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DIVINITY SCHOOL
TROWBRIDGE LIBRARY

CANONICAL and
UNCANONICAL GOSPELS

Canonical

AND

Uncanonical Gospels

With a Translation of the Recently Discovered Fragment of the
Gospel of Peter, and a Selection from the Sayings of Our
Lord not found in the Four Gospels.

by
W. E. BARNES, B.D.
FELLOW OF PETERHOUSE, AND THEOLOGICAL LECTURER AT
CLARE COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE

LONDON
LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO.
AND NEW YORK: 15 EAST i6«> STREET
1893
All rights reserved

S. E. B. F. W. B.

' For all live to Him."

PREFACE
My object in writing the following pages is to
throw light on a subject on which many im
portant misconceptions prevail. Even educated
people are content to speak as if the Four
Gospels had no history at all, or as if they
first appeared in the fourth century A.c, coming
from an unknown source. This treatise, there
fore, will not be wholly useless if it makes it
clear that the Canonical Gospels were beyond
all doubt received as The Four Authoritative
Gospels at least one hundred and twenty years
before Constantine established Christianity as
the State religion. Neither the first Christian
emperor (311-337 A.D.), nor the great Council
of Nicsea (325 A.D.), had anything to do with
" selecting," as some have supposed, our Four
out of a large number of Gospels. If our Gospels
were ever " selected " (and did not rather hold a
position of authority from the first), the selection

VI11 PREFACE.
took place apart from the worldly influence of a
half-pagan emperor, and certainly more than a
century before his reign. In the time of Con
stantine, our Gospels had already a long and
honourable history behind them.
But I do not write these pages simply to dis
prove the notion that the Gospels first became
authorities in the fourth century A.c. Still
more prevalent is the more plausible contention
that the Four Gospels (with the exception of
S. Luke) are not to be traced during the hundred
and fifty years which immediately followed Our
Lord's death. One object of this book is to show
that this contention is false, and that even if it
were true, it would be misleading. The main
features of the Story of Christ's Life can be
traced back continuously to within thirty years
of His death. The narrative, cannot be shaken,
even if the usual authorities for it be proved to
be more recent than we believe.
The argument might have been much strength
ened by a statement of the evidence to be derived
from the use of one or all of our Four Gospels
by the chief schools of heretics of the second
century. Even the author of "Supernatural
Religion" admits that the evidence to be derived

PREFACE. i"
from Marcion's Gospel proves the existence of our
Gospel of S. Luke as early as 140 A.D. But this
evidence, together with other evidence drawn
from the practice of heretical schools, is not
given here, because it consists chiefly of a
mass of linguistic detail. It may, however, be
mentioned that all schools of Christian Gnostics
of the second century, the Ophites, the Basili-
deans and the Eastern and Western schools of
the Valentinians all alike appealed to our Gospel
of S. John.
On the other hand, I have been careful to
notice any evidence recently brought to light.
Such evidence will be found chiefly under
"Tatian" and "Hermas." I have also tried to
impart some freshness to the treatment of the
subject by drawing from the original authorities
wherever it was possible. This is especially the
case with Eusebius, Justin, and Tatian.
The role of an Apologist is an unpopular one,
for it is supposed to be incompatible with a
genuine search for truth. I confess that I am
not dispassionate ; I am not indifferent which
way the controversy is decided. I rejoice that
I am led to the conclusion that the evidence for
the authority of our Gospels is not weak but

x PREFACE.
strong. Yet such a temper can well coexist
with a resolution to learn the truth. A com
plete Apologist has to apologize to himself as
well as to his fellow-men; what is meat for
them is meat for him ; husks for them are husks
for him too.
W. E. B.
Cambridge,
February, 1893.

CONTENTS CHAPTER I.
WHY DO WE ACCEPT OUR FOUR GOSPELS? PAGE
The question to be answered : Were our Four Gospels
received by the Christian Church in the earliest
times of which we have information? — The second
century our chief field of inquiry — A sketch of the
history of the second century — Consolidation — Per
secution — Apology — Heresy  . 1
CHAPTER II.
OUR GOSPELS AT THE CLOSE OF THE SECOND CENTURY.
Antioch (Theophilus) — Alexandria (Clement) — Lyons
(Irenaeus)  21
CHAPTER III.
THE WITNESS OP TATIAN (160-180 A.D.).
Tatian's life — His Apology — His " Diatessaron "... 32
CHAPTER IV.
THE WITNESS OF JUSTIN MARTYR (150 A.D.).
A sketch of Justin Martyr's life and qualifications as a
witness — His evidence with regard to S. Matthew
and S. Luke  45

x« CONTENTS.
CHAPTER V.
THE WITNESS OF HERMAS (clrc. 140-150 A.D.). PAGE
" The Sheplierd " — Its symbolism a veiled witness to the
Fourfold Gospel  53
CHAPTER VI.
THE WITNESS OF PAPIAS (140-150 A.D.).
The witness of " The Elder " (ciro. 100 A.D.), quoted by
Papias, to S. Mark — The witness of Papivis himself
to S. Matthew  66
CHAPTER VII.
THE GOSPEL STORY.
The Apostolic Fathers (Clement of Rome, Ignatius of
Antioch, Polycarp of Smyrna, Barnabas) — The foui-
great Epistles of S. Paul  77
CHAPTER VIII.
THE UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
i
Gospels still extant — Their nature — Their witness to the
Canonical Four — Gospels known only from fragments
— The recently discovered "Gospel of Peter" — " The
Gospel according to the Hebrews". . 86
CHAPTER IX.
UNCANONICAL SAYINGS OF OUR LORD . .... 99

APPENDIX.
Translation of the Petrine Fragment  105

CHAPTER I.
WHY DO WE ACCEPT OTJR FOUR GOSPELS ?
The question to be answered : Were our Four Gospels received
by the Christian Church in the earliest times of whioh we
have information ? — The second century our chief field of
inquiry — A sketch of the history of the seoond century —
Consolidation — Persecution — Apology — Heresy.
The question before us is not as to the inspira
tion of the Gospels. We are not going to try
to show that they are the very Word of God.
We believe that the Gospels were written under
the over-ruling providence of God, but this be
lief springs from the Christian consciousness,
and is not subject to proof. A Christian canridt
help believing that the Gospels are in some true
sense inspired, a non-Christian can hardly help
believing the opposite. There is no room for
argument here.
The case is different with regard to the ques
tion of the canonicity of the Gospels. The
B

2 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
question concerns now a matter of fact, and
therefore of evidence. Do we possess the same
authoritative documents of the faith as the
earliest Christians possessed ? Do we regard
as authorities for the story of Christ the
writings which they regarded as such authori
ties ? When we have our answer, we are very
near to the answer to the supreme question of
Christian evidences, i.e. Have we the same story
of the life and teaching and death of Christ as
the earliest Christians had ?
As soon as we are assured that we have the
very story in attestation of which the first
followers of Christ suffered or laid down their
lives, we already have good reason for belief,
but the story admits further testing. When
we try the Four Gospels by the ordinary tests
used to try the trustworthiness of any ancient
record, we are brought to the conclusion that
they contain the evidence of those who were
at once eye-witnesses and men of candour. It
is difficult to resist the conclusion that the
evangelists either had themselves moved among
the events of which they wrote, or else had
received their narratives directly from those
who had done so.

WHY DO WE ACCEPT OUR FOUR GOSPELS? 3
But, deeply important as this line of evidence
is, it is not the one worked out in this little
book. Internal evidence is best studied when
the external credentials of the books in question
have been carefully considered. The main ,pur-
pose of this treatise is to sketch the evidence
from which we conclude that the Four Gospels
have been accepted from the earliest times as
the authoritative accounts of the life, teaching,
and death of the Lord Jesus.
If a new work of an old author, say a new
play of Shakspere, were discovered now, its
genuineness would of course be debated partly
on internal grounds. Its style would be com
pared with the style of the acknowledged plays,
and the allusions in it, historical, or antiquarian,
or geographical, would be compared with the
known state of things in the poet's day. It
might conceivably stand these tests so well, that
those best fitted to judge would feel morally
certain of its genuineness. But the only thing
which could place it above suspicion would be
a knowledge of its history. Is it to be found
in any really old edition of his plays ? Is its
title given in any old list of his works ? Did
any old writer ever quote from it as Shakspere's ?

4 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
Questions of a similar kind arise about the
Four Gospels. We propose to sketch their
history, as far as it is known at present.
It is fortunately not necessary to give the
whole history. From the beginning of the third
century, the Church certainly treasured the Four
Gospels as the primary documents of the faith.
There is no room for dispute here. From this
time, the Christian Fathers' writings are nume
rous and well preserved in the main, and by
their numerous quotations leave no room to
doubt that the Four Gospels were regarded as
the kernel of Christian belief and teachings.
With the second century, the case is somewhat
different. Of the Christian literature of that
century hardly a tithe has survived. Much of
what does remain was addressed to heathens,
to whom it was of little use to quote Scripture.
Thus, to some writers on the Canon, the second
century has appeared an impassable gulf, to
others a shallow stream which may be crossed
by safe stepping-stones, if not by an easy bridge.
A sketch of the history of the Church generally
during the second century will be helpful, before
touching on the history of the Gospels during
the same period.

WHY DO WE ACCEPT OUR FOUR GOSPELS* 5
The second century was a time of (1) consoli
dation, (2) persecution, (3) apology, and (4)
heresy. 1. It was a period of consolidation, for at the
middle, or towards the end of it, the Mediter
ranean was girdled with a chain of Christian
strongholds organized under bishops, and lend
ing mutual support and counsel. Vigorous
Christian Churches existed at Alexandria in
Egypt, Antioch in Syria, Ephesus and Smyrna
in Asia Minor, Athens and Corinth in Greece,
at Rome, at Lyons in the South of France, at
Carthage in North-western Africa. Communi
cation between these congregations, both by
letter and by travel, was active. Already Rome
had given signs of becoming the centre towards
which all other Churches turned.
2. The second century was also a period of
persecution. The great Emperor Trajan set the
example. There was an earthquake at Antioch
about the year 115, during the emperor's stay
there. The populace rose and said that the
gods had sent it because of the Christians. But
the Christians were strong at Antioch. A great
tumult seemed imminent. Trajan, as a states
man and a soldier, would doubtless have pre-

6 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
ferred to leave religion alone, but a disturbance
at Antioch, on the great road to the East, would
have been as inconvenient to him as a riot in
Trafalgar Square to an English ministry. It
was expedient that one man should suffer for
the people, and so Ignatius, the Bishop of An
tioch, was sent to Rome to be tried or executed
where his presence would not embarrass states
men. From the year 138 to 181 A.D. was the age
of the Antonines, Pius and his adopted son,
Marcus Aurelius. Gibbon has called this per
haps the happiest period in the history of man
kind. It might have been so, but the virtues
of the emperors did not avert persecutions from
the Christians. At Smyrna, Polycarp, the dis
ciple of S. John, was burned to death at the
age of eighty-six, under the Emperor, whose
surname was " The Pious," and the Churches of
the South of France weltered in blood under the
Emperor who was called " The Philosopher."
Perhaps neither emperor was directly at fault ;
but the pity of it ! The century closed with a
savage persecution at Carthage, and the begin
ning of one at Alexandria.

why do we accept our four gospels? 7
The Scillitan Martyrs.
To this period belongs the trial of the Scillitan
martyrs, which took place at Carthage some
time between 180 and 200 A.D. The written
report of this trial has been known at least since
the beginning of the seventeenth century ; but
Professor Armitage Robinson has recently pub
lished in the Cambridge " Texts and Studies " a
form of the report shorter than any previously
known, and probably preserving the- actual
shorthand notes taken at the trial.
The document so well illustrates the wooden
rather than cruel attitude of Rome towards
Christianity, that it is worth while giving it
here. Leaving out a few merely formal phrases,
for the sake of brevity, it runs thus : —
" In the year in which Prgesens and Claudian
were consuls, Prsesens for the second time, on
the 17th day of July, at Carthage, Speratus,
Nartzalus, and Cittinus (three men), Donata,
Secunda, and Vestia (three women), were brought
into the council chamber; whereupon Satur-
ninus, the proconsul, addressed them in these
words : Ye can earn the pardon of our Lord the
Emperor, if .ye become again well disposed.

8 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
" Speratus. We have never done ill ; we have
not practised injustice; we have never spoken
ill, but even when ill-treated, we have given
thanks ; because we obey Our King.
" Saturninus. We, too, are religious, and our
religion is plain and simple ; we swear by the
genius of our Lord the Emperor, and pray for
his preservation, as ye also ought to do.
" Speratus. If you will give me an undis
turbed hearing, I will tell you the very Mystery
of Simplicity.
" Saturninus. If you begin to speak evil of
our rites, I will not listen. Spare yourself,
rather, and swear by the genius of our Lord the
Emperor. " Speratus. / do not acknowledge the king
dom of this world ; on the contrary, I serve that
God whom no man has seen, nor can see, with
these eyes. I have committed no theft ; rather,
I pay the required duty on anything I buy
(N.B. The foregoing words are obscure), because
I acknowledge my Lord, the King of kings, and
Ruler of all nations.
" Saturninus (to the other Christians). Give
up these opinions.
Speratus. Evil are the opinions of our

WHY DO WE ACCEPT OUR FOUR GOSPELS? g
heathen adversaries who slay men and utter
false witness. (We paraphrase the rather obscure
original.) " Saturninus {again to the other Christians).
Have no share in this folly !
" Cittinus. We have none other to fear save
the Lord our God, who is in heaven.
" Donata. Honour to Caesar as to Caesar ; but
fear to God !
" Vestia. I am a Christian.
" Secunda. That which I am I wish to re
main. " Saturninus to Speratus. Do you persist
in the profession of Christianity ?
" Speratus answered : I am a Christian, and
with him all agreed.
"Saturninus. Do you wish for time to de
liberate ?
" Speratus. In so clear a case of right, there
is no room for deliberation.
"Saturninus. What have you in your
safe? " Speratus. Books, and the Epistles of Paul,
a righteous man.
" Saturninus. Accept a remand for thirty
days, and reflect. c

10 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
" Speratus answered again : I am a Christian,
and with him all agreed.
" Saturninus, the proconsul, read the sentence
from his tablet : The court finds that Speratus
(and his companions) have confessed that they
live according to the Christian religion ; and
that they have obstinately refused to accept the
opportunity offered them of returning to the
customs of the Romans ; the penalty to be De
capitation. " Speratus said : We give thanks to God.
"Nartzalus. To-day we are martyrs in
heaven ; we thank God.
"Saturninus, the proconsul, ordered procla
mation to be made by a herald as follows : I
have ordered Speratus, and (eleven names follow)
to be taken away to execution.
" All said : We thank God.
" And so all were crowned with martyrdom at
one time, and they reign with the Father, and
the Son, and the Holy Ghost, through all ages
of ages. Amen." (See Professor J. A. Robinson,
S. Perpetua, pp. 112-116.)
In the foregoing report, there is one sentence
which has a bearing on the Canon of the New
Testament, which is not unlikely to be mis-

WHY DO WE ACCEPT OUR FOUR GOSPELS? n
understood. The martyrs answer that their
church-chest contains Epistles of Paul, and other
books not named. It might be hastily con
cluded either that they did not possess our
Gospels, or that they rated the Epistles more
highly. But, surely, it is unsafe to conclude,
from these words, anything more than that the
martyrs possessed Epistles of S. Paul. A
reasonable explanation exists why these should
be specially mentioned. The Christians seemed
to the Roman Government to be an International
secret society, and their correspondence by letter
would naturally awaken suspicion. The Chris
tians themselves, on the other hand, were ready
enough to produce S. Paul's letters in order to
show how he enjoined submission to the higher
powers. 3. But the second century was also a time of
Christian apology, for wherever Christianity was
assailed with the sword, it was defended with
the pen. At Athens, Aristides, a Christian phi
losopher, presented an Apology to Hadrian, the
one emperor who, from his curiosity in religious
matters, is likely to have looked at such a
document.

12 canonical and uncanonical gospels.
The Apology of Aristides.
Of this Apology it will not be amiss to say a
word. It is interesting on three grounds : (1)
because it is the earliest defence of Christianity
extant; (2) because it is the type according to
which several later Apologies were in great mea
sure composed ; (3) because, after being lost for
centuries, it was discovered as recently as 1889.
Mr. Rendel Harris (now University Reader in
Palaeography at Cambridge), while on a visit to
the Convent of S. Catharine on Mount Sinai,
was shown a Syriac manuscript which had es
caped the indefatigable inquiries of Tischendorf.
Among its contents Mr. Rendel Harris discovered
the long-lost Apology, which up to that day
had been known to us only from a notice by
Eusebius, the great Church historian, and from
a few fragments of doubtful genuineness. The
work is worthy of the age to which it belongs.
It is not a piece of profound reasoning, but an
utterance of deep conviction. It begins with a
few words of lofty simplicity- on the nature of
the One God ; it goes on to point out the errors
of " barbarians," who worshipped Nature in dif
ferent forms, of Greeks who worshipped gods

WHY DO WE ACCEPT OUR FOUR GOSPELS? 13
resembling men in weakness and vice, and of
Jews who worshipped One God, and did many
things acceptable to Him, but whose ceremonial
service was paid rather to angels than to God ;
it next describes the blameless life of the Chris
tians ; finally, it calls upon all who know not
God to receive " incorruptible words," and so "an
ticipate the dread judgment which is to come by
Jesus the Messiah upon the whole race of men."
Aristides' account of the Christian Faith is
worth repeating. (It will be noticed that he
speaks objectively as from the outside, and does
not give it as just his own confession. He speaks
of the Christian life also from the same outside
standpoint.) He writes —
" The Christians then reckon the beginning of
their religion from Jesus Christ, who is named
the Son of God Most High ; and it is said '' {i.e.
among the Christians) "that God came down
from heaven, and from a Hebrew virgin took
and clad Himself with flesh, and in a daughter
of men there dwelt the Son of God. This is
taught from that Gospel which a little while
ago was spoken among them as being preached ;
wherein, if ye also will read, ye will comprehend
the power that is upon it. This Jesus, then, was

14 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
born of the tribe of the Hebrews ; and He had
twelve disciples in order that a certain dispen^
sation of His might be fulfilled. He was pierced
by the Jews ; and He died and was buried ; and
they (the Christians) say that after three days
He rose and ascended to heaven ; and then these
twelve disciples went forth into the known
parts of the world, and taught concerning His
greatness with all humility and sobriety."
Some points of the Apologist's description of
the life of the Christians are also too interesting
to omit. A few. extracts must be given in this
place. " The Christians, 0 King, are nearer to the
truth" and to exact knowledge than the rest of
the peoples. For they know and believe in God,
. . . those who grieve them they comfort, and
make them their friends . . . their wives, O
King, are pure as virgins, and their daughters
modest ... as for their servants or handmaids,
they persuade them to become Christians for the
love that they have towards them ; and when
they have become so, they call them without
distinction brethren ... if they hear that any
of their number is imprisoned or oppressed for
the name of their Messiah, all of them provide

WHY DO WE ACCEPT OUR FOUR GOSPELS? .15
for his needs, and if it is possible that he may
be delivered, they deliver him. And if there is
among them a man that is poor and needy, and
they have not an abundance of necessaries, they
fast two or three days that they may supply the
needy with their necessary food ... if any
righteous person of their number passes away
from the world, they rejoice and give thanks to
God, and they follow his body, as if he were
moving from one place to another . . . And
truly this people is a new people, and there is
something divine mingled with it." (Rendel
Harris, " Apology of Aristides," pp. 36-51.)
Such was the appeal of the Church to the
Empire during the reign of Hadrian (117—
138 AD.)
At Rome, a few years later, Justin Martyr of
Samaria addressed his defence of Christianity
to Antoninus Pius and the Senate of Rome. I
do not know what effect it had, but he seems to
have been put to death shortly after. Lastly,
just at the close of the century, Clement of
Alexandria, and Tertullian of Carthage, wrote
Apologies, the one sweet, reasonable, and philo
sophic; the other defiantly Christian. If Ter
tullian sounds too bitter now, as we read him in

16 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
our armchairs, it is well to remember that op
pression drives even wise men mad. And Ter
tuUian, though great, was hardly wise. Eloquent,
illogical, fiercely right and splendidly wrong, he
is one of a type of men not yet extinct, whose
hearts are greater than their heads.
4. The second century was also the century
of heresy, especially of Gnosticism. The Gnostics
were to the Church its greatest evil and its
greatest good. The majority of them might be
described as bankrupt philosophers, who re
floated their philosophy on Christian credit.
Such men were philosophers first and Christians
only in the second place ; but the fact that they
used the Name of Christ at all is a significant
proof that heathenism was dying. They en
grafted on the living tree of Christianity shoots
cut from the dying trunk of heathenism.
The heathen had for centuries been occupied
with speculations with regard to the origin of
the world through evolution of some kind.
These speculations the Gnostics carried on, and
thought to find in them an explanation not only
of the physical universe, but also of Christianity
and of moral evil. This ancient theory of evo
lution differed from similar modern theories by

WHY DO WE ACCEPT OUR FOUR GOSPELS? 17
the slenderness of the evidence alleged for it, by
the poetical rather than scientific form in which
it was expressed, and, above all, by the fact that
it embraced the unseen universe no less than
the seen. The Unknown Deity, shrouded in im
mensity from the reach of human thought, was
the first link of the chain of spiritual existences
which led through the Father and the Son,
and through beings further removed from per
fection to Achamoth — a being imperfect enough
to give birth to this present imperfect material
universe. Such, in few words, was the poetic
and daring system of Valentinus, the most
Gnostic of the Gnostics.
Yet Gnosticism had its work. When the
fever of its excesses was past, it left the Church
more spiritual than it found it. The Christian
philosophers of Alexandria, Clement and Origen,
succeeded the Gnostic teachers, and taught the
Church to look for the deeper meaning of the
Bible, and in that deeper apprehension of it to
take a wider view of the world, its meaning,
and its destiny. This mention of Gnosticism is
necessary, for Gnosticism is a witness to the
Four Gospels, as we shall see when we come to
the testimony of Irenteus of Lyons. D

18 canonical and uncanonical gospels.
Montanism.
Besides Gnosticism, I must mention one other
great tendency, sectarian rather than heretical,
which arose in the second century. To the free
missionary activity of the apostles' days succeeded
the more mechanical consolidating action' of the
sub-apostolic period. The Church found herself
governed by aged men whose chief qualification
was that they were old enough to have had
intercourse in younger days with apostles.
There was a great danger that Christian life
would become stereotyped and that Christianity
itself would become a past glory rather than a
present power.
Then Montanus arose in Phrygia, a province
of Asia Minor. Like the so-called " Quakers " of
later times, he called attention to the almost
forgotten truth that Christ had sent the Spirit
at Pentecost to abide with the Church for ever.
Christians were living in the times of the
"Comforter" (Paraclete), and His voice was
still to be heard through His prophets and
prophetesses. Montanus claimed for himself and for his
followers, including two women, the gift of

WHY DO WE ACCEPT OUR FOUR GOSPELS? 19
prophecy; the Church of Asia Minor cried
blasphemy, and cast them out. Yet the
prophesyings continued, and some were reduced
to writing, and read for edification at the Mon-
tanist meetings. What, then, it will be asked,
was the attitude of this sect towards the books
of the New Testament ?
Montanists and Catholics, so our evidence
shows, were practically at one with regard to
the Four Gospels. It may be said, in the first
place, that the Montanist doctrine of the
Comforter is either derived from S. John's
Gospel, or else is an independent testimony to
the teaching of the Gospel. It must certainly
not be thought that the Gospel may, on the
contrary, have proceeded from the Montanists,
for there is equally early, or rather, perhaps,
earlier evidence that it was used by the Gnostics,
whose tendency was a wholly different one from
that of the Montanists. A work proceeding
from one of these bodies could hardly have been
accepted by the other. Spiritualizers, like the
Gnostics who explained away the resurrection of
the body, had too little in common with men like
the Montanists, who earnestly expected Christ's
reign of a thousand years with His saints on

20 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
earth ; Gnostic and Montanist could receive in
common only that which was earlier than both
Gnosticism and Montanism.
The agreement between Catholics and Mon
tanists as to the Gospels is emphasized by the
evidence to be derived from TertuUian, the
earliest and perhaps the only Montanist writer
whose works are preserved. Writing about 210
a.d., he not only mentions that our Four Gospels
were received by all the great Churches of the
Christian World, but also specially occupies
himself to show — and, indeed, he does show —
that our Gospel of S. Luke is earlier than the
recension of it adopted by Marcion the Gnostic
(circ. 140 A.D.).
It has been said by some that the idea of a
Canon — i.e. of a fixed collection of sacred writings
definitely including certain books and definitely
excluding all others — arose in the Church from
conscious opposition to the Montanists, and that
the limits of the Canon were fixed with an eye
to exclude the writings of the Montanist prophets.
Be this as it may be, one great fact remains
unshaken ; Catholic and Montanist were agreed
that our Four Gospels, and none other than these,
were to be received as authoritative and apostolic.

CHAPTER II.
our gospels at the close of the second
CENTURY.
Antioch (Theophilus) — Alexandria (Clement)— Lyons
(Irenaeus).
We now come to the question, what was the
history of the Four Gospels during the second
centurj'- ? Can we show that they were known,
used, referred to as authorities in the second
century as they undoubtedly were in the third ?
It will give point to these inquiries if we give
at once the substance of some other inquiries
which led to a very different result from the one
we hope to reach. We refer to a book called
" Supernatural Religion " ; not because of any
knowledge we possess that the author, in spite
of evidence recently discovered, would still stand
by all that he wrote in 1879, but because he has
stated his view in vigorous English which is

22 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
remembered and repeated long after it has been
once read.
His conclusions with regard to the Gospels
may be thus summed up —
(a) No trace of our Gospels of S. Matthew,
S. Mark, and S. John between 30 and 180 A.D.
(6) The Gospel of S. Luke allowed to have
existed before 140 A.D., but not as a work of any
authority. (c) The Gospel according to the Hebrews and
other lost Gospels asserted to have been the
Gospels used between 95 and 170 A.D.
We have two great questions to ask with
regard to these conclusions —
1. Are they true ?
2. If they are true, how far are they im
portant ?
We must begin our inquiry at the earliest
period at which it is generally agreed that our
Gospels existed and were of authority in the
Church. This period consists of the twenty or
thirty years following 180 A.D., the date up to
which the author of " Supernatural Religion "
concludes that there is no trace of the Gospels
of S. Matthew, S. Mark, and S. John.
If the conclusion be true, we have a remarkable

THE CLOSE OF THE SECOND CENTURY. 23
transformation scene as soon as we pass the year
180 a.d. At all the great centres of Chris
tianity existing in the second century, we find,
after the year 180 A.D., overwhelming evidence,
not only of the existence of all four of our
Gospels, but also of the reverence in which they
were held, and of the authority attributed to
them. Let Antioch be mentioned first, because no
other city is more closely connected with the
earliest history of Christianity. About the year
180 A.D. Theophilus, the bishop there, wrote an
" Apology for Christianity" to convince a heathen
friend. In such a work many appeals to the
Christian Scriptures are not to be expected,
especially as the work is not a long one, but in
it are quoted, besides some passages from S.
Matthew, two verses of the first chapter of S.
John, with the information added for the sake
of his friend, that they were written by an
inspired man named John.
So we have in the oldest Christian city (save
Jerusalem) the Gospel of S. John, by all allowed
to be the latest written of the Four Gospels,
quoted as an inspired authority about the year
180 A.D. But books do not step into a

24 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
position of authority all at once, and in the light
of this fact (and of some others to be produced
later on), I venture to think that if no trace can
be found of the existence of S. John's Gospel
before 180 A.D. the circumstance is purely
accidental. Let us pass southward next to Egypt. During
the period we are discussing, and both before
and after it, Alexandria was one of the five or
six great centres of Christianity. It is a good
place to go to for information. It is near Pales
tine, the scene of the events narrated in the
Gospels. It was celebrated for its learned men,
Christian as well as heathen. The man we shall
question here is the great writer Clement, at
this time head of the Catechetical School, i.e.
of the Christian Institute at which educated
heathen inquirers were received and furnished
with information regarding Christianity.
Clement was a really learned man. He could
quote Homer and the Tragedians, and had
Mythology at his fingers' ends. He could
understand and appreciate Greek philosophy.
Indeed, he declares that God gave the Greeks
philosophy as He gave the Jews the Law, to be
a schoolmaster to bring them to Christ. He

THE CLOSE OF THE SECOND CENTURY. 25
knew many Christian writings which are lost to
us, and at times refers to them.
But his attitude towards the Four Gospels is
unmistakable, as the following table shows.
(Let us take fifty consecutive pages from a work
addressed to Christians, for we do not find, and
do not expect to find the same unrestrained
readiness to quote Christian Scriptures in a
work addressed to heathens).
Quotations in Clement of Alexandria (fifty
consecutive pages of " Paedagogus," T. and T.
Clark's Translation.)
From Old Testament  62
„ Gospels  52
„ Epistles  31
„ Classics ... ... ... 3
Thus it is seen that Clement quotes from one
or other of the Four Gospels on every page on
an average, besides frequently quoting the Old
Testament and the Epistles.
If, however, something besides statistics is
desired, take his witness in his own words.
After giving a saying of our Lord not found in
the Canonical Gospels, he adds, " We have not
the saying in the Four Gospels which have been
handed down to us, but in that according to the
E

26 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
Egyptians." Who does not feel, in reading this
sentence, that Clement is warning his readers
that he gives them a saying on an authority less
generally accepted than that of the Canonical
Gospels ?
Clement died about 220 A.D., so this sentence
was probably written before that year. Is it
conceivable that by going back about thirty or
forty years further we reach a time at which there
is actually no trace of the existence of three out of
four of the Gospels which Clement describes as
"handed down to us" {i.e. to Christians at
large) ? If it be so, surely the absence of traces
must be accidental. Moreover, such strong
testimony at so early a date makes us feel that ¦
a careful search is likely to be rewarded by the
discovery of still earlier traces which have been
overlooked. It is becoming difficult to believe
that there are none.
But we will have one more witness to the
state of things existing after the magic year 180,
before we go back to an earlier time. Irenaeus,
Bishop of Lyons in 180 a.d., is too important a
witness to pass by. In spiritual descent, he was
of the third generation only from the Lord Him
self. Christ taught S. John, S. John taught

THE CLOSE OF THE SECOND CENTURY. 27
Polycarp of Smyrna, and Polycarp of Smyrna
taught Irenaeus of Lyons.
" I can describe," writes Irenaeus,1 " the very
place in which the blessed Polycarp used to sit
. . . and how he would describe his intercourse
with John and with the rest who had seen the
Lord. . . . And whatsoever things he had heard
from them about the Lord, and about His
miracles, and about His teaching, Polycarp
would relate altogether in accordance with the
Scriptures." Here we plainly have a man who is in the
full stream of the earliest Christian tradition.
Further, he is independent of the last two wit
nesses; for he drew his Christianity, not from
Antioch or Alexandria, but from Western Asia
Minor, where S. Paul had laboured and S. John
had died. The evidence of such a man as to
the use of the Gospels in the Church, and the
authority attributed to them, is plainly worth
having. Let us have it. In fifty consecutive
pages of his works 2 there are seventy quotations
from our Gospels, many of them from S. John,
together with a great number of quotations from
the Old Testament and from the Epistles. Thus
1 "Ad Florinum," Lightfoot, p. 95. 2 Bk. iv., init.

28 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
there can be no possible doubt what books
Irenaeus means when he says Gospels. Nor is
it doubtful how much authority he attributes
to them. He writes * : —
"So firm is the ground upon which these
Gospels rest that the very heretics themselves
bear witness to them, and starting from these
documents, each one of them endeavours to
establish his own peculiar doctrine. For the
Ebionites who use S. Matthew's Gospel only
are confuted out of this very same (of) making
false suppositions with regard to the Lord.
But Marcion, mutilating that according to Luke,
is proved to be a blasphemer of the only exist
ing God from those passages which he still
retains. Those, again, who separate Jesus from
Christ, alleging that Christ remained impassible,
but that it was Jesus who suffered; preferring
the Gospel by Mark, if they read it with a
love of truth may have their errors rectified.
Those, moreover, who follow Valentinus (the
Gnostic), making copious use of that according
to John, to illustrate their conjunctions, shall
be proved to be totally in error by means of
this very Gospel."
1 " H£er.," III., xi. 7. T. and T. Clark, p. 292.

THE CLOSE OF THE SECOND CENTURY. 29
Thus writes Irenaeus about the year 190 a.d.,
and we can hardly exaggerate the importance
of his testimony. He was no recluse, and though
he lived in Gaul, we cannot call him a merely
local witness. He kept up intercourse with
Rome and the East till the end of the century.
He showed on one great occasion his statesman
like care for the whole Church both in East
and West. The dispute in the Christian Church
with regard to the proper time at which Easter
should be kept, had reached an acute stage.
The Bishop of Rome made things still more
unpleasant by excommunicating one side. A
leading part in restoring peace fell to Irenaeus.
Such is the man who bears witness that, about
the year 190 ad., and, no doubt, for some time
before, our Four Gospels were so well established
as to be acknowledged by Catholics and heretics
as a common authority in controversy. What
are we, then, to make of the statement that
there is no trace of the very existence of three
of them before 180 A.D. ? Surely these great
authorities cannot have been made up in 180
a.d., and immediately accepted by all parties !
Let it then be placed on record that, at the
earliest date after apostolic times, at which we

30 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
have a Christian literature, wide in scope and
large in bulk, and consisting chiefly of works
addressed to Christians, we have overwhelming
evidence that our Four Gospels were current
from Antioch in the East, to Lyons in the
West, and were looked upon as the great
authoritative documents of the Christian Faith.

ANTIOCH
(Trfeophilus)
St.Joiln's Gospel

'ALEXANDRIA
Clement) Four Gospels

Walktr & Boutall sc.
THE DIRECT TESTIMONY TO THE FOUR GOSPELS TO BE FOUND CIRC. 200 A.D.
w™S }i~ ^e "Muratorian Canon" is a list-perhaps the earliest li8t-of the Canonical Books of the New Testament.
a ote u.— bparn, Britain, and Germany are not included, because so little is known of Christianity in those countries before 200 a.d.

CHAPTER III.
THE WITNESS OF TATIAN (160-180 A.D.).
Tatian's Life — His Apology — His " Diatessaron."
We now leave the undisputed period (180-220
a.d.), and enter upon a time during which the
author of " Supernatural Religion " tells us he
found no trace of any of our Four Gospels except
the third. In spite of his ill-success, we will
venture on the same ground, in hope of finding
what he missed.
The first witness to be examined is Tatian
the Assyrian, the fellow-worker and disciple of
Justin Martyr. The two facts, (1) that he was
a fellow-worker with Justin, (2) that Irenaeus J
speaks of him in the past tense, go to show
that he belonged to an earlier generation than
Irenaeus himself, but exact evidence of his date
is wanting. 1 "Hser.,"!., 28.

THE WITNESS OF TATIAN (160-180 A.D.). 33
Tatian was a rough mountaineer from beyond
the Tigris, perhaps from the district in which
the Archbishop of Canterbury's Mission to the
Eastern Syrians (the so-called Nestorians) is
now working. Like many others at that time,
i.e. about 140 or 150, he came westward, ulti
mately to Rome, in search of truth. But the
Greeks disgusted him by their pedantry, and,
it must be confessed, by laughing at his failure
to attain an Attic purity of accent; while the
Romans sickened his healthy provincial soul by
their exhibitions of gladiators. The sequel may
be told in his own words : —
" As I was earnestly considering this, I came
across certain barbarian writings, older in point
of antiquity than the doctrines of the Greeks,
and far too divine to be marked with their
errors. What persuaded me in these books was
the simplicity of the language . . . the noble
explanation of creation, the predictions of the
future, the excellence of the precepts, and the
assertion of the government of all by one Being."
Tatian is a most important witness. He was
generally reckoned, at least in his later career,
as a heretic, so that his agreement with Catholic
writers such as Irenaeus on the subject of the

34 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
Gospels, if such agreement be found, must be
reckoned as confirmation from an independent,
if not from a hostile source.
Further, he spent many years at Rome, which
was, in his time, already fast becoming the
head-quarters of Christianity. At some time or
other nearly all the great leaders of the Church,
Ignatius, Polycarp, Irenaeus, Marcion (and other
heretics), found their way to Rome. It was the
place above all others where information about
the faith and practice of Christians was to be
obtained. Tatian's evidence for the Gospels must be
extracted from his two works, (1) " Oration to
the Greeks," (2) " Diatessaron," or Harmony of
Four Gospels.
The Oration is a short work, and is addressed
to heathens ; so that we must not expect to find
the Christian Scriptures often quoted, or quoted
at length. But we find two or three short
sentences which, taken together, are very sig
nificant : cap. iv., " God is a Spirit ; " cap. xiii,
" The darkness doth not comprehend the light ; "
cap. xix., " All things were made by Him, and
without Him was not anything made."
From these quotations, we may feel morally

THE WITNESS OF TATIAN (160-180 A.D.). 35
certain that the writer had either seen S. John's
Gospel, or, at least, heard it read ; and we shall
feel the more disposed to receive reasonable
evidence that he used this Gospel among others
in composing " The Diatessaron " (cf. J. M. Fuller,
in Diet. Chr. Biog., Tatian).

"The Diatessaeon."
We now come to "The Diatessaron." It is
generally acknowledged that this work was
written either in Syriac, Tatian's native lan
guage, or in Greek, the language in which he
composed his Apology. Unfortunately no " Dia
tessaron" in Greek or Syriac is extant, and
therefore we cannot at once say what Gospels
were used.
But though it is impossible to say off-hand,
it is not difficult to learn by inquiry. The first
witness is Eusehius, the great Church historian,
who wrote about the year 324 A.D., under the
Emperor Constantine. He says rather con
temptuously 1 —
" Tatian put together somehow a certain com
bination and collection of the Gospels and called
1 "H. E.," iv. 29

36 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
it 'The Diatessaron.'1 It is still current even
now in some quarters."
To estimate this statement at its true value,
we must remember that Eusebius was in many
ways the Bishop Lightfoot of the fourth cen
tury. His knowledge of early Christian litera
ture was immense. He was no mean linguist,
for he knew Hebrew, Syriac, and Greek; and
if he stumbled in translating the knotty Latin
epigrams of TertuUian, he was not the last man
to do so. Further, he was a real critic. Nothing
makes him more angry than a foolish story
found in any of his authorities. He can tell
the difference between a fact and an inference
from a fact in the writers he uses, and in some
notable instances he draws his own inferences,
differing from those writers.
Again, he is fair, though he sometimes gets
impatient. His style is mainly straightforward,
though a little difficult; and if he becomes
turgid when he describes the sufferings of the
martyrs, Christians living in the comfortable
nineteenth century may forgive overstrained
eloquence in a man who went to prison for
Christ. 1 i.e. " The Book of the Four."

THE WITNESS OF TATIAN (160-180 A.D.). 37
Eusebius's testimony in the present case is
precise ; it amounts to this —
Tatian composed his work from our Gospels,
and called it " The Book of the Four," because
all four of our evangelists were used.
But it has been suggested, from the careless
ness with which Eusebius mentions " The Dia
tessaron," that he had never seen it, and so
might be utterly mistaken about it. We cannot
prove that the historian had seen it; but the
title is a striking one, and unlikely to be a
mistake. We will call the next witness.
Theodoret, a great Biblical commentator and
a scholar as great as Eusebius, was bishop in
Syria about the year 430 ad., and was a neigh
bour, if not a fellow-countryman, of Tatian. His
testimony is as follows x —
" Tatian also composed the Gospel called ' The
Diatessaron,' removing the genealogies and all
the other passages which show that Christ was
born of David according to the flesh. This was
used, not only by the members of his party,
but even by those who followed the apostolic
doctrine, as they did not perceive the evil
design of the composition, but used the book
in their simplicity for its conciseness."
1 " Hser. Fab.," i. 20.

38 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
He then goes on to say that he found two
hundred such books in use, and that he removed
them from the churches, and substituted for
them the Four Gospels.
From this testimony, it is clear (1) that Theo
doret had seen Tatian's work; (2) that it was
called still in his day " Diatessaron," the fourfold
work ; (3) that he quarrelled with it, because in
it our Gospels were abbreviated in the interest
of heresy, as he supposed.
So Eusebius is confirmed by a writer who
was well qualified by his learning and place of
residence to state the truth on the matter. But
we will call the next witness.
Dionysius bar Salibi, a Syriac writer of the
twelfth century, says that Tatian's work com
menced with the opening words of S. John's
Gospel. If the latest of the Gospels was used,
surely the synoptics were not left out.
So the case stood when the author of " Super
natural Religion" issued his complete edition
in 1879. But since then the libraries have been
giving up their dead. The case now stands thus :
(i.) We have, in an Armenian version, a com
mentary (attributed to S. Ephraem) on a Gospel
harmony. It is natural to believe that this

THE WITNESS OF TATIAN (160-180 A.D). 39
is the commentary of S. Ephraem on Tatian's
"Diatessaron," mentioned by Bar Salibi. The
impression is confirmed by the fact that we
discover from the commentary that the harmony
began, as Bar Salibi says Tatian's " Diatessaron "
began, with the opening words of S. John's
Gospel. Moreover, on what harmony should
Ephraem the Syrian comment, but on the har
mony so widely used in the Syrian Church ?
We conclude, then, that we possess a commentary
on "The Diatessaron" of Tatian, written only
about two hundred years after " The Diatessa
ron" itself.
From the commentary, we can gain a good
deal of knowledge about the text commented
on. We cannot reconstruct the " Diatessaron,"
for the commentary is too unequal, sometimes
running into little essays, sometimes barely
referring to whole paragraphs, or skipping them
altogether. But one thing is clear ; the matter
commented on is drawn from our Gospels, in
cluding that according to S. John. Additions
from other sources are trifling.
An example will show the justice of these
two statements. The commentary is divided
into twenty-two chapters, in each of which the

40 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
matter commented on agrees with the substance
of our Gospels, and the wording (when given)
is, with slight exceptions, the wording of our
Gospels. Since, however, some selection must
be made, we choose that part of the commentary
which refers to the crucifixion as our example.
Separating, then, from the body of the com
mentary the Gospel quotations upon which
Ephraem comments, we get the following pas
sages. We leave it to the reader to decide
whether they are drawn from our Gospels or
not. For purposes of comparison, we add refer
ences to our Gospels, at the same time under
lining any variation. Some allowance must of
course be made for the usual inaccuracy in form
of all ancient quotations.
1. "And when He had taken up His cross and
gone forth, they found and laid hold of a certain
man of Cyrene, and they laid upon him the
cross " (John xix. 17, and Luke xxiii. 26).
2. "If they do this in a green tree" (Luke
xxiii. 31).
3. "That the saying might be accomplished,
He was reckoned with the unjust" (Mark xv.
28, a verse relegated to the margin of the
Revised Version),

THE WITNESS OF TATIAN (160-180 A.D.). 41
4. " This is Christ the King of the Jews "
(Matt, xxvii. 37).
5. " If Thou art the Christ, save Thyself and
us with Thee " (Luke xxiii. 39).
6. "Remember me, Lord, in Thy kingdom"
(Luke xxiii. 42).
7. "To-day thou shalt be with Me in the
garden of Pleasure " 1 (Luke xxiii. 43).
8. " And they gave Him to drink vinegar and
gall " (Matt, xxvii. 48).
9. " Woe, woe to us, this was the Son of God ;
the judgment of the destruction of Jerusalem is
come" (cf. Luke xxiii. 48, and especially the
new fragment of the " Gospel of Peter," which
reads, "Then the Jews and the elders and the
priests began to lament and to say, Woe to our
sins; the judgment draweth near and the end
of Jerusalem ").
10. "My God, my God, why hast Thou for
saken me " (Matt, xxvii. 46).
11. " Let us see whether Elias cometh to take
Him down " (Mark xv. 36).
12. "He saved others; Himself He cannot
save " (Matt, xxvii. 42).
1 This may be simply the equivalent in Armenian for
" Paradise."

42 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
13. "Into Thy hands I commend My spirit"
(Luke xxiii. 46).
14. "One of the soldiers smote Him with a
spear (lancea ") (John xix. 34).
(ii.) We have in the next place a newly dis
covered Arabic work professing to be a trans
lation of Tatian's " Diatessaron." This claim is
strengthened by the fact that the arrangement
of at least the opening chapters agrees with
the arrangement witnessed to by Ephraem's
commentary. (iii.) We have an anonymous harmony edited
in the sixth century by Victor of Capua, who
believed it to be "The Diatessaron" of Tatian.
This, if Tatian's, has certainly been added to
and altered, for it contains the genealogies, and
begins with the opening words of S. Luke's
Gospel. On the other hand, it follows, Tatian's
plan of weaving the Gospels into a connected
story. On the whole, it is safest to assume that
it is based on Tatian.
There is, however, an objection which forbids
us to identify even the Arabic harmony in its
present state with the original "Diatessaron."
Tatian's work was short as compared with the
Four Gospels, for Theodoret says that it was

THE WITNESS OF TATIAN (160-180 A.D.). 43
used on account of its conciseness. On the
other hand, this Arabic harmony is not con
siderably shorter than the text of the Four
Gospels. To reconstruct Tatian from the Latin
and Arabic would be a hopeless task.
But fortunately our task is not reconstruction,
but simply to inquire from what source Tatian
drew his materials. If we begin our inquiries
with the two harmonies at present extant,
which are ascribed to Tatian, we find that each
contains the bulk of the text of the Four
Gospels, and very little indeed besides.
What then is the safest conclusion to draw
with regard to the original work on which these
two harmonies were based ? Surely that a book
which tempted copyists to insert so much mate
rial from our Gospels was originally a brief
compilation from our Gospels. Transcribers
missed the context of Tatian's extracts, and
supplied it freely from the original work, i.e.
that of the four evangelists.
The foregoing conclusion becomes inevitable
when the rest of the evidence is taken into
consideration. An examination of the extant
harmonies, a study of Ephraem's commentary,
and the testimony of Eusebius, Theodoret, and

44 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
Bar Salibi, — these three independent lines of
evidence lead alike to the conclusion that Tatian
used our Four Gospels in compiling "The Diates
saron." Evidence of his use of a fifth Gospel is
too slight to be worthy of consideration.

CHAPTER IV.
THE WITNESS OF JUSTIN MARTYR (150 A.D.).
A sketch of Justin Martyr's life and qualifications as a wit
ness — His evidence with regard to S. Matthew and S.
Luke.
Our next witness carries us some fifteen or
twenty years further back, i.e. to circ. 150 A.D.
At Rome, about that time, we find the most
interesting man of his age, Justin Martyr the
Philosopher, defending Christianity in an Apology
addressed to the Emperor Antoninus Pius, and
assailing the teaching of Marcion, the most
Christian of the Gnostics. Justin was born in
Palestine within a century, perhaps, of the birth
of the Christ Himself.
He was a Greek by origin, and began his
search for truth with the study of Greek philo
sophy. He found a Stoic teacher unsatisfying,
and a Peripatetic too eager for fees. He next

46 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
applied to a Pythagorean for teaching, but the
Pythagorean excluded him by a sort of entrance
examination in music, astronomy, and geometry.
At last, in Platonism, he thought to find what he
sought, "a clear- vision of God." But a rival
stronger than Platonism finally won him. "I
found Christianity," he writes, "the only
philosophy that is sure, and suited to man's
wants." Like his predecessor, S. Paul, he came
to Rome as an ambassador for Christ, and, like
S. Paul, he died there a martyr's death.
Justin was, as we have seen, Tatian's teacher,
and Tatian, as we have seen, used our Four
Gospels. Is there not, then, some presumption —
of a low degree, perhaps — that Justin himself
used them?
Justin appeals to writings which he calls,
" Memoirs of the Apostles." He says they were
called, " Gospels," and that they were written by
apostles and those who followed them. Is not
this the way in which we should describe out
Four Gospels, two of them being ascribed to the
apostles S. Matthew and S. John, and two of
them to followers of the apostles, S. Mark and
S. Luke ? Does not our first presumption rise
in the scale of probability ?

THE WITNESS OF JUSTIN MARTYR (150 A.D). 47
But what was the substance of Justin's Gospel ?
What facts does he mention ?
" He tells us that Christ was descended from
Abraham through David; that the angel Gabriel
was sent to foretell His birth to the Virgin
Mary — that this was a fulfilment of the prophecy
of Isaiah — that Joseph was forbidden in a vision
to put away his espoused wife ; that our Saviour's
birth at Bethlehem had been foretold by Micah ;
that His parents went thither from Nazareth
where they dwelt, in consequence of the enrol
ment (taxing) under Cyrenius; that as they
could not find a lodging in the village, they
lodged in a cave close by it, where Christ was
born, and laid by Mary in a manger ; that while
there, wise men from Arabia, guided by a star,
worshipped Him, and offered Him gold, and
frankincense, and myrrh."
Shall we continue ? or may we take it for
granted that we have found a trace of two at
least of our Gospels ? though Justin not only
wrote before the year 180 A.D., but, according to
some authorities, may even have died before
150 A.D.
No, we must not take it for granted, for it is
urged that it was not our Gospels which were

48 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
used, but some other or others. Justin's quota
tions have been placed side by side with the
corresponding passages from our Gospels, and we
are assured that our Gospels cannot be ' the
source of the quotations.
The case stands thus. We find in Justin a
mass of Gospel sayings in which slight verbal
variations from the text of our Gospels are very
frequent ; while, on the other hand, any difference
in substance is hardly to be found. There is,
however, nothing extraordinary in this verbal
variation. Other Fathers, later than Justin,
who, without doubt, used our Gospels, are in
accurate in their quotations. It is worth while,
on this topic, to cite the words of a writer, not
on the Canon, but on the " Textual Criticism of
the New Testament."
" A physical cause," writes Dr. Warfield (p. 74),
" lies at the bottom of much of the looseness of
patristic quotation. There were no handy
reference Bibles in those days, no concordances,
no indices ; and books were dear, and not at all
times within reach. For brief quotations, memory
was necessarily relied on ; and thus the habit of
depending on memory fixed itself. Even very
long quotations can often be but little trusted
in their details," etc.

THE WITNESS OF JUSTIN MARTYR (150 A.D.). 49
But it is necessary to come to particulars.
In chapters 15-17 of "Apology," I., we find a
kind of abstract of our Lord's moral teaching
presented, that the Emperor might see how pure
a morality the Christians taught. It is a natural
supposition that Justin would cast this abstract
into a form of his own ; and, if so, we must not be
surprised to find the order and wording a little
different from the order and wording of our
Gospels, even if he used our Gospels.
In "Apology," I., c. 15, we have the following,
which is a fair specimen of Justin's quotations.
(For convenience, it is divided into six sec
tions). (The Christ) said thus : —
1. " To every one that asketh give ye, and
from him that desireth to borrow, turn not ye
away " (Matt. v. 42).
2. " For if ye lend to those from whom ye hope
to receive " (Luke vi. 34).
3. " What new thing do ye ? This even the
publicans do " (Matt. v. 46 and 47).
4. " But ye, lay not up for yourselves treasures
upon the earth, where moth and rust doth
corrupt and robbers break through; but lay
up for yourselves treasures in the heavens,H

So CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
where neither moth nor rust corrupteth " (Matt,
vi. 19, 20).
5. " For what is a man profited, if he gain the
whole world, but lose his soul ? Or what shall
he give in exchange for it ? " (Matt. xvi. 26).
6. " Therefore lay up treasures in the heavens,
where neither moth nor rust doth corrupt "
(Matt. vi. 19).
Now, comparing the parts of the above quota
tion with the passages from our Gospels to which
references are given, we find : (1) no difference
in sense, (2) no difference in wording beyond
such variations as " new thing " (Justin), " extra
thing" (S. Matt.) ; " robbers " (Justin), "thieves"
(S. Matt.); "lose his soul" (Justin), "be mulcted
of his soul" (S. Matt.).
It is difficult to believe on the ground of
differences so slight that Justin used a Gospel
different from any of ours ; but if it was so,
then Justin's Gospel must have been at least as
much like our Synoptic Gospels as they are like
one another, and our loss of a fifth Gospel is not
a serious one.
But one argument remains to be dealt with.
A glance at the references to chapter and verse
appended to the different parts of the quotation

THE WITNESS OF JUSTIN MARTYR (150 A.D.). 51
makes it seem unlikely that a man looking out
his passages in a copy of our Gospels would
skip about so much.
But the question is, Is it likely that Justin
would copy out his quotations straight from his
authorities ? We have already seen, from Dr.
Warfield's words, that it is unlikely that the
Fathers generally would do such a thing. In
Justin's case, there are two additional reasons
why it is probable that he quoted merely from
memory : (1) in the first place, he was writing
for heathens for whom it was sufficient to give
the general sense; (2) in the second place, his
quotations from the Old Testament (and, they
are many) show a similar inaccuracy in wording.
A defective memory will explain all the varia
tions of the passage chosen for consideration
("Apology," I., xv.). Now, Justin's memory can
hardly have been good ; he was a heathen till
he was grown up, and so had not learned the
Gospels with the retentive memory of childhood.
Further, the passage is a representative one ; the
difficulties it presents are not less than those to
be found elsewhere ; the solution which satisfies
them is satisfactory also in most other cases.
Only here and there does another hypothesis

52 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
seem more probable, viz. that Justin alters
obscure expressions that the heathen may better
understand them.
We conclude, that if human nature is human
nature in all ages as well as in all climes, Justin
Martyr used our Gospels, and would have been
greatly astonished to be told he had not.

CHAPTER V.
THE WITNESS OF HERMAS (circ. 140-150 A.D.).
"The Shepherd "— Its symbolism a veiled witness to the Four
fold Gospel.
There is one curious piece of evidence in favour
of our Four Gospels which was recently brought
to light by Dr. Taylor,1 Master of S. John's
College, Cambridge. Among the writings of the
Apostolic Fathers is generally reckoned" a work
called " The Shepherd," written by one Hennas.
The author was formerly supposed to be the
Hermas to whom S. Paul sends greeting in the
Epistle to the Romans. It is perhaps owing to
this identification that " The Shepherd " was in
cluded among the works of the Apostolic Fathers.
This identification is now generally given up in
1 In the Cambridge Journal of Philology for January, 1890.
See also "The Witness of Hermas to the Four Gospels"
(1832), by the same author.

54 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
the face of the precise statement of a second-
century author who wrote at Rome; for the
author of the Muratorian Fragment declares that
Hermas wrote "The Shepherd" while "his brother
Pius " was Bishop of Rome. " The Shepherd,"
then, is a Roman document, dating circ. 140-
150 a.d., and could not have proceeded from a
contemporary of S. Paul. On the other hand,
it is at least as early as the "Apology " of Justin
Martyr, and possibly earlier.
Now, we found in Justin clear traces of the
use of our Gospels of S. Matthew and S. Luke,
or, at least, of Gospels closely resembling them
both in wording and contents. In Hermas we
meet with quite different phenomena ; we have
apparent allusions to our Gospels, and many
phrases and statements which remind us of
them; but, on the other hand, we find hardly
anything which could be called a quotation from
either Canonical or Uncanonical Gospels.
As an example of an apparent allusion, we
notice that Hermas is shown in a vision a new
gate, " which was made new, that those who are
about to be saved might enter in thereby into
the kingdom of God " (Sim. ix. 12. 3). He is
told that the gate is the Son of God. It is not

THE WITNESS OF HERMAS (140-150 A.D.). 55
unreasonable to find in these words a reference
to S. John x. 9, " I am the door ; by Me if any
man enter in, he shall be saved." But we
acknowledge that this and other apparent re
ferences, when taken alone, would fall short of
proving that Hermas was acquainted with our
Gospels. The really valuable evidence to be derived
from Hermas is of a different kind from that to
be derived from Justin, and forms a valuable
supplement to it. Hermas seems to say nothing
less than this, viz. that in his own time, i.e. as
early as 140-150 a.d., and perhaps still earlier,
there existed at Rome an authoritative collec
tion of Four Gospels. If he really says this,
his evidence is of the highest value. These Four
Gospels must be our four, because there is no
trace in East or West of any other Gospels
which ever formed a collection of four.
But there must be a history behind the collec
tion. People collect things which have already,
by lapse of time and by practical proof, gained a
certain value or authority. Coins are collected
only after they have become valuable or old.
Laws are collected into codes after they have
been tried and found useful. In like manner,

56 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
our Four Gospels must have individually gained
respect or authority before they were formed
into a collection. If Dr. Taylor has rightly in
terpreted Hermas, he has proved that as early
as 140-150 A.D., each of our Four Gospels had an
honourable history behind it.
A little patience and care will be well be
stowed in following Dr. Taylor's argument. Un
less it be borne in mind that the ways of the
second century are not the ways of the nine
teenth, the interpretation of Hermas to be given
may seem forced, or even impossible.
The most earnest of the early Christians, on
their conversion, found their outer lives narrowed
in proportion as their inner lives were enlarged.
The amphitheatre and the circus, literature and
art, appeared to such men as Athens had ap
peared to S. Paul, "wholly given to idolatry"
(R.V., " full of idols "). They renounced them
all. But Nature reasserted her sway; the
rude beginnings of a new art and new
literature manifested themselves in Christianity
itself. Art showed itself in the symbolic figures
scratched on the walls of the catacombs, litera
ture in imaginative works like " The Shepherd "
of Hermas.

THE WITNESS OF HERMAS (140-150 A.D.). 57
"The Shepherd" was meant to be both re
ligious and interesting. It has been compared
to Bunyan's "Pilgrim's Progress;" but there is
a strong contrast between the two works. The
" Pilgrim " is a story, the interest of which de
pends on the fortunes of its lifelike characters;
" The Shepherd " is an allegory, which keeps our
interest in proportion as the meaning is " half-
revealed and half-concealed." We must re
member this fact in interpreting the language
of Hermas.
The book begins with a threefold vision of
very simple structure. In the first vision,
Hermas sees an aged woman sick unto death,
seated in a chair, the seat of teaching and
authority. She reads to him terrible words
out of a book, an allusion, possibly, to the Law
given on Sinai. This woman, we are told, re
presents the Church ; may we conclude that she
represents the Jewish Church in possession of
the Law of Moses ? At the end, she and her
chair are carried off to the East.
In the second vision, Hermas sees the same
woman, but she is partially restored. She walks,
reading a little book. Hermas mistakes her for
the Sibyl, a mystic, prophetic figure, in whose
I

58 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
name many predictions were current among the
early Christians, but he is told that she is the
Church. She is more cheerful, as one to whom
an inheritance has been left. She lends Hermas
the little book, but demands it back because the
revelation is not yet complete. May we not
take her as the figure of the Jewish Church in
possession of the promises of prophecy ; not sit
ting teaching, but standing, because the Law is
destined to pass away, and the Gospel has not
yet come ?
In the third vision, Hermas sees again the
same woman, now young and fair, and '¦ joyous
as one to whom good tidings have come." He
is told to mark that her position is firm because
she is sitting on a bench {subsellium) ; because
the bench has four feet, and stands firmly, for
the world also is held together by the strength of
four elements.
The woman tells six young men who are with
her to go and build ; and presently Hermas sees
a great tower being built upon the waters. This
tower, she tells him, is herself — the Church — and
is built upon the waters, " because your life was
saved, and will be saved, by water" (probably
an allusion to baptism, for the same expression

THE WITNESS OF HERMAS (140-150 A.D.). 59
is used in reference to baptism in 1 Pet. iii.
20, 21). At the end, she and the bench are
carried off to the tower. Surely the application
of the third vision is to the Church no longer
Jewish, but Christian, because the Gospel has
come. Thus we seem to have in these three
visions — the Law, the Prophets, and the Gospel.
But we are in search of something more
definite still, viz. the Four written Gospels. Is
there any trace of these in the vision ? Yes, in
the figure of the bench with the four feet,
answers Dr. Taylor. Let us, then, consider the
language which Hermas uses with regard to the
bench. 1. In the first place, the bench is something
of great importance, belonging to the Church.
It is the first thing which arrests the attention
of Hermas during the third vision, and it is the
last thing, the significance of which is explained
to him by the Interpreter, who interprets all
three visions at the close. When the woman is
carried off to the tower which is building, the
bench is carried after her, as though it denoted
a permanent possession of the Church. Now,
if it can be shown that the bench signifies the
Four Gospels, it is clear how great was the

60 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
importance Hermas attributed to them. His
vision will then be proved to be a vision of the
Church and of the Gospels.
2. In the first vision, the chair (the word
used, S. Matt, xxiii. 2, " Moses' seat ") appears
to represent the Mosaic Law. Nothing is said
in the interpretation with regard to the chair
except that it is suitable for one who is weak
through age. The relation of the Law to the
Jewish Church might well be so expressed by
a Christian writer of the second century. But
no attention is called to the number of feet, or
other parts, of the chair, probably because the
books in which the Law is contained, being five
in number, do not lend themselves to a numerical
analogy which would suit a chair. Nor is the
chair particularly interesting to the writer.
In the third vision, the bench takes the place
of the chair. The same figure could not be
used of two things between which so strong an
antithesis exists as between the Law and the
Gospel. In the case of the bench, attention is
called in the interpretation to the fact that it
has four feet. Why so in the case'of the bench,
but not in the case of the chair ? Surely it is
not unreasonable to conclude that the antitype

THE WITNESS OF HERMAS (140-150 A.D.). 61
of the bench was in some sense fourfold, while
the antitype of the chair was not so. The one
bench may be regarded as representing the col
lection of the Four Gospels, just as the one chair
may represent the five books of Moses gathered
into one Torah.
3. The bench is that on which the Church
sits, the authority on which it rests. Why
should this authority be represented with
emphasis as fourfold ? It cannot be a reference
to the Saviour Himself, nor to His twofold
nature, nor to the Trinity, nor to the Twelve
Apostles, nor to the Orders of the Ministry.
There is nothing on which the Church has ever
rested, or seemed to rest, which could be
represented as a fourfold authority, except the
Canonical Gospels.
4. Lastly — and this is a most important point
— the Interpreter of the Vision finds it neces
sary to apologize for the fact that the authority
on which the Church depends is fourfold.
He tells Hermas to mark that the position
of the Church is "firm, because she is sitting
on a bench ; because the bench has four feet,
and stands firmly." So far all is simple, and
the four feet might be merely a figure signi-

62 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
fying that the Church was firmly based, on
what foundation it matters not. But the In
terpreter does not stop here, but goes on to
justify the number four. "The bench has four
feet, and stands firmly, for the world also is held
together by the strength of four elements." We
must conclude, therefore, that some antitype of
fourfold nature stands behind that " four." The
four elements have to do, not with the bench,
but with the antitype of the bench. The bench
is firm, for the sufficient reason that it has four
feet ; but the thing signified by the bench is firm
because it answers to the Constitution (as then
understood) of Nature. Plainly, the antitype is
something the fourfoldness of which needs justi
fying, and can only be justified by a far-fetched
analogy with the four " elements " — fire, water,
earth, and air.
Is not the Fourfold Gospel such an antitype ?
To answer this question, it must first be re
marked that the fact of the existence of four
Gospels proves from time to time a stumbling-
block, especially to the unthinking. It would
be simpler, they say, to have one Gospel. Cer
tainly we should, in that case, be saved from
some difficulties and discrepancies. On the

THE WITNESS OF HERMAS (140-150 A.D.). 63
other hand, we have, as it is, a great advan
tage ; the Fourfold Gospel is fourfold testimony.
But when once we try to prove that there is
some special fitness in the number (four Gospels,
rather than three or five), we are driven back on
far-fetched analogies similar to the one which,
as Dr. Taylor believes, meets us here. We con
clude that the Fourfold Gospel may be reason
ably identified with the antitype of the bench,
the four feet of which are compared to the four
" elements." This conclusion would be greatly strengthened
if it could be shown that such far-fetched
analogies were used in reference to the Four
Gospels at a time not far from the date of the
composition of "The Shepherd." Now this is
just what we can show. Irenaeus of Lyons,
writing about a generation and a half later than
Hermas, in a well-known passage (" Haer.," III.,
11. 11), says that there could be neither more
nor fewer than four Gospels. For since there
are four regions of the world and four winds, it
was natural that the Church should have four
pillars. The Word of God sits on the four-
faced cherubim; the Son of God sits on the
Four Gospels.

64 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
In this passage of Irenaeus we get the far
fetched analogies between the Gospels and
natural things; and we also find the Gospels
represented as supports, as pillars on which the
Church rests, as a seat on which Christ sits.
If in the language of Irenaeus, writing circ.
190 A.D., the Gospels are a seat, may not
Hermas, writing circ. 140-150 A.D., mean the
Gospels by his symbolic bench ?
But there is probably a closer relationship
between the two writers than the relationship
of nearness in time. Irenaeus, in one place,
quotes a sentence found in " The Shepherd," with
the introductory formula, "Well therefore said
the Scripture which saith," etc. If we may
draw the fullest inference from this, Irenaeus
knew the work of Hermas, and treated it as
Scripture; and we may then further conclude
that his analogies were suggested by "The
Shepherd." In conclusion, one objection may be men
tioned ; why did not Hermas himself explain
the meaning of the bench, if it be significant ?
We answer, in the first place, that it is of the
nature of his book. to "half conceal and half
reveal," and, in the second place, that the Four

THE WITNESS OF HERMAS (140-150 A.D.). 65
Gospels were so well established in Hermas'
time that any symbolism which included the
number " four " must needs suggest them. It
may be said that this is only an hypothesis, but
it is an hypothesis which is rendered probable
by the language of Irenaeus regarding the
Gospels. From the whole of the foregoing evidence
derived from " The Shepherd," the general con
clusion to be drawn seems to us to be this : that in
the time of Hermas at Rome, then (140-150 A.D.)
fast becoming the head-quarters of Christianity,
there were for Christians two, and only two,
great facts, and that one of these was the
Church, and the other our Four Gospels.

K

CHAPTER VI.
THE WITNESS OF PAPIAS (140-150 A.D.).
The witness of " The Elder " (circ. 100 a.d.), quoted by Papias,
to S. Mark — The witness of Papias himself to S. Matthew.
We next pass to a contemporary of Justin,
Papias of Hierapolis, one of the cities of Western
Asia Minor. Papias is important, not for him
self, but because he collected the traditions of
the earlier generations. Here is a testimony to
S. Mark (a Gospel hitherto little noticed in
these pages) given on the authority of " The
Elder," i.e. probably John the Elder, a personal
disciple of the Lord, and therefore hardly to be
dated later than the year 100 A.D.
" Mark having become the interpreter of S.
Peter, wrote down accurately all his (i.e. pro
bably Peter's) reminiscences, without however
recording in order what was either said or done
by Christ. For neither did he hear the Lord,

THE WITNESS OF PAPIAS (140-150 A.D.). 67
nor did he follow Him; but afterwards, as I
said, attended Peter, who adapted his instruc
tions to the needs of his hearers, but had no
design of giving a connected account of the
Lord's oracles (or discourses)."
Regarding the date of this testimony, there is
no dispute, but many critics deny that it refers
to our present Gospel of S. Mark. Our present
Gospel, they say, is the most orderly of the
three Synoptics, whereas the Gospel referred to
by the Elder is described as not recording in
order either the words or deeds of Christ.
There is a double answer to this argument of
the critics : in the first place, the difficulty they
point to is smaller than appears ; in the second
place, their solution raises a greater difficulty
than it solves. The difficulty of identifying our
S. Mark with the Elder's S. Mark is simply
this : that the critics consider our Mark as
orderly in its arrangement, while the Elder
considered his S. Mark as not " recording in
order." There is a difference of opinion, and
therefore the critics conclude there is a differ
ence of subject. As though a Christian of the
first century and a critic of the nineteenth could
not disagree on a matter of taste !

68 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
But was there no circumstance to predispose
the Elder to find want of arrangement in S.
Mark's Gospel? The Elder tells how it was
composed from the sermons of S. Peter which
did not form an orderly account of our Lord's
life and teaching, though, without doubt, they
embraced the most important features of the
same. The Elder, under such circumstances,
would not expect a strictly orderly arrangement
of the matter.
Are there phenomena in our present S. Mark
to j ustify this expectation ? Certainly there
are. S. Mark does not begin at the beginning
with any account of the infancy of our Lord,
nor does he give such data for chronology in
the course of his Gospel as S. Luke gives in
ch. iii., or as S. John gives by mentioning dif
ferent Jewish feasts in connection with the
events of the Ministry.
Further, the hypothesis of a lost S. Mark
raises the difficulty, How came one Gospel to
be lost and another to be substituted for it ?
It must have been lost either before Papias
wrote, or between the date of Papias' work and
the date of Irenaeus (190 A.D.).
Was it lost before Papias wrote (140-150

THE WITNESS OF PAPIAS (140-150 A.D.). 69
A.D.)? The fragment of Papias quoted by
Eusebius, which is all we have, says nothing
about such a loss. Eusebius, who had the
whole work of Papias, says nothing. Irenaeus,
who quotes from Papias, also says nothing.
Evidence is wanting for such a loss in Papias'
time. But it is still more difficult to believe that
it disappeared after Papias wrote, and before
Irenaeus composed his great work against all
heresies. In the first place, Irenaeus, far from
telling us of any such disappearance of the
genuine work of S. Mark, reckons our S. Mark
among the Four Gospels, the'authority of which,
he tells us, was so firmly established in the
Church that Catholic and heretic alike appealed
to them.
But a Gospel accepted by Papias could not be
superseded by a different jone during the life
time of Irenaeus without Irenaeus's knowledge.
Irenaeus came from the same district as Papias
(Western Asia Minor); he was a disciple of
Papias' friend Polycarp, he had Papias' work
before him, he was in communication to the end
of his life with Western Asia Minor. How could
he help hearing of the substitution during his

70 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
own -lifetime of another Gospel for the one
known to Papias ?
We conclude, then, that the testimony quoted
by Papias from the Elder refers to our S.
Mark. The importance of this testimony is
very great, for it carries us back to a date not
later than circ. 100 A.D., i.e. within forty years
of the traditional date of the composition of the
Gospel. But Papias mentions by name not only a
Gospel attributed to S. Mark, but also one
attributed to S. Matthew. And here let us
remark how fragmentary is the evidence for the
use of the Gospels in the early Church. It reads
like a few disjointed parts of a lost whole. The
Gospels, with two exceptions, are not mentioned
by name before circ. 190 A.D., the date at which
Irenaeus wrote. But these two exceptions are
significant; the first bridges the way to the
second, and the second carries us into the first
century. About 140-150 A.D. (to take the
latest reasonable date), Papias mentions a work
(no doubt a Gospel) by S. Matthew ; and about
90-100 a.d. (to take again the latest reasonable
date), Papias' authority, John the Elder, tells how
S. Mark wrote down S. Peter's reminiscences.

THE WITNESS OF PAPIAS (140-150 A.D.). 71
But let no one assume that the evidence
always was and always will be as fragmentary
as it is at present. The bulk of the literature
of the second century is lost, and with it, one
must believe, much that would have served as
evidence — and may in the future serve as
evidence — with regard to the authorship of the
Gospels and their use in the early Church.
Why, when so much was lost, should we suppose
that every allusion of evidential value to our
Gospels would have been preserved ? Take the
case of Eusebius, to whom far more than to any
other writer we are indebted for the preserva
tion of fragments of lost literature, and you will
find that his quotations relate to matters of
every kind, and by no means to the Gospels
chiefly. Those which refer to the Gospels seem
to have been preserved rather because they con
tained some interesting story than because they
could be used as evidence on the subject which
we are considering. Eusebius would see no
reason for preserving fragments to prove that
which for him and his contemporaries needed no
proof, viz. the authority of the Four Gospels.
With a mass of literature now lost to us before
him, Eusebius wrote of our Canonical Gospels

72 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
that first among the acknowledged books of the
New Testament must be reckoned " The Holy
Quaternion (fourfold work) of the Gospel"
(" Eccl. Hist.," Bk. iii. c. 25).
To return now to Papias and his evidence
with regard to S. Matthew. Eusebius ("Eccl.
Hist.," Bk. iii. c. 39), after giving Papias' account
of S. Mark, quoted from the same authority
the following statement with regard to S.
Matthew : —
" Matthew therefore wrote the sayings (logia)
in Hebrew, and each one interpreted them as
he was able."
We must notice in the first place that, as the
word " therefore " shows, we have here a frag
ment torn from its context. We cannot tell
what that context was, and hence we do not
know whether the sayings referred to are the
sayings of the Lord Himself, or whether they
are the sayings current among Christians which
recorded the words and works of the Lord.
A collection of such sayings, "an oral gospel,"
must have existed before gospels were written,
and it is conceivable at least that even an
apostle may have drawn upon these materials
in describing scenes at which he was not present,

THE WITNESS OF PAPIAS (140-150 A.D.). 73
or in refreshing his memory of things which he
had seen and heard.
The usual interpretation, however, given to
logia (sayings) is that of " sayings, of the
Lord ; " and from Papias' statement thus inter
preted two important conclusions have been
drawn. It has been said, in the first place, that
Papias' S. Matthew consisted only of discourses
of our Lord, and so could not be the Hebrew
original of our Greek S. Matthew; and in the
second place, that Papias, writing as late as circ.
140-150 A.D., knew of no authoritative translation
of the Hebrew original written by S. Matthew.
But we must beware of drawing large con
clusions from our tiny fragment. All that we can
do is to take its statements as they stand, and
inquire whether, as far as they go, they suit the
case of our present S. Matthew ? Can we say
of the author of the Canonical Gospel, " Matthew
wrote the sayings [of the Lord] in Hebrew " ?
That our S. Matthew was originally written
in Hebrew is asserted by Irenaeus (190 a.d.) and
Origen (186-253 A.D.). Again, that our S.
Matthew wrote the sayings of the Lord is self-
evident. His Gospel is fuller of logia than that
of either of the two remaining synoptics. L

74 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
S. Matthew is almost always summary
except when he is giving the sayings of the
Lord. After the first four chapters which con
tain only the sayings at the Baptism and
Temptation, we find three chapters wholly occu
pied with one great discourse, the Sermon on
the Mount. The eighth chapter contains several
miracles, but striking sayings occur in con
nection with three of them. The ninth chapter,
if full of incident, is also full of gracious sayings.
The four following chapters (x.-xiii.) contain
hardly anything besides charges to the Twelve,
parables, warnings addressed to the Pharisees,
and teaching of all kinds. The fourteenth is
a chapter of incidents ; but half the fifteenth, and
the whole of the sixteenth, is given up to short
discourses. The short seventeenth chapter gives
the account of the Transfiguration, the healing
of the demoniac boy, and the payment of the
half-shekel; but these incidents lead up to
weighty sayings, viz. to a prophecy of the
Passion, to a eulogy on faith, and to an implicit
claim to Divine sonship. The three chapters
following (xviii.-xx.) contain chiefly answers to
hard questions. Chapter xxi. begins with the
triumphal entry into Jerusalem, but the remain-

THE WITNESS OF PAPIAS (140-150 A.D.). 75
ing three-fourths of the chapter are taken up
with parables and answers to questions. The
next four chapters (xxii-xxv.) are occupied
with answers, denunciations of the Pharisees,
prophecies of the Advent, and parables. Chapter
xxvi. (the account of the Lord's Supper and the
Betrayal) is full of brief, significant sayings.
Chapter xxvii. (the trial before Pilate, and the
Crucifixion) is the only chapter in which perhaps
there are fewer sayings than one might expect,
e.g. only one of the last words is given. Finally,
the Gospel closes with the Lord's eternal message
to the Church —
" All authority is given Me in heaven and
upon earth. Go ye therefore, and make disciples
of all the nations. . . . Behold, I am with you
always." Thus sixteen out of twenty-eight chapters
of our Greek Gospel of S. Matthew are given up
to sayings of our Lord, and in four others the
sayings are treated as of equal importance to
the incidents with which they are connected.
May we not, therefore, say of our S. Matthew
that " he wrote the sayings of the Lord " ?
That which Papias says, therefore, of the
Hebrew S. Matthew is true also of our Greek

76 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
Gospel; and the time at which the translation
was made seems to me to be a question of minor
importance. Still, it is just worth while remark
ing that Papias does not deny the existence of a
generally accepted Greek translation in his own
day. He says (using the past tense), "Each
man translated them (i.e. the Lord's sayings as
written down by S. Matthew) as he was able."
If there were no Greek S. Matthew at the time
at which Papias wrote, is it not evident that he
would have said, "Each man translates them
(present tense) as he is able " (present tense
again) ?

CHAPTER VII.
THE GOSPEL STORY.
The Apostolic Fathers (Clement of Rome, Ignatius of Antioch,
Polycarp of Smyrna, Barnabas) — The four great Epistles
of S. Paul.
By " Apostolic Fathers " I mean those Fathers
who stood nearest in time to the apostles.
The term is sometimes used vaguely, so it is well
to say at once that in this book the title is
restricted to the four writers, Clement of Rome
(fl. circ. 96), Ignatius of Antioch (circ. 116),
Polycarp of Smyrna (wrote circ. 116), and
Barnabas (a different person from S. Paul's
companion), who probably wrote before 120 A.D.
The probably genuine works of these writers
to which only we appeal, are, one epistle of
Clement to the Corinthians, seven epistles of
Ignatius, one epistle of Polycarp, and one
of Barnabas. The bulk of all taken together

78 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
is very small ; in Greek, they fill less than a
hundred pages of ordinary size.
Speaking generally, the works of the Apostolic
Fathers present the same phenomena as those of
Justin as regards evangelic quotations, but the
quotations are not so numerous. A character
istic example is the following. Polycarp (c. ii.)
writes —
" Remembering that which the Lord said in
His teaching : (a) 'Judge not, that ye be not
judged ; ' (b) ' (Forgive, and it shall be forgiven
you ; ' (c) ' Be ye merciful, that ye may obtain
mercy ; ' (d) ' With what measure ye mete, it
shall be measured to you (again).' "
The words not in brackets are found in S. Matt.
vii. 1, 2. Clauses (b) (c) seem to be modelled on
(a) ; they are not to be found in either S. Matt, or
S. Luke, but in their sense they may be com
pared with S. Luke vi. 37, 38 (" Release, and ye
shall be released ; give, and it shall be given unto
you "). Clement of Rome (c. xiii.) writes —
"Remembering the words of the Lord Jesus
which He spake in His teaching as to gentleness
and longsuffering ; for thus He said."
The quotation which follows contains in a
slightly altered form the words given by Polycarp,

THE GOSPEL STORY (CIRC. A.D. 100). 79
intermixed with three similar clauses in a form
differing both from Polycarp and the Gospels
(" As ye do, so shall it be done to you "). These
extra clauses contain no new thought.
The conclusions to be drawn from a con
sideration of these quotations are somewhat as
follows : —
1. Both quotations are a legitimate extension
and paraphrase for a preacher's purpose of two
clauses found in S. Matthew's Gospel (marked
(a) (d) in the quotation given above from
Polycarp). 2. Unless we admit the possibility of some
such free handling of the words, we shall have
to attribute each quotation to a different lost
Gospel. 3. These lost Gospels, if they existed, did
not, as far as proof can be obtained, differ
materially from ours.
4. The quotations may be by memory from
oral tradition, and not from any book at all.
The last conclusion is an important one.
There is nothing derogatory to our Gospels in
the supposition that men who had sat at the
feet of the apostles and other eye-witnesses of
the works of Christ would prefer, when they

80 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
could, to recall their words rather than to quote
from a book. Those who had seen the glowing
face or quivering lip of one who told how he
had seen the Lord, would find any written
narrative lifeless in comparison. To such men
the Gospels would be a Revised Version esteemed
more correct but loved far less than the familiar
Authorized Version ; and such men the Apostolic
Fathers most probably were.
After all, it is not the form for its own sake
but the form for the sake of the substance about
which we inquire. Now, in the case of the
Apostolic Fathers, if we are doubtful about the
form, we are sure about the substance. We
cannot prove that the Apostolic Fathers used
any written Gospels at all, either our own
Gospels or lost ones ; but there is no doubt that
the story of the Christ which they accepted is
the story given by our four evangelists.
" Christ, we read, our God, the Eternal Word,
the Lord and Creator of the World, who was
with the Father before time began, humbled
Himself, and came down from heaven, and was
manifested in the flesh, and was born of the
Virgin Mary, of the race of David according to
the flesh; and a star of exceeding brightness

THE GOSPEL STORY (CIRC, ioo A.D.). 8t
appeared at His birth. . Afterwards He was
baptized by John, to fulfil all righteoibsness ;
and then speaking His Father's message, He
invited not the righteous but sinners to come to
Him. Perfume was poured over His head — an
emblem of the immortality which He breathed
on the Church. At length, under Herod and
Pontius Pilate, He was crucified, and vinegar
and gall were offered Him to drink. But, on the
first day of the week, He rose from the dead, the
first-fruits of the grave ; and many prophets
were raised by Him for whom they had waited.
After His resurrection, He ate with His disciples,
and showed them that He was not an incorporeal
spirit. And He ascended into Heaven, and sat
down on the right hand of the Father, and thence
He shall come to judge the quick and the dead "
(Westcott, "Canon," 4th edit., p. 52, where the
detailed references to the Fathers are given).
Only one important feature will be missed.
There are no references in the Apostolic Fathers
to the miracles performed by our Lord. No
doubt, as Bishop Westcott says, all miracles are
implicitly included in the Incarnation and the
Resurrection ; but we must attribute the silence
of the Apostolic Fathers on the subject at least
M

82 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
in part to accident. No one of the Apostolic
Fathers attempts to write a life of Christ ; the
details given by Bishop Westcott have been col
lected from all parts of their works. Moreover,
it can be proved that Polycarp at least was
acquainted with the miracles of the Lord. In the
fragment of Irenseus's letter to Florinus, preserved
by Eusebius (v. 20), we read as follows : —
" Whatsoever things he had heard from them
(i.e. John and the rest who had seen the Lord)
about the Lord and about His mighty works,
and about His teaching, Polycarp, as having
received them from eye-witnesses of the life of
the Word, would relate altogether in accordance
with the Scriptures."
A consideration of the whole of the foregoing
evidence, gathered by working backwards from
the opening of the third century to the close of
the first, leads us to the conclusion that through
out the second century our Four Gospels were
regarded as the chief authoritative documents of
the Christian Faith. Yet this conclusion is
resolutely rejected by some scholars of good
name. It is important, therefore, to realize the
grounds on which the rejection is made.

THE GOSPEL STORY. 83
These scholars refuse to accept the quotations
of Justin as testimony to the existence or to the
authority of our Gospels, because of difference
of wording. Difference as to matters of fact is
not alleged. The question at most is between
our Gospels and Gospels which closely agreed
with them.
In the case of Tatian, it is a question between
our Gospels and an unknown Gospel or Gospels,
which sufficiently resembled ours to be mistaken
for extracts from them. With regard to the
Elder quoted by Papias, it is a question between
our S. Mark and a S. Mark which our S. Mark
entirely superseded, presumably because there
was sufficient likeness between the two writings
to make an exchange possible.
In the extant works of the Fathers, from the
close of the first century to the opening of the
third, we find no trace whatever of Gospels sub
stantially different from our own.
The evidence is fragmentary, but coming as it
does with unanimity from many different sources,
it is hardly to be resisted. Either our Gospels,
or Gdspels which closely agreed with them. There
is no other choice.
That which has been said of the Apostolic

84 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
Fathers may be said with a difference of the
great Epistles of S. Paul, which are generally
allowed to have been written before 60 AD.
These Epistles cannot bear witness to the
authority attributed to our Gospels, for the
sufficient reason that our Gospels were probably
written later. But these Epistles bear as strong
testimony as the Apostolic Fathers to the story
contained in the Gospels. We use as witnesses
only the four following Epistles : Romans, 1 and
2 Corinthians, and Galatians, for the genuine
ness of each of the remaining Epistles of S. Paul
has been hotly disputed at some time or other,
and the testimony to be given must be beyond
dispute. Remembering, then, that the Epistles are not
histories of Christ's life, we nevertheless find
that by piecing together allusions contained in
them, we get the following outline, which agrees
no less with S. John than with the Synoptists : —
Christ Jesus was Son of God, but was de
scended from David " according to the flesh "
(Rom.). He was sinless, meek and gentle, and
He embraced a life of poverty (2 Cor.). He had
a brother named James, who became in S. Paul's
day a pillar of the Church at Jerusalem, " Kephas

THE GOSPEL STORY. 85
and John " being also pillars (Gal.). He did not
come to abolish the law, but to fulfil it, for He
is called a "Minister of Circumcision" (Rom.);
but, on the other hand, His teaching brought
freedom (Gal.). The key-note of His life was
that "He pleased not Himself" (Rom.). He
was betrayed to death, and on the night of His
betrayal instituted the Lord's Supper as a
memorial of Himself. He was crucified and was
raised the third day, and was seen on several
occasions after His Resurrection, and in particular
by Kephas and by "The Twelve" (1 Cor.).
Through Him God will judge the world, for He
is the Mediator between God and man (Rom.) ;
through Him all things were made (1 Cor.).
We have noticed no probable reference to the
miracles worked by our Lord ; but as a set-off to
this, it must be remembered (a) that the Incar
nation is assumed in these Epistles, and the
Resurrection is mentioned over and over again ;
and (b) that S. Paul assumes, as an ordinary
well-known fact, the exercise of powers of heal
ing in the Church of his own day (1 Cor. xii.
9, 10).

CHAPTER VIII.
THE UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
Gospels still extant — Their nature — Their witness to the
Canonical Four— Gospels known only from fragments — The
recently discovered " Gospel of Peter " — " The Gospel ac
cording to the Hebrews."
A few words must be said about these Gospels,
for anything which professes to be an original
life of our Lord is worthy of attention. They
may be divided into two classes : (1) Works
known to us only through fragments or brief
quotations, and (2) works preserved entire.
Something will be said in this place about each
class. 1. UNCANONICAL GOSPELS STILL EXTANT.
None of the Apocryphal writings still extant
are complete Gospels, even in the limited sense
in which our Four may be called complete. As

THE UNCANONICAL GOSPELS. 87
a matter ef fact, they presuppose our Gospels
and enlarge on some part of the Canonical story.
Most of them are either Gospels of the Nativity,
or Gospels of the Passion.
Either class would serve our purpose of show
ing the wide gulf separating them from the Four.
As it is hardly worth while to go at great length
into a description of these productions, we will
choose the Gospels of the Infancy. There are
three of these, which are to a large extent
parallel; they are Synoptics, so to speak, but
Synoptics with a difference. They are the
Gospels of Thomas, of Pseudo-Matthew, and the
Arabic Gospel.
The chief stories which the three narrate in
common are —
1. Jesus makes pools on the sabbath day, and
makes mud sparrows which fly at His command.
Annas, a priest (or a priest's son), destroys the
pools and is struck dead.
2. A boy is struck dead for running rudely
(or violently) up against Jesus.
3. Two schoolmasters in succession try to
teach Jesus His letters. He refuses to learn, and
strikes the second schoolmaster dead for strik
ing Him.

88 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
4. A boy, Zeno, falls from a roof, and Jesus is
suspected, not unnaturally, of having killed him.
Jesus raises Zeno, who explains everything.
5. Jesus is sent to the well to fetch water.
He breaks the pitcher, and carries home the
water in His cloak.
6. Joseph, in the carpenter's shop, makes a
length of wood too short. Jesus stretches it to
the right length for him.
7. A viper bites His brother James. Jesus
cures him, and curses the viper, which bursts
asunder. All these events occur before Jesus is twelve
years old. Two of the Apocryphal Gospels
finish with an account of Jesus teaching the
Doctors in the Temple (not merely hearing and
asking questions); yet the account is clearly
based on S. Luke. These Gospels were
intended only to supply the gap left by the
Synoptic Gospels, and so far they witness to
those Gospels.
Some of those strange stories of the Infancy
are ancient. One manuscript containing them
has been assigned to the fifth century (Tischen
dorf 's Latin palimpsest of "Thomas"), and Origen
(fl. circ. 230 a.d.) mentions this Gospel by name.

THE UNCANONICAL GOSPELS. 89
If they are ancient, our Gospels must be yet
more ancient.
• But there is a greater distinction between the
extant Apocryphal Gospels and our own. The
latter are nothing if not memorials of a Person
who impressed more by His character than by
His miracles ; the former are a string of purpose
less wonders. No Apocryphal Gospel would
have dared to write, "He could do no mighty
work because of their unbelief." No Apocryphal
Gospel would have reported the words, '' Except
ye see signs and wonders, ye will not believe."
The Uncanonical writings are a string of miracles
with hardly a touch of human character or of
moral force from beginning to end. There are
no gracious sayings to interrupt the dreary
catalogue of miracles, no parables, no words of
love, no touches of tenderness. Nothing like
S. Matt. viii. 3, " I will, be thou clean ; " ix. 22,
"Be of good cheer, daughter, thy faith hath
saved thee ; " ix. 36, " He was moved with com
passion for (the multitudes), because they were
distressed and scattered ; " x. 8, " Freely ye re
ceived, freely give ; " xi. 5, " The poor have good
tidings preached to them ; " xi. 28, " Come unto
Me all that labour;" xiv. 22, "He constrained N

90 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
the disciples to enter into the boat while He sent
the multitudes away ; " xv. 32, " I will not send
them away fasting ; " xviii. 14, " It is not the
will of your Father . . . that one of these little
ones should perish."
The Uncanonical Gospels breathe another
atmosphere. An insult, a doubt is punished at
once by death ; Jesus is nothing but a wayward
child omnipotent.
The great difference between our Gospels and
others is this, that our Gospels are penetrated
through and through with the reverence" and
love of eye-witnesses who had seen the loving
Lord of Life, while the Apocryphal Gospels are
dominated by a spirit of gaping curiosity which
" never knew the sacred dead."
2. uncanonical gospels known only from
Fragments.
First among these stands the so-called " Gospel
of Peter." * From this writing we have no certain
quotation, though its name is mentioned once at
the end of the second century, once in the third, and
in the fourth century, by Eusebius. From these
notices, all that we can gather as to its contents
* See Appendix for a translation of the entire fragment.

THE UNCANONICAL GOSPELS. 91
is (1) that in it the " Brethren of the Lord " are
described as the sons of Joseph by a former wife,
and (2) that its language was regarded as Docetic
in tendency, i.e, as favouring the views of those
who held that Christ the Son of God only
seemed to suffer on the cross, and that the body
which hung there was either the body of Simon
of Cyrene or else a mere phantom.
It is possible, but not probable," that the follow
ing quotation of Clement of Alexandria (fl. 200
A.D.) may be drawn from this Gospel : —
Peter says that the Lord said to the Apostles,
" If therefore any one of Israel be willing to re
pent so as to believe upon God through My Name,
his sins shall be forgiven him. After twelve
years, go ye forth into the world, lest any say, We
did not hear."
It is quite likely, on the other hand, that the
quotation is drawn from a different work, " The
Preaching of Peter," which Clement refers to by
name two or three times.
The recently recovered fragment of the
Petrine Gospel begins with a reference to
Pilate's hand-washing at the trial of the Lord,
and comes to an end when apparently about
to describe the return of the disciples to their

92 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
fishing, after the Resurrection. It contains
very many details not given in the Canonical
Gospels, but otherwise agrees so closely with
them that it might reasonably be supposed to
be written to supplement them. Its discovery
in no way affects the position of the Four
Gospels, except that upon the above supposition
we have an additional argument for their great
antiquity, for if this ancient work was written
as a supplement, the works supplemented must
be more ancient still.
It may be well, in this place, to call attention
to the strength of the position occupied by the
Gospel story, owing to the fact that we have four
versions of it told at length. The Four Gospels
are sufficiently unlike each other to be in a true
sense independent works, so that their agreement
carries us back to a source earlier than the
earliest of them. The discovery of a new Gospel
can hardly have an important effect on the
position of the Gospel story. The new work
will either agree with our present Gospels, in
which case it will strengthen the position more
or less, or it will disagree, in which case a single
cord is pitted against a fourfold one. If, indeed,
a new Gospel yet to be discovered can be proved

THE UNCANONICAL GOSPELS. 93
to be earlier, not only than the earliest of our
Four, but also than the early source, written
or oral, to the existence of which our Four
Gospels bear witness, then, and not till then,
will a new and difficult problem as to the priority
of the two narratives arise.
The following are characteristic instances of
details given in the " Gospel of Peter," but not
contained in any of our Four : —
The soldiers who mock Jesus seat Him on the
Judgment-seat and cry, "Judge righteously,
King of Israel." People go about with lamps,
when darkness falls on the scene of the Cruci
fixion. The sun shines forth again after Jesus
is "received up." The Jews are terrified, and
exclaim that the Judgment and the Fall of
Jerusalem are at hand. During the sabbath, a
multitude goes forth from the city to see the
sealed tomb. At the Resurrection, a voice from
heaven asks, " Hast thou preached to them that
sleep ? " (probably an allusion to Christ's preach
ing to the spirits in prison, 1 Pet. iii. 19). The
disciples hide after the Crucifixion because the
Jews wish to seize them on a charge of desiring
to burn the Temple.

94 canonical and uncanonical gospels.
"The Gospel according to the Hebrews."
A few words must be said about the Uncanoni-
cal Gospel best known in ancient times. This is
not the Petrine Gospel, but " The Gospel accord
ing to the Hebrews," so called because it was
written in Hebrew, and was used by Hebrew-
speaking Christians. It is quoted by name by
Clement of Alexandria (writing about 200 A.D.)
at least once ("It is written in the Gospel accord
ing to Hebrews ") ; and apologetically by Origen
(185-253 A.D.), with the formula, " If any pays
heed to the Gospel according to Hebrews."
Eusebius (writing about 324 A.D.) is uncertain
whether to reckon this Gospel among the
" Spurious " books, or to call it simply " Antile-
gomenon," i.e. " Disputed Book." Eusebius also
gives the important information that Hegesippus
(who wrote about 160-170 A.D.) made use of
this Gospel. It would be not unreasonable, on
this evidence, to date the Gospel as early as
130-140 A.D. It may, of course, be still earlier.
Zahn says that it was written more probably
before 70 A.D. than after.
It is of very great importance to know some
thing about a Gospel so well supported by

THE UNCANONICAL GOSPELS. 95
ancient evidence ; but, on the other hand, it is
easy to overrate its importance. It is missing,
and therefore missed. The one lost sheep, while
lost, seems of more importance than the ninety
and nine which went not astray. So, to a few
writers, the " Gospel according to the Hebrews "
has seemed to be worth more than all the Four
Gospels we still possess.
But the "Hebrews" has not disappeared
without leaving traces behind it, nor without
making an apology for its disappearance. The
fragments which remain, preserved chiefly by
Jerome, show that it was a Gospel closely re
lated to S. Matthew. Jerome at first thought
that it was simply the Hebrew original of S.
Matthew, of the existence of which Papias
speaks, writing in 140-150 A.D. So, also, we
find more than half the fragments (fifteen out
of twenty-three) quoted as various readings or
additions to the text of S. Matthew. The
differences, however, are great enough to prove
that neither work is a word for word transla
tion of the other. Zahn's conclusion seems a
true one, viz. that the " Hebrews " and S. Mat
thew are not independent in the sense and
degree in which S. Mark and S. Luke are

96 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
independent of the other Gospels. We should
read only S. Matthew's story of the Christ if
we possessed this greatest of the Apocryphal
Gospels in its entirety. It disappeared in spite
of the fact that Jerome translated it into Greek
and Latin, because it contained nothing of
importance which was not also contained in
the Gospel according to S. Matthew.
Three instances in which the "Hebrews"
adds something to the text of S. Matthew
may be here given : —
1. In the account of the Temptation, our Lord
is introduced, saying —
"Just now My mother, the Holy Spirit, took
Me by one of My hairs, and bore Me away to
the great mountain Tabor."
S. Matthew simply says, " He was led up by
the Spirit." With the expression, " My mother,"
applied to the Holy Spirit, compare the creed,
" Conceived by the Holy Ghost." The metaphor
is the same.
2. Eusebius says that this Gospel contained
an account of a woman accused of many sins
before the Lord (cf. S. John vii. 53; viii. 11).
3. Jerome preserves the following passage,
which seems to refer to the appearance of our

THE UNCANONICAL GOSPELS. 97
Lord after His Resurrection mentioned by S.
Paul (1 Cor. xv. 7).
" But the Lord, when He had given the linen-
cloth to the servant of the priest, went to James
and appeared to him; for James had sworn
that he zuould not eat bread from that hour in
which he had drunk the cup of the Lord, until
he should see Him arising from them that sleep.
. . . Bring ye, saith the Lord, a table and bread.
. . . He took bread and blessed and brake and
gave to James the Just, and said, My brother,
eat thy bread, because the Son of Man has arisen
from them thai sleep."
General Results.
1. It can be proved that after 180 A.D. all our
Four Gospels occupied the place of authorities
in the Churches throughout the Christian world.
2. Other Gospels, such as the " Gospel accord
ing to the Hebrews," and the " Gospel according
to the Egyptians," are quoted apologetically as
inferior authorities.
3. The Gospels publicly read in the churches
in the time of Justin, who wrote before 150 A.D.,
can be proved to be in substance identical with
our S. Matthew and S. Luke, and there are
o

98 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
indications that Justin knew S. Mark's and
S. John's Gospels.
4. The authorship of our Gospel of S. Mark,
and the fact that it contains a report of the
testimony of S. Peter to the facts of our Lord's
life, is attested by one who was, in all proba
bility, himself a personal disciple of the Lord.
5. The Apostolic Fathers, whose testimony
belongs to the period 96-118 A.D., in their brief
Epistles still preserved, bear witness to the same
Christian story as that contained in the Gospels
— the pre-existence of Christ, His miraculous
birth, His death and His resurrection, and the
nature of His teaching.
6. The great Epistles of S. Paul, written
before 60 A.D., give the same testimony.
7. So our Gospels contain no new story;
indeed, the elements which have been most
objected to are the oldest and the best attested.
The Gospel story was a miraculous story from
the first, though it was no mere miracle-
chronicle, but the record how
"  The Word had breath, and wrought,
With human hands, the oreed of creeds
In loveliness of perfeot deeds,
More strong than all poetic thought."

CHAPTER IX.
UNCANONICAL SAYINGS OF OUR LORD.
A COLLECTION of these sayings is to be found in
Bishop Westcott's " Introduction to the Gospels,"
Appendices C and D. A much larger number
has been collected in a recent German work,
Resch's " Agrapha." Yet the number of sayings
really differing from the contents of our Gospels
in thought, and attributed to our Lord in really
early sources, is comparatively small. We will
select a few of this small number, having regard
to (1) the antiquity of the source, (2) their
independence of anything contained in our
Gospels. It is necessary to do this, because
many so-called Apocryphal sayings are merely
slightly varied versions of words recorded in
one or other of the Four Gospels.
1. In the "Codex Bezae," a manuscript of
the Four Gospels and the Acts dating from the

ioo CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
sixth century, but certainly containing readings
current as early as the second century, we read
the following immediately after S. Luke vi. 4
(the incident of disciples rubbing corn with
their hands on the sabbath day) : —
"On the same day, seeing a certain man
working on the sabbath, He said to him, Man, if
thou knowest what thou doest, blessed art thou ;
but if thou knowest not, thou art accursed and a
transgressor of the law."
2. The great commentator Origen, the
earliest of Biblical critics (185-253 A.D.), and
several other writers, attribute to our Lord the
following saying, " Shew yourselves tried money
changers!' These words are thus paraphrased in
the Clementine Homilies, a work written per
haps in the second century, " For it is thy part,
0 man, He saith, to try my icords as silver is
tried before money-changers."
3. Clement, Origen's predecessor as head of the
Catechetical School of Alexandria, quotes from
the lost " Gospel according to the Hebrews " the
following, as a saying of the Lord: "He that
wonders shall reign; and he that reigns shall
rest." We are reminded of our Lord's rebuke
to the Pharisees recorded in the Canonical Gospels

UNCANONICAL SAYINGS OF OUR IORD. 101
for not considering the signs of the times. Only
those who recognized by these signs the presence
of the kingdom in their midst could share in the
reign of the King.
4. Justin Martyr, a native of Samaria, who
died probably about 150 A.D., writes thus : " Our
Lord Jesus Christ said, In whatsoever I find
you, I will judge you."
Clement of Alexandria gives the same saying,
with a slight change in the wording. The
meaning seems to be that we shall be judged
not only according to our deeds, but also
according to our opportunities.
5. One of the most curious sayings attributed
to our Lord has been preserved in the works of
Irenaeus (written about 190 A.D.), in a quotation
probably from the lost work of Papias (written
perhaps 140 A.D. It may have been much per
verted in transmission. It runs as follows:
" The Lord taught (of His future kingdom on
earth), and said, ' The days will come in which
vines will spring up, each having ten thousand
stems, and on each stem ten thousand branches,
and on each branch ten thousand shoots, and on
each shoot ten thousand clusters, and on each
cluster ten thousand grapes, and each grape

102 CANONICAL AND UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
when pressed shall yield five and twenty
measures of wine. And when any saint shall
have seized one cluster, another shall cry, I am
a better cluster, take me; through me bless the
Lord.' "
Bishop Westcott believes that this strange
saying or parable is based upon some real dis
course of our Lord ; but at the same time he
points out that it is preserved in a Latin trans
lation of a quotation from Papias, who gave it
on the authority of those who heard S. John
speak of teaching of the Lord to such effect. In
other words, it is the translation of the report of
a report of a saying ; and much importance must
not be attributed to its details.
One or two other sayings might perhaps be
considered sufficiently interesting to add to the
foregoing list ; but, in any case, this list must be
a short one, for the good reason that the material
available is very small in compass. The general
results of a search for words of our Lord outside
the limits of the Four Canonical Gospels cannot
be pronounced to be successful. The English
reader may, however, be reminded that two
passages occurring in the English New Testament
cannot be rightly regarded as parts of the

UNCANONICAL SAYINGS OF OUR LORD. 103
Gospels to which they are attached. The last
twelve verses of the Gospel according to S.
Mark and the story of the woman in adultery
(S. John vii. 53 — viii. 11) must strictly be re
garded as very ancient documents containing
weighty sayings of our Lord not known to us
from the writings of the Four Evangelists. It
was surely some special providence which pre
served these two fragments " for our learning."
Neither the few sayings of our Lord recorded
by others than the Four Evangelists, nor the
fragments of Uncanonical Gospels, present or sug
gest to us any new story of the Life of Christ.
The Four Gospels are in the most real sense of
the word complete ; they are the fullest revela
tion of the Christ which pen and ink can make.

APPEN DIX.
TRANSLATION OF THE PETEINE
FRAGMENT.
The " Gospel of Peter " is at present a fragment.
We have but one manuscript of it, and that manu
script contains no more than would form about two
ordinary chapters of the New Testament. It begins
in the middle of a verse, and leaves off in the middle
of a sentence. The title is, of course, lost, but we
have no reason for doubting that the document to
which this fragment belongs was known at the end of
the second century as the " Gospel according to Peter."
It reads as follows —
[According to Petee.J
" But of the Jews no one washed ' his hands, nor
indeed Herod, nor any of his judges, and of those who
wished to wash. Pilate rose up, and then Herod the
king commandeth the Lord to be taken, saying to
them, Whatsoever I commanded you to do to Him,
do ye. 1 Matt, xxvii. 24. P

106 APPENDIX.
" And there standeth there Joseph the friend of
Pilate and of the Lord, and knowing that they are
about to crucify Him, he came to Pilate, and asked for
the body of the Lord for burial. And Pilate sent to
Herod and asked His body, and Herod said, Brother
Pilate, unless some one had asked for Him, we would
have buried Him ourselves, since the sabbath is
dawning ; for it is written in the Law that the sun
set not on one put to death (or one murdered). And
he delivered Him to the people before the first day of
Unleavened Bread, their feast.
" And they took the Lord, and ran and pushed Him
and said, Let us drag the Son of God, now that we
have obtained power over Him. And they put on Him
a purple garment, and made Him sit on the judgment-
seat, saying, Judge righteously, King of Israel ! And
one of them brought a crown of thorns, and put it
upon the head of the Lord ; and others stood and spat
into His eyes, and others smote His cheeks. Others,
again, thrust at Him with a reed, and some scourged
Him, saying, With this honour we honour the Son
of God.
" And they brought two malefactors and crucified
the Lord between them ; but He kept silence as
having no pain. And when they had set up the cross,
they wrote upon it, This is the King of Israel. And
putting down His garments in His presence, they
divided them, and cast lots upon them. And a certain
one of those malefactors upbraided them, saying, We
suffer thus because of the evils which we did, but this

APPENDIX. 107
Man — when He became Saviour of men, what harm
did He unto you ? And they, being very wroth with
him,} commanded that his legs should not be broken,
that he might die in torment.
"And it was midday, and darkness covered all
Judsea ; and they were troubled and in distress lest
the sun should have set while He yet lived ; for
it is written for them, That the sun set not on one
who has been put to death. And one of them said,
Give Him gall to drink with vinegar, and they
mixed it, and gave it to Him to drink. And they
fulfilled all things, and accomplished their sins upon
their head (i.e. against themselves). And many went
about with lamps, and thinking that it was night,
they were astonished.2 And the Lord cried out, say
ing, My might, My might, thou hast forsaken Me ;
and when He had said it, He was taken up. And
that very hour the veil of the temple of Jerusalem
was broken in two. And then they drew out the
nails from the hands of the Lord, and placed Him
upon the earth ; and all the earth quaked, and there
was great fear. Then the sun shone, and it was
found to be the ninth hour. And the Jews rejoiced,
and gave to Joseph His body, that he might bury it,
since he was a witness of whatsoever deeds of good
He did. And he, taking the Lord, washed Him and
rolled Him in linen, and brought Him into his own
tomb, called Joseph's Garden.
" Then the Jews and the elders and ,the priests,
1 i.e. the malefactor. ? This word is uncertain.

io8 APPENDIX.
knowing what evil they had done to themselves,
began to lament and say, Woe to our sins ; the judg
ment draweth nigh and the end of Jerusalem. But I,
with my companions, had sorrow, and being wounded
in mind, we hid ourselves ; for we were sought for
by them as malefactors and as desiring to burn the
temple. And, to add to all this, we were fasting, and
we sat mourning and weeping night and day until the
sabbath. And the scribes and Pharisees and elders
being gathered together, hearing that all the people
murmur and beat their breasts, saying, If through His
death, these so great signs are come to pass, behold,
He is righteous, — the elders feared and came to Pilate
beseeching him, and saying, Deliver to us soldiers, that
we may guard His tomb for three days, lest His dis
ciples come and steal Him, and the people suppose
that He is risen from the dead, and do us harm. And
Pilate delivered to them Petronius the centurion, with
soldiers, to guard the sepulchre. And with them came
elders and scribes to the tomb, and all who were there
together rolled a great stone * against the centurion
and soldiers, and placed it at the door of the tomb ;
and they sealed it with seven seals, and they pitched
a tent there, and kept watch. And early, when the
sabbath was dawning, there came a multitude from
Jerusalem and the country round, that they might see
the tomb with the. seals upon it.
" And in the night on which the Lord's Day began
1 These words are obscure ; perhaps they mean that the stone
was meant to exclude the guard.

APPENDIX. 109
to dawn, as the soldiers were keeping guard two and
two, there was a great voice in heaven, and they saw
the heavens opened and two men coming down from
thence, having great light, and coming to the sepulchre.
And that stone which had been put at the door rolled
of itself and went aside; and the sepulchre was opened,
and both young men entered in. Those soldiers, there
fore, when they saw it, awakened from sleep the
centurion and the elders, for they too were present
keeping watch. And as they were declaring that
which they had seen, they see again coming forth
from the sepulchre three men, two of them supporting
the third, and a cross following them. And the head
of the two reached unto heaven, but the head of Him
who was led by the hand by them was higher than
the heavens. And they heard a voice out of heaven,
saying, Thou hast preached to them that sleep, and a
response was heard from the cross, Yea.1
" Those men therefore considered one with another
to depart and inform Pilate of these things. And
while they were still purposing this, the heavens
again seem to be opened, and a certain man appeareth
coming down and entering into the tomb. When the
centurion and those who were with him saw these
things by night, they hastened to Pilate, leaving the
sepulchre which they were guarding, and declared all
things which they had seen, being greatly distressed
1 Or, Thou hast preached to them that sleep, and by [Thy]
obedience the Yeci was heard from the cross. (Of. Phil. ii. 8, and
2 Oor. i. 19, 20, "In Him is the Yea.")

1 10 APPENDIX.
and saying, Truly He was Son of God. Pilate an
swered and said, / am pure from the blood of the Son
of God, but ye decided on this deed. Then all came
to him and besought him, and bade him command the
centurion and the soldiers to tell nothing of the things
which they had seen. For it is expedient for us, they
say, to incur a very great sin before God, and not to
fall into the hands of the people of the Jews and be
stoned. Pilate therefore commanded the centurion
and the soldiers to say nothing.
" And early on the Lord's Day, Mary Magdalene,
the disciple 1 of the Lord (being afraid because of the
Jews, since they were inflamed by wrath, she did not
at the tomb of the Lord the things which women are
wont to do over those who die and are beloved by
them) taking with her the bowls [of spices] came to
the tomb where He was laid. And they feared lest
the Jews should see them, and said, If we were not
able to weep and mourn on that day on which He was
crucified, let us now do so at His tomb. But who
shall roll away for us the stone which was laid at the
door of the tomb, that we may enter in and sit beside
Him, and do those things which we ought to do ? For
the stone was great, and we fear lest some one see us.
And if we cannot [enter in], even if2 we put by the
door that which we bring for a memorial of Him, we
will weep and mourn until we come to our house.
"And when they had departed, they found the
1 This word has the feminine form in the Greek.
" There is probably a corruption of the text here.

APPENDIX. iu
sepulchre opened ; and coming to it, they stooped in
there, and they see there a certain young man sitting
in the midst of the sepulchre, beautiful, and clothed
in a robe exceeding bright, who said to them, Why
come ye ? Whom seek ye ? Him, the Crucified ? He
is risen and gone away ; and if ye believe not, stoop
down and see the place where He lay that He is not
there ; for He is risen and gone away to that place
whence He was sent. Then the women fled affrighted.
" And it was the last day of Unleavened Bread, and
a good many were going forth [from the city], re
turning to their houses at the close of the feast. But
we, the twelve disciples of the Lord, were weeping
and sorrowing, and each one being grieved because of
that which was come to pass, departed to his house.
But I, Simon Peter, and Andrew my brother, taking
our nets, went away to the sea. And there was with
us Levi the son of Alphseus, whom the Lord . . ."
Here the fragment ends as abruptly as it began.
The text followed in the above translation is that of
Professor Swete, who has considerably improved the
text originally issued by M. U. Bouriant.
The following general conclusions suggest them
selves on a careful study of the fragment :—
1. It is later than our Gospels.
2. It was composed in the main from our Gospels.
3. It contains a few particulars drawn from other
sources, perhaps from genuine traditions,
4. Its author was a Gnostic of the more moderate
type.

112 APPENDIX.
5. It is, like most Gnostic works, anti-Judaic in
tone, e.g. it acquits Pilate, and lays all the blame of
the Mocking and Crucifixion on the Jews and Herod.
6. It perverts the narrative of the Four Gospels in
the interest of an anti-Judaic tendency.
7. It belongs probably to the second half of the
second century, and is later than Tatian's " Diates-

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IN THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE.

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A CATALOGUE OF WORKS

Jukes.— Works by Andrew Jukes.
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Knowling— THE WITNESS OF THE EPISTLES : a Study
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IN THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE.

Lear. — Works by, and Edited by, H. L. Sidney Lear.
FOR DAYS AND YEARS. A Book containing a Text, Short Reading,
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CHRISTIAN BIOGRAPHIES.
Madame Louise de France,
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St. Augustin.
A Domini can Artist : a Sketch of
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of the Order of St. Dominic.
Henri Perreyve. By A. Gratry.
St. Francis de Sales, Bishop and
Prince of Geneva.

in the Seventeenth Century
in France.
A Christian Painter of the
Nineteenth Century.
bossuet and his contempora
RIES.
Fenelon, Archbishop of Cam-
BRAI.
Henri Dominique Lacordaire.

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The Hidden Life of the Soul.
The Light of the Conscience.
Self-Renunciation. From the
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St. Frances de Sales' Of the
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Selections from Pascal's
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Library of Spiritual Works for English. Catholics. Original
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OF THE IMITATION OF
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THE DEVOUT LIFE. By St.
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OF THE LOVE OF GOD. By
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to A CATALOGUE OF WORKS
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DR. LIDDON'S TOUR IN EGYPT AND PALESTINE IN 1886.
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IN THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. n
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12 A CATALOGUE OF WORKS
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IN THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. 13
Newman.— Works by John Henry Newman, B.D., sometime
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PAROCHIAL AND PLAIN SERMONS. Eight Vols. Cabinet Edition.
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OUR CHURCH AND HER SERVICES. Fcap. Zvo. zs. 6d.
{continued.

14 A CATALOGUE OF WORKS
Oxenden.— Works by the Right Rev. Ashton Oxenden,
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FAMILY PRAYERS FOR FOUR WEEKS. First Series. Fcap. Zvo.
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IN THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. 15
Sanday.— THE ORACLES OF GOD : Nine Lectures on the
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[continued.

16 A CATALOGUE OF WORKS
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