm of former days were extinguished, Saul accepted
battle with the last energy of despair. The course of the battle
is unrecorded ; but the result was what might be expected from
a hopeless leader and a divided and discouraged army : the
Israelites were driven headlong from the field. Among the
slain were the three sons of Saul. The king himself v/as
wounded by the pursuing archers, and, fearing to be taken,
appealed to his armour-bearer to put him to death. On his
refusal he fell upon his own sword and died ; and his faithful
armour-bearer followed his example. Next day, when the
Philistines came back over the battlefield to search for booty
and strip the slain, they found the bodies of Saul and his sons.
They cut off Saul's head, and sent it along with his armour
to their own land, as a trophy to the people and a thank-offering
to their gods. His body, and those of his sons, they carried
to Bethshan,1 and hung up on the wall as an insult to Israel.
81. The immediate result of the defeat of Israel was the
common view of antiquity, that sorcerers and witches possessed real power
over the unseen world.
1 Modern Besan, between the field of battle and the Jordan, where the
plain of Jezreel descends to the Jordan valley.

74 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
extension of Philistine power in the northern regions. The
towns in the valley of Jezreel and the neighbourhood were
evacuated by the Israelites, and taken possession of by the
Philistines.1 How far they resumed their ancient sway over
the southern hill-country and the East Jordan land is not
precisely known, but it is probable that they exacted tribute
from the tribes of northern Israel, and the territory which had
been governed directly by Saul. Thus by one fatal battle Israel
was to all outward appearance brought back to the state of
vassalage from which it had been delivered. The kingdom
which it had been Saul's lifework to establish seemed once more
to have collapsed.
82. The loss of such a brave warrior and leader was itself a
crushing blow to Israel, and there was sincere lamentation
throughout the land. The inhabitants of Jabesh-Gilead held
their former deliverer in grateful remembrance ; and they were
so grieved at the insult offered to his bones, that a party of them
passed over by night and brought away the bodies of Saul and
his sons from the walls of Bethshan. The Jabeshites then buried
them with all honour under a sacred tree, and fasted seven days
to show their respect for Saul's memory.
83. Nor was it only in northern Israel and the East Jordan
land that Saul's loss was mourned. With a generous disregard
of past enmity and persecution, David rent his clothes at the
tidings of Saul's death, and slew in anger the messenger who
brought the unwelcome news.2 No doubt David was all the
more grieved, because the death of Saul was conjoined with
the victory of the Philistines, as well as the loss of his lifelong
friend Jonathan. The elegy upon Saul and Jonathan, which
1 Ver. 7, where the corrected rendering is to be preferred, "When the
Israelites that were in the cities of the valley (of Jezreel), and they that were
in the cities of the Jordan, saw," etc.
2 The story of the Amalekite who took the credit of Saul's death is
probably a later insertion. According to 2 Sam. iv. 10, David slew the
messenger simply because of his malicious supposition that the news he
brought would be welcome.

MOUNT GILBOA 75
excels not only in poetic beauty and taste, but in natural and
manly pathos, may possibly have been written by David himself.
At any rate it is drawn from one of the oldest collections of
national lyrics, and may be taken as expressive of David's
appreciation and sorrow :
" . . . O Israel, on thy high places are the slain !
Alas, how the mighty are fallen !
Tell it not in Gath,
Publish it not in the streets of Ashkelon ;
Lest the daughters of the Philistines rejoice,
Lest the daughters of the uncircumcised triumph.
The curse of drought be upon you, Gilboa !
Let no dew nor rain fall on you, ye hills of death !
For there the shield of the mighty was cast down,
The shield of Saul, the oil-anointed king.
From the blood of the slain,
From the fat of the mighty,
The bow of Jonathan turned not back,
And the sword of Saul returned not empty.
Saul and Jonathan — the beloved and kindly—
In life and in death were not divided ;
They were swifter than eagles,
They were stronger than lions.
Ye daughters of Israel, weep over Saul,
Who clothed you with scarlet. . . .
Who put "ornaments of gold upon your apparel.
Alas, how the mighty are fallen !
In the midst of the battle Jonathan is slain. . .
I am grieved for thee, my brother Jonathan :
Wonderful was thy love to me,
More than the love of women.
Alas, how the mighty are fallen,
And the weapons of war perished ! "
84. General Estimate of Saul. — Saul would never have accom
plished what he did in founding the monarchy in Israel, had there
not been many elements of greatness in his character. He was
a brave patriot, and a man of determined energy ; and if he
never won the enthusiastic love of the people as David did,
he was generally esteemed as a clear-sighted and trustworthy
leader. Impulsive and passionate, determined in a good cause

76 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
as well as headstrong in a bad one, he shared the superstitions
and the fierce manners of his age. Simple and hardy in his
mode of life, he cared nothing for the usual luxuries of kings.
His administration also was of the simplest kind, his royal
court being quite primitive and patriarchal. Palace he had
none : he had comparatively Tew State officials : he administered
justice while sitting under the sacred tree at Gibeah, lance in
hand, and with his soldiers around him. His worst features
were bis jealousy and constant persecution of David, the self-
will which led to his breach with Samuel, his brooding melan
choly, and his superstitious recourse to the heathenish arts which
he had in his better days suppressed.
85. As we weigh Saul's character, and consider the defects of
a career that apparently goes on darkening to the close, we can
hardly avoid feeling that such a life was a moral and spiritual
failure. Saul was his own worst enemy : the artificer of his own
ruin. Failing to exercise a kingly self-control, becoming more and
more a prey to self-will, passion, and jealousy, he gradually lost
all power to face the responsibilities of his high position. His
end on Mount Gilboa, where he took his own life in pride and
despair, seems the natural conclusion to such a career.
86. But while we take all warning from such a life with its
error and sin, and its tragic termination, we must, here as always,
mingle sympathy with our judgment. We cannot forget what
Saul accomplished for Israel, and that he first set his nation
on the upward paths of progress that culminated in the following
reigns. If he did not carry out the higher mission of the
prophetic ideal, — the founding of a healthy and progressive
religious life in the nation, — he laid the basis for it by founding
a kingdom that was destined to last for many centuries ; and
thus his work was not wholly in vain. Nor can we believe that
the talents he displayed, his courage and energy and patriotic
zeal, had no background of moral strength. Some balance must
be struck, and some reservations made, even in the best of lives ;
and if in this case the balance does not come out in Saul's favour

MOUNT GILBOA 77
there are still many noble traits of character, many generous
impulses, many moments of religious fervour and of magnanimity,
that debar our harsher judgment.
87. It is pleasant to think that David himself, who more than
any other suffered from the effects of Saul's passion and spleen,
thought tenderly of Saul, and mourned him as a true king, and
well worthy of the nation's choice. And, as F. D. Maurice says,1
it is safe to follow David's example in our judgment of Saul.
"We may dwell upon bright and hallowed moments of lives
that have been darkened by many shadows, polluted by many
sins. ... As Nature with her old mosses and her new spring
foliage hides the ruins which man has made, and gives to the
fallen tower and broken cloister a beauty scarcely less than that
which belonged to them in their prime, — so human Love may be
at work too, ' softening and concealing, and busy with her hand
in healing,' the rents which have been made in God's nobler
temple, the habitation of His own Spirit. If it were lawful in
the old time to cover with love and hope a multitude of trans
gressions, it cannot be less lawful now that the earth is over
shadowed with a mercy that blotteth out iniquity and transgression
and sin ; when the blood of sprinkling has a mightier voice than
that which cries for vengeance ; when the atoning sacrifice reveals
heights and lengths and depths and breadths of love in which we
must rejoice to be lost." 1 Prophets and Kings, p. 34.

CHAPTER VI.
DAVID KING AT HEBRON.
Paragraphs 88-92. The New Situation after Gilboa.
2 Sam. ii. 1-11,
88. David returns to Hebron.
89. He is anointed King of Judah.
90. Significance of David's Position.
91. Abner's Activity at Mahanaim.
92. Israel's Loyalty to the Idea of the Monarchy.
93-101. The Civil War: David's growing Power.
2 Sam. ii. 12-v. 5.
93. Outbreak of the Civil War : Joab victorious. 2 Sam, ii. 12-32.
94. David's gradual Success. 2 Sam. iii. 1-5.
95. Abner quarrels with Eshbaal. 2 Sam. iii. 6-1 1.
96. Abner forms a League with David. 2 Sam. iii. 12-21.
97. Abner is murdered by Joab. 2 Sam. iii. 22-30.
98. David repudiates the Murder. 2 Sam. iii. 31-39.
99. The Murder of Eshbaal. 2 Sam. iv.
100. David recognised King of all Israel. 2 Sam. v. 1-5.
101. Question of the Order of Events.
102-105. New War of Independence. 2 Sam. v. 17-25,
xxi. 15-22, xxiii. 8-23.
102. New Invasion of the Philistines.
103. David unprepared : Guerilla Warfare.
104. Incidents of the War.
105. The two Battles of Rephaim disastrous to the Philistines.
106. Capture of Jerusalem. 2 Sam. v. 6-12.
107. Jerusalem made the Capital of the Kingdom.

73

CHAPTER VI.

DAVID KING AT HEBRON.

88. The New Situation after Gilboa. — One result of the dis
astrous battle of Gilboa and Saul's death was that it enabled
David to extricate himself from his false position, and to return
with safety to Judah. Even while in the land of the Philistines
David had longed for his old home ; and he had prepared the
way for his return by keeping in friendly touch with Judah and
the allied clans. Ziklag, now in ruins, could no longer be an
attractive spot to him ; and Saul's death removed the main
obstacle to his return. After making inquiry of the oracle of
God, he removed with his family and his six hundred retainers
to the district of Hebron. No doubt he hoped to obtain the
leadership in Judah, and meant to be guided by circumstances
in his future relations with the Philistines and with northern
Israel. 89. His welcome probably surpassed his expectations. The
allegiance of Judah to the house of Saul had never been enthusi
astic, and, as may be imagined, was greatly diminished by Saul's
tyrannical treatment of their brave fellow-tribesman. In the
troubled times prevailing after Saul's death, the old ties of
authority were broken, and the men of Judah felt it necessary to
institute a new government for themselves. They looked to
David as the fittest man to restore order and maintain their
cause. Having come to an understanding with other families or
79

80 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
tribes of the south country, the Calebites, the Kenites, the
Jerahmeelites, and others, who were all friendly to David, they
came together and anointed David king at the ancient capital
of Hebron.
90. This step could scarcely be construed as hostile to the
Philistines. Probably David had no desire as yet to enter into
conflict with his former allies, whose military strength he well
knew. It is quite possible that he still retained Ziklag, still
remained on friendly terms with Achish of Gath, and recognised
himself as the vassal of the Philistines. This supposition would
at least explain how the Philistines viewed with unconcern the
rise of this petty kingdom, and left the men of Judah at liberty
to settle their own affairs. Nor, further, need we suppose that
in accepting the kingdom of Judah, David was acting in direct
and conscious hostility to the interests of Saul's house. Now
that the Philistines occupied the interior of the land, the people
of Judah were isolated from their brethren in the north, and left
practically to shift for themselves ; and David simply took the
position which in the circumstances was rendered vacant. Still
less have we reason to think that David at this time had more
extended ambitions, or regarded his elevation to the headship
of Judah as a mere step to the entire sovereignty of Israel. His
first act was quite friendly. His message to the men of Jabesh-
Gilead, in which he warmly commended their praiseworthy
conduct in giving fitting burial to Saul and his sons, and notified
them of his election to the leadership of Judah, need not be sus
pected of any crafty design. It rather revealed the generous
spirit of a man whose sympathies were drawn forth by the national
humiliation, as well as an honest intention to remain on terms of
friendly alliance with the people of northern Israel.
91. Meanwhile Abner; the brave captain of Saul's army, had
done what he could in the north to repair the disasters following
on the defeat of Mount Gilboa. Retiring with the remnant of
his army to Mahanaim in the East Jordan land, he endeavoured
to reknit the scattered forces of the nation by proclaiming as

DAVID KING AT HEBRON 8 1
Saul's successor his son Eshbaal (or Ishbosheth).1 Unfortunately
Saul's bravest sons had died in battle, and this new king was a
weakling : Abner therefore retained the real power in his own
hands. In all probability he further secured his position, and
regained some shred of authority over the western tribes by
acknowledging the sovereignty of the Philistines.
92. There were thus for a time two kings in Israel, one in the
north-east and the other in the south, both, as it would seem,
vassals of the Philistines. It is noteworthy that in spite of their
disunited and depressed condition, the nation remained loyal to
the idea of the monarchy. They did not refer their present
calamities to the defects of that institution, or think of going
back to the tribal or primitive methods of government. In spite
of their late disaster, they had learned to value the monarchy
as a strong bulwark of order, and the surest safeguard against
foreign oppression. And though circumstances meanwhile
divided them into two States, the ideal of a united kingdom was
still before their eyes. Saul's work had not entirely failed : only
the man was needed to take up the work and carry it to com
pletion. As time went on it became clear that Eshbaal was not
the man. There were many already in the north who sympathised
with David, and were turning their eyes to the young ruler of
Judah as the most fitting successor to Saul.2
93. The Civil War. — It was apparently not of set purpose on
either side that conflict arose between north and south ; but
rivalry was inevitable, and it suddenly burst into open war. At
Gibeon in Benjamin,3 Abner and Joab, the rival generals,
1 The name is variously given : Ishbosheth (2 Sam. ii. 8), Ishvi (1 Sam.
xiv. 49), and Eshbaal (1 Chron. viii. 33). Similarly the names Meribbaal and
Mephibosheth are used interchangeably (1 Chron. viii. 34 ; 2 Sam. iv. 4).
Apparently the name was altered in the reading in order to avoid pronounc
ing the name of the Canaanitish god Baal ; though there can be no doubt
that the word Baal in the original name was simply the title of Jehovah as
"lord" of Canaan.
2 2 Sam. iii. 17.
8 Now El- Jib, about five miles N.-W. of Jerusalem,
6

82 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
faced one another, each with a considerable following. The
purpose of the meeting is not mentioned : it may have been to
come to a friendly understanding, or to concert measures against
the Philistines. In any case each party was prepared for war or
for peace. A sham-fight was proposed by Abner, in which a
dozen picked men from either side took part. The dangerous
game developed into a bloody contest ; and the rival passions
being aroused, the play ended in a general engagement. Abner's
company was forced back, and took to flight. In the pursuit,
Asahel, the youngest brother of Joab, a youth light of foot and
anxious to distinguish himself, pressed hard on Abner's heels.
Knowing him to be Joab's brother, Abner would fain have spared
him, and warned him to desist from following him ; but he was
at length obliged to slay his pursuer in self-defence. The
pursuit was stayed at last by Abner's appeal to Joab to cease
the unnatural strife— not, however, till hundreds of men had been
slain. 94. Blood now called for blood ; and the civil war, begun in a
manner so unpremeditated, continued for many years. The
editor of Samuel passes it over in almost complete silence :
perhaps he had no desire to record the details of such a hateful
and inglorious war between brethren. He was content to
summarise it in the fact that David's star continued in the
ascendant, while Eshbaal's power declined. Probably there
were few actual battles ; there were certainly none of decisive
moment. Abner was sufficiently occupied at Mahanaim, and it
was not to David's interest to embrue his hands in the blood of
those who, as he now began to hope, might one day be his own
subjects. He might well leave the issue to the natural course of
circumstances. His best policy was to conciliate the northern
tribes, and to give Eshbaal's incompetence time to show itself ;
and this course he adopted with success. It seems also that
during the seven years of his reign at Hebron, David made
several matrimonial alliances, — notably with the daughter of the
King of Geshur, whose territory lay beyond Mahanaim, — and

DAVID KING AT HEBRON 83
thus strengthened his position both in Israel and beyond its
borders. 95. The civil war was brought to a conclusion favourable to
David by several unforeseen circumstances. Chief among these
was Abner's estrangement from Eshbaal, and his defection in
consequence from the northern cause. Eshbaal proved his unfit
ness for government by the way he quarrelled with the general
who was the mainstay of his fortunes. It is true he had reason
able ground for suspicion ; but he had neither the prudence to
be silent, nor the courage to act with decision. In those days it
was not uncommon for a king to take over the harem of his pre
decessor ; and when any one took steps in this direction, it was
taken as a sign that he was aiming at the kingdom. So, when
Abner came under suspicion as to his relations with Rizpah, a
former concubine of Saul, Eshbaal naturally regarded it as high
treason. He hastily charged Abner with the crime ; but he
showed his weakness by allowing his general to flout him to his
face. Abner replied angrily that if he had meant treason he
could ere this have handed over his power and influence to
David ; and that now, in despite, he would do what Eshbaal
feared, to punish him for his ingratitude. Abner thereupon went
his way ; and the king was neither skilful enough to meet craft
with craft, nor decided enough to take the stronger measure of
removing Abner from his powerful position.
96. There were already many in the north who favoured
David's cause ; and the number of these was greatly augmented
when it became known that Abner had cast his influence into the
scale. Abner came to an understanding with the heads of
Israel, and particularly with the Benjamites, who might have
been inclined to favour Eshbaal from their tribal connection with
Saul's house. He then brought the conspiracy to a head by
making overtures to David. David, however, acted with wise
caution. While willing to take advantage of the northern league,
he delayed matters for a time, and meanwhile demanded of
Eshbaal that his former wife, Michal, the daughter of Saul,

84 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
should be publicly restored to him. David made this demand,
doubtless, out of wise policy. As the husband of Michal he was
one of the royal household ; and when Saul took her at the time
of David's flight and remarried her to Paltiel the Benjamite of
Gallim, he acted probably with a view to dissolve the relations
of David with his household. The restoration of Michal would
reinstate David in the royal family, and enhance his position in
the eyes of the northern tribes, giving an air of legitimacy to his
claim on Saul's throne. The demand was granted, — another
proof of Eshbaal's weakness, and of Abner's overmastering power
in the councils of Mahanaim, — and Abner with twenty others was
appointed to escort Michal to Judah.1 The embassy served
Abner's end : he could now interview David personally, and
concert plans of action with him for the reunion of the kingdoms.
David received Abner with all honour ; and the new league was
approaching completion when a tragedy occurred that threatened
to bring about a renewal of strife, and to shatter all the hopes of
a peaceful union.
97. Abner had just left the court at Hebron, when Joab and
his men returned from a foray. Hearing of the proposals of
peace and of Abner's friendly visit, Joab expressed openly before
David his suspicions as to Abner's good faith. The very thought
of friendship with the man who had slain his brother Asahel
excited his indignation. Mindful only of his blood-feud and
careless of David's reputation, he hastily sent messengers after
Abner to bid him return. The messengers overtook him at the
well of Sirah, only a mile or two from Hebron. The two
generals met at the gate of the town. Abner had returned
without suspicion ; but Joab took his rival aside as if to speak
with him privately, and taking him unawares treacherously
murdered him. The blood of Asahel was thus cruelly
avenged. 1 We may assume, though it is not expressly stated, that Aimer's visit to
Hebron with Michal (implied in ver. 16) and the visit mentioned in vers.
19, 20 were identical.

DAVID KING AT HEBRON 85
98. The murder of Abner was of no advantage to David, but
the reverse. He had lost one who was working heartily in his
interest, and the manner of his death might seriously alienate
the tribes of the north. David felt that the murder would give
rise to hateful suspicions, and cast a shadow on his own
reputation. He did what he could to dissociate himself from
the treachery of Joab. He gave Abner honourable burial : he
fasted and put on sackcloth, and wept over Abner's grave. But
though he cursed Joab in his heart, and openly expressed
abhorrence of the deed, he did not call Joab to account — whether
from weakness or from regard to his great and otherwise faithful
services ; and those who did not know of the league between
David and the murdered general might still suspect the king's
connivance at his death. David's behaviour in mourning for
Abner did much to allay the general suspicion ; but it seems
unlikely that all doubts were entirely removed.1
99. David's cause was more decisively advanced by a second
crime that took place at this crisis of affairs. David's prompt
repudiation of connivance in Abner's death was generally
approved in the north, and the movement in his favour continued.
Eshbaal's position became critical. At length two of his
captains, Rechab and Baanah, natives of Beeroth in Benjamin,
seeing the trend of affairs, resolved to make their own profit out
of the situation. One day at noontide, when all was silent in the
palace at Mahanaim, and the king himself was taking his rest,
they slipped in and slew Eshbaal in his bed. They escaped
undetected, and brought the head of their victim to Hebron,
hoping for a rich reward from David ; but David at once showed
his abhorrence of the dastardly deed by putting the murderers
to death.2
1 The taunt of Shimei, making David responsible for the blood of Saul's
house, referred probably to the murders of Abner and of Eshbaal, as well as
to the slaughter of the seven descendants of Saul (2 Sam. xvi. 8, xxi. 5-10).
2 It is suggested that the two captains were Canaanites (Beeroth being a
Canaanitish town), and bore a special ill-will to Saul's house on account of
his harsh treatment of their people. But the supposition is scarcely necessary

86 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
ioo. The chief obstacle to David's sovereignty in the north
was thus removed, and David at length reaped the reward of his
patient and conciliatory policy. Representatives came from all
the northern tribes to Hebron, inviting David to assume the
kingship over Israel ; and David was solemnly anointed once
more, and proclaimed king over the reunited State.
101. The broken narrative in Chapter V. leaves considerable
doubt as to the actual order of events ; but possibly they occurred
in close proximity of time, and were even in a measure con
temporaneous. The union of Israel with Judah would take a
considerable time, and the Philistines would scarcely wait for its
consummation before they invaded the land. On the other hand,
the prominence given to the stronghold of Adullam as the centre
of David's operations in his earlier wars with the Philistines
(2 Sam. v. 17), indicates that Jerusalem was not yet in David's
hands. We may take it that the conquest of Jerusalem was
achieved in some interval of the Philistine war, and, if not
previous to the anointing at Hebron, placed the seal upon that
act, and fully established David's authority over the united
kingdom.1 102. New War of Independence. — For some years the Philis
tines had remained inactive. So long as their sovereignty was
recognised and the annual tribute paid (probably by both
parties), they were quite content to see the Israelites consume
one another in a fratricidal conflict. But the present movement
for union they regarded in a different light. It was evidently a
to account for the treacherous deed. They were probably aware of Abner's
conspiracy, and encouraged by the knowledge ; though it is altogether
improbable that this cowardly murder was part of the common programme.
1 Certainly the narrative in 2 Sam. v. 17-23 finds its natural place before
ver. 6, since it evidently recounts what took place previous to the taking of
Jerusalem. We are thus obliged to take the events in the following order :
(1) Judah's union with Israel (2 Sam. ¦/. 1-5) ; (2) opening war with the
Philistines (vers. 17-25) ; (3) the capture of Jerusalem (vers. 6-12).

DAVID KING AT HEBRON 87
first step to independence ; and they could scarcely doubt that
when David had established his authority over a united kingdom,
he would turn his arms against them, and endeavour to put an
end to their domination. Fearing for their supremacy, they
resolved to be beforehand with David; and without much
warning they poured their forces into the land of Judah, and
encamped in the Valley of the Giants (Rephaim), in the neighbour
hood of Jerusalem.1 They took Bethlehem, and fortified it with
a garrison (2 Sam. xxiii. 14). It is possible that the Jebusites,
the Canaanitish people of Jerusalem, were favourable to the
invading Philistines, and allowed them to use Jerusalem as a
basis of operations.
103. David seems to have been taken unawares : he was not
prepared for the invasion, and still required time to gather his
forces in the new and scarcely organised kingdom. He retired
therefore to the stronghold of Adullam,2 and apparently remained
there for some time, waiting for reinforcements, and contenting
himself meanwhile with occasional raids and surprises. In such
skirmishes the men of Judah would generally have the advantage
of the ground, which was not well adapted for troops in heavy
armour ; and David's men were more thoroughly acquainted with
the hills and ravines. David himself also had, from his former
experience at Gath and Ziklag, become fully acquainted with
Philistine tactics, and knew both the strong and the weak points
of the enemy's mode of warfare.
104. The progress of this war cannot be clearly followed, as
the story lies before us only in fragmentary narratives. It was
1 Its more precise position is not easy to determine. It is usually located
southward from Jerusalem in the neighbourhood of Bethlehem (cf. xxiii. 13,
14) ; but the mention of Gibeon as the starting-point of David's second battle
seems rather to indicate a locality nortliward of Jerusalem. Yet the
Philistine forces may have been widely scattered, or David may have made a
wide circuit — even as far as Gibeon — to meet the northern forces coming to
his aid.
2 The expression " went down to the hold " (2 Sam. v. 17) is not suitable to
the citadel of Zion. The corresponding narrative (xxiii. 13, 14) proves that
the stronghold of Adullam is meant.

88 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
a war of heroic adventures and mighty exploits. It is possible
that some of the stories told of David's mighty men— like that
of the slaughter of the four giants of Gath x — should be referred
to a later period ; but one story that has been inserted in the
appended chapters of 2 Samuel is clearly referable to this time.
On one occasion David was reconnoitring near Bethlehem,
where the Philistine garrison was posted ; some of the enemy's
troops were standing on the alert outside the gate. He felt
parched with thirst. It was the time of harvest, and of the
summer heats when the torrents were dried up and water was
scarce. David remembered the time when, as a shepherd lad
tending his father's flocks, he had refreshed himself in the hot
summer days by taking long deep draughts at the well by the
gate of Bethlehem. The recollection awoke in him a longing
to have his thirst once more quenched from the same cool
spring. " Oh," he murmured, " if one would give me water
to drink of the well of Bethlehem, which is by the gate ! " His
desire became known ; and three of his braves resolved to
satisfy it. Reckless of the danger, they crossed over to the
enemy's outposts, beat off those who opposed them, and made
straight for the well. Having drawn the water, they again
burst a passage through the Philistines that intercepted them,
and returned to David in triumph. The way in which the king
showed his appreciation of the deed proved that the heroic
devotion of his mighty men was not misplaced. David was
pleased with their devotion, but he held the lives of his men
dear, and could not approve of their exposing themselves for
such a trifling cause. The water they presented to him was
too sacred for ordinary use : he could not drink it, for that
would be like drinking "the blood of the men that went in
jeopardy of their lives." He poured it out as a drink-offering
before the Lord.
105. With heroes like these, and with such a leader, all
things were possible ; and at length David succeeded in driving
1 2 Sam. xxi, 15-22.

DAVID KING AT HEBRON 89
back the Philistines from the land. Twice he and his men
faced them in the Valley of Rephaim, and twice he drove them
before him. The second victory was complete : making a circuit,
he fell upon the enemy's rear and totally routed them, pursuing
them to their own borders.
106. Capture of Jerusalem. — Having thus, for the time being,
cleared the land of invaders, David still further secured his
position in the united kingdom by the conquest of Jerusalem.
Hitherto Judah had been separated from the northern tribes
by a long strip of terrritory, extending from Jerusalem in the
east to Gezer in the west, and occupied largely by Canaanites,
who were more or less self-governing and independent of Israel.
Of the towns in this district, Jerusalem, held by the Jebusites,
was the chief stronghold. It is possible, as we have already
remarked, that the Jebusites were in alliance with the Philistines ;
and it may have been owing to their reliance on their allies'
assistance as well as on the natural strength of their fortress,
that they spoke so contemptuously of David's project of be
sieging it. Their haughty declaration that their citadel could
be maintained against such besiegers by the blind and the
lame, was thrown back in their teeth by David,1 as he and
his men mounted the walls of the fortress, and cast the defenders
headlong from their battlements.
107. The conquest of Jerusalem was the crowning achievement
of David's early wars ; and it was followed by the adoption of
the city as the new capital of the united kingdom. This was
a wise step of policy. Standing on the borders of Judah and
Benjamin, Jerusalem was the natural centre of the kingdom,
while its admirable situation from a military point of view gave
it additional importance. Hebron lay too far south to serve
as the natural centre of the new State ; and doubtless the
northern Israelites would look with favour on a capital which
they had helped to found, and which had more than merely
L2 Sam. v. 8 has a mutilated text ; but so much of the meaning is clear.

90 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
tribal associations. David therefore acted wisely in transferring
his court thither ; and he immediately proceeded to strengthen
its fortifications, and to build a royal residence in the citadel.
On three sides Jerusalem was guarded from attack by deep
valleys ; and on the north David strengthened the old Jebusite
ramparts. With the help of skilled Tyrian workmen he built
his palace in the strongest part of the city, the citadel of
Mount Zion.1
1 The topography of ancient Jerusalem has many difficulties. The indica
tions of the Bible favour the view that the citadel of the Jebusites which
became Mount Zion, the city of David, was situated on the eastern hill,
south of the later temple-area. It remains uncertain whether the western
hill was also inhabited by the Jebusites ; but we may well believe in any
case that the new influx of Israelites would soon render the extension
necessary.

CHAPTER VII.
DAVID KING AT JERUSALEM.
Paragraphs 108-110. David's Religious Policy. 2 Sam. vi.
108. The Lack of a visible Religious Centre.
109. Transference of the Ark to the Capital.
1 10. Why David did not build a Temple.
m-118. David's Wars. 2 Sam. viii. 1-14, x. i-xi. 1, xii. 26-31.
m. A warrior King for a warring Age.
112. War with the Philistines. 2 Sam. viii. I ; I Chron. xviii. 1,
113. War with Moab. 2 Sam. viii. 2, xxiii. 20.
114. War with Ammon. 2 Sam. x. 1-14.
115. War with Syria. 2 Sam. viii. 3-12, x. 15-19.
116. Capture of Rabbah. 2 Sam. xi. 1, xii. 26-31.
117. Conquest of the Edomites. 2 Sam. viii. 13-14; 1 Kings xi. 14-17.
118. Issue of these Wars.
119-120. David's Administration. 2 Sam. viii. 15-18, xx. 23-26.
119. In Military Matters.
120. In other Matters. 121-134. Domestic History.
(a) 122. David's Fall. 2 Sam. xi. 2-27.
123. The Judgment following. 2 Sam. xii. 1-25.
124. David's Sin a Root of further Troubles.
(6) 125-132. The First Insurrection. 2 Sam. xiii.-xix. 8.
125. Its Roots in family and civil Dissensions.
126. David's Treatment of Saul's Household. 2 Sam. ix., xxi. 1-14.
127. Judah's Jealousy of northern Israel.
128. Absalom's sudden Insurrection at Hebron. 2 Sam. xiii.-xv. 12.
129. David flees from Jerusalem. 2 Sam. xv. 13-29.
130. Incidents of the Flight. 2 Sam. xv. 30-xvi. 14.
131. Absalom in Jerusalem. 2 Sam. xvi. 15-xvii.
132. The Battle of Mahanaim : the Rebels crushed. 2 Sam. xviii. 1-
xix. 8.
(c) 133. A Second Insurrection. 2 Sam. xix. 9-xx. 2.
134. Quelled by Joab. 2 Sam. xx. 4-22.
135-140. Closing Days of David's Reign, i Kings i.-ii. 11.
135. Question of the' Succession.
136. Solomon made King.
137. David prepares for Death.
138. His last Charge to Solomon.
139. The terrible Codicil.
140. Question of its Authenticity.
141-142. David's Character.
143. The ideal King of after, Ages.

CHAPTER VII.
DAVID KING AT JERUSALEM.
108. Religious Policy. — David had now established himself
as king over a united people. By his tactful address and
forbearance, by his winning personality, and above all by his
successful war against the Philistines, he had healed all tribal
animosities, and won the heart of the whole nation. By his
wise adoption of Jerusalem as the national capital, he had given
a new centre to the national life and the growing patriotic
sentiment. But as yet nothing had been done to unite the
religious sentiments of Israel. Although Jehovah was the God
of all the tribes, and His worship an abiding link of union through
all times of anarchy and division, there was no visible religious
centre. The religious aspirations gathered round certain local
shrines and high places, where the people of the neighbourhood
assembled for sacrifice and festival ; and as each tribe held its
own sanctuaries in highest honour, there was always the recurring
danger that Jehovah might be confounded with some local Baal,
and His national character forgotten. In earlier times this danger
was to some degree averted, and the need for some national
expression of religion met, by the worship connected with the
sacred Ark of Jehovah. This ancient emblem of the Divine
presence belonged to no one tribe : it was the palladium of the
nation, the symbol of its past unity, and the pledge of its future
continuance as a united religious people. For a considerable

94 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
time, however, this symbol of the national faith had lain neglected
and forgotten at Kiriath-jearim.1
109. As a pious follower of Jehovah, in whose name he had
united the tribes of Israel and achieved the liberation of his
country, David felt it incumbent on him to encourage the
national worship, and to set his people an example of devotion.
He therefore resolved to make Jerusalem the religious as well
as the political centre of Israel, and to give his capital a further
consecration by restoring the Ark to its ancient honour, and
placing it in the citadel. The story of the transference (2 Sam.
vi.) indicates the great reverence and fear felt for the sacred
shrine. With a great company representative of all Israel,
David proceeded to Kiriath-jearim. The Ark was brought
forth with all solemnity and placed upon a new cart drawn
by oxen. A vast procession was formed, and took its way to
Jerusalem, headed by a band playing all manner of instruments.
But a terrible accident happened. Whether by the roughness
of the road or the restiveness of the oxen, the cart holding the
Ark was shaken ; and Uzzah, one of the drivers, fearing for the
Ark's safety, laid hold of it. The story goes that he was struck
dead on the spot for his irreverence. David was so shocked
and terrified by this mark of the Divine displeasure, that he was
afraid to carry out his purpose. He caused the Ark to be con
veyed to the house of Obed-Edom, a Philistine of Gath, who
loyally accepted the charge. Three months later, on learning
that Obed-Edom's household was blessed by the presence of
the sacred shrine, David recovered from his fear, and resolved
to carry out his first intention. This time the Ark was borne on
the shoulders of the priests, and sacrifices were offered as the
procession started. The hill of Zion was ascended with triumphal
1 1 Sam. vi. The town where the Ark lay for about a century is there
named Kiriath-jearim, here (2 Sam. vi. 2) Baale Judah. It was otherwise
named Baalah and Kiriath-baal (Josh. xv. 9, 60). It is usually identified
with Kuriet 'Enab, eight or nine miles north-east of Bethshemesh •(Ain
Shems), which lay on Judah's western border ; but Conder and others place
it at 'Erma, which lies closer to Bethshemesh.

DAVID KING AT JERUSALEM 95
dance and song, David himself taking the lead, and by the
exuberance of his zeal earning the contempt and reproach of
his wife Michal. The Ark was deposited in the tent prepared
for it near the royal residence on Zion ; and the ceremony was
concluded with sacrifices and burnt-offerings and peace-offerings,
and the distribution of largess to the people. Zadok and Abiathar
were appointed as chief priests in charge of the Ark and of the
sacrificial service in Jerusalem.
no. One might naturally have expected that David would
erect a more permanent building for the accommodation of the
Ark. Various reasons have been given for the postponement
of the work. According to one account, David was about to
proceed with the building of the temple, but was hindered by
the prophet Nathan, who declared in Jehovah's name that such
a thing was neither commanded nor desired : Jehovah had dwelt
hitherto in a tent, and wished for no other abode (2 Sam. vii.
5-7).1 According to another (1 Chron. xxii. 8, xxviii. 3), David
was not permitted to build the temple, because he was a man of
war, and had shed much blood. But the most natural and
entirely sufficient reason is that given by Solomon later (1 Kings
v. 3), that David his father was not able to build a house to the
Lord, because of the many wars he had to wage on every side.
In other words, David had not sufficient leisure, and possibly he
had not sufficient material in money and skill and command of
labour to build a temple worthy of Jehovah, or adequate to his
own ideal. What he could do he did : he consecrated to the
treasury of Jehovah a great part of the silver and gold acquired
in war, and so made it possible for his successor to carry through
the work successfully.
111. David's Wars. — The circumstances of David's time called
for strenuous action. None but a man of war could have made
his way to the throne of Israel ; and only a warrior-king could
1 The speech of Nathan bears this meaning on the face of it. Ver. 13
seriously disturbs the sense, and was doubtless added by a revising hand.

96 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
have maintained himself on it. The new kingdom had to be de
fended on all sides from enemies who were jealous of its growing
power. In this task David was signally successful. With a
united people and a well-tried army he was in a position to cope
with all his enemies ; and his wars of defence passed speedily
into wars of conquest.
112. His first enemy apparently was Philistia. Though al
ready on several occasions defeated and driven to their own
borders, the Philistines were by no means subdued : they
probably hoped still to repair their losses, and to regain their
hold over the land of Israel. We have no account of these later
campaigns ; but the war was completely successful, and ended
in David's capture of Gath.1 But though the power of the
Philistines was broken, David did not proceed to extremities : he
was satisfied to receive their tribute, and seems henceforth to
have stood on good terms with them. Many loyal Philistines
served David in his wars ; and his bodyguard — the Cherethites
and Pelethites— was mainly composed of Philistine mercenaries.
113. David then turned his attention to the east, and entered
into conflict with Moab and Ammon. We do not know the cause
of the Moabite war. The Moabites had been friendly with
David in his outlaw days ; - but now that David was king, the
old question of Moab's boundaries b may have been revived, or
some new difference may have arisen ; and quarrels between
former friends are often very deadly. The war was evidently
prosecuted with great bitterness and persistence on both sides ;
and there were some notable exploits on the part of David's
mighty men.4 When David at length triumphed over his foes,
1 2 Sam. viii. 1 ; 1 Chron. xviii. 1. The reading in the former passage is
evidently corrupt.
2 i Sam. xxii. 3. 4. Possibly David could trust to the friendship of Moab
at that time, because of Moab's hostility to Saul (xiv. 47).
3 At one time the Moabites held possessions north of the Amon (Num.
xxi. 26, xxii. 1).
4 Cf. the exploit of Benaiah in 2 Sam. xxiii. 20, which may be referred to
this war.

DAVID KING AT JERUSALEM 97
he took very severe measures : he put two-thirds of his prisoners
of war to death, and made the whole land tributary.
114. The war with Ammon continued for a much longer time,
and brought David into conflict with the Syrians of the north.
The occasion of the war is stated at length. David had sent
ambassadors to Hanun, the new king of Ammon, to sympathise
with him on his father's death, and to congratulate him on his
accession to the throne. Hanun's suspicions were roused : he
treated the messengers as spies, and sent them back with their
beards half-shaved, and their long robes cut off to the middle.
Such treatment was a dire insult to Orientals,1 and was virtually
a declaration of war. But Hanun did not feel equal to the con
flict alone : he hired the Syrians from Beth-Rehob, Zobah,
Maacha,2 and Tob to come to his assistance. David sent Joab
with an army to invade Ammon. Joab met the allied forces
before Rabbah, but at first was out-manceuvred : the Ammonites
faced him in front while the Syrians pressed upon him in the
rear. The situation was extremely critical ; but Joab acted with
courage and promptitude. Dividing his troops, he despatched
his brother Abishai with one half of the army against the
Ammonites, while he himself, turning back upon the Syrians,
forthwith attacked them and put them to flight. Thereupon the
Ammonites gave way before Abishai, and retreated into their city ;
while the victorious general returned to Jerusalem in triumph.
115. The war, however, was not yet ended : all Syria was put
in motion to avenge the defeat at Rabbah, and the Ammonites
1 "Cutting off a person's beard is regarded by the Arabs as an indignity
equal to flogging and branding among ourselves. Many would rather
die than have the beard shaved off" (D'Arvieux, Customs of the Bedouin
Arabs). 2 Probably all the districts mentioned lay southward from Damascus :
Beth-Rehob farthest to the east, Maacha south of Hermon, and Zobah in
the country intermediate. Tob is also mentioned in the passage (2 Sam.
x. 6), a land bordering on Ammon (cf. Judg. xi. 3) ; but there is probably
some confusion in the text. Some have suggested the reading, ' ' the King of
Maacha, Ish-Tob, 12000 men," taking Ish-Tob as a name. This, how
ever, would require a further revision in x. 8, where Tob is again mentioned.

98 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
still defied David in their capital. David himself took the field
against the Syrians, defeated Hadadezer and his allies at Helam,
— an unknown locality in the East Jordan land, — and when the
Syrians of Damascus came to his assistance, defeated them also
with great slaughter. These victories greatly added to David's
reputation in the north ; and Tou (or Toi), king of Hamath,1
Hadadezer's adversary in war, sent his son to David with
magnificent presents to congratulate him on his victories, and
to solicit his friendship. David returned to Jerusalem with great
spoil ; and for some time the Syrians paid tribute to the King of
Israel.2 1 1 6. The honour of subduing the Ammonites fell to Joab. He
laid siege to their capital of Rabbah ; and, having cut off the
water-supply by seizing the lower city — the " city of waters " as
distinct from the "city" or citadel— he finally took the place by
storm. With that the war came to an end, for the other cities
of Ammon speedily submitted. David despoiled Rabbah of its
treasures, laid a heavy tax on the land, and reduced multitudes
of the Ammonites to severe servitude.3
117. Similar success attended David's arms in the south,
where he made a complete conquest of the Edomites. After
gaining a bloody victory in the Valley of Salt, Joab and his army
continued for half a year in their land till all the male population
was slain. Only one of the princes of Edom, Hadad, escaped
the exterminating sword : he fled to Egypt-— to reappear later in
Solomon's time. Edom became a province of David's kingdom ;
and Elath and Eziongeber on the Red Sea became Israelitish
seaports. 1 Not Hamath-Rabbah on the Orontes, but more probably Hamath-
Zobah (2 Chron. viii. 3).
2 2 Sam. x. 15-19 is to be supplemented by 2 Sam. viii. 3-12, which
seems to be a varying account of the same course of conquest.
8 The translation of 2 Sam. xii. 31 is exceedingly doubtful. It might
mean that David put the Ammonites to death with barbarous torture. But
this is not historically credible; for even if David was capable of such
cruelty (cf. his treatment of the Moabites), he was afterward served loyally
by some of the Ammonites (2 Sam. xvii. 27).

DAVID KING AT JERUSALEM 99
118. Thus David was invariably successful in his wars, and
extended his kingdom in every direction. The Philistines in
the west were thoroughly subdued : across the Jordan, Ammon
and Moab were made tributary ; and while the Syrians in the
north acknowledged his power, his kingdom was extended south
ward as far as the Red Sea and the borders of Egypt. The grow
ing kingdom advanced to the zenith of its power, and a new era
of national prosperity began. David had gathered great spoil in
these wars, and annual tribute poured into his treasury. Israel
increased in numbers and in prosperity, and with the growing
resources of the State the authority of the king was not only
assured, but greatly enlarged.
1 19. David's Administration. — In the administration of this
growing State it was of the first necessity that the military depart
ment should be thoroughly organised. David would scarcely
have been able to carry on war so continuously and successfully,
had his army remained on the old footing. It appears that from
the beginning David had maintained something like a small
standing army. The men who had followed him as freebooter's
in his days of outlawry continued with him when he became king,
forming the six hundred or more "mighty men" who constantiy
attended him, and from whom he selected his generals and
captains for the national army. To this company doubtless
belonged the " Thirty " heroes, who formed a kind of Legion of
Honour in the army. Among or besides this company of " Gib-
borim," David had a considerable number of foreign mercenaries,
who followed him for gain or glory, but who were also at times
conspicuous for their loyalty : such as the Cherethites and
Pelethites — Philistines probably, who, like the Scotch and Swiss
guards of the French kings, formed the king's foreign bodyguard
— or Ittai's band of soldiers from Gath.1 These companies
1 The details regarding David's standing force are exceedingly obscure,
especially as the text — as in 2 Sam. xv. 18, xx. 7 — is not quite assured. But
it seems most probable that the term "Gibborim" "had now a wider and

IOO ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
formed together a considerable standing force. They served as
the nucleus of the great national army or " host," composed of
the able-bodied men of Israel, who were summoned as they were
required, and set under captains of hundreds and captains of
thousands, under the general command of Joab. It may have
been with a view to regulate the number of troops to be re
quisitioned from the various tribes that David made a census of
the people — a proceeding which was viewed with such alarm by
a conservative nation, that the ensuing pestilence was regarded
as a Divine judgment.1
1 20. While thus providing for the necessities of war, David
also used his growing powers for the further regulation of civil
and religious affairs. He appointed new officials of government
to assist him in "executing judgment and justice " throughout the
land ; and by their means the royal power was extended much
more effectively over the tribes than had been hitherto possible.
Not that there was anything like the organisation of a modern
State, with its innumerable departments of government. The
various towns and districts were still left largely to regulate their
own affairs in matters of justice or of religion : the royal inter
ference was only slight and occasional. Thus Zadok and
Abiathar 2 were David's high priests in Jerusalem ; but we do
not hear of their authority being extended to the various
sanctuaries and high places throughout the land : still less do we
hear of any national religious organisation. Matters of justice,
too, were administered by the elders of the towns and the princes
of the tribes, though appeals might occasionally be brought
before David's seat of justice. David's court, albeit enlarged,
now a more restricted use, and that the Cherethites and Pelethites were that
special division of David's standing force which served under Benaiah's
leadership as the king's bodyguard.
1 2 Sam. xxiv.
- 2 Sam. xx. 25. The mention of "Ahimelech the son of Abiathar" in
viii. 17 scarcely agrees with the fact that Abiathar was only later removed
from the post by Solomon. The reading should be, " Abiathar the son of
Ahimelech" (cf. 1 Sam. xxii. 20). David's sons are also mentioned as priests
in the list of David's officials.

DAVID KING AT JERUSALEM 101
was still of the simplest character. He had his Recorder or
prime minister — Jehoshaphat ; his Scribe or chief secretary of
state— Seraiah or Sheva : together with other " friends " 01
counsellors, such as Ahitophel, Hushai, and Chimham,1 who had
an official position at court. -With these as well as his seers-
Nathan and Gad — and his chief priests and generals, David took
counsel ; but their chief duty was to carry out his behests. The
only officers of government who had large power in their hands
— a power not always easy to revoke — were David's generals.
The others were quite subordinate officials, and exercised their
functions only when the king desired their assistance. The
king's will was still the direct law for the nation.
121. Domestic History. — We come now to David's domestic
history, which forms a- sad contrast to his brilliant achievements
in war, and to the general wisdom and justice of his government.
The story is here told at great length, and presents David in
quite a different aspect, revealing him to us in all his sins and
weaknesses. 122. There was no high standard of marriage in those early
days ; and it was especially customary for Oriental kings to have
many wives and concubines. The interests of the kingdom were
often consulted in contracting a foreign marriage ; but apart from
such considerations the custom of polygamy widely prevailed,
and the king held it as his right to choose the fairest among the
daughters of the land. David was no exception to the rule. He
had at least six wives at Hebron, and many more were added
later to his harem : the names of seventeen sons are mentioned.2
The polygamy might be excused ; but David committed a much
more grievous sin by his adultery with Bathsheba, the daughter
of one of his mighty men, and the wife of Uriah the Hittite, one
\
1 2 Sam. xv. 12, 37 and xix. 37.
2 2 Sam. iii. 2-5, v. 13-16. The Book of Chronicles gives nineteen names ;
but probably two are reduplications. The number of daughters is not given :
only Tamar is mentioned.

102 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
of David's heroes.1 To secure himself against public odium,
David tried one expedient after another, and finally he sent
secret orders to Joab, who was then besieging Rabbah, to set
Uriah in the forefront of the battle and leave him to perish. Joab
made no scruple of obeying the king : to a man whose own hands
were stained with the blood of murder, the life of one man was
probably of small account. Uriah was appointed with other
valiant men to meet the Ammonites who had made a sortie from
the town ; and he was among those who died a soldier's death.
When David was informed of the slight repulse before the walls
of Rabbah, and of Uriah's death, he acted the part of a mag
nanimous prince, and sent to Joab the public message, " Let not
this thing grieve ' thee, for the sword devoureth one as well as
another : make thy battle more strong against the city and over
throw it." Thereafter David took Bathsheba into his palace as
soon as the days of mourning for her husband were ended, and
she became his wife.
123. Many of those who surrounded David's throne might
have viewed the double crime as an unfortunate incident of the
harem, a private slip of little account in a career otherwise un
sullied and glorious. To Nathan, the prophet and friend of
David, it was much more. To him it was a black sin, revealing
more of the real David than a hundred victories, and tarnishing
all the glory of his former achievements. While David was
hugging the assurance that his dark deeds were unknown, or
that in any case no one would dare to charge him with them,
Nathan was ushered into his presence. He had a tale of in
justice to bring to the king's notice, — a tale of a poor man's lamb,
which his rich neighbour had seized by violence. It was a case
requiring restitution and justice from a king who bore not the
sword in vain. Nobly did the king respond to the call : he
solemnly swore that the mean aggressor should die, and restore
the lamb fourfold. David was quite unprepared for the con-
1 Bathsheba was probably a granddaughter of Ahitophel, the counsellor of
David, and later one of his bitterest enemies (2 Sam. xxiii. 34).

DAVID KING AT JERUSALEM I03
science-thrust that followed : " Thou art the man." As Nathan
put before him the enormity of his sin, his black ingratitude to
God, and his base murder of Uriah, and declared that he had
pronounced his own judgment, David quailed. He sincerely
confessed his sin. Nathan thereupon announced to him that
while his sin was forgiven, the punishment could not be wholly
averted ; he must still reap as he had sown. For the sin a man
commits will plague him and others long after it has been con
fessed and pardoned : the natural consequences remain unaltered,
and other punishments may be needed to clear away the moral
stain. In David's case the punishment came in the death of the
child, in the deplorable feuds of his family, and in the revolt of
Absalom. He must still pass through the hard school of
adversity, in order to learn that the merciful Jehovah is also
just : to have his pride of royalty swept away, and the foolish
creed that a king is above the common law of God. The stain of
sin is deep and abiding ; it can only be gradually cleansed away.
We must think of David henceforth as a weak man slowly
regaining moral health and purity : battling painfully with the
evil of his heart and private life ; and learning by the calamities
that fell upon him, blow after blow, to throw himself more
unreservedly upon God, and to arrogate less power to the might
of his own arm. Whether David wrote the 51st Psalm or not,
the sentiments there expressed have their roots in such an
experience as his, and indicate the cries of a true heart, under the
Divine discipline : " Hide Thy face from my sins, and blot out all
my iniquities. Create in me a clean heart, O God ; and renew a
right spirit within me. . . . The sacrifices of God are a broken
spirit : a broken and a contrite heart, O God, Thou wilt not
despise." 124. In spite of David's repentance, there is no evidence that
he entirely cleansed himself from his sin. The dregs of it still
remained in the peculiar favour with which he treated Bathsheba ;
and when another son was born to her after the death of the first,
he was treated with special indulgence by a fond father. He

I04 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
swore to Bathsheba that this son — Solomon was his name — should
be his successor on the throne. It is quite possible that this
marked preference had a connection with the rebellion of Absalom,
no less than with that of Adonijah ; for both of these sons had
prior claims to the throne.
125. The first Insurrection. — Darker days were now at hand
for Israel, in which family dissensions united with old tribal feuds,
and threatened for a time to overwhelm the king and bring the
prosperity of the State to an end. David was a wise king : he
discerned the signs of the times, and the slumbering tribal
jealousies that hindered the stability of his kingdom. By trans
ferring his capital to Jerusalem, and, making it the centre of a just
and impartial government, he had sought to secure the confidence
of the nation as a whole, and to remove possible grounds of dis
affection. But the perfect union of north and south could only
come with time ; and the jealousies which had ripened during the
past centuries of separation were not easily removed even by
impartial government.
126. There was one part of David's conduct in particular which
may have awakened the suspicion and ill-will of the northern
tribes— his treatment of the remaining members of Saul's house
hold. How far David was actuated by political motives in the
matter, it is impossible to say ; but it is only too probable that
those who were ready to suspect the king of cunning and cruelty
would have their suspicions confirmed. His treatment of the
lame Mephibosheth,1 Jonathan's son, whom he kept at his court,
and to whom he restored the lands and possessions of Saul, might
be construed by the envious as an act of jealous precaution rather
than of real generosity. His conduct to the other members of
Saul's family might well raise darker suspicions. On the occasion
of a famine caused by three years' bad harvests, the oracle
declared that God was angry on account of Saul's cruel repres
sion of the Canaanites of Gibeon. By way of propitiation, David
1 The name was probably Meribbaal ; cf. note on p. 8r.

DAVID KING AT JERUSALEM 105
handed over seven of Saul's family to the Gibeonites, who
offered them as a bloody sacrifice to Jehovah. The horrid tale of
superstition is somewhat relieved by the story of Rizpah, the
mother of two of the victims, who watched day and night for
weeks over the bodies, driving off the birds and beasts of prey,
till David at last was constrained to give them honourable burial.
Although David probably acted in this matter from motives of
stern religious conviction, the fact of such a slaughter of Saul's
sons could scarcely fail to tell heavily against him, and tend to
keep alive the lingering discontent in the north, where the name
of Saul was still revered.
127. We must look to the south, however, for the beginnings
of the insurrectionary movement ; for the men of Judah were
certainly the ringleaders, and the first to give Absalom support.
Perhaps the very impartiality of David's government was an
offence in their eyes : they may have expected David to show
special favour to his own tribesmen, whose early loyalty had
assisted his elevation to the throne of united Israel. The pre
valence of such a feeling in Judah, combining with certain
elements of disaffection in the north, can alone account for the
surprising success of Absalom when he raised the standard of
rebellion at Hebron.
128. The story of the insurrection, which is told with great
detail so far as Absalom personally is concerned, gives a sad
picture of the evils consequent on the harem system, and of the
weaknesses of a too indulgent father. Amnon, the heir to the
throne, having wronged Tamar, the full sister of Absalom, that
headstrong youth took the law into his own hands, and had
Amnon treacherously murdered. He had to flee the country in
consequence ; but after three years' stay with Talmai, king of
Geshur— his grandfather— David was persuaded by a wary device
of Joab to permit him to return. Two years later he was fully
reinstated in the king's favour. The reconciliation, however, was
more apparent than genuine ; for Absalom immediately began
to plot against his father. With the death of Amnon, Absalom

106 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
had become the oldest living member of David's family,1 and
thus the heir-presumptive to the throne ; and it may have
rankled in his mind that David showed intentions of passing him
by in favour of Solomon, the son of Bathsheba (l Kings i. 30).
He proceeded to undermine the king's authority, and to ingratiate
himself with the people by all the arts of display and flattery.
He drew to his side Ahitophel, the king's counsellor, and care
fully fanned every flame of discontent throughout the land.
When the conspiracy was ripe, he departed for Hebron with a
great following, under pretence of a sacred vow. There the
mask was thrown off, and Absalom was publicly proclaimed
king. 129. The rebellion was so unexpected and apparently so wide
spread, that David was quite unprepared ; and in the first con-
\/ fusion of panic, distrusting even the people of Jerusalem, he
saw nothing for it but to quit the capital. He had, however, many
evidences of loyalty even in this hour of humiliation. His body
guard of Cherethites and Pelethites remained faithful, and
probably saved the king's life. The sons of Zeruiah were loyal
as ever, and followed with what men they could collect : Ittai of
Gath and his band also stood true, and insisted on following the
king. Zadok and Abiathar, too, brought out the Ark with the
intention of accompanying the king in his flight ; but David
ordered the sacred shrine to be taken back to its place.
130. If David's courage somewhat failed him in this emergency,
his natural prudence soon returned to him. He sent back Hushai,
his confidential adviser, to Jerusalem, that he might profess
allegiance to Absalom, and outwit if possible the counsels of
Ahitophel. The painful incident of the cursing of Shimei, who
charged David with the destruction of Saul's house, served to
illustrate David's dignity of character. He allowed the man to
curse and cast stones without hindrance, saying that the Lord
had bidden him ; and later, on the day of his triumphant return
1 Absalom was David's third son ; but as there is no further mention of the
second son, — Chileab or Daniel, — we may suppose that he died young.

DAVID KING AT JERUSALEM I07
to Jerusalem, when Shimei came cringing before him, he gave
him a full pardon.
131. While David was making good his escape to the Jordan,
Absalom entered Jerusalem in triumph. Had he set out
immediately in pursuit of David, it might have gone hard with
the king ; but instead of following Ahitophel's advice and sending
twelve thousand men forthwith after the fugitives, he adopted
Hushai's plan of delay, given in David's interest. David had thus
time to escape to Mahanaim, and to gather his forces together.
Ahitophel was so mortified at the rejection of his counsel, and so
convinced that the delay would prove disastrous to the cause,
that he returned to his own house and deliberately hanged himself.
132. Absalom at length crossed the Jordan with a large army
under the leadership of Amasa, a cousin of Joab. But the delay,
which enabled him to advance to the attack with increased
forces, had been still more profitable to David, who was now well
prepared for the conflict. In the battle that followed, not far
from Mahanaim, David's army was victorious : there was a
great slaughter of the enemy both in the battle and in the later
pursuit through an adjoining wood. The carnage would have
been even greater, had not Joab out of compassion restrained
the victors. He himself, however, thought it wise to get rid of
Absalom : he was not deterred by the king's earnest injunction
to all his captains to spare the prince. Absalom was found
entangled in his flight by his long hair, which caught in a tree ;
and as he hung suspended in mid-air Joab pierced him through
to the heart. David was so overwhelmed by the death of his
son, that he almost forgot his victory in his grief; and it was
only after Joab's sharp remonstrance that he was persuaded to
welcome the victorious army at the gates of Mahanaim.
133. The second Insurrection. — The civil war would now have
been at an end, had not the circumstances of David's return to
his capital created fresh troubles. Absalom being dead and
his forces scattered, the heart of the rebellion was crushed, and

108 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
the people of Israel discussed the advisability of welcoming
the king back to his kingdom. For a time Judah kept sullenly
aloof from these negotiations ; and David had to take special
means to win them over. He got Zadok and Abiathar the
priests to use their influence with the men of Judah : he went so
far as to offer Amasa, who had acted as Absalom's general in
the rebellion, the post of commander in room of Joab. These
means were successful : the men of Judah were now the most
zealous in hastening to Gilgal to escort the king home. The
precedence they thus gained, and the favours shown by David
to the tribe that had been the ringleader of the rebellion, re
awakened the jealousy of the northern tribes. The result was
that the men of Israel departed to their homes in high indigna-
/tion, leaving Judah to escort the king to Jerusalem ; while Sheba
vthe Benjamite engaged the more discontented and passionate of
them in a new rebellion.
134. This second rebellion did not assume such large propor
tions, and was soon extinguished by the prompt action of David
and the energy of Joab. David had kept his promise to Amasa,
and made him commander in place of Joab. He ordered the
new commander to gather the men of Judah, and to be ready
to start in three days in pursuit of Sheba. For some reason
Amasa failed to be in time ; and David at once commissioned
Abishai, who was now probably the next in command, to take
the troops in Jerusalem and pursue after Sheba. Joab ac
companied his brother. Meeting Amasa, the rival who had
supplanted him as David's general, — he had now raised his forces,
and overtaken the others at Gibeon, — -Joab gave him a friendly
greeting to put him off his guard, and then treacherously
murdered him. He then took Amasa's place as commander of
all the forces gathered for the pursuit.1 Meanwhile Sheba had
1 We have followed the text as it stands. But perhaps we should read
'Joab' instead of 'Abishai' in 2 Sam. xx. 6: in which case Joab was the
leader of the second punitive party, and his later appearance at the head of
the united forces does not need to be explained.

DAVID KING AT JERUSALEM I09
gone through all the northern tribes, endeavouring, with little
success, to enlist them in his cause. Finally, he fled with a
few men of his own tribe to the far north, to Abel-Beth-Maacah,
near the sources of the Jordan.1 There he was overtaken by
Joab, who proceeded vigorously to besiege the town. The
inhabitants, however, had no desire to see their town destroyed :
by the advice of a wise woman who had negotiated privately
with Joab, they put Sheba to death, and threw his head over the
wall. Joab thereupon retired satisfied ; the rebellion was at an
end. The threatened division between Israel and Judah was
thus prevented for the time being by the vigorous policy of
David and his general.
135. David's closing Days. — David's last days were embittered
by the thorny question of the succession. Though the right of
the firstborn was generally acknowledged, the will of the
reigning king was also an important factor in determining
who should succeed ; and in this case the two principles came
into conflict. Since the death of Absalom, Adonijah was the
oldest son of the royal family ; and he now conducted himself
as the rightful heir. He gained the support of Abiathar the
priest, and the still more powerful adherence of Joab, now
reinstated in his position as commander of the host ; and a
considerable party of the people recognised his right. Another
party, however, favoured Solomon the son of Bathsheba : among
whom were Nathan the prophet, Zadok the priest, Benaiah the
captain of the king's bodyguard, and others of influence who
stood near the king's person.
136. It was believed that David had sworn to Bathsheba that
Solomon should succeed him on the throne. Both parties
intrigued ; and at first King David, now bent and feeble witn
years, showed no desire to interfere. Adonijah precipitated
matters by calling his friends together to a sacrificial feast at
1 This place is probably marked by the village of Abil, about five miles
west of Dan,

IIO ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
En-rogel (the Fuller's Fountain), outside the walls of Jerusalem.1
As none of the opposing faction was invited, the purpose of the
gathering was at once suspected ; and Nathan hastened to
counteract the conspiracy against Solomon. He induced
Bathsheba to interview the king, and reminding him of his
promise in Solomon's favour, to tell him of Adonijah's doings
at En-rogel ; and he himself followed her into the king's
presence, and confirmed her report, declaring that Adonijah
had already been declared king. David at once took action.
He ordered Zadok, Nathan, and Benaiah with the bodyguard
to escort Solomon down to the fountain of Gihon,2 and there
to anoint and proclaim him king. The command was at once
obeyed : Solomon was anointed by Zadok with the sacred oil,
and proclaimed king amid the rejoicing of the people. The
conspirators at En-rogel were surprised in the midst of their
festivities by the unusual sounds from the other quarter of the
valley, and when the report was brought by Jonathan the son
of Abiathar that the king had raised Solomon to the throne,
they scattered in alarm. Adonijah fled to the sanctuary of Zion,
and laid hold of the horns of the altar ; and he was only re
assured by the oath of Solomon to give him his life on condition
of future loyalty. He was brought into Solomon's presence, and
paid him the required homage. Thus the strife of parties was
happily ended without bloodshed, and Solomon was established
on the throne.
137. We do not know how long David lived after he had
abdicated in favour of Solomon ; but it is probable that the weak
and bedridden king did not survive many days. He had held
the reins of government for forty years : had tasted the cup of
life to the full— its hardships and desperate ventures, as well as
its enjoyments and the glory of satisfied ambition. He must
1 It lay to the south of the town, and is usually identified with Job's
Fountain, where the valleys of the Kidron and Hinnom join.
2 It lay in the valley of the Kidron, east of Jerusalem. It was scarcely
half a mile from En-rogel, where the opposing faction was gathered.

DAVID KING AT JERUSALEM 1 1 1
now lay down his kingdom at the call of a higher King who
exercises dominion over all. David bravely faced the coming
change, and addressed himself finally to dispose of the affairs
of his kingdom.
138. In the last charge to his son Solomon — as recorded in
1 Kings ii. — there are many things worthy of a true king. He
counselled him to be strong, and show himself a man. No timid
or irresolute spirit could govern such a kingdom : what had been
built up by manliness and courage was to be maintained by the
same high qualities. He counselled him, further, to be a man of
God ; for only by right principle and faith in God could the
throne be permanently established. Here spoke a true king,
who had himself honoured Jehovah, and executed judgment and
justice in the gate. Had David not exercised faith and humility
before God, and justice in his dealings with his subjects, he
would never have been called " the man after God's own heart."
Together with the legacy of the kingdom, he left his son Solomon
the richer legacy of a noble example.
139. But what shall we say of the codicil to David's last
testament? His mention of Barzillai the Gileadite, who had
shown him kindness at the time of his flight from Absalom, is
entirely worthy of David's heart. He would have Solomon
repay kindness with kindness, and, by honouring Barzillai's
family, make good a long-outstanding debt. But apparently
David's gratitude for benefits received was balanced by an
undying remembrance of injuries. He remembered the
high-handed conduct of Joab, his murder of the two generals
Abner and Amasa, doubtless also his pitiless slaying of
Absalom ; and he wished to pay off these old scores against
the man who all through life had loyally served him. He
remembered, too, the curses of Shimei, whom he had publicly
pardoned at the time : looked back upon the incident, apparently,
with a grudge at his own magnanimity ; and he counselled
Solomon to remember the man's guilt, and to bring down his
hoary head to the grave with blood.

112 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
140. If these words are authentic, they must stand as heavy
counts against the nobility of David's character. It would
certainly be unfair to let them outweigh everything else in
David's life.1 Something might still be said in favour of the
view that David was cautioning Solomon against men who
might prove dangerous to his government. Yet it would seem
impossible — if we take the words as literally David's — to avoid
the conclusion that the king had become more spiteful and
vindictive in his old age. That is quite possible : human life
is full of such inconsistencies, and even good men often display
very disappointing features of character. On the other hand, it
is hard to believe that David so belied his better nature as to
forget the loyal services of Joab, or to repent of his magnanimity
to Shimei. The psychological difficulty is relieved by the
literary criticism of the chapter, which discovers in the text signs
of later revision. All things considered, it seetris highly probable
that David's charge to Solomon has been at least considerably
modified, in order to justify or to palliate the cruel deeds with
which Solomon inaugurated his reign.
141. David's Character. — Whatever conclusion be arrived at on
this point, David's character must be judged by the dominant
and prevailing features of his life. We may sometimes gain a
little, sometimes lose a little, by setting aside the later idealising
additions that have gathered like an aureole round the figure of
David ; but the main outlines of his character are well defined,
and the most faithful scrutiny of the record only serves to bring
out more clearly the real excellences of this gifted king.
142. Without doubt David was a great king and a great man.
Brave and chivalrous, energetic and prudent, a judge of men, a
true lover of his country, just and wisely impartial in his
administration — he combined all the high qualities of a king
1 If ordinary writers show a prejudice of partiality for David, Renan shows
the prejudice of hostility against him when he contends that in these hateful
commissions David " showed the black perfidy of his hypocritical soul."

DAVID KiNG At JERUSALEM 113
who has made his way to the throne by real merit, and held it
successfully to the last. He had also the personal qualities that
endear a king to his subjects and a man to his fellows :
considerate humanity, loyalty in friendship, strong family feeling,
the genial gift of music and song. The stains upon his character
— his deceitfulness, his severity in war, his sensual indulgence —
may be partly excused by the general customs of the time ; and
where he fell below the common standards of morality, he
righted himself again by a genuine contrition and repentance.
Add to this an upright and earnest piety, faith in God and
humble submission to His will : qualities that found expression in
rude, even superstitious ways typical of the age, but forming
evidently the bedrock of his character.
143. Whether we consider David's personal qualities, or his
great achievements for a nation whose best traits he represented,
we cannot wonder that the later generations of Israel exalted
him above all his successors, and formed after his image their
ideal king of the future Messianic times.
"He who ruling over men is just,
Ruling in the fear of God,
Is as the light that riseth in the morning,
As the sun in a cloudless dawn."

CHAPTER VIII.
RELIGIOUS LIFE IN THE TIME OF DA VID.
144. It is easier to learn the Customs of an Age than to reach an adequate
Picture of its Conceptions.
145. Law of advancing Development not to be too rigidly interpreted.
146. Great growth of Culture, Commerce, and Prosperity.
147. Not a reflective or critical Age : its Faith "objective."
148. Forms of Worship not radically changed from the preceding Age.
149. Conceptions largely consonant with the rude Customs.
1 50. Indications of Progress.
151. Resistance to lower and more corrupt Beliefs and Practices.
152. New Prominence given to the national Idea of God.
153. This Advance partly a Revival of the Mosaic Faith.
154. The Ark (later the Temple) in Jerusalem a visible Expression ot
the national Idea.
155. An Age of healthy religious Development.

CHAPTER VIII.
RELIGIOUS LIFE IN THE TIME OF DAVID.
144. In trying to estimate the religious conditions of any age,
it is usually an easier matter to picture the religious customs than
to give a precise statement of the religious conceptions. For
customs are more permanent, and the historian cannot fail to
give some indication of them ; but the conceptions are more
variable and less easily defined. So, in judging of the religious
situation in David's time, it is easier to reach a satisfactory picture
of the religious usages than of the motives and conceptions that
guided the people in the practice of them. The customs are not
easily changed : they remain the same for generations, and when
any important changes occur they are observed and recorded.
But variations of conception are less noticeable, because unper-
ceived ; and the ebb and flow of the religious life is often ignored.
The difficulty that thus emerges is increased in this case by the
fact that the history of David, as we have it, is evidently coloured
by the conditions of thought that prevailed in a much later time.
145. The difficulty here is usually met by the assumption that
the lower conceptions found in the record — the less spiritual
ideas of religion and morality — may be safely credited to the
earlier age, while the higher or more advanced conceptions are
to be referred to the later period to which the sacred writer
belonged. This solution, however, is not quite satisfactory. It
may be, roughly speaking, true that the very idea of a developing
115

Il6 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
revelation implies the gradual purifying of religious thought from
the earlier elements of grossness or superstition, and thus a
reasonable presumption is created in favour of such a treatment
of the history. But this law of development must not be too
rigidly interpreted : the principle of continuity must leave room
for retrogressions, temporary reactions, spiritual failures. Times
of high spiritual life are not infrequently followed by times of
decadence, and the recrudescence of apparently exploded super
stitions. The Rabbinic religion came after the prophetic : the
age of the Judges came after the age of Moses. So the time of
David may have contained features which a later age could not
appreciate ; even as the law of Moses had moral elements which
only thelater prophets could seize in their true grandeur. This
by way of caution.
146. When we contrast the time of David with the foregoing
period of the Judges, we cannot but remark the great outward
advance that has been made. It is like the difference between
barbarism and civilisation. The nation, formerly nothing more
than a handful of separate clans, each with the minimum of
organisation, is now bound together in firm political unity. A
new order has made itself felt, and has brought other blessings
in its train. The population has greatly increased, and cities of
commerce have sprung up, trading in the products of many lands.
The new extension of the kingdom has given an impetus to trade
and commerce ; and the alliance with Phenicia has led to a great
influx of articles of comfort and of luxury. In every direction
new channels of enterprise are opened up ; and the years of
peace which followed David's campaigns must have been years
of growing prosperity and culture.
147. It was not a reflective age, but one of unparalleled
strenuous activity. A nation in which the material interests of
life are greatly increased is not one in which to expect much
reflection on spiritual things, or much criticism of the conceptions
or modes of worship of the past. Whatever religious movement

RELIGIOUS LIFE IN THE TIME OF DAVID 117
was in progress was rather of the nature of an unconscious
development than the fruit of any conscious and set purpose to
revise preceding religious principles. A candid survey of the
history easily shows that the kind of worship and ritual that
prevailed in earlier times was preserved and continued right
through this period, and indeed with little variation all through
the centuries of the kingdom.
148. Thus the outward forms of the worship of Israel suffered
little change. The old high place worship continued : every
locality had its own sacred spot where the people gathered for
worship and revered Jehovah under forms that did not differ
greatly from those of the Canaanite worship. Some spots were
held peculiarly sacred, such as Bethel, Gilgal, Mizpah, Ramah :
these had a wide reputation. Sometimes family or individual
reasons determined the preference given to one place above
another : Bethlehem and Hebron were the favourite places of
sacrifice for David's family.1 This high place worship was not
directly affected by David's removal of the Ark to the Tent on
Mount Zion, or even by the later building of the Temple. Just
as the existence of the sanctuary at Shiloh, where the Ark was
formerly, did not prevent other sanctuaries from being held in
reverence, so neither did the new sanctuary of Jerusalem pre
judice the older forms of worship. The high places continued
undisturbed and even unquestioned throughout the time of the
early kingdom ; and still later, even after the reforming efforts of
Hezekiah and Josiah, they were held in honour by the multitudes
of Israel.2 The forms of worship, too, were dangerously similar
to those- of the Canaanites : asherahs and massebahs — sacred
posts and stone-pillars — stood beside the altars, and the worship
round these verged on idolatry. And other forms of superstitious
ritual prevailed. The old relic of family worship, the Teraphim
1 r Sam. xx. 6 ; 2 Sam. xv. 7, 12.
2 In the earlier period the reforming prophets attacked Baalism, but not
the high place worship in itself (so Elijah). Hezekiah's reform was directed
mainly against the idolatrous worship of the high places ; while Josiah
sought their total abolition.

Il8 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
or household gods, continued in use, though we do not know
what ritual was connected with them. Still more prominent in
popular reverence was the Ephod, an image of Jehovah which
gave oracular responses. It usually remained in some sanctuary
under the guardianship of a priest ; but it could also be carried
about from place to place. Both Saul and David regularly
consulted the Ephod in times of difficulty, or before taking any
important step.1 In the ordinary circumstances of life the people
resorted to seers, or even to wizards and necromancers, for
guidance in their perplexities, or to learn the Divine will.
149. The conceptions of God which commonly prevailed were
no doubt on a par with these customs and forms of worship. It
is to be feared that for many Israelites, Jehovah was little more
than the local God of the high place, and that His character was
not very clearly distinguished from the local Baal who was
worshipped by the Canaanites in their vicinity. At most He was
the God of the land : He ruled in Canaan just as other gods held
sway in Moab, Ammon, or the land of the Philistines. He was
no doubt a God of right and truth ; but power rather than
goodness was prominent in their thought of Him. He dwelt in
thick darkness, and His worshippers regarded Him with fear and
dread. His mysterious will was feared, acting on men like a
fatality : 2 He punished with death those who unwittingly touched
the symbol of His majesty : 3 there are many indications of the
thought — traceable to the most primitive times — that Jehovah
exercised His power in mysterious and arbitrary ways. It is in
accordance with such a view of God that the worshipper should
try to please Him, not so much by holy and righteous living, as
by making sacrifice,4 or by some act of special self-denial.8
Similarly, Jehovah was the guardian of oaths ; but even the
1 1 Sam. xiv. 18 (LXX), 41, xxiii. 2, 6, 9-12, xxx. 7, 8.
3 1 Sam. ii. 23, " The Lord would slay them."
3 2 Sam. vi. 7.
4 1 Sam. xxvi. 19, " If it be the Lord that hath stirred thee up against me,
let Him smell an offering."
5 Cf. 1 Sam. xiv. 24.

RELIGIOUS LIFE IN THE TIME OF DAVID Iig
unwitting transgressor was punishable not less than one who
committed a voluntary breach of the engagement (cf. the case of
Jonathan's breach of Saul's taboo). So, when Saul had sinned
by breaking the old covenant made with the Gibeonites, Jehovah
is said to have accepted the punishment of his descendants by
way of atonement : when seven of his family were hanged,
Jehovah " was entreated for the land." :
150. In all this there seems to be little advance beyond the
religious conceptions of a much earlier age. Nevertheless there
are indications that the religious life was making a real advance.
The progress was seen in two ways : first, in the endeavour to
cast out some of the baser elements of the older religion ; and
secondly, in the revival of Israel's faith in Jehovah as the national
God. 151. From the time of Samuel there was a certain reaction of
sentiment against the cruder forms of Israel's worship. It was
probably under the guidance of this prophet, who represented
the nobler spirit of the age, that Saul was led to decree the ex
pulsion of the wizards and necromancers from the land. From
the frequent mention of these superstitions, and the numerous
names given to those who practised them, one can scarcely doubt
that the faith in such black arts was very prevalent, and did
much to corrupt and degrade the people. The fact that Israel's
first king tried to banish these corrupt practices from the land,
shows that there was a growing feeling of what was worthy of
Jehovah and what was unworthy. There can be no doubt that
David retained in full force the enactments of the first king ; for
he was in closer touch than was Saul with the prophetic spirit of
the day.
152. But the main development of religious thought arose from
the new situation in which Israel found itself under the early
kings. With the unity of the nation, the thought of the national
Jehovah came once more into prominence, and with the extension
of the nation's power came also the thought of the widely ex-
1 2 Sam. xxi. 14.

120 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
tending power of the nation's God. In those days religion was
very closely associated with the temporal good or bad fortunes
of a people : disaster was naturally interpreted as a sign of
weakness (if not of wrath) on the part of the divinity, while
victory and success tended to confirm the people's faith in his
power and especial favour. Hence the wonderful growth of
Israel's national fortunes carried with it a growing sense of the
power and favour of Jehovah, the God of the nation. It was He
who had prepared the way for Israel's supremacy, and scattered
her enemies by the might of His power. It was in Jehovah's
name that Saul had summoned the tribes to battle, and Samuel
anointed him king : it was in Jehovah's name that David won all
his victories, and so wonderfully extended his dominion over the
heathen. He was no longer conceivable, then, as a small local
divinity of limited power : He was the great conquering God of
Israel, the Lord of hosts. In the light of this larger conception,
a new enthusiasm of devotion was awakened, in which patriotism
and religious feeling were intimately blended.
153. To some extent this conception of a national God was
only the revival of the faith that had united the tribes of Israel
in their desert-wanderings, and in the earlier stages of their
conquest of Canaan. Development of faith often takes place
by bringing into new prominence some half-forgotten truth of
the past ; and so it was here. The old faith in the national
Jehovah had been greatly weakened by the tribal dissensions
that followed Israel's settlement in Canaan ; and only rarely did
the old enthusiasm arise — as in a Deborah, inspiring the nation
with the thought of their common faith and common experience
of Jehovah's deliverances. Now the old faith returned to Israel
with the added emphasis of new national experiences. The same
God who had brought them from Egypt and given them the land
of Canaan had now revealed Himself anew in the greatness of
His power, as "glorious in holiness, fearful in praises, doing
wonders." The new emphasis thus laid on the thought of
Jehovah as the national God, exalted in power, must have acted

RELIGIOUS LIFE IN THE TIME OF DAVID 121
beneficially on the people's conception of His character, and pre
pared for the fuller revelation of a God who is not only God of
gods, but God alone.
1 54. A new impulse was given to this more elevated aspect of
the Jehovah-worship when David removed the Ark to Mount
Zion, and still more when Solomon built on the same spot his
magnificent temple. By restoring the national symbol to honour,
David provided a visible expression for the national religious
aspirations ; and whatever were Solomon's motives in the
building of the temple, his work plainly contributed to the
same end.
155. Thus, when we compare the religion of Israel at this time
with the ages that preceded, we find many indications that the
nation was making marked progress in religious faith as well
as in outward civilisation. We can scarcely doubt that this
age also compares very favourably with later periods of the
history of Israel. In the middle centuries of the kingdom the
worship of the Baalim and of other heathen divinities prevailed,
sometimes — as in the days of Elijah and Elisha — to an alarming
extent : the enthusiasm for the national Jehovah had seriously
declined since the days of David. The beginnings of the decline
may be dated from the time of Solomon, whose erection of
heathen sanctuaries for his wives prepared the way for the
later influx of heathen customs, and retarded the progress of true
religion for centuries. Even in the later times of reform, both
before and after the reign of King Josiah, we hear of idolatrous
rites being practised and abominable Canaanitish customs revived,
from which the first times of the kingdom were exempt.1 On the
whole, therefore, we have reason to believe that in spite of some
remaining customs of idolatry and superstition, the religion of
Israel in David's time was advancing in a healthy development,
and actually attained a high spiritual level — perhaps the highest
attainable within the limits of a national religion.
1 2 Kings xxiii. 4-13. Josiah's reform was followed by reaction (Jer. xi.
13, xliv. 7, 8, 15-18 ; Ezek. viii. 5-16).

CHAPTER IX.
THE REIGN OF SOLOMON.
Paragraphs 156-158. Introductory.
156. The national Situation at the Time of Solomon's Accession.
157. His good Intentions, illustrated by the Prayer for Wisdom.
1 Kings iii. 4-15.
158. His Career not to be thereby prejudged.
159—163. Solomon's Throne established by Violence.
I Kings ii. 13-46.
160. Adonijah charged with Treason, and slain. I Kings ii. 13-25.
161. Abiathar deposed : Joab slain. I Kings ii. 26-35.
162. Vengeance lights on Shimei. 1 Kings ii. 36-46.
163. Solomon — not David — responsible for these Cruelties.
164-167. Foreign Relations. 1 Kings iii. 1, v. 1,
ix. 16, xi. 14-25.
164. Solomon content to maintain, if possible, David's Conquests.
165. Friendly Treaties with Phenicia and Egypt. I Kings iii. I, v. I, ix. 16.
166. Unrest in Edom. : Kings xi. 14-22.
167. Resistance in Syria. 2 Chron. viii. 3 ; 1 Kings xi. 23-25.
168-170. Extension of Commerce, i Kings ix. 26-x. 29.
169. Egyptian and Syrian Trade.
1 70. Trade with Phenicia and on the Red Sea.
171. Works of Military Defence, i Kings iv. 26,
ix. 15-18, xi. 27.
172-177. The Temple and the Royal Palace, i Kings v.-viii.
173. His Preparations. I Kings v., vii. 13, 14, 46, ix. 20-23.
174. The Building of the Temple. I Kings vi., vii. 13-51.
175. Its Dedication. I Kings viii.
176. Solomon's Aim in building the Temple.
177. The building of the Royal Palace. 1 Kings vii. 1-12.
178-180. Solomon's Greatness.
178. His Court and Officials. I Kings iv. 1-28.
179. His Power and Wisdom. 1 Kings iii. 16-28, iv. 29-34.
1 80. His Wealth and Splendour : the Visit of Sheba's Queen. I Kings x.
181-183. The reverse Side of the Picture.
182. Solomon's private Life. I Kings xi. 1-8.
183. Solomon's public Administration. 1 Kings xi. 26-40.
184-185. Concluding Estimate: an Oriental Despot.
122

CHAPTER IX.
THE REIGN OF SOLOMON.
156. WHEN King Solomon came to the throne, the people of
Israel were advancing by leaps and bounds in the various paths
of national development. The dormant energies of the nation
were awakened to full activity : fresh impulses were everywhere
in movement, leading to new beginnings and hopeful enterprise
in every department. Its varied and rapid growth reminds one
of Milton's picture of "a noble and puissant nation, rousing
herself like a strong man after sleep, and shaking her invincible
locks." In one sense it was easy to govern such a nation ; for
with the growth of prosperity the power of the monarch had
grown, and his means of action were greatly increased. But
it was no slight task to govern wisely and well. In this time
of amazing growth the whole national life was in movement,
and new directions were being found for men's thoughts and
activities. The national ideals were in process of formation ;
and much must depend on the head of the nation for the mould
ing of the nation's faith and aims. We have now to see how far
Solomon acquitted himself of his task, and how far his reign
served the true development of his people.
157. We may well believe that Solomon — like most kings —
began his reign with lofty intentions. In the beautiful story
of Solomon's prayer at Gibeon, we have an indication that he
was not unaware of the greatness of his task. The new monarch
123

124 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
had gone to Gibeon to inaugurate his reign with a great public
sacrifice : had offered a thousand offerings on the great altar ;
and thereafter, retiring to rest, he had a wonderful dream.
Jehovah appeared to him and asked him his heart's desire. No
outward gift did Solomon ask— riches, or victory over his
enemies, or length of days, or honour and fame ; but what is
better than all, and lies at the root of all— wisdom to guide him
in his ruling functions. Jehovah approved of the choice, and
promised him not only what he desired, but all the other things
added to it. In this dream-prayer of the king we can read the
noble aspiration of a mind that knew the difficulties and tempta
tions of the task, and sought Heaven's guidance for its right
fulfilment. The prayer is summed up in the one petition for
an understanding heart, for the kind of wisdom a ruler needs
to judge his people and discern right from wrong. The true
ruler must exercise a wise discernment, if he is to steer his
course rightly, and be a minister of good to his people. He
must see beneath the shows of things, beneath the flattery of
courtiers and the specious insinuations of detractors : must be
able to detect goodness and worth under whatever unpromising
exterior, and evil under whatever guise. Such practical tact and
insight are necessary, not only for rulers and those who hold
high position, but for all men, so far as their influence extends.
It is this which gives the light of direction to the pure intention
and the loving heart, making these duly effective. Next to the
prayer for the pure heart must always come this prayer for an
understanding heart : for the wisdom which enables a man to
direct his way aright amid the entanglement of good and evil
in the world.
158. It is scarcely fair, perhaps, to emphasise that this was no
actual prayer of Solomon, but only something that passed through
his mind in visions of the night : he only dreamed that he prayed
it. The dream-prayer may still be taken as the indication of
Solomon's earnest aspiration to be a worthy follower of his father
on the throne of Israel. On the other hand, we must be careful

THE REIGN OF SOLOMON 125
not to prejudge the reign of Solomon, or the character of the king
as it unfolds itself in his government, by laying undue emphasis
upon the story. We know how later tradition has magnified the
wisdom of Solomon out of all reason, and beyond all that the
scanty details of the Bible can justify. His wisdom has been
represented as the quarry of all the wisdom of antiquity, his
science of nature as so profound as to include the knowledge
of the languages of birds and beasts, and his architectural works
as so magnificent that they could only have been achieved by the
aid of genii. In these later days of inquiry and criticism, the
pendulum has sometimes swung to the other extreme, so that
many are inclined to reverse the judgment of tradition. The
stories of the reign of Solomon have been carefully sifted : every
atom of evidence that tells in his disfavour has been seriously
weighed ; and in the light of such inquiry the halo that sur
rounded the name of King Solomon the Wise has practically
disappeared. In view of such diverging judgments we require
to set all preconceptions aside, and with the material at our
disposal to discriminate carefully between the good and the
evil, and particularly to try to discover whether Solomon's career
was worthy of his own aspirations and his magnificent natural
capabilities. 159. A Throne established by Violence. — The opening acts of
Solomon's reign were certainly ominous. Apparently he did not
consider his throne secure till he had removed out of the way
the enemies of his house, and those who had opposed his eleva
tion to the throne. Chief among these were Adonijah his elder
brother, Joab and Abiathar who had aided him in the late
conspiracy, and Shimei, a fanatical adherent of Saul's house.
160. Solomon had already promised his brother Adonijah his
life on condition of his future loyalty ; but a king's suspicions
are easily aroused. Adonijah presumed to seek the hand of
Abishag the Shunammite 1— the young wife who had been given
1 i.e. a native of Shunem, lying north of the valley of Jezreel.

126 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
to David in his old age. But as the entire harem of David was
regarded as the peculiar property of his successor on the throne,
the aspirant proceeded warily, and sought the good offices of
the queen-mother, Bathsheba. Having no suspicion of Adonijah's
good faith, Bathsheba put his suit before her royal son. But
instead of acceding to the request, Solomon's indignation broke
loose : he imagined that treachery was in the air ; and though
he had promised to grant Bathsheba whatever she might request,
he immediately declared that Adonijah was aspiring to the
throne. Without endeavouring to verify his suspicions, he sent
and had his brother put to death by Benaiah, the captain of his
bodyguard. 161. He then proceeded to take a similar vengeance on
Adonijah's partisans, Joab and Abiathar, both of whom had
taken part in the assembly at En-rogel. The life of the priest
was spared out of respect for the sacred office he had filled, but
Solomon satisfied his grudge by deposing him from the priest
hood. With Abiathar the old priestly line of Eli came to an
end : the family of Zadok stood henceforth without a rival in
the priesthood of Jerusalem. Joab — David's unruly but faithful
general, and now a very old man — was much more cruelly treated.
Hearing of the vengeance Solomon was taking, and distrusting
the king's intentions towards himself, Joab had fled for refuge to
the altar which stood beside the tent on Zion. Solomon acted
as if the flight of Joab were a confession of guilt, and immediately
ordered Benaiah to seize him and put him to death. When the
captain feared to violate the sanctuary by slaying a man before
the altar, the king commanded him to obey orders, declaring
that it was a sacred duty to take vengeance on a man who had
blood on his hands, and to clear the innocent from the imputa
tion of complicity by punishing the real criminal.
162. A similar fate befell Shimei, whose death was justified
in the same way. This Benjamite, who had cursed David at
the time of his flight from Absalom, had been magnanimously
pardoned ; but Solomon was not bound by David's oath, nor

THE REIGN OF SOLOMON 1 27
had he David's magnanimous spirit. He gave Shimei his life
meanwhile ; but he ordered him to remain in Jerusalem,
threatening him with death if he put a foot outside the city.
After faithfully fulfilling this hard condition for three years, a
sudden emergency led Shimei to overstep the condition : two of
his servants ran away to Gath, and he went thither to recover them.
On his return Solomon mercilessly carried out his threat, and
Shimei fell by the hand of Benaiah, who acted as royal executioner.
163. A different complexion would be given to these dark
deeds could we assume that the narrative of David's last charge
to his son was authentic. But, as we have seen, the historical
probability is in favour of David's entire innocence. Solomon
acted on his own initiative with reference to Joab and Abiathar,
no less than in the case of Adonijah. And in spite of all that
may be said in defence of these measures, — as being necessary
for the king's safety, and quite in harmony with the ideals of justice
in that age, — we can scarcely resist the impression that Solomon
was acting according to the usual custom of Oriental despots.
164. Foreign Relations. — Solomon's foreign policy was unlike
that of his father, and he did not add to the nation's military
glory. King David had pushed his conquests far beyond the
borders of Israel, and was always prepared to chastise his
hostile neighbours ; and as a consequence his name was feared
by all the peoples around, from Damascus to the Egyptian
border. His son was not a warrior, though he made abundant
preparations for war : the days of extended conquest were now
past. The altered circumstances may account in some degree
for the altered policy : it was enough for David's successor to
hold the conquests already made. But in all probability Solomon
was disinclined for war : he sought his glory rather in royal
magnificence and display than in the splendour of martial
achievement. He adopted, therefore, a defensive policy : he
was content to fortify his country against invasion, and to trust
to friendly alliances and to wise diplomacy.

128 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
165. With Phenicia and with Egypt, Solomon seems to have
remained on friendly terms all through his reign. With Tyre,
the most famous of the Phenician towns, and already a great
commercial centre, he continued the alliance made by his
father ; and still further cemented it by commercial treaties
with Hiram which were mutually advantageous. At the be
ginning of his reign, too, Solomon came into friendly relations
with the King of Egypt — probably Pasebchanu II., the last king
of the Twenty-first Dynasty. The Egyptians at this time were
evidently desirous of reviving their political influence and their
commercial relations with Syria and the north. In one expedi
tion — mentioned only incidentally (1 Kings ix. 16) — they occupied
Gezer, a Canaanitish town on the western border of Ephraim,
and lying in proximity to the important high road which led
from the south to the Euphrates. We do not learn the details
of the agreement made between Egypt and Israel ; but two
vital facts are recorded, — the first, that the King of Egypt gave
his daughter in marriage to Solomon ; and the second, that the
city of Gezer was also handed over to him by way of dowry.
The alliance was doubtless of advantage to both parties. To
Egypt it secured an extension of commercial relations with
Israel and the farther north ; while to Solomon it not only
served a commercial end, but brought with it new guarantees
of strength and peace to his kingdom.
166. It has been reasonably suggested that this treaty of
alliance with Egypt included some mutual arrangement with
regard to the affairs of Edom, in which both Israel and Egypt
were interested parties. At the time of the exterminating war
in that land, which was carried on to the bitter end by Joab,
Hadad, one of the seed-royal of Edom, had made his escape
to Egypt. He found favour at the court of the Pharaoh,1 and
married the queen's sister. After David's death Hadad returned
to his own country, hoping to re-establish his kingdom. How
far he was successful we are not informed. He seems to have
1 This Pharaoh was doubtless a predecessor of Solomon's father-in-law.

THE REIGN OF SOLOMON 1 29
at least maintained his position in Edom, and to have harassed
Solomon in the south ; but his power could not have been very
considerable, since Solomon's route through Edom to the Red
Sea remained open.
167. In the north the Syrians proved restless tributaries, and
there can be little doubt that Solomon suffered some diminution
of power. We hear, indeed, of a successful campaig'n conducted
against Hamath-Zobah in the East Jordan land ; 1 but it is evident
from the indications of the older narrative (1 Kings xi. 23-25)
that the renewal of the Syrian conflict issued in some loss of
sovereignty. The most powerful adversary was Rezon. This
adventurer had formerly been in the service of Hadadezer of
Zobah ; but either he had fallen into disfavour with his lord, or
had been obliged to part from him in the troubles arising from
David's conquests. For some time he lived as a raiding chieftain,
fighting for his own hand : later he seized the city of Damascus
and became king, founding a new dynasty there, which was
Israel's foe for generations. As King of Damascus, Rezon was
able to cope with Solomon on more equal terms ; and he showed
himself a formidable opponent.
168. Extension of Commerce. — If Solomon did not quite succeed
in retaining the military position of his father David, he was
more successful in the way of developing peaceful commercial
relations with other States. He encouraged the growing trade
with Phenicia, Egypt, and Arabia, as well as with the Syrians
and Hittites in the north.
169. With Egypt, as we have already seen, he maintained
peaceful relations, and strengthened them by his Egyptian
marriage. A new trade arose between the countries, probably
sanctioned and encouraged by both powers. As Gezer, Dor, and
Megiddo were in Solomon's possession, the great route con
necting Syria and Egypt, which ran by these towns along his
western border, would be in his power ; and a friendly treaty,
1 2 Chron. viii. 3.
9

130 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
giving protection to the trade-caravans from Egypt would.be
highly advantageous to both nations. Solomon entered heartily
into this Egyptian commerce. When prosecuting his scheme
of military defence, he purchased from Egypt a vast quantity
of war-chariots and of horses : we are told that he had fourteen
hundred chariots and twelve thousand horsemen, distributed in
Jerusalem and in the chariot-cities prepared for their accommoda
tion. He also took largely into his own hands the trade in
horses and chariots : the royal merchants brought them from
Egypt and resold them to the Syrians, and even to the Hittites
farther north.
170. Still more considerable was the. outcome of Solomon's
friendship with King Hiram of Tyre. Here Solomon found the
assistance he needed for his building enterprises, and also for the
development of his maritime trade. With Tyrian help he built
a fleet of ships at Eziongeber on the shore of the Red Sea.1
These ships were manned by Tyrians and Israelites, and were a
new means of communication with Arabia and the surrounding
coasts. They made trading expeditions as far as Ophir — a mart
of commerce situated possibly on the south coast of Arabia, but
having connections with Africa and the far East. They returned
bearing rich and unwonted merchandise — not only gold and
precious stones, but sandalwood, ivory, apes, and peacocks. It
may have been with a view to protect the route through Edom
to the port of Eziongeber that Solomon built Tamar in the
wilderness, on the southern border of Judah. Besides this
maritime commerce, which was carried on conjointly with Tyre,
an active general trade was. also developed with Tyre and other
Phenician towns, in which Israel exchanged the produce of her
fields for Phenician timber, or the products of the Mediterranean.
1 They were called " Tarshish-ships, " being built after the style of the
Tyrian ships that traded to Tarshish in Spain (1 Kings x. 22). The names
and character of the merchandise indicate that these ships were Eastern
traders. The length of time stated to be spent in one voyage  three years 
has been taken to indicate that Ophir lay even farther distant than South
Arabia : some have identified it with Abhira, at the mouth of the Indus

THE REIGN OF SOLOMON 131
171. Works of Military Defence. — While Solomon thus cultivated
peaceful relations with other peoples, he was also careful to make
thorough defensive preparations in case of war. His first
attention was given to the fortification of the capital. He built
Millo, a fort of the surrounding wall ; it stood doubtless on the
north side of the city, which was most exposed to attack. It is
further said that he built " the wall of Jerusalem," and that he
" closed up the breach of the city of David." x Whether this
implies that an additional wall was carried round the western
hill — as some suggest — must remain undecided. In any case
Solomon put the fortifications of Jerusalem in a state of thorough
repair, and greatly increased its means of defence. At the same
time he strengthened the general defences of the country by
building or refortifying several towns which lay near the borders
or which commanded important routes. Thus Hazor in the far
north ; Megiddo on the southern side of the Plain of Esdraelon ;
Gezer, Bethhoron, and Baalath — all three near the western
borders ; and Tamar in the desert of southern Judah : all these
were strongly fortified and garrisoned. Solomon also increased
his military resources by accumulating great stores of provision,
and by large purchases of horses and war-chariots. All this
implies that the wise king not only maintained, but considerably
increased David's standing army ; and that he spared no effort
or expense to secure the land against attack.
172. The Temple and the Royal Palace. — The great work of
Sblomon, and one which occupied a considerable part of his
reign, was the building of the Temple and the royal palace on
the eastern hill of Jerusalem. In the energy he threw into his
work he showed his passion for stately architecture and vast dis
play no less than his religious zeal. He began his preparations
as soon as he had ascended the throne ; and he spared neither
himself nor his people to carry his plans to a successful conclusion.
173. He found the skill he required in Phenician workmen.
1 1 Kings ix. 15, xi. 27,

132 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
King Hiram also supplied him with cedar and firwood from
Lebanon, and sent him sixscore talents of gold. For this
assistance in men and material Solomon paid Hiram year by
year large quantities of wheat and beaten oil ; he also presented
Hiram with twenty cities and their adjoining territory in the land
of Galilee. The wood was cut down in the forests by Solomon's
people under the direction of Hiram's, and for this purpose
alone Solomon made a levy of thirty thousand people, of whom
ten thousand were engaged monthly at Lebanon. The cut
timber was conveyed down to the coast, and then transported by
sea on rafts to a convenient place (Joppa — 2 Chron. ii. 14),
whence it was conveyed by Solomon's men to Jerusalem. The
head designer of the works in brass was a Tyrian, Hiram by
name, whose mother was an Israelite of the tribe of Naphtali : a
he took charge of the foundries erected in the Jordan plain
between Succoth and Zarethan. For the quarrying and mason-
work, Solomon employed a huge army of workmen, — seventy
thousand bearers of burdens, eighty thousand stone-hewers, and
more than three thousand overseers ; while in the fashioning of
the stones his own people were aided by the Tyrians and the
skilful Gebalites.2 The greater part of the work was done by
forced labour, which was drawn not only from the subject
Canaanite population, but from the people of Israel generally.3
174. Having thus made his preparations and his contract with
King Hiram, Solomon began the building of the Temple in the
fourth year of his reign. The erection occupied seven years.
Few details of the actual structure are given ; but the picture
may be supplemented— conjecturally, it is true, but with some
degree of probability— from the more exact description which
Ezekiel has given of his ideal Temple. (See the adjoining
ground-plan of Stade.) On the highest spot of Mount Moriah,
1 Perhaps the more correct form of the name was Huram Abi (cf. 2 Chron.
ii. 14, where his mother is called a Danite).
* 1 Kings v. 18, R.V.; cf. Ezek. xxvii. 9. Gebal was a town of Phenicia,
not far from the seacoast.
3 Cf. 1 Kings v. 13 ff. and ix. 20 ff.

-j  r-

GROUND PLAN.

M

=£

GROUND-PLAN OF SOLOMON'S TEMPLE (ACCORDING TO STADE).
133

134 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
there is a rock to which tradition points as the site of the ancient
altar. The Temple lay to the west of this ; and as the ground soon
declines in this direction towards the Tyropoean valley, con
siderable substructures must have been necessary. The Temple
faced the east. It consisted of a Porch, an outer chamber (the
Holy Place) and an Oracle or inner chamber (later named the
Holy of Holies); while, surrounding the whole, numerous side-
rooms were adjoined, intended for the use of the priests and for
the accommodation of the sacred utensils and treasures. The
inside measurement was only sixty cubits long and twenty broad ;
but when porch and walls and priests' chambers are included, the
outside measurement could not have been much less than a
hundred cubits by fifty.1 The Porch, which was twenty cubits
broad by ten deep, was adorned with two great pillars of brass,
eighteen cubits high and of great thickness, crowned with capitals
of lilywork and other ornamental carving. These pillars were
called Jachin and Boaz : 2 the very naming of them suggests that
they had an important place in the symbolism of the Temple,
and possibly they had some analogy to the pillars of Israel's
primitive worship. The main chamber of the Temple— the Holy
Place — was forty cubits long by twenty broad, and (probably)
thirty high. The floor was of fir, the walls were of cedar and
adorned with carving : both floor and walls were overlaid with
gold. The windows were placed high up, and looked out upon
the roof : they admitted only a moderate amount of light. This
chamber contained little furniture : the golden candlesticks, the
table of shewbread, and the golden altar of incense. Further
within was the Oracle or Holy of Holies, to which access was
had by folding-doors of olive-wood, carved and overlaid with
gold. It was a dark cubical enclosure, and measured twenty
cubits every way ; and, like the Holy Place, its woodwork of cedar
was also overlaid with gold. Within it was placed the Ark, over
1 To find the length in feet, add one half more to the number given. The
cubit of early times was probably rather less than eighteen inches.
2 The words mean "He will establish," and "in Him is strength."

THE REIGN OF SOLOMON 1 35
which were two cherubim of olive-wood overlaid with gold;
having outspread wings which touched each other above the Ark,
and stretched to the side-walls of the Oracle. Round these
sacred chambers were built numerous small chambers, three
storeys high, the main entrance to which was on the south side.
Lastly, in the court in front stood the great Altar of Burnt-
offering, the molten sea resting on twelve figures of oxen, and the
ten brasen lavers which moved on wheels. This court was the
real place of worship for Israel : the Temple itself — the dwelling-
place of Jehovah — was entered by the priests alone.
175. When the Temple was finished, it was consecrated with
great solemnity to Jehovah's worship. In the midst of a vast
procession of priests and representatives of all the tribes of Israel,
the Ark of the Covenant was brought up from the citadel to the
holy place prepared for it. Innumerable sacrifices were offered,
and Solomon himself spoke the word of dedication :
"The sun reveals itself in the heavens,
But Jehovah is pleased to dwell in darkness.
I have built Thee an house of habitation,
A place for Thee to dwell in for ever."1
176. The question has been asked and variously answered,
What definite end had Solomon in view in the building of
the Temple? Did he intend it to be the common sanctuary
of all Israel, and so to displace all other sanctuaries and altars
in the land? Or did he build it simply as an adjunct to his
1 1 Kings viii. 12, 13, together with the addition — probably authentic —
given in the LXX after ver. 53 (see the discussion of these verses by W. R.
Smith, The O.T. in the Jewish Church, pp." 403-404). The precise date of
this feast of Dedication cannot be determined with certainty. In 1 Kings viii.
2, 65, it is apparently identified with the feast of Tabernacles, and is said to
have taken place in the seventh month ; while in 1 Kings vi. 38 the Temple
is stated to have been finished in the eighth month. These data may be
harmonised by supposing that the dedication took place shortly before the
entire completion of the building, or that it was delayed till the following
year, the twelfth of Solomon's reign. Some have followed the indications given
in 1 Kings ix. 1-9, especially ver. 3, and conclude that the feast took place
after both Temple and palace were completed ; but it is hard to believe that
the dedication of the Temple should be delayed so long.

136 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
palace, with the same intention as monarchs who build a chapel
for their private use ? Looking at the question from all sides, it
does not seem to us that either view accurately represents
Solomon's mind. The Temple was more than the palace-
sanctuary : it contained the sacred Ark, a truly national symbol,
and its worship was ordered on a broad national scale. The
sanctuary of the king was also the sanctuary of the kingdom.
On the other hand, the fact that it was designed as the chief
sanctuary of Israel did not imply any intention on Solomon's
part to make it the sole and only sanctuary of the land. Centrali
sation lay still in the future. There was as yet no thought of
dispensing with the innumerable places of worship throughout
Canaan : the worship of the high places continued unaffected for
centuries. The most that can be said is that, as Jerusalem was
the centre of the political life of the nation, so the Temple worship
was meant to be the centre of its religious life. Assuredly
Solomon could not foresee that in process of time his Temple
would be exalted to the position of the sole legitimate sanctuary
of Israel ; that it would become the corner-stone of a people's
faith and hope, and gather into itself the entire worship of the land.
177. The building of the new royal palace occupied thirteen
years. The work was carried out on a grand scale. This new
residence lay higher than the old : probably, therefore, it adjoined
the Temple, forming with it a great mass of building, surrounded
by walled courts. (See the adjoined plan of the Palace, as given
by Stade.) Farthest to the south, in the great court, stood the
House of the Forest of Lebanon, together with two halls, the
Hall of Pillars and the Hall of the Throne. The first of these—
the House of the Forest of Lebanon — was a large edifice in three
storeys : it took its name from the rows of cedar pillars in the
basement, and was somewhat larger than the Temple in size.
The pillared chamber below may have served as a reception-
room for gatherings of the princes and elders of Israel : the
upper chambers were used partly as an armoury.1 Adjoining
J 1 Kings x. 17 ; Isa. xxii. 8.

plan of Solomon's palace (according to stade),
137

138 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
this house were the two smaller buildings : the Hall of Pillars —
perhaps a waiting-room for those who had brought their causes
•to court — and the Hall of the Throne, where the king heard .
causes in person and gave judgment. At one end of this
judgment-hall stood Solomon's great throne of ivory and gold,
with figured lions on the sides, as well as on the steps that led
up to it. Farther north still stood the Royal Palace itself,
together with the House of Pharaoh's daughter — forming doubt
less the most imposing pile of all, though the dimensions are not
given. All these buildings were of the most substantial kind,
some of the stones of the foundations being from twelve to fifteen
feet long. With the magnificent Temple close by, they formed an
architectural pile such as Israel had never yet seen, and aided
to extend and perpetuate the fame of the great king. While the
memory of the vast expense and the forced labour employed in
rearing them soon died away, the name of the founder was
handed down to the admiration of posterity.
178. Solomon's Greatness. — In this magnificent palace the
great king lived in befitting state. Here he held his public court,
consulted with his officials of State, issued decrees for the realm,
and gave judgment from his ivory throne. The increased list of
officials marks the growing complexity of his government as
compared with the older regime. Benaiah was military com
mander ; Zadok was high priest of the Temple ; several of the
ministers of State were continued from David's time, and in some
cases the former ministers were succeeded by their sons.1
Ahishar became overseer of the palace : Adoniram was master
of the levy ; and Azariah was placed over the revenue-officers.
A survey of the list shows that Solomon had the wisdom to
retain many of the officials who had served his father, though he
must have had many others — captains of his horsemen, governors
of his cities, commanders in his navy — whose names have not
1 So Jehoshaphat continued in office, as Recorder, and Shisha (or Seraiah)
the Scribe was succeeded by his sons.

THE REIGN OF SOLOMON 139
been mentioned. A more detailed account is given of the
revenue-officers or victuallers of Solomon's household. The
whole country was divided into twelve districts, differing in some
respects from the old tribal divisions. Over each of these
districts an officer was placed, whose special duty in reference
to the court was to gather and send in from his district a supply
of provisions — flour, meal, oxen, sheep, etc.— one month yearly
to the royal table. As several of these officers were princes in
rank, it seems probable that they were more than commissariat-
officers. They may also have superintended the raising of the
levies of men required for the king's building operations, and
acted generally as the royal deputies or governors of the districts
assigned to them.
179. At the head of all these officials stood King Solomon,
whose word was law, and whose decisions none dared to dispute.
His power was doubtless strengthened by the glory of his
father's achievements ; but he also possessed qualities of his
own, which, added to his successful enterprises, helped to exalt
his name and fame. He was a man of wide and various culture.
He had a taste for architecture, for poetry and music. He had
gifts of shrewd observation, and great knowledge of men : three
thousand proverbs and a thousand songs were attributed to his
pen. He was regarded as the originator of Israel's gnomic
wisdom.1 But he was not merely a sage, an utterer of wise say
ings ; he could apply his wisdom in the practical details of
government. A typical illustration of his keen judgment was
his decision in the case of two women who both claimed to be
the mother of the same child ; where, by bringing to light the
respective feelings toward the infant, he proved in a striking way
the true maternity. Another example of his wise government
may be seen in his endeavour to develop the nation in all the
arts of peaceful civilisation. Some have found a further illustra
tion of his practical wisdom in the new twelvefold division he
1 Some of his sayings may be found in the Book of Proverbs ; a great part
of that collection was ascribed in later days to his authorship.

140 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
made of his realm ; where, by ignoring the tribal limits, he
helped to obliterate the old tribal clannishness and jealousy.
1 80. Solomon's public policy was so far successful, that he
himself became one of the wealthiest monarchs of the East.
He " made silver to be in Jerusalem as stones, and cedars as the
sycomore trees of the lowlands for abundance.'' The nation was
dazzled by the unwonted vision of royal splendour : the gold and
silver pouring into the royal treasuries, the magnificent buildings,
the strange treasures imported from afar, and the immense
provision that came regularly from all parts of the kingdom for
the support of the royal establishment. The story of Solomon's
magnificence reaches its crowning point in the picture of the
Queen of Sheba, who came from the remotest parts of Arabia to
see his wealth and wisdom, and who confessed when she departed
that the half had not been told her of his glory.
181. The reverse Side. — Yet all this magnificence had another
side ; and whether we look at Solomon's public life or at his
personal example, we find that, all through his career, wisdom
was mingled with folly.
182. In his privatelife, Solomon yielded to the sin of self-
indulgence, and in his connubial relations set a bad precedent to
court and nation. Besides his Egyptian queen, he had an
immense harem.1 It is true that many of his marriages may be
explained as due to wise political motives, as aiding to establish
his influence throughout the land and to cement his peaceful
alliance with the surrounding nations. But after all possible
allowance has been made for the exigencies of royalty, as well
as for the laxer customs that then prevailed, one cannot help
concluding that in this matter Solomon was following the worst
example of Oriental kings. The evil had many disastrous
effects ; but there was one result which was specially noteworthy
1 The Song of Songs speaks of 60 queens, 80 concubines, and slave-girls
innumerable : the Book of Kings tells of 700 wives and 300 concubines — a
round thousand. Popular tradition may have greatly magnified the numbers.

THE REIGN OF SOLOMON 141
— the system reacted fatally on Solomon's religious practice.
Under the influence of his foreign wives, he came not only to
tolerate their heathen worship, but also to assist and take part in
it. On the Mount of Olives sanctuaries were built for Chemosh
the god of Moab, Milcom the god of the Ammonites, and other
divinities ; and no doubt Solomon himself took part in the
worship he had authorised at their shrines. This was more than
tolerance : in those days it rather bespoke a heart of religious
indifference, or of unworthy superstition.
183. In Solomon's public administration, too, the wisdom of
his peaceful policy cannot be praised without serious reservations.
No doubt the prevailing peace of Solomon's reign permitted the
Israelites to develop the natural resources of the land, and to
take advantage of their commercial opportunities. Foreign
alliances, accompanied by freedom of trade, opened new sources
of wealth to the people, and, by bringing new interests and
ambitions into play, must have enlarged the horizon of the
national life. But the secularising policy had its dangers ; and
the example of Solomon himself — his various matrimonial
alliances, his excessive toleration in matters of religion — must
have seriously affected the national ideals. Through the open
door of the peaceful relations established with the surrounding
peoples, there came not only an increase of trade, but also an
influx of new ideas and customs that tended to bring Israel to
the spiritual level of their heathen neighbours. One may doubt
even whether in point of material prosperity the nation as a.-
whole was so greatly benefited by the extensions of trade
encouraged by the king. The wealth of Solomon did not
necessarily mean the wealth and prosperity of the people
generally Even his maritime commerce was rather calculated
to serve the pride and magnificence of the royal trader than to
promote any really useful trade. Dealing as it did in articles
of useless luxury, it helped to exalt the royal pride and to swell
the magnificence of the court ; but it added little to the nation's
wellbeing. Nor must it be forgotten that Solomon's fondness

142 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
for splendour was carried to the point of selfish extravagance, and
pressed hard upon his subjects. In the building of his royal
palaces and the maintenance of his royal court, he encroached
upon the resources of his people, and made serious inroads upon
their freedom. His introduction of forced labour, in which he
probably followed the example of his father-in-law the King of
Egypt, was peculiarly oppressive and odious to the nation. An
indication of their feeling is given in the story of Jeroboam's
attempted insurrection, — the commencement of a movement
which reached its climax under Solomon's successor. As the
later issue showed, there was a widespread sense of soreness and
dissatisfaction. Solomon's magnificence was maintained at too
great a cost : his imposition of compulsory labour was justly
regarded as an encroachment on the rights of the people.
184. Concluding Estimate. — On the whole, the reign of Solomon,
with all its outward magnificence, gives one the impression of an
Oriental despotic rule, in which the welfare of the people is made
quite subordinate to the personal interests and caprices of the king.
There was a canker at the root of all Solomon's . magnificence :
the more closely we scrutinise the details of his government, the
more evident appears the selfish despotism that lay behind all his
achievements. Even the building of the Temple — his greatest
work— proves no more than that he recognised the value, of
Israel's worship, and accommodated himself to the trend of cir
cumstance : his open laxity otherwise in religious matters makes
one suspect that in this work too he was prompted by a regard
for his own glory rather than for the honour of Jehovah or the
religious interests of the people. This and the rest of his great
works were accomplished at a cost which indicated the incon
siderate despot rather than the true king and shepherd of Israel.
And while- his peaceful policy and his encouragement of com
merce and culture promoted the growth of civilisation, the
progress was dearly bought by the general levelling of religious
ideas, and the growth of a more secular spirit in king and people.

THE REIGN OF SOLOMON 143
185. In truth, Solomon is the type of king against whom
Samuel is depicted as having warned the people, when he
announced to them that instead of being the servant of his
people, he would make the people serve him, and use them for
his own pleasures till they cried out by reason of the oppression.
And we cannot doubt that his portrait was before the mind of the
prophet who sketched the picture of the bad and ungodly king
in Deuteronomy. "When thou art come into the land which
the Lord thy God giveth thee . . . thou shalt at any rate set him
king over thee whom the Lord thy God shall choose. . . . Only
he shall not multiply horses to himself, nor cause the people to
return to Egypt, to the end that he should multiply horses. . . .
Neither shall he multiply wives to himself, that his heart turn not
away ; neither shall he greatly multiply to himself silver and gold
. . . that his heart be not lifted up above his brethren, and that
he turn not aside from the commandment to the right hand or to
the left." x Such warnings find their point and illustration in' the
life of Solomon as nowhere else. With all its outward magnifi
cence, Solomon's kingship, looked at from within, was a failure.
A kingdom ready made had fallen to him.; but instead of con
secrating his great natural gifts to meet his kingly obligations,
he yielded to the temptations of his position. At the very
beginning of his reign, his suspicious nature led him into cruelties
which contrasted strongly with the magnanimity of his father.
Later, dazzled by his own greatness, and carried away by the
example of Oriental kings, he was led to treat the people as his
instruments and slaves, sacrificing them to his passion for fine
architecture, to his love of pomp and luxury, and even to the
indulgence of his lusts. So this wise king fell into paths of
folly, becoming more and more a sham-king, so far as the ends
of true kingship are concerned ; as his kingdom became more
and more a show-kingdom, prosperous on the surface, but really
enslaved and dissatisfied, and ready to break into fragments at
the first favourable opportunity. 1 Deut. xvii. r4~2o.

CHAPTER X.
THE DECLINE OF THE GOLDEN AGE.
186. The Signs of Decline under Solomon. I Kings xi. 29-39.
187. The Division of the Kingdom at his Death. I Kings xii.
188. This Division a political and religious Disaster.
189. Later idealising of the Reigns of David and Solomon.
190. Its comparative Truth.

CHAPTER X.
THE DECLINE OF THE GOLDEN AGE.
1 86. In the single century of its existence, the united kingdom
of Israel had passed through all the successive stages of develop
ment—youth, manhood, and declining age. Under Saul it had
risen out of subjection and anarchy, and awakened to the con
sciousness of its strength. Under David it had reached the
zenith of its power, and had entered on a course of vigorous and
healthy development in every direction. In the reign of Solomon
the first signs of decadence are seen. In some respects, indeed,
the nation continued to advance. There was a further expansion
of trade, an increase of wealth and luxury and the refinements of
civilisation ; and religion as represented in the Temple worship
was surrounded with a more gorgeous ceremonial. But already
. the gold was becoming dim, and the fine gold changed. The
increasing luxury brought the usual temptations of sensuality and
self-indulgence in its train ; the growing trade benefited the few ;
and the unity of the kingdom seemed clearly bought at the price
of absolutism and tyranny. Behind the glitter of Solomon's
splendour were heard the groans of a people who felt themselves
oppressed by his exactions ; and behind the pompous religious
ceremonial lay the secularising spirit which ignored the distinc
tive character of Israel's faith, and placed Jehovah on the same
level as the heathen gods. In the condemnation of Solomon's
reign both people and prophets x were alike agreed ; and sub-
1 For indication of the prophetic view, see i Kings xi. 29-39.

146 ISRAEL'S GOLDEN AGE
sequent history confirmed their verdict. Scarcely had Solomon
passed from the stage, when the kingdom was rent in twain, and
the glory departed from Israel.
187. The leading spirit of the disaffected people was Jeroboam
the Ephraimite. In Solomon's time he had been overseer over
the levies which came from his district to work at the fortifications
of Jerusalem. In that position he had a good opportunity of
learning the temper of Solomon's subjects ; and apparently had
. sympathised with their complaints, and encouraged the spirit of
sedition. He became a marked man, and had to flee to Egypt.
On Solomon's death he returned to Canaan, where the people
were now ripe for rebellion. They were determined to recognise
Solomon's successor only on condition that he would put an end
to the system of exactions practised by the late king. Jeroboam
made himself their spokesman ; and when Rehoboam, the new
king, came north to receive the homage of his subjects at Shechem,
Jeroboam laid before him in a temperate way the people's just
demands. But instead of endeavouring by wise concessions to
conciliate the spirit of unrest, Rehoboam adopted the haughty
tone of a despot, and rudely rebuffed the petitioners. Such an
attitude was very ill advised at a time when the people were on
the brink of rebellion : it simply hastened the catastrophe. The
old cry arose, " To your tents, O Israel ! " All the northern tribes
revolted ; and in a short time Jeroboam established himself as
king of Israel, leaving to Rehoboam only Judah and Jerusalem, —
a mere fragment of his kingdom.
188. This division of the kingdom was fatal to Israel's prosper
ity as a nation, and in many respects disastrous to her religion.
Politically she never recovered from it. The elements of inner
discord, conciliated or suppressed while the kingdom was united,
now revived, and prevented all further growth. For half a
century the nation wore itself out in civil dissensions and wars ;
and never again, through all the centuries of its existence, did it
rise to its former glory. The religious life also suffered irrepar
ably from this breach in the national unity. Instead of advancing

THE DECLINE OF THE GOLDEN AGE 147
on the national-religious lines laid down by David, Israel now
reverted rather to the conditions of the previous anarchic periods.
Heathenism revived : idolatries increased, particularly in the
northern division of the kingdom ; and the nation as a whole
declined more and more from the position it had distinctively
occupied. Henceforth Israel presents to us the sombre spectacle
of a nation falling back more and more into the superstitions and
abominations of heathendom ; while true religion survived only
in a few choice spirits, who clung passionately to the better ideals
of the past ; and strove — we know how vainly — to realise these
in their nation.
189. After ages looked back to the times of David and Solomon
as to the Golden Age of Israel's history, and surrounded with a
halo of glory the names of the two kings under whom Israel had
reached the zenith of its power. The evils of the time were
gradually forgotten, or fell into the dim background ; while fame
gratefully magnified the merits of the king who had founded the
dynasty of Judah, and of his son who had built the Temple of
Zion. The one became the pattern of piety ; the other, of all
wisdom ; while the land as united under the rule of these
monarchs was conceived to have attained the goal of national
prosperity and blessedness.
190. In reality the age was less golden than it seemed to these
later generations ; but in a comparative sense it deserved its
reputation, as contrasted with the ages of anarchy and supersti
tion that preceded, or with the succeeding ages of division and
declension and national decrepitude. In the light of this com
parison one can more easily sympathise with those who glorified
the age of the united kingdom ; and can readily understand, too,
how later prophets could use it as the earthly counterpart, or
rather the first sketch and prophecy, of the future Messianic time.

APPENDIX.
A. THE SOURCES OF THE HISTORY.
191. Although matters of minute criticism can hardly be
brought before Bible classes with advantage, it seems absolutely
necessary that the teacher should have some acquaintance with
the general trend of critical opinion in regard to the Books of
Samuel and Kings. This is the more especially the case in
dealing with the history of King Saul. Those who study the
Bible narratives carefully can scarcely fail to be convinced that
the repetitions, parallel stories, breaks of continuity (cf. 1 Sam.
x. 8 with xv. 8 ff.), and apparent inconsistencies in the history,
are best explained by a frank recognition that the work has been
compiled from various sources, and that the different strands of
narrative forming the basis of the work may have varying
degrees of historical value. While there is still considerable
diversity of opinion as to the precise number of documents and
the date in which each of them appeared, there is wonderful
agreement as to the relative chronology and the comparative
value of the various pieces. The following indications may be
given as a basis for further inquiry : —
192. The story of Samuel and Saul extends from 1 Sam. i.
to 2 Sam. i. ; and the sources may be thus classified :
(1) To the earliest period belong 1 Sam. i. ; ii. 11-26; iii. I-
iv. \a ; iv. \b~\\\. ia ; ix. i-x. 7, 9-16 ; xi. in part ; xiii. 1-70; ;
xiii. l5<5-xiv. 46, 52 ; xvi. 14-23 ; xvii. l-xviii. 5 (LXX) ; xviii.
6-30 (LXX) ; xix. 1-17 ; xxi. 1-9 ; xxii. i-xxiii. 13 ; xxv. ; xxvii.-
xxviii. 2 ; xxix.-xxxi. ; 2 Sam. i. (in original form). This list
contains no entirely homogeneous narrative ; but the further

150 APPENDIX
subdivisions and groupings of the narratives rest on very pre
carious grounds.
(2) Probably somewhat later are 1 Sam. xv. ; xx. ii-42 ; xxi.
10-15 ; xxiii. 14-xxiv. ; xxvi. ; xxviii. 3-25.
(3) To a still later (Deuteronomic or exilic) period are to be
assigned 1 Sam. ii. 1-10, 27-36 ; vii. 2b-vui. 22 ; x. 8, 17-24 ; xi. in
revised form ; xii. ; xiii. 76-i^a; xiv. 47-51 ; xvi. 1-13 ; xix. 18-
xx. ia.
193. On the following page we have given a tabular view of
the sources according to Kuenen and Novvack, which may be
taken as representative of the common trend of critical analysis
(for further tables, giving the analyses of Wellhausen, Kittel,
Budde, H. P. Smith, and others, see W. Nowack, Handkomtnentar
stum AT., Die Biicher Samuel). We may notice some of the
considerations that have led to this arrangement of documents,
so far as they bear on the lives of Saul and David.
194. According to the account given in 1 Sam. ix. i-x. 16,
Samuel acted as the instigator of the people in the selection of
a king, and the movement in that direction was divinely approved,
as the means of "saving the people out of the hand of the
Philistines" (ix. 16) ; but according to the account in I Sam. viii.,
x. 17-24, and xii., Samuel was utterly opposed to the movement,
regarded it as rebellion against God, and only yielded under
protest to the people's desire. It has been held that the two
accounts, though written from somewhat different points of view,
do not really conflict : that Samuel at first had serious objections
to the change proposed, but later overcame his scruples so far
as to promote the movement. But this compromise is quite
artificial : the two series of documents give distinct views of
Samuel's policy, and rest on a quite different appreciation of the
historical situation. It seems more likely that the spirit of
opposition to the monarchy was developed by later experience,
and that the unfavourable view of kingly power, which is here
ascribed to Samuel, is the reflex of later popular and prophetic
thought. Again, in the one strand of narrative Samuel is repre
sented as a Seer of local reputation ; in the other, as a judge whose
word went forth to all Israel, who led the nation to victorious
battle with the Philistines, and made his sons also judges over
Israel (chaps, vii. and viii.). The tendency to idealise the time
of Samuel is further seen in the picture. of Israel's independence

TABULAR VIEW OF SOURCES ACCORDING TO KUENEN AND NOWACK.

Pre-Deuteronomie.

?

Deuteronomic.

Redactions.

Kuenen

i Sam. i. 211"28 s^"" g'-io7-3"10
jjl-ll ,,1-7 j2l5b_I440M'51 igU-23
I7l_l86.6-30 (LXX) ig1"17 2I1"11
22i_2313 25. 27-282 2g-3i in part
2 Sam. i]-5'6 6. 8. 9-20

? of an intervening
period
15. 2011,-4S 2I10'10
2314-24. 26. 283"25
31 as revised
2 Sam. 5"-2s
Of unknown date :
2i1-14and24.2i10"-- and 23s-39

21-10. 27-311 «2l>_g22
jq8. 17-211 nl2-16
12. i38-1Ba I61"33
igl8_20,a
2 Sam. 7. 22-23'

2--'' 615
2 Sam. 1210-13 is24

Nowack

1 Sam. 1. 2"-26 3-71 g^io7- !'16
j j I-ll. 15 j 32-711. 15b-18. £3 j ^1-46. 52
15. 1614-23 i?1-^5 (LXX) i80ff-
(LXX) igi-i»-ii-"l?) 201"3- 18-39
2I1-11 22l-d. 6-18. 20_225. 7-14 2316-
2A23 25. 26.? 271-288 283"25 29-31
2 Sam. I1"4-"'13-™!') 2-6. 87:1"-
13-18 g_u. I215b-20

21-10 j-j7b-15a j-r24-31
l6l-13 I918_20la-
5-17. 40-42 2 j 10-15 22s
236
2 Sam. 16-10 3u...
17-19 el. 2 121-9- 13-15a.
2I1"14 24. 2I13"23
238-39 22-237

227-36 ?2-17 g,
IO"-26 12
2 Sam. 7.

28b 22b gI5 io8_ 12a. 25-27
jjl2-14 j,l. 19-22 1447-5I
jylO. 14b-16. 54 jgBa. 9-11. 12b.
29b. 30 jq2. 3 2219 2315 24.14
251 27' 28"-1Sa
2Sam. I5-16-182l«a-«54-5-Sb
gl-6. 11. 12 I015-19a I210-12
j. 25-27 j 1-24 2023-26 2I50-51
with others of minor im
portance.

152 APPENDIX
as having been achieved by Samuel and continuing all the days
of his life (vii. 13-15) : a picture not easily harmonised with other
accounts, which give a sombre view of what we must regard as
the actual state of matters (ix. 16, x. 5, and xiii. 19-22, which
speaks of a general disarmament of the people by the Philistines).
The differences are such as to indicate that 1 Sam. ix., x. 1-7,
9-16, xiii. i-7a, and xiii. 15^-xiv. represent an older narrative,
and one closer to the facts, than that found in vii.— viii., x. 17-24,
and xii.
195. Of the two stories recounting the breach between Samuel
and Saul (1 Sam. xiii. 7b-i$a, and xv.), the latter represents the
prophetic standpoint, and stands in closer relation to the actual
conditions, while the other occupies the standpoint of a somewhat
rigid ceremonialism. Similarly, of the duplicate narratives relat
ing to the origin of the proverb, " Saul among the prophets :'
(1 Sam. x. 10-13 and xlx- J8-24), the earlier is generally accepted
as having the better claim to authenticity, from its connection
with 1 Sam. ix.-x. 7, as well as from its greater suitableness to
the historical situation. The story of the anointing of David by
Samuel (1 Sam. xvi. 1-13) is evidently dependent on the narra
tive of the previous chapter, and is probably a later continuation
of it (xvi. 1 follows close on xv. 35, but the somewhat awkward
joining betrays a different pen) : it is certainly later than the
story of David's introduction to Saul's court, as given in the
remainder of the chapter.
196. The problem of the following chapter (xvii.), containing
the story of David's fight with Goliath, is a very complicated one.
As it stands, the story ignores the fact that David was already
introduced to Saul, and represents him as coming direct from
the sheep-folds, a lad quite unacquainted with the arts of war
and unknown at court. It thus stands in direct contradiction
with the account given in the previous chapter (cf. xvi. 18, 21
and xvii. 33, 38-40, 55-58 : xvii. 15 looks like an attempt to
harmonise the accounts, but it hardly agrees with the fact that
David already " stood before Saul," and was his armour-bearer).
The problem is further complicated by the fact that the
Septuagint translation shows very considerable variations. It
omits vv. 12-31, 41, 48*, 50, 55-58 ; in ver. 36 it adds, " Shall I
not go and smite him, and take away to-day the reproach from
Israel ; for who is this uncircumcised who hath defied," etc. ; in

A. THE SOURCES OF THE HISTORY 1 53
ver. 43, in reply to the question of the Philistine, it adds David's
answer — "And David said, No, but worse than a dog"; and
there are smaller variations of less consequence. The question
rises, which of the two versions is to be preferred. Many critics
are of opinion that the Septuagint represents the original text,
and that when the additions of the Hebrew text are removed the
contradiction above noticed entirely disappears. But the argu
ment here is not quite conclusive. The inconsistency is not
entirely removed by adopting the Septuagint version ; for in
the passages that remain David is still spoken of' as a youth,
quite inexperienced in the art of war ; whereas in the previous
chapter he is described and recommended to Saul as a "mighty
man of valour and a man of war" (cf. xvii. 33, 38 ff. with xvi. 18).
Further arguments, therefore, are necessary to prove the com-
positeness of the chapter and the originality of the Septuagint
text. These may be summarised as follows : — (1) The awkward
joining of vv. 1 2-3 1 with what precedes an d follows ; ver. 1 2 reads
like the beginning of a new story, and ver. 32 reads abruptly after
ver. 31 — we should expect Saul to speak first, after having sent for
David. On the other hand, ver. 32 joins on admirably to ver. 1 1,
giving the minstrel's courageous word to Saul in reference to the
fear inspired by Goliath. (2) The verses added in the Hebrew
text form a more or less continuous narrative, and may readily
be regarded as inserted from an independent account of David's
fight with Goliath. (3) In the case of the smaller variations the
Septuagint is almost always preferable, and approves itself as the
earlier text. Thus vv. 41, 48^, and 50 are better omitted : they
add nothing to the vividness of the story, being little more than
repetitions of what is already stated : while the detail as to the
shield-bearer in ver. 41 (cf. ver. 7) only raises the question what part
he took in the fight, for he is not mentioned again. The slighter
variations of the Septuagint in vv. 37 (omission of " And David
said "), 39 (he assayed to go " once or twice " : omitting " he had
not proved it," which is later repeated), 46 (" thy carcase and "
the carcases of the host, etc.), 49 (" through the helmet "), and 52
(" Gath " instead of " Gai ") are distinctly better readings.
Similarly the two noteworthy additions of the Septuagint in
vv. 36 and 43 are no mere insertions in a narrative that is com
plete without them, but fill a real gap in each case : in the latter
case the editor of the present Hebrew text may have omitted

154 APPENDIX
David's defiant answer (" No, but worse than a dog ") because
the tone was more brutal than pious. Generally speaking, the
Septuagint affords the better text in these instances, and it is
more natural to think of the Hebrew text as being the result of
later addition and revision. Certainly in none of these cases can
any harmonising motive be alleged on the part of the Septuagint.
(4) The following section (xviii. 6-30) contains similar variations
between the Septuagint and our Hebrew text ; and since there
is little doubt that the Septuagint version is preferable in that
section, the presumption is that it is also preferable in chap. xvii.
197. On the other hand, there are competing arguments that
tell in favour of the present Hebrew text, which may be briefly
summarised. (1) The story as it stands is a unity, without
further break in the continuity than is required to bring forward
the several actors in the drama (so at ver. 12, e.g.). The narrative
is consistent in all its parts. The youth of David is painted
not only in the passage omitted by the Septuagint (vv. 12-31);
but also in passages common to both versions (vv. 33, 39, 40, 42).
The language used is similar throughout. Budde points par
ticularly to the repetition of the language used by David in ver.
26 in his later word to Saul in ver. 36 : he takes this as proving
incontestably that vv. 12-31 are "of the same flesh and bone"
with the rest of the narrative. If the Septuagint reading of
ver. 36 is accepted, the identity of language with ver. 26 is, of course,
still more marked. The most natural view here is that ver. 36
is a repetition by the same author of the words used in ver. 26 ;
but if the Septuagint is original, and vv. 12-31 part of a later story,
we must conclude that ver. 36 is the original and ver. 26 the copy.
(The supposition that the additional words in ver. 36 of the
Septuagint are a later insertion there is not borne out by a
comparison of the passages in dispute ; for the words can be
more easily dispensed with in ver. 26 than in ver. 36). Of course
it is conceivable that the editor who inserted the passage
vv. 12-31 first took the words from the older narrative in ver. 36,
and having thus written them once shortened them when he
came to rewrite ver. 36 ; but a theory is in difficulties when it
requires the aid of such complicated hypotheses. (2) Another
argument in favour of pur present text is that if the additional
matter be dropped, the story of Jonathan's covenant with David
(xviii. 1-4) will have no place in the original strand of narrative,

A. THE SOURCES OE THE HISTORY 1 55
although that story is implied in the later narrative of the
Septuagint itself (cf. xx. 8). The story really belongs to the
original version ; and the Septuagint by its harmonising omission
has inadvertently left an obvious lacuna in its own narrative.
198. So the argument stands at present, and whichever con
clusion we adopt is beset with difficulties of its own. In general,
the hypothesis of the incorporation of additional matter is more
acceptable than that of harmonising excision ; yet we have
sufficient evidence that alterations were at times attempted with
a view to removing apparent contradictions. We find such an
alteration, for example, made by the writer of Chronicles on
the text in 2 Sam. xxi. 19 — " Elhanan the son of Jaare-oregim, the
Bethlehemite, slew Goliath the Gittite, the staff of whose spear
was like a weaver's beam.'* This is altered in 1 Chron. xx. 5
to — ' Elhanan the son of Jair slew Lahmi the brother of Goliath
the Gittite, the staff of whose spear was like a weaver's beam."
We have here an attempt on the part of the Chronicler to
reconcile what were evidently variants in the original floating
tradition. That such variants do exist throughout our history
can scarcely be denied ; and one can only express astonishment
at the forced interpretation of certain modern harmonisers, who
suggest in this case that " Elhanan the son of Jair " is but another
name for " David the son of Jesse " ! The case here noticed is
not without a bearing on the problem presented in chap. xvii.
If 1 Sam. xvi. 14-23 be taken to represent an older tradition
of David's rise than that recorded in the [following chapter, —
whether in its longer or shorter form, — the historicity of David's
fight with Goliath becomes more or less problematical. It
becomes still more questionable in view of the Elhanan story :
the balance of historical probability may even lie in favour of
the competing tradition. In any case we have in these varying
versions of the Septuagint and the present Hebrew text a clear
proof of the freedom with which the Revisers went to work, in
adding new material or in excising what seemed unnecessary.
199. Again, the incidents recorded in 1 Sam. xviii.-xx. form
a very broken narrative, and the piecing together of various
traditions can be easily detected. In the 18th chapter we
have the account of Saul's rising jealousy, his first attempt
to spear David, his failure to keep his promise as to Merab,
and his offer of Michal to David on such hard conditions as

156 APPENDIX
would — he hoped — bring about the hero's death at the hands
of the Philistines. Then in chap. xix. Jonathan warns his
friend of Saul's design on his life (though David, having already
been nearly speared by Saul, would scarcely need such warning !),
and by his generous intervention effects a temporary recon
ciliation ; and thereupon follows another attempt by Saul on
David's life, when David flees first to his own house, and then
to Ramah. We cannot but conclude that David has now finally
fled from the court ; but in chap. xx. the story returns to what
must be regarded as the previous situation. Here David is still
at court, being expected to dine with the king ; and Jonathan
is not to be persuaded without further evidence that his father
has any designs upon David. Only after he has put his father
to the test, is Jonathan convinced that his friend's flight is
advisable ; and David finally flees to Judah. The contrast
between the situation in chap. xix. and that presupposed in
chap. xx. is particularly noticeable. The difficulties of the story
are removed by adopting the Septuagint version of xviii. 6-30,
where the incident of Saul's attempt to spear David is omitted
(it may be taken as a duplicate of the story in xix. 9, 10), and
by assuming that chap. xx. is a later variant of the account in
xix. 8-17.
200. The two stories of David's flight to Gath, given in
xxi. 10-15 and ln xxvii., may reasonably be regarded likewise
as only differing accounts of the same fact. The latter narrative
takes no account of the former, and implies that David's passing
over to the enemy was the last resort of one who despaired
of safety in his own land. If a choice is to be made between
these duplicates, the latter story is clearly to be preferred, being
closely connected with the succeeding accounts of David's
lengthened stay at Ziklag. The suggestion seems reasonable
that the other story was shaped with a view to reducing the
connection of David with Gath to the smallest dimensions
possible. An alliance of any kind with the Philistines must
have appeared rather shocking to the mind* of later Judaism ;
and any modification of the tradition would be welcome which
placed David's conduct in the light of a mere passing expedient.
Similarly, the two narratives which record the magnanimity of
David in sparing Saul's life (xxiv. and xxvi.) are probably parallel
stories of the same incidents, the differences being such as might

A. THE SOURCES OF THE HISTORY 157
be expected to appear in the growth of a popular tradition.
Both narratives perhaps belong to the secondary stratum of
tradition ; but of the two, chap. xxvi. is generally regarded as
containing the older form of the story.
201. Lastly, here we have to notice the varying accounts of
Saul's death, as given in 1 Sam. xxxi. and in 2 Sam. i. 1-16. In
the one case Saul is said to have requested his armour-bearer to
slay him, and on his refusal, to have fallen upon his own sword ;
while in the other, according to the relation of the Amalekite, the
already wounded king was put to death by the Amalekite, at his
own request. It is conceivable that the Amalekite's story was a
fabrication, and that the man lied to David in hope of gaining a
reward for putting Saul out of the way ; but the record gives no
hint of this, and David acted on the assumption that his story
was true. We seem to be shut up to choose between the stories.
Kuenen prefers the Amalekite's story : he thinks that 1 Sam.
xxxi. was modified later in a manner unfavourable to Saul, the
representations there given of Saul's fear and despair (xxxi. 3, 4 ;
cf. xxviii. 5) being little in keeping with Saul's general character.
The grounds of this decision seem rather slender : so far as the
character of Saul is concerned, there is little to choose between
the stories. With more plausibility, other critics take 2 Sam. i.
6-16 as due in part to a later revision, in which the original story
of the Amalekite was altered. In proof of this, they point to
2 Sam. iv. 10 as showing that David was ignorant of any such
deed on the part of the Amalekite. David there declares that
when one came to him in Ziklag and told him of Saul's "death,
" thinking to have brought good tidings," he took hold of him
and slew him : which, he adds, was " the reward I gave him for
his tidings." The suggestion is not unreasonable that the story
in chap. i. was modified, partly with a view to relieve Saul of
the heavy guilt of suicide, and partly to clear David of the charge
of having slain — without much cause — a man who brought him
evil tidings.
202. The story of David's reign is contained in 2 Sam. ii.-
1 Kings ii., and presents on the whole a continuous narrative,
with few traces of alteration and revision. There is a clear
division between chaps, i.-viii. and chaps, ix.-xx. There is less
continuity in the first section. The chronological notices (2 Sam.

158 APPENDIX
ii. 10, 11, v. 4, 5) have the appearance of later insertions, as
likewise the account of David's family at Hebron (iii. 2-5). Also
2 Sam. v. 17-25 stands disconnected, and seems (cf. "the hold,"
v. 17) to refer to a time when David still used Adullam as his
headquarters, and thus probably to some time previous to the
capture of Jerusalem (2 Sam. xxi. 15-22 and xxiii. 8-39 refer in
all probability to the same earlier period). Chap. vii. is marked
by the spirit and language of a Deuteronomic writer, though the
groundwork may be older. Chap, ix.-xx. with 1 Kings i. and ii.
give an uninterrupted story of David's family relations and the
later troubles of his reign, and have almost the value of con
temporary narrative. Though the writer was not quite con
temporary with the events (cf. xviii. 18, "unto this day," xii. 20,
" house of the Lord " — a slight anachronism), he is free from the
later tendency to idealise the character of David, and his work
is generally regarded as an historical source of the very highest
rank. The three remaining chapters of 2 Samuel are evidently
an appendix, consisting of extracts drawn from various sources,
and loosely bound together : the poetical pieces assigned to
David seem to be written in the spirit and language of a
Deuteronomic author who regarded David as the ideal king of
Israel. 203. The problem raised in 1 Kings ii., recounting David's last
charge to his successor, has been variously solved. The first
part of the speech is indisputably Deuteronomic in its style ; but
the question remains whether vv. 5-9, containing instructions as
to Joab, Barzillai, and Shimei, may not be authentically David's.
Wellhausen ascribes the entire passage to a later writer, and
denies that David is to be charged with such an unworthy
testament : it is, he says, " the libel of a later hand that sought
to invest David with a fictitious glory." Other critics retain
these verses as forming an original part of the narrative, and
regard the sentiments expressed as not inconsistent with the
many-sided character of David. But the question of historic fact
here is not determined entirely by literary criticism. Whether
the passage in question be regarded as a later interpolation, or
as being of a piece with ii. 13 ff. and thus part of the original
narrative, we are still entitled to ask (1) whether David's secret
instructions to his son would ever be made public, (2) whether
Solomon's word — if he did make David's charge known — is to be

A. THE SOURCES OF THE HISTORY 1 59
accepted as worthy of credit, and (3) whether the deeds of blood
enjoined are not more in keeping with Solomon's character than
with that of David. On the whole, we seem to have good grounds
for believing that the tradition has here thrown upon David a
responsibility that rests on Solomon alone, and has thus — perhaps
unintentionally — cast a blot on David's character which he little
deserved. 204. Lastly, the story of the reign of Solomon, narrated in
i Kings ii.— xi., has for one of its original sources the " Book of the
Acts of Solomon" (xi. 41), which was probably based on official
records, and thus represented contemporary history ; but it also
contains passages that are written in the style of prophetic
narrative, and of popular tradition. Later insertions are probably
to be found in —
(a) 1 Kings iii. 2, 3, 14, 15, condemning the worship in the high
places. The author of iii. 4ff. had apparently no objection to
make against Solomon's worshipping at the high place of Gibeon ;
and iii. 15 reads almost like a Deuteronomic correction of iii. 4.
(b) 1 Kings iv. 20-26, which is not in the Septuagint, and
interferes with the context.
(c) 1 Kings vi. 11-13, viii. 14-61, xi. 29-39, 41-43, which are
all strongly Deuteronomic in tone and language.
(d) 1 Kings ix. 1-9 and xi. 1-13, which present the point of view
of an even later period.
205. The consideration of such critical data must of necessity
influence our presentment of the history, and determine the
emphasis to be laid on the different parts of the narrative. In
general the older strands of narrative deserve the first considera
tion, and will possess higher claim to historical value. On the
other hand, the mere fact that a certain section is dated some
what later need not diminish its historical worth, except in certain
cases, — as when it stands in contradiction with the data of an
older narrative, or when the language and thought can be more
appropriately conceived as the outcome of a later age. In every
case, and from whatever source derived, the form and character
of the narrative must be taken into account in determining its
precise value as history. These principles must also be applied
in using the Book of Chronicles, which, though compiled at a

i6o

APPENDIX

very late period, and with a view to exalt the temple and it
priesthood, still contains valuable supplements to the older books
of Samuel and Kings.

B. CHRONOLOGY OF THE PERIOD.

842 Jehu tributary to Assyria.
+ 95 years from Jeroboam to Jehu.
937 Division of Kingdom.
+ 40 years of Solomon's reign.
977 First year of Solomon.
-I- 40 years of David's reign.
1017 First year of David.
+ 20? years of Saul's reign.
1037 First year of Saul.

The Philistine Oppression, c. 1100.
Saul's reign, 1037-1017.
Battle of Michmash, c. 1036.
Battle of Mount Gilboa, 1017.
David's reign, 1017-977.
Capture of Jerusalem, 1010.
Solomon's reign, 977-937.
Beginning of Temple, 974.
Division of Kingdom, 937.

The first column here indicates the argument used for the
structure of the chronological table in the second column. It
starts from the revision of chronology that seems to be required
by the corresponding Assyrian data. It is now generally
admitted that forty years, more or less, must be deducted from
the hitherto accepted dates of the early kings. Of course the
calculation is only approximate. Thus it is not certain that Jehu
acknowledged the overlordship of Assyria from the beginning of
his reign, and perhaps a few years should be added to arrive at
Jehu's first year. But as it is equally possible that the estimate
of ninety-five years for the intervening period of the divided
kingdom is a little too high (the first year of each king's reign
perhaps coinciding with the last year of the preceding king), we
may safely leave the calculation as it stands. The reigns of
David and Solomon are evidently given in round numbers ; while
for Saul's reign there are no precise data.

Printed by Mokrison & Gibb Limited, Edinburgh

'/ name specially the admirable Handbooks for Bible Classes Issued by T. & T.
Clark of Edinburgh. They are uery cheap, and among them are some books unsur
passed in their kind.'— Dv. W. Robertson Nicoll in the British Weekly.
'These little books are models of the multum in parvo style. Little books on great
subjects.'— Literary World.
HANDBOOKS FOR BIBLE CLASSES
AND PRIYATE STUDENTS.
EDITED BY
Prof. MARCUS DODS, D.D., and ALEXANDER WHYTE, D.D.
PUBLISHED BY
T. & T. CLARK, 38 George Street, Edinburgh.

Price 2S.,
THE BOOK OF GENESIS.
With Introduction and Notes. By Prof. Marcus Dors, D.D.
'Dr. Dods once more proves himself an able and accomplished biblical
scholar; . . . his Notes are the fruit of wide reading and earnest thought.
They are pithy, scholarly, and suggestive — as weighty as they are brief.'—
Baptist Magazine.
' Of the care with which the book has been done, and its thoroughness in
every point, it ia not possible to speak too highly.' — Congregationalism

In Two Vols., price 2s. each,
THE BOOK OF EXODUS.
With Introduction, Commentary, Special Notes, Plans, etc. By
the late Eev. James Macgregor, D.D., Oamaru.
' The ablest and most compendious exposition of the Book of Exodus ever
published in this country.' — Methodist New Connexion Magazine.
' This is an excellent manual. The Introduction is really a treatise, and
would be valuable to readers of far higher pretensions than ' ' Bible Classes " ;
and it is wonderfully cheap too.' — IMerary Churchman.
Price is. 6d.,
THE BOOK OF JOSHUA.
By the late Principal George C. M. Douglas, D.D.
1 1 consider it a very valuable contribution to the full elucidation of one of
the most interesting books in the Bible. Tour treatment of each section is
clear, simple, and intelligible to all readers. Tou have succeeded in shedding
the light of modern travel and research upon the numerous topographical and
historical details with which the writings of Joshua abound. I do not know
any work of the same extent which possesses such an amount of valuable and
trustworthy information.' — Bev. President Porter, D.D., Belfast.

Handbooks for Bible Classes and Private Students.
Price is. 3d.,
THE BOOK OF JUDGES.
By the late Principal George 0. M. Douglas, D.D.
1 This volume- is as near perfection as we can hope to find such a work.' —
Church Bells. Price is 6d
THE BOOKS OF CHRONICLES.
By Professor James G. Murpht, LL.D., T.O.D.
'Par beyond anything indicated by the small price of this work _is_ its
exceeding 'value for thoroughness of verbal exposition, exegetical criticism,
and homiletio suggestiveness.' — Baptist Magazine.
Price is. 6d.,
THE SIX INTERMEDIATE MINOR PROPHETS.
OBADIAH— ZEPHANIAH. By the late Principal George C. M,
Douglas, D.D.
1 Introductions and notes are alike clear, compact, and suggestive.' — Baptist
Magazine. ' Heverent, scholarly, comprehensive, and practical.' — Christian.
Price 2 s.
THE POST=EXILIAN PROPHETS—
HAGGAI, ZECHARIAH, MALACHI. By Prof. Marcus Dors, D.D.
' When the Books of the Old Testament are treated in this way, there is
some hope that the standard of popular teaching will be sensibly raised. . . .
We can only congratulate the rising generation in having guides like these.' —
Literary World. Price 2s. 6d.,
THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO ST. MARK.
With Introduction, Notes, and Maps. By Principal T. M.
Lindsay, D.D.
' A careful commentary, and will be found most useful.' — Spectator.
1 To say that this book is fully equal to all and any of those which have
preceded it in the same series, is to give it high praise, but were we to say
more even than that, we should not exaggerate. . . . There is a completeness
about the work which gives it a peculiar value to the appreciative reader.' —
Ckrhtian. Part I., price 2s.; Part II., price is. yi.,
ST. LUKE'S GOSPEL.
With Introduction, Notes, and Maps. By Principal T. M.
Lindsay, D.D.
' An admirable text-book, both for private aid and teaching purposes.' —
Spectator. ' For point, clearness, freshness, and evangelical unction, they are not to
be surpassed/ — Young Men's Christian Magazine.

Handbooks for Bible Classes and Private Students.
In- Two Vols., price 2s. each,
ST. JOHN'S GOSPEL.
With Introduction and Notes. By Rev. George Reith, D.D.
' The general excellence of the series is more than maintained. Indeed, for
persons who require much in little, we can recommend nothing better than this
unpretentious little work, in which the " Golden Gospel" is opened up with
admirable conciseness and clearness.' — Christian.
In Two Parts, price is. 6d. each,
THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
With Introduction, Notes, and Map. By Principal T. M.
Lindsay, D.D.
'The largest and most pretentious books are not invariably the best.
Frequently the value is in inverse ratio to the size, and this may certainly be
affirmed of Dr. Lindsay's manual. It is of small bulk, but of great worth,
giving us, in short compass, the best that has been thought and said in regard
to the memorable section of Scripture with which it deals.' — Baptist Magazine.
Price 2S.,
THE EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS.
By the late Principal David Brown, D.D.
' We do not know a better book to recommend to Bible-class teaohers or
scholars in their study of this Epistle.' — Glasgow Herald.
Price is. 6d.,
THE EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS.
With Introduction and Notes. By the late James Macgregor, D. D. ,
Oamaru.
' Sound, fresh, vigorous, readable, and learned, it opens up the Epistle in a
way which makes its meaning plain to the commonest capacity. No minister
lecturing through Galatians should be without it ; and the teacher of a Bible
class may now, with it in his hand, venture to take the Epistle as a text
book.' — Free Chwch Record. Price is od
THE EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS.
With Introduction and Notes. By Prof. J. S. Candlish, D.D.
' A model of conciseness and thoroughness.' — Sunday School Chronicle.
'For a cheap commentary there is nothing better than that published by
Messrs. T. & T. Olark. ... A ripe and beautiful book.'— British Weekly.
Price 2s. 6d.,
THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
By the late Professor A. B. Davidson, D.D., LL.D.
' For its size and price one of the very best theological handbooks with
which I am acquainted— a close grappling with the thought of the Epistle by
a singularly strong and candid mind.' — Professor Sanday in the Academy.

Handbooks for Bible Classes and Private Students.
Price 2s. 6d.,
THE PASTORAL EPISTLES.
A New Translation, with Introduction, Commentary, and Appendix.
By the Rev. J. P. Lilley, D.D.
' An exceedingly rich addition to the series. It is thoroughly adapted to
the needs of all Bible students, both ministers and laymen. . . . The author
handles the data with scholarly independence, and his clear, fresh way of
putting things is everywhere in evidence.' — American Journal of Theology.
Price is. 6d.,
BISHOP BUTLER'S THREE SERMONS
UPON HUMAN NATURE. With Introduction and Notes. By
Prof. Thomas B. Kilpatrick, D.D.
' Mr. Kilpatrick has written a decidedly able introduction, with valuable
notes. His treatment of the aim of ethical study, and of the writings of
British moralists, is clear, concise, and suitable.' — Prof. Oalderwood, LL.D.
' The best edition of the famous sermons that we have ever seen. Ho
student of Butler should fail to procure it.' — Literary World.
Price 2S.,
THE REFORMATION.
By Principal T. M. Lindsay, D.D.
' The best popular account we have yet seen of the causes, principles, and
results of this momentous movement, whose main incidents it graphically
describes. As a handbook the work is complete.' — Baptist Magazine.
Price 2S.,
HISTORY OF THE IRISH PRESBY=
TERIAN CHURCH. By President Thomas Hamilton, D.D.,
Belfast.
' This is a most excellent handbook, and entirely worthy to take its place
beside the other publications of the same series, all of which are written by
distinguished men.' — Belfast Northern Whig.
Price 2S. 6d.,
A COMMENTARY ON THE SHORTER CATECHISM.
By Alexander Whyte, D.D., United Free St. George's, Edinburgh.
' Really good. In every Scotch family this ought to be found. Our
English folk are not so well acquainted with" The Shorter Catechism"; but
those who are will be glad to have a handbook upon it, so clear, so true, and
so lively. . . . Theology of this stamp will do us all good. Scatter it; its
leaves are for the healing of the nations. Half a crown laid out in this book
will purchase no regrets.' — Mr. Spuhgeon.

Handbooks for Bible Classes and Private Students.
Price is. 6d. ; or large-type Edition, handsomely bound, 3^. (yd.,
THE LIFE OF JESUS CHRIST.
By Prof. J. Stalker, D.D.
' As a succinct, suggestive, beautifully written exhibition of the Life of our
Lord — so far as we know it and can form a conception of it — we are acquainted
with nothing that can compare with it. . . . It is in its way a gem ; and none
who read it thoughtfully can fail to appreciate its worth.' — Christian World.
'No work since "Ecce Homo" has at all approached this in succinct,
clear-cut, and incisive criticism on Christ as He appeared to those who
believed in Him.' — JMerary World.
BY THE SAME AUTHOR.
Price is. 6d. ; or large-type Edition, handsomely bound, 3^. 6d.,
THE LIFE OF ST. PAUL.
' Even to those who know by heart the details of the great Apostle's life,
this glowing sketch will be a revelation. Written with a fine sympathy for
the more tender and personal aspects of his theme, Dr. Stalker has portrayed
the outer and the inner life of Paul with a mingled power and beauty which
is as rare as it is needed in evangelical writing.' — Christian.
' Dr. Stalker has the gift of vivid writing ; he sketches and colours with
words; he does more, he vivifies persons and scenes by his inspiring sentences.
We have not often seen a handbook more completely to our mind.' — C. H.
Spurgeon. ' A gem of sacred biography.' — Christian Leader.
Price 2s. 6d.,
LESSONS ON THE LIFE OF JESUS.
By Rev. William Scrymgeour.
' Extremely good, and will be found very useful by Sunday-school teachers.
and others who may not have time to read larger books.' — Church Bells.
'Among the many books on the life of our Lord which have issued from
the press of late years, this handbook will take a definite place. . . . Students
and teachers will find it a reliable volume.' — Watchman.
Price 2 s.
THE LAST OF THE PROPHETS.
A Study of the Life, Teaching, and Character ot John the Baptist.
By Rev. J. Feather, Croydon.
' A valuable study of John the Baptist's life and work. ... This book seems
to open new doors of suggestive thought even in a well-worn theme, and gives
added impressiveness to one of the most touching of all Bible histories.' —
London Quarterly Review. Price 2s.
THE CHRISTIAN MIRACLES AND THE
CONCLUSIONS OF SCIENCE. By the Rev. W. D. Thom
son, M.A.
' This little volume has more real merit and is more really helpful than
many large treatises. . .. An admirable little treatise, and one of the clearest and
most sensible on the profound subjects on which it treats.' — Christian Advocate.

Handbooks for Bible Classes and Private Students.
Price is. 6d.,
SCOTTISH CHURCH HISTORY.
By Norman L. Walker, D.D.
' This handbook will form an admirable basis for a course of instruction in
Scottish ecclesiastical history.' — British and Foreign Evangelical Review.
' A very beautiful acoount of the history of Church matters in Scotland.
. . . The utmost fairness and breadth characterises its treatment of questions
and persons in opposition.' — Presbyterian Churchman.
Price is. 6d.,
THE CHURCH.
By the late Professor William Binnie, D.D.
'We oommend this admirable handbook of Professor Binnie's to the
notice of our friends, not only because they will find in it a clear statement
and masterly vindication of Presbyterianism, but equally because they will
learn much that may be of the highest and most practical advantage to
themselves.' — Baptist Magazine.
Sixth Edition, with Portraits, price 2s. 6d.,
SHORT HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN MISSIONS,
from Abraham and Paul, to Carey, Livingstone, and Duff. By
George Smith, LL.D., F.R.G.S., CLE.
' As a handbook of missionary history, the work is invaluable ; while its
style and fulness of instruction combine to give it the very foremost place
among such works.' — Sunday School Chronicle.
With Map, price 2s.,
FROM THE EXILE TO THE ADVENT.
By Rev. Wm. Fairweather, M. A.
' As fine an Introduction as one is likely to find for many a day. . . . Mr.
Fairweather has made himself master of the literature of this difficult time.
He has made himself master of its spirit also.' — Expository Times.
Third Edition, Revised, price 2S. 6d.,
PALESTINE: Its Historical Geography.
With Topographical Index. By Archibald Henderson, D.D.
With Five Maps. The Maps have been specially revised by Major
Conder, R.E., of the Palestine Exploration Fund, for this Work.
' We cannot consider a Sunday-school teacher fully equipped without this
volume.' — Ecclesiastical Gazette. Price 2 s.
THE WESTMINSTER CONFESSION OF FAITH.
With Introduction and Notes. By the late Rev. J. Maopherson, M. A.
1 This volume is executed with learning, discrimination, and ability.'—
British Messenger.
' A work of great ability, giving a vast amount of information alike as to
the history and meaning of that venerable Presbyterian symbol, and explain
ing its successive sections in the light of modern attacks upon its doctrine.' —
Young Men's Christian Magazine.

Handbooks for Bible Classes and Private Students.
Price is. 6d.,
PRESBYTERIANISM.
By the late Rev. J. Macpherson, M.A.
' A solid piece of workmanship, remarkable for the vast amount of informa
tion presented in a small compass, and so clearly set forth.' — Christian Leader.
BY THE SAME AUTHOR.
Price is. 6d.,
THE SUM OF SAVING KNOWLEDGE.
With Introduction and Notes.
' Cannot fail to be of the greatest utility where it is diligently used.'
—Clergyman's Magazine.
' Bead in the Sum of Saving Knowledge, the work which I think first of all
wrought a saving change in me.' — M'Cheyne's Diary.
By the late Prof. J. S. OANDLISH, D.D.
Price is. 6d.,
THE CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE OF GOD.
' To have put all this deeply thought, richly furnished, and wisely ex
pressed matter on the fundamental topic in theology within reach of the
widest Christian public at the extremely modest cost named, must be pro
nounced a triumph of enterprise on the part of editors and publishers.' —
Theological Review. Price is. 6d.,
THE CHRISTIAN SACRAMENTS.
'An admirable manual; sound, clear, suggestive, and interesting.' — Free
Church Monthly.
' It is just such a manual as ministers may with great advantage employ
as a text-book in their Bible classes, and as intelligent youth (and intelli
gent old people too) may with great profit study for themselves.' — British
Messenger. Price is. 6d.,
THE WORK OF THE HOLY SPIRIT.
' A masterly, succinct, and suggestive risumi of the highest Christian
thought on the personality and office of the Holy Spirit. A finer investigation
of the teaching of Scripture, and a more luminous exhibition of its manifold
relations to the origination and development of Christian character, we could
not desire.' — Baptist Magazine. Price is. 6d.,
THE BIBLICAL DOCTRINE OF SIN.
' What Professor Candlish has given us here in such admirable clearness
and welcome brevity is the fruit of the most accomplished modern study.'—
Expository Times.

Handbooks for Bible Classes and Private Students.
Second Edition, Revised, price j,s.,
CHURCH AND STATE.
A Historical Handbook. By A. Taylor Innes, M.A., Advocate.
' Our author, by his encyclopaedic knowledge of the facts, his mastery of
principle's, his pellucid style, his charm of expression, enables one to trace
the evolution of this intricate question with an ease that is fascinating.' —
Critical Review. Price is. 6d.,
FOUNDATION TRUTHS OF SCRIPTURE
AS TO SIN AND SALVATION. ByProf.J.LAiDLAW,M.A.,D.D.
' We have read it very carefully, and can cordially commend it as thoroughly
good, clear, and sound, the work of a trained theologian, a logical thinker,
and a lucid writer.' Price 2 s
THE TIMES OF CHRIST.
By the Rev. L. A. Muirhead, B.D.
' One of the very best of the Handbooks — and that is saying a great deal.
. . . There is evidence on every page of exact and ample scholarship. Yet
Mr. Muirhead is never dry ; his chapters are always luminous and readable.
. . Certain to prove a most useful text-book.' — Sunday School Chronicle.
Price 2S. 6d.,
THE PRINCIPLES OF PROTESTANTISM.
By the Rev. J. P. Lilley, D.D.
'An excellent, well-written, compact, and handy volume.' — Bibliotheca
Sacra. ' Gives in brief compass a great deal of valuable matter. The writer has
read widely and thought seriously.' — Critical Review.
Price 2s
HEBREW IDEALS FROM THE STORY
OF THE PATRIARCHS. By the Rev. James Strachan, M.A.
' This volume is exactly the thing we wanted. It is one of the freshest
and most illuminative books on Genesis we have seen. As a mirror of
manners and ideals to make life worthy, it is altogether unique. . . . The
book is written in delightful English, piquant and crisp, and the surprises
of its style make it easy reading.' — Critical Review.
Price 2s.
THE TEACHING OF JESUS.
By David M. Ross, D.D., Glasgow.
' The subject lends itself admirably to Bible-class treatment, and this' is
likely to be the text-book for the greater number of our Bible-classes in the
coming winter." — J. Hastings, D.D.