¦ « 'o. 3^ '* A i\ .w' * V"*V. ir-i***^ *•.-•* v. 'Y^LEe¥IMH¥EI^S]Iinf« DIVINITY SCHOOL TROWBRIDGE LIBRARY THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. PRINTED BY MURRAY AND GIBB FOR T. & T. CLARK, EDINBURGH. London, . . . Hamilton, adams, and co. dublin, . . john robertson and co. new york, . . . scribner, welford, and armstrong. THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. Wqz CKrecIt Ktxt anli translation. INTRODUCTION, EXPOSITORY NOTES, AND DISSERT A TIONS. BY PATRICK FAIRBAIRN, D.D., PRINCIPAL OF FREE CHURCH COLLEGE, GLASGOW ; AUTHOR OF ' TYPOLOGY OF SCRIPTURE,' ' REVELATION OF LAW,' ETC. EDINBURGH : T. & T. CLARK, GEORGE STREET. 1874. PR.EFAC E. THIS expository volume on the Pastoral Epistles had its origin in a department of labour connected with my official duties. Till lately, it was for many years my lot to conduct a class of Pastoral Theology for advanced students preparing for the work of the Christian ministry ; and a portion of the time during each session was usually devoted to .the exposition and illustration of more or less of those Epistles. Practically, it was found impossible to overtake more, in any particular session, than a comparatively limited portion of them. But as comments on the whole had been prepared, I have thought that the publication of them might be of some advantage to students of Sacred Scripture, especially to those who are either in the position of candi dates for the ministry, or without lengthened experience in the discharge of its duties. The requirements and interests of such have been kept specially in view throughout the volume. On that account also, particular respect has been had, both in the course of exposition, and in the introduc tion and supplementary dissertations, to the objections which have been urged — latterly, indeed, with great bold ness and persistency — against the apostolic authorship and divine inspiration of these portions, of New Testament Scripture. Vlll PREFACE. The aim of this volume, therefore, will readily be under stood to differ considerably from that of Bishop Ellicott's, whose commentary on the Pastoral Epistles bears the desig nation of " critical and grammatical." The portion of the late Dean Alford's Commentary on the New Testament which embraces these Epistles is to a large extent of the same description. Both commentators have very ably accom plished the objects they had more especially in view ; and the frequent references I have made to their productions will sufficiently evince how profoundly sensible I am of the services they have rendered to the correct knowledge of the language and import of the Epistles — though on points of some moment I have occasionally, felt myself obliged to differ from each of them. While the critical and grammati cal have been with me a somewhat less prominent object, neither of them has been overlooked ; and wherever the text or the construction is such as to call for special exami nation or adjustment, this has uniformly received attention, before anything as. to doctrine or instruction has been founded on the words. The text of Tischendorf, in his 8th edition, so nearly coincides with what I take to be the correct one, that I have simply adopted it — twice with a measure of hesitation (see pp. 273, 373), and once only with a formal dissent (p. 233). Minor deviations from the Received Text, as in respect to the spelling and order of words, I have consequently deemed it unnecessary to notice ; but wherever the sense has been at all affected by any change, the principal grounds have uniformly been adduced on which the text of Tischendorf seems entitled to the preference. In regard to the translation, my object has been simply PREFACE. ix to present the meaning of the original, as I understand it, in the words most nearly equivalent — whether they might accord with those of the Authorized Version or not. This, however, has never been needlessly departed from. With the view of rendering the exposition more extensively use ful, I have also, for the most part, translated the quotations taken from the Greek and Latin commentators ; but the original has always been given when anything of moment depended upon the precise form of expression. The edition of Winer's Grammar referred to is that published by the Messrs. Clark, edited by the Rev. W. F. Moulton. May the effort here made to explain a portion of the Divine Word, and to vindicate and apply the important lessons of truth and duty therein contained, carry with it the Divine blessing, and prove, in however small a degree, conducive both to the due appreciation of the Word, and to the furtherance of the great ends of the Christian ministry. P. F. Glasgow, January 1874. CONTENTS. Introduction — Section I. — The Authorship of the Epistles, II. — Times and Places of Writing, . III. — Notices of Timothy, . IV.— Notices of Titus, . . ¦ . Text and Translation of First Timothy, Text and Translation of Titus, Text and Translation of Second Timothy, Expository Notes on First Timothy, Expository Notes on Titus, .... Expository Notes on Second Timothy, . Appendix A. — The Peculiar Testimony for Gospel Times, Appendix B.— The Meaning of the Expression. " Husband of one Wife," in i Tim. III. 2, etc., Appendix C — The Treatment of Slavery in New Testament Scripture, Note on i Cor. vii. 21 PAGE 1-19 19-30 31-34 35-36 38-51 52-57 58-67 71-254 ?55-305 306-4044O5-4I6 416-432432-451 448-451 Erratum. — Omit "both" in chap. iv. ro, p. 45. THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. INTRODUCTION. Section i. — The Authorship of the Epistles. THE designation of Pastoral Epistles has been com monly applied to the two Epistles to Timothy and the Epistle to Titus, because alike addressed to persons engaged in pastoral work, and chiefly discoursing of matters relating to such work. They all bear on their front the signature of the Apostle Paul ; and never till a compara tively recent period has their connection with his name been called in question by any one having a recognised position in the Christian Church. There were parties in ancient times wh,o excluded them from the list of St. Paul's genuine writings ; but these were the leaders of Gnosticism, rationalists of a very extreme type,' and always regarded by the Fathers as opponents, rather than adherents, of the Christian faith. Speaking of such generally, Clement of Alexandria states that they rejected the Epistles to Timothy {Strom, ii. n); and Marcion, we are told by Tertullian, did the same both with these and with the Epistle to Titus {Adv. Marc. v. 21). Jerome, at a later period, repeats the assertion in his Preface to the Epistle to Titus ; and referring to Tatian, the disciple of Marcion, mentions that he so far differed from his master as to accept the Epistle to Titus. The conduct of these parties admits A 2 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. of a ready explanation : they found the sentiments con tained in the epistles irreconcilable with their speculative tenets and ascetic virtues, and so they discarded the epistles in the interest of their system ; as they also, for the same reason, distorted the meaning of many parts of the writings they actually received. The exception made by Tatian in favour of Titus doubtless arose from its less marked contrariety to Gnostic tendencies.. But both he and Mar cion, and several also who preceded them in the Gnostic schools, are witnesses to the early existence and general acknowledgment of the epistles in question ; since other wise their rejection of these could not have been reported as a noticeable circumstance. But besides this incidental proof, the direct evidence of the apostolic authority of the epistles, and of the church's belief in it, is of the most satisfactory kind. The epistles have a place in the most ancient versions, the Peschito and the Italic. They are included in the so-called Canon of Muratori, which, with reference to St. Paul's epistles, men tions ad Titum una, et ad Timotheum duas. Irenaeus com mences his work against heresies with an express quotation from First Timothy, as the words of an apostle suited to the occasion and object of his writings ; and in other places he makes direct reference to other passages in the three epistles, always identifying them with the penmanship of the apostle (for example, at iii. 14. 1, iv. 16. 3, i. 16. 3). The same thing is done by Clement of Alexandria {Strom. ii. 11, iii. 6, i. 14) and by Tertullian {De Eraser. Har. c. 25, etc.); while by Eusebius the whole three are included among the writings universally acknowledged {Eccl. Hist. iii. 25). As a proof, also, of their being in very early and common use, we find expressions and forms of thought peculiar to them appropriated in some of the most ancient Christian writings ; for example, in the Epistle of tlie Roman Clement (as at c. 29, comp, with 1 Tim. ii. 8), the Epistle INTRODUCTION. 3 of Polycarp (c. 4, comp. with 1 Tim. vi. 7, 10), and still more in the writings of Athenagoras, Justin, and Theophilus of Antioch. In short, the historical evidence of the authen ticity of the epistles is as full and explicit as could justly be expected, and it were impossible to disparage it in their case without denying its validity in respect to the best accredited books of New Testament Scripture. Schleiermacher was the first man of note in the church who formally rejected the testimony of antiquity on the subject, and took up a hostile position. His objections, however, were laid only against the First Epistle to Timothy, which he held to be chiefly a compilation out of the second, and the Epistle to Titus. His views were set forth in a letter, published in 1807 ; but they met with strenuous opposition, even from some who were not remarkable for the strictness of their orthodoxy — in particular, Planck, Bertholdt, Hug, Guericke, Heydenreich. But Schleier macher had his followers, and followers who, for the most part, did not confine their attacks to the First Epistle to Timothy, but took exception to all the three. So, for ex ample, Eichhorn, Schott, Credner, ¦who regarded them as forgeries done with a good design, probably by Luke, or some other of Paul's disciples. But Baur went, further : he thought the work of criticism was imperfectly done till another period altogether than that to which Paul himself belonged was shown to be the one which gave birth to the epistles. And this he thought he found in the times imme diately subsequent to the rise of the Marcionite heresy, that 'is, somewhere about the middle of the second- century ; when, alarmed at the appearance of this heresy, and anxious to check it, some one bethought himself of a series of letters as the most effectual antidote, written in the name of Paul to two of his well-known companions and fellow- workers. But a date so late, as a basis for such an artificial hypothesis, so palpably conflicts with the historical evidence 4 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. regarding the epistles, that few beyond the small circle of the Tubingen school have been" found ready to accept the solution. De Wette, while he renounced the Pauline authorship of the epistles, was equally opposed to Baur's position, and to the last maintained that the epistles must be ascribed to the closing period of the first century. There are still probably a considerable number of critics in Ger many, and a few in our own country, who are inclined to rest in this unsatisfactory conclusion, — a negative one as regards the relation of the epistles to Paul, and, must we not add also, as regards their claim to a place in the canon of New Testament Scripture ? Such is not the inference of the parties themselves. With them the term canon, as applied to Scripture, is of some what doubtful interpretation, and may include the spurious as well as the genuine, if only written with a good purpose, and in conformity with sound doctrine. So Bleek, for example, in respect to the First Epistle to Timothy (to which he confines his objections, Introd. § 186, 187) ; but Dr. Davidson gives it more roundly in the last form of his Intro duction to the New Testament ; and with reference to all the Pastoral epistles, he very complacently tells us : " The author chose the name of an apostle to give currency to his sentiments. Being impressed with the idea that a united church with sound doctrine was the best safeguard against heresy [could anybody, we might ask, doubt it ?], he chose Timothy and Titus as the superintendents of churches, to whom Paul might address directions about ecclesiastical organization and heretical views. In all this there was no dishonesty, because the intention was good. The device was a harmless one. Though it misled many, the object of the author was gained." Does not this, however, savour ofthe wily maxim, that the end sanctifies the means? that one may innocently lie, if through the lie the truth of God can any how be made to abound more to His glory? St. Paul him- INTRODUCTION. 5 self said of all who espoused such a course, that " their damnation was just" (Rom. iii. 7, 8). And beyond doubt it is his verdict, not the loose, easy-going utilitarianism of modern rationalism, that the conscience of Christendom will respond to and ratify. The authority of these epistles for pious uses is gone, if their ' apostolic authorship cannot be sustained; they must share the fate of all hollow pre tensions. But then, how unlike to such is their real charac ter — ;so simple, so earnest, so elevated in tone, so resolutely contending against every form of corruption, expressly against speaking lies in hypocrisy ! How all this, if the writer was conscious to himself of starting with a lie, and lying throughout ? For it is not merely that he has at the outset assumed a name not really his own, but has invented a whole series of circumstances and relations which had no foundation in truth ; and this, strange to say, in the interest of the truth, and as the best mode of securing its perpetuity in the church ! The supposition involves a moral impossi bility; for, as has been justly said, "the belief preached by the apostles was not the offspring of the morality, but the morality was the natural fruit of the belief." It is no small matter, therefore, which is at stake in this controversy ; nothing less than the authoritative character and practical value of these Pastoral epistles. Even this consideration should not induce us to play false with any portion of the evidence ; but it should certainly dispose us to examine carefully, and with much deliberation weigh, the objections urged against the epistles, before we assent to their validity. Men of the most varied gifts, but of the most approved scholarship and matured judgment, have done so, both in this country and on the Continent, and arrived at the result that there is nothing in the objections to shake their confidence in the genuineness of the writings as the veritable productions of St. Paul. But we shall, for ourselves, consider the more important of them in order. O THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. I. One class of objections is derived from an alleged reference to parties and customs which belong to a later age than the apostle's. (i.) Of this description is the supposed allusion in several places to Gnosticism of the Marcionite or Valentinian type. There certainly are expressions in the epistles, especially .in the First Epistle to Timothy, which can scarcely be under stood otherwise than as pointing to the operation of the Gnostic spirit ; but still only to this spirit in its incipient state, not in any developed semi-Christian form. Thus, in chap. vi. 20, Timothy is warned to avoid "profane and vain babblings, and oppositions of science falsely so called," or i rather " the falsely named gnosis {ttjs ^jrev8a>vifiov yvaxrcus)." Nothing is here indicated as to any particular Gnostic theory, which might be rising to the surface in the sphere of Timothy's labours. The expression is quite general, and might have been employed ofthe Gnostic spirit, .as it is known to have manifested itself in the Gospel age, and even prior to it. No one acquainted with the history of the times can doubt that the elements of Gnosticism were then actively at work in many places, and entered deeply into the Alexandrian and Eastern theosophy. But tending, as this always did, to draw the mind into vain and foolish speculations upon subjects which lay beyond the range of human apprehension, it was necessarily characterized by much empty talk, and assumptions of knowledge which had no foundation in realities — soaring idealisms, which might please the imagination or gratify the pride of intellect, but which were of no avail to the higher interests of the soul. Even in Philo there is not a little of this sort of gnosis, although in his writings the tendency exhibited itself in a subdued form as compared with what it did in others. (2.) Much the same may be said of what is intimated at the beginning of chap, iv., ofthe apprehended forthputtings of the ascetic spirit — forbidding people to marry, and INTRODUCTION. 7 commanding to abstain from meats, which God made to be received with thanksgiving. Such an intimation is perfectly c6nsistent with the apostolic authorship. For the writer does not say that the teaching in question had already come into operation, and was meeting with acceptance in the church, but that the Spirit gave warnings of its approach; and all that there is any need for supposing is, that tend encies had begun to manifest themselves, which to men of .spiritual discernment seemed to point in that direction. But for this there was ample ground in the apostolic age — in the widespread feeling among the better class of theo- sophists, that the higher degrees of purity were to be attained only through corporeal fastings, and a disentanglement from flesh and blood relations. Such a feeling, with correspond ing practices, had been known to exist for generations among the Therapeutae of Egypt and the Essenes of Judea. And it could scarcely be matter of doubt to thoughtful minds, even without any special revelation from the Spirit of God, that the great facts of Christianity, and the mighty moral impulse that went along' with them, would exert a potent influence upon many of the class referred to, and incline them, to court an alliance with the church. Indeed, we have evidence from the apostle's own hand, in another and not disputed epistle, that characters of a distinctly marked ascetic type had already been pressing into the Christian fellowship, and in a much less likely quarter than the towns of Asia Minor. It is in chap. xiv. of the Epistle to the Romans where notice is taken, several years before the Pastoral epistles were written, of some who, on religious grounds, would eat nothing but herbs, and abstained from wine ; whom the apostle, indeed, characterizes as weak, yet exhorts others to receive and treat as Christian brethren. Even Baur has said of this part of the apostle's writings {Paulus, p. 300) : " Among the Jewish Christians at Rome there already existed a dualistic view of the world, very 8 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. closely allied in its root to the Ebionitism of a later age ; which is the less to be wondered at, as this dualism in reference to civil life stands in a very natural connection with that view, which sees in the life of nature an impure and demoniacal principle, awakening dislike and abhor rence." Now this mode of contemplation, and the asceticism naturally springing from it, were not, it must be remembered, indigenous at Rome: their native home was in the East, and they were sure to be met with in greater frequency and fuller efflorescence in the regions where Timothy was fulfill ing his commission, than in the western capital ofthe Empire. The period, also, was more advanced ; and it is but natural to suppose, that as elements of that description came to grow and intensify in the church, what might at first be considered merely as a tolerable weakness, should, a little further on, be warned against as a dangerous departing from the simplicity of the gospel. (3.) There is still another passage in the First Epistle to Timothy, near the commencement, which has been alleged to contain a reference to opinions that were first broached by the Gnostics of the second century. It is at chap. i. 4, where Timothy is exhorted to beware of giving heed to fables {(ivBoi) and endless genealogies, which served chiefly to minister strife and debate. Apparently, it is things of the same sort which are referred to in Tit. i. 14 under the name of " Jewish fables and commandments of men," and again in chap. iii. 9 as " foolish questions and genealogies, and strifes, and disputations about the law.'' These genea logies and myths or fables are held by the party of Baur to refer to the fabulous stories of the Gnostics respecting the generation of seons, and in particular to the scheme of Valentinus with its regulated system of 30 aeons. It is true that Irenaeus, at the beginning of his work on the Gnostic heresies, prefaces what he is going to say on the Valentinian INTRODUCTION. 9 gnosis, by saying certain men had arisen " who set the truth aside, and brought in lying words and vain genealogies, which, as the apostle says, minister questions rather than godly edifying, which is in faith;" but it is merely a passing allusion, and cannot be regarded as more than an accom modation of scriptural words to the subject in hand, whether they might have been originally intended to bear such a reference or not. Tertullian makes a similar use of them, but is more express in connecting that use' with their original and proper meaning; for, after noticing the Valentinian fables about the aeons, he affirms, " These are the fables and endless genealogies which, while the seeds of them were beginning to bud forth, the spirit of the apostle by anticipa tion condemned" {Adv. Valent. c. iii.). Tertullian so often strains Scripture to make it bear a sense favourable to his own particular views, that nq_ great stress can be laid on his interpretation in the present case. But a considerable number of modern commentators have substantially con curred in that interpretation, such as Grotius, Hammond, Mosheim, Alford, etc. It is open, however, to serious, and indeed fatal objections. First of all, the expressions ofthe apostle, in their natural and proper sense, refer not to things in heaven, but to things on earth — to the records preserved of personal or family relationships, and tales associated with them. If the writer had actually in view emanations pro ceeding in the spirit-world, he eould with no propriety have presented them under the name oi genealogies, which are not emanations, or even births simply, but birth-registers — a term inapplicable except by way of figure or accommodation to the heavenly sphere. Besides, in the parallel passages in Titus, the genealogies are connected with contests about the law, and the fables are expressly designated fewish; so that the parties in question must obviously have been viewed as standing on distinctively Jewish ground, and dealing with matters which partook more of a Jewish than a Gnostic IO THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. complexion. So also, in i Tim. i. 7, the persons spoken of as desiring to be teachers of the law are evidently the same with those who a little before are noticed as the broachers of the fables and genealogies warned against. But with matters of law Gnosticism of the fully-fledged kind — the Gnosticism which indulged its fancy in concocting emanation-systems — -took little concern ; it soared above them. It is a further confirmation of the same view, that Polybius, the only ancient writer out of Scripture who couples together y.v6oi and yeveaXoyiai, does so in precisely the same manner as the apostle : that is, he applies them to the origins of families and nations on earth. He speaks of many having narrated the genealogies and myths of nations, their colonies, and kindreds, and foundations (L. ix. c. 2). Schottgen also has brought forward, on 1 Tim. i. 4, some specimens of Jewish fables respecting genealogies, one of which at least has an important doctrinal bearing ; and the whole, whether or not ,as ancient as the apostle's time, are yet sufficient to show how materials of this description might be made to minister to much fruitless disputation, and even to erroneous teaching. So that we hold — in opposition to a statement made by Alford— they might, and in reality did, touch religious interests quite enough to account for the apostle's strong denunciations of them. We conclude, therefore, that the parties meant by the apostle in this class of references were a sort of pragmatical formalists, if in some sense Christian, or with acknowledged leanings in that direction, yet more Rabbinical than Christian — persons who delighted to talk and wrangle about legal points, who could raise questions and relate stories on the nature and bearings of genealogies, but which were of little moment, however they might be settled ; which, for the most part, might be settled anyhow, so far as the great interests of truth and righteousness are concerned. It was every way becoming the aged apostle to warn the youthful evangelist INTRODUCTION. 1 1 to keep aloof from such a friyolous and fruitless line of things. Indeed, it was just then that such warnings were likely to be needed ; as, shortly after the close of the apostolic age, troublers of that description might be said to lose their standing-ground for the Christian church. After that, her chief dangers came from other quarters. This is virtually admitted by Alford, though it seems scarcely to consist with the view he takes ofthe genealogies and fables. He is satisfied that the false teachers alluded to in the epistles have more of a Judaistic cast about them than could have been the case if full-blown Gnostics had been referred to ; that, looked at generally, " they seem to hold a position intermediate to the apostle's former Judaizing adversaries and the subsequent Gnostic heretics — distinct from both, and just at that point in the progress from the one form of error to the other which would suit the period subsequent to the Epistle to the Philippians, and prior to the destruction of Jerusalem. There is therefore nothing in them and their characteristics which can cast a doubt on the genuineness of the epistles" {Prolog, p. 77). No, but at the period in question the church had as yet heard nothing of genealogies, in the sense of generations and cycles of aeons. (4.) A class of objections belonging to the same general head of references to things subsequent to the apostolic period, but derived from a different quarter, has respect to the notices contained in the epistles of church order and organization : these seem to betoken too advanced a state of matters for St. Paul's time. So De Wette, as well as Baur and many others, have contended. According to them, the writer gives indication of hierarchical tendencies. If so, they must be allowed to have had little in common with the hierarchical tendencies of a later age. Here we find no bishop, in the modern sense of the term ; no priest with strictly sacerdotal functions ; no presiding head even 12 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. of the common council of presbyters, who in a more special manner was charged with the spiritual oversight of the church in each particular place ; but an eldership, more or less numerous, sharing in common the spiritual guardian ship and edification of the flock. In short, we find only the earliest and simplest form known to us of church order and government, that which had already existed for genera tions in the Jewish synagogues, and which with little varia tion was transferred to the newly planted churches of Christian believers. Not only so, but the instructions given through Timothy and Titus to those spiritual overseers are entirely void of hierarchical and ritualistic elements : they press only moral considerations and duties, which had no thing to do with formal distinctions and minutely prescribed observances. In addition to that primitive type of spiritual officers, mention is made only of deacons — the class ap pointed first, within a few years after the Ascension, in the mother church at Jerusalem, then in the larger churches generally, for administering the pecuniary affairs and chari table offerings of the people. Even these are noticed but once, in connection with Ephesus, not with Crete, where matters were only beginning to take a regulated form when the apostle wrote. All, in a word, as to official organization, is as one might have expected it to be, if anything of this sort was to have been noticed at all ; and it is assuredly very different from the kind of references that would have been found, if the epistles had been written after hierarchical principles had developed themselves. As to what is said about widows, also of marriage-rela tionships in the case of church officers, there is nothing, when the passages are rightly interpreted, which can be deemed indicative of a state of things alien to the first age .of the church. But this can only be exhibited by an analysis of the passages bearing on the subject. II. We now therefore pass on to another feature in the INTRODUCTION. 13 epistles, to which exception has been taken; namely, certain peculiarities in the cast of thought and the mode of expression found in these epistles, but not in the genuine writings of Paul. Undoubtedly there are differences of the kind referred to, which cannot well be overlooked. The only question is, Whence did they originate? Are they not explicable by the different circumstances in which the epistles were written, the different topics handled, and the comparatively novel opinions and practices brought into consideration? Beyond doubt, there were very obvious and material differences in these respects. It is nothing to the purpose, therefore, to be told that a great many words occur in these epistles not elsewhere found in the apostle's writings : for, to a certain extent, such are to be found in all his epistles ; and here, for the reasons stated, they might be justly expected in greater frequency. The difference is not, after all, very large. Planck has shown that there are 81 words of the kind in question in First Timothy, 63 in Second Timothy, and 44 in Titus. But then in the Epistle to the Philippians there are 54, in Gala tians 57, in Ephesians and Colossians together 143. But in these epistles it is the common truths and obligations of the gospel which form the chief subjects of discourse, while the three Pastoral epistles occupy ground in a great degree peculiar to themselves. And when one looks to the varieties produced, and finds among them such examples as the fol lowing,^ — eXeos, used in the salutation to Timothy, along with Xapis and elpr)vrj, moTOS 6 \6yos, \6yos iytr/s, ^rjTrjO-eis, fxvBos, v&fypav, elo-ePeta, /3e/3ijXoj, — words which any writer might have used as the particular occasion or the impulse of the moment might have prompted, — one can only wonder at the frivolous ingenuity, which out of things so common could have thought of discovering formidable instances. The questions which in this respect would really be of a testing kind are such as these : Does any term occur in 14 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. the Pastoral epistles which was not in use when the apostle lived? Or are words used in senses which were not ac quired till a later time? Or, finally, are these turns of thought and expression not appropriate or natural for the apostle to have employed in the position' actually occupied by him, and with reference to the ends for which he lived ? Such questions would be strictly relevant, and, if capable of being answered in the affirmative, would be fatal to the genuineness of the epistles. But nothing of such a descrip tion has been established. There are, indeed, certain forms of expression occurring with some frequency in these epistles, which might, for aught that we can see, have been employed in the other epistles, though in reality they are not : such, for example, as the application of the term Saviour specially to God (i Tim. i.. i, ii. 3, iv. 10 ; Tit. i. 3); the designation of teaching, according to its quality, as sound, healthful, or unsound, diseased (1 Tim. i. 10, vi. 3, 4 ; 2 Tim. i. 13, iv. 3 ; Tit. i. 9, 13, ii. 1, 8) ; and the favourite expression of "faithful is the word," or saying (1 Tim. i. 15, iii. 1, iv. 9 ; 2 Tim. ii. 11 ; Tit. i. 9). But surely it is quite conceivable that the state of things in the church about the time the epistles were written, especially the kind and tendencies of the errors which had begun to prevail, may have naturally enough led to the employment of such a phraseology. That certain probable reasons can be assigned for them, will be shown in the exposition. But is it not also competent to ask, whether it was upon the whole less likely that the apostle would himself resort to such modes of speech in his latter days ; or that a mere imitator, counterfeiting his name, would do so ? The latter could scarcely afford to venture on a liberty of this description ; he would be afraid of his speech betraying him ; while Paul himself, writing in the conscious freedom of his own powers and purposes, might readily vary his language, as seemed natural or proper in the circumstances. There is the more force in INTRODUCTION. 1 5 this consideration, as the general character of the diction is quite Pauline, and in a much greater number of expressions is there a marked resemblance to the other epistles than in those referred to a dissimilarity. On the supposition of our epistles being the production of an artful but well-intentioned imitator, can- any reason be conceived why so many delicate and pervading correspondences should have been associated with such marked divergences ? Surely he who could catch the one would have taken care to avoid the other.1 So far, then, as a change is perceptible in the style, though it is not without a measure of difficulty, it seems most readily accounted for by change of circumstances and lapse of time. " New words very soon are employed, when new ideas arise to require them. The growth of new heresies, the develop ment of church organization, the rapid alteration of circum stances in a great moral revolution, may fitly account for the use of new terms in a new sense. Moreover, the language of letters to individual friends might be expected < to differ somewhat from that of public letters to churches" (Conybeare and Howson, ii. 553). III. A still further source of objections has been found in the contents and structure of the epistles. Of these some are so insignificant and captious, that it is unnecessary to specify them here. Others, also, are so intimately connected with the nature and design of the epistles, that they might equally be urged against any author whatever, as against 1 Alford has given a pretty long list of the resemblances found in the language of the three epistles with a single one of the undisputed Pauline — that to the Galatians : tou Vovro; iauriv npi. Gal. i. 4, I Tim. ii. 16, Tit. ii. 14 ; tU roils aiavas tuv aluvuv, Gal. i. 5, ! Tim. 1. 17 j a-poixoirmv, Gal. i. 14, 2 Tim. ii. 16, iii. 9 ; otvXos, Gal. ii. 9, I Tim. iii. 15 ; ccvcnroi, Gal. iii. i, I Tim. vi. 9, Tit. iii'. 3 ; i^nrirns, Gal. iii. jza, 1 Tim. ii. 5 ; li.*U objective, Gal. v. 5, Tit. ii. 13 ; mi/tan ayiah, Gal. v. 18, 2 Tim. iii. 6 ; xa.ip$ l$i*>, Gal. vi. 19, 1 Tim. ii. 6, Tit. i. 3. In Kom. xvi. 25, also, there are as many as five verbal correspondences with expressions in the Pastoral epistles. 1 6 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. St. Paul, if not more so. Thus, exception is taken to the constant moral reference of what is said in various passages respecting faith, the identifying of sound views of Christian doctrine with a good conscience, and of erroneous doctrine with a bad one. In substance, the same thing is done in other epistles of Paul, 5nly in a more general way (for ex ample, Rom. i. 17, 18, Gal. ii. 17-20, v. 6, etc.). But if what served in good measure to call, forth the Pastoral epistles was the growth of a species of heretical doctrine, which tended to sophisticate the conscience, and substitute specu lative for saving knowledge, then, whoever the writer might be, he could not have effectually met the evil he sought to correct and guard against, without tracing the evil thus up to its source. The Apostle John does precisely the same thing, when writing with a similar aim, though after his own peculiar style ; for example, 1 John i. 6-10, iii. 5-7, 2 John 9-1 1. " The precepts and directions (says Davidson in his more advanced criticism on these epistles, Introd. ii. 169) are ethical and outward, relating to conduct. They touch upon matters of conscience or propriety. The very health of Timothy is attended to. Regulations about churches, their organization, and their office-bearers, are such as might have been left to the judgment of Timothy and Titus themselves." That is to say, everything of such a nature is a matter of perfect indifference as regards the true interests of the chufch, and may be regulated as seems good to persons of ordinary capacity; although it is notorious from the history of the past, that infinite evil has come into the church from individual caprice in such things, and that if we had wanted this portion of the apostle's writings, we should have been without the best materials we now possess for understanding the original polity and government of the church. Indeed, as Alford has remarked, the opponents of the apostolic authorship of the epistles have most effectually defeated themselves on the aspect of the matter now under INTRODUCTION. 1 7 consideration., " Schleiermacher, holding First Timothy to be compiled out of the other two, finds it in many respects objectionable and below the mark ; Baur will not concede this latter estimate ; and De Wette charges Schleiermacher,, with having failed to penetrate the sense of the writer, and found faults where a more thorough exposition must pro nounce a favourable judgment. These differences may well serve to strike out the argument, and indeed all such purely subjective estimates, from the realms of Biblical criticism." Nor is there any more force in what has been alleged from the structure of the epistles, — those especially to Timothy, — that they want the compactness of Paul's other writings, are somewhat loosely put together, and are occa sionally abrupt in their transitions from one topic to another. As if Paul, in writing to a bosom friend and fellow-labourer, should have observed the same regard to method, and pur sued a like formal treatment of subjects, as in those epistles which were of the nature of regular discussions ! This would have been unnatural ; the more so, as the things which fell to be noticed here were of a somewhat varied' description, partly relating to Timothy's personal behaviour, and partly to the state of affairs in the church. Accord ingly, one of the most striking examples of the unmethodical and abrupt character of the mode of writing characteristic of the epistles — the advice, interjected amid things of higher moment, that Timothy should use a little wine for his stomach's sake and frequent infirmities (i Tim. v. 23) — is, with his usual discrimination, seized upon by Paley as a convincing proof of verisimilitude and genuineness. " In actual letters (he says), in the negligence of a real corre spondence, examples of this kind frequently take place — seldom, I think, in any other production. For the moment a man regards what he writes as a composition, which the author of a forgery would of all others be the first to do, 15 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. notions of order in the management and succession of his thoughts suggest themselves to his judgment, and guide his pen." Thus, what the mere critic, on the, outlook for ob jections, brands with his mark of suspicion, the man of shrewd discernment and practical sagacity, guided mainly by a regard to the habits of actual life, perceived to be one of the surest indications of a genuine frankness and sim plicity. Wieseler, I may add, in a recent article in Herzog's Encyclopaedia (Suppl. iii. p. 296), delivers himself even more strongly, while considering the passage from a slightly different point of view : he conceives the passage, so peculiarly introduced, " to be a striking proof of the genuineness of the epistle, because the deep solicitude manifested in it by Paul for Timothy, not only corresponds , with what is known of his loving heart, but appears so individually coloured, and breaks forth so instantaneously, 'that it could not possibly be counterfeited." A similar judgment might be pronounced upon a request in 2 Tim. iv. 13, equally homely in its character, and equally abrupt in its manner of introduction. There Timothy is desired to bring with him the cloak the apostle had left at Troas, and the books, especially the parchments ; quite natural if the apostle himself so wrote, but a most impro bable and senseless thing for any one to invent in his name ! For " what possible motive there could- be for in serting such minute particulars, unexampled in the aposde's other letters, founded on no incident in history, tending to no result, might well baffle the acutest observers of the phenomena of falsification to declare" (Alford). Without going further into detail here, the conclusion which forces itself upon us from the leading characteristics of the contents and structure of the epistles, is diat it was infinitely more likely they should have proceeded from the hand of St. Paul, than from any one falsely assuming his name. There are ample reasons for the one supposition, INTRODUCTION. 1 9 but none adequate to sustain the other. Had a desire to meet the rising indications of Gnosticism tempted some one to enter the field under false colours, the object would have appeared far more prominent than it actually does, and the epistles would not have presented either the varied or the earnest character which belongs to them. No sinister aim, no predominant idea in the mind of a forger, but only truth and reality, can account for them as they actually exist. Section ii. — Time and Places of Writing. A point remains for consideration, and one certainly not unattended with difficulty, — namely, where to find in the history of the apostle a probable or appropriate time and place for the writing of the epistles. It is a difficulty which respects more especially the First Epistle to Timothy. The second epistle bears to have been written in the closing stage of the apostle's career, when the prospect of martyr dom was staring him in the face. Nor is there anything in the known circumstances of the time that can justly be regarded as incompatible with this supposition. The only room for question is, whether it may have been written toward the close of a first or of a second imprisonment. And on this question opposite opinions have been,- and probably may still be held ; but we shall have occasion to advert to it before we close. As for the Epistle to Titus, since it merely implies a brief connection sometime had by the apostle with Crete, — a connection never touched on in the history of the Acts, — it scarcely admits either of con firmation from circumstantial evidence, or the reverse. It is quite possible, that during the apostle's long sojourn at Corinth, he might have paid a visit to that important island. Or, supposing there was a second imprisonment taking place after a considerable interval from the first, it is per fectly conceivable that opportunity was taken during the 20 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. interval to visit Crete, leaving Titus behind him to complete the organization of the infant churches. Our chief disad vantage here lies in the scantiness of our materials, the chief historical record having closed some time before the termination of his labours. But, from the striking similarity both in sentiment and modes of expression which the Epistle to Titus presents to the two other Pastoral episdes, it can scarcely be doubted that they belong to much the same period in the apostle's history; and no solution of the question can be deemed quite satisfactory which would place a considerable mterval between them. The historical problem has its chief difficulty, as we have said, in connection with the First Epistle to Timothy. In that epistle no allusion is made to any personal arrest or imprisonment ; and for aught that appears, the aposde was quite free when he wrote to regulate his own movements, and discharge his apostolical functions. The most specific historical allusion is at chap. i. 3, where he states that, on setting out for Macedonia, he had besought Timothy to abide still at Ephesus, for the purpose of repressing certain errors in doctrine and corrupt tendencies which had begun to manifest themselves. It is clear from this, and from the whole tenor of the epistle, that the charge devolved on Timothy at Ephesus was one that would require some time for its execution, and that it could not have been St. Paul's intention to assign a very brief limit to it, when, at chap. iii. 14, he expressed a hope of being able to rejoin Timothy shortly {tclxiov). Now there is no period in the history of the apostle, as recorded in the Acts, which exactly meets these conditions, although three several methods have been devised to bring what is recorded into a measure of con formity with them. 1. One, and indeed the readiest to have occurred — adopted by Theodoret, Benson, Michaelis, etc. — was the occasion of the tumult raised in Ephesus by Demetrius and his crafts- INTRODUCTION. 21 men, which greatly imperilled the life of the apostle, and obliged him to leave the city (Acts xix. 24-xx. 1 ; 2 Cor. i. 8). Paul did then actually go from Ephesus to Macedonia. But a notice in the history shortly before, informs us that he had previously sent Timothy and Erastus away into Mace donia, intending himself presently to follow (xix. 22) ; the outbreak of Demetrius only served to hasten a little the period of his departure. But since Timothy had on that occasion been despatched before the apostle, it must plainly have been of some other time that Paul spoke, when he represents himself as having gone to Macedonia, and Timothy as left behind for special work in Ephesus. It is evident also from another consideration, viz. that when he reached Macedonia, he appears either to have rejoined Timothy there, or to have been immediately rejoined by him ; for the Second Epistle to the Corinthians, which was written soon after his going into Macedonia, has the name of Timothy along with his own in the opening salutation. In another epistle also, that to the Romans, which was written only a little later, and after he had proceeded to Corinth, Timothy is mentioned as being at the time with the apostle (xvi. 21). A short period further on, again, his name occurs among several others who left Greece with the apostle, with the view of accompanying him on his last visit to Jerusalem (Acts xx. 4). In such a chain of circumstances, with Timothy always present as a constituent portion, there seems no possibility of getting a situation that corresponds with the opening statement of the epistle. 2. Nor do they suit any better with another mode of explanation, — one adopted by Grotius, Hammond, Ber- tholdt, etc.,, — according to which, while the deputies who accompanied Paul from Greece to Jerusalem went before to Troas, where they waited for the apostle (Acts xx. 5), Timothy, it is supposed, may, have proceeded to Ephesus, where he was followed by this epistle, requesting him to 22 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. attend to certain matters of importance, and to abide till Paul himself should come. This is altogether improbable, and at variance with the language employed. For, in such a case, it could not with truth have been said that Timothy was besought to abide still at Ephesus {irpoo-iieivai) after the apostle had left it. Or, if an earlier period were thought of, as has been done, when Timothy was left behind at Ephesus, though he had rejoined the apostle before his work was completed, and again went back from Troas to resume and finish it, the supposition becomes so peculiarly complicated, that it cannot be accepted as a natural explanation of the historical allusion in the epistle. Besides, Paul could not have said at Miletus, a few days after leaving Troas, to the Ephesian elders, that he expected to see their face no more (Acts xx. 25), and yet have written Timothy that he hoped ere long to be with him at Ephesus. 3. A third hypothesis has been formed, and, with several modifications, has met with support from men of thought and learning. Mosheim was the first to propose the solu tion, according to which there was a temporary visit of Paul to Macedonia, and perhaps to other parts of Greece, some time during his three years' sojourn at Ephesus, — a visit left unnoticed in the history of the Acts. Mosheim thought this view afforded an explanation of an apparent discrepance in the notes of time given in the Acts respecting the duration ofthe apostle's labours in Ephesus; in one of which, chap. xix. 9, 1 o, he is said to have first continued for three months, meeting and disputing with the Jews in the synagogue ; and in another, that for two whole years he taught in the school of one Tyrannus ; while he himself, in addressing the Ephesian elders, reminded them that his labours among them had been protracted to three years (xx. 31). It is supposed that by this expression the apostle may have meant merely that the burden of his time and active agency for that period had been given to Ephesus, while a portion INTRODUCTION. 23 of it — eight or nine months — may have been spent in Macedonia and elsewhere. And if so, then Timothy may have been left behind at Ephesus to supply the apostle's place, and attend to the matters mentioned in the first epistle. Considered by itself, this supposition is not one that can be designated impossible; and if other things suited, it might (notwithstanding the silence of the writer of the Acts) be accepted as a probable, if not quite natural, solution of the difficulty. But it is attended with serious embarrassments, which cannot well be got over ; and those who agree in the general about it, fall out among them selves when they go to work out the details. Mosheim placed the supposed visit to Jerusalem early in the three years, without allowing sufficient time for the formation of a church at Ephesus so regularly organized, and the develop ment of tendencies so evidently heretical, as is implied in the epistle. Therefore Schrader and Wieseler have pre ferred throwing the time back to the latter part of the period in question ; but they connect with this tour, be sides the visit to Macedonia, a visit also to Achaia and Crete, and even to Cilicia and Antioch. It seems, however, by no means likely that Paul would have pursued such a lengthened course of ministerial agency in these other places, while matters were plainly emerging at Ephesus which called for delicate and authoritative ' dealing. Some very urgent reason would have been re quired to ,make him do so ; of which, however, we know nothing. Then, it is difficult to conceive that at any period during the three years, and while Paul himself was taking the chief charge at Ephesus, the teachers of false doctrine should have begun to- assume so dangerous an aspect ! their having done so would rather seem to argue his absence for some considerable time, and more favour able circumstances for their mischievous purposes. We may the rather conclude thus, as at a later period still, when 24 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. addressing at Miletus the elders from Ephesus, it was not yet the actual presence, but only the probable rise, at no distant period, of heretical teachers, respecting which the apostle warned them. Still further, the epistle, in its gene ral character and bearing, seems plainly to point to a much more prolonged and responsible agency on the part of Timothy at Ephesus, than he was at all likely to have had devolved on him if the apostle had only left it for a brief missionary tour. And lastly, we should be obliged, on the hypothesis in question, to separate the First Epistle to Timothy, and also the Epistle to Titus, from the Second Epistle to Timothy, by an interval of several years ; while yet the cast of thought and expression iri it presents so many resemblances to the two other epistles, and so cha racteristically differs in that respect from those certainly belonging to an earlier time, that it is difficult to believe there did actually exist such an interval. The whole of the Pastoral epistles must be assigned to much the same period, and that later by some years than the other epistles. This combination of difficulties has been felt by many of the more impartial and considerate investigators to be so serious, that they have renounced as hopeless the attempt to find a place for the Pastoral epistles anywhere within the historical period embraced in the Acts of the Aposdes, and have consequently transferred them to a time subse quent to his release from the first imprisonment. So, for example, Paley, Wiesinger, Huther, Conybeare and HOw- son, Alford, Ellicott. It is no new notion, however ; for it was a part of the traditional belief in ancient times con cerning the apostle, that the appeal he took at Cassarea to the Emperor terminated in his favour, and that some years of freedom were granted to him afterwards for the preaching of the gospel. The closing notice in the Acts may itself be taken as proof; for a man who " dwelt two whole years INTRODUCTION. 25 in his own hired house, and received all that came in unto him," could no longer have been looked upon as a culprit : he must either have been acquitted of the charge brought against him, or, as is equally probable, it must have been allowed to drop by the non-appearance of his accusers to support it. They must have seen long before, that in the eye of Roman law they had no proper ground to stand upon. The cause had been heard twice by Roman pro curators at Caesarea, and each time without any legal offence being established against him. Festus even ex pressed his inability to give formal expression to the charge in a form that could render it properly cognisable in a court of law ; and Agrippa, after hearing him, declared his con viction, that but for his own appeal, the prisoner might have been set at liberty (Acts xxv. 27, xxvi. 32). It can scarcely be doubted that lawyers at Rome would come to the same conclusion about it. This result — namely, that Paul was acquitted and again resumed his labours — is confirmed by various allusions and testimonies. When writing from Rome -to the Philippians, some time during his first confinement, he spoke of it as not improbable that he might again be permitted to see them (i. 27). In his Epistle to Philemon also, written probably a little later, he even went further ; and as well-nigh certain of being able to revisit his old field of labour in Asia Minor, he requested Philemon to prepare for him a lodging (ver. 22). Then, passing to the Patristic testimonies, the Roman Clement, in his letter to the church at Corinth, represents Paul as having, after being frequently imprisoned and stoned, gone to the extreme west (ro repp.a ttjs tvo-eas), testifying of the gospel (c. v.), which seems to point to ministrations somewhere farther west than Rome, as the capital of the Empire could scarcely be designated the extremity of the west by any intelligent writer in the Gospel age. Eusebius, giving the common tradition of his time, 26 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. says that, " after pleading his cause, Paul is reported to have been again sent forth upon the ministry of preaching, and that, on coming a second time to the city, he finished his course with martyrdom" {Eccl. Hist. ii. 22). Eusebius connects with this second imprisonment the writing of the Second Epistle to Timothy; and after quoting various passages from it to support the view he takes, he states it as probable that, " since Nero was more disposed to mildness in' the beginning of his reign, the apostle's de fence of his doctrine would be more willingly received ; " but that, as he afterwards advanced to the greatest criminal excesses, the apostles, as well as others, were made to experience the effects. Jerome confirms this testimony in its more essential parts. He says ( Vir. illus!) that Paul was dismissed by Nero to preach the gospel in the west; and he connects the martyrdom of Paul with the fourteenth year of Nero's reign, probably a.d. 68, seven years after Paul first reached Rome, and five after the period at which the narrative of the Acts closes. Holding, then, to the fact of two imprisonments, we may suppose that the apostle, after having regained his liberty from the first, and continued his labours for some time in Rome, went elsewhere to prosecute his apostolic calling. It is possible that he then made good his former purpose of visiting Spain (Rom. xv. 24), though we have, no certain evidence of the fact ; and the more advanced period of life at which he had now arrived would probably induce him, if not altogether to abandon the design, at least to devote little time to its accomplishment. Hence no particular church in Spain appears to have been able to claim him as its founder. It would naturally seem better for him, a work more in accordance with his declining years, to re visit the scenes of his former labours in Greece and Asia, and give to the churches he had been honoured to plant the benefit of what still remained to him of active service. INTRODUCTION. 27 He might the more readily be induced to take this course, from the knowledge he had obtained, that during his long confinement, first in Caesarea and then in Rome, the seeds. of error had begun to spring up in several of those churches, and needed to be repressed with a firm yet tender hand. Indications of this are not wanting in some of the epistles he wrote from Rome. But it is impossible for us to trace with any certainty the course he followed. He had ex pressed a hope of soon being able to see in person his beloved Philippians ; and it is quite probable that Philippi and other parts of Greece; being the more easily reached, might be among the first places he revisited. From thence he may have passed over into Asia, spending more or less time at such places as Troas, Laodicea, Colossse, Ephesus ; at which last place, finding matters in a peculiarly critical condition, and requiring prolonged and careful superin tendence, he left Timothy behind, himself returning to Macedonia, whence he might find his way back to Ephesus or to the Nicopolis which is mentioned in Tit. iii. 12 as the place where he had resolved to spend a winter. It was most ptobably the town of that name in Epirus which was meant, but others have thought of Nicopolis in Cilicia. In some one or other of those goings and returnings he most likely took Crete on his way, and, after a short period of labour, left Titus to complete the work. When the final arrest was laid on the apostle's move ments, whether at the instance of some adversaries of the gospel in the regions he was visiting, or by persons in the Roman capital after he had again returned thither, we cannot tell. The ferocious treatment which the Christians in Rome received from Nero in a.d. 64, would naturally embolden the formerly baffled opponents of the apostle to renew their attempts against his life ; and, taught by past experience, to do it now on more general grounds. The former accusation turned on what might be called dis- 28 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. tinctively Jewish points ; and being laid against one who had the rights of a Roman citizen, the result would necessarily come to be determined by the principles of Roman jurisprudence. But the persecution of Nero had drawn a distinction between Jew and Christian, and had virtually given the adversaries of the gospel a warrant to regard and treat its adherents as in a kind of exceptional position, not entitled to the protection afforded to others by the laws of the Empire. It would therefore be quite easy to get up an accusation against so noted a Christian as Paul, charging him with a violation of the law (for instance) which forbade the introduction of a new and illicit re ligion {religio nova et illicitd), or of being a ringleader of the. party who had set fire to the city. To be so arraigned was to be placed in a far more perilous position than when charged merely with disrespect as to the punctilios of Jewish religiousness ; it was to be brought into conflict with the constitution and safety of the commonwealth, and eyed as a person of dangerous revolutionary principles. On this account, doubtless, it is that we are to explain, not only the different termination of the second impeachment from the first, but also the painfully different behaviour of his friends under it. On the former occasion the apostie seems to have had no reason to complain ; he received from them the most gratifying proofs of sympathy and kindness, so that his prison-house became a centre of attraction rather than a ground of repulsion. But during the second trial all seems sadly changed for the worse : at the first hearing of his case, "no man stood by him;" "all forsook him and fled ; " and things looked so disastrously, that friend after friend departed, one in this direction, another in that. Onesiphorus is mentioned as singular in having " sought him out, not being ashamed of his chain." Luke alone at last remained with him. All, doubtless, because, from the nature of the accusation, it was to imperil one's life INTRODUCTION. 29 even to. appear in a friendly relation to the apostle ; his sympathizers might be involved in the same condemnation with himself. It is evident, from the notices in the closing verses of Second Timothy, that Paul very keenly felt the loneliness in which this state of matters left him; but he clung only the more closely to the one all-sufficient Friend, and found the support he needed. As to the kind of death he suffered, Jerome says it was by being beheaded, and the body was buried in the Ostian Way. But these are only later traditions, and no great value can be attached to them. There is so much of verisimilitude in the general outline just sketched, that it may be acquiesced in as by much the most probable view that can now be entertained of the last days of the apostle. And in addition to the various col lateral circumstances already noticed, which speak in favour of it, there are a few allusions of an incidental kind in the Second Epistle to Timothy, which can scarcely be made to consist with anything but a later1 visit to Greece and Asia, between a first and a second impeachment. Thus, at chap. iv. 13, he requests Timothy to bring with him the cloak and the books he had left at Troas, — a request which can hardly be understood of things left tliere when the apostle was on his way from Greece to Jerusalem, before his arrest in the temple ; since, on any computation, a good many years must have elapsed between that and the writing of the epistle, and many opportunities must meanwhile have occurred to regain possession of the things he had left. Again, it is said in iv. 20, that the apostle had left Tro phimus at Miletus sick, which was certainly not the. case on the occasion of his going up from Greece to Jerusalem ; for not only was Trophimus then with him, but it was his appearance with Paul in the city which afforded the Jews a pretext for charging Paul with defiling the temple, by bring ing Greeks into it. Still further, it is said in the same verse 30 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. that "Erastus abode at Corinth," that is, remained there when Paul left it. But as Timothy himself was with Paul when he left Corinth to proceed to Jerusalem, Timothy could not require to be informed of it; and besides, as years had anyhow elapsed since then, it would have been out of place to notice it as a piece of news now. Every thing seems to point to a succession of circumstances be longing to a period subsequent to the first imprisonment. Of the subscriptions to the three Pastoral epistles, the first is manifestly wrong; for it names Laodicea as the place of writing, while in the epistle itself the writer speaks of himself as having left Ephesus for Macedonia: so that Philippi, or some other town in that region, is most naturally thought of as the place from which it proceeded. There is also an error in the subscription to the Epistle to Titus ; for it gives the date as from Nicopolis in Macedonia, while no Nicopolis is known to have belonged to that province. Probably Nicopolis in Macedonia was a mis take for Nicopolis in Epirus. But even that had been wrong, (see at Tit. iii. 12). So that, out of three sub scriptions, two are almost certainly erroneous. And this is but a sample of the subscriptions generally, which are oftener wrong than right; because, as Paley notes, they were founded on loose traditions, or a hasty view of some particular text. Yet, as he justly adds, " if the epistles had been forged, the whole must have been made up of the same elements as those of which the subscriptions are composed; and it would have remained to be accounted for, how, whilst so many errors were crowded into the con cluding clauses of the letters, so much consistency should be preserved in other parts." INTRODUCTION. .31 Section hi.— Notices of Timothy. The Timothy to whom two of the Pastoral epistles were addressed, was from an early period a close companion and attendant of St. Paul. He is first mentioned in the narrative of Paul's second missionary tour through the cities of Asia Minor (Acts xvi. 1 sq.). He was a native of Derbe or Lystra— of which of them cannot be quite certainly deter mined ; but the probability seems to lie on the side of Lystra, as, in a passage where Gaius and Timothy are mentioned together (Acts xx. 4), the epithet AepPatos is applied only to Gaius, as if in that respect to distinguish him from Timothy. His mother and grandmother were exemplary and pious Jewish females (2 Tim. i. 5), but his father was a Greek. That he was converted to the Christian faith through the ministrations of the apostle, and on the occasion of his first visit to Lystra, there can be little doubt, as the apostle designates him his own or his true child in the faith (1 Tim. i. 2) ; and by the time of the apostle's second visit, he was in good repute among the brethren (Acts xvi. 2). Young as he was, there was something in his spirit and deportment which deeply impressed the apostle with his aptitude for the work of the ministry ; and finding that Timothy himself, and those more immediately interested in him, were disposed to comply with St. Paul's wish in the matter, " he took and circumcised him," because the Jews in the neighbourhood knew that his father was a Greek, and would, as a matter of course, have refused to allow Timothy to utter a word in their synagogues, until he had submitted, to the initiatory prdinance of the covenant (ver. 3). He was afterwards solemnly destined to the work, by the imposition both of the apostle's hands and of the hands ofthe presbytery (1 Tim. iv. 14; 2 Tim. i. 6), though the specific time and place are not mentioned. 32 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. We have no other instance of such a near, unbroken, and prolonged fellowship in the history of apostolic times, as that which appears to have subsisted between Paul and this youthful disciple ; the more remarkable, considering the disparity of their ages. From the period that Timothy entered upon his ministerial discipleship, he seems rarely to have been absent for any length of time from the apostie ; and even when not expressly mentioned among his com panions, some turn in the affairs, or incidental expression, reveals the presence of the beloved disciple. Thus, in the narrative of the Acts, Paul and Silas are alone mentioned as having come to Philippi, preaching the gospel : yet Timothy, it appears, must also have been with them ; for, when Paul was sent away from Berasa to Athens, Silas and Timothy are said to have remained behind (Acts xvii. 14 sq.). His youthful appearance, in all probability, saved him from the violent treatment which Paul and Silas had to endure at Philippi, and the other places they visited in that region. After staying for some time at Berasa, and, at Paul's request, returning again to Thessalonica (1 Thess. ii. 5, iii. 2), he rejoined the apostle at Corinth, along with Silas (1 Thess. iii. 6). He seems to have continued with the apostle during his long stay in that city ; and the name of Timothy, as well as that of Silas, is coupled with his own by the apostle in both of the epistles to the Thessalonians, which were sent from Corinth. We next find him with St. Paul at Ephesus (Acts xix. 22), whence he was sent with Erastus to Macedonia and Corinth (1 Cor. iv. 7, xvi. 10). He was again with Paul in Macedonia when the Second Epistle to the Corinthians was written, in which his name has a place in the address, along with Paul's. He was also with Paul at Corinth during the brief sojourn there, when the Epistle to the Romans was written, although his name is not in the address (Rom. xvi. 21); and he was one of those who accompanied the apostle from Greece, when INTRODUCTION. 33 he went towards Jerusalem with the contributions of the churches (Acts xx. 4). But the last notice of him in that connection reaches no further than Troas (chap. xx. 5); and for a period of upwards of two years nothing more is heard of him. We can scarcely doubt, however, that he was chiefly at Caesarea during Paul's long imprisonment there, niinistering as far as possible to his comfort, and in every availableway acting for him, and for the interests ofthe gospel. But the next express mention that is made of him is in some of the epistles written by Paul from Rome ; though we are without any information as to the mode of his transference thither — whether by accompanying the apostle (as is most likely) in his perilous voyage, or going by some other route. His name, at any rate, occurs in three of the epistles sent from Rome — those to Philippi, Colossae, Philemon — fol lowing that of Paul in the opening address ; and in the Epistle to the Philippians there is a very strong and favour able testimony given respecting Timothy, placing him above all the other fellow-labourers of the apostle for thorough devotedness of spirit and self-sacrificing zeal : " But I trust in the Lord Jesus to send Timothy shortly unto you, that I also may be of good comfort when I know your state. For I have no man like-minded, who will naturally care for your state ; for all seek their own, not the things which are Jesus Christ's. But ye know the proof of him, that, as a son with ¦ his father, he hath served me in the gospel" (Phil. ii. 19-22). Whether Timothy was able to fulfil the mission here con templated cannot be certainly determined ; nor do we know much of his future course, except that he appears to have also, like his master, suffered unto bonds (Heb. xiii. 23) — showing that he did not want the martyr spirit; and after having for a time accompanied Paul in his apostolic .labours during the period between his first and second imprison ment in Rome, Timothy (as we learn from the two epistles addressed to him) was left at .Ephesus^s^P^eapr^dsi^ 34 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. Paul went to labour elsewhere. The last request from the apostle to him, of which we have any record, is one en treating him to hasten with all speed to Rome, that Paul might see him again before he suffered. But whether this solace was granted to him or not, remains doubtful. The connection between the two probably lasted from about a.d. 51 to a.d. 67 or 68. The character of Timothy is chiefly to be inferred from the incidental notices of him which have been alluded to. It speaks much for his stedfast faith, his warm piety, and unflagging zeal, that he should have remained so firm in his attachment to the apostle, sharing with him in all his trials, dangers, and labours ; and not less that the apostle should so fondly have clung to him, and so highly appreciated him. Attempts have been made to show that some abatement has to be made in this respect in the later period of their connec tion ; but, I am convinced, entirely without success, as I have endeavoured to prove in the exposition of those passages in the Second Epistle on which the charge has been chiefly grounded. To the last, St. Paul appears to have reposed in Timothy the fullest confidence, and to have made him the object of the fondest solicitude and affection. Impor tant and responsible duties were devolved on him, in the discharge of which his name is associated with no failure or disappointment. And yet he seems to have been fitted for a subordinate rather than a primary place in ministerial agency; and he may have been constitutionally deficient, to some extent, in decision and practical energy. This impression is not unnaturally produced by the very urgent entreaties to watchfulness and fidelity addressed to him in the epistles ; and is confirmed by the total absence of any memorials of his agency, except in connection with his spiritual father. No church appears to have claimed him as its founder. INTRODUCTION. 35 Section iv. — Notices of Titus. Extremely little is known of Titus, either as a man or as an evangelist. The accounts that have reached us about him are 'quite incidental and fragmentary. His name never occurs in the history of the Acts ; which is sornewhat strange, as we know from the Epistle to the Galatians that he was with Paul and Barnabas at Antioch, and accompanied them to Jerusalem when they went to have the dispute settled about circumcision (Gal. ii. 1-3). We learn, from the brief notice given us of what took place on that occasion, that Paul sternly refused to have him circumcised, as some of the Jewish Christians wished; because he saw that in his case the principle of gospel liberty was at stake, and must at what ever hazard be vindicated. It therefore appears not only that Titus was a Gentile, but that he must have also been employed chiefly in ministering to Gentiles, or to churches in which these formed the predominating element. He appears, at a later period, to have been with Paul and Timothy at Ephesus, doubtless sharing with these in the manifold labours attendant on the planting of the church in that centre of idolatry and corruption. From Ephesus he was sent forth by Paul to Corinth, for the purpose of stimu lating the brethren to get forward their contributions for the poor saints at Jerusalem (2 Cor. viii. 6, xii. 18). He rejoined the apostle in Macedonia, and cheered him with the report he brought, not only of the progress of the contributions, but also of the salutary effect produced by the first epistle of Paul to the church at Corinth (vii. 6-15). In the whole of these delicate transactions he appears to have conducted himself with great prudence and fidelity. The precise period when he went with the apostle to Crete cannot (as already stated) be ascertained. But that the work entrusted to him there bespoke the high confidence 36 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. placed in him by the apostle, admits of no doubt. And subsequently to this, only one notice more occurs of him ; it is in 2 Tim. iv. 10, where he is said to have gone to Dal matia. The fact alone is mentioned, and we cannot be sure whether it took place before the apostle was again laid under arrest, or previously to it. It served, among other things, to make the apostle feel more lonely and desolate ; but we are not thence warranted to infer that any blame on account of it was attributable to Titus. THE GREEK TEXT OF THE EPISTLES ENGLISH TRANSLATION. nPOS TTMOOEON A'. I. 1 JJavAos dirooToAos Xpurrov 'Itio-oS KaT imrayrp' ®eov o"te>ri?pos ijp.fiv Kai Xpiorov 'Iijcrov t»)s eAttiSos r/puav 2 TifioOe tekvo> ev mcrra. XaP's> s xP^Tai, 9 £l8a>S TOVTO, OTI SlKat'a) vop.os ov KEtrai, dvo- p.ois 8e Kai dvv7roTaKTOis, acrefiecri Kai dp-apTtoAois, dvoo-iois Kai fteftijX.oi'S, TraTpoAioais Kai pirrpoAaKus, dv8po£ Xpiarai "Iijo-ov tu Kvpia> rjfimv, oti ttiotov p,€ rtyrKraro 6ep.evoi £is SiokoviW, 13 to irporepov ovra fSXdxr^rjfiov Kai SiaWiiv Kal ifSpiarrpf aAAa tjAoj&jy, oti dyvoSv iiroCrjo-a iv airurria, 14 VTrepeTrAeovao-ev 8e ») X'V'5 T0" Kvpiov THE FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. I. i Paul, an apostle of Christ Jesus, according to the commandment of God our Saviour, and Christ Jesus our hope ; 2 to Timothy, [my] true child in the faith : Grace, mercy, peace from God the Father, and Christ Jesus our Lord. 3 According as I besought thee when setting out for Macedonia, [so I do now], to abide still at Ephesus, in order that thou mightest charge some not to teach any other doctrine; 4 nor to give heed to fables, and endless genea logies, inasmuch as they minister strifes rather than God's dispensation that is in faith. 5 Now the end of the charge is love out of a pure heart, and a good conscience, and faith unfeigned : 6 from which some having swerved, they turned aside into vain talk ; 7 desiring to be teachers of the law, without understanding either what things they speak, or concerning what things they affirm. 8 We know, indeed, that the law is good, if one use it lawfully ; 9 knowing this, that the law is not made for a righteous person, but for the lawless and unruly, for the ungodly and sinful, the unholy and profane, for smiters of fathers and smiters of mothers, for murderers, 10 for fornicators, abusers of them selves with mankind, men-stealers, liars, perjured persons, , and if there be anything else that is contrary to the sound instruction ; 1 1 according to the gospel of the glory of the blessed God, which was committed to my trust. 12 I give thanks to Christ Jesus our Lord, who hath strength ened me, for that he reckoned me faithful, appointing me to the service [of the ministry] ; 13 though I was formerly a blasphemer, a persecutor, and outrageous : but I obtained 40 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. r)p,Grv pETa. ir«TT£0)S Kai dydirrf? rrjs iv Xpior<3 Itjo-ov. 15 7tio"tos 6 Aoyos Kai ?rdoT7s diroSox^s a£ios, oti Xpioros It70"ovs rikdev Eis tov Koo-fiov dp,apTv TricrTEveiv E7r' avT<3 eis ^cotjv aiaiviov. 17 T(3 8e j8ao-iAei tSv aialvcov, d dopdra) p.ova> ©em, Tip.77 Kai 8o£a eis tovs aiaivas tGv aiwvcov dpvrjv. 18 TavTr/v tt)v irapayyekiav irapariQepxd aroi, tekvov Tip.o- 0ee, Kara Tas irpoayovo-as eVi o~e irpotprjreias, iva o-TpaTevcriy ev avrais T>yv koAt)v orpaTeiav, 19 exo-dfi,evoi irepl ttjv itio-tiv evavdyijo-av 20 (Lv eoriv 'Yp-eVaios Kai 'AAe£av8pos, ovs TrapeSaiKa tu craTava, iva 7rai8ev0a>criv p,r) f3\ao-v dvOpmirmv, 2 xnrep fSaxTt- Aeiov Kai tiwtcdv tgjv ev iirepoyrj ovtoiv, iva rjpefiov koj. r)o-v)(iov /3iov Sidyuifiev iv iroury evcre^Seia Kai o-ep-voTijTi. 3 tovto koAov koi diroSeKTOV ivunriov tov o-(OTrjpov, dvOpmiro's Xpioros Il7O"0VS, 6 6 8ovs eavTov dvTi'AvTpov vxep 7rdvTcov, to fiapTvpiov ¦caipois 18101s, 7 eis b ereOrp/ eyo) Krjpv£ Kai d7rdo-ToAos, dAij^eiav Aeya), ov i//ev8opai, 8i8do-KaAos iOvS>v iv iriarei Kai dkr/Oeia. 8 BovAop-at ovv irpocrev-^eo-Bai tovs dvSpas ev iravri Tomo CTraipovTas ocriovs x6'Pas XwPts °Py>)s Kai 8iaAoyio-p.ov" 9 aWav- T(os Kai yvvaiKas ev KaTaoroAj} KOO-p,ia>, fieTa. aiSovs Kai oroitppo- cvvrji Koo-fjieiv eavrdi, p.r) iv irXey/xao-iv ko.1 xpuo-ai V p-apyapiVais THE FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. 41 mercy, because I did it ignorantly in unbelief. 14 But the grace of our Lord superabounded with faith and love that are in Christ Jesus. 15 Faithful is the word, and worthy of all acceptation, that Christ Jesus came into the world to save sinners, of whom I am chief. 16 Howbeit for this cause I obtained mercy, in order that in me first Jesus Christ might show forth all long-suffering, for a pattern to those who are going to believe on him to life everlasting. 17 Now to the King of the ages, the incorruptible, invisible, only God, be honour and glory, for ages of ages (or, for ever and ever). Amen. 18 This charge I commit to thee, child Timothy, accord ing to the prophecies which went before on thee, in order that in them thou mayest war the good warfare ; 19 hold ing faith and a good conscience, which some having thrust away, concerning faith made shipwreck : 20 of whom is Hymenaeus and Alexander, whom I delivered over to Satan, that they might leam not to blaspheme. II. i.I exhort then, first of all, that petitions, prayers, supplications, thanksgivings, be made for all men ; 2 for •kings, and all that are in . authority ; in order that we may pass a quiet and tranquil life in all godliness and gravity. 3 For this is good and acceptable before our Saviour God ; 4 Who willeth all men to be saved, and to come to the full knowledge of the truth. 5 For there is one God, one Mediator also of God and men, [a] man Christ Jesus; 6 who gave himself a ransom for all — the testimony for its own seasons. 7 Whereunto I was appointed a herald, and an apostle (I speak the truth, I lie not), a teacher of the Gentiles in faith and truth. 8 I wish, then, that prayer be made in every place by men, lifting up holy hands, without wrath and doubting. 9 Likewise also, that women adorn themselves in orderly apparel, with shamefastness and dis cretion; not in plaitings, and gold, or pearls, or costly 42 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. 77 Ifiarurfua ttoAvteAei, 10 dAA' o irpiirei ywai£lv iirayyeXXofie- vais 6e6o-ef3euw, 81' tpybiv dyaOutv. 11 IW^ ev rio-vyia fuxv&a- veto) ev irdxrrj virorayy- 12 8i8do-Keiv Se yvvaiKi ovk iirvrpeiroj, oiSe av0evTeiv dvSpos, dAA' eivai iv r/o-vxia. 13 'ASap. yap irpSTos eirXda-drf, etra Eva. 14 Kai 'ASap. ovk rpraTrfirf, r) Se ywi) iiairamjOeura iv irapaf3do-ei yeyovev, 15 o-usBrfrerai Se Sia tj^s TeKvoyovias, eav p.eivpoo-vvijs. III. 1 IIio"tos 6 Aoyos* ei tis EVicrKOiriJs opeyerai, KaAov epyov iiriOvfiei. 2 Sei ovv rbv hruxKoirov dveirCXyfiirrov Eivai, pias yvvaiKOS dVSpa, vrjtpdXiov, o-dxppova, Kocrpiov, tX6£evov, SiSaK- tikov, 3 pi} irdpoivov, fir) irXr/KTr/v, dAAa eitieikt}, dfiaxov, d#eis eis Kpip,a ifiireio-Q tov 8uxf36Xov. 7 Sei Se Kal papTvpiav koAtjv exeiv airo twv e£u>6ev, iva p.77 eis dvei8io"pov ifiirecry Kal irayiSa tov 8iaf36Xov. 8 Aioko'vovs a)a"avVa>s 0-ep.vovs, p.7j SiAoyovs, p/>) oiva> iroXXa 7rpoo-e^cvTas, fir) aio-xpoKepSei's, 9 exovTas to fivo-rrjpwv Tr)? irwrTeois ev KaOapa o-vveiSr/o-ei, 10 Kai ovtoi Se hoKifwffaBwo-av irpuyrov, etra 8iaKoveiTtuo"av dvEyKAjTTOi ovtes. 11 yvvaucas wcravTCOS 0-ep.vds, pij 8ia/3oAovs, vrjcpaXCovs, iriaras ev uwiv. 12 Skikovoi Iotii)- cav p,tas yvvaiKos avSpes, Teavrnv koASs irpo'urrdp.evoi Kai tSv 181W oikwv. 13 01 yap KaAais SiaKovTjo-avTes fSaOpubv eavTois KaAov 7repi7roiovvTai Kai itoAAtjv irappr/o-iav ev n-iorei -ry iv XpiOT<3 IllO"OV. 14 Tavrd 0-01 ypd, aveXyfitpOrf iv 86£rj. TV. 1 To Se irvevfia pr/Tws Aeyei on ev vorepots Kaipois diroo~Tr]o~ovTai Tives ttjs irio"Teo)S, irpoo-iyovTes irvevfiaxriv irAa- vois Kai SiSao-KaAiais 8aip.oviev8oAoya>v, KeKavo-Trjpiacrp.evu>v Tr)v iSiav o-vveiSyo-iv, 3 kcoAvovtojv yap-eiv, dire\eo-&ai /3pa)paTO)v, a 6 ©eos eKTMrev eis fieTdXrffUJ/iv pera evxapio-Tias tois iricrrols Kai iireyvwKoa-i rrjv aXrjOeiav. 4 oti 7rav KTicr/xa ©eov KaAov, Kai ovSev dirof3Xr]Tov p.era evxapunias Xafifiavofievov 5 dyid£erai yap 8ia Aoyov ©eov Kai evT£vf£&>s. 6 Tavra viroTi6ep.evos tois dSeA^>ois koAos eo"17 Siokovos Xpicrrov Itjo"ov, ivTpecpOfievos tois Aoyois ttjs iriorecos Kai ttjs koAtjs SiSaavcaAias i) irapr/KoXovOrfKas' 7 tovs Se f3ef3rjXovs Kal ypaolSeis fivOovs irapaiTOV. yvfivat,e 8e o-eavTOV irpbs eiicref3eiav. 8 77 yap o-(op.aTiKr) yvpvacria irpos oAiyov eotiv o>eXifios' r) Se £vo-e/3eia irpos irdvra djcpiXifios eo-riv, iirayyeXiav exovcra fjarjs ttjs vvv Kai ttjs fieXXovo-rjS. 9 irio"Tos 6 Aoyos Kai irdaTjs diro- Soxrjs d£ios. 10 eis tovto yap Komiofiev Kai dymviZpfieOa, oti rjXiriKafiev iiri ©ec3 tfisVTi, os eariy o-wrr)p irdvTwv dvOpiLirmv, pdAioTa itio"tSv. 11 IlapdyyeAAE ravYa Kai 8i'8ao-Ke. 12 firf8eis o"ov ttjs veo- ttjtos KaTa(ppoveiT(i>, dXXb. tvttos yivov tujv iticttSv, ev Aoyco, ev dvao-Tpo(py, iv dyairy, iv irioTei, ev dyveia. 13 Ia>s epxofiai irpocexe ttj dvayvwcrEt, tt) irapaKXyo-ei, ttj SiSao-KaAia. 14 p.77 dfieXei tov iv o~oi xaptcpOTOS, b eSo#T/ 0-01 8ta irpoavepa y iraxriv. 16'enexe o-£avT(3 Kai ttj SiSacrKaAia, eirifieve avrois- tovto yap iroiwv Kal o-eavTOV crakreis Kai tovs aKOvovrds crov. V. 1 npecr/3vTEpa) p.7j iiriirXrjiys dXXa irapaKaXei &s irarepa, vetotEpovs (is dSeAipovs, 2 irpeo-fivTepas cos p-rtrepas, vewTepas ios dSeAcpas ev irday dyveia. 3 Xijpas Ti/xa tos ovtws x^P"*- 4 ei 8e tis X^P™ TeKva tj eKyova exei, pav^avETcacrav irpuiTOV tov iSiov oikov eio-efieiv Kai dp.oi/3as diroSiSovai tois irpoyovois' tovto ydp iaTiv dirdSeKTOV evcoiriov tov ©eov. 5 tj Se ovtois XVPa *ca' fiefio- viofievrj TjAiriKev Jiri ©eov Kai irpocrfievei Tais Setjcteo-iv Kai rats irpocrevxais vvktos Kai yp-epas' 6 tj Se OTraTaAajcra £aVra reOirq- Kev. 7 Kai ravra irapdyyeXXe iva dveiriXr/fiirTOi Scriv. 8 ei Se tis tSv i8ia>v Kai p.dAicrra oiKeiaiv ov irpovoeiTOi, ttjv irio'Tiv rfpvrjrai ko.1 ecrriv diricrTOV xeipov. 9 Xijpa KaTaXeyeo-8a) fir) eAarrov eVGv efijKOVTO yeyowia, evos dvSpos yuVTj, 10 ev epyois KaAois fiapTvpovfihrq, ei etekvo- Tpotpr/o-ev, el i£evo86xyo-ev, ei dyia>v iroSas evii//ev, ei 0Xij3ofievois iirtfpKeo-ev, ei iravTi epya) dyaOiS eirrjKoXovOrKrev. 1 1 V£a>Tepas Se xVPais irapairov- orav yap KaTacrTprfvido-too-iv rov Xjyio-rov, yafieiv OeXoVo-iv, 12 exovcrai Kpipa on ttjv irpwrtfv irurTiv r)0e- TTjcrav 13 dp.a Se Kai dpyal fiav9dvovo-iv irepiepxofievai tos oiKias, ov povov Se. dpyai aAAa Kai tov craTava. 16 ei tis tticttt) exEi XVPa^> hrapKturOia avrais, Kai p.77 [3apuir0o> r) eKKXyo-ia, iva rais ovtcds X*?PatS hrapKeo-y. THE FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. 47 of the hands of the presbytery. 15 Be mindful of these things; be in them, In order that thy progress may be manifest to all. 16 Give heed to thyself and to the teach ing ; continue in them ; for, by so doing, thou shalt save both thyself and them that hear thee. V. 1 Reprimand not an elderly person, but exhort him as a father, younger men as brothers ; 2 elderly women as mothers ; the younger as sisters, with all purity. 3 Honour widows that are widows indeed. 4 If, however, any widow has children or grandchildren, let them first learn to show piety in their own home, and requite their parents, for this is acceptable before God. 5 But she who is a widow indeed, and desolate, has set her hope on God, and abides in suppli cations and prayers night and day. 6 But she that lives deliciously is dead while she lives. 7 And these things en join, in order that they may be without reproach. 8 But if any one provides not for his own, and especially for those of his diwn houpe, he has denied the faith, and is Worse than an unbeliever. — 9 Let a widow be enrolled who has become not less, than sixty years old, wife of one man, 10 well reported of in respect to good works ; if she brought up children ; if she entertained strangers ; if she washed the feet of saints ; if she relieved the distressed ; if she followed after every good work. 1 1 But younger widows decline : for when they shall become wanton against Christ, they desire to marry; 12 having condemnation, because they made void their first faith. 13 Moreover, they learn also to be idle, going about from house to house ; and not only idle, but tattlers also, and busybodies, speaking things which they ought not. 14 I wish, therefore, that the younger [widows] marry, bear children, manage the house, give no occasion for reproach to the adversary. 15 For already some have turned away after Satan. 16 If any woman that believes hath widows, let support be given to them, and let not the 48 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. 17 Oi KaAfis irpoearwres irpeafSvrepoi SiirAijs Tipajs dfiov- aBoxrav, fidXio-Ta oi koitiSvtes ev Aoya> Kai SiSacrKaAia. 18 Aeyei yap tj ypacpy- /3ovv dXom/ra ov epifiiaaeis, Kai- dfios 6 ipydrys tov fiiaOov avrov. 19 Kara, irpea/3vrepov Karrjyopiav p.r) irapa- Sexov, Jktos ei p/ij eiri 8vo tj rpiusv fiaprvptmv. 20 Tovs dfiaprd- vovras evwiriov irdvroiv eAeyxe, iva Kai ol Xoiirol s p.TjSevi iirirl- 6ei, pTjSe Koivwvei afiapriais dAAorpidis. creavTOV dyvov rypei. 23 pTjKen vSpoiroTEi, aAAa oivv 'Itjctov XpicrTov Kai tt) KaT eiae/3eiav SiSacrKaAia, 4 Terv^KOTai, p.7j8ev iiriardfievos, dAAa vocrSv irepi ^TjTTjcreis Kai Xoyofiaxias, ef uiv yiverai 66vos, epis, /3Aacrc/>Tjp,iai, virovoiai irovypal, 5 Siairapa- rpifSal 8iev rbv vovv Kai direo-repTjpeViov ttjs dAij^eias, vop.i£dvTU)V iropiap.ov eivai ttjv evcre/3eiav. 6 etrnv Se iropiafibs peyas tj evaefSeia fiera. airapKeias. 7 ovSev yap eicnj- THE FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. 49 church be burdened, that it may relieve those who are widows indeed.- 17 Let the elders who govern well be counted worthy of double honour, especially those who labour in word and teaching. 18 For the Scripture saith, Thou shalt not muzzle an ox while treading out [the corn] ; and, The labourer is worthy of his hire. 19 Against ' an elder receive not an accusation, except it be upon two or three witnesses. 20 Those that sin rebuke before all, in order that the rest also may have fear. 21 I solemnly charge thee before God and Christ Jesus, and the elect angels, that thou keep these things, without prejudging, doing nothing by partiality. 22 Lay hands on no one hastily, neither' be partaker in other men's sins. 23 No 'longer drink water, but use a little wine for thy stomach's sake, and thy frequent ailments. 24 The sins of some men are manifest, going before to judgment ; with some, again, they follow after. 25 In like manner also the works that are good are manifest, and those that are otherwise cannot be hid. VL 1 Whoever are under the yoke as bond-servants, let them reckon their own masters worthy of all honour, that the name of God and his doctrine may not be blasphemed. 2 But such as have believing masters, let them not despise them, because they are brethren ; but the rather serve them, because they who receive the benefit are faithful and be loved. These things teach, and exhort. 3 If any one teacheth other doctrine, and does not assent to sound words, those [namely] of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the instruction that is according to godliness ; 4 he is carried with conceit, knowing nothing, doting about questions arid word-fightings, whence come envy, strife, blasphemies, evil surmisings, 5 settled feuds of men corrupted in their mind and destitute of the truth, who suppose that godliness is gain. 6 But godliness with contentment is great gain. 7 d . SO THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. veyKafiev eis rbv Koafiov, on ovSe iieveyKeiv n Swdfieda' 8 exovTes Se Siarpocpas Kal aKeirdap/ura, rovrois dpKeaoyao- fieda. 9 oi Se f3ovX6p.evoi irXovreiv ifiiriirrovaiv eis ireipacrp-ov Kai irayiSa Kai iiriOvfiias iroAAas dvoTjrovs Kai f3Xaf3epas, airi- ves pvOitflvaiv tovs dvBpdirovs els oXedpov koi diriaXeimr. 10 pi£a yap irdvrwv tSjv KaKoyo- vovvtos to irdvra Kal Xpiorov Itjo-ov tov fmprvpyaavros iiri IIovtiov n.EiAdVov ttjv koAtjv 6p.oAoyiav, 14 rypyaai ae rrjv ivroXyv aairiXov dveiriXyfiirrov fi&xpi ttjs iiriv alwviwv, 3 icpavepwaev Se Kaipois ISiois rbv Xoyov avrov ev KTjpvypan, o iiriarevOyv iyib Kar iirirayrjv rov aiarrjpos ypiwv ®eov, 4 Tiro) yvyalw tekvo) Kara koivtjv irianv. X"Pts Ka' *ipyvy dirb ©eov irarpbs Kal Xpiarov lyaov rov awrypos yfiwv. 5 Tovtov X"-Plv direXiirov ae iv jUpyry, iva ra Xeiirovra iiri- SiopBway Kai Karaaryays Kara. iroXiv irpea(3vrepovs, &s iyti> aoi Siera^dfiyv, 6 ei tis Icrriv dveyKXyros, p.ias yvvaiKos dvijp, re/cva eXj- awfiev iv tw vvv aliovi, 13 irpoa8ex6fievoi ttjv fiaxapiav iXiriSa Kai iirupdveiav rrjs 8d£rjs tov peydAov ©eov Kai o-(i)Trjpos 7jp.Sv Xpiorov 'Itjctov, 14 os eSoiKev EavTov virep tj/xuv iva Xvrpwayrai yp,3.s airo iraays dvopias Kai KaBapiay eavrw Aaov irepiovaiov, tyjXwryv koXwv epywv. 15 Tavra AdAet Kat irapaKaAei Kai eAeyxe pera irdcrris ejri- Tayr^s' pyijSeis aov irepuppoveirw. THE EPISTLE TO TITUS. 55 are pure : but to them that are defiled and unbelieving is nothing pure ; but both their mind and conscience are defiled. 16 They profess that they know God ; but in works they deny [him], being abominable, and disobedient, and unto every good work reprobate. II. i But speak thou the things which become the sound instruction [of the gospel] : 2 that the aged men be sober, grave, discreet, sound in faith, in love, in patience. 3 In like manner the aged women, that they demean themselves as becomes holiness, not slanderers, not enslaved to much wine, teachers of what is good; 4 that they school the young women to be lovers of their husbands, lovers of their children, 5 discreet, chaste, workers at home, good, submitting themselves to their own husbands, that the word of God may not be blasphemed. 6 The younger men, in like manner, exhort to be sober-minded. 7 In all things showing thyself a pattern of good works : in thy teaching [showing] incorruption, gravity, 8 sound discourse that cannot be condemned ; in order that he who is of the con trary part may be ashamed, having no evil thing to say of us. 9 Bondmen [exhort to be] in subjection to their own masters, in all things to be well-pleasing ; not gainsaying ; 10 not purloining, but showing all good fidelity; in orddr that in all things they may adorn the doctrine of our Saviour God. — 1 1 For the grace of God, having salvation for all men, was manifested ; 12 disciplining us to the end that, denying ungodliness and worldly lusts, we might live soberly, justly, and godlily in this present world ; 13 look ing for the blessed hope and appearing of the glory of the great God, and of our Saviour Jesus Christ ; 14 who gave himself for us, in order that he might redeem us from all iniquity, and purify to himself a peculiar people, zealous of good works. 15 These things speak, and exhort, and reprove with all authority. Let no one despise thee. 56 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. III. 1 "Yirop.ip.vTjcrKE avrovs dpxats e£ovaiais virord&aeaBai, ireiBapxeiv, irpbs irav epyov dyadbv eroip-ovs eivai, 2 p,ijSeva f3Xaayfieiv, dfidxpvs etvat, eirieiKeis, iraaav evSencwpievovs irpavryra irpbs iravras dvBpwirovs. 3 rjfiev ydp ttote Kai Tjp-eis dvoyroi, aireideis, irXavwfievoi, SovAevoVTes iiridvpiais Kal TjSovais iroiKiAats, ev KaKia Kai (pBovw Sidyovres, arvyyroi, fivaovvres oAAtjAovs- 4 ore Se y xPVa'r°TV's K<" V Tjs aiuviov. 8 iricrros 6 Aoyos, Kai irepi tovtktv f3ov- Xofiai ae 8iaf3ef3aiova6ai, iva ""x f"7 <5criv aKapiroi. 15 Kairdtpvrai ae ol fier ifiov irdvTes. dcr7racrai tovs cpi- AovvTas ijpas ev iriarei. 'H X"Pts P-tTa '"'dvrwv ifiwv. THE EPISTLE TO TITUS. 57 III. i Put them in mind to submit themselves to magis trates, to authorities, to obey rulers, to be ready to every good work, 2 to revile, no man, to be no brawlers, for bearing, showing all meekness unto all men. 3 For we also were once foolish, disobedient, going astray, serving divers lusts and pleasures, living in malice and envy, hate ful, and hating one another. 4 But when the kindness and the love toward man of our Saviour God was manifested, 5 not of works — works in righteousness — which we did, but according to his mercy he saved us, through the laver of regeneration, and [through] renewing of the Holy Ghost ; 6 which he poured out on us richly through Jesus Christ our Saviour ; 7 in order that, being justified by his grace, we might become heirs according to the hope of eternal life. 8 Faithful is the saying, and concerning these things I would have thee strenuously affirm, to the end that they who have believed God may be careful to practise good works. These things are good and profitable to men. 9 But foolish questionings, and genealogies, and strifes, and contentions about the law, avoid ; for they are unprofitable and vain. 10 A heretical man, after one and a second admonition, shun ; 1 1 knowing that such an one is perverted and sinneth, being self-condemned. 12 When I shall send Artemas to thee, or Tychicus, make haste to come to me to Nicopolis ; for I have determined to spend the winter there. 13 Zealously forward on their journey Zenas the lawyer and Apollos, that nothing may be wanting to them. 14 But let ours also learn to practise good deeds for neces sary uses, in order that they may not be unfruitful. 15 All that are with me salute thee. Salute those that love us in the faith. The grace [of God] be with you, all. IIPOS TIMO0EON B'. I. 1 HavAos dirdcTToAos Xpiorov 'Itjctov 81a. deXyfiaros ®eov Kar iirayyeXiav £wrjs rrjs iv Xpiarw 'lyaov 2 Tifiodew dyairyrw tekvo). x^P'5> eAeos, elpyvy dirb ©eov irarpos Kai Xpiorov Itjctov rov Kvpiov yfiwv. 3 Xdpiv exw tu ®ew, w Xarpevw dirb irpoyovwv iv Kadapa aweiSyaei, cos dStdAEnrrov exw ryv irepl aov /xvetav iv rats SeTjcre- crt'v pov vvktos Kai yp.epas, 4 iiriirodwv ae ISeiv, fiepuvyfievos aov rwv SaKpvwv iva xap5s irXypwdw, 5 virofivyaiv Xaf3wv rrjs iv aol avvirOKpirov iriarews, tjtis ivwKyaev irpwrov iv ry j!.dp.p.y aov AwiSt Kat ttj fiyrpi aov Evviktj, ireireiapai Se oti Kai ev croi. 6 Al tjv ainav avafiifivyaKW ae dvat/wirvpeai rb xaptcrpa tov ©eov, o eanv iv aol Sid ttjs eiriBeaews rwv xaPwv fiov. 7 ov ydp ISaucev Tjptv 6 ©eos irvevfia SetAias, aAAa Svvdfiews Kai dydirrjs Kai aw- cppovicrpov. 8 p,r) ovv iiraurxyvBys rb paprvpiov rov Kvpiov yp.wv fiySe ifie rbv Secrpiov avrov, dAAd awKOKOirdjByaov rw evayyeXiw Kara. 8vvap.iv ©eov, 9 tov awaavros ij/xas Kai koAe- o-avros kAtjctei dyta, ov Kara to epya 7jp.Sv dAAd Kara iSiav irpo- Beaiv Kai X&Plv Tr)v oodeurav ypiiv iv Xpiarw 'Itjo-ov irpo xpovwv alwviwv, 10 n'- cravTOS Se t,wyv Kai ds koAos arpariwrys Xpurrov iy- aov. 4 ovSeis arparevofievos ifiirXeKerai Tats rov f3iov irpaypua- Ttais, tva tu arparoXoyyaavri dpeaa. 5 eav Se Kai dc^Ag tis, ov OTe KaKOiradw fiexpi Seafiwv (bs KaKOvpyos, dAAd 6 Aoyos tov ©eov ov SeSerat. 10 Sid tovto irdvra virofievw Sid tovs eVAeKrovs, tva Kat avToi awrypias Tvxaicnv rijs ev Xpicrno 'Irjcrov p,eTa So^tjs aiioviov. 11 IIicrTOS 6 Aoyos- ei yap crvi'airep'dvop.ev, Kai crvv^ijcropev 12 ei virop.evop.ev, Kal avvf3aaiXevaop,ev ei apvyaop,eBa, KaKeivos dpvyaerai 7jp.as- 13 ei dincrTovp.ev, eKeivos irtcrTOS fiivei, dpvyaaaBai yap eavrbv ov Svvarai. 14 Tavra v7roptp.vTjcTKe, Siapaprupdpevos evs ydyypaiva vofiyv e£et. wv iariv 'Yfievaios Kal &iXyros, 18 oirives irepi ttjv dAijp'eiav yaroxyaav, Xeyovres avdaraaiv tjStj yeyovevai, Kai dva rpeirovaiv ryv nvtov irianv. 19 o fievroi arepeos BefieXios rov ©eov ectttjkev, exs Kai tj £Keiveo"ov. 13 tov vXdaaov Xiav yap avreary rois yp,erepois . Aoyois. 16 ev ttj irpwry p,ov diro- Xoyia. ovSeis p.oi irapeyevero, dAAd ttoVtes p.£ eyKaTeAtirov p.Tj avTots XoyiaBeiy 17 6 8e Kvpios p.ot irapeary Kal iveSwdpiwaev fie, iva Si' ep.ov to Kijpvypa irXypo, Tpd our idiom better, without understanding either what things tliey speak, or concerning wliat things they affirm. They spoke, it . would seem, dogmatically enough ; for the verb {Siafiefiaiov- aBai) means to make asseveration, or give forth- one's view in a firm, dogmatic tone. But in doing so, the apostle declares they went beyond their depth ; they merely displayed their own ignorance, and that in two respects — both as regards the things they said, and the topics concerning which they uttered their sentiments. The language is such as might very readily be applied to persons of a dreamy and speculative mood, disposed to take things otherwise than in their plain natural sense ; attempting, as men of a higher order of thought, to refine and soar, and lose themselves in mystic reveries Or fanciful allegorizings. And this, as 84 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. already stated, is precisely the form of evil which we are led to understand then began to develope itself. It was a compound of Gnostic and Judaic elements. The persons who advocated it would keep the law — they would even make more of it than the apostle did ; but then, the law not according to the letter — the law sublimated by the speculative reason, and explained in accordance with the theosophy of the East. A dangerous spirit this in which to meddle with the law ! Even as applied by the thought ful, discreet, Platonic mind of Philo, it served in good measure to evacuate the moral element in the old reve lation, and sought to explain by the help of a mistaken physics many things that should have been viewed with a direct reference to the heart and conscience. But in the hands of inferior men — especially men of a sophistical cast of mind, who wished to employ religion to their own sinister purposes — both the fancifulness of the ex planations given of the law, and its misapplication to other than its legitimate and proper ends, may justly be supposed to have been of a much more marked and conspicuous kind. There would now, probably, be frivolous distinc tions, wild extravagance, possibly licentious freedom cloaked under high-sounding professions, a hunting after everything but that which should have been most especially regarded. And so, indeed, the corresponding passage in Titus dis tinctly tells us, chap. i. 10 sq., "There are many unruly and vain talkers and deceivers, specially they of the circum cision, whose mouths must be stopped, who subvert whole houses, teaching things which they ought not, for filthy lucre's sake." Then he refers to the Jewish fables and commandments of men that turn from the truth, and ¦speaks of tho.se who set them forth as unbelieving, and in their very conscience defiled. Their dreamy refine ments and speculations on the law not only led them into practical neglect of its profoundly ethical spirit, but left I TIMOTHY I. 8. 85 them in a manner incapable of perceiving it — deadened their whole moral nature. And in the writings of St. John, so far as they bore respect to the state of things existing at a later period, and existing in that very region in which Timothy now laboured, we perceive indications of the same spirit, only in a more advanced stage of development. They make mention of " the blasphemy of those which say they are Jews and are not, but are of the synagogue of Satan" (Rev. ii. 9); of persons "teaching the doctrine of Balaam," practising the seductions of Jezebel, and knowing the depths of Satan (chap. ii. 14, 20, 24) ; in short, of men who had so sophisticated their own minds, and tried so to sophisticate the minds of others, that the apostle had to warn the disciples to remember that "he who doeth righteousness is righteous, and that he who committeth sin is ofthe devil;" that "no lie is of the truth;" that for one to say he has fellowship with God, while he walks in darkness, is practically to lie (1 John iii. 7, ii. 21, i. 6). The state of things had come to be such, that it was found necessary to recall them to first principles, and teach them, as it were, the A B C of Christian truth and morality. [Mark here the progression of error in false teaching. What in its first movements may be but a deflectiori in a single line, may in course of time lead to a general de pravation; for example, ritualism in the early church. Mark, too, what is the result of that knowledge and teaching which would soar above the simplicity of the gospel : it ends in licence and corruption — becomes dazzled in the clearer light it affects to live in, and stumbles as in gross darkness.] Ver. 8. The apostle turns here from the false to the true, gives his own view of the nature of the law, and of the right use of it, as contradistinguished from that which he had condemned in others. We know, indeed (so Se' here may be best rendered), that the law is good : our quarrel, therefore, with those pretentious law-teachers is not about the quality 86 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. of the instrument they profess to handle, but only about their manner of handling it ; we know it to be like Him from whom it proceeds — good. The theme, in this point of view, had been already discussed at considerable length in other parts of the apostle's writings, especially in his Epistle to the Romans. Here, as what he says is of the nature of an admission, he merely asserts it ; and then brings in a regulating principle as to that respecting which there was a difference betwixt him and the false teachers at Ephesus, — namely, as to the use or application to be made of the law. The principle is, if one use it lawfully ; that is, in accordance with its proper nature and design. For, if a man mistakes regarding this, he cannot possibly handle the law rightly ; he necessarily turns it into a wrong direction, and loses at least the spirit, if not also the substance, of its teaching. Vers. 9, io. The specific application is here given of the general principle just announced — not, of course, the only application which it admitted of, but the one which was of importance for the present time : knowing this (holding it as a settled point regarding the proper design of the law), that the law is not made for a righteous person. Although vdp.os is here without the article, there seems no reason why it should not be understood of the law of God as revealed in Old Testament Scripture, rather than, with some, of law generally. For parallel passages, see Rom. ii. 25, iii. 30, vii. 1 ; Gal. ii. 19, vi. 13, etc.1 Middleton would take an intermediate view ; he would understand law in the general sense, but take it as inclusive of the law of Moses. It is, however, of this law, specially and peculiarly, that the 1 See Winer, Gr. § 19. 1. He brings the usage under the general rule, that appellatives often want the article, when they are such that only one of the kind exists, or are so used that there can be no reasonable doubt as to what object is intended. Besides vcpos, such words as SixxioiruvM, u-y&wn, and others, are similarly used. I TIMOTHY I. 9, IO. 87 apostle is evidently speaking : for the persons against whom he is directing his remarks assumed to be teachers of law only in this speeific sense ; and we have no reason for sup posing that the subject of law was in any other respect before the mind of the apostle. But law so considered, unless the context plainly determines otherwise, always bears pointed reference to the decalogue ; for this was the law in the more eriiphatic sense — the heart and essence of the whole economy of law ; hence alone deposited in the ark of the covenant. And that this ' here also is more especially in the eye of the apostle, is evident from the different sorts of character presently after mentioned as in tended to be checked and restrained by the law : they admit of being all ranged under the precepts of the two tables. Now this law is not made {ov Keirai, the appropriate expression for the introduction or enactment of a law ; whence oi vdpoi ol Keip,evoi is equivalent to our phrase, " the established laws ") for the righteous (Swcat'co). , By the latter expression is to be understood, not one who in a worldly sense is just or upright (for the apostle is not here speaking of such), but who in the stricter sense is such, — one who, whether by nature or by grace, has the position and cha racter of a righteous man. Why is the law not made for such ? It can only be because he is of himself inclined to act in conformity with its requirements. If Adam had con tinued in such a state of righteousness, he would not have needed any objective revelation of law ; the spirit of the law in his bosom would spontaneously have prompted him to all that is pure and good. And of justified believers now the apostle elsewhere says : " They are not under law, but under grace ; " yet so under grace that sin cannot have dominion over them, and their walk is not after the flesh, but after the Spirit (Rom. vi. 14, viii. 4). It is thus they have found whatever goodness belongs to them, and thus also that they are to go on to perfection — not by serving 08 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. * themselves of the law, or using it as the ladder for reaching to higher attainments in goodness, but by laying hold of, or apprehending, that for which they are apprehended of Christ ; drinking more deeply into the spirit of His gospel, and receiving into their souls fuller impressions of the great realities and hopes it presents to their acceptance. But this bespeaks nothing as to imperfection in the law itself, or the possibility of attaining to a height of excellence beyond its requirements. What is said has respect, not to the kind or measure of goodness men are called to aspire after, but to the way and means necessary to reach it; and when the law is represented as the antithesis of moral evil, in its various forms of irreligious and wicked behaviour, it is manifestly implied that the spirit and aim of the law itself is the perfection of moral excellence. In regard to those for whom, he says, the law is made, — those, that is, who need the check and restraint of its dis cipline, — the apostle gives first a general description : they are the lawless and unruly, or disobedient, the self-willed, fiery and arrogant spirits that would fain spurn from them all surveillance and control. Then he branches out into particulars, the earlier portion of which have respect to offences against God, the later to offences against one's fellow-men : for the ungodly and sinful {daef3eaiv ko.1 dpap- rwXois, both words occurring in i Pet. iv. 18), the unlwly and profane {dvoaiois ko.1 /3£/3tjAois), differing from the preceding pair only in pointing more distinctly to certain manifesta tions of the ungodly spirit, in irreverent and contemptuous behaviour toward the things more peculiarly associated with the name of God. What follows has respect to human relations : for smiters of fathers and smiters of motliers — 7raTpoAa!ais Kai fiyrpoXwais — such is the proper import of the terms, rather than murderers of fathers and mothers ; for the verb (dAdaw or dAoiaBdprw, dopdrw, fiovw (the received text has also o-ocpw, but against the best authorities), are to be coupled with the ®ew which follows, — the whole specifying and characterizing the Being de signated as King of the ages ; He is the incorruptible, in visible, sole God. To Him alone belong honour and glory, and to Him they belong to all eternity. The same ex pressions are together applied to God in Rev. iv. 9, 1 1, and to the glorified Christ in Heb. ii. 9, Rev. v. 13. As to the reason for introducing here such an ascription of praise to God, no other can be assigned than the devout and grateful emotions of the apostle's heart; nor is any other needed. The train of reflection into which he had been led, naturally brought the thought of God very pro minently before him; of God as the free and sovereign dispenser of the grace which he had received, and which had changed the whole state of his condition and prospects. And penetrated with a sense of the infinite greatness and overruling wisdom, power, and goodness of God as mani fested in his own singular history, he rises from the particular to the general, and winds up this touching and personal interlude in his discourse by a devout acknowledgment of God as the Lord of the universe, — of all its ages, and the issues therewith connected, — and glorifying Him as such. Vers. 18-20. In these verses the apostle again returns to his proper theme — that, namely, of giving specific coun sels and directions to Timothy. This charge I commit to thee, child Timothy. What charge? Referring back to ver. 3, we find the apostle charging Timothy (iva irapayyeCXys) respecting those who were acting as teachers at Ephesus, that they should be urged to avoid teaching after a certain manner ; and at ver. 5 he had spoken gene rally of what he held to be the end of the gospel charge {irapayyeXCa), for all who might assume the office of Chris tian instructors. Several commentators have consequently I TIMOTHY I. 18-20. 103 brought the charge mentioned here into direct connection with those earlier passages, as Theodoret, Mack, and some others. It is a serious objection, however, to such a view, that the preceding references to a charge lie so remote from the one before us ; and the subject, also, as here introduced, has the appearance of being in itself both special and com plete. , Most recent commentators, therefore, justly con ceive that nothing more than perhaps an indirect allusion can be supposed to exist here to the charges or commands mentioned previously, and that the more direct and im mediate object of the present charge is expressed in the i'va arparevy which follows. The apostle, in short, has passed from his own peculiar calling, and the trust therewith con nected, to the inferior yet still very important office and trust now committed to Timothy, and lays on him the command to do in regard to it the part of a good soldier of Christ, that he might wage successfully the conflict with evil. The more remarkable part of the passage is the reference it contains to certain prophecies which had been uttered concerning Timothy, and which the apostle in troduces as a kind of justification of the command he is going to lay on his disciple : according to the prophecies that went before on thee, or that were at an early period pro nounced over thee. When precisely these prophecies were uttered, we are nowhere informed ; but the proba bility is that they belong to the period of Timothy's special designation to Christian work under the authority and guidance of the apostle, given then for the purpose of encouraging the church to make the designation, and dis posing Timothy to accede to it. His extreme youth, and possibly also slender frame, might render such intimations of the Divine mind respecting the future course of Timothy in a sense necessary at the commencement of his official connection with St. Paul. And it may be inferred, from the allusion to them here, that they contained indications both 104 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. of the arduous nature of the work which he was called to do, and of the divine aid that should be given him to dis charge it. On this account the apostle speaks of them, not simply as having been given at a definite period in the past, but as being still in a manner operative : in order that in them thou mayest war the good warfare ; in them (ev airdis), not simply, according to them (Huther), but as being, so to speak, encompassed by them, and finding in them whatever thou needest to stimulate and encourage thee amid the perils and difficulties which thou hast to encounter. The apostle thus had, in the prophecies in question, a specific occasion for the charge he was going to deliver; and the object of both was, that the early promise made to Timothy of a successful career in the cause of the gospel might be realized. The image em ployed to describe Timothy's course of Christian activity — that of a warfare — was quite familiar to the apostle. In other passages he uses it of believers generally, Eph. vi. 12; of himself as an apostle, 2 Cor. x. 3,4; and of Timothy again in the second epistle, chap. ii. 3. Ver. 19. Here follows an instruction as to the more essential qualifications for prevailing in such a spiritual warfare : having (or holding, exwv) faith and a good con science; possessing these moral elements as indispensable prerequisites, or accDmpaniments of the work. Faith fitly goes first ; for it is this which provides the Christian com batant with his only valid standing-ground for the conflict, and supplies him with the weapons which alone can enable him to repel the assaults of the adversary, and counterwork his devices. But a good conscience is here faith's necessary handmaid ; for the contest is in the strictest sense a moral one, and a depravation of the conscience is a virtual aban donment of the struggle : it is yielding to the adversary an entrenchment in the citadel. A single flaw even in the conscience is fatal to the believer's security, and his hearti- I TIMOTHY I. 19. 1 65 ness in the work ; nor can it be permitted to exist without gnawing like a worm at the root of faith itself. The man who would do battle for the truth of God must be respon sive in his inmost soul to the claims of divine truth, and render it clear as day that he identifies himself with its interests — is ready, in a manner, to live and die in its behalf. The two, therefore, must go together as insepar able companions : the good conscience can no more be dispensed with than the living faith ; and much must ever depend on the healthful, harmonious, and concurrent action of the two for the result that is attained in the Christian warfare. Sacred history presents too many instances of the dis astrous effects of holding these qualifications apart — the faith without a good conscience, as, in Old Testament times, Balaam, Saul ; in New, Judas, Demas. And here the apostle points to several in the region of Timothy's labours, though he only specifies two by name : which some having thrust away {dirwadfievoi), concerning faith made shipwreck. The relative (tjv) can only refer to the second of the two qualifications previously mentioned, the good conscience; and the manner of dealing with it affirmed of certain parties, can only be understood of violent overbearing suppression : they reso lutely stifled its monitions, or drove from them whatever it suggested in the way of moral suasion to restrain them in the course they were pursuing. They thus, in the first instance, proved false to the convictions of their better nature ; and this, by a natural process of reaction, led them to make shipwreck of faith itself. For faith, having failed to influence their practice, turned as a matter of course into a speculation : their views of divine truth became dim and wavering ; they began first to undervalue, then to disrelish what should have been prized as their necessary food, until at last faith lost its hold altogether of the foundations, and as an anchorless vessel drifted among the rocks of scepticism. 106 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. A melancholy history, of which no age of the church has been without its memorable examples ! Ver. 20. Of whom (the apostle adds) is Hymenceus and Alexander. Both these names occur again in an unfavour able connection (Hymenaeus in 2 Tim. ii. 17, and Alex ander in 2 Tim. iv. 14); and it is a question among com mentators, whether the same persons are in each case denoted by them. In regard to Hymenaeus, there seems no proper reason for doubting the identity. For the name was by no means a common one ; and that it should have been borne by two different persons, both in the same locality, and both exhibiting heretical tendencies, so near the beginning of the church, is against all probability. It has been alleged against this view (by Mosheim and others), that the Hymenaeus in the second epistle is spoken of in milder terms than the one here — in the later reference only as a dangerous errorist to be shunned, in the earher as one cast out like " an abominable branch " from the communion of the faithful. But the different aspects under which the subject is contemplated in the two places, sufficiently account for the different sort of representation employed in each. In the second reference it is his erroneous teach ing which is brought into prominence, and which is charac terized as a denying of the doctrine of the resurrection, and a consequent overthrowing of the faith of those who listened to it, — in that point of view, surely, a strong enough statement, since it denounces Hymenaeus as erring in regard to one of the cardinal doctrines of Christianity, and there by undermining what he should have striven to establish. Here, however, it is the diseased moral state of the man him self, and the disciplinary treatment which it called for, if there was to be any chance of arresting its progress, and saving him from perdition. But this representation concerning the person is no way incompatible with what is afterwards said respecting the doctrine. Both notices are brief ; they give I TIMOTHY I. 20. 107 us only the more prominent features ; but the probability is, from what we otherwise know, that ihe denial doctrinally of the Hteral resurrection was far from standing alone, — that it was simply an indication of that pretentious spiritualistic Gnosticism, which had its worst effect in the moral sophisti cation it wrought in the heart — distorting men's views of the divine life, and blunting their consciences as to the essential distinctions between right and wrong, holiness and sin. — The Alexander who is here coupled with Hymenaeus may or may not be the same person who is mentioned in Second Timothy, designated there as the coppersmith, and a personal enemy of the apostle, " who did him much harm." The name was a very common one, and may have belonged to several persons in the same church or neighbourhood at the period the apostle wrote. It tells also somewhat against the identification, that while both Hymenaeus and Alex ander reappear in the second epistle as the names of false disciples, they are no longer connected together. Philetus is there associated with Hymenasus ; and Alexander is mentioned alone, and apparently as a worker of evil, not at Ephesus, but in Rome, though it is possible enough he may have belonged to the region of Asia. Our materials are too scanty to enable us to draw more definite con clusions. How had the apostle dealt with such offenders ? Whom (says he) T delivered over io Satan, that they might be dis ciplined (or taught by chastisement) not to blaspheme. The verb iraiSevco, though 'its primary meaning was to educate or train up, and it is sometimes so used in the New Testament (as1 in Acts vii. 22), yet usually bears, both in the Sept. and in the New Testament, the sense of scourging, correcting, or chastising with a view to reformation' and improvement (Luke xxiii. 16, 22 ; Heb. xii. 6, 7 ; 1 Cor. xi. 32 ; 2 Cor. vi. 9, etc.). A severe schooling of some sort is therefore meant here — a subduing and corrective discipline, having 108 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. for its object the recovery of the persons subjected to it from their grievous backsliding, and being made to cease • from blaspheming, that is, misrepresenting and calumni ating the truth of God. But what is to be understood of the kind of discipline itself, expressed in the. very solemn and peculiar phraseology of delivering them over to Satan ? It might seem as if this, were it really effected, must have precluded all hope of a better future, and was like con signing the parties concerned to utter perdition. So doubtless it would, if, according to the doctrine of Scripture and the truth of things, Satan were an absolutely inde pendent as well as hostile power, who had an indefeasible right to retain whatever was given as a prey into his hand. But such is by no means the case. Satan is but a creature and an instrument — one who has a definite sphere to occupy and a power to exercise, in relation to the purposes of God's moral government, but still only of a subordinate and ministerial kind. Thus, in Old Testament times, Job was for a season left to be bruised and afflicted by Satan ; only, however, for a season, and in order that he might through the fiery ordeal be raised to a higher purity and a more serene bliss. David, also, in a time of carnal pride and security, was allowed to be tempted by Satan, so as to be thereby drawn into the vortex of severe retri- butory judgments, yet with the ultimate design of having the flesh destroyed and the spirit raised to a nobler ele vation (i Chron. xxi. i ; Ps. xxx.). In New Testament Scripture we are met with the numerous demoniacs on whom our Lord so frequently exercised His healing power ; cases, indeed, respecting which as a whole we have very imperfect information, while yet we have no reason to doubt that in most, if not all of them, the demoniacal agency was of the nature of a chastisement, and was rendered sub servient to great moral purposes for the individuals affected by it (see Matt. xii. 43-45). Still more nearly allied, per- I TIMOTHY I. 20. 109 haps, to the point in hand, was the giving up of Peter and his fellow-disciples to Satan for a season, that they might, for their obstinate blindness and corruption, be sifted as wheat (Luke xxii. 31, 32). It was doubtless on the basis of such considerations and' examples that St. Paul acted here, as previously,, in a somewhat parallel case, at Corinth (1 Cor. v. 5). In respect to that earlier occasion he told the Corinthians, since they had failed in their duty concerning it, that " in the name of the Lord Jesus he had adjudged the offending person to Satan for the destruction of the flesh : " he had done it by virtue of his apostolic function, yet so that the church might bring it home to the party concerned ; as in this case also the church at Ephesus would certainly have to indorse and act upon the apostle's judgment. The infliction in both cases is purposely left general ; its object rather than its nature is indicated : it was ¦ for the destruction of the flesh. But this might partly be accomplished by the shame and mortification of a formal removal from the flock and guardianship of Christ to the desert World, partly by inward remorse and sorrow on account of the guilt incurred, by the sense of forlornness and desolation produced, and possibly also by some outward tribulations — sickness of body, or calamities of life — as salutary warnings and preludes of coming wrath. For the working of such bitter experiences Satan was the proper instrument — the antinomy, indeed, in his aim .and imme diate action of the Spirit of God, whose presence ever makes itself felt in all peace, and joy, and blessing; yet an antinomy which is capable of being turned by the benignant will and controlling agency of God into an ultimate harmony; since the destruction of the flesh effected by the one class of operations might through the other become a fit preparation for awakening in the soul convictions of sin and longings for salvation. So that the delivering to Satan was in the apostle's intention and desire 1 10 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. only an expedient for accomplishing a spiritual cure. It was the most solemn form of excommunication, and betokened that those against whom it was employed were in a most N perilous condition — trembling on the brink of final impeni tence, and if capable of being saved at all, saved only as by fire. The forrri, indeed, was such that it seems to have been regarded as fit for none but an apostle to use, as if he alone had the spiritual discernment to perceive when it should be done, or the authority requisite for doing it with effect. Hence, however common excommunication was in the ancient church, the authorities did not presume to give it this form, not even in the case of the greatest offenders (see Bingham, Ant. B. xvi. c. 2). At the same time, there can be no doubt that the apostohc practice in this respect tended materially to sustain the ancient church in enforcing that stringent discipline by which she was so long distinguished, but which was ultimately carried to an excess that ministered to prevailing errors. CHAPTER II. Ver. 1. I exhort then, first of all, that petitions, prayers, supplications, thanksgivings, be made for all men. The con nection marked here by the ovv with what precedes cannot be designated very close, and our then may more fidy be taken to represent the illative particle than the therefore ofthe Autho rized Version. But it is absurd to deny, with some German critics (Schleiermacher, De Wette), that there is any logical connection whatever. The aposde had immediately before been charging Timothy and others situated like him to take heed to fulfil with all good fidehty the gospel charge, so that they might be able to war a good warfare, and escape the dangers amid which others had made shipwreck. What I TIMOTHY II. I. Ill could be more natural, after this, than to exhort to the presentation of constant prayers in behalf generally of men, and especially of kings and rulers, that by the proper exercise of their authority these might restrain the evils of the time, and make it possible for God-fearing men to lead quiet and peaceable lives ? The multiplication of terms for this intercessory function is somewhat remarkable : petitions {8eyaeis, the simple expression of want or need), prayers {irpoaevxds), supplications {ivrevieis, the same as the preceding, with the subordinate idea of closer dealing, entreaties, or earnest pleadings). The distinction between them cannot be very sharply drawn ; for in several passages certain of them are used where we might rather have ex pected others, if respect were had to the distinctive shade of meaning suggested by the etymology (as in chap. iv. 5, where b/rev^eis is used of ordinary prayer for the divine blessing, and Eph. vi. 18, where supplications of the most earnest kind are intended, and yet only the two first of the words found here are employed). The variety of expres sion is perhaps chiefly to be regarded as indicating the large place the subject of intercessory prayer had in the apostle's mind, and the diverse forms he thought should be given to it, according to die circumstances in which, re latively to others, the people of God might be placed. Hence, thanksgivings were to be added, when the conduct of the parties in question was such as to favour the cause of righteousness and truth,— a fit occasion being thereby pre sented for grateful acknowledgments to God, who had so inclined their hearts. And when it is said, that first of all such thanksgivings and supplications should be offered, if the expression is coupled with the acts of devotion referred to, it can only mean that they should have a prominent place in worship, should on no account be overlooked or treated as of little moment, not that they should actually have the precedence of all others. But the expression is 112 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. most naturally coupled with the apostle's request on the subject ; he first of all entreats that this be done ; it is his foremost advice that people should deal with God in the matter, as the most effectual safeguard. Ver. 2. By mentioning all men as the object of their prayers and thanksgivings, the apostle undoubtedly meant to teach Christians to cherish wide and generous sym pathies, and to identify their own happiness and weUbeing with those of their fellow-men. But he specially associates the duty with those on whose spirit and behaviour the peace and good order of society more directly depended — kings (quite generally, as in the address of our Lord to His disciples, Matt. x. 18 ; also Rom. xiii. i ; i Pet. ii. 13 ; hence affording no ground to the supposition of Baur, that the emperor and his co-regents in the time of the Antonines were meant by the expression), and all that are in authority {virepoxfj, strictly eminence, but here, as elsewhere, the emi nence of social position — a place of authority). Then follows the more immediate end, as regards the praying persons themselves : in order that we may pass a quiet and tranquil life, in all godliness and gravity ; that is, may be allowed freely to enjoy our privileges, and maintain the pious and orderly course which becomes us as Christians, without the molestation, the troubles, and the unseemly shifts which are the natural consequence of inequitable government and abused power. The last epithet, gravity, aep.v6ryn, is quite in its proper place ; for though it has respect to deportment rather than to Christian principle or duty, it is very closely allied to this, and is such a respectable and decorous bear ing as is appropriate to those who live under the felt appre hension of the great realities of the gospel. The term honesty in the A. V. is quite unsuitable, in the now received sense of that word. Vers. 3, 4. For this — namely, to make intercession to God in behalf of kings, of rulers generally, and of men of I TIMOTHY II. 3, 4. 113 all sorts — is good and acceptable before our Saviour God, — a thing which in His reckoning is good, and is sure of meeting with His approval : for there seems no need for confining the before God to the latter epithet alone ; it ^should be connected as well with what is good as what is acceptable, though. things really and properly good are such also apart from Him. But by placing both epithets in connection with God, it is more distinctly implied that they are to be taken in their fullest import. ('AitoSektos found in New Testament only here and at chap. vi. 4.) Then follows the reason why such conduct meets with God's approval as right and proper : who willeth all men to be saved, and to come to the full knowledge of the truth — Eiriyvcoo-iv, knowledge in the fuller sense, knowledge that reaches its end, saving knowledge ; and the governing verb, it will be observed, is c9eAei, not the stronger /JovAetoi, which would have expressed will with an implied purpose or intent (see at ver. 8). Nothing can be better than the comment of Chrysostom here : " Imitate God. If He is willing that all men should be saved, it is meet to pray for all. If He willed that all should be saved, do thou also will it ; but if thou wiliest, pray ; for it is the part of such to pray. . . : But if God wills it, you will say, what need is there for my prayers ? This is of great benefit both for you and for them : it draws them to love ; thyself, again, it prevents from being treated as a wild beast ; and such things are fitted to allure them to faith." There seems no need for going beyond this practical aspect of the matter; and either to press the passage on the one side, with some, to universalism, —as if 1 it bespoke the comprehension of all within God's purpose of salvation, — or, on the other, to limit it, so as to make, not strictly all men, but only all sorts of men (with Calvin and others), the object of the good contemplated, is equally to strain the natural import of the words. It seems to me unnatural to understand the all men, twice so distinctly and H 114 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. emphatically expressed, as indicative of anything but man kind generally — men not merely without distinction of class or nation, but men at large, who certainly, as such, are to be prayed for. As the objects of the church's intercessions, there can be no difference drawn between one portion and another ; and we are expressly taught to plead for all, because it is the will of God that they should be saved — o-coftjvai : not His will absolutely to save them, as if the word had been o-uJo-ai ; but that they may be brought through the knowledge and belief of the truth into the state of the saved. And the whole character of the gospel of Christ, with its universal call to repent, its indiscriminate offers of pardon to the penitent, and urgent entreaties to lay hold of the hope set before them, is framed on very purpose to give expression to that will ; for, surely, in pressing such things on men's acceptance, yea, and holding them disobedient to His holy will, and liable to aggravated condemnation, if they should refuse to accept, God cannot intend to mock them with a mere show and appearance of some great reality being brought near to them. No ; there is the manifestation of a benevolent desire that they should not die in sin, but should come to inherit salvation (as at Ezek. xxxiii. 1 1), if only they will do it in the way that alone is consistent with the principles of His moral government and the- nature of Christ's mediation. This, necessarily, is implied ; and it is the part of the church, by her faithful exhibition of the truth in Christ, by her personal strivings with the souls of men, and earnest prayers in their behalf, to give practical effect to this message of goodwill from Heaven to men, and to do it in the spirit of tenderness and affection which itself breathes. 'Such appears to be the fair and natural interpretation of the apostle's declaration, and the whole that it properly calls us to intermeddle with. It is true that all whom God wills to be thus entreated and prayed for shall not actually I TIMOTHY II. 5, 6. 115 be saved — not even many who have enjoyed in the highest degree the means and opportunities of such dealing. And seeing, as God does, the end from the beginning, knowing perfectly beforehand whom He has, and whom He has not destined to salvation, grave questions are ready to arise as to whether the work of Christ can be really sufficient to meet the emergency occasioned by the ruin of sin, or whether God be sincere in seeking through His church the salvation of all, — questions which touch upon the deep things of God, and which it is impossible for us, with the materials we now possess, to answer satisfactorily tp the speculative reason. Knowing who and what He is with whom in such things we have to do, we should rest assured that His procedure will be in truth and uprightness ; and that the mysteries which meanwhile appear to hang around it will be solved to the conviction of every reasonable mind, when the proper time for doing so shall have arrived. But enough is known for present duty. God has unfolded for one and all alike the terms of reconciliation : He is willing, nay desirous, for His own glory's sake, that men should everywhere embrace them ; and for this end has committed to His church the ministry of reconciliation, charging it upon the conscience of her members to strive and pray that all without exception be brought to the saving know ledge of the truth. What more can be required for faith to rest on, and for the intercessions and labours of an earnest ministry ? Vers. 5, 6. For there is one God, one Mediator also of God and men. The connective particle (ydp) presents what is here stated as an adequate ground, more immediately for the statement in the preceding verse, that God would have all men to be saved, and to come to the knowledge of the truth; but also, more remotely, for the call to prayer in behalf of all men, that so the benevolent desires of God toward them may come into effect. For in the mind of Il6 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. the apostle the two are essentially connected together ; and what affords a valid reason for the one, provides it also for the other. What, then, is the reason ? It is, that all stand related to one and the same God, also to one and the same Mediator ; for mankind generally there is but one Dispenser of life and blessing, and one medium through which the dispensation flows ; and in the invitations and precepts of the gospel all are put on a footing in regard to them: there is no respect of persons, or formal preference of some over others. Substantially the same thought is exhibited in the Epistles to the Romans (iii. 30) and the Galatians (iii. 20) ; there, as grounding the universality of the gospel offer, as here the universality of the goodwill, which the provisions of the gospel on God's part, and the prayers of His people on theirs, are ever breathing toward men. The oneness of the Mediator is followed by a declaration re specting His person and work : man Christ fesus, who gave Himself a ransom for all. The want of the article before dvc9pco7ros is noticeable ; not ihe man as contradistinguished from some others, but man, one possessing the nature, and in His work manifesting the attributes, of humanity. Not, however, as if this were all; for the very fact of Christ's mediating between God and men implies that He was Himself something that other men were not: they men, indeed, but in a state that men should not occupy toward God (hence requiring a Mediator) ; He, man in the ideal or proper sense, true image and representative of God, and as such capable of restoring the relations which had been disturbed by sin, between Creator and creature, and ren dering earth, as it was designed»to be, the reflex of heaven. Man, therefore, is used here much in the same emphatic manner that Son of man was by Daniel in his« prophetic vision (vii. 13), and by our Lord Himself in His public ministry; man as ordained by God to hold the lordship of this lower world, to hold Jt for God, and therefore to I TIMOTHY II. 5, 6. 117 establish truth and righteousness through all its borders (Heb. ii. 6-18). He who should be this is the true Head as well as pattern of humanity — the New Man, and at the same time "the Lord from heaven," because only as re lated to that higher sphere, and having at command powers essentially divine, could He either be or do what such an exalted position indispensably requires. So that the use made of this passage by Unitarians is without any just foundation. Christ fesus, who gave Himself a ransom for all — d Sovs eavrov dvn'AvTpov virep irdvrwv ; a participial clause indicating how especially Christ did . the part of Mediator = Christ Jesus — He who, as Mediator, gave Himself, etc. The ex pression plainly involves the idea of substitution, an ex change of forfeits, one in the room of all, and for their deliverance. The words are, with a slight variation, an adoption of our Lord's own, who said that He came to give His life AvVpov dvn iroAAGv (Matt. xx. 28). F6r that in both passages it is mainly the death of Christ by which the ransom was paid for, or in exchange of, the persons indicated by the many in the one place, and by the all in the other, can admit of no reasonable doubt. And as the apostle is here contemplating Christ as the Messiah that had been promised, and now come for mankind at large, it is perhaps most natural to understand the language here with reference to those prophetical passages which repre sent the Messiah as obtaining from the Father the heritage of all families or nations of the earth; not the preserved of Israel alone, nor a few scattered members besides of other nations, but also the fulness of the Gentiles (Ps. ii. 8, xxii. 27; Isa. xlix. 6; Luke xxi. 24). So Cocceius, who remarks : " When it is said that Christ gave a ransom price for all, it is also signified that Christ of His own right demands all for His inheritance and possession. This, therefore, is a sure foundation for our prayers, that those Il8 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. whom the Father gave for an inheritance to the Son, we should ask may become the Son's possession; and since we know that all are given to the Son, we should pray for all, because we know not at what time God may be going to give this rich inheritance to the Son, and who may belong to the inheritance of Christ, who not; yet we do know, that if we ask all, we shall imitate the love of the Son." • The testimony — that which is to be testified or set forth — for its own seasons : a pregnant clause standing in apposi tion not to the immediately preceding term ransom, but to the whole participial clause, which declares Christ to have given Himself a ransom for all. "I understand it to mean," says Scholfield {Hints for Imp. Version), "that the great fact of Christ's having given Himself a ransom for all is that which is to be testified by His servants in His times; that is, in the times of the gospel: it is to be the great subject of their preaching." (Kaipois iStois, the dative of time, the temporal sphere or space within which the action takes place; Winer, Gr. § 31. 9; Fritzsche on Rom. xii. 1, note. The own, however, is more appropriately coupled with the testimony than with Christ : comp. Gal. vi. 9 ; here, vi. 15 ; Tit. i. 3.) The matter in question being primarily a fact — the death of Christ — but that fact in its doctrinal bearing as a ransom for the sins of men, it is here and in other places presented under the aspect of a testimony. It was above all other things the subject to which the apostles had to bear testimony, since it was through Christ's name, as that of the crucified, atoning Saviour, that they pro claimed the pardon of sin and eternal life to the penitent. And its times — the times specially appropriate for the bear ing of such a testimony, and the witnessing of its results — are those which follow the great event itself, and reach onward to the second advent. All was but preparatory before ; it was the time only for the anticipations of hope I TIMOTHY II. 7. 119 respecting it, or the longings of spiritual desire. But with the introduction of the reality, there came also the period destined for its full and proper exhibition, that through belief of the testimony its merciful design might be realized.1 Ver. 7. The apostle here introduces his own relation to this testimony-bearing : Whereunto I was appointed a herald and an apostle {I speak the truth? I lie not), a teacher of the Gentiles in faith and truth. This personal asseveration, which seems at first thought peculiarly strong for the occasion, especially in an epistle addressed to his bosom companion and associate Timothy, we must remember, is brought in as an important part of the evidence which existed for the universal aspect and bearing of the gospel, in its character as a remedial scheme for the salvation of all who were willing to accept it. The position and calling he had received in the church of Christ had nothing partial, nothing exclusive about it. More even than any or all the original delegates of Christ, he was a witness to the universality of Christ's overtures of mercy, having been appointed a herald to proclaim everywhere the glad tidings ; a herald even of the highest rank — an apostle (however some of a grudging or. contentious spirit might dispute his authority, he at least will hold fast to it, as a fact written in the depths of his spiritual consciousness, and will have Timothy also to assert it) ; and as an apostle, a teacher of the Gentiles in faith and truth. In this his declaration respecting himself reaches its proper climax, announcing as it does his destination to labour among the Gentiles — the far off, the aliens — as the more special objects of his apos tolic agency, and signalizing faith and truth as the elements in which it was to move, the prominent characteristics of 1 See Appendix A. 2 The received text has iv XpurrS, but it is wanting in the best mss., A, D, F, G, also It. Yulg. Syr. Cop. versions, and is therefore justly omitted by Tisch. and others. 120 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. the spirit in which he was to teach, and the subjects he was to handle. If emphatically faithful and true in the testi mony he was called to give concerning God, how could he be otherwise in what he delivered concerning himself? Self, however, was not an object of concern with him, ex cept in so far as it bore on the nature of the mission he was appointed to fulfil, and the gloriously free and world- embracing character of the interests it sought to promote. But both were of a piece ; the one was the proper image and reflex of the other. In principle, we have the same mode of representation at 2 Cor. i. 18-20. Taking this view of the passage, I would discard as very needless questions, whether the expressions faith and truth are to be taken both objectively, or the former only (with Huther and Ellicott) objectively, and the latter subjectively. In an experimental utterance of this kind, in which the internal and the external necessarily go together, it is hypercritical, and can serve no good purpose, to draw such distinctions. Ver. 8. / wish, then (the ovv at once resuming the sub ject of prayer, with an exhortation to which in a particular direction this part of the epistle commenced, and pressing as a conclusion from the views more recently advanced — I wish, then), that prayer be made in every place by men, lifting up holy hands, without wrath and doubting. In the verb f3ovXop,ai the active wish is expressed, as of one who, having a right to speak in the name of Christ, should in expressing a wish be regarded as virtually uttering a com mand. If it had been i&iXw, the apostle would merely have said he was willing that the thing in question should be done ; but in using /3ov'Aop,ai he indicates his desire or wish that such a course should be pursued. (See Donaldson, Cratylus, § 463, for the clear exhibition and proof of this distinction.1) In respect to the object of his wish, the 1 Donaldson has gone into the discussion of this point at great length, refuting an opposite view which had been advanced by Buttmann in his I TIMOTHY II. 8. 121 point of greatest prominence . undoubtedly is the praying — hence the irpoaevxeaBai stands first : it is the immediate object of the desire he was breathing in connection with the proper place and responsibilities of believers. But as these are contemplated with reference to the public worship of God, so a certain degree of prominence is also given to the men to whom it properly belongs to manage and direct such worship ; while for women, who are presently after mentioned, duties of a more retired and quiet kind are assigned. It seems, however, an awkward way of indicating this subordinate distinction, which is but allusively intro duced, to translate with Alford, " that the men pray," which is formally correct, no doubt, as the article is found in the original (tovs dvSpas), but gives a sense which to English readers must appear abrupt and unnatural. Indeed, Alford himself seems partly conscious of this, since he admits that the distinction in respect to men cannot be regarded as the apostle's main object in this verse, and that their relation to public prayer is taken for granted. If so, the kind of double end aimed at in the passage is better gained by such a rendering as we have adopted, giving the act of prayer the chief prominence, but giving the subject, men, also a sort of prominent position by throwing it a little Lexilogus. As regards Biblical usage, the respective meanings of the two verbs are correctly and succinctly stated by Mr Webster, Syntax and Synonyms ofthe Greek Testament, p. 197: " /Wa.«,K«i expresses a wish, intention, purpose, formed after deliberation, and upon consider ing all the circumstances of the case ; iixa denotes a natural impulse or desire, the ground of which is generally obvious, or for which it is unnecessary to assign a reason. Matt. i. 19, ph S'tXav, being reluctant, as was naturally the case; i^ouXnin, 'was minded,' deliberately pur posed, intended after careful consideration." He refers to the contrary view of Buttmann, that poitetrtai indicates mere inclination, passive desire ; but points to Jas. iv. 4, also to 1 Tim. vi. 9, in both of which cases he justly says lixsiv would be altogether out of place. On the contrary, in I Tim. v. 1 1, where the impulse of natural desire is in question, HXsiv is the proper word, and fidxc/ieu would be unsuitable. 122 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. forward, and thus also rendering the transition easy and natural from the male to the female section of believers : that prayer be made in every place, by men lifting up, etc. ; likewise also that women ... In mentioning every place in connection with the offering of prayer, the apostle is not to be regarded, with some, as indicating any contrast with the temple, the synagogue, or other conspicuous places of worship, but merely as giving expression to the universal nature of the duty ; so that wherever the assemblies of Christian worshippers might meet, there prayer should be offered. And with the duty he couples a brief description of the spirit and manner in which it should be done by the persons who conduct it : lifting up holy hands, without wrath or doubting {baiovs, a masculine termination joined to the feminine xe'Pas> as ovpaviov at Luke ii. 13, and d/xotds in Rev. iv. 3). The lifting up of the hands in their more formal exercises of devotion appears to have been common among the nations of antiquity, Jew as well as Gentile (Gen. xiv. 22 ; Ps. xxviii. 2, Ixiii. 4, cxxxiv. 2 ; Virgil, s£n. i. 92) ; and from the Jewish it naturally passed into the Christian assemblies. Here it is referred to without expla nation, as a thing familiarly known ; so also by the Roman Clement in his letter to the Corinthians, c. 29, where, with evident respect to the words of the apostle, he says : " Let'us come near to Him in holiness of soul {iv bawryn «//vx>js), raising pure and undefiled hands toward Him."1 The hands so employed might fitly be regarded as bear ing the petitions of the suppliants heavenwards, and, in 1 In this primary stage the lifting of the hands in public prayer is spoken of as a mere usage or custom, which was deemed suitable and appropriate. But by and by, .like other things of a like kind, it was turned into a piece of sacred pantomime or symbolism, and to make it more expressive the stretched-out hands and arms were thrown into the figure of the cross. See quotations to this effect in Bingham, B. xiii. 10, from Tertullian, Minutius, and many others. I TIMOTHY II. 9, IO. 123 accordance with the action, should themselves possess a character of holiness ; in other words, should be the hands of those who are not pursuing courses of iniquity, but are lovers of what is pure and good. All spiritual excellence is necessarily implied in this ; yet the apostle adds the further qualifications, without wrath and doubting: without wrath, to which especially, in their relation to the heathen, the early Christians were often under great provocation, and might consequently be disposed to offer up impreca tions rather than supplications in regard to them. What, however, is meant precisely by the other term (SiaAoyio-p.ov) — whether it is to be understood of disputation in the ordinary sense, contendings with others, or disputation in one's own mind, thought contending with thought, doubting — interpreters are not agreed. As the word may be under stood either way, we are thrown upon the connection for something to determine our judgment ; and in this point of view the second of the two senses indicated seems plainly the most natural and fitting : for the indispensable condi tion of acceptable prayer is faith ; and therefore doubting, which is the mark of a wavering spirit, the conflict between faith and unbelief, must, so far as it prevails, be a hindrance to success. Prayer offered without wrath and doubting is simply prayer animated by a spirit of meek, generous loving-kindness in respect to those for whom it is pre sented, and by a spirit of faith or assured confidence in Him whom we supplicate in their behalf. This is intelli gible, and perfectly cognate to the subject ; but not so the reference supposed by some to personal disputations among the parties concerned in the exercise of devotion. Nothing had been said or implied which might seem to call for any particular reference to this. Vers. 9, 10. Likewise also, that women adorn themselves in orderly apparel, with shamefastness and discretion. The passage is obviously elliptical ; and the connection with 124 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. what precedes, indicated by too-avVios {likewise), cannot be very close. Looking to the apostle's use of it elsewhere (for example, at Tit. ii. 3, Rom. viii. 26), we must regard it as intended simply to couple the women with the men in having equally with them a relation to duty, bound to a becoming line of conduct in their own particular sphere. Having expressed his wish in respect to the one class, the apostle now turns to the other, and wishes {fiovXopai again understood) that they too, on their part, would adorn themselves in seemly apparel, or in seemly apparel would adorn themselves with shamefastness and discretion. The adorning, from the structure of the sentence, seems more directly connected with the two latter epithets, pointing to qualities of mind and behaviour, while the sort of apparel proper to them is implied as a thing that should certainly be possessed, only not of itself sufficient without the other, the adornments of the spirit. That KaTao-ToAij is properly taken in the sense of apparel, and not, as Ellicott would understand it, deportment, — including look and manner as well as dress, — there seems no just reason to doubt. It points by its etymology (from KaTacrreAAo)) to the letting down of things about one's person, adjusting or arranging them, then the apparel as so arranged (see Alford). The apostle does not further characterize it than that it should be of a becoming or seemly nature (Kocrp-t'os), as contradis tinguished from gaudy and extravagant as well as slovenly attire. And with this he couples the inward feelings, which should accompany and give adequate expression to this modest apparel — with shamefastness (not shamefacedness, as in the Authorized Version, which is a corruption) and dis cretion. The correct import and rhutual relation of the two words here employed (aiSuis and awpoavvy is that habitual inner self- government, with its constant rein on all the passions and desires, which would hinder the temptation to this from arising, or at all events from arising in such strength as should overbear the checks and barriers which aiSoos op posed to it." We have no English word that exactly corresponds to the latter of the two terms ; but sober- mindedness or discretion substantially coincides with it, though self-control, perhaps, might more closely approach the original. In the remaining part of the verse we have a further delineation, in a negative form, of the modest or seemly attire which was noticed in the earlier : not in plaitings, — namely, of the hair, but obviously meaning excessive refinements in this line, the meretricious plaitings, and modes of dressing up the hair in nicely adjusted tresses, which Clement of Alexandria, for example, condemns as unsuitable to Christians {Paid. iii. 11), condemned also by St. Peter in very similar language to that employed here (1 Pet. iii. 3). And gold (in rings, bracelets, etc.), or pearls, or costly raiment. These are not to be understood as any further prohibited than they are inconsistent with the seemly apparel previously recommended ; only, if used at all, it should manifestly be with moderation, and so as not to befit the impression that they are displayed as the most precious personal adornments. For such the truly Chris tian mind will look in another direction, and lay the chief stress upon the spiritual and moral qualities, which are the noblest distinctions of rational beings, the only things which are of value in the sight of God. This, therefore, is what the apostle puts in contrast to the worldly equipments of rich jewellery and costly dress : But, which becomes women professing godliness, through good works — not (with Theodoret, 126 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. OEcum., Luther, Calvin, Huther, and many others), but in that which, or according to that which (taking o as = ev rovrw o, or Kaff o, referring. back to the ev KaTOoroATj Koaplw) becomes women professing godliness, by means of good works. For this has against it both an artificial construction, which should only be resorted to if absolutely necessary, and the coupling of good works with a godly profession in a way which is not usual, — as if godliness were a kind of art which Chris tian women were to show their skill or proficiency in by their works of faith and love. This cannot be called a natural style of representation, and it is certainly nowhere else found in St. Paul's writings. The expression eirayyEAo- peVais must be taken here in the ordinary sense of profess ing, — a sense it unquestionably bears again at chap. vi. 21 ; while the verb is used in Tit. i. 2, with reference to God, in the cognate sense oi promising, or giving open exhibition of. By the women in question must be understood those who make profession of godliness {deoaefSeuxv only used here, but substantially equivalent to eiW/Jeiav), in the ordi nary way such profession was made, — by taking up the Christian name, submitting to Christian teaching and ordi nances, and mingling in the assemblies of Christian worship pers. And as making this profession, the apostle would have them to understand, first, that the kind of dress which becomes them is of a neat and plain as contradistinguished from a luxurious or costly one ; and second, that the dis tinction which women of gay and worldly dispositions seek to acquire by their splendid ornaments and fine apparel, they should endeavour to reach through their good works, — a distinction of a far nobler kind, and the only one that fitly accords with their calling. Such seems to be the most natural and appropriate import of the passage, — only, in connection with the latter point, the apostie varies the construction, so as the better to suit the change involved in the subject itself: he does not say with (ev) good works, I TIMOTHY II. II, 12. 127 as he could say both in regard to the apparel itself, and the outward ornaments on which vain and worldly-minded females prided themselves ; but through or by means of (Sid) good works, since it was not so properly the works them selves which invested true Christian females with their distinctive honour or adornment, as rather the reflex opera tion of these, — the consideration and regard, the "spiritual halo, as it were, which the performance of such works threw around those who abounded in them. Vers. 11, 12. The apostle proceeds now to give prescrip tions of a more general kind respecting the proper sphere and behaviour of women. Let a woman learn in silence in all subjection — spoken primarily and mainly with reference to the public assemblies of the church, and only an abbre viated reinforcement of the instruction previously issued to the church at Corinth (1 Cor. xiv. 34) : " Let your women keep silence in the churches ; for it is not permitted unto them to speak, but to be under obedience, as also saith the law." The all subjection, however, can only be understood to reach as far as the authoritative teaching is of the right stamp. Woman does not lose her rational power of thought and responsibility by abiding in the place assigned her by the gospel ; and she also has a right to prove all things — only in a manner suited to her position — -in order that she may hold fast that which is good, and reject what is other wise. But to teach (the best authorities place SiSdo-Keiv first) / permit not a woman — namely, in public : she is not to act the part of a teacher in the meetings of the faithful ; nor to lord it over the man, but to be in silence. The verb avoWetv scarcely means to usurp authority, the sense ascribed to it in the Authorized Version, but only to exercise it in an imperious manner. Leo (as quoted by Huther) : " aidevrelv et aiBevrys apud seriores tantum scriptores ita occurrit, ut dominii notionem involvat ; melioribus scrip- toribus est aidevrys idem quod airox^p" Here it is plainly 128 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. the later use that must be adopted ; and what is forbidden by it to woman is, that she is not to assume the part of ruling or domineering over man. When she attempts this she goes out of her proper place, and ventures upon a line of things which is not compatible either with her natural constitution or with her distinctive vocation. And in proof of this, the apostle appeals to the original order and course of things as marking out the great landmarks for all time. Ver. 13. For Adam was first formed {iirXdady taken from the Sept. version of Gen. ii. 7 ; hcriady is used in the corre sponding passage at 1 Cor. xi. 9), then Eve ; the precedence in time implying superiority in place and power. The relation in this respect is still more strongly marked in the Epistle to the Corinthians : " For the man is not of the woman, but the woman of the man ; for also the man was not made for the sake of the woman, but the woman for the sake of the man.'' Thus did God in the method of creation give clear testimony to the headship of man — to his right, and also his obligation, to hold directly of God, and stand under law only to Him ; while woman, being formed for his helpmate and partner, stands under law to her husband, and is called to act for God in him. And simply by inverting this relative position and calling — the helpmate assuming the place of the head or guide, and the head facilely yielding to her governance — was the happy constitution of paradise overthrown, and everything in volved in disorder and evil. Ver. 14. From- this sinful violation ofthe primeval order, with its disastrous results, the apostle fetches his second reason for fixing in the manner he does the social position of woman : And Adam was not deceived; but the woman, being altogether deceived f fell into transgression : literally, 1 The best reading is IgajrarafciVst, a stronger form of the verb, in order to emphasize the deception in Eve's case. I TIMOTHY II. 14. 129 became in; but the expression yiyveadai iv is always used of entering or falling into a particular state (Luke xxii. 44 ; Acts xxii. 17 ; 2 Cor. iii. 7 ; Phil. ii. 7). This explanatory statement has often been deemed strange, or partially mis apprehended, from not sufficiently regarding the precise light in which the matter is contemplated by the apostle, and the purpose for which it is here brought into considera tion. As already indicated, the case is referred to as a grand though mournful example, at the commencement of the world's history, of the evil sure to arise if in the general management of affairs woman should quit her proper posi tion as the handmaid of man, and man should concede to her the ascendency. She wants, by the very constitution of nature, the qualities necessary for such a task — in particular, the equability of temper, the practical shrewdness and dis cernment, the firm, independent, regulative judgment, which are required to carry the leaders of important interests above first impressions and outside appearances,' to resist solicita tions, and amid subtle entanglements and fierce conflicts to cleave unswervingly to the right. Her very excellences in other respects — excellences connected with the finer sensibilities and stronger impulses of her emotional and loving nature — tend in a measure to disqualify her here. With man, on the other hand, in accordance with his original destination, the balance as between the intellectual and the emotional, the susceptible and the governing powers, inclines as a rule in the opposite direction. Hence, in the great trial to which the parents of the human family were subjected as the test of their allegiance, it was Adam who was mainly charged with the responsibility, and who should have been, in everything relating to it, the prime agent. But Eve, affecting to play the master, and to decide the question for herself and her husband, soon gave proof of her incompetency ; she was overreached by a subtler intellect than her own, and induced, under specious pre- 1 130 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. texts, to prefer an apparent to the real good. "The serpent beguiled (or deceived) me, and I did eat" (Gen. iii. 13), was her confession before the Judge, thereby in effect acknowledging her weakness and folly in taking her impressions from such a quarter, and acting independently of her appointed head. But Adam, says the apostle, was not deceived, although the representation of Eve may, in point of fact, have wrought like a deception on his mind. That, however, was not exactly the point of weakness in his case, nor is anything said of it in the original account " The woman whom Thou gavest to be with me," was his confession to the Lord, " she gave me of the tree, and I did eat" (Gen. iii. 12). Yes, but God had given her, not for authority and rule, but for kindly ministrations ; to be a helpmate by his side, not a directress to control his judg ment or determine for him the course of life. And in allowing her to become this, in what touched the very heart of his calling, whether it might be in the way of deception, by thev constraint of love, or by threats of evil, it booted not; anyhow, Adam showed that he had fallen from his true position, and ceased to rule; as he should have done, with God. This aspect of the matter, however, it was not necessary for the apostle's purpose to bring out As his theme was the place and calling of females in respect to things of public moment, he contents himself with pointing tb that part of the transactions connected with the fall which more directly concerned Eve, and presents it as a beacon to future generations, in particular to the female mernbers of Christian congregations, lest, amid the greater liberty of gospel times, they might be tempted to assume functions which they were not qualified or called in provi dence to fill. Ver. 15. But she shall be saved through the child-bearing, if they abide in faith, and love, and holiness, with discretion. It is clear from the structure of the passage, that while Eve I TIMOTHY II. 15. 131 was formally before the eye of the apostle, it was she as the representative of her sex, womankind : hence, she shall be, not she has been saved ; and to render still more plain how the general was contemplated in the particular, it is added, if they abide. Viewing womankind as personated in Eve, the apostle had shown how, through one grievous mistake, leading to a departure from her proper place and calling, not a rise, as had been imagined, but a fall, had taken place, — a fall involving in its consequences her partner, along with herself, in present ruin, which also, -but forthe interposition of divine mercy, would have been irremediable. By reason of this interposition, however, a way of escape was opened to her, in connection, too, with that part of her destination which was in an especial manner to bear the impress of the fatal step which she had taken. She was still, in pursuance of her original appointment, to give birth to offspring — to be the mother, indeed, of all living ; but trouble was henceforth to weigh heavily upon this portion of her lot : in travail she was to bring forth children ; yet at the same time in hope, for- it was precisely through the seed thus to be given her that the lost ground was to be recovered, that the doom of evil should be reversed, and the serpent's head, in relation to humanity, should be bruised. It is this complex destination as to child-bearing pronounced over woman at the fall — mournful enough in one respect, but fraught with consolation and hope in another — to which the apostle here briefly alludes. Salva tion lay for her through this one channel ; and if it was her condemnation to have been so directly concerned in the guilt which required its appointment, and the pains and • perils through which it must be made good, it should also be her peculiar honour, even through such a troubled ex perience, to be the more immediate instrument of accom plishing for herself and others the destined good. Do we, then, say that the child-bearing here spoken of has direct 132 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. respect to the birth of Christ, through whom the work of salvation was really secured ? We are certainly not inclined, with some commentators (Hammond, for instance), to fix the meaning down simply and exclusively to that. Undoubtedly it is the prime and essential thing, — that without which the woman's child-bearing could have wrought no deliverance, and the prospect of which was like the hidden germ which from the first lay enfolded in the promise of a seed of blessing, — yet not without regard, at the same time, to the collective seed associated in the divine purpose with the One. The apostle, in his brief allusion, abstains from details ; he merely points to the original word, and the prominent place assigned to woman in connection with its fulfilment, as indicating her proper glory in relation to the plan of salvation. Let her be content, he virtually says, with this, that through her as the mother of a seed, given by the God of grace and blessing, she herself, as well as others, are to find salvation. But lest women should imagine that, by their participation in the simply natural part of the process, they should attain also to the higher good in question, he couples certain spiritual qualifications as indispensable to the result : if they abide in faith, and love, and holiness, with discretion (or sober-mindedness). In short, they must fall in here (as Eve should have done in Paradise, but did not) with the spiritual provisions and requirements of the plan of God : in faith, implicitly resting upon God's word of promise ; in love, yielding themselves heartily to the duties of their special calling, as well as consenting to live and act within its appointed limits ; in holiness, wakeful, and striving against occasions of sin ; and all tempered and controlled by that spirit of meek and wise discretion which instinctively shrinks from whatever is unbecoming, heady, or high-minded. The view now given, it is scarcely necessary to add, implies that women, as a rule, though admitting of occa- I TIMOTHY II. 15. 133 sional exceptions, should keep within their proper sphere, and give themselves to the family and domestic affairs especially connected with it — which is all that some would find in the passage ; but it includes also a great deal more. Alford, who appears to think he had discovered the only tenable interpretation, represents the reicvoyovia as that in which the curse finds its operation (an extravagant statement to begin with, since death was plainly set forth as for both man and woman the proper embodiment of the curse), then that she was to be exempted from this curse in its worst and heaviest effects (of which, however, nothing is said in the original word), and that, besides, she should be saved through — that is, passing through the curse of her child-bearing trials — saved, notwithstanding the danger and distress connected with these !. Surely a most unnatural and forced explanation, and ending in a very lame and im potent conclusion ! The peculiar passage of 1 Cor. iii. 16, where the apostle speaks of certain parties being saved, yet so as through fire, which is chiefly leant upon, cannot be fairly applied here : for fire is there figuratively represented as the saving element, since it is that which tests every one ; and the parties in question, who had along with the sterling gold at bottom many combustible materials about them, were just saved, and nothing more — escaped, as it were, only with their lives. There is no proper parallel between such a style of representation and the one before us. Ellicott, though very brief, and adhering perhaps some what too closely to Hammond, comes nearer the point, and justly lays stress on "the high probability that the apostle, in speaking of woman's transgression, would not fail to specify the sustaining prophecy which even preceded her sentence," also " the satisfactory meaning which the preposition (Sid) thus bears," " the uncircumscribed refer ence of the cros, smoke, mist, cloud) denotes not simply the self-elating spirit which would raise one as to the clouds, but also the senseless, stupid character of such a spirit ; its confusing, mystifying tendency acting like a lure to the emotions, and a cloud to the reason. What the apostle feared was, that the too sudden elevation to office might- carry the individual off his feet, as it were, and render him an easy prey to the arts of plausible and designing men. The very probable result he expresses by a reference to 144 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. the fall of the great adversary, as if this in such a case would be repeated afresh; for there can be little doubt that the condemnation spoken of— judgment in the sense of condemnation — is the genitive of object : the judgment passed upon the devil. The supposed neophyte, through his inexperience and undue elation of spirit, first falls into the sin of the old aspiring apostate, and then shares in his condemnation, passing from the sphere of a minister of light into the doomed condition of an instrument of dark ness. The lesson, with its attendant warning, is for all times. It tells the church, that as there are temptations and perils peculiar to the ministerial office, so men should not be in haste to enter it, nor should others seek to push them prematurely forward. At the same time, the matter is wisely left in a certain indefiniteness ; no precise age or specific term of probation is fixed in Scripture. Ver. 7. But he must also have a good testimony from those that are without. Here, too, we have something that is not only additional, and to be connected with the preceding by a moreover, but this coupled with a sort of counter element, and fitly introduced by the adversative Se: the person chosen to the pastorate must not be a neophyte, lest he prove unequal to the difficulties and dangers connected with the office ; but, more than that, he must be well re ported of by those who stand without the pale of the religious community, as well as known to be of approved Christian worth by those who are within. The one cannot be dispensed with, though he should have the other. The expression those without (oi e£wdev or e£