WfJwff/ffffllfR FOR B HB ep ' ' ' ' '¦'..¦: ¦.¦;. :".' mmm W/////////fi mm/f/iwm/m//M//M. mm EEK TESTAMENT - AND COLLEGES' ¦ THE HEBREWS ¦••¦¦¦ : fMWf/ii/mm ^mBm mm v/////////////, m U§XjgfvEgiT£? YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY THE LIBRARY OF THE DIVINITY SCHOOL Camfrrfoae #reefe Cestament for »e{)oote atttf Colleges. THE EPISTLE OF PAUL THE APOSTLE TO THE HEBREWS. Sontion: C. J. CLAY and SONS, CAMBRIDGE UNIVEESITT PEESS WAREHOUSE, AVE MARIA LANE. ffitaflofo: 26S, ARGYLE STREET. Gambtfoae: DEIGHTON, BELL, AND CO. Hcipjis: F. A. BROCKHATJS. #efo lorft: MACMILLAN AND CO. Cambridge #reefc Testament for ^ejjools anti Colleges. General Editor:— J. J. S. PEROWNE, D.D., Bishop of Worcester. 6'iUs. A.T. \\ 5. ¦-;,£,-:-.. ^£jr. i53i: THE EPISTLE OF PAUL THE APOSTLE TO THE HEBEEWS, F/rJS' NOTES AND INTRODUCTION VEN. F. W. FARRAR, D.D., F.R.S., LATE FELLOW OE TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE, ARCHDEACON OE WESTMINSTER. EDITED FOB THE SYNDICS OF THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. ©amtm'&ge : AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. 1894 [All Bights reserved.] Yale Divinity Library — Nsv/ Haven, Conn. Catttirfogs : PRINTED BY C. J. CLAY, M.A. & SONS, AT THE nNITERSITY PRESS. PREFACE BY THE GENERAL EDITOR. The General Editor of The Cambridge Bible for Schools thinks it right to say that he does not hold himself responsible either for the interpretation of particular passages which the Editors of the several Books have adopted, or for any opinion on points of doctrine that they may have expressed. In the New Testament more especially questions arise of the deepest theological import, on which the ablest and most conscientious interpreters have differed and always will differ. His aim has been in all such cases to leave each Contributor to the unfettered exercise of his own judgment, only taking care that mere controversy should as far as possible be avoided. -He has contented himself chiefly with a careful revision of the notes, with pointing out omissions, with HEBREWS 7. iv PREFACE. suggesting occasionally a reconsideration of some question, or a fuller treatment of difficult passages, and the like. Beyond this he has not attempted to interfere, feeling it better that each Commentary should have its own individual character, and being convinced that freshness and variety of treatment are more than a compensation for any lack of uniformity in the Series. CONTENTS. PAGES I. Introduction. Chapter I. Character, Analysis, and Object of the Epistle to the Hebrews xiii — xxx Chapter II. Where was the Epistle written ? and to whom? xxxi — xxxiv Chapter III. The Date xxxiv — xxxvi Chapter IV. Style and Character of the Epistle xxxvi — xxxix Chapter V. Theology of the Epistle xxxix — xlix Chapter VI. The Author of the Epistle xlix — lviii Chapter VII. Canonicity lviii — lix H. Text 1—22 III. Notes 23—173 IV. General Index 174—176 V. Greek Index 177—182 ON THE GREEK TEXT. In undertaking an edition of the Greek text of the New Testament with English notes for the use of Schools, the Syndics of the Cambridge University Press have not thought it desirable to reprint the text in common use*. To have done this would have been to set aside all the materials that have since been accumulated towards the formation of a correct text, and to disregard the results of textual criticism in its application to MSS., Versions and Fathers. It was felt that a text more in accordance with the present state of our knowledge was desirable. On the other hand the Syndics were unable to adopt one of the more recent critical texts, and they were not disposed to make themselves responsible for the preparation of an * The form of this text most used in England, and adopted in Dr Scrivener's edition, is that of the third edition of Robert Stephens (1650). The name "Received Text " is popularly given to the Elzevir edition of 1633, which is based on this edition of Stephens, and the name is borrowed from a phrase in the Preface, "Textum ergo habes nunc ab omnibus receptum." viii PREFATORY. entirely new and independent text : at the same time it would have been obviously impossible to leave it to the judgment of each individual contributor to frame his own text, as this would have been fatal to anything like uni formity or consistency. They believed however that a good text might be constructed by simply taking the consent of the two most recent critical editions, those of Tischendorf and Tregelles, as a basis. The same principle of consent could be applied to places where the two critical editions were at variance, by allowing a determining voice to the text of Stephens where it agreed with either of their read ings, and to a third critical text, that of Lachmann, where the text of Stephens differed from both. In this manner readings peculiar to one or other of the two editions would be passed over as not being supported by sufficient critical consent ; while readings having the double authority would be treated as possessing an adequate title to confidence. A few words will suffice to explain the manner in which this design has been carried out. In the Acts, the Epistles, and the Revelation, wherever the texts of Tischendorf and Tregelles agree, their joint readings are followed without any deviation. Where they differ from each other, but neither of them agrees with the text of Stephens as printed in Dr Scrivener's edition, the consensus of Lachmann with either is taken in preference to the text of Stephens. In all other cases the text of Stephens as represented in Dr Scrivener's edition has been followed. ON THE GREEK TEXT. ix In the Gospels, a single modification of this plan has been rendered necessary by the importance of the Sinai MS. (x), which was discovered too late to be used by Tregelles except in the last chapter of St John's Gospel and in the following books. Accordingly, if a reading which Tregelles has put in his margin agrees with N, it is considered as of the same authority as a reading which he has adopted in his text; and if any words which Tregelles has bracketed are omitted by a, these words are here dealt with as if rejected from his text. In order to secure uniformity, the spelling and the accentuation of Tischendorf have been adopted where he differs from other Editors. His practice has likewise been followed as regards the insertion or omission of Iota sub script in infinitives (as £i}v, lrnri.fmv), and adverbs (as Kpvfyr), XdOpa), and the mode of printing such composite forms as Sicwravro's, Sum, tovtsoti, and the like. The punctuation of Tischendorf in his eighth edition has usually been adopted : where it is departed from, the devia tion, together with the reasons that have led to it, will be found mentioned in the Notes. Quotations are indicated by a capital letter at the beginning of the sentence. Where a whole verse is omitted, its omission is noted in the margin (e.g. Matt. xvii. 21 ; xxiii. 12). The text is printed in paragraphs corresponding to those of the English Edition. Although it was necessary that the text of all the portions of the New Testament should be uniformly con- x ON THE GREEK TEXT. structed in accordance with these general rules, each editor has been left at perfect liberty to express his preference for other readings in the Notes. It is hoped that a text formed on these principles will fairly represent the results of modern criticism, and will at least be accepted as preferable to "the Received Text " for use in Schools. J. J. STEWART PEROWNE. Deanery, Peterborough, 20 April, 1881. INTRODUCTION. The old line, "Quis, quid, ubi, quibus auxiliis, cur, quomodo, quando?" Who ? what ? where ? with what helps ? why ? how ? when ? has sometimes been quoted as summing up the topics which are most necessary by way of " introduction " to the sacred books. The summary is not exhaustive nor exact, but we may be guided by it to some extent. We must, however, take the topics in a different order. Let us then begin with quid? and our? What is the Epistle to the Hebrews? with what object was it written 1 for what readers was it designed ? Of the ubi ? and quando ? we shall find that there is little to be said ; but the answer to quomodo? "how?" will involve a brief notice of the style and theology of the Epistle, and we may then finally con sider the question quis ? who was the writer ? CHAPTER I. CHARACTER, ANALYSIS, AND OBJECT OF THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. It has been sometimes said that the Epistle to the Hebrews is rather a treatise than an Epistle. The author is silent as to his own name ; he begins with no greeting ; he sends no special messages or salutations to individuals. His aim is to furnish an elaborate argument in favour of one definite thesis though varied by many side-lights of illustration ; and he describes what he has written as "a word of exhortation'' (xiii. 22). Neverthe- hebrews c xiv INTRODUCTION. less it is clear that we must regard his work as an Epistle. It was evidently intended for a definite circle of readers to whom the author was personally known. The messages and the appeals, though not addressed to single persons, are addressed to the members of a single community, and the tone of many hortatory passages, as well as the definiteness of the remarks in the last chapter, shew that we are not dealing with a cyclical document, but with one of the missives despatched by some honoured teacher to some special Church. It was the custom of the scattered Jewish synagogues to keep up a friendly intercourse with each other by an occasional interchange of letters sent as opportunity might serve. These letters are still addressed to Jewish communities, both by individuals, and by bodies of their coreligionists ; and from the days of St Paul down to those of Benjamin of Tudela, and from his time down to that of Dr Frankl and Sir Moses Montefiore, they have always been conveyed by duly accredited messengers. This custom was naturally con tinued among the Christian Churches, of which so many had gathered round a nucleus of Gentile proselytes or Jewish converts. If the letter was of a weighty character, it was read in the public assemblies, and preserved among the archives of the Church to which it had been addressed. It is certain that thousands of such documents have perished, owing to the frail materials on which they were written, their small size, and the numberless perils and violences to which they have been exposed. The fact that this and the other Christian Epistles which are included in the Canon have defied the ravages of time and the accidents of change, is due to their own surpassing importance, and to the overruling Providence of God. The Epistle to the Hebrews is one of many letters which must have been despatched to the various Christian communities in the first century. Passing over for the present the question of the particular Church to whose members it was addressed, we see at once that the superscription " to the Hebrews" — whether it came from the hand of the writer or not — correctly describes the class of Christians by whom the whole argument was specially needed. The word "Hebrews," like the word "Greeks," was used INTRODUCTION. xv in different senses. In its wider sense it included all who were of the seed of Abraham (2 Cor. xi. 22), the whole Jewish race alike in Palestine and throughout the vast area of the Dispersion (Phil. iii. 5). But in its narrower sense it meant those Jews only who still used the vernacular Aramaic, which went by the name of "Hebrew," though the genuine Hebrew in which the Old Testament was written had for some time been a dead language. In a still narrower sense the designation "Hebrews" was confined to the inhabitants of Judsea. The letter itself sufficiently shews that the Hebrews, to whom it is addressed, were Jewish converts to Christianity1. Although the writer had adopted many of the views of St Paul, and makes, use of some of his phrases, and accords with him in his general tone of thought, especially as regards the relation of the Gospel to the Law, yet throughout this Epistle he ignores the very existence of the Gentiles to an extent which would have been hardly possible in any work of "the Apostle of the Gentiles" (Acts xviii. 6 ; Gal. ii. 7, 9; 2 Tim. i. 11), and least of all when he was handling one of his own great topics — the contrast between Judaism and Christianity. The word Gentiles (edvrj) does not once occur, nor are the Gentiles in any way alluded to. The writer constantly uses the expression " o \ao," (ii. 17 ; iv. 9 ; v. 3 ; vii. 5, 11, 27 ; viii. 10 ; ix. 7, 19 ; x. 30; xi. 25; xiii. 12), but in every instance he means "the chosen people," nor does he give the slightest indication that he is thinking of any nation but the Jews. We do not for a moment imagine that he doubted the call of the Gentiles. The whole tendency of his arguments, the Pauline character of many of his thoughts and expressions, even the fundamental theme of his Epistle, that Judaism as such — Judaism in all its distinctive worship and legislation — was abrogated, are sufficient to shew that he would have held with St Paul that " all are not Israel who are of Israel," and that "they who are of the faith are blessed with the faithful Abraham." But while he undoubtedly held these truths, — for otherwise he could not have been a Christian at all, and still less a Pauline Christian, — his mind is not so full of them as was the mind of St Paul. It is inconceivable that St 1 ircicri rots 4k Trepi,T0fiT}s tnareiaainv "Efipcdois. Euthalius. c2 xvi INTRODUCTION. Paul, who regarded it as his own special Gospel to proclaim to the Gentiles the unsearchable riches of Christ (Eph. iii. 4 — 8), should have written a long Epistle in which the Gentiles do not once seem to cross the horizon of his thoughts ; and this would have been peculiarly impossible in a letter addressed "to the Hebrews." The Jews regarded St Paul with a fury of hatred and suspicion which we find faintly reflected in his Epistles and in the Acts (Acts xxi. 21 ; 1 Thess. ii. 15 ; 2 Cor. xi. 24 ; Phil. iii. 2). Even the Jewish Christians looked on the most charac teristic part of his teaching with a jealousy and alarm which found frequent expression both in words and deeds. It would have been something like unfaithfulness in St Paul, it would have been an unworthy suppression of his intensest convictions, to write to any exclusively " Hebrew" community without so much as distantly alluding to that phase of the Gospel which it had been his special mission to set forth (Gal. i. 11 ; ii. 2 ; Rom. ii. 16, &c). The case with the writer of this Epistle is very different. He was not only a Jewish Christian, but a Jewish Christian of the Alexandrian school. We shall again and again have occasion to see that he had been deeply influenced by the thoughts of Philo. Now Philo, liberal as were his philosophical views, was a thoroughly faithful Jew. He never for a moment forgot his nationality. He was so completely entangled in Jewish particularism that he shews no capacity for understand ing the universal prophecies of the Old Testament. His Logos, or Word, so far as he assumes any personal distinctness, is essentially and preeminently a Jewish deliverer. Judaism formed for Philo the nearer horizon beyond which he hardly cared to look. Similarly in this Epistle the writer is so exclusively occupied by the relations of the Levitic ritual to Christianity, that he does not even glance aside to examine any other point of difference between the New Covenant and the Old. What he sees in Christianity is simply a perfected Judaism. Mankind is to him the ~WP, the ideal Hebrew. Even when he speaks of the Incarnation he speaks of it as "a taking hold" not " of humanity" but " of the seed of Abraham" (ii. 16). In this Epistle then he is writing to Jewish Christians, and he INTRODUCTION. xvii deals exclusively with the topics which were most needful for the particular body of Jewish Christians which he had in view. All that we know of their circumstances is derived from the contents of the letter. They, like the writer himself, had been converted by the preaching of Apostles, ratified " by signs, and portents, and various powers, and distributions of the Holy Spirit" (ii. 3, 4). But some time had elapsed since their conversion (v. 12). Some of their original teachers and leaders were already dead (xiii. 7). They had meanwhile been subjected to persecutions, severe indeed (x. 32 — 34), but not so severe as to have involved mar tyrdom (xii. 4). But the afflictions to which they had been sub jected, together with the delay of the Lord's Coming (x. 36, 37), had caused a relaxation of their efforts (xii. 12), a sluggishness in their spiritual intelligence (vi. 12), a dimming of the bright ness of their early faith (x. 32), a tendency to listen to new doc trines (xiii. 9, 17), a neglect of common worship (x. 25), and a tone of spurious independence towards their teachers (xiii. 7, 17, 24), which were evidently creating the peril of apostasy. Like their ancestors of old, the Hebrew Christians were beginning to find that the pure spiritual manna palled upon their taste. In their painful journey through the wilderness of life they were beginning to yearn for the pomp and boast and ease of Jewish externalism, just as their fathers had hankered after the melons and fleshpots of their Egyptian servitude. They were casting backward glances of regret towards the doomed city which they had left (xiii. 12). That the danger was imminent is clear from the awful solemnity of the appeals which again and again the writer addresses to them (ii. 1 — 4; iii. 7 — 19; vi. 4 — 12; x. 26 — 31 ; xii. 15 — 17), and which, although they are usually placed in juxtaposition to words of hope and encouragement (iii. 6, 14 ; vi. 11 ; x. 39 ; xii. 18—24; &c), must yet be reckoned among the sternest passages to be found in the whole New Testament. A closer examination of the Epistle may lead us to infer that this danger of apostasy — of gradually dragging their anchor and drifting away from the rock of Christ (ii. 1) — arose from two sources j namely — (1) the influence of some one prominent member of the community whose tendency to abandon the xviii INTRODUCTION. Christian covenant (iii. 12) was due to unbelief, and whose unbe lief had led to flagrant immorality (xii. 15, 16) ; and (2) from the temptation to listen to the boastful commemoration of the glories and privileges of Judaism, and to recoil before the taunt that Christians were traitors and renegades, who without any com pensatory advantage had forfeited all right to participate in the benefits of the Levitic system and its atoning sacrifices (xiii. 10, &c). In the communities of Jewish Christians there must have been many whose faith and zeal — not kindled by hope, not sup ported by patience, not leavened with absolute sincerity, not maintained by a progressive sanctification — tended to wax dim and cold. They were disappointed at the delay of Christ's coming, and at the frustration of all their glowing temporal hopes. They had failed to see the necessity of suffering as an element necessary for the final glorification (ii. 10; v. 9). And if such men chanced to meet some unconverted Jew, burning with all the patriotism of a zealot, and inflated with all the arrogance of a Pharisee, they would be liable to be shaken by the appeals and arguments of such a fellow-country man. He would have asked them how they dared to emanci pate themselves from a law spoken by Angels? (ii. 2; Gal. iii. 19). He would have reminded them of the heroic grandeur of Moses ; of the priestly dignity of Aaron; of the splendour and signi ficance of the Temple Service; of the disgrace incurred by ceremonial pollution; of the antiquity and revealed efficacy of the Sacrifices ; of the right to partake of the sacred offerings ; above all, of the grandeur and solemnity of the Great Day of Atonement. He would dwell much on the glorious ritual when the High Priest passed into the immediate presence of God in the Holiest Place, or when "he put on the robe of honour and was clothed with the perfection of glory, when he went up to the holy altar, and made the garment of holiness honourable," and "the sons of Aaron shouted, and sounded the silver trumpets, and made a great noise to be heard for a remembrance before the Most High" (Ecclus. 1. 5—16). He would have asked them how they could bear to turn their backs INTRODUCTION. xix on the splendid history and the splendid hopes of their nation. He would have poured scorn upon them for leaving the inspired wisdom of Moses and the venerable legislation of Sinai for the teaching of a poor crucified Nazarene, whom all the Priests and Rulers and Rabbis had rejected. He would have contrasted the glorious Deliverer who should break in pieces the nations like a potter's vessel with the despised, and crucified, and "accursed" Sufferer — for had not Moses said "Cursed of God is every one who hangeth on a tree"? (Gal. iii. 13; Deut. xxi. 23) — whom they had been so infatuated as to accept for the Promised Messiah, and whose promises such a Jewish scoffer would have put upon a par with the exploded allurements of a Judas or a Theudas. We know that St Paul was charged — charged even by Chris tians who had been converted from Judaism — with "apostasy from Moses" (Acts xxi. 21). So deep indeed was this feeling that, according to Eusebius, the Ebionites rejected all his Epi stles on the ground that he was "an apostate from the Law." Such taunts could not move St Paul, but they would be deeply and keenly felt by wavering converts exposed to the fierce flame of Jewish hatred and persecution at an epoch when there arose among their countrymen throughout the world a recrudescence of Messianic excitement and rebellious zeal. The object of this Epistle was to shew that what the Jews called "apostasy from Moses" was demanded by faithfulness to Christ, and that apostasy from Christ to Moses was not only an inexcusable blindness but an all-but-unpardonable crime. If such were the dangerous influences to which the Hebrew community here addressed was exposed, it would be impossible to imagine any better method of removing their perplexities, and dissipating the mirage of false argument by which they were being deceived, than that adopted by the writer of this Epistle. It was his object to demonstrate once for all the inferiority of Judaism to Christianity ; but although that theme had already been handled with consummate power by the Apostle of the Gentiles, alike (1) the arguments and (2) the method of this Epistle differ from those adopted in St Paul's Epistles to the Galatians and the Romans. xx INTRODUCTION. (1) The arguments of the Epistle are different. In the Epistles to the Galatians and the Romans St Paul, with the sledge hammer force of his direct and impassioned dialectics, Tiad shattered all possibility of trusting in legal prescriptions, and demonstrated that the Law was no longer obligatory upon Gentiles. He had shewn that the distinction between clean and unclean meats was to the enlightened conscience a matter of indifference ; that circumcision was now nothing better than a physical mutilation ; that the Levitic system was composed of acrdevrj kcu nrioxa «rr<£. xxvi INTRODUCTION. this ground, as well as on the historic grandeur of Moses, Aaron, and Joshua, they claimed for it a superiority over every other dispensation. The writer, therefore, after laying down his mag nificent thesis that the Gospel is God's full and final Revelation to man (i. 1 — 4), proceeds to compare the Old and the New Covenants under the double aspects of (I) their ministering agents (i.— viii.), and (II) their advantageous results (ix. — x. 18). I. Christ superior to the mediators of the Old Cove nant (i. — viii.). a. The infinite superiority of Jesus to the Angels is first demonstrated by a method of Scriptural illustration of which the validity was fully recognised by all Jewish interpreters (i. 5 — 14). After a word of warning exhortation (ii. 1 — 4) he shews that this superiority is not diminished but rather enhanced by the temporary humiliation which was the voluntary and pre destined means whereby alone He could accomplish His redemp tive work (ii. 5 — 18). /3. And since the Jews placed their confidence in the mighty names of Moses and of Joshua, he proceeds to shew that Christ is above Moses by His very nature and office (iii. 1 — 6). Then after another earnest appeal (iii. 7 — 19) he proves more inci dentally that Christ was above Joshua, in that He led His people into that true, final, and Sabbatic rest of which, as he proves from Scripture, the rest of Canaan was but a poor and imperfect type (iv. 1—10). y. But since he regards the Priesthood rather than the Law as the central point of the Mosaic dispensation, he now enters on the subject which is the most prominent in his thoughts, and to which he has already twice alluded (ii. 17 ; iii. 1), that Christ is our High Priest, and that His High Priesthood, as an Eternal Priesthood after the order of Melchisedek, is superior to that of the Aaronic High Priests. The development of this topic occupies nearly six chapters (v. 1 — x. 18). He first lays down the two qualifications for every High Priest, (1) that he must be able to sympathise with those for whom he ministers (v. 1—3), and (2) that he must not be self- INTRODUCTION. xxvii called, but appointed by God (v. 4) : both of which qualifications Christ possessed (v. 5—10). But it is a characteristic of his style, and it furthered his main purpose, to mingle solemn passages of warning, exhortation, and encouragement with his line of demonstration. Here, there fore, he pauses on the threshold of his chief argument, to com plain of their spiritual dulness and backwardness (v. 11 — 14); to urge them to more earnest endeavours after Christian progress (vi. 1 — 3) ; to warn them of the awful danger and hopelessness of wilful apostasy (4 — 8) ; to encourage them by an expression of hope founded on their Christian beneficence (9 — 10) ; and to stir them to increased zeal (11, 12) by the thought of the immutable certainty of God's oathbound promises (13 — 18), which are still further assured to us by the Melchisedek Priesthood of Christ our Forerunner within the Veil (19, 20). Reverting thus to the comparison of Christ's Priesthood with the Levitic Priesthood (to which he had already alluded in v. 6, 10), he shews that the High Priesthood of Christ, being " after the order of Melchisedek," was superior to that of Aaron, 1. Because it is eternal not transient (vii. 1 — 3). 2. Because even Abraham paid tithes to Melchisedek (4 — 6). 3. Because Melchisedek blessed Abraham (7). 4. Because the Levitic Priests die, while Melchisedek stands as the type of an undying Priesthood (8). 5. Because even Levi may be said to have paid tithes to Melchisedek in the person of his ancestor Abraham (9, 10). 6. Because David's reference to Melchisedek shews the con templated transference of the Priesthood, and therefore of the Law (11, 12). This is confirmed by the fact that Christ was of the tribe of Judah, not of Levi (13, 14). The Melchisedek Priest hood, being eternal, could not be connected with a Law which, being weak and profitless, perfected nothing (15 — 19). 7. Because the Melchisedek Priesthood was founded by an oath (20—22). 8. Because (as before) the Levitic priests die, but Christ, the antitype of Melchisedek, abideth for ever (23—25). xxviii INTRODUCTION. II. The New Covenant better than the Old. Having thus compared the two orders of Priesthood, he pauses for a moment to dwell on the eternal fitness of Christ's Priest hood to fulfil the conditions which the needs of humanity require (26 — 28). Into this passage, in his usual skilful manner, he introduces the comparison of the two forms of sacerdotal ministry which he develops in the next three chapters (viii. 1 — x. 18). a. For the Tabernacle served by the Levitic Priests is — even on their great Day of Atonement — only the shadow of an eternal reality (viii. 1 — 6). The eternal reality is the New Cove nant, which had been promised by Jeremiah, in which the Law should be written on men's hearts, and in which all should know the Lord ; and the very fact that a new covenant had been promised implies the annulment of the old (viii. 7 — 13). /3. The Old Tabernacle was glorious and symbolic (ix. 1 — 5), yet even the High Priest, on the greatest day of its ritual, could only enter once a year into its inmost shrine, and that only with the imperfect and symbolic offerings of a burdensome exter- nalism (6 — 10). But Christ, the Eternal High Priest, entered into the Ideal Archetype of the Heavenly tabernacle (11) with His own blood, once for all ; and for ever (12, 13) offered Him self as a voluntary and sinless offering, eternally efficacious to purge the conscience from dead works (14) ; and so by His death became the mediator of a new and final covenant, and secured for us the eternal inheritance (14, 15). For a "Cove nant" may also be regarded as a " Testament," and that involves the fact of a Death (16, 17). So that just as the Old Covenant was inaugurated by the sprinkling of purifying blood over its Tabernacle, its ministers, its book, its people, and the furniture of its service, in order to secure the remission of transgressions (18—22), the heavenly archetype of these things, into which Christ entered, needed also to be sprinkled with the blood of that better sacrifice (23) which has provided for us, once for all, an all-sufficient expiation (24—28). Then, in one grand finale, in which he gathers the scattered elements of his demonstration into a powerful summary, he speaks of the impotence of the Levitic sacrifices to perfect those who offered them — an impotence 1JSTMODUCTI0N. xxix attested by their constant repetition (x. 1 — 4) — and contrasts them with that perfect obedience whereby (as illustrated in Ps. xl. 6, 7) Christ had annulled those sacrifices (5 — 9). Christ sanctified us for ever by His offered body (10). He did not offer incessant and invalid offerings like the Levitic Priests (11), but one perfect and perfecting sacrifice, as a prehminary to His eternal exaltation (12 — 14), in accordance with the prophecy of Jeremiah (xxxi. 33, 34), to which the writer had already re ferred (15—18). III. The remainder of the Epistle (x. 19 — xiii. 17) is mainly hortatory. He has made good his opening thesis that God " in the end of these days has spoken unto us by His Son." This he has done by shewing Christ's superiority to Angels (i. 5 — ii. 16) and to Moses and Joshua (iii. 1 — iv. 16) ; His qualifications for High Priesthood (v. 1 — 10) ; the superiority of His Melchisedek Priesthood over that of Aaron (vii. 1 — 28) ; and the superiority of the ordinances of His New Covenant over those of the Old (viii. 1 — x. 15). He has thus set forth to the wavering Hebrew Christians, with many an interwoven appeal, incontrovertible reasons why they should not abandon the better for the worse, the complete for the im perfect, the valid for the inefficacious, the Archetype for the copy, the Eternal for the transient. It only remains for him to apply his arguments by final exhortations. This he does by one more solemn strain of warning and encouragement (x. 19 — 39), which leads him into a magnificent historic illustration of the nature of faith as manifested by works (xi.). This served to shew the Jewish Christians, that, so far from being compelled to abandon the mighty memories of their past history, they were themselves the true heirs and the nearest representatives of that history, so that their unconverted brethren rather than themselves were aliens from the Commonwealth of Israel and strangers from the Covenants of promise. The Epistle closes with fervent exhortations to moral steadfastness and a holy Christian walk in spite of trial and persecution (xii. 1 — 14). This is followed by a warning founded on the great contrast which he has developed between the Old and New Covenants HEBREWS d xxx INTRODUCTION. (15 — 29). He gives them special directions to be loving, hospi table, sympathetic, pure, contented, and gratefully recognizant of their departed teachers (xiii. 1 — 9). Then with one more glance at the difference between the New and the Old Dispensations (10 — 15), he adds a few more affectionate exhortations (16 — 19), and ends with brief messages and blessings (23 — 25). We see then that the whole Epistle forms an argument a minori ad majus. If Judaism had its own privileges, how great, a fortiori, must be the privileges of the Gospel ! Hence the constant recurrence of such expressions as "a better hope" (vii. 19); "a better covenant" (vii. 22) ; "a more excellent ministry" (viii. 6); "a better and more perfect Tabernacle" (ix. 11); "better sacrifices" (ix. 23); "better promises" (viii. 6). It may almost be said that the words "by how much more" (ix. 14; too-ovtco KpeiTTlfav, ffaj3/3aTur/ios, TeTpajCTX'ff'/i&os, Svaepiify tvros, /xerpioiraffeiv, iKardXvTos, dyeveaXSyriTos, aifiaTeKXiKrla, bwat.vlt'eiy, avvKaKovxeiaBai., , we find it in the very same form in Philo (De Confus. Lingu. § 33). We may here collect a few passages of marked resemblance. i. Heb. i. 3, "who being the effluence (diravyao-pa) of His glory..." Philo (De Opif. Mundi, § 51), was av6pairos...Tijs panaplas vo-etas eKpayelov tj cvnoairacrpa tj diravyao-pa yeyovcos. ii. Heb. i. 3, "the stamp (xapaKrfjp) of His substance." Philo (Quod det. pot. § 23) speaks of the spirit of man as "a type and stamp of the Divine power," and (De Plant. § 5) of the soul, as "impressed by the seal of God, qs 6 xaPaKTW io-nv 6 alStos Xoyor, the everlasting Word." in. Heb. i. 6, "the First-begotten." Philo (De Agricult. § 12) speaks of the Word as "the firstborn Son," and (De Confus. Lingu. § 14) as "an eldest Son." iv. Heb. i. 2, "By whom also He made the worlds" (alavas). Philo (De Migr. Abraham, § 1), opyavov eupijo-eis \6yov 6eov 6Y ov (o Koo-pos) KaTeo-Kevdo-dr]. v. Heb. xi. 3, "that the worlds (alavas) were made by the utterance of God." Philo (De Sacrif. Abel, § 18), d debs Xe'yui/ apa eVoi'ei. vi. Heb. i. 3, "And bearing (ipa>v) all things by the utterance of His power." Philo (Quis rer. div. haer. § 7), d ra pkv ovra cf>epav. INTRODUCTION. xlvii vii. Heb. iii. 3, "in proportion as he that buildeth the house hath more honour than the house." Philo (De Plant. § 16), oo-o> yap d KTt]o-apevos...Tov KTijparas apeivav Kai to TrtiroirjKos tov yeyovoros. viii. Heb. iv. 12, 13, "For living is the Word of God and efficient, and more cutting than any two-edged sword, and pierc ing to the division both of soul and spirit, both of joints and marrow." Philo (Quis rer. div. haer. § 28), commenting on Abraham's "dividing the sacrifices in the midst," says that " God did thus with His Word, which is the cutter of all things (i- ropel t&v o-vpndvrav avrov Xdyo>), which, whetted to its keenest edge, never ceases to divide all perceptible things, but when it pierces through to the atomistic and so-called indivisible things, again this cutter begins to divide from these the things that can be contemplated in speech into unspeakable and incompre hensible portions" ; and farther on he adds that the soul is "threefold," and that "each of the parts is cut asunder," and that the Word divides to SXoyov Kal to \oyiKov. Elsewhere (De Cherub. § 9) he compares the Word to the fiery sword. Philo is applying the metaphors philosophically, not religiously, but it is impossible to suppose that the resemblance between the passages is merely accidental. ix. Heb. iv. 12, "and is a discerner of the thoughts and intents of the heart." Philo (De Leg. Alleg. in. 59), "And the Divine Word is most keen-sighted (o^vSepKeo-raTos), so as to be capable of inspecting ah things." x. Heb. vi. 5, "tasting that the utterance of God is excellent." Philo (De Profug. § 25), "The souls, tasting (the utterance of God) as a Divine word (Xdyos), a heavenly nurture." (Comp. De Leg. Alleg. in. 60.) xi. Heb. iii. 6, "whose house are we." Philo (De Somn. I. 23), "Strive, oh soul, to become a house of God." xlviii INTRODUCTION. xii. Heb. vi. 13, "since He could not swear by any greater He sware by Himself'1 Philo (De Leg. Alleg. m. 72), "Thou sees* that God swear- eth not by another, for nothing is better than Him, but by Him self, who is best of all" xiii. Heb. vii 27, "who hath not need, daily, like those High Priests..." Philo (De Spec Legg. § 23), d dpxfp^vs—fvxds re Kal Owrias Tf\av Kaff iKdo-TTjv •j/iepav. xiv. Heb. ix. 7, "once in the year only the High Priest enters." Philo (Leg. ad Cai. § 39), "into which once in the year the great Priest enters." xv. We might add many similar references ; e.g. to Abel's blood (xii. 24) ; Noah's righteousness (xi. 7) ; Abraham's obedi ence, in going he knew not whither (xi. 8N ; the faithfulness of Moses (hi. 2, 5) ; milk and solid food (v. 12 — 14) ; the fact that sacrifices are meant to call sin to remembrance (x. 3) (De.Yit. Mos. m. 10, ou Xi'o-u> dpapTTjparaiv dXX' uird/xwjow ipyd£ovrai [ot do-e^eis-1 comp. De Victim. § 7) ; the stress laid on the word "To-day" (iii. 7—15). But it will be sufficient to add a few passages in which Philo speaks of the Logos as High Priest. xvi. Heb. iv. 14, " Having then a great High Priest..." Philo (De Somn. i. 3S), 6 pev 8rj piyas apxtepcvs k.t.\. &c. xvii. Heb. iv. 15, "without sin," vii. 26, "holy, harmless, undented." Philo (De Profug. § 20), "For we say that the High Priest is not a man but the Divine Word, with no participation in (apJroxov) any sin, whether voluntary or involuntary." Id. § 21, " It is His nature to be wholly unconnected (mapaScieros) with all sin" xviii. Heb. iv. 15, "able to be touched with a feeling of our infirmities.'' Philo (De Profug. § 18), "not inexorable (dsrapaiVijrw') is the Divine, but gentle through the mildness of its nature." INTRODUCTION. xlix xix. Heb. vii. 25, "living to make intercession for them." Philo (De Migr. Abraham, § 21), "But these things He is accustomed to grant, Unjn euvrou Xdyov ovk diroo-rpa(pels." xx. Heb. v. 10, "After the order of Melchisedek." Philo (De Leg. Alleg. in. 26), "For the Logos is a Priest," &c. who, as he proceeds to say, brings righteousness and peace to the soul, and has His type in Melchisedek "the Righteous King" and the King of Salem, i.e. of Peace. See also De congr. quaerend. erudit. grat. § 18. xxi. Heb. vii. 3, "without father, without mother." Philo (De Profug. § 20), "For we say that the High Priest is not a man but the Divine word... wherefore I think that He is sprung from incorruptible parents... from God as His Father, and from Wisdom as His mother1." For these and other passages see Siegfried, Philo von Alex andria, 321 — 330, and Gfrorer, Philo und die Alex. Theosophie, I. 163—248. But while these passages positively demonstrate the writer's familiarity with Philo, his general theology and his method of treating the Old Testament as a whole are totally unlike those of the great Alexandrian theosophist. CHAPTER VI. THE AUTHOR OF THE EPISTLE. We now come to the question Quis? — who wrote the Epistle to the Hebrews ? In our Authorised Version and even in the Revised Version — which does not however profess to have reconsidered the super scriptions of the Epistles — we find the heading "The Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Hebrews." Now the writer was un doubtedly a Paulinist, i.e. he belongs to the same school of 1 In one plaoe (De ebr. § 14) Philo calls Sarah dpiirap, i.e. with no recorded mother. 1 INTRODUCTION. thought as St Paul. Besides the common phrases which form part of the current coin of Christian theology he uses some which are distinctively Pauhne. He had been deeply influenced by the companionship of the Apostle and had adopted much of his distinctive teaching. This is universally admitted. The student who will compare ii. 10, vi. 10, x. 30, xii. 14, xiii. 1 — 6, 18, 20 with Rom. xi. 36; 1 Thess. i. 3; Rom. xii. 19, 18, 1—21 ; 2 Cor. iv. 2 ; Rom. xv. 33 respectively, and who will observe the numerous other resemblances to which attention is called in the following notes, will have sufficient proof of this. The writer uses about fifty words which in the N. T. only occur in the Epistles of St Paul or in his speeches as recorded by St Luke, and in the last chapter the resemblances to St Paul are specially numerous. On the other hand, after what we have already seen of the differences of style (p. xxxvi), of method (pp. xxiv, xxxix), of culture (pp. xh seqq.), of individuality (p. xxxvii), of theological standpoint (pp. xxxix seqq.), and of specific terminology (pp. xii, &c.) between the writer of this Epistle and St Paul, we shall be compelled to admit not only that St Paul could not possibly have been the actual writer of the Epistle — a fact which was patent so far back as the days of Origen — but that it could not even indirectly have been due to his authorship. The more we study the similarities between this and the Pauhne Epistles, and the more strongly we become convinced that the writers were connected in faith and feeling, the more absolutely incompatible (as Dean Afford has observed) does the notion of their personal identity become. And this is exactly the conclusion to which we are led by a review of the ancient evidence upon the subject. The Early Western Church seems to have known that St Paul did not write the Epistle. In the Eastern Church the obvious and superficial points of resemblance gave currency to the common belief in the Pauline authorship, but the deeper-lying differences were sufficient to convince the greatest scholars (like Clement and Origen) that (at the best) this could only be admitted in a modified sense. The Epistle was known at a very early period and is very largely used and imitated by St Clement of Rome, in his letter INtRuDuCtiON. Ii to the Corinthians (aire. a.d. 96), and yet he nowhere mentions the name of the author. He would hardly have used it so extensively without claiming for his quotations the authority of St Paul if he had not been aware that it was not the work of the great Apostle. In the Western Church no single writer of the first, second, or even third century attributed it to St Paul. St Hippolytus (t a.d. 235 ?) and St Irenaeus (f a.d. 202) are said to have denied the Pauline authorship1, though Eusebius tells us that Irenaeus (in a work which he had not seen, and which is not extant) quoted from it and from the Wisdom of Solomon. The Presbyter Gaius (possibly the same person as Hippolytus, as some conjecture) did not number it among St Paul's Epistles (Euseb. H. E. vi. 20). The Canon of Muratori (circ. a.d. 170) either does not notice it, or only with a very damaging allusion under the name of an "Epistle to the Alexandrians forged in the name of Paul with reference to the heresy of Marcion." Yet Marcion himself rejected it, and Novatian never refers to it, frequently as he quotes Scripture and useful as it would have been to him. Tertullian (f a.d. 240), representing perhaps the tradition of the Church of North Africa, ascribes it to Barnabas. This testimony to the non-Pauline authorship is all the weightier because Tertulhan would have been only too eager to quote the authority of St Paul in favour of his Montanism had he been able to do so. St Cyprian (f A.D. 258) never alludes to it. Victorinus of Pettau (f 303) ignores it. The first writer of the Western Church who attributes it to St Paul (and probably for no other reason than that he found it so ascribed in Greek writers) is Hilary of Poictiers, who died late in the fourth cen tury (f a.d. 368). St Ambrose indeed (t 397) and Philastrius (circ. a.d. 387) follow the Greeks in ascribing it to St Paul, though the latter evidently felt some hesitation about it. But it is certain that for nearly four centuries the Western Church refused in general to recognise the Pauline authorship, and this was probably due to some tradition on the subject which had come down to them from St Clement of Rome. If it had been 1 Stephen Gobar ap. Phot. Bibl. God. 232. Iii INTRODUCTION. written by the Apostle of the Gentiles, St Clement of Rome, who was probably a friend and contemporary of St Paul, would have certainly mentioned so precious a truth, at least orally, to the Church of which he was a Bishop. If he said anything at all upon the subject it can only have been that whoever was the author St Paul was not. Accordingly, even down to the seventh century we find traces of hesitation as to the Pauline authorship in the Western Church, though by that time a loose habit had sprung up of quoting it as "the Epistle of Paul to the Hebrews." This was due to the example of St Jerome (f 420) and St Augustine (t 430) \ These great men so far yielded to the stream of ir responsible opinion — which by their time had begun to set in from the East — that they ventured popularly to quote it as St Paul's, although when they touch seriously upon the question of the authorship they fully admit or imply the uncertainty respecting it2. Their hesitation as to the Pauline authorship is incidentally shewn by the frequency- with which they quote it either without any name, or with the addition of some caution ary phrase. That the Epistle is attributed to St Paul by later authors and Councils is a circumstance entirely devoid of any critical importance. It was from the Eastern Church that the tendency to accept the Epistle as St Paul's derived its chief strength. The Alex andrian School naturally valued an Epistle which expressed their own views, and was founded upon premisses with which they were specially familiar. Apart from close criticism they would be naturally led by phenomena which lay on the surface to conjecture that it might be by St Paul ; and (as has frequently happened) the hesitations of theological scholarship were swept away by the strong current of popular tradition. But this tra- 1 Jer. Ep. 73. 4, "Epistola ad Hebraeos, quain omnes Graeci re- cipiunt et nonnulli Latinorum. " 2 Jer. Comm. in Tit., " Si quis vult recipere earn Epistolam quae sub nomine Pauli ad Hebraeos scripta est." Aug. De Civ. Dei, " quam quidam Apostoli Pauli esse dicunt, qtiidam vero negant." In his later writings he always uses circumlocutious to avoid attributing it to St Paul. Westcott On the Canon, p. 455. INTRODUCTION. Uii dition cannot be traced farther back than an unsupported guess of the Presbyter Pantaenus about the middle of the Second Century. Clemens of Alexandria (in a lost work, quoted by Eusebius) says that the "blessed Presbyter" had endeavoured to account for the absence of St Paul's name (which is found in every one of his genuine Epistles) by two reasons. St Paul, he said, had suppressed it "out of modesty" (Sid peTpiorqTa) both because the Lord was the true Apostle to the Hebrews (Heb. iii. 1), and because he was writing to the Hebrews "out of superabundance" (e'x nepiovcrias), being himself the Apostle to the Gentiles. Neither reason will stand a moment's consideration : they are desperate expedients to explain away an insuperable difficulty. For if St Paul had written "to the Hebrews" at all, there is no single writer who would have been less likely to write anonymously. Calvin rightly says "Ego ut Paulum agnoscam auctorem adduci nequeo. Nam qui dicunt nomen fuisse de industria suppressum quod odiosum esset Judaeis nihil afferunt. Cur enim nientionem fecisset Timothei? &c." It never occurred to any Apostle to consider that his title was an arrogant one, and the so-called "Apostolic Compact" no more prevented St Paul from addressing Jews than it prevented St Peter from addressing Gentiles. The fact that Eusebius quotes this allusion to Pantaenus as the earliest reference to the subject which he could find, shews that in spite of the obvious inference from x. 34 (and especially from the wrong reading "my bonds") there was no tradition of import ance on the subject even in the Eastern Church during the first two centuries. Clemens of Alexandria is himself (f a.d. 220) equally unsuccessful in his attempts to maintain even a modi fied view of the Pauline authorship (ap. Euseb. H. E. vi. 14). He conjectures that the Epistle was written in Hebrew, and had been translated by St Luke; and he tries to account for its anonymity by a most uncritical and untenable surmise. St Paul he says did not wish to divert the attention of the Jews from his arguments, since he knew that they regarded him with prejudice and suspicion ! This singular notion — that St Paul wished to entrap the attention of his readers unawares before reveahng his identity — has been idly repeated by writer after liv INTRODUCTION. writer down to the present day. But no one can read the Epistle with care without seeing that the writer was obviously known to his readers, and intended himself to be known by them. No Apostolic Church would have paid any attention to an anony mous and unauthenticated letter. The letters were necessarily brought to them by accredited messengers; and if this letter had been written by St Paul to any Hebrew community the fact would have been known to them in the first halfhour after the messenger's arrival. Origen again (ap. Euseb. H. E. vi. 25) in a popular way con stantly quotes the Epistle as St Paul's ; but when he seriously entered on the question of the authorship, in a passage quoted by Eusebius from the beginning of his lost Homilies on the Epistle, he admits that the style is much more polished than that of St Paul (d xaPaKTVP "7r Xe|eo>r...ov'K e^ei to iv Xdya> I8ia>- tikov tov Aitoo-ToKov), and while he says that the Pauline character of the thoughts furnishes some ground for the tradition that St Paul wrote it, he adds that the "history" which had come down about it was that it was "written" by Clement of Rome, or by Luke; but, he says, "who actually wrote the Epistle God only knows." Origen's authority has repeatedly been quoted as though it were decisively given in favour of the Pauline author ship of the Epistle ! But if any one will examine the passage above referred to he will see that it represents a conflict between historical testimony and scholarlike criticism on one side, and loose local tradition on the other. Origen was glad to regard the Epistle as being in some sense St Paul's, and did not like to differ decidedly from Pantaenus, Clemens, and the general popular view prevalent in his own Church ; but he decidedly intimates that in its present form St Paul did not write the Epistle, and that it can only be regarded as belonging to "the school of Paul." Lastly, Eusebius of Caesarea shews the same wavering hesi tation. He so far defers to indolent and biassed custom as con stantly to quote the Epistle as St Paul's, but in one passage he seems to approve of the opinion that it had been translated from Hebrew, and in another he says that it would not be just to ignore that "some have rejected the Epistle to the Hebrews. INTRODUCTION. Iv saying that it is opposed by the Church of Rome as not being by St Paul." Thus we see that loose conjecture, founded on a few superficial phenomena, attributed the Epistle to St Paul ; but ah genuine and independent criticism saw that he could not have written it. It is hardly worth while to follow the stream of testimony into ages in which independent criticism was dead ; but in the six teenth century with the revival of scholarship the popular tra dition once more began to be set aside. Cardinal Cajetan, Erasmus, Luther, Calvin, Melanchthon, and even Estius were all more or less unfavourable to the direct Pauhne authorship. In modern times, in spite of the intensely conservative character of Anglican theology, there are very few critics of any name even in the English Church, and still fewer among German theologians, who any longer maintain, even in a modified sense, that it was written by St Paul. Who then was the writer? From the Epistle itself we can gather with a probability which falls but little short of certainty the following facts (some of which it will be observed tell directly against the identity of the writer with St Paul). 1. The writer was a Jew, for he writes solely as a Jew, and as though the Heathen were non-existent. 2. He was a Hellenist, for he quotes from the LXX without any reference to the original Hebrew, and even when it differs from the Hebrew (i. 6, x. 5). 3. He was familiar with the writings of Philo, and had been deeply influenced by Alexandrian thought. 4. He was " an eloquent man and mighty in the Scriptures." 5. He was a friend of Timotheus. 6. He was known to his readers, and addresses them in a tone of authority. 7. He was not an Apostle, but classes himself with those who had been taught by the Apostles (ii. 3) \ 1 To talk of avaKolvuais and v npdt-eav) ; but the differences of style are still more remark able ; the Epistle contains passages (such as vi. 4 — 8 ; x. 26 — 29, &c.) which do not seem to resemble the tender and conciliatory INTRODUCTION. lvii tone of mind of the Evangelist ; and apart from this St Luke seems to have been a Gentile Christian (Col. iv. 10 — 14), and not improbably a Proselyte of Antioch. The resemblances between the two writers consist only in verbal and idiomatic phrases1, and are amply accounted for by their probable familiarity with each other and with St Paul. But the idiosyncrasy is different, and St Luke has nothing of the stately balance or rhetorical amplitude of this Epistle. Timothy is excluded by xiii. 23. No one else is left but that friend and convert to whom by a flash of most happy insight Luther attributed the authorship of the Epistle — Apollos. Apollos meets every one of the necessary requirements. (1) He was a Jew. (2) He was a Hellenist. (3) He was an Alex andrian. (4) He was famed for his eloquence and his powerful method of applying Scripture. (5) He was a friend of Timotheus. (6) He had acquired considerable authority in various Churches. (7) He had been taught by an Apostle. (8) He was of the school of St Paul ; yet (9) he adopted an independent line of his own (1 Cor. hi. 6). (10) We have no trace that he was ever at Jerusalem ; and yet, we may add to the above considerations, that his style of argument — like that of the writer of this Epistle — was specially effective as addressed to Jewish hearers. The writer's boldness of tone (Acts xviii. 26) and his modest self- suppression (1 Cor. xvi. 12) also point to Apollos. The various allusions to Apollos are found in Acts xviii. 24 — 28; 1 Cor. iii. 4 — 6, xvi. 12; Tit. iii. 13; and in every single particular they agree with such remarkable cogency in indicating to us a Christian whose powers, whose training, whose character, and whose entire circumstances would have marked him out as a man likely to have written such a treatise as the one before us, that we may safely arrive at the conclusion either that Apollos wrote the Epistle or that it is the work of some author who is to us entirely unknown. 1 Such as ei/Xa/9e(v airavyaapa T17? horn's ical ^apaKTrjp t^? v7ro- o~Ta<> avrov v re to rravra Ttu prffiart, t^? Svvd- /teo>? avrov, Ka.Bapio-p.hv rwv dfiapriojv iroi7)o-dp,evo<; eKa- durev iv Be^ia rfj<; p,eyaXa>o-vvv<; iv vtyriXols, 4to KpeiTToav yev6p,evo<; twv dyyiXwv oo~q> Siaqbopwrepov trap avrov et? irarepa Kal avro- rr/piav ; 2 1Aid tovto Bei rrepiaaoripooi; irpoak-^eiv r)fhd\ toi? aKOvaBeiaiv, fir/irore rrapapvwp.ev, 2et yap 6 Si dy- yeXcov XaXr)Beh X070? iyevero y3e/8ato?, Kal trdaa irapd- J3aan Kai rrapaKor) eXafiev evBiKov luaBarroBoaiav, 37rc3? rjp.el'i iK(f>ev^6p,eBa rr]XiKavT7]<; dpeXrjaavrei awrvpiaav(op.ivov, oVo)? %dpiri Beov inrep iravro's yevarjrai oavarov. errperrev yap avrw, 01 ov ra rravra Kal Bi ov rd rravra, rroXXov<; utoi)? et? Sofjav ayayovra tov dp%r]ydv rfji awrr)pla<; avrwv Bid TraBrj- fidrwv reXeiwaai. "o re yap dyid^av Kal 01 dyia- £6p,evoi il; eVo? TraWe?* St' rjv airlav ovk irraia'^vverai dSeXov<; avroii<; KaXelv, 12Xe7&)v, 'A7ra77eXc5 to 6vop,d aov tok dBeXeiXev Kara rravra Tot? aSeX^ot? 6p,oiw8rjvai, "va iXerjp,wv yivrjrai Kal rriarbs ap^tepei)? Ta 7T/30? tov Beov, et? ro IXdaKea&ai rdi dp,aprla yap rre- irovBev avTO? rreipaadeioi dyioi, KXrjaew1; errovpaviov pero-voi, Karavoijaare tov drroaroXov Kal dp%iepea rfj<; 6fioXoyiaeX7)aev 6 Xo'70? T77? aKorj, ti/a rrpoa(f>eprj Bwpd re Kal 8vaia 6 p,ereywv ydXaKTos arreipo<; Xoyov SiKaioavvi)<;, vt]rrio<; ydp iariv UTeXeieov Se iariv .77 areped rpo(f>q, tcoi/ Sta' rrjv ei;iv rd aiaBijrrjpia yeyvpvaapeva i'ypvrwv wpo? SiaKpiaiv KaXov re Kal KaKov. 6 ' Aid dtpevTe<; rov tj;? dpyrj*; rov Xpiarov Xoyov • irrl rrjv reXeiortfTa (pepwpeBa, pvr) rrdXiv Bep,eXiov Kara- flaXXopevoi peravolai drrb veKpwv epywv, Kal rriarew; irrl Beov, 2 fiarrriapwv SiSayrjepovaa Se aKavBas Kal Tpt/3dXov? aS6/ct/to? Kal Kardpa<; e'771/?, j;? to reXo<; et? Kavaiv. "Herrelapeda Be rrepl vpwv, dyarrrjroi, rd Kpeiaaova Kal i'yppeva awTrjpla<;, et Kal ovtws XaXovpev. ov ydp aSt/co? 6 Beb<; irriXaBeaBai rov epyov vpwv Kal tt;? dydrrr)1; r)opiav tt;? eXTTt'So? a%/M TeXot/?, iva p,r/' vwBpol yevqaBe, pipvqral Be rwv Sid rriarew; Kal paKpo- 8 TTPOI EBPAIOYI VI. 12 6 v pias KXrjpovopovvTav Ta? irrar/yeXia- rroi yap Kara rov pet^ovos 6p,vvovaiv, Kal rrdar)v avroW dvTiXoyiaf rrepa<; et? fiefialwaiv 6 o/jko?" "iv w rrepia- abrepov ;3oi/Xd/tez/o? o Beb<; imSeifjai toi? KXi)povopj)i$ tj;? irrayyeXia<; to dpterdBerov rfj<; ftovXfjs avrov e/te- airevaev opKW, 18"va Sid Svo rrpaypdrwv dp,eraBerav, iv oT? aSivarov iJrevaaaBai Beov, ia%vpdv rrapaKXijaiv eywp^ev oi KaraobvyovTes Kparijaai rr}<; rrpoKeipivrji iXiriBoi, 19fjv co? dyKvpav eyppev tt)' ov ydp Xiyerai ravra, (pvXrj<; erepa<; p.erea-yjrjKev, dc/)' ^? ot/Set? rrpoaea- XVKev T(P Bvaiaarrjpiw' urrpbSi)Xov yap on if; 'Ioi/Sa avareraXKev 0 Aci/pto? 77/ttoz/, et? rjv (pvXrjv rrepl iepeav ovSev Meoi/cr^? eXaXqaev. 16«at rrepiaabrepov eri Kard- StjXov iariv, ei Kara rrjv bpotbrrjra M.eX%iaeSeK aviara- rai tepei)? erepov, 16o? ov Kara vop,ov cVtoXj;? aapKivr)^? d/caTaXi/Toi/. " paprv- peirai ydp on Ii) tepez)? et? rbv aiwva Kara rrjv rdf;iv MeX^tcreSe/e. ia,ABerrjai<; p,ev ydp yiverai rrpoayoiat)<; ivroXr)<; Sid rb avrrj<; daBeves Kal aVtoc/>eXe?, 19ovSev ydp ireXeiwaev b vopov, irreiaaywyr) Be Kpeirrovov iXrrlSos, c. , 7 > .. «/l«20\ rP rr » \_ 01 t;? eyyi%op.ev rw tiew. Kai Kaa oaov ov ^topt? bpKwpioaias, — 21ot p,ev ydp j^topt? opKwpoaiav eiaiv tepei? yeyovbres, b Be perd bpKwpoaia? Sid rov Xeyoi/To? Trpd? avrov, "Upoaev Kvpio<;, Kal ov perap,eXTjBr}aerai' ai) tepei)? et? rbv aiwva' — ™Kard roaovro Kpeirrovoi Sia6i]Kr}<; yeyovev eyyvo<; 'Irjaovi. 2Vat oi pev rrXeiove<; eiaiv yeyovbre? tepet? Std rb Bavdrw KwXveaBai 10 TTPOI EBPAIOYI VII. 23 rrapap,eveiv "d Be Sid rb p.evew avrov et? rbv aiwva arrapaparov e^ei rrjv lepwavvqv, oaev Kai aw^eiv et? ro rravreXedXaiov Se 67rl toi? XeyopAvois, toiovtov eyopev dpyiepea o? ixdBiaev iv 8ef;ia tov Bpbvov tt;? peyaXwavvT]? iv Tot? oi/pavot?, VtoV dyiav Xeirovpyo? Kal tt}? aK7)vrjepeiv Swpd re Kal Bvalas Ka&lararai, '68ev dvayKaiov eyeiv n Kal rovrov o rrpoaeveyKy. 4et /tev ovv t;v eVt 7^?, oi)S' ctv t;v tepei/?, bvrwv rwv rrpoaqbepbvrwv Kara vop,ov rd Soj pa, 6otTiz/e? vrroSeiypan Kai aKia Xarpevovaiv rwv irrovpdviwv, KaBw? Key^pijpdnarai Mgwctt}? p,eXXmv irrireXeiv rrjv aKijvqv, "Opa ydp (prjaiv rroiijaei'; rravra Kara tov rvrrov rbv SeiyBevra aoi iv tw opef 6vvvl Se Stac/>optoTepa? rervyev Xeirovpyias, oaw Kal Kpeirrovbi iariv Sia6rjK7)6pevooi, rtappvjaiav els rrjv eiaoSov Ttov dyiwv ev too a'i pan 'Irjaov, "'¦fjv ivexaiviaev rjp.lv oBov rrpoa(paTOV Kai Ijwaav Bid tov KaTarrerdap,aTos, tovt ear iv rrjs aapKos avrov, 21/cat tepea peyav irrl rov oikov rov Beov, ^rrpoaepxwpeBa p.erd dXvBivrjs KapSias iv rrXrjpoipopia rriarews, pepavnapkvoi ras KapSias drrb avveiSijaews rrovqpds /cat XeXov/tevot X. 38 nroi EBPAIOYI IS to awp,a vSan KaBapw, 2S/caTe^co/tev rrjv bpoXoylav rrjs eXrriSos aKXivrj, rriarbs yap b irrayyeiXdp,evos, Kai Karavowp.ev dXXrj'Xovs et? rrapo^vapbv drydrrrjs Kal KaXwv epywv, 26/it; iyKaraXeirrovres rrjv iiriavva- ywyr)v eavrwv, KaBws eBos riaiv, dXXd rrapaKaXovvres, Kai roaovrw paXXov '6aa> fiXerreTe iyyi^ovaav rrjv r)p.epav. 56 E/cot/crtco? 7ap dpapravbvrwv rjpwv perd to Xafteiv tt;v irrvyvwaiv rrjs aXrjBeias, ovKen rrepl dpapnwv drroXeirrerai Bvaia, s'c/>0/Sepd Se ti? iKSoxv Kpiaews Kal rrvpos f>}Xo? iaBieiv pkXXovros rovs vrrevavriovs. iBd8eTrjaas ns vbpov Mwvakws %oopi? oiKrippwv irrl Svalv rj rpialv pdprvaiv arroBvrjaKei' ^rrbaw SoKeire X^ipovos dfjiwBrjaerai np,wpias b rbv vlov rov Beov Kararrarrjaas Kal to alpa tt}? SiaBijKrjs koivov rjyrjad- pevos, iv co rjyidaBrj, Kal rb rrvevpa rrjs x^ptTos ivvfipiaas. soo'iSapev ydp rbv elrrbvra, 'E/tot mSiKyjais, iyw dvrarro- Bwaw' /cat 7rdXtv, Kpivet Kvpios rbv Xaov avrov. (popepov to ep,rreaeiv et? ;j£etpa? aeov cjoovto?. avapi- pmjaneaBe Be ras rrporepov rjpkpas, iv als (pwnaBevres rroXXrjv d&Xrjaiv vrrepelvare rraBrjpdrwv, 33tovto pev bveiBiapois re Kal BXtyeaiv 6earpi£bp,evoi, rovro Be koivwvoI Ttov o'vrws dvaarpeobopevwv yevrjBkvres. S4/cat 7ap rois Beapiois avverraBrjaare, Kal rrjv dprrayrjv rwv vrrapxbvrwv vp,wv perd xaP0^'i rrpoaeSkgaar&e, yivma- Kovres evetv eavrovs Kpetaaova brrapf-iv Kai p-evovaav. ssprj drro/3dX7jTe ovv rrjv rrapprjaiav vp,wv, tfris eyei peydXrjv p,iaBarroSoalav. savrrop.ovijs ydp e^eTe j^petav Zva rb BkXrjpa rov Beov rroiijaavres KopiarjaBe rrjv erraryyeXiav. en yap piKpov oaov oaov, o epxopevos rj^ei Kal ov XP0Via~el' S8° ^e BiKaios pov e/c rriarews 16 TTPOI EBPAIOYI X. 38 fyjaerai, Kal idv vrroareiXrjrai, ovk evSoKel rj "tyvxy pov ev avrw. rjpeis be ovk eap,ev vrroaroXijs et? «7rcoXetav, a'XXd rriarews et? rrepirroirjaiv yjrv^xrjs. 11 '"Ecttiv Se rrians eXrri^opAvwv vrrbaraais, rrpay- p,drwv eXeyxos ov p\errop.kvwv. 2e'v ravrrj ydp ip,aprv- prjBijaav oi rrpeafivrepoi. sHiarei voovp-ev KarrjpriaBai rovs at'tova? prjpan Beov, et? rb p.rj e'/c (j>aivop,evwv to j3Xerrop,evov yeyovkvat. iHiaTei rrXeiova Bvaiav "A/3eX rrapd Kdi'v rrpoarjveyKev too Bew, Si 77? ipaprvprjBrj etvat Bixaios, p.aprvpovvros irrl rois Swpois avrov rov Beov, Kal Si avrrjs drroBavwv en XaXei. 5LT.tcrTei 'Evco^ pererkBrj rov p,r) ISeiv Bavarov, Kal ovx rjvpiaKero Sion p.erkBrjKev avrbv b Beds. rrpb yap rrjs p-eraBkaews pepaprvprjrai evrjpearr/Kevai tw Bew' 8^topt? Se rriarews dSvvarov evapearrjaai' marevaai yap Set rbv rrpoaep- XOpevov \rw\ Bew, on eanv Kal rois iK^rjrovaiv avrbv piaBarroSbrrjs yiverai. 'TJitrTet ^p77/taTicrt9et? NeoeTrepi Ttov prjBkrrwp\erropkvwv,evXa^ri8els KareaKevaaev ki/3w- rbv els awrrjpiav rov o'Ikov avrov, Si 77? KareKpivev rbv Koapov, Kal rrjs Kara rrianv BiKaioavvijs iyevero KXrjpo- vd/to?. 8 IltcrTei KaXovpevos 'Aftpadp, vrrrjKovaev ifjeXBeiv els rbrrov ov rjp,eXXev Xa/i/Sdvetv et? KXrjpovopiav, Kal if;rjXdev p,rj irnardpevos rrov epx^rai. 9rriarei rrapw- Ktjaev et? yfjv rrjs irrayyeXias to? dXXorpiav, iv aKtjvais KaroiKrjaas, p,erd 'Icrad/c /cat 'Ia/cto/3 Ttov avvKXijpovbp,wv tt;? errayyeKias rrjs avrrjs efeoe^CTO 7ap tj;v rovs BepeXiovs exovaav rrbXiv, 77? tc^vi'tt;? Kal Brjpiovpybs b debs. "THarei Kal avrrj %dppa Sivap.iv els KaTafioXrjv arrepparos e'XaySev /cat rrapd xaipbv rjXiKlas, irrel rriarbv rjyrjaaro rbv irrayyeiXdpevov. 12Std /cat dc/>' evbs iyevvrj- Brjaav, Kal ravra veveKpwpkvov, KaBws rd darpa rov XI. 27 IIHOI EBPAIOYI i7 ovpavov too 7rXT;c'ei /cat to? r) dppos r) rrapd rb x^iXos rrjs BaXdaarjs j; dvaplBprjros. 13KaTa rriariv drrkBavov ovtoi rrdvres, prj Kop.iadp.evoi ras irrayyeXias, dXXd rroppwBev avrds iSovres Kal darraadpevoi, Kal d/toXo- yrjaavres on J~evoi /cat rraperriSrjpoi eiaiv irrl tt}? 77;?. ot 7ap roiavra Xkyovres ip(pavl£ovaiv on rrarpiSa irri^rjrovaiv. I5/cat et pev iKeivrjs pvrjpovevovaiv dBde, AaveiS re Kal XapovrjX Kal tcov rrpofprjrwv, 33o'i Bid rriarews Karrjywviaavro jSaaiXeias, rjpydaavro SiKaioavvrjv , irrk- rvxov irrayyeXiwv, e(ppa%av arbp,ara Xebvrwv, Meafieaav Svvap,iv rrvpbs, evyov arbp,ara pa^aipi;?, iSwap,wBrjaav drro aaBeveias, iyevr]Brjaav ttr^vpot e'v rroXkp,w, rrapep- /3oXd? eKXivav dXXorpiwv' 85e'Xa/3ov yvvaiKes e'f dva- araaews rovs veKpovs avrwv' aXXoi Se irvpnTaviaBvaav, ov rrpoaSefjdpevoi rrjv drroXvrpwaiv, "va Kpeirrovos avaardaews Ti/yoocriv' 36eTepot Se iprraip/p,wv Kal p,aari- 700 v rreipav eXaj3ov, en Be Secrptov Kal (pvXaKrjs' 37iXiBdaBijaav, irrpiaBrjaav, irreipdaBrjaav, iv §bvw /tayatpi;? drrkBavov, rrepirjXBov iv pnjXwrais, iv aiyeiois Bkppaaiv, varepoip-evoi, BXi/36pevoi, KaKovxoip,evoi, wv ovk rjv a^ios o Koapos, em eprjpiais rrXavwpevoi Kai bpeaiv Kai arrrjXaiois Kal rais brrais rrjs yfjs. 3*Kal ovroi rrdvres p-aprvprjB eyres Sid rrjs rriarews ovk e'/eopt- aavro rrjv irrayyeXiav, iorov Beov rrepl rjp,wv Kpeirrbv n rrpo^Xe-^rap.kvov, 'iva p,r) y/opi? T^ptov reXeiwBwaiv. 12 lr£ovyapovv koi r)p,eis, roaovrov eyovTe? 7rept- /cetpevov Tjpiv vkqbos paprvpwv, 07/cov drroBep,evoi rravra XII. 15 TTPOI EBPAIOYI 19 /cat tt;v evrrepiararov dpapriav, Si vrrop,ovfjs Tpeyo>/tev tov rrpoiceipevov rjpiv dywva, 2 d(popwvres els rbv rrjs rriarews apxrjybv Kal reXeiwrrjv 'Irjaovv, o? dvTt tj}? rrpoKeipevrjs avrw xupd? vrrepeivev aravpov alaxvvijs Karaqbpovrjaas, iv Sef;ia re tov Bpbvov rov Beov Kend- viKev. avaXoyiaaaBe ydp rbv roiavrrjv vrropepevrjKbra vrro tcov dp,aprwXwv els eavrov dvnXoyiav, "va pr) Kapvrjre rais yjrvxais vpwv iKXvbp,evoi. iOiirrw p,kxpts a'iparos dvnKarkar'rjre rrpbs rrjv dpapriav dvrarywvi£bpevoi, 6/cat eKXkXrjade rrjs rrapa- KXrjaews, rjns vp,iv to? vlois SiaXkyerai, Tie p,ovi p,rj oXiywpei rraiSias Kvpiov, p,i]Se e/cXi/ou vrr avrov eXey- Xop,evos' ov ydp dryarra Kvptos rraiSeiei, paariyoi Se rravra vibv ov rrapaSexerai. ''els rraiSiav vrrop,e- vere, to? viois vplv rrpoaobeperai b Beds. Tt? 7ap vlbs ov ov rraiBevei rrarrjp; 8et Se ^oopt? iare rraiSias, 77? peroxoi yeybvaaiv rrdvres, dpa vb&oi Kal ovx vloi iare. 9elra toi)? pev tj}? aapKos rjpwv rrarepas efyop-ev rrai- Sevrds Kal iverperropxBa' ov rroXv p,dXXov vrrorayrj- abpeBa rw rrarpl tcov rrvevpdrwv Kal ^rjaopev; 10oi pev 7ap 7rpd? oXiyas r/pepn? Kara rb Sokovv avrois irralSevov, 0 Be irrl rb avpqbkpov et? rb peraXaj3eiv rrjs dyiorrjros avrov. nrraaa Be rraiSia rrpbs pev rb rrapbv ov BoKei xapb^i eivai dXXd Xvrrrjs, varepov Be Kaprrbv elprjviKov rois Si avrrjs yeyvp,vaap,kvois drroBiSwaiv BiKaioavvrjs. aSib ras rrapeipevas XeVali Ka' T" r^aP<^m XeXi/peva ybvara dvopBwaare, 13/cat rpoxids opBds rroieire rois rroalv vpwv, "va p,r) rb xvyov irrl yfjs rrapairrjadpevoi rbv y^paTi'fovTa, 7roXv paXXov rjpeis oi rbv drr ovpavwv drroarpe(pbp,evoi, 26ov 77 ^'' ^? Xarpevwp.ev evapkarws too Bew, perd evXafielas Kal Bkovs' B Kal yap o Beos rjp&v rrvp KaravaXlaKov. XIII. 17 nPOI EBPAIOYI 21 1«J irH e- povres' uov ydp exopev toSe pkvovaav rrbXiv, aXXa rrjv peXXovtrav erri^rjrovpev. 15St' avrov ovv avaqbepwpev Bvaiav alvkaews Biarravrbs tcS Bew, rovr eanv Kaprrbv yetXecov bp,oXoyovvrwv too bvbpari avrov. l6rrjs Be evrroi'i'as Kal Koivwvias prj erriXav8aveg@e' roiavrais yap Bvaiais evapeareirai b Beos. "YieiBeaBe rois rjyov- pkvois vpwv Kal vrreiKere' avrol ydp dypvrrvovaiv vrrep 22 TTPOI EBPAIOYI XIII. 17—25 Ttov tyvxwv vp,wv to? Xoyov drroSwaovres' 'iva perd Xapdea6ai. 19rrepiaaoTepws Se rrapaKaXw tovto rroirjaai, 'iva rdxiov drroKaraaraBw vpiv. 20f/-\ p.\ /) \ « » / t 9 \ 1 * \ U oe feo? T77? eiprjvrjs, o avayaywv e/c veKpwv tov rroipeva rwv rrpoj3drwv rbv pkyav iv a'ipan SiaBrjKijs »/ \ / f « 'T " 21 ' c « aiwviov, tov Kvpiov rjpwv lrjaovv, Karapnaai vp,as iv rravrl epyw dya&w et? to rroirjaai to BeXrjpa avrov, rroiwv iv vpfiv rb evdpearov ivwmov avrov Bid 'Iijaov "Kpiarov, w r) Sofja et? rovs alwvas Ttov aiwvav' dp,rjv. 2!IIapa/caXeo Se vpds, dSeXcpoi, dvkxeaBe tov Xoyov rrjs rrapaKXrjaews' Kal ydp Sid /8pa%ecov irrkareiXa vpiv. S3ytvwaKere rbv dSeXqbbv rjp,wv Tip,b8eov drroXeXvp.kvov, peB ov idv raxiov epxvrai o\frop,ai vp,ds. M darrdaaaBe rrdvras rovs rjyovpkvovs vpwv Kal rrdvras rovs dyiovs. ' I Cr P« P»\rt5T«/ 2S(TT ' > aarralflVTai vpas 01 arro rrjs LraXias. H Y/¥"? P,eTa rravrwv i5ptov. aprjv. NOTES. CHAPTER I. Title. Ilpds 'EPpotovs. This is the simple title of the Epiatle in NABC (in subscr.) E. In L we have tou oyiou Kai xavevipripiov mroar. iravK. eirurr. rrpos ej3p. In M eypav. The us Ip&nov of NABD'E and several versions is probably a gloss on the rarer word. eXCJeis, rec. dXXd|eij, which is less well supported. The title followed in the Authorised Version HaiiXou tov 'Airo6pus (Chrysostom, followed by many others). They are on the contrary of the deepest importance as containing a principle of 0. T. exegesis. The words irdKvpepws ToXvrpowm are of the rhythm known as the Paeon quartus ( ¦-). Ancient writers are fond of elaborating their opening sentences, and the author of this Epistle naturally clothed in an impressive form a clause so full of profound and original truth. Thus St Luke begins his Gospel with an Antispastus, eVeiSijirep (— — — ) and ends his Acts with an Epitrite, AxuXiras (— ). irdXai. Malachi the last prophet of the Old Covenant had died more than four centuries before Christ. 6 0«ds. In this one word, which admits the Divine origin of Mosaism, the writer makes an immense concession to the Jews. Such expres- 26 HEBREWS. [I. 1— sions as St Paul had used in the fervour of controversy — when for instance he spoke of "the Law" as consisting of "weak and beggarly elements"— tended to alienate the Jews by utterly shocking their prejudices ; and in very early ages, as we see from the "Epistle of Barnabas," some Christians had developed a tendenoy to speak of Judaism with an extreme disparagement, which culminated in the Gnostic attribution of the Old Testament to an inferior and even malignant Deity, whom they called "the Demiurge." The author shared no such feelings. In all his sympathies he shews himself a Hebrew of the Hebrews, and at the very outset he speaks of the Old Dispensation as coming from God. XaXijo-as. The verb \a\eiv is often used, especially in this Epistle, of Divine revelations (ii. 2, 3, iii. 5, vii. 14, &c). It has none of the disparaging sense in comparison with \4yeiv which it has in classical Greek. XaXijv ttovtoiv. Sonship naturally suggests heirship (Gal. iv. 7), and in Christ was fulfilled the immense promise to Abraham that his seed should be heir of the world. The allusion, so far as we can enter into these high mysteries of Godhead, is to Christ's mediatorial kingdom. We only darken counsel by the multitude of words without knowledge when we attempt to define and explain the relations of the Persons of the Trinity towards each other. The doctrine of the 7repi- X&priais, circuminsessio or communicatio idiomatum as it was techni cally called — that is the relation of Divinity and Humanity as effected within the Divine Nature itself by the Incarnation — is wholly beyond the limit of our comprehension. We may in part see this from the fact that the Son Himself is (in ver. 3) represented as doing what in this verse the Father does. But that the Mediatorial Eingdom is given to the Son by the Father is distinctly stated in John iii. 35 ; Matt, xxviii. 18 (comp. ii. 6 — 8 and Ps. ii. 8). 8i oS, i.e. " by whose means"; "by whom, as His agent." Comp. "All things were made by Him" (i.e. by the Word) (John i. 3), L 3.J JSUTMti. 29 "By Him were all things created" (Col. i. 16). " By Whom are all things" (1 Cor. viii. 6). What the Alexandrian theosophy attributed to the Logos, had been attributed to "Wisdom " (see Prov. viii. 22 — 31) in what was called the Ghokhmah or the Sapiential literature of the Jews. Christians were therefore familiar with the doctrine that Crea tion was the work of the Prae-existent Christ ; which helps to explain verses 10 — 12. We find in Philo, " You will discover that the cause of it (the world) is God... and the Instrument the Word of God, by whom it was equipped (KaraaKevdirBri)," De Cherub. (Opp. 1. 162); and again " But the shadow of God is His Word, whom he used as an Instru ment in making the World," De Leg. Alleg. in. (Opp. 1. 106). The prepositions are carefully distinguished in the N.T. Thus we find in 1 Cor. viii. 6 els 6ebs 4£ o3 rh. irdvra...Kal els Ktipios 81 01S rb, Trdvra, i.e. all things derive their origin (il-) from God, and are made by Christ's agency (Si' o5). The other reading Si' ov in that verse would mean that all things exist for His sake (propter Ilium). Kai. He who was the heir of all things was also the agent in their creation. tovs alcovas, D'Dp'iy. One of the comprehensive plurals common in Hebrew Hellenistic Greek (Winer, ed. Moulton, p. 220). Literally, "the aeons" or "ages." This word "aeon" was used by the later Gnostics to describe the various " emanations" by which they tried at once to widen and to bridge over the chasm between the Human and the Divine. Over that imaginary chasm St John had thrown the one wide arch of the Incarnation when he wrote "the Word beoame flesh." In the N.T. the word " aeons" never has this Gnostic mean ing. In the singular the word means "an age"; in the plural it sometimes means " ages " like the Hebrew olamim. Here it is used in its Rabbinic and post-biblical sense of " the world" as in xi. 3, Wisd. xiii. 9, and as in 1 Tim. i. 17 where God is called " the king of the world" (oomp. Tob. xiii. 6). The word /toV/tos (x. 5) means "the material world" in its order and beauty ; the word, aluves means the world as refleoted in the mind of man and in the stream of his spiritual history ; ^ olKovpAvn (i. 6) means " the inhabited world." 3. dn-atiyaapia, "effulgence," a diraf Xeyd/teiw in the N. T. The substitution of "effulgence" for "brightness" in the Revised Version is not, as it has been contemptuously called, " a piece of finery," but is a rendering at once more accurate and more suggestive. It means "efflux of light" — 8 oiirov, " by the utterance of His power." It is better to keep "word" for Logos, and "utterance" for brjpa. We find "strength" (/cpdros) and "force" (Icrxfa) attributed to Christ in Eph. vi. 10, as " power" (Sivapis) here. Ka8apurudv riav dp.ap-ri.i3v iroM] Kpefrrrov tuv ayveXcDV. The writer's object in entering upon the proof of this fact is not to oheck the tendency of incipient Gnostics to worship Angels. Of this there is no trace here, though St Paul in his letter to the Colossians raised a warning voice against it (Col. ii. 18 eV 6pr) ' ' and with reference to the Angels, He saith." The Xiyeiv irpbs here resembles the Latin dicere in aliquem, Winer, p. 505. He has shewn that the title of "Son" is too special and too super-eminent to be ever addressed to Angels ; he proceeds to shew that the Angels are but subordinate ministers, and that often God clothes them with "the changing garment of natural pheno mena, " transforming them, as it were, into winds and flames. ' O iroiwv tous d-y veXovs avToO irvevaaTa Kal rois XeiTOvpyoiis avToi) irupds X6yo, " who maketh His Angels winds," for the Angels are already "spirits" (ver. 14). This must be the meaning here, though the words might also be rendered " Who maketh winds His messengers, and fiery flames His ministers." This latter rendering, though gram matically difficult, accords best with the context of Ps. civ. 4, where, however, the Targum has "Who maketh His messengers swift as winds, His ministers strong as flaming fire." The Rabbis often refer to the fact that God makes His Angels assume any form He pleases, whether men (Gen. xviii. 2) or women (Zech. v. 9) or wind or flame (Ex. iii. 2 ; 2 K. vi. 17). Thus Milton says: "For spirits as they please Can either sex assume, or both; so soft And uncompounded is their essence pure; Not tied or manacled with joint or limb Nor founded on the brittle strength of bones, Like cumbrous flesh; but in what shape they choose, Dilated or condensed, bright or obscure, Can execute their aery purposes." But that mutable and fleeting form of existence which is the glory of the Angels would be an inferiority in the Son. He could not be clothed, as they are at God's will, in the fleeting robes of varying material phenomena. Calvin, therefore, is much too rash and hasty when he says that the writer here draws his citation into a sense which does not belong to it, and that nothing is more certain than that the original passage has nothing to do with angels. With a wider knowledge of the views of Philo, and other Rabbis, he would have paused before pronouncing a conclusion so sweepingly dogmatic. The "Hebrew" readers of the Epistle, like the writer, were evidently familiar with Alexandrian conceptions. Now in Philo there is no sharp distinction between the Logos (who is a sort of non-incarnate Messiah) and the Logoi, who are sometimes regarded as Angels just as the Logos Himself is sometimes regarded as an Archangel (see 38 HEBREWS. [I. 7— Siegfried's Philo, p. 22). The Rabbis too explained the "us" of Gen. i. 26 ("Let us make man") as shewing that the Angels had a share in creation, see Sanhedrin, p. 38, 2. Such a passage as Rev. xix. 10 may help to shew the reader that the proof of Christ's exaltation above the Angels was necessary. 8. irpos 8e t6v diov, " but with reference to the Son." The Psalm (xiv.) from which the quotation is taken, is called in the LXX. "A song for the beloved," and has been Messianically interpreted by Jewish as well as Christian expositors. Hence it is chosen as one of the special Psalms for Christmas Day. ' O 6p6vos crov 6 8e6s els tov aluva rov alwvos. 6 Ocbs is the ordinary vocative in Hellenistic Greek. This use of the nominative for the vocative is sometimes scornful in classical Greek (as in xa'/>6 °" pWt- XeiJs tuv 'lovSaluv), but is used in Hellenistic in direct addresses, comp. Luke xii. 32 pvti 0o/3oO rb pwpbv irolp.viov, viii. 54 r\ vais eyeipe. The quotation is from Ps. xiv. 6, 7 (LXX), which in its primary and historic sense is a splendid epithalamium to Solomon, or Joram, or some theocratic king of David's house. But in the idealism and hyperbole of its expression it pointed forward to ' ' the Eing in His beauty." " Thy throne, 0 Elohim," is the rendering which seems most natural, and this at once evidences the mystic and ideal character of the language ; for though judges and rulers are sometimes collectively and indirectly called Elohim (Ex. xxi. 6, xxii. 8 ; Ps. Ixxxii. 1 ; John x. 34 — 36) yet nothing which approaches a title so exalted is ever given to a human person, except in this typical sense (as in Is. ix. 6). The original, however, has been understood by some to mean "Thy divine throne"; and this verse may be rendered "God is Thy throne for ever and ever." Philo had spoken of the Logos as "the eldest Angel," "an Archangel of many names" (De Gonf. Ling. 28), and it was most necessary for the writer to shew that the Mediator of the New Cove nant was not merely an Angel like the ministers of the Old, or even an Archangel, but the Divine Prae-existent Son whose dispensation therefore supersedes that which had been administered by inferior beings. The Targum on this Psalm (xiv. 3) renders it "Thy beauty, O King Messiah, is greater than the sons of men," and Aben Ezra says it refers not so much to David as to his son Messiah. t] pd(3Sos ttjs ei58vn]TOs, " the sceptre of rectitude." The A. V. gave the same word for eiBirrfros and SiKaioaivqv in the next verse. The R.V. rightly distinguishes between the two words. Eufli/njs is in the N.T. a dira^ Xey6p.evov. ¦rijs Pao-iXeCas a-ov. The two oldest MSS. (N, B) read airoO. 9. iiYairtio-as, "Thou lovedst" — idealising the whole reign to one point. Comp. Is. xxxii. 1, " Behold, a king shall reign in right eousness"; and Jer. xxiii. 5, "I will raise unto David a righteous Branch." dvopiav, " lawlessness." Comp. 1 John iii. 4, " sin is lawlessness." I. 11.] NOTES. 39 SioL tovto. Comp. ii. 9, 16, 17, v. 7, 8, xii. 2. 6 8eds, d 6e<5s o-ov. The first word might be a vocative " 0 God, " and it is so rendered even by the Jewish translator Symmachus. But this is contrary to the usage of the 2nd Book of Psalms. Where the word "God" is taken up and repeated with the suffix, there is no other instance in which the first is a vocative. d 6eos o-ov. Comp. John xx. 17, "I ascend to... my God and your God." expurev o-e. The anointing is fixed ideally by the aorist as a single act dependent on the irydTnaas, Winer, p. 346. %p£« here has the double ace. as in Rev. iii. 18, KoXXovpiov tyxpiaov robs 6cj>6aXpois. dvccXXido-ems, " of exultation." The word means the joy of perfect triumph, xii. 2. For the "anointing" of Christ by the Spirit see Lk. i. 35; Matt. iii. 16; Acts x. 38; Is. lxi. 1; but the anointing in this verse alludes to His glorification in Heaven. irapd to^s aerdxovs (rov. This use of wapb. in comparisons is common in the N. T., comp. Lk. xiii. 2 apapruXol irapd irdvras, 1 Cor. iii. 11 dXXos irapd, Winer, p. 504. In the original Psalm this refers to all contemporary princes ; in its present application it means " above all the angel-dwellers on Mount Sion " (xii. 22), and " above all men who have fellowship with God " (iii. 14) only in Christ (ii. 11 ; 1 John i. 3). 10. Ka£, 2v KaT dpxds Kvpie. The quotation is from Ps. eii. 25 — 27. The word "Lord" is not in the original, but it is in the LXX. ; and the Hebrew Christians who already believed that it was by Christ that "God made the world" (see note on ver. 2) would not dis pute the Messianic application of these words to Him, though the Jews did not regard it as a Messianic Psalm and it is never so applied by any Rabbi. It is a prayer of the afflicted written at some late period of the exile. Calvin (on Eph. iv. 8) goes so far as to say of such passages that the Apostle " by a piouB diversion of their meaning {pid deflectione) accommodates them to the Person of Christ." The remark illustrates the courageous honesty and stern good sense of the great Reformer : but no Jewish-Christian exegete would have thought that he was practising a mere pious misapplication of the sacred words, or have admitted the objection of Cardinal Cajetan that "in a matter of such importance it was unbecoming to use such an argu ment." The writer's object is not proof — which was for his readers unnecessary; he wished to illustrate acknowledged truths by admitted principles. kot dpxds- Heb. tMB?, "face-wards," i.e. of old. It is a classic phrase, and in the LXX. dif dpxvs or iv dpxv are more common. 11. avrol diroXovvrai,. Is. xxxiv. 4, &c. ; 2 Pet. iii. 12 ; Rev. xxi. 1. Siapiveis, "abidest through all times." This, and not the future Sia- pevets, is the right reading, for it is parallel to av Sid airbs et iuapA- veiv means to abide through all changes. 40 HEBREWS. [I. 12— wo-et Trepipo'Xaiov. us Ipdriov is a common Scripture metaphor. Is. 1. 9, &c. 12. £Xi|eis awovs, "Thou shalt roll them up." This reading (iXl£eis) is found in most MSS. and is perhaps an unconscious reminis cence of Is. xxxiv. 4 (comp. Rev. vi. 14) ; but N, D read " thou shalt change them" (dXXdfeis), as in the original, and in the LXX. (God., Alex,). On this final consummation, and the destruction of the material universe, see Matt. xxiv. 35 ; 2 Pet. iii. 7 ; Rev. xxi. 1. o-v Se 6 aiiTos sl. In the Hebrew (literally) "Thou art He" (N-1l"l). Ta eTT] crov ovk eKXeCi|/ovo-iv, i.e. they shall never come to an end (xiii. 8; Rev. i. 8). The verb is used in the LXX. and by St Luke xvi. 9, xxii. 32. The neut. plur., as is not unusual, here takes a plural verb. So too in John xix. 31 ; 1 Tim. v. 25. See Winer, p. 646. 13. viroirdSiov. This same passage from Ps. ex. 1 had been quoted by our Lord, in its Messianic sense, to the Scribes and Pharisees, without any attempt on their part to challenge His application of it (Matt. xxii. 41 — 44). It is also referred to by St Peter in Acts ii. 34 and by St Paul (1 Cor. xv. 25). The Greek expression for "till" (Sus dv) implies entire indefiniteness of time. The reference is to the oriental custom of putting the feet on the necks of conquered kings (Josh. x. 24). 14. XeiTovpyiKa irvevaaTa els SiaKovCav, "ministering spirits. ..for service." Here as elsewhere the A.V. obliterates distinctions, which it, so often arbitrarily creates out of mere love for variety in other places. The word XeirovpyiKd implies sacred ("liturgic") service (viii. 6, ix. 21) ; the word Siaxovlav implies service to men. "How oft do they their silver bowers leave And come to succour us who succour want; How oft do they with golden pinions cleave The flitting skies like flying pursuivant, Against foul fiends to aid us militant! They for us fight, they watch and duly ward And their.bright squadrons round about us plant, And all for love and nothing for reward. Oh! why should heavenly God for men have such regard?" Spenser. Sid Tois ueXXovTas KXr)povouetv o-wrripfav. " For the sake of those who are about to inherit salvation." The salvation is both the state of salvation here, and its full fruition hereafter. When we are "justi fied by God's grace" we are "made heirs according to the hope of eternal life" (Tit. iii. 7). Spenser widens the mission of the Angels when he speaks of "Highest God, who loves His creatures sc That blessed Angels He sends to and fro To serve to wicked men — to serve His deadliest foe." For Scriptural instances of the service of Angels "to them that fear God" see Ps. xxxiv. 7, xci. 11 ; Gen. xix. 15; Dan. vi. 22; Acts xii. 7. II. l.J NOTES. 41 diroo-TeXXdpeva, "being sent forth." The ministry of Angels is regarded as still continuing. o-wrnpCav. The writer recurs to this great word "salvation" in ii. 3, 10. CHAPTER II. 7. [koI KaT^o-rr)o-as avTov eirl Ta ?pya tov x6lp(»v (rov]. This clause, retained in the rec, is found in NACM Vulg. &c, but not in BEL, and may be only a gloss added from the LXX. 9. xipin Beov NABCDEEL. The x^p's 0eoO of M Syr. and the rec. is an ancient variation known to Origen, Theodore of Mopsuestia, Jerome and others. It has been supposed to be a Monophysite cor ruption, but was more ancient than that controversy. It is probably a mere pragmatic gloss on the iirip iravrbs. By a curious error St Thomas AquinaB here mistook the gratia Dei of the Vulg. for a nominative. See the note. 14. aHuaTos Kal o-apKos. This less usual sequence is supported by NABCDEM. Ch. II. A solemn Warning and Exhortation (1 — 4). Christ's temporary humiliation for the redemption and glorification of Mankind does not disparage His Pre-eminence over Angels (5 — 13), but was necessary for the Perfectness of His High- Priestly Work (14 — 18). 1. Aid tovto. Because we are heirs of a better covenant, adminis tered not by Angels but by a Sou, to whom as Mediator an absolute dominion is to be assigned. Set. The word implies moral necessity and not mere obligation. The author never loses sight of the fact that his purpose was to warn as well as to teach. Trepurs irpoo-e'xeiv. If the command to " take heed to thyself, and keep thy soul diligently, lest thou forget the things that thine eyes have seen" (Deut. iv. 9), came with awful force to those who had only received the Law by the disposition of Angels, how much "more abundantly" should Christians attend to Him of Whom Moses had spoken to their fathers? (Acts iii. 22). Tots dKovo-8eto-i.v, "to the things heard," i.e. to the Gospel. |mjitot€, "lest haply." See hi. 12, iv. 1. irapapvuuev. This is the 2nd aor. subj. pass, of irapapiu. In classical Greek it would be spelt pp. There are no such verbs as Tapa/>- l>viu, Trapafi/itiu, or Trapap"pinp.i, which seem to be mere fictions of gram marians. The meaning is "should drift away from them." Wiclif 42 HEBREWS. [II. 1— rendered the word more correctly than the A.V. which here follows the Genevan Bible of 1560 — "lest peradventure we fleten away." The verb thus resembles the Latin praetervehi. The metaphor is taken from a boat which having no " anchor sure and steadfast," slips its anchor, and as Luther says in his gloss, "before her landing shoots away into destruction" (Prov. iii. 21 LXX. vie p.1) n-apap'pvQs). It is obvious that these Hebrew converts were in great danger of "drifting away " from the truth under the pressure of trial, and in consequence of the apathy produced by isolation and deferred hopes (iii. 6, vi. 11, i. 25, 36, 37, xii. 1—3). 2. el ydp. An argument a minori ad majus, of which indeed the whole Epistle is a specimen. It was the commonest form assumed by the Rabbinic interpretation of Scripture and was the first of the seven exegetic rules of Hillel, who called it "light and heavy." 6 8i" dyy^-wv XaXrjBels Xdyos. The "by" is not virb but Sid, i.e. "by means of," "through the instrumentality of." The presence of Angels at Sinai is but slightly alluded to in the 0. T. in Deut. xxxiii. 2 ; Ps. lxviii. 17 ; but these allusions had been greatly expanded, and were prominently dwelt upon in Rabbinic teaching — the Talmud, Targums, Midrashim, &o. — until, at last, we find in the tract Maccoth that God was only supposed to have uttered the First Commandment, while all the rest of the Law was delivered by Angels. This notion was at least as old as Josephus, who makes Herod say that the Jews "had learned of God through Angels " the most sacred part of their laws (Jos. Antt. xv. 5, § 3). The Alexandrian theology espe cially, impressed with the truth that "no man hath seen God at any time" (comp. Ex. xxxiii. 20), eagerly seized on the allusions to Angels as proving that every theophany was only indirect, and that God could only be seen through the medium of Angelic appearances. Hence the Jews frequently referred to Ps. civ. 4, and regarded the fire, and smoke, and storm of Sinai as being Angelic vehicles of the Divine manifestation. And besides this, their boast of the Angelic ministry of the Law was founded on the allusions to the "Angel of the Presence" (Ex. xxxii. 34, xxxiii. 14; Josh. v. 14; Is. Ixiii. 9). In the N. T. the only two other passages whioh allude to the work of Angels in delivering the Law are Acts vii. 53 ; Gal. iii. 19 (see my Life of St Paul, n. 149). Clearly the Hebrew Christians had to be delivered from the notion that Christ, by being "made under the Law," had subjected Himself to the loftier position of the Angels who had ministered the Law. e-yeveTO pepaios, ' "became" or "proved" steadfast. The Law was no brutwm fulmen; no inoperative dead-letter, but effective to vindi cate its own majesty, and punish its own violation. Philo uses the very same word (pi/3ata) of the institutions of Moses; but the dif ference of standpoint between him and the writer is illustrated by the fact that Philo also calls them do-dXeura, "not to be shaken," which this writer would not have done (xii. 27). II. 3.] NOTES. 43 wdo-a TrapafJacris Kal irapaKoij, i.e. all sins against it, whether of commission or of omission, rrapdfiaais is "transgression"; irapaKo1*) is "mishearing" and neglect (Matt, xviii. 17; Rom. v. 19). evSiKov. This form of the word ocours only here and in Rom. iii. 8. uio-SairoSoo-Cav. The word p.ia$6s, "wage " or "pay" — which is used of punishment as well as of reward — would have expressed the same thought; but the writer likes the more sonorous p.ia9awoSoala (from fuaffbs and diroSovvai) (x. 35, xi. 26). This remorseless self-vindication by the Law ("without mercy"), the certainty that it could not be broken with impunity, is alluded to in x. 28. The Israelites found even in the wilderness (Lev. x. 1, 2; Num. xv. 32 — 36; Deut. iv. 3, &c), that such stern warnings as that of Num. xv. 30 — threatening excision to offenders — were terribly real, and applied alike to indi viduals and to the nation. 3. mis rjaels eKTT)p£as. The transcendence (vii. 25) of the safety provided is a measure of the guilt involved in ceasing to pay any attention to it (x. 29; John xii. 48). It came from Christ not from Angels ; its sanctions are more eternal, its promises more Divine, its whole character more spiritual. tjtis dpx^v Xa|3ovo-a XaXacrBai. The definite relative rjns "one which" has (as often) a quasi-causal force, "seeing that it, having at the first been spoken." 8id tov Kvpfov. The Gospels shew that Jesus was the first preacher of His own Gospel (Mark i. 14). "The Lord," standing alone, is very rarely, if ever, used as a title for Christ in St Paul. (1 Thess. iv. 15 ; 2 Thess. ii. 2 ; 2 Tim. iv. 18, are, to say the least, indecisive.) vird twv aKovo-dvTojv. We did not indeed receive the Gospel at first hand, but from those who were its appointed witnesses (Lk. xxiv. 47, 48; Acts i. 8, v. 32). This verse, as Luther and Calvin so clearly saw, furnishes a decisive proof that St Paul was not the writer of this Epistle. He always insisted on the primary and direct character of the revelation which he had received as his independent Gospel (Gal. i. 1, 12; Acts xxii. 10, xxvi. 16; 1 Cor. xi. 23, xv. 3, &c). To talk of "accommodation" or dvaxolvuais with his readers here is quite beside the mark. els T|(ids. A sort of constructio praegnans, "was confirmed (so as to reach) to us," Winer, p. 776. e|3e|3aiu8T]. The "word of this salvation" — the news of this 44 HEBREWS. [IL 3— Gospel — was ratified to us (comp. 1 Cor. i. 6), and so it becomes "steadfast" (fiipaios, verse 2). 4. o-vvemaapTvpovvTos tov Beov, " God bearing witness with them"; the supernatural witness coincided with the human. a-r]pdois re Kal Tepaoav Kal iroiKCXais Swdaeo-iv. "Signs" to shew that there was a power behind their witness; "portents" to awaken the feeling of astonishment, and so arouse interest; and various "powers." These are alluded to, or recorded, in Mark xvi. 20; Acts ii. 43, xix. 11. St Paul himself appealed to his own "mighty signs and wonders " (Rom. xv. 18, 19 ; 1 Cor. ii. 4). Kal irvevaaTos dyCov uepio-aots, "distributions" (iv. 12 "dividing"). KaTa ttjv avTov BeX^a-iv, "according to His own will." The phrase applies only to this clause — the gifts which the Holy Spirit distributes as He wills (1 Cor. vii. 17, xii. 11 ; Rom. xii. 3). BiX-qais is not used in Attic Greek. Pollux v. 165 r) Si diXnais 18iutik6v. 5 — 13. The voluntary Humiliation of Jesus was a necessary Step in the Exaltation of Humanity. 5. yap. The "for" resumes the thread of the argument about the superiority of Jesus over the Angels. He was to be the supreme king, but the necessity of passing through suffering to His Messianic throne lay in the fact of His High-Priesthood for the human race. To Him, therefore, and not to Angels, the "future age" is to belong. Ov Ydp aYY^Xois vireTaijev ti)v oIkovu€vt]v rffv aeXXovo-av, "For not to Angels did He subject the inhabited earth to come." In this "inhabited earth" things in their prae-Christian condition had been subjected to Angels. This is inferred directly from Ps. viii. where the "little" of degree is interpreted as "a little" of time. The authority of Augels over the Mosaic dispensation had been inferred by the Jews from Ps. lxxxii. 1, where "the congregation of Elohim" was interpreted to mean Angels ; and from Deut. xxxii. 8, 9, where instead of "He set the bounds of the people according to the number of the children of Israel," the LXX. had "according to the number of the Angels of God." From this passage, and Gen. x., Dan. x. 13, &c. they inferred that there were 70 nations of the world, each under its presiding Angel, but that Israel was under the special oharge of God, as is expressly stated in Ecclus. xvii. 17 (comp. Is. xxiv. 21, 22, LXX.). The notion is only modified when in Dan. x. 13, 20, Michael "the first Prince," and in Tobit xii. 15, "the seven Archangels," are regarded as protectors of Israel. But now the dispensational functions of Angels have ceased, because in "the kingdom of God" they in their turn were subordinated to the man Christ Jesus. rr[v olKovuevTjv ""J v (UXXovo-av. The Olam habba or "future age " of the Hebrews ; although the word here used is not alS>v but oIkov- pivrj, properly the inhabited world. In Is. ix. 6 the Theocratic king who is a type of the Messiah is called "the Everlasting Father," II. 7. J NOTES. 45 which is rendered by the LXX. "father of the future age." In the "new heavens and new earth," as in the Messianic kingdom which is "the kingdom of our Lord and His Christ," man, whose nature Christ has taken upon Him, is to be specially exalted. Hence, as Calvin acutely observes, Abraham, Joshua, Daniel, are not forbidden to bow to Angels, but under the New Covenant St John is twice forbidden (Rev. xix. 10, xxii. 9). But although the Messianic kingdom, and therefore the "future age," began at the Resurrection, there is yet another "future age" beyond it, which shall only begin when this age is perfected.and Christ's kingdom is fully come. irepl ijs XaXovaev, i.e. which is my present subject. 6. SieaapTvpaTo 8e ttov tis. The writer was of course perfectly well aware that the Psalm on which he proceeds to comment is the 8th Psalm. This indefinite mode of quotation (" some one, some where ") is common in Philo (De ebriet., Opp. i. 365, where he quotes Gen. xx. 12 with the formula eTire ydp woi ns) and the Rabbis. Scrip ture is often quoted by the words " It saith " or " He saith " or " God saith. " Possibly the indefinite form (comp. iv. 4) — which is not found in St Paul — is only here adopted because God is Himself addressed in the Psalm. (See Schottgen, Nov. Hebr., p. 928.) T£ eo-Tiv dvBpwTros. The Hebrew word — B>13N — means man in his weakness and humiliation. The " what " expresses a double feeling — how mean in himself! how great in Thy love! The Psalm is only Messianic in so far as it implies man's final exaltation through Christ's incarnation. It applies, in the first instance, and directly, to Man: and only in a secondary sense to Jesus as man. But St Paul had already (1 Cor. xv. 27; Eph. i. 22) applied it in a Messianic sense, and "Son of man" was a Messianic title (Dan. vii. 13). Thus the Cabbalists regarded the name Adam as an anagram for Adam, David, Moses, and regarded the Messiah as combining the dignity of all three. David twice makes the exclamation — "Whatisman?"; — once when he is thinking of man's frailty in connexion with his exaltation by God (Ps. viii.); and once (Ps. cxliv. 3) when he is thinking only of man's emptiness and worthlessness, as being undeserving of God's care (comp. Job vii. 17). 7. Ppaxv ti. The "little" in the original (meiit) means "little in degree"; but is here applied to time — "for a little while" — as is clear from ver. 9. The writer was only acquainted with the LXX. and in Greek the Ppa%i ri would naturally suggest brevity of time (comp. 1 Pet. v. 10). Some of the old Greek translators who took the other meaning rendered dXtyov rrapa 6ebv. trap' aYY^Xovs. Ou this comparative use of rrapk see Winer, p. 503, and the note to i. 9. The original has " than Elohim," i.e. than God ; but the name Elohim has, as we have seen, a much wider and lower range than " Jehovah," and the rendering " angels " is here found both in the LXX. and the Targum. It must, be borne in mind that the writer is only applying the words of the Psalm, and putting them 46 HEBREWS. [II. 7— as it were to a fresh use. The Psalm is " a lyric echo of the first chapter of Genesis " and speaks of man's exaltation. The author is applying it to man's lowliness (" ad suum institutum deflectit," says Calvin, " Kar' iiregepyaalav "). Yet David's notion, like that of Cicero, is that " Man is a mortal God," and the writer is only touching on man's humiliation to illustrate his exaltation of the God-Man. See Perowne on the Psalms (i. 144). [Kal KaTed-TT]o-as avrov eirl rd 'ipya, tuv x^pwv o-ov]. This clause is probably a gloss from the LXX., as it is absent from some of the best MSS. and Versions (e.g. B and the Syriac). The writer omitted it as not bearing on the argument. 8. vfreragas, "Thou didst put..." by one eternal decree. This clause should be added to the last verse. The clause applies not to Christ (as in 1 Cor. xv. 25) but to man in his redeemed glory. irdvra. This is defined in the Psalm (viii. 8, 9) to mean specially the animal world, but is here applied to the universe in accordance with its Messianic application (Matt, xxviii. 18). Ydp. The "for " continues the reasoning of ver. 5. The writer with deep insight seizes upon the juxtaposition of " humiliation" and " dominion " as a paradox which only found in Christ its full solution. ov8ev...dvvirdTaKTov. The inference intended to be drawn is not " and therefore even angels will be subject to man," but "and there fore the control of angels will come to an end." When however we read such a passage as 1 Cor. vi. 3 ("Enow ye not that we shall judge angels? ") it is uncertain whether the author would not have admitted even the other inference. vvv 8e, i.e. but, in this present earthly condition of things man is not as yet supreme. We see as a fact (bpupiev) man's humiliation: we perceive by faith the glorification of Jesus, and of all humanity in Him. avrw, i.e. under man. 9. Ppaxv ti k.t.X. This alludes to the temporal ("for a little while ") and voluntary humiliation of the Incarnate Lord. See Phil. ii. 7 — 11. For a short time Christ was liable to agony and death from which angels are exempt; and even to the "intolerable indignity" of the grave. pXetroaev. " But we look upon," i.e. not with the outward eye, but with the eye of faith. The verb used is not bpupev videmus as in the previous verse, but pXiTropev cernimus (as in iii. 19). In accordance with the order of the original the verse should be rendered, ' ' But we look upon Him who has been, for a little while, made low in comparison of angels — even Jesus — on account of the suffering of death crowned, &c." 8id to ird6r||i,a tov Savdrov, "because of the suffering of death.'' The via crucis was the appointed via lucis (comp. v. 7 — 10, vii. 26, II. 9. J NOTES. 47 ix. 12). This truth — that the sufferings of Christ were the willing path of His perfectionment as the "Priest upon his throne" (Zech. vi. 13) — is brought out more distinctly in this than in any other Epistle. 8o|tj Kal Tiarj ea-Tecj>avw|j.e'vov. Into the nature of this glory it was needless and hardly possible to enter. " On His head were many crowns " (Bev. xix. 12). otros. The words refer to the whole of the last clause. The uni versal efficacy of His death resulted from the double fact of His humiliation and glorification. He was made a little lower than the angels, He suffered death, He was crowned with glory and honour, in order that His death might be efficacious for the redemption of the world. xdpiTi Beov. The work of redemption resulted from the love of the Father no less than from that of the Son (John iii. 16 ; Rom. v. 8 ; 2 Cor. v. 21). It is therefore a part of "the grace of God" (Rom. v. 8; Gal. ii. 21; 2 Cor. vi. 1; Tit. ii. 11), and could only have been carried into completion by the aid of that grace of which Christ was full. The Greek is xdpi-ri Beov, but there is a very interesting and very ancient various reading x«pk Beov, " apart from God." St Jerome says that he only found this reading " in some copies " (in quibusdam exemplaribus), whereas Origen had already said that he only found the other reading " by the grace of God " in some copies (iv riaiv dvn- ypdipois). At present however the reading " apart from God " is only found in the cursive manuscript 53 (a MS. of the 9th century), and in the margin of 67. It is clear that once the reading was more common than is now the case, and it seems to have been a Western and Syriac reading which has gradually disappeared from the manuscripts. Theo dore of Mopsuestia calls the reading "by the grace of God" meaning less, and others have stamped it as Mouophysite (i.e. as implying that in Christ there was only one nature). We have seen that this is by no means the case, though the other reading may doubtless have fallen into disfavour from the use made of it by the Nestorians to prove that Christ did not suffer in His divinity but only "apart from God," i.e. "divinitate tantisper deposits. " (so too St Ambrose and Fulgentius). But even if the reading be correct (and it is certainly more ancient than the Nestorian controversy) the words may belong to their own proper clause — " that He may taste death for every being except God "; the latter words being added as in 1 Cor. xv. 27. But the reading is almost certainly spurious. For (1) in the Nestorian sense " (should, apart from God, taste death ") it is unlike any other passage of Scrip ture ; (2) in the other sense (' ' should taste death for everything except God ' ') it is unnecessary (since it bears in no way on the immediate argument) and may have been originally added as a superfluous mar ginal gloss by some pragmatic reader who remembered 1 Cor. xv. 27; or (3) it may have originated from a confusion of letters on the original papyrus. The incorporation of marginal glosses into the text is a familiar phenomenon in textual criticism. Such perhaps are 48 HEBREWS. [IL 9— 1 John v. 7; Acts viii. 37; the latter part of Rom. viii. 1; "without cause" in Matt. v. 22; " unworthily" in 1 Cor. xi. 29, &o. vire'p, "oti behalf of," not " as a substitution for," which would re quire dvrl. iravTos. Origen and others made this word neuter, ' 'for every thing " or " for every existence " ; but this seems to be expressly ex cluded by ver. 16, and is not in accordance with the analogy of John i. 29, iii. 16; 2 Cor. v. 21; 1 John ii. 2. It will be seen that the writer deals freely with the Psalm. The Psalmist views man in his present condition as being one which involves both glory and humiliation : his words are here apphed as expressing man's present humiliation and his future glory, which are compared with Christ's temporal humilia tion leading to His Eternal glory. It is the necessity of this applica tion which required the phrase " a little " to be understood not of degree but of time. No doubt the writer has read into the words a pregnant significance; but (1) he is only applying them by way of illustrating acknowledged truths : and (2) he is doing so in accordance with principles of exegesis which were universally conceded not only by Christians but even by Jews. Yevorvrai BavaTov. The word "taste" is not to be pressed as though it meant that Christ "saw no corruption." "To taste" does not mean merely " summis labris delibare." It is a common Se mitic and metaphoric paraphrase for death, derived from the notion of Death as an Angel who gives a cup to drink ; as in the Arabic poem Antar "Death fed him with a cup of absinth by my hand." Comp. Matt. xvi. 28; John viii. 52. But the " death" here referred to is the life of self-sacrifice as well as the death of the body. TeiieaBai with the gen. is common in classical Greek, but its use with Bavdrov in the N. T. (Matt. xvi. 28 &c.) is a Rabbinic phrase (see Schb'ttgen, Hor. Hebr. p. 148). 10. eirporev Ydp avTu. tipi-rrei has four constructions; (1) with dat. and inf. Matt. iii. 15 ; (2) dat. followed by ace. and inf. as here ; (3) personal as in Heb. vii. 26 ; (4) with ace. and inf. 1 Cor. xi. 13. Unlike St Paul the writer never enters into what may be called " the philosophy of the plan of salvation. " He never attempts to throw any light upon the mysterious subject of the antecedent necessity for the death of Christ. Perhaps he considered that all which could be pro fitably said on that high mystery had already been said by St Paul (Rom. iii. 25; Gal. iii. 13; 2 Cor. v. 21). He dwells upon Christ's death almost exclusively in its relation to us. The expression which he here uses, "it was morally fitting for Him," is almost the only one which he devotes to what may be called "the transcendent side of Christ's sacrifice" — the death of Christ as regards its relation to God. He develops no theory of vicarious satisfaction, &c, though he uses the metaphoric words " redemption " and " make reconciliation for " (ii. 17, ix. 15). The " moral fitness " here touched upon is the neces sity for absolutely sympathetic unity between the High Priest and those for whom He offered His perfect sacrifice. Compare Lk. xxiv. 46, "thus it behoved Christ to suffer." Philo also uses the phrase II. iu.j NOTES. 49 irpiirei rip Beip (Leg. alleg. p. 48, 8). It is a very remarkable expression, for though it also occurs in the LXX. (Jer. x. 7), yet in this passage alone does it contemplate the actions of God under the aspect of inherent moral fitness, %£ 'iv, i.e. " for whose sake," " on whose account." The reference here is to God, not to Christ. 8i' o5, i.e. by whose creative agency. Compare Rom. xi. 36, "of Him, and through Him, and to Him are all things." The same words may also be applied to Christ, but the context here shews that they refer to God the Father. iroXXovs. " A great multitude which no man could number '' (Rev. vii. 9 — 14). The word is used iu contrast to the one Captain. vtovs. This word furnishes an additional proof that the "having brought" refers to God, not to Christ, for we are called Christ's "brethren," but never His sons. aYa-ydvTa, " having brought." The subject is involved in the t BavaTov. This fear was felt, as we see from the O.T., far more intensely under the old than under the new dispensation. Dr Robertson Smith quotes from the Midrash Tanchuma, "In this life death never suffers man to be glad." See Num. xvii. 13, xviii. 5 ; Ps. vi., xxx., &c, and Is. xxxviii. 10 — 20, Ac. In heathen and savage lands the whole of life is often overshadowed by the terror of death, which thus becomes a veritable "bondage." Philo quotes a line of Euripides to shew that a man who has uo fear of death can never be a slave. But, through Christ's death, death has become to the Christian the gate of glory. The different aspect which death assumed in the eyes of Christians is forcibly illustrated by the contrast between the passionate despair, resentment, and cynicism of many Pagan epitaphs, compared with the peace, resignation, and even exultation displayed by those in the catacombs. Christians had not received the II. 17.] NOTES. 53 rrvevpa SovXelas rrdXiv els (p6fiov, Rom. viii. 15. It is remarkable that in this verse the writer introduces a whole range of conceptions which he not only leaves without further development, but to which he does not even allude again. They seem to lie aside from the main current of his views. 8 id ttovtos tov ^v = Sid it dans rr)s fuijs. The substantival inf. with an adj. is rare, but compare Persius "Scire tuum nihil est." evoxoi BovXCas. Stronger than SovXela, not merely "liable to" but "wholly subdued to" or " implicated in" slavery. 16. ov Ydp Si^irov k.t.X., "for assuredly it is not angels whom He takes by the hand." The word Sijirov, "certainly," "I suppose" (opinor), occurs here only in the N. T. or LXX., though common in Philo. In classical Greek it often has a semi-ironic tinge, " you will doubtless admit that," like opinor in Latin. All are now agreed that the verb does not mean "to take the nature of," but "to take by the hand," and so " to help" or "rescue." Beza indeed called it "execrable rashness" (exsecranda audaeia) to translate it so, when this rendering was first adopted by Castellio in 1551 ; but the usage of the word proves that this is the only possible rendering, although all the Fathers and Reformers take it in the other way. It is rightly cor rected in the R. V. (comp. Is. xlix. 9, 10 ; Jer. xxxi. 32 ; Heb. viii. 9 ; Matt. xiv. 31 ; Ecclus. iv. 11, " Wisdom... takes by the hand those that seek her"). To refer "he taketh not hold" to Death or the Devil is most improbable. o-TrepuaTos 'APpacCa, i.e. Jesus was born a Hebrew. He does not at all mean to imply that our Lord came to the Jews more than to the Gentiles, though he is only thinking of the former. Still, as Reuss says, St Paul could hardly have omitted all allusion to the Gentiles here. 6tn.XanfSdvmu. The present implies Christ's continued advocacy and aid. 17. SBev. This word "whence," common in this Epistle, does not occur once in St Paul, but is found in Acts xxvi. 19, in a report of his speech, and in 1 John ii. 18. ai(peiXev. He was morally bound, stronger than the "it became Him" of ver. 10. It means that, with reference to the object in view, there lay upon Him a moral obligation to become a man with men. See v. 1; 2. KaTd travTa. These words should be taken with "to be made like." 4va...Y^VT)Tai. " That He might become," or, "prove Himself." e\erj|iuv...Kal mo-Tos apyiepevs, "merciful," or rather "compas sionate" to men; "faithful'' to God. Iu Christ "mercy and truth" have met together, Ps. lxxxv. 10. The expression "a 54 HEBREWS. [II. 17— faithful priest " is found in 1 Sam. ii. 35. Dr Robertson Smith well points out that the idea of "a merciful priest," which is scarcely to be found in the 0. T., would come home with peculiar force to the Jews of that day, because mercy was a quality in which the Aaronic Priests had signally failed (Yoma, f. 9, 1), and in the Herodian epoch they were notorious for cruelty, insolence and greed (see my Life of Christ, n. 329, 330). The Jews said that there had been no less than 28 High Priests in 107 years of this epoch (Jos. Antt. xx. 10), their brief dignity being due to their wickedness (Prov. x. 27). The conception of the Priesthood hitherto had been ceremonial rather than ethical; yet it is only "by mercy and truth" that "iniquity is purged." Prov. xvi. 6. The word "High Priest," here first introduced, has evidently been entering into the writer's thoughts (i. 3, ii. 9, 11, 16), and is the most prominent conception throughout the remainder of the Epistle. The consummating elements of genuine High Priesthood are touched upon in v. 10, vi. 20, ix. 24. dpxiepevs. The Greek word is comparatively new. In the Penta teuch the high priest is merely called " the Priest " (except in Lev. xxi. 10). In later books of Scripture the epithet "head" or "great" is added. The word occurs 17 times in this Epistle, but not once in any other. Ta irpds tov fleov. This is the adverbial accusative of reference. Comp. v. 1. The phrase is found in the LXX. of Ex. xviii. 19. iXdo-Kco-Bai. Tds duapTCas tov Xaov, " to expiate the sins of the people." In Pagan and classic usage IXaaKopai is always followed by the accusative of the Person who is supposed to be angry and to be appeased by a present or sacrifice. And this heathen notion has been transferred to Christianity by a false theology. But Christ is nowhere said in the N. T. to "expiate" or "propitiate" God or "the wrath of God" (which are heathen, not Christian, con ceptions), nor is any such expression found in the LXX. Nor do we find such phrases as " God was propitiated by the death of His Son," or " Christ propitiated the wrath of God by His blood." Throughout the Old and New Testaments the verb is only used with the accusative of the sinner, in which case it means "to be merciful to," and of the sin, in which case it means "to neutralise the effects of." The propitiation changes us, not God who is un changeable. We have to be reconciled to God, not God to us. It is therefore wholly unwarrantable with Winer (p. 285) to understand rov Beov here and to regard the verb as governing a double accu sative. Further we may observe that in the N. T. IXdaKeaBai occurs but twice (Lk. xviii. 13, and here) and lXaap,6s only twice (1 John ii. 2, iv. 10). God Himself fore-ordained the propitiation (Rom. iii. 25). The verb represents the Hebrew kippeer " to cover," whence is derived the name for the day of Atonement (Kippurim). In Dan. ix. 24 Theodotion's version has i&XdaaaBai dSiKlas. We are left to unauthorised theory and conjecture as to the manner in which and III.] NOTES. 55 the reason for which "expiation," in the form of "sacrifice," inter poses between "sin" and "wrath." All we know is that, in rela tion to us, Christ is "the propitiation for our sins" (1 John ii. 2, iv. 10 ; Rom. iii. 25). Accepting the blessed result as regards our selves we shall best shew our wisdom by abstaining from dogmatism and theory respecting the unrevealed and transcendent mvsterv as it affects God. tov Xaov. Primarily the Jewish people, whom alone the writer has in mind. Angels, so far as we are told, did not need the Re demptive work. 18. ev cS y^P irfrovBey avTos ireipao-Befs. These words have been taken, and grammatically may be explained, iu eight or nine different ways. One of the best ways is that given by the A. V. and endorsed by the R. V. This method regards the Greek iv if as equivalent to the Hebrew "ISJ>N3, which means "in so far as." "By His Passion," says Bp Wordsworth, "He acquired compas sion." Of other possible ways, the most tenable is that which takes iv $ quite literally, "In that sphere wherein (iv tovtu S, comp. 1 Pet. ii. 12) He suffered by being tempted" — the sphere being the whole conditions of human life and trial (comp. vi. 17; Rom. viii. 3). But the first way seems to be the better. Tempta tion of its own nature involves suffering, and it is too generally overlooked that though our Lord's severest temptations came in two great and solemn crises — in the wilderness and at Gethsemane — yet Scripture leads us to the view that He was always liable to temptation — though without sin, because the temptation was always repudiated with the whole force of His will throughout the whole course of His life of obedience. After the temptation in the wilderness the devil only left Him "for a season" (Luke iv. 13). We must remember too that the word "temptation" includes all trials. tois Treipajouevois, "that are under temptation" (lit., "that are being tempted," i. e. men in their mortal life of trial). This thought is the one so prominent throughout the Epistle, viz. the closeness of Christ's High-Priestly sympathy, iv. 15, v. 1, 2. The aor. po-r]9TJcrai implies the immediate help to those who are being con tinuously tempted. CHAPTER III. 1. 'Ii]o-ovv NABC^M. The reading Xpiarbv 'Iijaovv is not only supported by inferior authority (EKL), but is against the usage of this writer, who never elsewhere uses this collocation, and 'lnaovs Xpiaros only (if at all) in vi. 20. He uses the simple 'Ivaous (ii. 9, iv. 14, vi. 20, vii. 22, &c.) or the simple Xpiaros (iii. 6, 14, v. 5, vi. 1, &c). See the note. 56 HEBREWS. [IIL 1— 4. TrdvTa NABC'DiE &o. The reading rd irdvra ( = "the Uni verse") would be less suitable to the context. 6. Idv NBD^M. The reading iavrtep (ACEL) may be right, since the author uses it in iii. 14 and vi. 3. 9. ev 8oKiuao-Ca NABCDEM. 10. ttj Y*veol &yun. This form of address is never used by St Paul. It assumes that all Christians answered to their true ideal, as does the ordinary term " saints." KXrjo-eus lirovpavCov ueTOxoi, " partakers of a heavenly calling." _ It is a heavenly calling because it comes from heaven (xii. 25), and is a call " upwards " (dvu) to heavenly things (Phil. iii. 14) and to holiness (1 Thess. iv. 7). KaTavorjo-aTe, " contemplate," consider attentively, ,/sx your thoughts upon (aorist). Compare the use of the word in Acts vii. 31, xi. 6, xxvii. 39. tov dirdo-roXov. Christ is called 'AttootoXox as being "sent forth" (direaraXpiivos) from the Father (John xx. 21). The same title is used of Christ by Justin Martyr (Apol. I. 12). It corresponds both to the Hebrew maleach ("angel" or "messenger") and sheliach ("dele gate"). The "Apostle" unites the functions of both, for, as Justin says of our Lord, He announces (d7rayy^XXei) and He is sent (otto- crrAXeTai). III. 2.] NOTES. 57 Kal dpx'epea. Christ was both the Moses and the Aaron of the New Dispensation; an "Apostle" from God to us; an High Priest for us before God. As " Apostle" He, like Moses, pleads God's cause with us ; as High Priest He, like Aaron, pleads our cause with God. Just as the High Priest came with the name Jehovah on the golden plate of his mitre iu the name of God before Israel, and with the names of the Tribes graven on his jewelled breastplate in the name of Israel before God, so Christ is "God with us" and the propitiatory representative of men before God. He is above Angels as a Son, and a Lord of the future world ; above Aaron, as a Priest after the order of Melchisedek; above Moses, as a Son over the house is above a servant in it. ttjs daoXoYCas riufiv, "of our confession" as Christians (iv. 14, x. 23; 2 Cor. ix. 13; 1 Tim. vi. 12). It is remarkable that in Philo (Opp. i. 654) the Logos is called " the Great High Priest of our Con fession"; — but the genuineness of the clause seems doubtful. 'I-rio-ovv. This is a better reading than the Xpiarov 'Iriaovv of the rec. Suoh a variation of reading may seem a matter of indifference, but this is very far from being the case. First, the traceable dif ferences in the usage of this sacred name mark the advance of Chris tianity. In the Gospels Christ is oalled Jesus and "the Christ"; " the Christ" being still the title of His office as the Anointed Messiah, not the name of His Person. In the Epistles " Christ " has become a proper name, and He is frequently spoken of as "the Lord," not merely as a title of general respeot, but in the use of the word as an equivalent to the Hebrew "Jehovah." Secondly, the differenee of nomenclature shews that St Paul was not the author of this Epistle. St Paul uses the title " Christ Jesus," which (if the reading be here untenable) does not ocour in this Epistle. This author uses " Jesus Christ" (x. 10, xiii. 8, 21), "the Lord" (ii. 3), "our Lord" (vii. 14), " our Lord Jesus " (xiii. 20), "the Son of God " (vi. 6, vii. 3, x. 29), but most frequently " Jesus " alone, as here (ii. 9, iv. 14, vi. 20, vii. 22, x. 19, xii. 2, 24, xiii. 12) or "Christ" alone (iii. 6, 14, v. 5, vi. I, ix. 11, &c). See Prof. Davidson, On the Hebrews, p. 73. 2. irio-Tdv Svra, "being faithful," i.e. as Cranmer excellently rendered it, "how that He is faithful." The word is suggested by the following contrast between Christ and Moses, of whom it had been said "My servant Moses is not so, who is faithful in all mine house," Num. xii. 7. t$ iroM)o-avri atlTov, "to Him that made Him" (Heb. HE^). There can be little doubt that the expression means, as in the A, V., "to Him that appointed Him," "made Him such," i.e. made Him an Apostle and High Priest. For the phrase is doubtless suggested by 1 Sam. xii. 6, where the LXX. has " He that made Moses and Aaron" (A. V. "advanced"); comp! Mk. iii. 14, "And He made (irolvae) Twelve, that they should be with Him." Acts ii. 36, " God made Him Lord and Christ." The rendering "appointed" is therefore a perfectly faithful one. Still the peculiarity of the phrase was eagerly 58 HEBREWS. [III. 2— seized upon by Arians to prove that Christ was a created Being, and this was one of the causes which retarded the general acceptance of the Epistle. Yet even if " made " was not here used in the sense of " appointed " the Arians would have uo vantage ground ; for the word might have been applied to the Incarnation (so Athanasius, and Primasius), though not (as Bleek and Liinemann take it) to the Eternal Generation of the Son. Theodoret and Chrysostom under stood it as our Version does. It may be noticed that the LXX. have iKnai pe in Prov. viii. 22 (of Wisdom), and that the Fathers perplexed by this, as they referred it to the Christ, argued that the verb was used of His human nature. ev 6'Xco tw oft«p avTov, "in all His (God's) house" Num. xii. 7. The house is God's house or household, i. e. the theocratic family of which the Tabernacle was a symbol — " the house of God which is the Church of the living God," 1 Tim. iii. 15. The "faithfulness" of Moses consisted in teaching the Israelites all that God had com manded him (Deut. iv. 5) and himself "doing according to all that the Lord commanded him " (Ex. xl. 16). 3. oStos, "He," i.e. Christ. The Y Beov oIkos yeviaBai. Tt]V Trappi]o-£av. Literally, "our cheerful confidence," especially of utterance, as in x. 19, 35. The word rendered "confidence" in verse 14 is birbaraais. This boldness of speech and access, which were the special glory of the old democracies, are used by St John also to express the highest Christian privilege of filial outspokenness (1 John iii. 21). Apollos, the probable writer of this Epistle, was known for this bold speech (-tjp£aro irap"pnaid%eaBai Acts xviii. 26), and evidently feels the duty and privilege of such a mental attitude (Heb. iv. 16, x. 19, 35). to Kavxijua Tt}s IXirCSos, "the glorying of our hope." Kaixnpo, means "an object of boasting," as in Rom. iv. 2; 1 Cor. v. 6, &o. The way in which the writer dwells on the need for "a full assurance of hope" (vi. 11, 18, 19) seems to shew that owing to the delay in Christ's coming his readers were liable to fall into impatience (x-. 36, xii. 1) and apathy (vi. 12, x. 25). ulxpi tIXovs p«pa£av. The same phrase occurs in ver. 14, The word fiefialav agrees of course with irafrpnalav, so that rb Kaixqpa ttjs iXwlSos is almost parenthetical. The form of sentence is common enough in classical Greek, e. g. Horn. II. xv. 344 ; Hesiod Theogon. 974 ; Thuc. vin. 63 irv8bpevos...Tbv 2Tpop,j3ixlSnv Kal ras vavs aireXnXvBbra. The repetition of the phrase by a writer so faultlessly rhetorical is singular. It cannot however be regarded as a gloss, for it is found in all the best Manuscripts. jxlxpi tIXovs. That is, not "until death," but until hope is lost iu fruition ; until this dispensation has attained to its final goal. This necessity for perseverance in well-doing is frequently urged in the N. T. because it was especially needed in times of severe trial. Matt. x. 22; Col. i. 23, and see infra x. 35—39. 7 — 19. A solemn Warning against hardening the Heart. [The constant interweaving of warning and exhortation with argu ment is characteristic of this Epistle. These passages (ii. 1 — 4, iii. 7 — 19, iv. 1 — 14, vi. 1 — 9, x. 19 — 39) cannot, however, be called digressions, because they belong to the object which the writer had most- distinctly in view — namely, to check a tendency to relapse from the Gospel into Judaism.] 7. Aid. The verb which depends on this conjunction is delayed by the quotation, but is practically found in ver. 12, pxiirere. Christ was faithful : therefore take heed that ye be not unfaithful. KaBds \iyei to irvevua to oyiov. For this form of quotation see Mk. xii. 36; Acts i. 16; 2 Pet. i. 21. Idv dKovo-rjTe, "if ye hear," lit., "shall have heard." The quotation is from Ps. xcv. 7 — 11, and the word means " Oh that ye would hear III. lo.j lvuijms. 61 His voice !"; but the LXX. often renders the Hebrew im by "if." The "to-day" is always the Scripture day of salvation, which is now, 2 Cor. vi. 2; Is. Iv. 6. "If any man hear my voice. ..1 will come in to him," Rev. iii. 20. The sense of the Imminent Presence of God which reigns throughout the prophecies of the O. T. as well as in the N. T. (x. 37; 1, 2 Thess.; 1 Pet. i. 5, &c.) is beautifuUy illustrated in the Talmudic story of the Rabbi (Sanhedrin, 98. 1) who went to the Messiah by direction of Elijah, and asked Him when He would come ; and He answered "To-day." But before the Rabbi could return to Elijah the sun had set, and he asked "Has Messiah then deceived me?" "No," answered Elijah; "he meant 'To-day if ye shall hear His voice.' " 8. arj o-kXt|pvvt)t£. Comp. Acts xix. 9. Usually God is said to harden man's heart (Ex. vii. 3, &c. ; Is. lxiii. 17 ; Rom. ix. 18), an anthropomorphic way of expressing the inevitable results of neglect and of evil habit. But that this is man's own doing and choice is always recognised (Deut. x. 16 ; 2 Eings xvii. 14, &c). cos Iv to irapairiKpao-aw. Lit., "in the embitterment." Heb, !"Q*"ip3. The LXX. nere 'seem to have read Marah (which means "bitter" and which they render by HiKpia in Ex. xv. 23) for Meribah which, in Ex. xvii. 1 — 7, they render by AoiS6pijo-is "reproach." This is not however certain, for though the substantive does not occur again, the verb irapainKpdtu is frequently used of provoking God to anger. For the story of Meribah, see Num. xx. 7 — 13. tov ireipao-uov, "of the temptation," i.e. at Massah; Ex. xvii. 7; Deut. vi. 16, though the allusion might also be to Num. xiv. 9. oS, not "when" as in the A. V. but "where," i.e. at Massah, or in the wilderness. The rendering "wherewith" (R. V.) or "with which temptation," would have been more naturally expressed in other ways. It is true that ov for Sttov is not found elsewhere in this Ep. , but it is common in the LXX. and N.T. iy SoKiuao-Cq., "by proving me"; or possibly "iu your probation by me." Comp. Ps. Ixxxi. [lxxx.] 7 iSoKlpaad ae. Tecro-epaKovTa err]. The "forty years" is purposely transferred from the next verse of the Psalm. The scene at Massah took place in the 40th and that at Meribah in the 1st year of the wanderings. Deut. ix. 7, xxxiii. 8. They indicate the spirit of the Jews through the whole period. The number 40 is in the Bible constantly con nected with judgement or trial, and it would have sounded more im pressive in this passage if the date of the Epistle was shortly before the Fall of Jerusalem, i.e. about 40 years after the Ascension. The Rabbis had a saying " The days of the Messiah are 40 years." 10. irpoo-ioxflicra, "I was indignant." The word is derived from the dashing of waves against a bank (7rp6s, 8x0os). I* omv occurs in the N. T. here and in verse 17, but is common in the LXX. 62 HEBREWS. [III. 10— Tfl yevid Tavrg, "with this generation," and it is at least possible that the writer intentionally altered the expression to make it sound more directly emphatic. The words " this generation " would fall with grave force on ears which had heard the report of our Lord's great discourse (Matt, xxiii. 36; comp. xxiv. 34). To the writer of this Epistle the language of Scripture is not regarded as a thing of the past, but as being in a marked degree present, living, and permanent. 'Ael irXavuvrai ttj KapSCa. See Ps. lxxviii. 40, 41. The word "alway" is not in the Hebrew. The Apostles in their quotations are not careful about verbal accuracy. The Hebrew says "they are a people (DJJ) of wanderers in heart," and Bleek thought that the LXX. read "tj? and understood it to mean " always." 11. us, "as" (Heb. IK'N), not "so" (us) as in A. V., for dis is rare in prose, and is not found in the N. T. wuocra. The reference is to Num. xiv. 28 — 30, xxxii. 13. El IXevo-ovTai, "If they shall enter" ; but "They shall not enter" (ver. 18 p.?; elaeXeiaeaBai) is here a correct rendering (A. V., R. V.) of the Hebraism. It is an imitation of the Hebrew DN , and the apodosis is suppressed (aposiopesis, see Winer, p. 627). tt|v KaTairavo-Cv aov. See Deut. xii. 9, 10. The writer proceeds to argue that this expression could not refer to the past Sabbath-rest of God: or to the partial and symbolic rest of Canaan; and must therefore refer to the final rest of heaven. But he does not of course mean to sanction any inference about the future and final salvation either of those who entered Canaan or of those who died in the wilderness. 12. BXIireTe. It is evident that deep anxiety mixes with the warning. ferai. The fut. ind. implies a dread that this will be the case. Comp. Lk. xi. 35, aKoirei p.7) to (pus...aKaros iarai. Col. ii. 8; Gal. iv. 11. iv tivi vuwv. The warning is expressed indefinitely; but if the Epistle was addressed to a small Hebrew community the writer may have had in view some special person who was in danger (comp. x. 25, xii. 15). In any case the use of the singular might lead to individual searching of hearts. He here begins a homily founded on the quota tion from the Psalm. KapSCa irovi|pd dLirurrCas. Unbelief has its deep source in the heart more often perhaps than iu the mind. ev tiJ dTroo-rtjvai dird, "in the apostatising from." In that one word — Apostasy — the moral peril of his Hebrew readers was evidently summed up. To apostatise after believing is more dangerous than not to have believed at all. HI- lo-j NOTES. 63 dird 8eov Jwvros. The epithet is not idle. It conveys directly the warning that God would, not overlook the sin of apostasy, and indirectly the thought that Christ was in heaven at the right hand of God. 13. irapaKaXetre eavTovs. The verb implies the mutually strengthen ing _ intercourse of consolation and moral appeal. It is the verb from which comes the word Paraclete, i.e. the Comforter or Strengthener. The literal rendering is " exhort yourselves," but this is only an idiom which extends reciprocity into identity, and the meaning is " exhort one another " (dXX-fjXovs). Comp. 1 Cor. vi. 7 ; Eph. iv. 32, &c. dxpis 0^ Td a-ijuepov KaXcfrai, "so long as it is called 'To-day.'" It is however true that dxpis in the N. T. generally means "until." Another rendering is "so long as to-day is being proclaimed." The meaning is " while the to-day of the Psalm (rb ar/pepov) can still be regarded as applicable," i.e. while our "day of visitation" lasts, and while we still "have the light." Lk. xix. 44; John xii. 35, 36. o-kXt]pvv8tj. See note on ver. 8. The following clause indicates that God only "hardens" the heart iu the sense that man is inevitably suffered to render his own heart callous by indulgence in sin. 14. aeVovoiTov Xpiorov. Lit., "partakers of Christ," but the mean ing may rather be " partakers with Christ "; for the thought of mystical union with Christ extending into spiritual unity and identity, which makes the words "in Christ" the "monogram" of St Paul, is scarcely alluded to by this writer. His thoughts are rather of " Christ for us" than of "Christ in us." "To him that overcometh will I grant to sit with me in my throne," Rev. iii. 21. YeYovauev, "we are become." Idvirep. The rrep emphasizes the condition. ' ' If — not otherwise-" It strikes the same note of distrust — of anxiety respecting their stead fastness — which marks the whole tone of the Epistle. tijv dpx^v "rijs viroo-Tdcrecos. The word iiroaraais is here rendered " confidence," as in Ps. xxxix. 7 (" sure hope "). This meaning of the word (elsewhere rendered "substance," to which it etymologically corresponds, i. 3, xi. 1), is found only in later Greek (Polybius, Jose phus, Diod. Sic). The expression dpxty does not here imply anything inchoate or imperfect, but is merely in contrast with " end." ue'xpi tIXovs ptpaCav. See note on ver. 6. 15. kv t$ XlYEo-Bai. " While " or " since it is said." It is better to give this sense to the phrase than to suppose a long parenthesis between this verse and the (pofinBupev o!v of iv. 1 (which is the view of the construction taken by Chrysostom and other Greek fathers) ; or to join it to the irapaKaXeire iavrobs of ver. 13. p.i] o-KXT]ptfvT]Te. Some editors mistakenly supposed that aKXripivvre was a pres. subj., which would involve a solecism. It is an aar. subj. (iaKXripvva). 64 HEBREWS. [III. 16— 16. TCves YdpdKoio-avTesTrapeTrCKpavav; "For who {rives) when they heard, embittered (Him)?" This {rives;) is the reading of the Peshito. It would have been absurd to use the word nvis, "some," of 600,000 with only two exceptions, Num. xiv. 38; Josh. xiv. 8, 9. dXX' ov irdvTes; "Nay, did not (practically) all?" (i.e. all except Caleb and Joshua). It is true that the rendering is not free from difficulty, since there seems to be no exact parallel to this use of dXX' ov. But it involves less harshness than the other. 17. t£o-iv 81 irpov. God's rest had begun since the Creation. 4. eKpT]Kev...irov. " He hath said somewhere." By the indefinite "He" is meant "God," a form of citation not used in the same way by St Paul, but common iu Philo and the Rabbis. We have similar impersonal forms of citation Xiyei, cpnal, paprvpei, &c. in 1 Cor. vi. 16 ; Heb. vii. 17, viii. 5, &o. irov. The "somewhere" of the original is here expressed in the A. V. by "in a certain place," see note on ii. 6. The reference is to Gen. ii. 2 ; Ex. xx. 11, xxxi. 17. The writer always regards the Old Testament not as a dead letter, but as a living voice. 6. diroXeCireTai. The promise is still left open, is unexhausted. 8i" direCBeiav. Not "because oi unbelief" as iu A. V., but "because of disobedience." It was not the Israelites of the wilderness, but their descendants, who came to Shiloh, and so enjoyed a sort of earthly type of the heavenly rest (Josh, xviii. 1). 7. irdXiv Tivd dpCJei ijalpav. There is no reason whatever for the parenthesis in the A. V., of which the reading, rendering, and punctuation are here alike infelicitous to an extent which destroys for ordinary readers the meaning of the passage. It should be rendered (putting only a comma at the end of ver. 6), "Again, he fixes a day, To-day, saying in David, so long afterwards, even as has been said before, To-day if ye will hear," &o. In the stress laid upon the word "to-day" we find a resemblance to Philo, who defines "to-day" as "the infinite and interminable aeon," and says " Till to-day that is for ever" (Leg. Alleg g. in. 8; De Profug. 11). The argument is that IV. S.j NOTES. 67 "David" (a general name for "the Psalmist") had, nearly five centuries after the time of Moses, and three millenniums after the Creation, still spoken of God's rest as an offer open to mankind. If we regard this as a mere verbal argument, turning on the attribution of deep mystic senses to the words "rest" and "to-day," and on the trains of inference which are made to depend on these words, we must remember that such a method of deahng with Scripture phraseology was at this period universally current among the Jews. But if we stop at this point all sorts of difficulties arise; for if the "rest" referred to in Ps. xcv. was primarily the land of Canaan (as in Deut. i. 34 — 36, xii. 9, &c), the oath of God, "they shall not enter into my rest," only applied to the generation of the wanderings, and He had said "Your little ones. ..them will I bring in, and they shall know the land which ye have despised," Num. xiv. 31. If, on the other hand, the "rest" meant heaven, it would be against all Scripture analogy to assume that all the Israelites who died in the wilderness were ex cluded from future happiness. And there are many other difficulties which will at once suggest themselves. _ The better and simpler way of looking at this, and similar trains of reasoning, is to regard them as particular modes of expressing blessed and eternal truths, and to look on the Scripture language apphed to them in the light rather of illustration than of Scriptural proof. Quite apart from this Alexandrian method of finding recondite and mystic senses in the history and language of the Bible, we see the deep and glorious truth that God's offer of "Rest" in the highest sense — of participation in His own rest — is left open to His people in the eternal to-day of merciful opportunity. The Scripture illustration must be regarded as quite subordinate to the essential truth, and not the essential truth made to depend on the Scripture phraseology. When God says " They shall not enter my rest," the writer — reading as it were between the lines with the eyes of Christian enlightenment — reads the promise "but others shall enter into my rest," which was most true. IV AaveiS Xiyav. A common abbreviated form of quotation like ' ' saying in Elijah " for " in the part of Scripture about Elijah " (Rom. xi. 2). The quotation may mean no more than " in the Book of Psalms." The 95th Psalm is indeed attributed to David in the LXX.; but the superscriptions of the LXX., as well as those of the Hebrew text, are wholly without authority, and are in some instances en tirely erroneous. The date of the Psalm is more probably the close of the Exile. We may here notice the fondness of the writer for the Psalms, of which he quotes no less than eleven in this Epistle (Ps. ii., viii., xxii., xl., xiv., xcv., eii., civ., ex., cxviii., exxxv.). 8. 'Ii]o-ovs, i.e. Joshua. The needless adoption of the Greek form of the name ("Jesus ") by the A.V. is here most unfortunately per plexing to uninstructed readers, as also iu Acts vii. 45. KaTeWvo-ev. He did, indeed, give them a rest and, in some sense (Deut. xii. 9), the rest partially and primarily intended (Josh, xxiii. 1) ; but only a dim shadow of the true and final rest offered by Christ (Matt. xi. 28 ; 2 Thess. i. 7 ; Rev. xiv. 13). E2 68 HEBREWS. [IV. 8— ovk dv...lXdXei. "He would not have been speaking." The "He" is here Jehovah. The phrases applied to Scripture by the writer always imply bis sense of its living power and ideal continuity. The words are as though they had just been uttered (" He hath said," ver. 4) or were still being uttered (as here, and throughout). There is a similar mode of argument in vii. 11, viii. 4, 7, xi. 15. 9. dpa. In classical Greek dpa can never occupy the first place in a clause, but this rule is frequently violated in the N.T. (Luke xi. 48; Rom. x. 17, &o.) ; and, indeed, in Hellenistic Greek the delicate ironic use of dpa to express surprise ("it seems," "after all") is almost obliterated, o-appaTio-uo's. From aapfiarlfeiv (Heb. fiaB5, Ex. xvi. 30). Since the word used for ' ' rest " is here a different word from that which has been used through the earlier part of the argument (KaTd7rawris) it is a pity that King James's translators, who indulge in so many needless variations, did not here introduce a necessary change of rendering. The word means " a Sabbath rest," and supplies an important link in the argument by pointing to the fact that " the rest " which the author has in view is God's rest, a far higher conception of rest than any of which Canaan could be an adequate type. The Sabbath, which in 2 Mace. xv. 1 is called " the Day of Rest," is a nearer type of Heaven than Canaan. Dr Eay supposes that there is an allusion to Joshua's first Sabbatic year, when ' ' the land had rest from war " (Josh. xiv. 15), and adds that Psalms xcii. — civ. have a Sabbatic character, and that Ps. xcii. is headed " a song for the Sabbath day." , 10. 6 Ydp elo-eXBuv k.t.X. This is not a special reference to Christ, but to any faithful Christian who rests from his labours. The verse is merely an explanation of the newly-introduced term " Sabbath-rest." KaTliravo-ev is a gnomic and general aorist. 11. 2irov8do-wp.ev. Not "festinemus " (Vulg.) but " let us be zealous," or "give diligence" (2 Pet. i. 10, 11 ; Phil. iii. 14). ai]...Tts. See note on iv. 1. ttjs direifleCas, " of disobedience." 12. £wv Ydp d Xdyos tov Beov. The writer feels the force of the word tuv which he four times applies to God, iii. 12, ix. 14, x. 31, xii. 22. "Quick"is an old English expression for "living"; hence St Stephen speaks of Scripture as "the living oracles" (Acts vii. 38). The "word. of God " is not here the personal Logos ; a phrase not distinctly and demonstrably adopted by any of the sacred writers except St John, who in the prologue to his Gospel calls Christ "the Word," and in the Apocalypse "the Word of God." The reference is to the written and spoken word of God, of the force and almost personality of which the writer shews so strong a sense. To him it is no dead utterance of the past, but a living power for ever. At the Bame time the expressions of this verse could hardly have been used by any one who was not IV. 13.] NOTES. 69 familiar with the personification of the Logos, and St Clemens of Rome applies the words " a searcher of the thoughts and desires " to God. The passage closely resembles several which are found in Philo, though it applies the expressions in a different manner (see Introduc tion). evepYiis. Lit., "effective, energetic." The vital power shews itself in acts. Tojiurepos virep Trdo-av udxaipav. The same comparison is used by Isaiah (xlix. 2) and St Paul (Eph. vi. 17) and St John (Rev. ii. 16, xix. 15). See too Wisdom xviii. 15, 16, " Thine Almighty Word leaped down from heaven... and brought thine unfeigned commandment as a, sharp sword." Philo, Quis rer. div. haer. §§ 26, 27 (Opp. 1. 491), com pares the Logos to the flaming sword (popcpala) of Eden (Gen. iii. 24) and "the fire and knife" (pdxaipav) of Gen. xxii. 6. Comp. Eph. vi. 17. Si.iKvovp.evos dxpv aepio-aov k.t.X. The meaning is not that the word of God divides the soul (the "natural" soul) by which we live from the spirit by which we reason and apprehend ; but that it pierces not only the natural soul, but even to the Divine Spirit of man, and even to the joints and marrow (i.e. to the inmost depths) of these. Thus Euripides {Hippol. 527) speaks of the "marrow of the soul." It is obvious that the writer does not mean anything very specific by each term of the enumeration, which produces its effect by the rhetorical fulness of the expressions. The ifiirji^ or animal soul is the sphere of that life which makes a man \pvxiKbs, i.e. carnal, unspiritual ; he possesses this element of life (anima) in common with the beasts. It is only by virtue of his spirit (n-vevpa) that he has affinity with God. KpiTiKos evBv(j.t]o-e(i)v k.t.X. These words are a practical explanation of those which have preceded. The phraseology is an evident remi niscence of Philo. Philo compares the Word to the flaming sword of Paradise ; and calls the Word " the cutter of all things," and says that " when whetted to the utmost sharpness it is incessantly divid ing all sensuous things" (see Quis rer. div. haeres, § 27; Opp. ed. Mangey 1. 491, 503, 506). By ivBvp-qaeis is meant (strictly) our moral imaginations and desires ; by evvoiai our intellectual thoughts and active will (1 Pet. iv. 1) : but the distinction of meaning is hardly kept (Matt. ix. 4, &c). 13. Iviottiov avTov, i. e. in the Sight of God, not of " the Word of God." " He seeth all man's goings," Job xxxiv. 21. " Thou hast set our.. .secret sins in the light of Thy countenance," Ps. xc. 8; comp. Ps. cxxxix. 1 — 12. ivumov like coram is only used of persons. irdvra SI. The Si is emphatic as iu ii. 6. TeTpaxTiXio-ulva, " laid bare." The word must have some such meaning, but it is uncertain what is the exact force of the metaphor from which it is derived. It comes from rpdxvXos, " the neck," and has been explained to mean: (1) "seized by the throat and thrown on the back" ; or (2) "with the neck forced back like that of a male- 70 HEBREWS. [IV. 13— factor compelled to shew his face" (Sueton. Vitell. 17 ; Plin. Paneg. §4. 3) ; or (3) " with the neck held back like that of animals in order that the Priest may cut their throats " (the Homeric av Zpvaav) ; or (4) "flayed " ; or (5) " anatomised " (comp. Lev. i. 6, 9). This anatomic examination of victims by the Priests was called pupoaKoirla since it was necessary that every victim should be "without blemish" (d/*u/ios), and Maimonides says that there were no less than 73 kinds of blem ishes. Hence Polyearp (ad Phil, rv.) says that " all things are rigidly examined (iravra ptupoaKoireiTai) by God." The usage of Philo, how ever (De Cher. § 24) shews that the word probably means " laid pros trate." IpaxnXiapbs meant a wrestler's victorious grip on the back of his adversary as in Plutarch (Spare rbv dBX-nrnv iirb iraiSiaKaplov rpa- XnXi&pevov). For the truth suggested see Prov. xv. 11 ; "I try the reins," Jer. xvii. 10; Ps. Ii. 6; Prov. xx. 27, "the candle of the Lord searching all the inner parts of the belly." tois d(p6aXv.ois o.vtov. "The Son of God, who hath His eyes like unto aflame of fire." Rev. ii. 18. irpds Sv TJp.lv 6 Xoyos. This might be rendered, "to whom our account must be given." Thus in Luke xvi. 2, " render thy account " (rbv Xo'yoj'). Perhaps, however, our A. V. correctly represents it, " Him with whom we have to do." Comp. 1 Eings ii. 14 ; 2 Kings ix. 5 (LXX.), where a similar phrase occurs in this sense. 14—16. Exhortation founded on Christ's High Priesthood. 14. "Exovres ovv d.p\\.tpia. fUyav. These verses refer back to ii. 17, iii. 1, and form the transition to the long proof and illustration of Christ's superiority to the Levitic Priesthood which occupies the Epistle to x. 18. The writer here reverts to his central thought, to which he has already twice alluded (ii. 17, iii. 1). He had proved that Christ is superior to Angels the ministers, and to Moses the servant of the old Dispensation, and (quite incidentally) to Joshua. He has now to prove that He is like Aaron in all that made Aaron's priesthood precious, but infinitely superior to him and his successors, and a pledge to us of the grace by which the true rest can be obtained. Christ is not only a High Priest, but " a great High Priest," an ex pression also found in Philo (Opp. I. 654). SieXrjXvBoTa Tois ovpavovs, "who hath passed through the heavens " — the heavens being here the lower heavens, regarded as a curtain which separates us from the presence of God. Christ has passed not only into but above the heavens (vii. 26). ' ' Trausiit, non modo intra- vit, caelos." — Bengel. 'Itjo-ovv tov vlov tov 8eov. The title combines His earthly and human name with His Divine dignity, and thus describes the two natures which make His Priesthood eternally necessary. Ttjs daoXoYCas. ' ' Our confession," as in iii. 1. Kpareiv with the gen. implies to grasp firm hold of a thing. The gen. is partitive; with the accus. it means " to be master of." IV. lu.J iH/ijBB, 71 15. y°-P- He gives the reason for holding fast our confession ; [we may do so with confidence], for Christ can sympathise with us in our weaknesses, since He has suffered with us (eCXci. He is bound not merely as a legal duty, but as a moral necessity. Kal irepl lavrov. The Law assumed that this would be necessary for every High Priest (Lev. iv. 3 — 12) ; for "under the gorgeous robes of office there were still the galling chains of flesh." Kay. In the High Priest's prayer of intercession he said, "Oh do thou expiate the misdeeds, the crimes, and the sins, wherewith I have done evil, and have sinned before Thee, I and my house 1" Until he had thus made atonement for himself, he was regarded as guilty, and so could not offer any atonement for others who were guilty (Lev. iv. 3, ix. 7, xvi. 6, and comp. Heb. vii. 27). irpoo-ipe'peiv irepl duapnuv. The word "offer" may be used ab solutely for "to offer sacrifices" (Lk. v. 14); but the words "for sins" are often an equivalent for "sin-offerings" (see x. 6; Lev. vi. 23; Num. viii. 8, See.). i. Tt)v Tip/qv, ie. this honourable office. We have here the second qualification for Priesthood. A man's own caprice must not be the reason for his ordination. He must be conscious of a Divine call. dXXd KaXovaevos iird tov Beov, "but on being called by God," or " when he is called by God." Great stress is laid on this point in Scripture (Ex. xxviii. 1). Any "stranger that cometh nigh" i.e. 74 HEBREWS. L"V. 4— that intruded unbidden into the Priesthood — was to be put to death (Num. iii. 10). The fate of Korah and his company (Num. xvi. 40), and of Uzziah, king though he was (2 Chron. xxvi. 18 — 21), served as a terrible warning, and it was recorded aB a special aggravation of Jeroboam's impiety that "he made priests of the lowest of the people, which were not of the sons of Levi" (1 K. xii. 31). In one of the Jewish Midrashim, Moses says to Korah "if Aaron, my brother, had taken upon himself the priesthood, ye would be excusable for murmuring against him; but God gave it to him." Some have supposed that the writer here reflects obliquely upon the High Priests of that day — alien Sadducees, not descended from Aaron (Jos. Antt. xx. 10), who had been introduced into the Priesthood from Baby lonian families by Herod the Great, and who kept the highest office, with frequent changes, as a sort of appanage of their own families — the Boethusim, the Eantheras, the Kamhits, the Beni-Hanan. For the characteristics of these Priests, who completely degraded the dignity in the eyes of the people, see my Life of Christ, n. 330, 342. In the energetic maledictions pronounced upon them in more than one passage of the Talmud, they are taunted with not being true sons of Aaron. But it is unlikely that the writer should make this oblique allusion. He was an Alexandrian ; he was not writing to the Hebrews of Jerusalem ; and these High Priests had been in possession of the office for more than half a century. KaBuo-irep Kal 'Aapuv, "exactly as even Aaron was" (Num. xvi. — xviii.). The true Priest must be a Divinely-appointed Aaron, not a self-constituted Korah. 5. ovtos Kal 6 Xpicrrds. " So even the Christ." Jesus, the Mes siah, the true Anointed Priest, possessed both these qualifications. ovx lavrdv !Sd£ao-ev. He has already called the High Priesthood "an honour," but of Christ's Priesthood he uses a still stronger word "glory" (ii. 9 ; John xii. 28, xiii. 31). Y«vr|6TJvai. The inf. of consequence. Comp. Col. iv. 6, d Xo'yos... Tjprvpivos, elSivai k.t.X. dXX° d XaXtjo-as irpds avrdv. God glorified Him, and the writer again offers the admitted Messianic Prophecies of Ps. ii. 7 and ex. 4, as a sufficient illustration of this. The fact of His Sonship de monstrates that His call to the Priesthood was a call of God. "Jesus said, If I honour myself, my honour is nothing; it is my Father that honoureth me, of whom ye say that He is your God," John viii. 54. 6. Iv eripio. The phrase is adverbial — "elsewhere." There is no need to understand roirw. The quotation is from Ps. ex. 4. This Psalm was so universally accepted as Messianic that the Targum of Jonathan paraphrases the first verse of it "The Lord said to His .Word." KaTd tt|V Tdfiv, ^'T^T'S, "according to the style of." Comp. vii. 15, "after the likeness (d/iotdrirra) of Melchisedek." V. 7.] NOTES. 75 MeXxio-eSlK. The writer here with consummate literary skill in troduces the name Melchisedek, to prepare incidentally for the long argument which is to follow in chapter vii. ; just as he twice introduces the idea of High Priesthood (ii. 17, iii. 1) before directly dealing with it. The reason why the Psalmist had spoken of his ideal Theocratic king as a Priest after the order of Melchisedek, and not after the order of Aaron, lies in the words "for ever," as subsequently ex plained. In Zech. iv. 14, the Jews explained "the two Anointed ones (sons of oil) who stand by the Lord of the whole earth " to be Aaron and Messiah, and, from Ps. ex. 4, they agreed that Messiah was the nearer to God. 7. ds, i.e. the Christ. •rijs o-apKds. The word "flesh" is here used for His Humanity regarded ou the side of its weakness and humiliation. Comp. ii. 14. avrov. Here, as elsewhere, some editions read avrov, but according to Bleek and Buttmann airov is never used in the N. T. for iavrov. Winer (p. 189) thinks otherwise. Seijo-eis Te Kal iKertipCas. The idiosyncrasy of the writer, and per haps his Alexandrian training, which familiarised him with the style of Philo, made him fond of these sonorous amphflcations or full expressions. Aer/aeis, rendered ' ' prayers " in the A. V. , is rather ' ' sup plications," i.e. "special prayers" for the supply of needs. 'iKervpias rendered "entreaties" (which is joined with it in Job xii. 3, comp. 2 Mace. ix. 18), properly meant olive-boughs held forth to entreat pro tection. Thus the first word refers to the suppliant, the second implies an approach (Uviopat) to God. The "supplications and en treaties " referred to are doubtless those in the Agony at Gethsemane (Lk. xxii. 39 — 46), though there may be a reference to the Cross, and some have even supposed that there is an allusion to Ps. xxii. and cxvi. See Mark xiv. 36 ; John xii. 27 ; Matt. xxvi. 38 — 42. o-u£eiv Ik BavaTov. Comp. John xii. 27, auabv pe iK tt)s upas ravnjs. The "death" referred to is not bodily death, but deadly anguish. Or if we understand it of death it means the final triumph of death, whereas Christ's death was the defeat of death. pverd KpavyTJs to-xvpds Kal SaKpvwv. Though these are not directly mentioned in the scene at Gethsemane they are implied. See John xi. 35, xii. 27; Matt. xxvi. 39, 42, 44, 53; Mark xiv. 36; Lk. xix. 41. elo-aKovo-BeCs. "Being heard" or "hearkened to," Luke xxii. 43; John xii. 28 (comp. Ps. xxii. 21, 24). dird ttjs evXaPeCas. " From his godly fear," or "because of his reve rential awe." The phrase has been explained in different ways. The old Latin renders " exauditus a metu," and some Latin Fathers and later interpreters explain it to mean ' ' having been freed from the fear of death." The Greek might perhaps be made to bear this sense, though the mild word used for " fear " is not in favour of it; but the 76 HEBREWS. [V. 7— rendering given above, meaning that His prayer was heard because of His awful submission (pro sud reverentid, Vulg.), is the sense in which the words are taken by all the Greek Fathers. 'Aird may cer tainly mean "because of" as in Lk. xix. 3, " He could not because of (d7rd) the crowd"; xxiv. 41, "disbelieving because of (d7rd) their joy" (comp. John xxi. 6; Acts xxii. 11, &a.). The word rendered "feared" is evXdpeia which means "reverent fear," or "reasonable shrinking," as opposed to terror and cowardice. The Stoics said that the wise man could thus cautiously shrink (evXa,8e?o-0ai), but never actually be afraid ( /cal irvorjv ; Rom. i. 29, 31, (pdovov, lpovo-a 81 aKavBas. "But if it freely bear thorns," Is. v. 6; Prov. xxiv. 31. This neglected land resembles converts who have fallen away. TpipdXovs- The Latin tribuli (rpeis, poX-ij). Gen. iii. 18, See. In N. T. only here, and Matt. vii. 16. dSoKiuos. The same word, in another metaphor, occurs in Jer. vi. 30. KaTapas eyyvs. Lit., " near a curse." Doubtless there is a reference to Gen. iii. 18. St Chrysostom sees in this expression a sign of mercy, because he only says "near a curse." " He who has not yet fallen into a curse, but has got near it, will also be able to get afar from it"; so that we ought, he says, to cut up and burn the thorns, and then we shall be approved. And he might have added that the older "curse" of the land, to which he refers, was by God's mercy over-ruled into a blessing. 86 HEBREWS. [VI. 8— Vfs to tIXos els kovo-iv. Lit., "whose end is for burning." Comp. Matt. xiii. 30; Is. xliv. 15; "that it may be for burning. It is probably a mistake to imagine that there is any reference to the supposed advantage of burning the surface of the soil (Virg. Georg. I. 84 sqq.; Pliny, H. N. xviii. 39, 72), for we find no traces of such a procedure among the Jews. More probably the reference is to land like the Vale of Siddim, or "Burnt Phrygia," or "the Solfatara,"— like that described in Gen. xix. 24; Deut. xxix. 23. Comp. Heb. x. 27. And such a land Judea itself became within a very few years of this time, because the Jews would not " break up their fallow ground," but still continued to "sow among thorns." Obviously the "whose" refers to the "land," not to the " curse." 9 — 12. Words of Encouragement and Hope. 9. IleireCo-ueBa. Lit., "We have been (and are) convinced of." Comp. Rom. xv. 14. dyawt\rot. The warm expression is introduced to shew that his stern teaching is only inspired by love. This word and dSeXQol are often introduced to temper the severity of the sterner passages in the Epistles. Td KpeCo-o-ova. Lit., "the better things." I am convinced that the better alternative holds true of you; that your condition is, and your fate will be, better than what I have described. exdjuva o-oiTTipCas. "Akin to salvation," the antithesis to "near a curse." What leads to salvation is obedience (v. 9). el Kal ovtos XaXovaev. In spite of the severe words of warning which I have just used. Comp. x. 39. oStos. As in verses 4 — 8. 10. liriXaBe'o-flai. The aorist implies " to forget in a moment." Comp. xi. 6, 20. God, even amid your errors, will not overlook the signs of grace working in you. Comp. Jer. xxxi. 16 ; Ps. ix. 12 ; Am. viii. 7. Kal tijs aYairris. " And your love." The words tov towou of the Text. receptus should be omitted. They are probably a gloss from 1 Thess. i. 3. The passage bears a vague general resemblance to 2 Cor. viii. 24; Col. i. 4. els to dvoua avTov. Which name is borne by all His children. SiaKovi^o-avTes Tots d-ytois Kal SiaKovovvTes. "In your past and pre sent ministration to the saints," i.e. to your Christian brethren. It used to be supposed that the title ' ' the saints " applied especially to the Christians at Jerusalem (Rom. xv. 25; Gal. ii. 10; 1 Cor. xvi. 1). This is a mistake ; and the saints at Jerusalem, merged in a common poverty, perhaps a result in part of their original Communism, were hardly in a condition to minister to one another. They were (as is the casS with most of the Jews now living at Jerusalem) dependent in VI. 13.] NOTES. 87 large measure on the Chaluka or distribution of alms sent them from without. SiaKovovvTes. The continuance of their well-doing proved its sin cerity; but perhaps the writer hints, though with infinite delicacy, that their beneficent zeal was less active than it once had been. 11. em8vp.ovp.ev 8e k.t.X. "But we long to see in you," Sec. ekaorov vuaiv. Here again in the emphasis of the expression we seem to trace, as in other parts of the Epistle, some individual reference. Tip? avTf|v...o-irov8ijv. He desires to see as much earnestness (2 Cor. vii. 11) in the work of advancing to spiritual maturity of knowledge as they had shewn in ministering to the saints. irpds Tijv irXr|po(popCav, i.e. with a view to your attaining this full assurance. Comp. x. 22, iii. 14. The word also occurs in 1 Thess. i. 5; Col. ii. 2. axpv tIXovs. Till hope becomes fruition (iii. 6, 14). 12. iva. p,ij voBpol yivr\o-$e. " That ye become not slothful" in the advance of Christian hope as you already are (v. 11) iu acquiring spiritual knowledge. p.ip,T|TaC. "Imitators," as in 1 Cor. iv. 16; Eph. v. 1 ; 1 Thess. i. 6, Sec. Sid irCo-Teus Kal p.aKpo6vp.Cas. See ver. 15, xii. 1 ; Rom. ii. 7. ~M.aKpoBvp.la is often applied to the " long9uffering '' of God, as 'in Rom. ii. 4 ; 1 Pet. iii. 20 ; but is used of men in Col. ill; 2 Cor. vi. 6, Sea., and here implies the tolerance of hope deferred. It is a different word from the "endurance" of xii. 1, x. 36 (viropovr/). KXT)povopovvTaiv. Partially, and by faith, here; fully and with the beatific vision in the life to come. 13. tu -ydp'Appadp.. The "for" implies " and you may feel abso lute confidence about the promises ; for," die. Abraham is here only selected as "the father of the faithful " ,(Rom. iv. 13) ; and not as the sole example of persevering constancy, but as an example specially illustrious (Calvin). kot ovSevds etx