^.'¦i.'.i.'.i.'.i.'.i.'.i.v.i.'.i.'.i.M.'.'.'.y.'.T.'.i.'.i.'.r.'.i.'.i.'.i.'.i.'.i.'.i.'.i.'.i.'.^'.i.'.i.'.y.'.izj;

Library of the
IPale Divinity Scbool

The Books of
flrank Cbamberfain porter
Winkley Professor of
Biblical Theology

'rnV'  '  IVlVlVIVI'i'lTl  iWI'.  I'1'IVIYI  I7BWWW1W?

THEOLOGICAL EDUCATOR

Edited by tht
REV. W. ROBERTSON NICOLL, M.A., LL.D.
Editor of " The Expositor," etc.

REV. W. H. BENNETT, M.A.
THE THEOLOGY OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

gflttlKrtt
HODDER AND STOUGHTON
20, WARWICK SQUARE, E.C.

Edited by the Rev. W. Robertson Nicoll, M.A., LL.D.
Editor of The Expositor.
Fcap. Zvo, cloth, price 2s. 6d. each.
A Manual of Christian Evidences.
By the Rev. Prebendary Row, D.D.
An Introduction to the Textual Criticism of the New
Testament. ,
By the Rev. Professor B. B. Warfield, D.D.
A Hebrew Grammar.
By the Rev. W H. Lowe, M.A.
A Manual of Church History.
In Two Parts. By the Rev. A. C. Jennings, M.A.
Vol. I. From the First to the Tenth Century.
Vol. II. From the Tenth to the Nineteenth Century.
An Exposition of the Apostles' Creed.
By the Rev. J. E. Yonge, M.A.
The Prayer Book.
By the Rev. Professor Charles Hole, B.A.
An Introduction to the New Testament.
By the Rev. Professor Marcus Dods, D.D.
The Language of the New Testament.
By the Rev. W. H. Simcox, M.A.
The Writers of the New Testament : Their Style and
Characteristics.
By the Rev. W. H. Simcox, M.A. '
An Introduction to the Old Testament.
By the Rev. C. H. H. Wright, D.D., PhD.
Outlines of Christian Doctrine.
By the Rev. Professor H. C. G. Moule, D.D.
The Theology of the New Testament.
By the Rev. Professor W. F. Adeney, M.A.
Evolution and Christianity.
By the Rev. Professor Iverach, D.D.
The Theology of the Old Testament.
By the Rev. Professor W. H. Bennett, M.A.
The Ritschlian Theology and the Evangelical Faith.
By the Rev. Professor Orr, D.D.

London: HODDER AND STOUGHTON.

THE THEOLOGY OF THE
O.LD TESTAMENT

BY THE REV.

W. H. BENNETT, M.A.
Professor of Old Testament Languages and Literature, Hackney
and New Colleges

THIRD EDITION

'gaxiiism
HODDER AND STOUGHTON
20, WARWICK SQUARE, E.C.
MCMVIII

Printed by Hazell, Watson <fc Viney, Ld., London and Aylesbury.

PEEFACE
OPECIAL difficulties beset the construction of a
^-^ manual on any subject in which research is being
vigorously carried on. Not only are new theories or
discoveries constantly emerging, but old landmarks
sometimes suddenly disappear. A text-book needs
the advice : — ¦-
" Be not the first by whom the new is tried,
Nor yet the last to lay the old aside."
Yet the application of this precept is not easy. For
instance, on page 97 it is said that the pronunciation
of YHWH (E.V.* "Jehovah") "is generally
supposed to have been Yahweh," but since that page
was written Mr. Pinches has announced that he has
discovered that the true pronunciation of YHWH
was Yahwah. As he gives no evidence it is hard
to tell whether he has really solved this ancient
enigma. Still, it is just possible that, before my
little book is published, what has hitherto been
generally held on this point may be as generally
abandoned. * E. V. is used for A. V. and B. V. where they agree,

vi PREFACE
But the difficulties arising from actual discoveries
are slight compared with those caused by antagonistic
theories. 0. T. Theology must be based on that
exegesis which recognises the results of textual,
literary, a,nd historical criticism. Each of these de
partments ot 0. T. study is the arena of fierce
conflict. Points of detail and the general theory
of 0. T. are contested with equal enthusiasm.
The compass of this work excludes lengthy ex
planation and almost all argument. Hence it has
been necessary to carefully limit the treatment of
the subject. The ideal 0. T. Theology would contain,
in the first place, a history of the religion of Israel,
expounding the teaching of Isaiah, Jeremiah, etc. ;
the characteristics of faith and worship in each
period; and the sequence and relation of the suc
cessive unfoldings of divine truth. In the second
place, it would attempt some general sketch of O. T.
teaching, laying, however, the main stress on its
historical aspect: It is just here that controversy
rages most fiercely; opposing schools differ toto codo
et orco as to the date of some of the most important
documents, and as to the character of the early
history. The difficulty of expounding Isaiah will
be obvious to any one who glances at such a table as
that in Prof. Max Kellner's Prophecies of Isaiah,
classifying the conclusions of Professors Cheyne,
Corniil, Driver, and Kellner in their analyses of
these prophecies. Here, therefore, I have been

PREFACE vii
forced to confine the consecutive historical treatment
to a single chapter — Chapter IL, "Israel in History"
— and have dealt very briefly indeed with the pre-
prophetic period. In the periods treated in some
detail, I have minimised the use of controverted
data. It must be remembered that many O. T
terms and practices, both secular and ritual alike,
had their origin, not in Revealed Religion, but
outside its circle, or before its beginnings, and there
fore the primitive meaning of such terms and
practices forms no part of O. T. Revelation. In
the following chapters I have tried to give a general
sketch of O. T. teaching, still tracing as far as
possible the development of doctrine and the relation
of each feature to the historic setting in which it
appears. Chapter V. " Israel as the People of Jehovah,"
needs, perhaps, a special explanution. In this I
have to some extent combined features from the
Levitical Law with the pictures of the Israel of
the Monarchy. Eor I am convinced that in spite
of much that is late in form and detail, and even
in spirit — the Levitical Law, as well as Deuteronomy
has a certain spiritual harmony with the prophetic
ideal for Israel. Moreover, O. T. has come down
to us as an integer, for which first the Jewish and
then the Christian Church claimed integral authority.
We are therefore bound to attempt, some total
estimate of its teaching.

viii PREFACE
From this standpoint, as well -as for reasons of
space, I haye given no detailed separate treatment
to the Law, the History, the Prophets, and the
Wisdom, Apocalyptic, and Devotional Literature.
Often they only represent contemporaneous aspects
of the same religious movements.
A word may be added on some interesting
questions which he, for the most part, outside the
strict limits of 0. T. Theology. No sentence ever
conveys exactly to a reader the meaning intended
by its author, nor conveys exactly the same meaning
to any two readers. Before the O. T. was complete
its materials had passed through the hands of many
editors, each of whom had understood with a
difference, so that many sentences may be standing
in canonical Scriptures, only in virtue of interpreta
tions alien to the thought of the first author. This
inspired process of progressive interpretation con
tinued after the 0. T. Canon was closed. A Jew
of the time of Cyrus, and a Pharisee of the time
of Christ must have held widely divergent views
as to the resultant teaching of Isaiah or Jeremiah;
and a Roman or Corinthian Christian at the end
of the first century would have differed from them
both even more widely still. Similarly, to determine
what views of O. T. were held by the Apostles as
Jews (before their conversion), and shared by them
with their fellow-'countrymen, has great importance
for the history of Christianity; but none of these

PREFACE ix
questions strictly belong to 0. T. Theology. More
over, a Christian to-day naturally asks how N. T.
interprets O. T., and how far it modifies or even super
sedes its teaching. But the investigation of these
problems belongs to N. T. Theology (cf. pp. 165-168).
A table is appended to show the broad divergence
between the two leading schools of O. T. study, as
to the dates of the books. Between the extreme
limits almost every grade of opinion is held by one
scholar or another. The table, which is intentionally
made as general and elastic as~ possible, only re
presents approximately two dominant types of the
opposing views. A is the view almost universally
held before the middle of the last century. For the
sake of clearness it is given in an extreme form :
nearly all its modern adherents make considerable
concessions to the school represented by Column B.
B is a form of the view now held by many of
the most distinguished living O. T. scholars. Similar
views are associated in England with the names of
Professors Cheyne and Driver of Oxford, Professors
Ryle and (the late) Robertson Smith of Cambridge,
and Prof. G. A. Smith .of Glasgow. Here again no
attempt has been made in our table to follow these
and other critics in their treatment of paragraphs
and sentences as interpolations. The present work
follows B, where it is necessary to decide between
conflicting opinions.
In addition to the obligations mentioned in the

3 PREFACE
-footnotes, I have made constant use of the works
¦on O. T. Theology of Oehler and Schultz (Eng.
Translations), Smend, and, in a less degree, Kayser
(Marti's edition). Without attempting a bibliography,
-we may also refer the English reader to the standard
•commentaries on important passages; to the trans
lation of Piepenbourg's 0. T. Theology; and for
information on special subjects and periods to Dr.
Cave's Inspiration of 0. T., and Scripture Doctrine op
jSacrifcce, Dr. Cheyne's Origin of the Psalter, Dr.
Duff's 0. T. Theology, b.c. 800-640, Dr. James
Bobertson's Early Religion op Israel, the late Prof.
Robertson Smith's 0. T. in the Jewish Church,
Frophets of Israel, and Religion of the Semites; and
the portion of Dr. Salmond's Christian Doctrine of
Immortality, which deals with 0. T.
It is a matter of deep regret that Dr. A. B.
Davidson's long-promised comprehensive work on
this subject has not appeared in time to be made
«se of in this little manual. Dillmann's work was
published since the following pages were printed.
I have again to acknowledge my great obligations
to the Rev. T. H. Darlow, M.A., for a careful
reading of the MS., and many valuable criticisms
and suggestions.
December, ] 895.

Period.

J S, ETC., AS TO WHICH
there is Substantial
Agreement as to Date.*

A

B.

Before the
Accession of
Saul.

Job, Hexateuch,
Psalm xc.

Sources of Parts
of Hexateuch
and Judges.

t From the
Accession of
1 Saul to the
Death of
Solomon.

Judges, Ruth,
1 and 2 Samuel,
Psalms, with
titles David,
Asaph, and
Solomon, and
others.
Canticles,
Ecclesiastes, and
part of Proverbs.

Some Psalms ?
Part of
Proverbs.
Sources of Part
of Samuel and
Kings.

Death of
Solomon to
about
Accession of
Josiah

Parts of Isa. i.-xxxix.,
Hosea, Amos,
Micah (in part).
Part of Proverbs.
Some Psalms.

All Isaiah.
All Micah.
Joel, Jonah.

Prophetic
documents of
Mexateuch (JE),
1 and 2 Samuel.
Toell Canticlesl
Ruthl
Zech. ix.-xiv. ?

From about
the Accession
of Josiah to
the Fall of
the
Monarchy.

Nahum, Zephaniah,
Hababbuk. Parts of
Jeremiah and Ezekiel.

Part of
Deuteronomy. Part of
Proverbs.

1 Exile.

Kings. Best of
Jeremiah and Ezekiel.
Some Psalms.
Lamentations, Obadiah.

Rest of
Deuteronomy. Judges ?
Law of Holiness
(H), Job t Part
of Isa. xl.-lxyi.,
Part of
Provei'bs.
Persian
i Period.
Haggai, Zech. i.-viii.,
Malachi.
Some Psalms.
Chronicles. Ezra.
Nehemiah.
Daniel, Esther.
CLOSE OF THE
CANON.
Most (?) of the ,
Psalms. Priestly
Code(P.). Parts
of Isaiah and
Jeremiah,
Jonah, Joell
Canticles 1
Ruth 1
Greek
Period.
¦
Chronicles. Ezra,
Nehemiah,
Zech. ix.-xiv.?
Ecclesiastes.
Maccabaean
<i Period.
i 
Some Psalms.
Daniel, EstJier.
* This " substantial agreement" does not always extend to small sectiona
of books, or to the form in which they are extant. In some cases it ia
doubtful in which of two successive periods a book should be placed*
Tbis also applies to A and B.
CONTENTS DIVISION I
JEHOVAH AKD ISRAEL
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION

PAGE

§1. The Old Testament: a Revelation in and through
Israel  3
§ 2. Aspects of the Relation of Jehovah to Israel 3

CHAPTER II
ISBAEL IN HISTOEY
§ 3. Introductory — i., History, a Revelation — if., Starting
Point — iii., Actual Life of Israel — iv., Twofold
Judgment on that Life — v., Popular Judgment
— vi., Judgment of the Prophets — vii. Prophetic
Interpretation of History — viii., Application of the
Teaching pf History — ix., Elijah and Elisha .

xiv CONTENTS
PAGE
§ i. Prophets of the Eighth Century— i., Amos— ii.,
Hosea — iii. Isaiah's Call and Commission — iv.,
Isaiah's Message to Judah in the Reign of Ahaz —
v., Isaiah and the War with Syria and Ephraim —
vi., Isaiah and Israel — vii., Micah and Israel — viii.,
Fall of Samaria — ix., Micah and Judah — x., Isaiah
and the Assyrians— xi., The Revolt against Assyria
— xii., The Deliverance from Sennacherib — xiii.,
Hezekiah's Reformation  14
§ 5. The Publication of Deuteronomy — i. Reaction under
Manasseh and Amon — ii., Fall of Nineveh ; Zepha
niah, Nahum — iii., Publication of Deuteronomy ;
Josiah's Reformation — iv., Abolition of Idols— v.,
Suppression of High Places — vi., Priests of the High
Places — ^vii., Prophets — viii., Other Ordinances, etc.
— ix., Divine Unity — x., Doctrine of Forgiveness —
xi., Beginning of the Canon  32
§ 6. Last Days of the monarchy — i., Megiddo — ii., Temple
as Palladium — iii., Syncretism — iv., Jeremiah and
the Last Kings of Judah — v., The Prophet as Traitor
and. Heretic — vi., The Inevitable Ruin of Judah —
vii., The Remnant — viii., The Judgment' of the
Nations— ix., Habakkuk — x., Ezekiel and the Pales
tinian Jews — xi., Fall of Jerusalem — xii., Jewish
Refugees in Egypt — xiii., Obadiah .... 43
§ 7. The Captivity — i., Religion a Spiritual Life and not
a Ritual Observance — ii., Literary Activity — iii.,
Formation of Ritual. Codes — iv., Ezek., xl.-xlviii.
— v., Law of Holiness, Lev. xvii.-xxvi. — vi., Lamen
tations — vii., Isa., xl.-lxvi. — viii., Promise of
Restoration — ix., Fall of Babylon and Return of
the Jews. .... .  54
§ 8. Judaism — i., The Restored Community and the
Jewish Dispersion — ii., The Rebuilding of the Temple
—iii., The Reforms of Ezra and Nehemiah; Levitical
Law (Priestly Code) ; Malachi — iv., The Samaritans
— v., Anti-legal Tendencies within Judaism ; Ruth (?),

CONTENTS

xv

±*AUK
Jonah (?), Proverbs, Job, Ecclesiastes, Psalms— vi.,
Divine Justice and the Sufferings of the Righteous ;
Job, Ecclesiastes — vii., Individualism — viii., An
tagonism of Judaism and the Gentile World ; Esther
— ix., Persecutions of Antiochus Epiphanes ; Daniel . 62

CHAPTER III
THE IDEAL ISBAEL
§ 9. The Kingdom — i., Messianic Prophecies — ii., Prepara
tion for the Kingdom — iii., The Day of Jehovah —
iv., The New Israel — v., Palestine as the Home of the
New Israel — vi., The Constitution of the New Israel
— vii., Moral and Spiritual Perfection — viii., The
New Covenant — ix., Israel and the Heathen — x.,
Religious Supremacy of Israel — xi., The Kingdom of
God  79
§ 10. The Messiah — i., Messiah as King— ii., Messiah as
Prophet — iii., Messiah as the True Israel — iv., Messiah
as Priest  87
§ 11. New Heavens and New Earth . .... 94

CHAPTER IV
JEHOVAH AS THE GOD OP ISRAEL
} in. Names  97
j 13. Anthropomorphism and Anthropopathism . . 99*
\ 14. The Bond between Jehovah and Israel — i., Election
and Divine Sovereignty — ii., Providence — iii., Father
hood — iv., Marriage — v., Israel the Client of Jehovah
— vi., Covenant  1(X>
- 15. Moral Attributes of Jehovah — i., Trustworthiness
and Self-consistency — ii., Benevolence — iii., Justice
— iv., Glory, Majesty, Sanctity — v., The Name . . 103<

:vi CONTENTS
PAGE
16. Jehovah's Revelation of Himself — i., Theophanies
— ii., Supernatural Organs: Spirit, Word, Wisdom,
Angels — iii., Transcendentalism — iv., Foreshadow
ings of the Doctrine of the Trinity— v., Nature and
History — vi., Human Agents: Nation, King, Prophet,
Priest — vii;, Methods— viii., Record — ix.. Scope . 105

CHAPTER V
ISRAEL AS THE PEOPLE OP JEHOVAH
§ 17. Sanctity  123
§ 18. Sacred Places— i., The Land of Israel — ii., Tenure
of Land — iii., High Places— i v., Cities of Refuge —
v., Tabernacle and Temple — vi., Synagogues . . 124
§ 19. Sacred Persons — i., Nation — ii., Royal Dynasty and
King — iii., Levites — iv., Priests — v., High Priests —
vi., Graduated Sanctity — vii., Representation of
Israel to Jehovah — viii., Prophets — ix., Seers, Sons
of the Prophets — x., Remnant — xi., Nazirites —
xii., Scribes ... ... 128
§ 20. Sacred Seasons— i., Sanctity of All Time —
ii., Agricultural Feasts — iii., Historical Feasts —
iv., Astronomical Feasts — v., Day of Atonement . 136
§ 21. Sacred Acts — i., Connected with the Land —
ii., Connected with the People — iii., Connection of
Sacred Acts with Sanctuaries, Feasts, and Priest
hood— iv., Sacrifices — v., Ritual of Passover and
Day of Atonement — vi., Other Forms of Worship—
vii., Fasts — viii., Dedication of Persons and Places
— ix., The Ban — x., Oaths .... . 141
§ 22. Sacred Objects— i., Clean and Unclean Things—
ii.. Apparatus of Worship — iii., The Ark and the
Mercy Seat — iv., Most Sacred Objects . . 156
§ 23. The Sanctity of Israel ...... 159
§ 24. Preservation and Renewal of Sanctity . . . 160
§ 25. Doctrine of Sacrifice  163

CONTENTS xvii
CHAPTER VI
JEHOVAH AND THE ISRAELITE PAGE
§ 26. The Nation and the Individual .... 171
§ 27. Individual Righteousness  173
§ 28. Sin  175
§ 29. Rewards and Punishments  176
§ 30. Forgiveness  177
§ 31. Spiritual Gifts  178
§ 32. Apparent Failure of Divine Justice . . 179
§ 33. Future Life  187
DIVISION II
GOD AND THE UNIVERSE
§ 34. Man  ... 193
§ 35. EvU  196
§ 36. Material Universe  197
§ 37. Supernatural Beings ...... 197
§ 38. Doctrine of God  199

DIVISION I
JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
1. The Old Testament a Revelation in and through
Israel. — The Old Testament is the record of the
Revelation of God which He gave to mankind
through the life and history of Israel. Such a
Revelation was necessarily made, in the first instance,
to Israel itself. The nation learnt to know God by its
experience of His Providence and the teaching of His
inspired representatives. Its religion was a sense and
recognition of His relation to Israel ; and its theology
— as far as any explicit -theology existed — was the
theory and statement of that relation. The Divine
Name, Jehovah (cf. § 12), constantly styled " the God
of Israel," symbolises the relation between God and
the Chosen People. As the recipient of this Revela
tion, Israel represents mankind, and the relation
between Jehovah and Israel, is a type of the relation
which should exist between God and man (cf . § 33).
On the other hand, so far as Israel accepted and
obeyed its special Revelation, it represented God to
the world, and became the inspired teacher of His
truth to mankind (cf. § 7, vii.).
2. Aspects of the Relation of JehoVah. to Israel. —
We shall consider the relation of Jehovah to Israel
8

4 INTRODUCTION
under four aspects : (i.) As set forth in the events of
the history of Israel ; (ii.) In connection with the
prophetic ideal for Israel — the Messianic Kingdom
of God. On the basis of (i.) and (ii.) we shall construct,
as far as the material admits of technicaL form,
a formal statement of the 0. T. doctrine of (iii.)
Jehovah as the God of Israel. Then, as distinct
from the Messianic Israel, we shall describe- the
actual Israel, so far as it was faithful to Jehovah ;
the righteousness to which devout kings, prophets
and legislators sought to make the nation conform ;
(iv.) Israel as the People of Jehovah.

CHAPTER II
ISRAEL IN HISTORY

CHAPTER II
ISRAEL IN HISTORY
3. Introductory, i. The History as a Revelation
• — All sections of the O. T. agree in regarding the
History of Israel as the special sphere of the working
of the Divine Providence, and therefore as itself
a Revelation of the will and character of Jehovah.
ii. The Starting Point for the Study op the
History. — This is naturally found in the special
relation between Jehovah and Israel which is
taken for granted throughout the 0. T. This
relation is often accepted as a simple fact in the
nature of things ; but it is also explained as the
result of the Divine Election (§ 14, i.) of Israel. This
election or calling became effectual in the series of
events which made Israel a nation, the emigration
from Chaldea, the preservation of the people during
their nomad life, and especially the deliverance from
Egypt, the Exodus, and the conquest of Canaan.
So Hosea xi. 1, " When Israel was a child, then I loved
him, and called My Son out of Egypt " ; in Jer. ii. 2
Israel is " espoused " to Jehovah in the wilderness ;
in Ezek. xx. 5, Jehovah " chose Israel . . . and made
Himself known unto them in the land of TSgypt.'
Cf. Exod. iii. 13 (E), vi. 2 (P).

8 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
Similarly, the Davidic dynasty (1 Sam. xvi. 1 ; 2
Sam. vii.) and its royal city, Jerusalem (Ezek. xvi.),
owe their pre-eminence, to the Divine Election.
Moreover the disruption of Israel into two kingdoms
is also due to the set purpose of Jehovah (1 Kings
xi., xii.).
Thus in Israel we have a people who owe their
origin and the conditions of their national life to
the action of the sovereign will of Jehovah. -
iii. The Actual Life of Israel. — In spite of this
exceptional relation to Jehovah, the history clearly
shows that Ancient Israel — the Israel of the Judges
and the Monarchy — never attained for any long
period to any exceptionally high standard of moral
and spiritual life. On the whole, the life of Israel
does not seem to have been of a very different
character from that of other nations; it resembled
most closely that of the neighbouring henotheistic
tribes of Moab and Edom. Possibly as time went
on and Israel advanced in power and culture,
and entered into wider international relations, it
surpassed its neighbours in the vices peculiar to
civilisation, and in its predilection for religious
eclecticism. On the other hand, we cannot suppose
that Israel was conspicuously and consciously worse
than surrounding peoples.
iv. Twofold Judgment upon the Life of Israel.
— When men began to reflect upon the moral quality
of this national life, they raised one of the great
problems of Israelite theology. That Jehovah was
the God of Israel, and that Israel was the People of
Jehovah, was a fundamental axiom with all Israelites,

ISRAEL IN HISTORY 9
but controversy arose as to the application of this.
principle. How far was Jehovah satisfied with the
actual life of Israel, what treatment did Israel
deserve at His hands, and* how was He likely to
treat His People? To these questions two main
answers were given — that of the inspired prophets,
and that of the people and. the religious teachers
who were the mouthpieces of popular feeling.
v. The Popular Judgment. — The popular con
science was not aware that the national life was
inconsistent with that mutual devotion of Jehovah
and Israel (cc. iv., v.) which was generally regarded
as a fundamental article of faith.
(a) Conditions of Jehovah's Favour. — As regarded
the moral character of ordinary life average Israelites
were content with the same imperfect compromise
accepted elsewhere. They did not suppose that
Jehovah's favour was dependent upon moral con
ditions; but expected that Jehovah would help His
People, simply because they were His People.
(b) Value of Ritual. — Such inducement as Jehovah
might require to help Israel was to be found in
ritual, especially sacrifice. Sacrifice had a value in
itself, apart from the conduct and character of the
worshipper; its efficacy was supposed to depend on
quantity and technique, and not on moral and
spiritual significance (Isa. i.).
(c) Character of Worship. — They did not suppose
that Jehovah required a purer, more seemly, more
humane, more spiritual worship than Baal, Moloch,
or Chemosh. They sought to gratify Him by
idolatry, religious prostitution (Amos ii. 7), obscene

10 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
rites and symbols, and human sacrifice, especially the
sacrifice of children.
(d) Confusion with " Other Gods." — They thought
to manifest their devotion to Jehovah by ascribing to
Him the attributes, and worshipping Him with the
titles, symbols and rites of the gods of neighbouring
tribes (Hosea ii. Cf. v. 16).
(e) Divided ReUgious Allegiance. — The use of
rites, etc., ordinarily associated with "Other Gods''
practically involved the more or less explicit worship
of these deities ; without however, as a rule, any
renunciation of the worship of Jehovah.
(f) Jehovah Responsible for Disaster. — They were
inclined to account for national catastrophes, not by
their own sin, but by the failure of Jehovah to care
for His People, either through lack of power or of
goodwill. Hence they found a justification either for
abandoning Him altogether, or at any rate Sor seeking
further divine aid from other gods. Thus the Jewish
refugees in Egypt, after the fall of Jerusalem,
attributed their misfortunes to the wrath of the Queen
of Heaven, against whom, apparently, Jehovah had
been powerless to protect them (Jer. xliv.).
(g) The Fate of Israel. — Until, however, the final
catastrophe of Judah, the Israelites clung to 'the
hope that the Divine Favour guaranteed the prosperity
and permanence of Israel, without reference to the
moral and spiritual character of the national life.
The "Day of Jehovah" was at hand, in which He
would deliver His People.
(h) The Character of Jehovah. — It will thus appear
that the Israelites generally had no clear under-

ISRAEL IN HISTORY 11
standing of the fact that Jehovah was a moral being.
They did not recognise Him as unique or even
supreme, but tended to confuse Him and even to put
Him on a level with the tribal and national deities of
their heathen neighbours.
vi. The Judgment of the Prophets. — The prophets
confronted this popular theology with an emphatic
and sweeping condemnation, and announced a different
standard of conduct.
(a) Conditions of Jehovah's Favour. — The favour
of Jehovah was not the indiscriminate indulgence
shown by a foolish father to a spoiled child, but was
based upon a covenant (§ 14, vi.), the terms of which
were essentially moral.
(b) Value of Ritual. — Ritual, however splendid or
profuse, was an abomination to Jehovah when
offered by an immoral people. "To what purpose
is the multitude of your sacrifices unto Me? saith
Jehovah. I am full of the burnt-offerings of rams
and the fat of fed beasts ; and I delight not in the
blood of bullocks, or of lambs, or of he-goats. . . .
Bring no more vain oblations ; incense is an abomina
tion unto Me ; new moon and sabbath, the calling of
assemblies. I cannot endure iniquity and the solemn
meeting" (Isa. i. 11, 13. Cf. context).
(c) Character of Jehovah and of Acceptable Worship.
— Jehovah was essentially different in His righteous
ness and His claims from all other gods. He must
not be worshipped with the cruel and impure rites of
heathen ritual; He must not be confounded with
other gods, neither will He submit to share with
them His sanctuaries, His land, or His people.

12 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
(d) They declared that this standard was not observed.
-^-The solemn and unanimous judgment of the prophets
pronounced that Israel had altogether failed to
observe the conditions of the covenant between itself
and Jehovah. Its life and worship were alike im
moral. (e) The fate of Israel. — Hence this covenant became
void by Israel's default and wrongdoing ; Israel had
forfeited all claim on Jehovah's favour, and was
liable to His wrath and vengeance. Therefore its
special relation to Jehovah became the ground for
inflicting a more severe punishment. " You only
have I known of all the families of the earth, there
fore I will punish you for all your iniquities " (Amos
iii. 2). The sin of Israel was such that it was a
moral impossibility for Jehovah to tolerate the
continued existence of the nation ; its ruin was in
evitable;, the "Day of Jehovah" would bring to
Israel not deliverance but destruction. " Woe unto
you that desire the day of Jehovah ! Wherefore
would ye have the day of Jehovah ? It is darkness
and not light " (Amos v. 18).
viii. The Prophetic Interpretation of History.
— Recognising the continuity of the national life of
Israel, the prophets saw, in th& former calamities of
the people, divine judgments upon national sin. On
the other hand, periods of prosperity were the reward
of closer approximation to the true standard of life.
This view is specially taught in the Book of Judges,
which received its present form from editors who
wrote under the influence of the teaching of the
prophets. Throughout this book, as the people

ISRAEL IN HISTORY 13
alternate between "doing evil in the sight of Jehovah"
and " crying unto Jehovah," they are " sold into the
hand of their enemy " and " delivered."
We must, however, be careful to remember that
supreme acts of the Divine Providence, such as the
Exodus and the Conquest, are never considered as
rewards for any righteousness of Israel.
viii. Application of the Teaching of History. —
Certain elementary truths of 0. T. Revelation were
involved in this teaching :
(a) Sin brought suffering.
(6) A righteous life -brought prosperity.
(c) The vicissitudes of the fortunes of Israel, the
fact that the punishment even of gross national sin
came to an end, that Israel survived, and was
permitted to enter upon new periods of prosperity,
showed that Jehovah forgave sin on condition of
repentance and amendment.
The judgment of the prophets upon Israel and
Judah, and their teaching generally, are largely the
application of these truths to the life of their times.
ix. Elijah and Elisha. — These prophets were the
forerunners of those whose writings still survive.
Their mission was to assert the exclusive claims of
Jehovah as against Baal. The people halted between
two opinions — i.e., they wished to worship Jahovah
and Baal, or to have a worship which might serve
indifferently for either. Elijah demanded that they
should recognise that the two divine names repre
sented two incompatible religious systems. The
people could not combine them, they could not
use now one and now another to suit changing

14 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
circumstances, or to gratify a love of variety, they
must make a definite and final choice between them.
"How long halt ye between two opinions? If
Jehovah be God, follow him : but if Baal, then follow
him" (1 Kings xviii. 21). As the house of Omri
specially favoured the combination of Baal worship
with the pure worship of Jehovah, the controversy
resolved itself into a contest between that dynasty
and the prophets. In the end, Elisha overthrew the
House of Omri, and raised Jehu to the throne.
Henceforth the royal authority was exerted against
Baal worship, and so far victory rested with the
prophets. But such external revolutions did com
paratively little to change the mind and habits of
the people ; and the accession of Jehu was only one
stage in a long struggle.
4. Prophets of* the Eighth Century, i. Amos,
cir. 750 B.C. — Nevertheless the history of"the House of
Jehu seemed to indicate that Jehovah was rewarding
Jehu's action as acceptable service to Himself. Elisha
supported the new dynasty by his counsel and en
couragement, and by the weight of his prophetic
authority ; and Jeroboam II. brought the long duel
between Samaria and Damascus to a successful close,
and reigned for forty-one years with a splendour and
power that recalled the days of David and Solomon.
The Book of Kings tells us (2 Kings xiv. 23-27)
Jeroboam II. was sent by Jehovah to save Israel
according to the word of the prophet Jonah ben
Amittai. At this crisis, the first of the great prophets of the
eighth century appeared upon the scene, and, possibly

ISRAEL IN HISTORY 15
because he felt that his message constituted a new
departure in the history of prophecy, he expressly
defined the position and claims of a true prophet. He
did not speak as a member of any established order,
or in virtue of any special training or personal genius,
or as having been charged with the transmission of
any traditional teaching ; but because he had received
a direct and personal call from Jehovah : " I was
neither a prophet, nor a disciple of the prophets ; but
I was a herdman, and a dresser of sycamore trees :
and Jehovah took me from following the flock, and
Jehovah said unto me, Go, prophesy unto My people
Israel" (vii. 15). Such prophets — as distinguished
from the mere professional preachers with whom
Amos repudiated all connection — were admitted to
full and intimate knowledge of the purposes of
Jehovah. " Surely the Lord Jehovah will do nothing
without revealing His secret unto His servants the
prophets" (iii. 7). This Revelation is a trust for
Israel. Jehovah is entirely frank and open in His
dealings with His people. " Necessity is laid upon "
the prophet to declare the secret plans of Jehovah to
Israel. "The lion hath roared, who will not fear?
The Lord Jehovah hath spoken, who can refrain
from prophesying ? " (iii. 8).
Under the stress of this divine compulsion, sus
tained by the consciousness of a supreme inspiration,
Amos, the herdman of Tekoa in Judah, appeared at
the royal sanctuary at Bethel to deliver his message.
The Northern Kingdom was exulting in the glory
and prosperity to which it had been raised by its
victorious king. These blessings were received as

16 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
tokens of divine favour and approval, as fresh evi
dence that the interest of Jehovah in His People
guaranteed the safety and welfare of Israel. Amos,
as the first spokesman of the New Prophecy, in the
name of Jehovah repudiated once for all this ancient
doctrine, and declared " Jeroboam shall die by the
sword, and Israel shall surely be led away captive
out of his land " (vii. 1 1). Elsewhere in his book this
sentence is repeated and amplified. The divine
displeasure had already been intimated by drought,
failure of crops, famine, pestilence, and earthquake ;
these were calls to repentance, to which the .people
had turned a deaf ear (iv. 6-11). Therefore a day
of distress and defeat (ii. 13-16, iii. 14, 15, iv. 12,
v. 16-27, etc.) will come upon Israel, and they shall
go into captivity beyond Damascus.
The recent victories of Israel had not really been
due to renewed national vigour. Damascus had
fallen because its strength had been worn away by
the continual attacks of the Assyrians. For the
moment the Assyrians had paused in their advance
westward, and the fruit of their many campaigns had
been gathered by Israel. But the fall of Damascus
laid Israel bare to its new and more terrible enemy.
Amos claimed this heathen empire as the instrument
chosen by Jehovah to chastise His People. "Behold
I will raise up a nation, that shall afflict you from
the entering in of Hamath unto the brook of Arabah "
(vi. 14). Jehovah had not merely ceased to be the
Champion of Israel, but had armed her enemies
against her. Amos' dwells upon the sins which have
drawn down this condemnation upon Israel ; these

ISRAEL IN HISTORY 17
are: the oppression of the poor by the rich and
powerful (iii. 10, iv. 1, vii.) ; the venality of the judges
and rulers (ii. 6); dishonest business dealings (viii. 5) ;
impure worship (ii. 7).
In spite of their sins, the people thought to render
themselves acceptable to Jehovah by innumerable
sacrifices and offerings at their many sanctuaries
(iv. 4, 5) ; but Jehovah repudiated and condemned
their worship : "I hate, I despise your feasts, and I
will take no delight in your solemn assemblies. Yea,
though you offer me your burnt offerings and meat
offerings I will not accept them ; neither will I regard
the peace offerings of your fat beasts" (v. 21, 22).
Not only the worship, but the sanctuaries are
condemned. Here first we meet with that attack
upon the high places which is one of the main
features of the prophetic movement of the eighth
century. Bethel, Gilgal, Beersheba, Dan, and
Samaria are in turn denounced (iii. 14, iv. 4, 5
v. 5, viii. 14).
Judah is dealt with very briefly and generally.
Amos, indeed, sees in Jerusalem the special dwelling-
place of Jehovah. " Jehovah shall roar from Zion,
and utter His voice from Jerusalem " (i. 2) ; but
Jehovah saith also that, because Judah has disobeyed
Him, He " will send a fire upon Judah, and it shall
devour the palaces of Jerusalem " (ii. 5).
ii. Hosea, cir. 735. — The death of Jeroboam II. was
shortly followed by the overthrow of his dynasty.
Torn by intestine strife and exposed to Assyrian
invasions the country rapidly sank into misery and
corruption. In the time of Amos the moral rotten-
2

18 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
ness of the people had been partly hidden by a veneer
of order and decency ; but now, in the death throes
of Israel, sin was manifest in open, highhanded crimes.
Hosea had painful experience of the corruption of his
times, not only as an Israelite, but also in his per
sonal life ; his prophetic mission and even the form
of his message were conditioned by the adultery of
his wife.
Similarly, Israel had been unfaithful to her husband
Jehovah ; whom she had confounded with (ii. 16), and
forsaken for (ii. 5), Baal and Baalim. This unfaith
fulness had led to gross wickedness : " There is no
truth, nor mercy, nor knowledge of God in the land.
There is nought but swearing and breaking faith,
killing and stealing and committing adultery " (iv. 1,
2). The priests murder in the way toward Shechem '
(vi. 9). The traders use deceitful balances (xii. 7).
The people still delighted in sacrifices and religious
observances (ii. 11, iv. 13, viii. 11, x. 1); but their
worship was impure (iv. 13); idolatrous {iv. 17, viii.
4, xiii. 2) — Baal-worship, though offered to Jehovah
(ii. 13).
The high places are denounced (iv. 13), Gilgal
(iv. 15, ix. 15. xii. 11), Gilead (xii. 11). The worship
of the calf at Bethel (called in contempt Bethaven) is
specially attacked (iv. 15, viii. 5, 6, x. 8, x. 15).
Israel sought to conciliate Jehovah by splendid sanctu
aries, countless altars (viii. 11) and sacrifices. Over
against this trust in ritual Jehovah sets His demand
for righteousness : "I desire mercy and not sacrifice;
and the knowledge of God more than burnt offering "
(vi. 6, viii. 13).

ISRAEL IN HISTORY 19
•
Besides ritual, Israel still trusted in his own power,
in his chariots and the multitude of his warriors
(x. 13) ; he had forgotten his Maker and built palaces
(viii. 14).
If ritual and military power were insufficient, re
course was had to foreign allies, Egypt and Assyria
(vii. 11). Hosea strikes another keynote of subsequent
prophecy in his denunciation of these alliances.
In complete accordance with his use of the figure
of marriage to illustrate the relation between Jehovah
and Israel, he speaks of a covenant between God and
His People (vi. 7, viii. 1). This covenant they have
transgressed by choosing kings and rulers without
seeking divine counsel (viii. 4), and by entering into a
covenant with Assyria (xii. 1). Even the monarchy
itself seems to be condemned as an ungodly institu
tion (viii. 4, 10, xiii. 10, 11), and the sin .and ruin of
Israel are dated from " the day of Gibeah " when
Saul was inaugurated as the first king of Israel *
(ix. 9, x. 9. Cf. 1 Sam. x. 26, xi. 4, xii. 12, 13).
In accordance with the general teaching of the
O. T. as to the close connection between folly and
wickedness, Hosea attributes much of the sin of
Israel to its indifference to the knowledge of God,
which it had had every opportunity of attaining.
" I have hewed them by the prophets ; I have slain
them by the words of My mouth : and My (E. V. Mg.)
judgment goeth forth as the light. For I desire
... the knowledge of God " (vi. 5, 6). " I wrote for
him the ten thousand things of My law, but they
are counted as a strange thing " (viii. 12. Cf. iv. 6).
Smend, 194.

20 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
Because of this sin and wilful ignorance, Jehovah
would renounce and ruin Israel. To symbolise this
judgment, Hosea named his children " Lo-ruhamah "
(Unpitied), and " Lo-ammi " (Not my people). Israel
would be overthrown by Assyria, and carried captive
to Assyria and Egypt (vii. 16, ix. 3, xi. 5). Yet even
now Jehovah shows His fatherly affection (xi. 2) for
Israel by His reluctance to punish and His yearning
to forgive (xi. 8, 9 ; xiv.). While Amos sees no
future hope for Israel, Hosea looks forward to a
restoration of his people in righteousness and pros
perity (i.. 10, ii. 14-23, iii. 5, xiv.).
Judah is only dealt with in casual references.*
iii. Isaiah's Call and Commission. — Though Amos
belonged- to Judah, his message was almost entirely
addressed to Israel. Isaiah is, in the strict sense, the
first great prophet of Judah. His early life, before
and at the beginning of his ministry, was spent in
the prosperous days of Uzziah and Jotham, when
Judah shared the renewed prosperity of Israel. His
call (vi.) shows that, like Amos, he received the
revelation that Judah was unclean- — i.e., failed to
attain the divine standard set by Jehovah for the
life of His people, and that this uncleanness alienated
Jehovah from Judah. When experience had shown
how little his ministry could do to change the char
acter of the people, he. realised that his appeals for
repentance and amendment had only hardened their
hearts, filled up the measure of their iniquity, and so
sealed their doom. Here, therefore, we meet with
another important feature of the prophetic teaching
* Often supposed to be editorial additions.

ISRAEL IN HISTORY 21
of this period — its conviction that the nation, as a
wholej was incapable of any radical reformation, and
that therefore its ruin was inevitable. Chapter vi.
concludes with the introduction of another great
prophetic doctrine which somewhat relieves the gloom
— the doctrine of the Remnant. The nation may
be hardened, and its case hopeless, but individuals
will hear and obey, and these will form a community,
which is the Remnant of the Old Israel and the seed
of the New. Thus chapter vi. contains a brief state
ment of the main elements* of Isaiah's teaching.
We have still, however, to notice how these were
developed in the course of his career.
iv. Isaiah's Message to Judah in the Reign of
Ahaz, b.c. 735. — The picture drawn by the Jewish
prophets of. the moral and religious state of Judah
is not essentially different from the account given of
Israel by Amos and Hosea. Isaiah charges the Jews
with oppression and venality on the part of judges
and rulers (i. 21-23, iii. 14, 15, v. 7, 23, x. 1-4);
unscrupulous avarice (v. 8); pride (ii. 11, v. 21);
immoral casuistry (v. 20) ; presumptuous and defiant
sin (v. 18, 19) ; and drunkenness (v. 22). He specially
charges the women with proud and wanton luxury
(iii. 16). Judah is a "sinful nation, a people laden
witb iniquity, a seed of evil-doers, children that deal
corruptly" (14).
In Judah, as in Israel, the people delight in pro
fuse ritual, -and hope thereby to conciliate Jehovah,
but He rejects their • sacrifices as worthless, an
* For the stress laid upon the character of Jehovah as
Qadosh, E.V. 'Holy," see §§ 17/.

22 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
intolerable abomination (i. 10-17). As the religious
observances with which Isaiah was most familiar
were those of the Temple, he naturally does not refer
to the high places ; except by implication in stating
that "the land is full of idols" (ii. 8) ; and in speak
ing of the worship under oaks and in gardens (i. 29).
Their superstition, however, had gone beyond trust
in ritual ; they delighted also in magic and divination ;
" they be filled with custoins from the East, and are
soothsayers like the Philistines " (ii. 6, viii. 19).
Isaiah announces "the day of Jehovah," His judg
ment upon these sins. " He has forsaken His people "
(ii. 6). All their glory and pride shall be laid low
(ii. 6-22). "Jerusalem is ruined and Judah is
fallen " (iii. 8). Jehovah's vineyard shall be trodden
down and laid waste : "it shall not be pruned nor
hoed; but there shall come up briers and thorns:
I will also command the clouds that they rain no
rain upon it" (vii. 6). The instrument of this judg
ment will be " the nations from afar " (v. 26).
Isaiah, however, does not merely deal with the
nation as a whole ; he personally threatens special
classes of society, the rulers (i. 23) and noble ladies
(iii. 16 — iv. 1) ; and special types of sinners, drunkards,
etc. (v. 8-25). We have here a step towards the
treatment of religion asp^egards the individual.
The alienation between Jehovah and Israel is
consciously felt, and has become matter for discussion.
Heaven and earth are called upon to hear Jehovah's
charges against His people (i. 2), and the inhabitants
of Jerusalem and Judah are appealed to to judge
between Jehovah and His vineyard (v. 4). Yet

ISRAEL IN HISTORY 23
Jehovah Himself is the Judge (lii. 13). In "that
Day," when all sinful splendour and pride is laid
low, He alone is exalted (ii. 11). He first manifested
Himself to Isaiah as the Divine King in His
Heavenly Temple, surrounded by His angelic court
of Seraphim, who hailed Him as the unique and
supreme God (Qadosh, see §§ 17 ff.).
v. Isaiah and the War with Syria and Ephraim
(vii.-ix.). — In Isa. i.-vi. the prophet, like Amos
and Hosea, concerns himself chiefly with the moral
and religious state of his country. In the following
chapters he appears as the successor of Elisha; a
statesman as well as a prophet, taking his place by
the side of the king, and seeking to direct him in the
details of his foreign pohcy. In view of the growing
pressure of Assyria upon the Syrian states, Rezin,
king of Damascus, and Pekah, king of Israel, sought
to compel Ahaz to enter into a league to resist the
common enemy. Ahaz refused, and sought the aid
of Assyria against Rezin and Pekah.
Isaiah had already given striking expression to
his doctrine of the Remnant, by naming his son
Shear-jashub (a remnant shall return). When Ahaz
was preparing for the war with Syria and Samaria,
Isaiah went to meet him, accompanied by Shear-
jashub, whose presence would be symbolical, and
bade the king : " Take heed to be quiet" — i.e., abstain
from .foreign alliances — and Jehovah would destroy
Rezin and Pekah. He offered Ahaz any sign he
chose to ask for. Ahaz refused to ask for a sign ;
whereupon Isaiah declared that the sign should be
that when a maiden already pregnant should bear a

24 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
son, the Divine Presence should have been so fully
manifested that she might call him Immanuel (God
with us) ; and that, before he was weaned — i.e., within
two or three years — both Rezin and Pekah should be
slain (vii. 14-16) ; nevertheless, Judah itself should
be wasted and desolate, so that the child must eat
" butter and honey."
Ahaz, however, persisted in his alliance with
Assyria, and Isaiah announced the devastation of
the country by Egypt and Assyria, especially Assyria
(vii. 17-25, viii. 8). Nevertheless, when about this
time another son was born to Isaiah, he gave him
the symbolic name of Maher-shalal-hash-baz (booty
"hastens, spoil speeds), in token that, before the child
could talk, Damascus and Samaria would be spoiled
by the king of Assyria (viii. 1-4).
The absence of any wide response to Isaiah's
teaching and the failure of his protest against the
Assyrian alliance taught him that the alienation
between Jehovah and Judah meant hostility between
prophet and people. His conduct and ideals must
contradict theirs (viii. 11-13), and the God who
was "his Inspirer was a stumbling block and a snare
to his hearers (14). For the present his warnings
and teachings were to be a sealed book to them, but
he would " wait on Jehovah " (viii. 16, 17).
Yet the Remnant had begun to form itself ; Isaiah
and his children were signs and wonders in Israel
(viii. 18), and he had made disciples. Moreover, some
prospect of deliverance might be discerned beyond
the impending calamities ; the day of Immanuel was
at hand (vii. 14, viii. 8), when a worthv son of David

ISRAEL IN HISTORY 25
(ix. 2-7) should reign over a redeemed and purified
Jerusalem (i. 25-27. Cf. iv.).
vi. Isaiah and Israel. — In dealing with the
fortunes of Judah when attacked by Rezin and
Pekah, Isaiah had necessarily announced the fate of
Israel — namely, its overthrow by Assyria (vii. 8, 16,
viii. 4). Moreover, Isaiah, like all the prophets,
regarded Israel and Judah as a religious and national
unity; and he constantly groups them together in
his sentence of doom. The barren vineyard, which is
to be laid waste, is " the house of Israel and the men
of Judah " (v. 7) ; Jehovah is a " stone of stumbling
and a rock of offence to both houses of Israel " (viii.
14). But Isaiah also deals separately with the
Northern Kingdom. In xxviii. 3-8, he describes
how Ephraim — priests, prophets, and people— had
fallen into sin and folly through drunkenness ;
wherefore, " The crown of pride of the drunkards of
Ephraim shall be trodden under foot" (xxviii. 3). A
similar threat of coming ruin to Israel is contained
in xvii. 1-11 ; where, apparently, the doctrine of the
Remnant is applied to the Northern Kingdom (xvii. 6).
vii. Micah and Israel, before b.c 722. — In' ac
cordance with the heading, which describes the book
as : " The word of Jehovah which came to Micah
concerning Samaria and Jerusalem," Micah's utter
ances concerning the two kingdoms are very closely
combined, and his treatment of them is very similar ;
but it will be convenient to consider his teaching as
to Israel, first, as part of the prelude to the Fall of
Samaria ; and to defer his words on Judah till after
that event, and to take them as part of the prophetic

26 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
preparation for the great deliverance from Senna
cherib. Micah agrees with the other prophets in his
picture of the social, political, and reUgious corruption
of Israel (i. 6, 7, ii. 1-6, iii.), but deals with the
subject more briefly and generally. He announces
the imminent and utter ruin of Samaria: "I will
make Samaria as an heap of the field, and as the
plantings of a vineyard " (i. 6).
viii. The Fall of Samaria, b.c. 722.— The course
of history after the death of Jeroboam II. followed
the lines indicated by the prophets. The attack of
Rezin and Pekah upon Judah collapsed through the
interference of Assyria, and Judah was delivered
after enduring much misery. First Damascus, and
then Samaria, was conquered by the Assyrian, and
the Syrian and Israelite population carried away into
captivity. This series of events is of supreme signifi
cance for the religion of Israel. It confirmed in many
ways the teaching of the prophets, and established
the authority of Isaiah, their great living representa
tive. It discredited the ancient doctrine of a bond
between Jehovah and Israel, which guaranteed the
inviolability of the Sacred Land and the Chosen
People. Hitherto, as the usage of the word Israel
implies, the Northern Kingdom had stood for Israel,
both in political power and religious importance.
Judah had no prophets like Elijah and Elisha ; the
first decisive victory of Jehovah over Baal was won
at Jezreel, not at Jerusalem. Thus, in a sense, -the
overthrow of Samaria was the ruin of Israel, of the
Chosen People of Jehovah, If the ancient doctrine
had still prevailed, according to which the glory and

ISRAEL IN HISTORY 27
existence of Jehovah were bound up with those of
Israel, Jehovah must have perished with His People.
But the teaching of the prophets had made it possible
to believe in Jehovah even when Israel was destroyed.
The great catastrophe happened in accordance with,
and not in spite of, the Divine Purpose : it was proof,
not of His impotence, but of His power. Moreover,
Jehovah can not merely use His own people to defeat
and subdue other nations ; He can also use Assyria
and Egypt to punish Israel. He is, therefore, Lord
of all nations. Thus the Fall of Samaria breaks the
ancient theory of the relation between Jehovah and
Israel, and marks the first step towards a universal
and individual religion.*
ix. Micah and Judah. — The attention of the
prophets was now concentrated upon Judah ; they
pointed to the fate of Samaria as an awful warning
to the Southern Kingdom. Micah describes the sin
of Judah in similar terms to the other prophets, and
announces the impending ruin of Jerusalem in words
partly identical with those he had used of Samaria.
" Therefore shall Zion for your sake be plowed as
a field, and Jerusalem shall become heaps, and the
mountain of the house — the Temple — as the high
places of a forest" (iii. 12). The doctrine of the
restoration of the Remnant of Israel is found in
ii. 12. Israel here probably includes both Israel
proper and Judah. (Cf. iv. 5.)
x. Isaiah and th^e Assyrians, b.c. 722-701. —
Under Ahaz, Judah had become a tributary of
Assyria, and had procured its intervention, thus
* Smend, 160.

28 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
doing much to hasten the ruin of Samaria. The
interests of Judah demanded that it should continue
loyal to its suzerain. On the other hand, Hezekiah —
who had now succeeded Ahaz — was exposed to many
temptations to revolt. The neighbouring Syrian
states sought to involve Judah in a confederacy
againtt Assyria. Merodach-balaaan, tributary king
of Babylon, sought Hezekiah's aid agairist Sargon
(xxxix.) ; and, above all, Egypt continually tried to
stir up Judah and its neighbours against Assyria.
Isaiah set himself to counteract these inducements :
be rebuked Hezekiah for the favourable reception
given to the Babylonian ambassadors (xxxix. 6, - 7),
and vehemently opposed any proposals for alliance
with Egypt (xix., xx.). Their trust in the material
strength of Egypt implied a lack of faith in Jehovah.
" Woe to them that go down to Egypt for help, and
rely on horses ; and trust in chariots, because they are
many, and in horsemen, because they are very strong,
but they look not unto the Holy One of Israel,
neither seek Jehovah. . . . Now the .Egyptians are
men, and not God : and their horses flesh, and not
spirit " (xxxi. 1, 3). Their confidence in Egypt would
merely betray them to their ruin. " When Jehovah
shall stretch out His hand, both he that helpeth
shall stumble, and he that is holpen shall fall, and
they shall all fail together " (xxxi. 3).
Thus the objection to foreign alliances, which had
led Isaiah to protest against the appeal of Ahaz to
Assyria, was now applied to Egypt ; and henceforth
hostility to Egypt was an important element of
prophetic teaching. There came to be two parties.

ISRAEL IN HISTORY 29
in Jerusalem, the Egyptian party and the party of
the prophets ; and the opposition between the two
was personal (xxii. 15-19), as well as political and
religious. For the present, however, the strength and salva
tion of Judah lay in repentance, in trust in Jehovah,
and in rest and quietness (xxx. 15) — i.e., in the quiet
acceptance of present political condition by submitting
to Assyria. For some years Isaiah succeeded in
inducing Hezekiah to maintain this attitude. There
is, however, no indication that Isaiah discerned any
moral or religious improvement in the nation. '
xi. The Revolt against Assyria, b.c. 705. — At
last, however, the temptation to revolt became too
strong to be resisted. Under the united pressure of
Egypt, a powerful combination of Syrian states, and
the Egyptian party in Jerusalem, Hezekiah gave way
and joined in the revolt against Assyria.
This rejection of Jehovah's counsel on the part of
king and people revealed to Isaiah afresh the deep-
seated corruption of Judah. Its sin would bring
speedy chastisement: "Woe to Ariel, to Ariel,- the
city where David encamped. ... I will distress
Ariel, and there shall be mourning and lamentation "
(xxix. i. 2). Its Egyptian allies would be useless:
" The strength of Pharaoh shall be your shame,
and the trust in the shadow of Egypt your confusion "
(xxx. 3). Both Eg/pt and Judah would be over
thrown and reduced to the last extremity of distress
(xxxi. 3).
Nevertheless, in this last extremity Judah should
be delivered ; Jerusalem should not be taken by the

30 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
invader, but a great calamity should fall upon
Sennacherib, and send him home foiled and dis
honoured (x. 24-34, xiv.. 24-27, xxix. 1-8, xxx. 31-33,
xxxi. 8, 9).
xii. The Deliverance prom Sennacherib, b.c.
701. — Sennacherib advanced into Syria, overthrew
the Syrians, defeated the Egyptians, ravaged Judah,
and captured its fortresses. Hezekiah offered to
submit, and compUed with one demand after another,
till at last he drew the line at the surrender of his
capital, and stood at bay, encouraged by Isaiah's
promises of deliverance. The deliverance came, the
Assyrian army was smitten and destroyed by the
Angel of Jehovah, and Sennacherib returned to
Nineveh. In its importance for the history ofy religion, this
great deliverance ranks with the Exodus, the Con
quest, and the Fall of Samaria. It confirmed afresh
the authority of Isaiah and of the divine revelation
given through the prophets. It secured a respite for
.Tudah, during which true religion became too firmly
rooted to be torn up and destroyed by the exile.
Like the other supreme interventions of Jehovah
on behalf of His people, it is in no sense a reward of
any righteousness of theirs : Isaiah does not connect
it with Hezekiah's reformation. Jehovah defends
the city, "for My own sake and for My servant
David's sake " (xxxvu. 35). He also overthrows the
Assyrian, because, though they were only the rod
with which Jehovah chastised His People, they
thought they had conquered in their own strength ;
they became uplifted with pride, and even supposed

ISRAEL IN HISTORY 31
they had overcome Jehovah as well as Judah
(x. 5-16, xxxvi. 19, 20, xxxvu. 12-29. Jehovah
thus manifested afresh His supremacy over the
nations ; the great empires were merely His weapons,
which, when they ceased to serve His purposes, He
destroyed and cast away.
xiii. Hezekiah's Reformation (2 Kings xviii. 4). —
Isaiah would make use of his influences not only to
direct the politics of Judah, but also to raise its
social and religious Ufe. The time for which he had
waited (viii. 17) had arrived, and no doubt his dis
ciples (vm. 16) increased in number. There came to
be an appreciable minority in Judah, who sought
to Uve the higher life demanded by the prophets, and
were helped to do so by Isaiah's teaching as to the
nature and grace of Jehovah. Moreover, Isaiah was
able in some measure, to carry out his views as to
the externals of worship. The Book of Kings tells
us that Hezekiah "removed the high places, brake
the Macceboth, cut down the Ashera, and brake in
pieces the brazen serpent that Moses had made ; for
unto those days the Israelites burnt incense to it,
and it was called -Nehushtan." Nothing is said about
the exact date of these proceedings, which may have
been spread over a considerable period, perhaps over
the whole of Hezekiah's reign. It is natural to
suppose that they originated in the renewal of Isaiah's
influence after the deliverance from Sennacherib;
but even if they began earlier, that great event would
rouse the king to new activity. The connection of
this Reformation with Isaiah's teaching is best seen
in the destruction of idols, of which Nehushtan may

32 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
be taken as an illustration. Isaiah, following Amos
(v. 26, and Hosea viii. 5, etc.), constantly denounces
the use of idols (ii. 8, 18, etc.). The almost entire
silence of Isaiah as to the high places, makes it
improbable that Hezekiah's action against them was
very persistent, and the account of the next reforma
tion shows that he can only have been very partially
successful in dealing either with high places or with
idols (2 Kings xxiii. 4-14. Moreover, the reaction
under Manasseh showed that Hezekiah's reformation
had produced very little effect on Jewish minds
generally. It was probably regarded as an innova
tion, and at the king's death his policy was reversed
in an outburst of popular fanaticism. As Isaiah
himself had foreseen, the permanent result of his
work lay in the Remnant, the little band of believers
which was slowly being gleaned out of the wreck of
Jehovah's vineyard.
5. Publication of Deuteronomy, i. The Reaction
under Manasseh and Amon (2 Kings xxi.). — Manasseh
seems not merely to have reversed his father's policy
and restored, the ancient religious customs of Judah.
He devoted himself with superstitious zeal to the
cruel worship of Moloch, to whom he sacrificed his son.
He practised a wider eclecticism than his predecessors,
and even set up altars for " all the host of heaven '•
in the temple courts. His government seems to have
been exceptionally bad, " He shed very much innocent
blood, till he had filled Jerusalem from one end to the
other" (xxi. 16). Political and religious partisanship
were closely combined : the true prophets and their
foUowers would denounce and oppose Manasseh ; they

ISRAEL IN HISTORY 33
were not likely to be spared when the king was
shedding innocent blood in profusion. Thus at the
very outset of its career, the Remnant was puri
fied and strengthened by suffering and persecution.
Later prophets saw in the crimes of Manasseh the
unpardonable sin that ensured the ruin of Judah ¦
(Jer. xv. 4).
ii. Zephaniah, cir. b.c. 630; Nahum, cir. b.c. 625 (?).
The Fall of Nineveh. — During the minority of
Josiah, the prophetic party regained their influence
in the state. The violence and cruelty of Manasseh
must have told in their favour : and in this period
there was a fresh outbreak of prophetic activity,
represented by the writings of Zephaniah, Nahum,
Habakkuk, and some of the earlier prophecies of
Jeremiah. Zephaniah follows closely in the footsteps of Isaiah
in his picture of the eorruptions of Judah, and of the
Day of Jehovah in which these corruptions shall be
chastised. In this Day of Judgment, not only wiU
Assyria (n. 13) be overthrown, but Jehovah wUl pour
out His fierce anger upon all the nations of the
earth (iii. 8). There is to be a redeemed remnant
of Judah (u. 7, 9) and of Israel (ui. 13). These
prophecies of judgment like those in Jer. i. 11-19,
are often connected with the- Scythian inroad, which
devastated Western Asia in the early part of Josiah's
reign. Nahum exults over the impending ruin of Nineveh
and the release of Judah from the Assyrian yoke.
Nineveh perishes because it is morally corrupt, a
"bloodv citv, all full of lies and robbery" (iii. 1), and
3

34 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
because it is the " adversary of Jehovah " (i. 1) — i.e.,
because it has oppressed Judah. Thus Nahum strikes
an entirely different note to Isaiah and his followers.
He has no message concerning the sin and doom
of Judah, Assyria is not Jehovah's instrument in
punishing the guilty, but is denounced as the wicked
oppressor of His phosen People. Instead of heralding
judgment upon a nation whose insincere worship is
rejected by Jehovah, Nahum, cries : " Behold upon
the mountains the feet of Him that bringeth good
tidings, that publisheth peace ! Keep thy feasts, 0
Judah, perform thy vows : for the wicked one — the
Assyrian oppressor — shall no more pass through thee :
he is utterly cut off" (i. 15). Nevertheless, Nahum
agrees with the other prophets in" this one essential
point : that Nineveh is condemned, not merely or
chiefly in the interests of Judah, but because it is
itself morally corrupt. »
In the early years of Josiah's reign the course of
events was rapidly bringing about the fulfilment of
these and previous prophecies. The Scythian inroad
broke the strength of the Assyrian Empire, and
though Nineveh itself does not seem to have been
taken tiU about B.C. 605, yet its dominion was
reduced to great straits some years before, and its
ruin was obviously impending. Jehovah had justified
the claim which the prophets had made on His
behalf, that He was Lord of the lords and King
of the kings of the world.
in. The Publication of Deuteronomy and the
Reformation op Josiah, b.c. 621 (2 Kings xxii., xxiii.).
— The weakness of Assyria allowed Judah to regain

ISRAEL IN HISTORY 35
its independence, and to recover something of its old
power and prosperity. Josiah even exercised some
amount of sway over the former territory of Israel
(xxiii. 15-20). The collapse of Assyria would confirm
Josiah in his religious policy, and encourage him to
renew Hezekiah's attempt to make Judah loyal to the
will of Jehovah as revealed by His prophets. This
new reformation was inaugurated by a covenant to
observe the law as laid down in a roll discovered in
the Temple whUe it was under repair in B.C. 621.
This roll seems to have contained the "kernel of
Deuteronomy " — i.e., the laws, etc., of- the central
chapters of that book.
iv. The Abolition of Idols. — Josiah dealt with
both the idols and the high places more thoroughly.
and — for the time at any rate — with more success
than Hezekiah. Deuteronomy not only forbade
" graven images " {peseT), (v. 8), but also the
maccebas and asheras (xii. 3, xvi. 21, 22), and all
worship of "other gods" (xni. 1-8). Accordingly
Josiah destroyed all the apparatus for such worship
(2 Kings xxiii. 4-15).
v. The Suppression of the High Places. — The
accounts of Manasseh's idolatry and Josiah's reforma
tion show that in the matter of the use of idols and
other corruptions of worship there was nothing to
choose between the Temple and the high places.
At the same time ritual purity could more easily
be maintained at a single conspicuous sanctuary in
the capital under the eye of the king and the
prophets, than at a number of high places scattered
through the country, some of which were probably

36 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
the obscure homes of nameless abominations. More
over, the limitation of sacrifice to a single sanctuary
was an effectual check to the popular faith in a
profusion of ritual. Such a limitation necessarily
involved a reduction of the quantity of ritual, and
tended to direct attention to its quality and spirit.
Moreover, the course of events seemed to indicate a
divine judgment on the high places, and a divine
choice of Jerusalem and the central Temple. The
high places of Samaria perished in the overthrow of
Israel : those of Judah had suffered in the invasion
of Sennacherib, while Jerusalem and the Temple had
remained untouched. While the elder prophets
never condemn the, high places on the ground that
the Temple was the only legitimate sanctuary of
Jehovah, nevertheless' they seemed to indicate a
certain preference for the Temple. The preoccupation
of Amos and Hosea with Israel prevented them from
dealing with the corruption of the Temple; and
though Micah announced the destruction of the
Temple on account of the sins of the priests, prophets,
and people of Jerusalem, no such definite condemna
tion of the Temple is found in any extant prophecy
of Isaiah or Zephaniah. Moreover, the favourable
attitude of the prophets toward the Temple is not
merely shown by their comparative silence as to the
corruptions of its worship. Though they say little
of the Temple itself, the stress laid on JehoVah's
connection with Jerusalem implies His special presence
in its shrine. According to Amos i. 2, Jehovah roars
from Zion, and utters His voice from Jerusalem.
Isaiah prophesied the escape of Jerusalem from

ISRAEL IN HISTORY 37
Sennacherib, and even if the temple in Isa. vi.
and Micah i. 2 meant originally Jehovah's heavenly
house, these references would inevitably be understood
of the Temple at Jerusalem. The origin and date of
the prophecy which occurs both as Micah iv. 1-4,-
and as Isa. ii. 1-4, are too disputed to allow us to
use it as evidence for this period, but it might serve
to express the unique importance which the Temple
was now acquiring.
Thus many influences — the course alike of history
and revelation, the pride of Jerusalem in its Temple
and of the king in his royal sanctuary — combined to
facilitate the suppression of the high places, and the
exaltation of the Temple as the only legitimate seat
of sacrifice. As far as extant documents are con
cerned, the divine authority for this revolution is
found, not in any prophetic utterance, but in
Deut. xu. 1-16, xvi. — e.g., xii. 13, 14: "Take heed
to thyself that thou offer not thy burnt-offerings
in every place that thou seest : but in the place
which Jehovah shaU choose in one of thy tribes —
i.e., the Temple at Jerusalem — there thou shalt
offer thy burnt -offerings, and there thou shalt do
all that I command thee."
Accordingly, Josiah " defiled the high places . . .
from Geba to Beer-sheba ; and brake down the high
places of the gates that were at the entering in of the
gate of Joshua, the governor of the city . . . and the
high places in front of Jerusalem . . . which Solomon
built for Ashtoreth . . . Chemosh . . . and Milcom
. . . did the king defile ... he brake down the altar
and the high place at Bethel . . . and overthrew all

38 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
the houses of the high places in the cities of Samaria "
(2 Kings xxiu. 8, 13, 15, 20).
vi. The Priests of the High Places. — The
suppression of the high places deprived their numer
ous priests — i.e., Levites — of employment and susten
ance. Deuteronomy contains ordinances intended to
provide for them. These Levites are recommended to
the people as suitable objects of charitable hospitality
(xii. 19, xiv. 27-29). Moreover, xviii. 6-8 directs
that the country Levites — the priests of the high
places — may come to Jerusalem and " minister in the
name of Jehovah his God, as all his brethren the
Levites do, which stand there before Jehovah. They
shall have like portions to eat, beside that which
cometh of the sale of his patrimony" — i.e., the priests
of the high places might claim to be admitted to all
the rights and emoluments of the Temple priesthood.
NaturaUy, such an arrangement would be very
unwelcome to the priests of Jerusalem, and it was
neveA carried out. Josiah slew the priests of the
Israelite high places upon their own altars (2 Kings
xxiii. 20) ; the priests of the Jewish high places were
hrought to Jerusalem and allowed to " eat unleavened
bread among their brethren," but they were excluded
from the priestly ministrations.
vii. The Prophets (xviii. 15-22). — It is promised
according to the request of the people at Horeb, that
God wUl communicate His wiU to the people by
prophets like Moses. The prophet that spoke with
out divine authority or in the name of other gods
" shall die. " ¦, The false prophet is known by the non-
fulfilment of ^he predictions which he has uttered.

ISRAEL IN HISTORY 39
viii. Other Ordinances, etc. — In other respects
Deuteronomy partly reproduces and expands earlier
(JE) codes and forms an intermediate stage in the
transition from them to the Levitical Law. In
accordance with the prophetic teaching, its aim
throughout is to purify and limit ritual, and to
promote honourable and generous dealings between
man and man, and reverent and trustful loyalty
towards God. One motive assigned for obedience is
the divine election of Israel to be His special posses
sion (Sgulla) a people consecrated (E.Y. " holy ") to
Himself (vn. 6, xiv. 2, xxvi. 18, 19), a conception of
the relation of Jehovah to Israel closely allied to that
of the covenant (§ 14, vi.).
ix. The Divine Unity. — The leading features of
Josiah's Reformation and of the teaching of Deu
teronomy tend to emphasise and safeguard a faith in
monotheism. The disuse of idols, macgebas, asheras,
and other semi-heathen apparatus and ritual, drew a
sharp distinction between Jehovah and " other gods,"
and effectually promoted obedience to the prophetic
and Deuteronomic prohibition of the worship of
"other gods." As in popular Romanism, the Virgin
tends to be multiplied, so that Our Lady of one town
is almost regarded as a separate personality from Our
Lady of another ; so the Baal of one shrine had come
to be distinguished from the Baal of another and O. T.
speaks of the Baalim. A similar multiplication of
Jehovah might easily have taken place — e.g., Jehovah
Jireh might have been distinguished from Jehovah
Nissi. The limitation of the worship of Jehovah to a
single sanctuary was an effectual safeguard against

40 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
this danger. One sanctuary, and one only, was a
perfect symbol of the Divine Unity, a constant pro
clamation of the Deuteronomic watchword, " Jehovah
our God, Jehovah is One " (vi. 4).
x. The Doctrine of Forgiveness. — -A somewhat
remarkable situation was created by the Covenant
which adopted Deuteronomy as an inspired code for
Judah. The reign of Manasseh and the early years
of Josiah had been condemned by the prophets ;
Zephaniah and Jeremiah had" declared in the begin
ning of Josiah's reign that Jehovah would visit Judah
with condign punishment, if not with utter ruin. As
yet, however, this punishment was in suspense.
Moreover in 2 Kings- xxii. 15-17, we read that, when
Huldah the prophetess was consulted with regard to
the threats in Deuteronomy, she replied: "Thus
saith Jehovah, Behold, I will bring evil upon this
place, and upon the inhabitants thereof, even all the
words of the book which the king of Judah hath read,
because they have forsaken Me, and have burned
incense unto other gods, that they might provoke Me
to anger with all the work of their hands ; therefore
My wrath shall be kindled against this place and it
shall not be quenched."
Nevertheless, under the shadow of this sentence of
doom, king and people entered into covenant with
Jehovah, and proceeded to carry out their share
of it with great zeal and energy. The editor of
•the Book of Kings declares that their devotion was
futile, and almost implies that Jehovah met this
covenant by an explicit announcement of the coming
captivity.

ISRAEL IN HISTORY 41
We must remember, however, that the Book of
Kings was compiled under the influence of the over
whelming impression made upon the Jewish mind by
the destruction of Jerusalem and the Temple, and the
exile of the People. Josiah's reign and aU the events
immediately preceding the Captivity are there described
chiefly in their relation to the final catastrophe. This
probably determined the selection of material for the
Books of Kings and Jeremiah, as well as the point of
view from which the editorial notes in the former
book are written.
The attitude of contemporaries must have been
different. Obviously the covenant and reformation
would have been impossible, if the people had under
stood that their fate was sealed and their ruin inevit
able. No expUcit account has been preserved of the
hopes and promises by which the covenant was
accompanied ; but there is much in the teaching of
Jeremiah which may fairly represent them. Jeremiah
(iv. 2, etc.) constantly promises forgiveness and deliver
ance, as the reward of repentance and amendment,
such as this covenant symbolised. Neither are these
promises always quaUfied by any statement that
some measure of punishment must be endured before
Judah can enjoy Jehovah's favour. The teaching,
therefore, of Jeremiah, which is virtually assumed
in Josiah's reforms, is that Jehovah meets and blesses
the repentant sinner in the first moment of his re
pentance. Previous threats were conditional ; they
assumed that the sinner would persevere in his evil
ways, and are therefore annulled by his penitence.
Josiah — probably with the sanction, or even at the

42 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
suggestion, of Jeremiah — instituted the covenant, in
the hope that his reforms would be accompanied
by national repentance and amendment, and would
inaugurate a new era of national righteousness.
Jeremiah, no doubt, assured the people that such a
reformation would be accepted by Jehovah and would
insure the safety and prosperity of Judah. The
religious significance of these events is partly inde
pendent of their sequel. They involved a declaration
of the divine wUlingness to forgive the repentant
sinner, who is earnestly bent on amendment. Here,
as elsewhere, the sinner is the nation ; it is a question
of national guilt and forgiveness ; but the principle
applies mutatis mutandis to the individual; though
for the earliest application of it to the individual we
must wait till a later stage in the history.
xi. The Beginning of the Canon. — Though con
siderable portions of the O. T. existed before b.c. 621,
yet Josiah's covenant marks the beginning of the
0. T. Canon, in the sense that Deuteronomy was
then, and has ever since been, recognised as an
authoritative divine revelation. Hitherto the Torah,
or revelation of the divine will, had been sought
from the living words of priests and prophets ; now
it began to take the form of a written Law. For the
present, however, the inspired prophet continued to
exercise a much greater authority than the inspired
writing. No prophet before Malachi (iv. 4) refers to
the written Torah as an authority ; though, possibly,
the statement that Ezekiel (ii. 9, iii.- 3) swallowed a
roll symbolises his dependence on Deuteronomy. On
the other hand the editor of the Book of Kings

ISRAEL IN HISTORY 43
clearly recognises Deuteronomy as the standard of
national life (2 Kings xviii. 6, xxiii. 25).
6. The last Days of the Monarchy, i. The
Disaster op Megiddo, b.c. 608. — For a while the
prosperity of Josiah confirmed the authority of
Jeremiah and Deuteronomy, and seemed to assure
Judah that Jehovah had accepted the covenant, for
given His people, and received them into His favour.
But the revival of Jewish power through the weakness
of Assyria soon came to an end. Babylon succeeded to
the authority of Nineveh, while Pharaoh Necho, king
of Egypt, sought to regain the ancient Egyptian
dominion in Syria. Josiah, doubtless under the in
fluence of the anti-Egyptian views of the prophets,
sought to arrest Pharaoh's march to the Euphrates,
but was defeated and slain at Megiddo. The anti-
Egyptian party gave the throne to his son Jehoahaz ;
but Pharaoh soon appeared at Jerusalem; deposed
Jehoahaz, and sent him captive to Egypt, and made
his brother Jehoiakim king in his stead.
Hitherto the issue of the crises of Jewish history
had confirmed the- authority of the prophets; but
the defeat at Megiddo threw everything into con
fusion. According to 2 Kings xxn. 20, Huldah had
promised that Josiah should be gathered to his
grave in peace ; and yet the reforming king — of
whom it is said that, " Like unto him there was no
king before him, that turned to Jehovah with all his
heart, and soul, and might, according to all the law
of Moses ; neither after him arose there any like
him" (xxiii. 25) — was defeated and slain in the
prime of manhood (at the age of 39), when he was

44 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
obediently carrying out th« anti-Egyptian policy of
the prophets. Jehovah replied to the covenant and
the reformation by making Judah the tributary of
Egypt, under the rule of a nominee of Pharaoh.
The same logic, which saw in the deliverance from
Sennacherib and the ruin of Assyria a. confirmation
of the teaching of Isaiah, interpreted the defeat of
Megiddo as a divine repudiation of Josiah, Jeremiah,
and Deuteronomy. The Egyptian, or anti-prophetic,
party was installed in power at Jerusalem, and the
religious life of Judah fell back into the old
grooves, out of which Hezekiah and Josiah had tried
to lift it.
u. The Temple as Palladium. — This reaction
claimed to be, what we should call in modern language,
conservative and orthodox. It fell back on traditional
teaching and restored ancient institutions, probably,
for instance, the high places. Moreover, the reaction
appropriated in some measure the prestige of Isaiah
and the earUer prophets, and even succeeded in turning
the results of Jeremiah's work against himself. The
overthrow of Sennacherib and Isaiah's teaching had
revived the old doctrine of the necessary relation be
tween Jehovah and Israel. That great deliverance
seemed to show that Jehovah had chosen Judah to be
the true Israel, and meant henceforth to dwell in the
Temple and protect Jerusalem from all its enemies.
These ideas were confirmed by the unique importance
which Deuteronomy and Josiah's reforms ascribed to
the Temple. Popular superstition was only too ready
to believe that the fate of Judah would depend, not
on conduct and character, but on the magic value of

ISRAEL IN HISTORY 45
the sacred building. The old faith in ritual, qud
ritual, revived in a new form and under new sanctions.
iii. Syncretism.— At the same time the reversal of
Josiah's policy involved the revival of other ancient
corruptions of Jewish religion, especially the confusion
of Jehovah with " other gods," and the worship of
such gods. The disaster of Megiddo might be due
to Jehovah's anger, that He was worshipped at fewer
sanctuaries, and with simpler rites than Moloch or
Chemosh. Or, if Jeremiah were right, and the
simpler worship were the wUl of Jehovah, then
clearly He was unable to protect His obedient servants,
and it would be well to seek further divine aid.
Accordingly, in the last days of the monarchy, the
ancient Jewish love of Syncretism reasserted itself
with fresh vigour, and the Jews did homage to the
ancient deities of Canaan, to the new gods whose
worship Manasseh had introduced, and probably to
many others. Cf. Jer. xi. 28. " According to the
number of thy cities are thy gods, O Judah " ; the
references to the worship of the " Queen of Heaven ''
(vii. 18, xUv.), and the account of Jewish cults in
Ezek. viii. Moreover, as the fortunes 'of Judah
became desperate, the Oriental predilection for magic
and sorcery was indulged in more freely than ever.
iv. Jeremiah and the Last Kings op Judah, b.c.
608-586. — The fact that Jeremiah's confidence in
his mission and message survived Megiddo is a
remarkable proof of the power and tenacity of his
inspired faith. Naturally, however, the popular
interpretation of history was not accepted by Jeremiah
and his friends. The disasters of Judah were not

46 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
due to any divine displeasure with Josiah, but to the
still unexpiated sins of Manasseh. Forgiveness was
withheld from Judah, not because Jehovah dis
approved of the Deuteronomic Reformation, but
because the people had merely acquiesced in external
reforms, and had shown themselves incapable of any
heartfelt repentance or sincere effort after .amend
ment. From this time till the end of his career
Jeremiah continually reiterates the judgment, which
the former prophets passed upon the life of Israel
and Judah, and asserts with renewed emphasis and
detail the social, moral and reUgious corruption of all
classes in the nation.
We do not know how Jeremiah accounted for the
untimely fate of Josiah. It was not till centuries
later that the Chronicler (2 Chron. xxxv. 20-24.)
ventured to sacrifice the character of Josiah to the
necessities of Jewish dogmatism. In Jer. xxn. 15, 16,
the prophet twice declares that " it was well " with
Josiah. We could easily understand that to reign
in prosperity and independence for thirty-one years,
and then to die in battle was " well " ; far better
than to be like his successors, first the puppet and
then the captive of foreign kings. But such views
would be an anachronism if applied to the period of
Jeremiah. Then it was believed that the final judg
ment of God upon a man's life might be gathered
from the fortunes of his last days (Ezek. xviii), and
the fate of his children. According to both these
tests Josiah stood condemned. Probably his career
stimulated that discussion of the sufferings of the
righteous, which culminates in Job and Isa. liii.

ISRAEL IN HISTORY 47
In any case, Jeremiah and his party never recovered
from the blow dealt to them by the defeat at Megiddo.
They still retained great influence, and struggled
against the Egyptian and reactionary party with
varying success ; but they never regained that com
plete authority over the government and the people
which they had enjoyed under Josiah.
The subjection of Judah to Egypt was speedily
succeeded by its submission to Nebuchadnezzar ; but
Pharaoh's nominee, Jehoiakim, had sufficient address
to retain his throne under the new suzerain. From
this time, until the fall of Jerusalem, Judah alter
nated between nominal submission to Nebuchadnezzar
and open revolt against him ; but with few and
brief exceptions the government was in the hands of
the Egyptian party, who looked to the Pharaohs for
help against Babylon. This party, to which the
bulk of the nation adhered, was possessed by a great
patriotic and religious enthusiasm. They were sup
ported by the priests of the Temple, and by the
guUds of professional prophets, in their reliance upon
the ancient faith that Jehovah would deliver His
chosen people. Each revolt was a Holy War. In
spite of the deportation of Jehoiachin and the bulk
of the ruUng classes to Babylon, the remaining Jews
maintained their enthusiasm and adhered to the
same national poUcy.
v. The Prophet as Traitor and Heretic. — In
dividualism. Jeremiah's attitude during this period
is accurately defined in Jehovah's words to him in
i. 18 : "I Jaave made thee this day a defenced city,
and an iron pillar, and brasen walls against the

48 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
whole land, against the kings, princes, priests, and
people of Judah. ' They shall fight against thee : but
they shall not prevail against thee, for I am with
thee to deliver thee — it is the utterance of Jeh&vah."
Jeremiah stood almost alone in his opposition to the
patriotic enthusiasm of the people, his attitude was
not. merely indifferent, but hostile, or— as it would
seem to the ruling party — traitorous. He was con
tinually urging submission to Babylon, the national
enemy, the oppressor of Jehovah's people. In the
last siege he urged individuals to desert to the enemy,
and even tried to prevail on the king to surrender
the city. And as the religion of the nation was for
the moment merged in its patriotism, Jeremiah's
teaching seemed abominable blasphemy, or, as we
should say, rank heresy. One of his supporters was
put to death, and he himself, on several occasions
narrowly escaped a similar fate. Though Jeremiah
in his teaching still emphasises the national character
of Jewish religion, yet his attitude of defiant isolation
implicitly asserts the main principles of individualism
in religion. In virtue of his personal relation to
Jehovah — his individual inspiration — Jeremiah
claimed that his teaching was valid in the teeth of
ancient usage and tradition, and in spite of the opposi
tion of the nation and its constituted authorities^ civil
and religious. In other words, Jeremiah asserted the
authority of the inspired individual as against for
mulated doctrine in Church and State, as against a
National Government and a National Clergy. This
is, doubtless, the attitude of all the prophets ; but it
is most manifest in Jeremiah.

ISRAEL IN HISTORY 49
vi. The Inevitable Ruin of Judah. — The situation
of Judah was now closely parallel to that of Samaria
under its last kings, and what Hosea was to Samaria,
Jeremiah was to Judah. Jeremiah was conscious of
this fact, and carefully studied the writings of Hosea,
many of whose ideas and phrases he adopts and
develops. While, as we have already seen, Jeremiah
asserts Jehovah's willingness to forgive, he is none
the less convinced that the ruin of Judah is inevitable,
because the people are incapable of true repentance.
They were a nation that did not "hearken to the
voice of Jehovah their God, nor receive correction "
(Jer. vU. 28). Sin had become a second nature to
them. " Can the Ethiopian change his skin, or the
leopard his spots? then may ye also do good, that
are accustomed to do evil" (xiii. 23). Elsewhere
(xv. 4), the ruin of Judah is spoken of as the
punishment of the sin of Manasseh, as if subsequent
repentance and amendment were in vain because
Manasseh's sin was not yet expiated ; but Jeremiah
does not formulate this position, on the contrary he
offers pardon to Jerusalem if a single righteous man
can be found in her (v. 1). Although Jeremiah does
not formally reconcUe such passages as v. 1, and
xv. 4, yet they are easily seen to be consistent.
The sin of Manasseh ruins Judah, because Judah is
possessed by it as by an evil spirit, persists in foUow
ing in Manasseh's footsteps, and has no inclination to
repent. vii. The Remnant. — Jeremiah seems to have con
templated the entire destruction of the existing
Jewish community : nevertheless, Israel was not to
4

50 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
become extinct. According to iii. 12, Israel — i.e., the
Ten Tribes — is to return and take the place of Judah.
After the deportation of Jehoiachin and his com
panions, Jeremiah saw the promise of the New Israel
in the exiles at Babylon (xxiv. 4-7).
viii. The Judgment of the Nations. — Jeremiah
saw in Nebuchadnezzar and the Chaldeans Jehovah's
instrument for the chastisement of Judah (xxi. 4-7,
xxv. 9),* but not of Judah only, but of aU nations
(ix. 25, 26, xxv. 15-33 f; cf. xlvi. -xlix.,) the latter
having also been guUty of heinous sin (xxv. 31).
Obviously the Chaldeans could not be included in a
judgment which they themselves inflicted; but it is
noteworthy that (with the doubtful exception of
1., U.), Jeremiah neither declares the guilt of the
Chaldeans, nor predicts their ruin.J
ix. Habakkuk, cir. b.c, 605. — On the other hand
the " burden " of Habakkuk is Jehovah's vengeance
on the Chaldeans (i. 12). This judgment rests on
moral grounds, the Chaldeans are punished for their
cruelty and-injustice (U. 9-17), and for their idolatry
(U. 18-20). Their ruin involves the restoration of
all their victims as well as of the Jews : " Because
thou hast spoiled many nations, all the remnant of
the peoples shall spoil thee" (ii. 8). Habakkuk, like
Nahum, stands apart from the main current of
prophetic teaching: he neither emphasises the sin
* LXX. omits the clause " and Nebuchadnezzar, king of
Babylon, my servant."
¦j- LXX. omits the clause " and the king of Sheshach — i.e.,
Babylon — shall drink after them."
% The text of xxv. 12-14 is probably corrupt.

ISRAEL IN HISTORY 51
nor announces the ruin of Judah. The Jews are
"more righteous" than the "wicked" Chaldeans
(i. 13) : they are " the just who shall Uve by faith "
(ii. 4). Moreover the words of U. 20, "Jehovah is
in His holy Temple: let all the earth keep silence
before Him," would inevitably be used by Jeremiah's
opponents to support their teaching that the in
violability of the Temple guaranteed the safety of
Jerusalem. x. Ezekiel and the Palestinian Jews, cir. b.c. 592
-586. — Ezekiel was a priest who had been carried
captive to Babylon with Jehoiachin in B.C. 599.
In many respects his teaching is dependent upon that
of Jeremiah, whose disciple and adherent he probably
was before he went into exile. Like Jeremiah, he
declares that aU classes in Judah were sunk in moral,
social and religious corruption (vii. 23, viii., xiii, xvi.,
xx., xxii., etc.); he denounces the alliance with Egypt
(xvii. 15) ; he regards Nebuchadnezzar and the
Chaldeans as the instruments chosen by Jehovah to
execute His judgments upon Judah (xvii. 20, xxi.
8-24) and the nations (xxv.-xxxn.). Chaldea, more
over, is still exempted from any express condemnation.
The bulk of the Jewish population will be exterminated
and the "Remnant'' carried into captivity (vi. 1-14).
According to xvn. 11-21, the immediate occasion
of the ruin of Judah was Zedekiah's treachery, in
breaking the oath of allegiance which he had sworn
to Nebuchadnezzar.
xi. The Fall op Jerusalem, cir. b.c. 586. — The
long series of prophecies of doom, which culminated
in the utterances of Jeremiah, was now fulfilled by

52 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
the final capture of Jerusalem, the destruction of the
Holy City and the Temple, the massacre of many of
the population, and the deportation of many more
to Babylon. This catastrophe enforced afresh the
lessons which had been taught by the Fall of Samaria.
The captivity of the Ten Tribes had shown that
Jehovah was not necessarily the champion of Israel,
that His protection depended upon the conduct and
character of His people, and that, if His chosen
people gave themselves up to wickedness, they would
be blotted out.
The effect of the fall of Samaria had been almost
destroyed by the deliverance from Sennacherib, which,
together with Isaiah's teaching, was construed into
an unconditional guarantee that Jehovah would
always protect Jerusalem and the Temple. This
revival of ancient doctrine was again utterly dis
credited by the faU of Jerusalem. At the same
time, the authority of Jeremiah, which had been
shaken by the defeat and death of Josiah, was fuUy
established by the exact fulfilment of his awful
threats of ruin. The results of this terrible authenti
cation of Jeremiah's teaching were instant and mani
fold. We may mention two important points :
(as) Revealed Religion survived Judah, as it had
survived Israel, § 4, viu. Popular Jewish theology had
sought to stake the honour, the very existence, of
Jehovah, on the existence of Jerusalem and the
Temple ; but for the inspired protests of Jeremiah,
the higher faith of Judah would have perished with
Solomon's shrine. Jeremiah and Ezekiel had pro
claimed that Nebuchadnezzar destroyed the Temple,

ISRAEL IN HISTORY 53
not in spite of, but at the command of, Jehovah. , As
formerly at the fall of Samaria, so now the destruction
of the chosen people testified to the omnipotence,
instead of the impotence, of Jehovah. Moreover, it
was clearly shown that Jehovah not only continued
to exist, but that His majesty was unimpaired when
His chosen people were slain or captive, His land a
desolate and conquered province of a foreign empire,
and His City and Temple a heap of ruins. Clearly,
therefore, Jehovah was altogether independent of
Israel. Thus another great step had been taken in
the revelation of the omnipotence of Jehovah, and
the universaUty of the true religion.
(b) The chastisement of Judah for its sin empha
sised afresh the moral character of Jehovah, and the
moral conditions of acceptance" with Him.
xii. The Jewish Refugees in Egypt (Jer.
xl.-xliv.). — The - Fall of Jerusalem suggested the
possibility that the long-threatened punishment had
been fully inflicted, and that the Jews still left in
Palestine might forthwith become the true Israel,
reconciled to Jehovah and enjoying His favour.
These hopes were promptly quenched by Ezekiel
(xxxui. 21-29). Moreover, the murder of the
Chaldean governor, the Jewish prince Gedaliah, was
followed by the flight of many of the remaining Jews
into Egypt. Jeremiah had protested against this
return to Egypt, in which he himself was compelled
to join. The devotion of the Jews — especially the
Jewish women — to the " Queen of Heaven " led to
renewed threats of punishment in Jeremiah's last
recorded prophecy.

54 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
In view of the intimate relations between Egypt
and its Jewish partisans, large numbers of Jews must
already have taken refuge in Egypt. These, with
the new arrivals, formed the nucleus of the Jewish
community in Egypt, which exercised so important
an influence on the future of Judaism.
xiU. Obadiah, cir. b.c. 586. — The cruelty of Edom
towards the Jews, about the time of the capture of
Jerusalem, drew down upon it the condemnation of the
prophets, which finds special expression in a prophecy
which occurs in two slightly different forms, as the
Book of Obadiah and as Jer. xUx. 7-22. The subse
quent conquest of Southern Judaea by the Edomites
intensified the Jewish hatred of Edom (Joel iii. 19).
7. The Captivity, i. Religion a Spiritual Life,
and not a Ritual Observance. — The prophetic teach
ing that the destruction of Jerusalem, the desolation of
Palestine, and the exile of the Jews were the work
of Jehovah involved (§ 6, xi.) a belief in Jehovah's in
dependence of land and people, sanctuary and ritual.
The experience of the Captivity confirmed this faith.
In a foreign land, without Temple or sacrifice, the
Jews still enjoyed the sense of Jehovah's presence
and protection, and the ministry of prophets such
as Ezekiel and the author of Isa. xl.-lxvi. If
Jehovah was thus present in a hostile and alien
country, He must be omnipresent. Moreover, the
fact that the religious life of the faithful continued
without sanctuary, sacrifice, or ritual, while their
national life was in abeyance, was a revelation of the
spiritual character of religion, and of its significance
for the individual apart from the nation.

ISRAEL IN HISTORY 55
U. Literary Activity. — The Jews in Babylon
confidently expected to return to Palestine and renew
their old national life. Hence they were anxious to
retain all extant knowledge of that life, so that the
Captivity was a period of great literary activity. In
addition to original productions, of which we shall
speak later on, older documents were combined and
re-edited. The interruption of local tradition by the
exUe gave new importance to written history ; and,
at the same time, the teaching of the prophets had
emphasised the religious significance of history. Dur
ing the Captivity the ancient historical documents
were combined and edited under the influence of
Deuteronomy and the prophets.' The ancient narra
tives of the Patriarchs, the Exodus, and the
Conquest,* were combined with an enlarged edition of
Josiah's Deuteronomy and Judges ; Samuel and Kings
were re-edited as a single, continuous, historical work.
Probably the Book of Jeremiah was edited during
this period in a form substantially the same as that
in which it is now extant.
iii. The Formation of Ritual Codes. — Deu
teronomy lays comparatively Uttle stress on the
details of ritual. These would natually be a matter
of hereditary tradition in the priestly families, though,
of course, the tradition might be committed to writing.
But the prolonged cessation of the Temple services
during the Captivity might have led to the loss or
corruption of a purely oral tradition. Hence it was
necessary that ancient customs should be recorded in
writing. Moreover, as these ancient customs had
* J. and B.

56 JEnOVAH AND ISRAEL
been tainted by many corruptions, the formation of
written codes was an obvious opportunity for purging
the ritual of impure elements, and of adapting it
to the prophetic ideal of worship. This is attempted
in two closely allied documents — the ritual code in
Ezek. xl. -xlviii., and the Law of Holiness (Lev.
xvii. -xxvi.).
iv. Ezekiel xl.-xlviii. — These chapters contain an
ecclesiastical constitution and ritual code for the
redeemed and, purified Israel. The limitation of
worship to a single sanctuary is confirmed (xliii.),
and the supreme importance of the Temple is shown
by minute architectural specifications and numerous
other details occupying chapters xl.-xlii. As re
gards the priesthood, the revolution which began
with the suppression of the high places is carried a
stage further. Deuteronomy had given to all the
priests of the high places the right to be included in
the priesthood of the Temple ; Josiah, however, had
only been able to secure that they might be main
tained out of the Temple revenues, they were not
allowed to perform the priestly ministrations. Ezek.
xliv. 9-16 entirely excludes the Levitical priests of
the high places from the priesthood proper and re
duces them — under the title of " the Levites "—to be
menial servants of the priests. This degradation is
the penalty inflicted upon them for their share in the
. corruptions of the high places. The priesthood proper
is reserved for the hereditary priests of the Temple,
the Levitical priests of the house of Zadok. Ezekiel
carefully and exhaustively systematises the reUgious
constitution of Israel. Order and decorum are to

ISRAEL IN HISTORY 57
characterise the new dispensation ; the inter-tribal
and other divisions of his new map of Palestine are
all straight lines ; and the ground plan and elevations
of the Temple are, as far as possible, square or sym
metrical. The persons and institutions of the new
Israel are sacred (qadosh, § 17) in a carefully ordered
gradation. v. The Law of Holiness (Lev. xvii. -xxvi.). —
This code, as the name now given to it implies,
emphasises Ezekiel's principle of the sanctity (EY,
holiness) of Israel. In other respects also the two
codes have much in common. There is obviously a
literary connection between them, some dependence
of one upon the other, or of both upon previous docu
ments ; but the exact nature of the connection has not
yet been determined. The law of holiness as we now
have itc ontains editorial additions later than the exile.
The keynote of the law of holiness is struck by
the command of Jehovah to Israel : " Ye shall be
qadosh (E.Y. " holy ") ; for I, Jehovah your God, am
qadosh" (xix. 2. Cf., xx. 26). While this code strongly
insists on moral and social ri hteousness (xviii. -xx.,
xxiv.) and further develops the humane tendencies of
Deuteronomy and the prophets (xxv.) ; the sanctity
of the people is specially connected with their ab
stinence from unclean food (xx. 25, 26), and the
sanctity of the priests with similar external obser
vances. It is taken for granted that the priests are
not the Levites generally, but the " sons of Aaron " —
i.e., the house of Zadok. But the gradation of the
Temple hierarchy is further developed and completed
by the formal recognition of a single supreme head of

58 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
the priesthood— the High Priest (xxi. 10-15). The
limitation of sacrifice to a single sanctuary is again
affirmed (xvii. 1-7). While in Ezek.- xl.-xlvUi. the
stress is laid on the sacred land and the Temple, in
the law of holiness the stress is laid on the sacred
ritual, especially on ritual " cleanliness." While
Ezekiel's scheme is a systematic reconstruction of
ancient custom and tradition, the law of holiness is
compiled and edited from earlier codes. '
While Ezekiel' and the law of holiness show no
falling off from the ancient prophetic zeal for moral
righteousness, their interest in ritual is in marked
contrast to the attitude of Jeremiah, of the earUer
prophets, and even of Deuteronomy. With the
suppression of the high places and the purifica
tion of the Temple worship, the ritual ceased to be
objectionable in itself. The combination of moral
and ritual ordinances in the same documents was
intended to secure that Israel should not again hope
to find in its ritual impunity for an immoral Ufe.
At the same time the greater stress laid on ritual
tempted the people to indulge the universal tendency
to ignore the .moral and spiritual life, in reliance
upon external forms. It is significant that amongst
the sins which led to the ruin of Judah, the one which
the law of holiness selects for special mention is the
non-observance of the sabbatical year (xxvi. 34-43).
vi. Lamentations. — This book is a retrospect which
corresponds very closely to the prophecies of Jeremiah,
who has often been supposed to be its author. It
confesses that the misery of the Jews is inflicted by
Jehovah as the just punishment of sin (i. 18),

ISRAEL IN HISTORY 59
especially the sin of the priests and prophets (u. 14,
iv. 13).
vii. Isaiah xl.-lxvi. — We have already seen how
the fall of Jerusalem and the Captivity emphasised
the universality of religion and the omnipotence and
omnipresence of Jehovah. The situation of believing
Jews in Chaldea compelled them to reflect on these
questions. They might beUeve that the ruin of Judah
was a manifestation of the power and righteousness
of Jehovah, but the heathen were convinced that the
chosen people had suffered through the impotence
of Jehovah, and the might of heathen deities ; and
this conviction was shared by many of the Jews
themselves (Jer. xliv. 18, 19). Moreover, the captives
in Babylon could not fail to be impressed by the
magnificent temples and splendid ritual of the Chal
dean religion. They would be tempted to regard
the extent and prosperity of the empire as another
proof of the power of its gods.
Ezekiel was specially anxious to vindicate the name
of Jehovah from the reproach which the heathen cast
upon it, on account of the sufferings of Judah. The
presence of the captives amongst the heathen brought
dishonour on Jehovah (xxxvi. 16-24), so that, by a
series of judgments (xxv.-xxxii.) they must be taught
to know " that I am Jehovah " (xxv. 7 et passim).
In Isa. xl.-lxvi. the controversy between Jehovah
and the gods of Babylon is decided by a formal,
explicit, and, in part, reasoned statement of the
exclusive deity of Jehovah (xliv. 6, xiv. 5); His
omnipotence (xl.), and omniscience (xlvin. 1-8) ; He
has created the world (xl. 28, xiv. 12) and governs

60 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
it by His Providence (xliv. 7). On the other hand
¦ the gods of Babylon are as helpless and useless as the
idols by which they are represented (xii. 23, 24,
xliv. 9-20, xlvi. 1, 2). But Jehovah offers Himself
as a Saviour to all mankind (xiv. 23-24), and
commissions His servant Israel to be ""a light to the
Gentiles," and His " salvation unto the end of the
earth " (xlix. 6). The contrast between this high
mission and the present degraded and wretched lot
of even righteous exiles, showed that suffering was
not always the punishment of sin ; and Isa. liii.
explains the sufferings of the Righteous One as a
vicarious atonement for the guilty.
viii. The Promise of Restoration. — We have
seen that almost aU the prophets couple with their
prophecies of ruin, a promise of restoration. In the
prophets of the close of the monarchy, the prophecies
of a captivity are combined with a promise of return
from captivity. According to Jer. xxv. 11, the
captivity was to terminate after seventy years, and
in xxx.-xxxiii.* the restoration of Israel and Judah
is set forth at great length. Ezekiel regards ^the
return of Israel and Judah as necessary o the
vindication of the honour of Jehovah (xxix. 21,
xxxvi. 9 — 38, xxxvii); and although Isa. xl.-lxvi.
declares that Jehovah is the God of all mankind,
these chapters, nevertheless, assert that Jehovah
has chosen Israel to be His servant (xliv. 1), through
whom He is revealed to the world. Accordingly
* Even if the Jeremianic authorship of these chapters in
their present form be disputed, the main idea of the restora
tion of Israel and Judah is certainly Jeremiah's.

ISRAEL IN HISTORY 61
the Jews are to be restored to Judah (xl. etc.).
According to Ezek. xxxvi. 22, Israel is restored not
for its own sake, but simply to vindicate Jehovah's
honour. Like the Exodus, the conquest and the
deliverance from Sennacherib, the restoration is a
free act of divine sovereignty; a fresh token of
the divine election of Israel, which is not brought
about through any merit on the part of the chosen
people. Similarly Isa. xl.-lxvi. emphasises the elec
tion of Israel ; but this renewal of divine favour
is rendered possible, because by the sufferings of the
Captivity, the Jews had expiated the former sins of
the nation : " Speak ye comfortably to Jerusalem, and
cry unto her that her warfare is accompUshed, that
her iniquity is pardoned ; that she hath received of
Jehovah's hand double for all her sins" (xl. 2). The
same idea underlies Jer. xxx.— xxxiii. (Cf. U. 20.*)
MeanwhUe, the comparatively favourable attitude
of Jeremiah and Ezekiel towards Babylon is changed
for one of stern condemnation. Like Assyria, Babylon
has been the instrument which Jehovah had chosen
to chastise His people ; but also, like Assyria, Babylon
had not recognised its subordinate position. The
Chaldeans had become Ufted up with pride, had
blasphemed Jehovah, and had gone beyond their
commission ; and had treated the Jews with undue
harshness and cruelty (xlvii. 6). Hence Jer. 1.* li*
and Isaiah xlvu., xui.,* xiv.,* follow Habakkuk
in announcing the speedy ruin of Chaldea as the
punishment of its sins.
* The authenticity of these, chapters is denied by maDy
authorities.

62 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
As previous prophets had indicated Assyria and
Babylon as the instruments of Jehovah's judgments,
. and Jeremiah and Ezekiel had given special pro-.
minence to Nebuchadnezzar as the sword and servant
of Jehovah, so now Isaiah (xliv. 28, xlvi.) declares that
Cyrus, king of Persia, is JehovaU's shepherd and
Messiah (E.Y. " Anointed "), who shall execute judg
ment upon Babylon and deUver the Jews.
ix. The Fall of Babylon and the Return of the
Jews, b.c. 538-6. — Thus the conquests of Cyrus, and
especially his occupation of Babylon, and the sub
sequent return of a portion of the Jews to Palestine
furnished new proofs of the lordship of Jehovah over
the nations, and of the authority of the prophets.
One feature of the new deliverance of Israel exercised
considerable influence upon the future of Judaism'.
While at the Conquest and under the judges and the
earlier kings Jehovah delivered Israel through its own
victorious armies, the termination of the Captivity,
like the Exodus and the deliverance from Sennacherib,
was brought about without any aid from the Jews
themselves. The former deliverances had shown that
Jehovah controlled Nature in the interests of Israel ;
the Return proved that the history of the nations
was similarly governed. The Jews found their con
dition as a subject-race less intolerable, "when they
believed that the fortunes of their rulers, and indeed
the international relations of all the known world,
were divinely ruled in their interests.
8. Judaism, i. The Restored Community and the
Jewish Dispersion. — By the return of a number of
Jews from Babylon to Judaea, and their re-union

ISRAEL IN HISTORY 63
with some, at any rate, of the remnant who had
continued in their native land throughout the
Captivity, the chosen people were once more repre
sented by a Jewish community in the sacred land.
But this community was no longer independent ; it
inhabited a subdivision of a province — one might
almost say a city — of the Persian empire. It was
for some time, and always to a large extent, a
city-state. Its raison-d'etre was the maintenance of
the Temple and its services ; so that, as it is often
said, Israel was no longer a nation ; it had become a
church. At the same time the Jews who remained behind
in Babylon formed a much more powerful and
important body than the little colony round Jerusalem ;
and, although in one sense the Jewish community in
Egypt dates from the foundation of Alexandria, yet,
as we have seen, there was already a body of Jewish
refugees in Egypt who prepared the way for the
Alexandrian settlement. Henceforward, therefore,
Judaism had three centres, Egypt, Judaea, and
Babylon ; and the Jewish dispersion becomes an
important factor in the development of Judaism.
u. The Rebuilding of the Temple, b.c. 536-
516; Haggai, b.c. 520; Zechariah i.-vin., b.c. 520-
518. — The first task of the returned exiles was the
restoration of the sacrificial ritual and the rebuilding
of the Temple (Ezra Ui.-vi.). The zeal of the new
community for purity of worship is shown by their
refusal to unite with the mixed population of Samaria
(Ezra iv. 1-4). After many delays, and in the teeth
of much opposition, the Temple was completed and

64 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
dedicated. Thus the special interest of Jehovah in
the chosen people and the sacred land was again
set forth in the visible symbols of a sacred building
and ritual. The one Temple accepted by all acknow
ledged Jews as the only sanctuary of Jehovah became
a visible token of the divine unity ; whUe in the
absence of the ark (Jer. Ui. 16), or any other visible
symbol of the divine presence, the very emptiness of
the Most Sacred Place emphasised the spirituality
of the divine nature:
The Jews were encouraged- to rebuild the Temple
by the exhortations of Haggai and Zechariah, who
promised that Jehovah would bless the work and
reward the zeal of the Jews by great prosperity.
ni. The Reforms of Ezra and Nehemiah, cir. b.c.
458-433; The Levitical Law (Priestly Code, P.),
Malachi. — The Temple and its ritual did not,
however, prove a sufficient safeguard of pure religion.
The small Jewish community was surrounded by
kindred tribes, including the semi-Israelite population
of Samaria. These had been excluded from any
share in the rebuilding of the Temple ; but the Jews
necessarily had some dealings with their neighbours,
and, as after a while this intercourse increased,
many — even among the rulers and priests — married
foreign wives (Ezra ix. 1-4), and at one time an
Ammonite, Tobiah (Neh. xiii. 4-9), * was allowed to
occupy a store-chamber of the Temple. Proper
provision was not made for the services (Neh. xiii. 10),
* The events of Neh. xiii. happened after the main
reformation, but they may serve as mild examples of the
previous state of affairs.

ISRAEL IN HISTORY 65
The same causes were at work which had corrupted
the life and worship of ancient Israel, and it seemed
probable that the good effect of the teaching of the
prophets and the discipline of the Captivity would be
lost. The loyalty of the Jews to the new order was
tried by great distress, during which the more wealthy
made great profits out of the necessities of the poor
(Neh. v.). The Sabbath was almost altogether neg
lected (Neh. xiii.).
The Jewish community was delivered from these
dangers, and finally won for pure religion by the
persistent efforts of Ezra and Nehemiah. They
largely succeeded in effecting that complete separation
between the Jews and their neighbours, which Joshua
and Zerubbabel had attempted to bring about.
Nehemiah provided for the continued existence of
the Jews as a separate community, by fortifying-
Jerusalem. Jews who had married foreigners were
compelled to put away their wives, and such marriages
were strictly forbidden (Ezra ix., x. ; Neh. xiii. 23-28).
Measures were taken to relieve the distress amongst
the people (Neh. v.), and to secure the maintenance
of the Temple services (Neh. x., xiii. 10-14, 29-31).
The great instrument which Ezra and Nehemiah
used in effecting their reforms was the Levitical law.
This document, which is extant in Leviticus and the
allied portions of the rest of the Pentateuch, and
of Joshua, contains an elaborate system of public and
private ritual on the Unes of Ezek. xl. -xlviii., and
the law of holiness. The latter was soon included
in the Levitical law. The principles of this new
code were very similar to those of its predecessors ; it
5

66 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
presents the same combination of moral and ritual
ordinances, but even when the law of holiness is
reckoned as part of the Levitical law, the stress laid
upon ritual far outweighs all other interests. This
new code is combined with a brief introductory
history of the ancestors of Israel, and of the Exodus.
Here the teaching of the prophets is illustrated in
narrative form ; an account is given of the creation
of the universe by God ; His eternal and almighty
Providence is shown, shaping all history towards the
establishment of the Israelite Kingdom of God in
Palestine ; His election of Israel is set forth as the
climax of a series of elections; His method of pro
gressive revelation is seen in the successive revela
tions by which He was known to the first patriarchs
as Elohim, to Abraham as El-shaddai, to Moses as
Jehovah. Ezekiel's systematisation of the ritual is here ex
tended to an almost mathematical gradation of sacred
things. Only at a single supremely sacred point of
ritual does Israel fully reaUse its communion with
Jehovah. Thus the exaltation of the divine majesty
is strikingly emphasised, but, at the same time, the
system shows a marked advance towards, the tran
scendental monotheism of later Judaism. It is
noteworthy that this supreme act of communion, the
entry of the High Priest into the Most Sacred Place
on the Day of Atonement, is connected with the
expiation of sin. Here again we have the permanent
expression in ritual of the prophetic teaching as to
the corruption of Judah and the constant need of
divine forgiveness^

ISRAEL IN HISTORY 67
Thus the intimate, direct and joyous fellowship of
ancient Israel with its God was replaced by a worship
mediated through a ritual and a priesthood, and
pervaded with a humiliating and depressing sense of
sin and of the need of atonement.
As, under Josiah, Deuteronomy had been accepted
by a solemn covenant as the national code of morality
and worship, and thus received the rank of canonical
scripture ; so now the Levitical law, either by itself
or in combination -with the rest of the Pentateuch,
was accepted by a second and equally solemn covenant
as the divine standard of life and worship, and
became the Jewish Scriptures (Neh. vUi.).
The Book of Malachi is linked with the reforms of
Ezra and Nehemiah. Amongst the sins it denounces
are niggardliness in offering sacrifices (i. 7-14),
withholding the payment of priestly dues (ni. 8-10).
" dealing treacherously with the wife of his youth "
(ii. 14-16) — i.e., possibly putting her away in order to
take a foreign wife.
Many Psalms also express intense enthusiasm for
the law, the priesthood, and the ritual (xix., cxviii.,
cxix., etc.).
iv. The Samaritans. — One result of the successful
exclusion of the semi-IsraeUtes of Samaria from the
Jewish community was the formation of a second
community of worshippers of Jehovah — the Samari
tans. These last accepted the Pentateuch as canonical
in a special text of their own, and erected on Mt.
Gerizim a second Temple to Jehovah. Josephus
(Antt. xi., vu. 2, and vni. 2, 4) places the building of
this temple in the time of Alexander the Great ; but

68 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
the Samaritan community probably dates from
Nehemiah's expulsion from Jerusalem of that grand
son of EUashib the High Priest, who was son-in-law
of Sanballat the Horonite (Neh. xiU. 28).
v: Anti-legal Tendencies within Judaism.
Ruth (?) ; Jonah (?) ; Proverbs ; Job ; Ecclesiastes ;
Psalms. — The exceptional prominence given to ritual
by the Levitical law and later Judaism is by no means
an accurate representation of the spiritual tendencies
of the period between the Return and the Maccabees.
Ezra carried through his reforms in the teeth of the
opposition of the ruling classes, civil and ecclesiastical,
and largely relied on the authority of the Persian suze
rain. The literature of the period shows that many
earnest Jews were comparatively indifferent to ritual,
and preoccupied with the more directly spiritual side
of religion. If the Book of Ruth is correctly referred
to this period, its sympathetic treatment of marriages
between Israelites and Moabites is in marked
contrast to the attitude of Ezra and Nehemiah.
The Book of Jonah censures the prophet for his lack
of sympathy with a Gentile city, and depicts the
repentance of Nineveh as accepted by Jehovah.
Psalms like li. 16, 17 anxiously deprecate any undue
faith in ritual. The wisdom literature — Job,
Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and the Psalter — generaUy
display very Uttle interest in legal ordinances. We
have moreover to remember that throughout this
period the great prophets were carefully studied and
edited, so that their influence was continually felt in
support of moral and spiritual religion.
vi. Divine Justice and the Sufferings of the

ISRAEL IN HISTORY 69
Righteous (cf. § 31) ; Job; Ecclesiastes. — We have
already seen how large a part the doctrine of the close
relation of sin and suffering played in the contro
versies between the prophets and the Jews ; and how
such events as the death of Josiah, rendered the cur
rent teaching a continual stumbling block to Jewish
faith. The circumstances of the restored community
raised this question with renewed intensity, both for
the community and the individual. The Jews were
consciously righteous as they had never been before,
they were carefully observing the divine law ; and if
their obedience to God was more exact in external
observances than in moral and spiritual life, they
had no Isaiah or Jeremiah to force that fact on their
attention. Indeed, whatever their faults may have
been, within their own community the Jews probably
attained a high level of brotherhood and social
righteousness. Yet they were the subjects of a
foreign power, and often suffered outrage from hostile
neighbours or oppression from their masters ; they
still experienced unfavourable seasons, and had to
contend with all the difficulties which beset a small
state in a poor country. The question of Habakkuk
(i. 13), " Wherefore lookest thou upon them that
deal treacherously, and holdest thy peace when the
wicked swalloweth up the man that is more righteous
than he?" was constantly upon men's lips; it is the
theme of many Psalms — e.g., iii., vii;, x., xvii., xxii.,
xxxv., xxxvU., etc., etc. At the same time men's
attitudes towards this question varied according to
the circumstances of their time and their personal
fortunes. The question became acute when evU days

70 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
fell upon Judah, or when a righteous man was over
whelmed by oppression ; in prosperous times wealthy
Jews were willing to follow the ancient doctrine,
and interpret their prosperity as a sign of divine
favour without considering how this doctrine bore on
the sufferers of less fortunate times; indeed, they
were often content to believe that the latter suffered
on account of their many sins. These alternations of
feeling are reflected in the documents of the period.
There is no evidence that the teaching of Isa. lni.
(vii. § 7), -made much immediate impression, though
we know that the doctrine of vicarious atonement
exercised great influence on Pharisaic Judaism, and
became a fundamental doctrine of Christianity.
Before such teaching could be fully accepted, men
had to reconsider and, indeed, reconstruct the current
doctrine of the relation of sin and suffering ; and it
was difficult to overthrow a view which necessarily
commended itself to all prosperous and successful
persons. While the main section of the Book of Job
is a passionate polemic against this doctrine, the Elihu
speeches are a later addition intended to refute the
jrror of this polemic, and to justify the ancient creed.
Similarly the view of history given in the Book of
Chronicles is intended to illustrate and establish the
same doctrine. On the other hand, Ecclesiastes cuts
away the foundations of the old faith by maintaining
that ^the material prosperity, which was supposed to
be a token of divine favour and acceptance, was itself
empty and worthless, " vanity of vanities," " vanity
and vexation of spirit " (R.Y. " striving after wind,'
Marg. " feeding on wind "). This negation prepared

ISRAEL IN HISTORY 71
the way for the recognition of spiritual blessedness as
the highest good, a position which is suggested, rather
than explicitly asserted, by isolated passages in the
Psalms and elsewhere (xvii. 15).
vii. Individualism (cf. ch. vi.). — Even a national
reUgion necessarUy has an individualistic aspect ; the
religious consciousness of the citizen is never wholly
merged in that of the community, he is always con
scious that the national religion has some personal
interest and value for himself. And, although the
prophets dealt almost exclusively with the relations
of Jehovah and Israel, yet the conditions under which
they taught compeUed them to emphasise indirectly
this individualistic side of religion. Under normal
conditions an Israelite's religion was determined by
his nationality ; it was no question of personal
choice. The prophets, however, were mostly in an attitude
of antagonism to the nation generally, and to the
popular customs and traditions of its faith. They
ipught to convert the people to their teaching, and
claimed that their followers constituted the true Israel
aS God. Thus, for the adherents of the prophets,
religious faith and practice had ceased to be deter
mined by national status, and had become a matter of
personal choice, which almost always separated the
beUever from the bulk of his fellow-countrymen, and
sometimes placed him in opposition to what was
generaUy regarded as the national religion. See
speciaUy the case of Jeremiah.
After the return, pure Jehovah-worship became
finally established as the Jewish faith, though a large

72 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
minority seems always to have been indifferent or
hostile to the law ; loyalty to which was still rather
an individual choice than absolute matter of course.
Moreover, the personal ritual of the Levitical law,
the regulations as to cleanness and the elaborate
ceremonial connected with everyday Ufe, were too
numerous and complicated to be observed merely as
habits, the law could only be kept by deliberate and
zealous personal effort. Then, too, the circumstances
of the dispersion gave prominence to the individual
religious life. Jewish families and clans were often
isolated among the Gentiles. Their faith was sustained
by pride of race, by their confidence in the exclusive
religious privileges of Israel. But thus, even their
national faith became a personal matter. The ancient
Israelite held his national faith as a member of a
visible community gathered in their own land; but
the national faith separated the Jew of the dispersion
from his Gentile neighbours, and became almost an
individual privilege, a personal distinction. And
again, the problem of the sufferings of "the righteous
became more and more a question of personal re
ligion, not only because it was naturally illustrated
by personal experience and most keenly felt in in
dividual cases, but also because, in the scattered
condition of the Jews, they no longer shared a
common national life, and it was impossible to discuss
the problem from the point of view of the nation as
a whole. We have also illustrated these facts from the stress
laid by the Levitical law on private ritual, and from
the discussions of the problems of personal suffering in

ISRAEL IN HISTORY 73
the prophets, Psalms, Job, and Ecclesiastes. Another
illustration of the individualistic tendency is found
in Proverbs, which is almost exclusively occupied
with individual conduct. Moreover, in the post-exile
period the Psalms seem to have circulated widely in
larger or smaller collections. Many are liturgical,
and in many others the author spoke originally in
the name of the community. But the experience of
centuries shows how readily most of the Psalms adapt
themselves to the spiritual needs of the individual.
The demand for these written Psalters arose from
this adaptability to individual needs, and the use of
such Psalters tended to foster and develop individual
reUgion. viii. The Antagonism of Judaism and the Gentile
World. The Book of Esther. — The exclusive claims
which the Jews made for Jehovah and for themselves
necessarily cut them off from the fellowship of other
nations, and created mutual dislike between themselves
and the GentUes. It was one thing to claim that
Jehovah was absolute Lord of the fortunes of Israel,
or even supreme among the gods; it was quite
another to exhaust the resources of contemptuous
sarcasm in showing that Bel and Nebo were mere
senseless blocks of wood and stone, that no word of
divine truth had reached mankind except through the
Jews, and that the only path of salvation led beneath
the yoke of submission to the civil and religious
dominion of Israel. Contempt met contempt, and
found expression as in the last days of Judiea, in
mutual outrage. The Book of Esther and such
Psalms as vu., xxxv., lxix., cix., are the monuments

74 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
of this hostile relation between Jews and Gentiles.
These documents, which justify the Jew as against
the Gentiles, follow on the lines of Nahum and
Habakkuk, rather than on those of the other
prophets, who condemn Israelite and Gentile aUke.
ix. The Persecutions of Antiochus Epiphanes.
* The Book of Daniel. The Maccabees, cir. b.c.
170-160. — At the same time the antagonism between
Jew and Gentile was, as we have seen, accompanied
by a division within the community of Judaea. The
old predilection for foreign ideas and. habits had by
no means disappeared ; and the Greek conquest of
the East by Alexander the Great (b.c. 334-323)
exposed the Jews to the almost irresistible fascinations
of Hellenism. While the Temple priesthood accepted
the privileges conferred upon them by the Levitical
law, they seem to have had little zeal for Judaism as
a religion, and to have left the maintenance and
development of the law to the scribes, "the doctors
of the law." Indeed, in the estabUshment of the
Levitical law (in B.C. 444), Ezra, the scribe, and
Nehemiah, the Persian governor, took the lead, and
the priests are scarcely mentioned. Thus the priest
hood offered no very enthusiastic opposition to the
party who wished to leaven Judaism with HeUenistic
ideas. The Jews were delivered from this new
danger by the persecutions of Antiochus Epiphanes.
The attempt to suppress th§ir national ritual, and to
destroy all copies of their Law, roused the patriotic
spirit and religious enthusiasm of the Jews. The
narratives of the Book of Daniel nerved the martyrs
to endurance, and their hopes were kindled by its

ISRAEL IN HISTORY 75
visions of the ruin of their oppressors. Consolation
was found for the cruel deaths of martyrs, in the
faith that they would awake to everlasting life and
their persecutors to shame and everlasting contempt
(Dan. xU. 2). Psalms xliv., lx., and lxxiv., are often
referred to this period of persecution. The heroism
and diplomacy of the Maccabees shook off the yoke
of the Syrian kings, and won a brief independence
for the Jews. As the Maccabees were priests, Psalms
cxv. and cxviii. which sing the praises of the House
of Aaron, have been supposed to celebrate their
triumph, and the ruler who is " a priest for ever after
the order of Melchizedek " (Psalm ex. 4) has some
times been identified with some one of the Macca-
baeans, who were at once civil rulers, and held the
high priesthood not by legitimate descent, but by
special divine appointment.

CHAPTER III
THE IDEAL ISRAEL

CHAPTER III
THE IDEAL ISRAEL
9. The Kingdom, i. The Messianic Prophecies.
— The standards set before Israel in the legislative
codes and in the prophetic teachings were .alike
ideal, inasmuch as neither of them was ever even
approximately realised. But, at any rate, these
supplied the ethical and ritual canons which practically
guided the people ; and the Jehovist leaders and
teachers attempted, at various times, to make the
national Ufe conform to them — with some degree of
success. In this Umited sense, the law and the
prophets may be said to give us a picture of the
normal Israel.
But the prophets were inspired with an ultimate
ideal for Israel, which was incapable of immediate ap
phcation to actual circumstances — the ideal expressed
by the Messianic prophecies. No exact Une Can be
drawn between the two ; Ezek. xl.-xlviu. is a curious
blending of transcendental ideals with detailed legisla
tion which served — and doubtless was intended to
serve — as a practical basis for the life of the restored
community. On the other hand the prophet's pictures
of the ideal glory of Israel are constantly combined
with predictions of more immediate appUcation.
79

80 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
The distinction between the normal and the ideal
Israel may be stated thus : the normal Isi ael was a
standard to which the actual life of Israel was, in
some measure, conformed : the ideal Israel involved
a new dispensation in which the actual Israel was
to be, not so much reformed, as transfigured. More
over, reformations, which assimilated the life of
Israel to the standard of the normal Israel, might
be brought about by the nation itself and its human
rulers ; but the changes which were to inaugurate
the ideal Israel — the Messianic Kingdom of. Gdd —
were to be brought about by the special intervention
of Jehovah. Similarly, the prophecies concerning the
ideal Israel differ from predictions, such as those of
the deliverance from Sennacherib and the Return,
inasmuch as the latter connect directly with Israel's
actual circumstances/ while the former postulate a
new departure. At the same time the ideal Israel is
always described in terms of the constitution and
experiences of the actual Israel, and is thought
of as arising out of the historical situation of the
prophet's age.
We might say that approximately in the 0. T.
the Messianic Kingdom bears the same relation to
the Levitical law, that in the N. T. the Second
Coming and the Millennium bear to the Sermon on the
Mount ; and as in the N. T. the Second Coming is
almost always thought of as about to happen in the
near future; so to the prophets— the messengers of
Him to whom a thousand years are as one day — the
" Day of Jehovah " is always to-morrow. Hence
then prophecies often have a double aspect — a limited

THE IDEAL ISRAEL 81
application to the immediate future, and an ideal
element which is to be realised in the Messianic
Kingdom. The prophets themselves do not, as a
rule, distinguish these two aspects.
ii. The Preparation por the Kingdom. — All
previous history, together with the historical situa
tion of the prophet's own time, and its immediate
sequel, are the preparation for the inauguration of
the ideal Israel. This principle underlies the Deu
teronomic interpretation of history; the history
of the world from the creation, prefixed to the
Levitical law ; and the historical retrospects of Psalms
lxxvn.-lxxix., cv.-cvU. Similarly, the prophets con
stantly appeal to history as Ulustrating the divine
purpose which is to be ultimately realised in the
true Israel; Isa. v. 2, xii., xliii., xliv. 1-8, etc.;
Jer. xxx.-xxxUi. ; Ezek. xxxix. 23-29.
This idea is most strikingly expressed in the
Apocalyptic Uterature; e.g., in Daniel we have a
series of visions, which set forth the history of the
East in the post-exUic period as leading up to the
great deliverance from Antiochus.
iU. The Day of Jehovah (E.V. " of the Lord "). —
The epoch which is to inaugurate the new era is
"The Day of Jehovah," or "that day" (so passim
in aU the prophets) in which, amid portents in the
heavens, place wUl be made for the New Israel by
the destruction of the old Israel (Samaria, — Amos,
Hosea, Isaiah; Judah, — all the pre-exilic prophets
except Nahum, Habakkuk, and perhaps Hosea), and
of the heathen states and empires (all the prophets
either generally or as to individual realms), a Remnant

82 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
(cf § 6, vii.) will be preserved to be the seed of the
new Israel.
The return of the exiles from Babylon and the
establishment of a Jewish community which renounced
idolatry and was faithful to the divine law, altered
the form of prophetic teaching as to the Day of
Jehovah. So far as "that day" involved the ruin
of Israel and Judah, and even of the international
system and great empires of the heathen world, it
had been accomplished ; and sanguine Jews indulged
the hope that, both as to inner righteousness and
external splendour, the restored community was
to realise the glory of the New Israel. But the
fulfilment of these hopes was deferred. Judaism
remained outwardly weak and inwardly corrupt ;
and first Persia, and then the Greek kingdoms of
Egypt and Syria took the place formerly filled by
Assyria and Babylon. Hence, the Jews still looked
forward to a Day of Jehovah, which should be a
further judgment on the Gentiles, and at last in
augurate the long-deferred bliss of the new Israel.
Even in Ezek. xxxvni., xxxix., Israel after its re
storation to Palestine is assailed by Gog and the
combined hosts of the enemies, and these perish
miserably. Similarly, Micah v.,* Joel iii., Haggai u.
6-9, 20-23; Zech. i, 21, xii., xiv., contemplate the
overthrow of the heathen as a prelude to the complete
and final restoration of Israel.* In Daniel, as in
Ezekiel, the restoration is followed by new tribula-.
tion, the Prince Messiah, the Anointed Prince is cut
* Slicah v., and Zech. xii., xiv., are often supposed to be
pre-exilic.

THE IDEAL ISRAEL 83
off and the city and sanctuary are destroyed (ix. 25,
26). The final Day of Jehovah — the term, however,
is not used here — is introduced by a time of un
precedented trouble, the final doom and deliverance
are wrought by the archangel Michael, and are not
so much a judgment of the nations and a deliverance
of Israel, as a personal judgment of the righteous
and wicked, preceded by a resurrection of the
dead (xii.).
Similarly, the post-exilic literature renews in a
different form the ancient teaching of the judgment
upon Israel in the day of Jehovah. But the Jewish
community is not definitely threatened, as Samaria
and Judah had been, with ruin and captivity. The
judgment is rather one of purification than of
destruction. In Micah v. 10-14, horses and chariots,
cities and fortresses, witchcraft and soothsayers and
idols are to be cut off out of Israel ; but also all
its enemies are to be extirpated. In Joel grievous
trouble is to come upon Israel in the Day of
Jehovah, but this is to issue in deliverance and the
abundant outpouring of the Divine Spirit. So in
Zech. Ui., iv., v., Israel is purged of its sin ; and in
Zech. xiU., Israel is purged of prophets and the spirit
of uncleanness (2), two-thirds of the inhabitants are
to be exterminated and the remainder spared (7-9).
Similarly, in Malachi, the messenger of the covenant
purifies the sons of Levi (Ui. 1-3), and as in Dan.
xii., so in Mai. iv., God destroys the wicked and saves
the righteous.
iv. The New Israel. — The new Israel was to be
constituted by the return and reunion of the two

84 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
branches of the old Israel — Ephraim and Judah —
as represented in each case by the Remnant. This is
thought of in Hosea vi. 2 and Ezek. xxxvii. as the
resurrection of the nation. Such is the unanimous
teaching of the prophets who give the picture of
the restoration in any detaU (Isa. x. 20-23, xi.
10-16, xliii. 1-7; Jer. xxiU. 5-8, xxxi. 27-34;
Ezek. xxxvii. 15-28). The establishment of the
returned exiles at Jerusalem was never accepted
as a complete fulfilment of these prophecies, even as
far as Judah was concerned ; the post-exilic prophets
continued to expect the return of the dispersed Jews,
as well as of the Ten Tribes, Zech. vin. .7-15 ; but
after a time the Ten Tribes were forgotten, and
Malachi, Joel, and Daniel seem conscious of no other
Israel than the Jews of Judaea and the dispersion.
Thus the ancient national -and religious unity of
Israel was restored, not by the reunion of the Ten
Tribes with Judah, but by their final disappearance
from Israel.
v. Palestine as the Home of the New Israel. —
The sacred land was to be, as of -old, the home of
the chosen people, and was" to be rendered more
worthy of its high vocation by the transformation of
its physical features. There was to be a great river
full of fish flowing from the Temple to the Dead
Sea, and the waters of the Dead Sea were to be
healed (Ezek. xlvii. 1-12. Cf. Zech. xiv. 1-11). The
land was to be endowed with extraordinary fertility
(Isa. xxx. 23-26, xxxii. 15 ; Ezek. xxxiv. 26, 27,
xlvu. 9-12; Joel U. 18, iii. 18; Amos ii. 13;
Zech. viu. 12; Mai. Ui. 11, 12). The wild beasts

THE IDEAL ISRAEL 85
were to become tame and harmless (Isa. xi. 1-9,
lxv. 25). The Israelites would enjoy long life
(lxv. 20-22) in this Paradise regained.
According to Ezek. xlviii., the new Israel was to
content itself with occupying Palestine west of
Jordan; but, according to Obad. 19, Benjamin was
to inhabit Gilead.
vi. The Constitution of the New Israel. — The
scheme in Ezek. xlvUi. reproduces the main, features
of the life of ancient Israel — the division into two
kingdoms of course excepted. The ancient tribes, the
monarchy, the City of Jerusalem, the Temple and its
priesthood were all to be revived ; and the restoration
of these institutions is for the most part taken for
granted by all the prophets.
vii. Moral and Spiritual Perfection. — The new
Israel is to be perfect, freed both from moral
corruption, and from false faith and worship. The
people is to be wholly consecrated to Jehovah
(Zech. xiv. 20, 21), and the soU is to be cultivated
by foreign slaves, while the Israelites worship their
God (Isa. Ixi. 4-6).
viU. The New Covenant. — The constant backsliding
and persistent impenitence of the old Israel had shown
that Israel of itself was incapable of consistent lojalty
to Jehovah. Therefore the ancient covenant which
sought to discipline Israel by rewards and punish
ments is to be done away with. Jehovah will no
longer rule by external constraint, but by the in
fluence of His Spirit in the hearts of men. He no
longer looks to chastisement to produce amendment,
but will, Himself, change the nature of Israel and

86 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
give it a new heart. The divine revelation is to be
written on the heart rather than in books ; men are
to be independent of religious teachers. Each in
dividual is to possess direct knowledge of Jehovah
(Jer. xxxi. 31-34, xxxU. 39, 40; Ezek. xxxvi. 26, 27).
Ezekiel, however, does not limit himself to the " new
heart of flesh," and the " new spirit " which Jehovah
is to implant in His people. * He also conceives the
new Israel as organised on the basis of a ritual and
legislative code.
ix. Israel and the Heathen. — Israel is to be
free from foreign dominion, and to dwell securely
in unbroken peace (Isa. Uv. 17; Ezek. xxxiv. 28;
Micah iv. 4). It is to be supreme over aU other
nations, and they are to minister to it with their
labour and wealth (Isa. xlix. 22, 23, lx., Ixi. 4-6 ;
Hag. ii. 7, 8). Some passages even suggest that
the new Israel ¦will ultimately embrace all the
nations of the earth — e.g., in Isa. xix. 18-25, Egypt
and Assyria are ranked with Israel as peoples of
Jehovah. x. Religious Supremacy of Israel. — The Temple
at Jerusalem is to become the great place of
pilgrimage and worship for all mankind, the centre
of revelation (Isa. ii. 1-4; Micah iv. 1-3; Isa.
xiv. 14, lvi. 1-8, lx.; Zech. xiv. 16-19).
Israel, as the servant of Jehovah, is to teach
His will to the Gentiles (Isa. xiii. 4-6, xlix. 6
lxvi. 19, 20).
xi. The Kingdom op God.— Jehovah is the Divine
King of the new Israel as of the old, and it is,
therefore, the eternal Kingdom of God among men.

THE IDEAL ISRAEL 87
10. The Messiah, i. Messiah as "King. — To speak
of the Messiah as King would have been a truism to
the ancient Israelite, because " Jehovah's Anointed,"
or "Messiah," was a familiar title of the Israelite
kings (1 Sam. xvi. 6, etc.). Dan. ix. 25, 26, is the
chief O. T. passage which has made " Messiah " a
kind of technical term for the divinely sent Deliverer
of Israel.*
The fact that the term Messiah could be so
understood, and that afterwards it was universally
and permanently adopted to denote this Deliverer,
shows that He was chiefly thought of as the King of
Israel. In one sense Jehovah was, Himself, the King of
Israel, but in the old Israel the Heavenly King had
His earthly representative and counterpart, in the
reigning sovereign of the house of David; and so
in the new Kingdom of God the one conspicuous
figure is the King, Jehovah's Anointed or Messiah,
the Prince of the house of David.
Most of the prophets connect the future destiny of
Israel with the house of David. The child of Isa.
ix. 7 is to sit "upon the throne of David," and be
over his kingdom, to establish and uphold it with
judgment and righteousness from henceforth even for
ever. In Isa. xi. 1, the deliverer is a rod out of
the stem of Jesse. In Isa. xvi. 5, the king who
is to reign "in truth . . . judging, and seeking
judgment," is to have " his throne . . . established
in mercy in the tent of David." Hosea Ui. 5 looks
* Messiah even here is often interpreted of the succession
of post-exilic high priests.

88 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
forward to the time when " the Israelites shall return
and seek Jehovah their God, and David their king."
Amos ix. 11 promises that the Lord "wUl raise up
the tabernacle of David." In Micah v. 2, " the ruler
in Israel " is to come forth from Bethlehem, David's
birthplace. In Jer. xxiii. 5, 6, xxxin. 15, 16, Jehovah
raises up unto David a righteous branch (eemah,
growth. Cf. Isa. iv. ,2), a wise and prudent King
whose name is Jehovah Cidqenu — Jehovah is our
righteousness. - In Ezek. xxxiv. 23, 24, xxxvU. 24,
25, " My servant David " is to be the shepherd and
prince of restored and reunited Israel. Zech. iii. 8
applies Jeremiah's prophecy of the " righteous branch "
to Zerubbabel, the prince of the house of David, and
in Hag. ii. 23 Zerubbabel is the chosen of Jehovah.
in Zech. xii. 8 it is said that when " Jehovah defends
the inhabitants of Jerusalem " " the house of David
shall . be as God, as the angel of Jehovah before
them." (Cf. Isa. lv. 3, 4.)
The future Saviour of Israel was so entirely identified
with the expected restoration of the Davidic dynasty,
that all the unfulfilled hopes which had attached to
the ancient monarchs, all the features which prophets
and psalmists had ascribed to the perfect or ideal
king, were transferred to the Messiah, and passages
which expressed these hopes or ideals came to be
recognised, as we gather from N. T. and elsewhere,
as prophecies of the Messiah — e.g., Psalms ii., xviii.,
xx., xiv., Ixi., lxxii., ex.
The character and attributes of the Royal Saviour
of Israel are set forth in such passages as those
already referred to. He is the ideal King, perfectly

THE IDEAL ISRAEL 89
endowed with all royal, physical, mental, moral, and
spiritual qualities.
His government is absolutely righteous and bene
ficent at home ; He is victorious abroad, and secures
peace and dominion for Israel; in Dan. vii. 14, He
attains to the universal empire as " a son of man,"
but He is also the symbol of the Divine Presence
with Israel — Immanuel (Isa. vii. 14, viii. 8). While
the 0. T. does not expressly ascribe a superhuman or
strictly divine character to Messiah — even the El
Gibbor (E.Y. " Mighty God ") of Isa. ix. 6, can be
paralleled from epithets applied to human kings :
e.g., 2 Sam. xiv. 17; Isa. x. 21 probably refers to
ix. 6 — the terms in which He is spoken of convey an
almost irresistible suggestion of His superhuman
nature. The hopes and aspirations of the Messianic
prophecies could never be realised in a mere man;
the two ideas, of Jehovah as the Divine King of
Israel, and of the King who was to be his perfect
representative upon earth might at first seem parallel,
but they reaUy converged, and coalesced at last ;
similarly in His functions as Saviour of Israel the
Messiah is the representative of Jehovah, and Jehovah
is often spoken of as deUvering Israel Himself, per
sonally and dUectly ; He also is the Saviour of Israel
(Isa. xl.-xlvi. passim — e.g., xl. 9-11, xlix. 26), "I
Jehovah am the Saviour." (Cf. Jer. xiv. 8; Zech.
ix. 12-17; Zeph. iii. 15-17.) Thus the ideas of
the Divine King and Saviour on the one hand, and
of His representative on earth, the Messianic King
Saviour, naturally met and merged at lac t in the
doctrine of the Incarnation. Even in the 0. T., in

90 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
Mai. in. 1, the Lord (Adonai), the Messenger of the
Covenant, is not clearly distinguished from Jehovah
Himself. The Messiah as the instrument of God's gracious
purposes for Israel and His judgments on the GentUes,
is the counterpart of the Assyrian kings and of
Nebuchadnezzar, whom God had commissioned to
execute His judgments upon Israel and its neigh
bours. The close though antithetic relation between
the office of these Gentile monarchs and that of the
Davidic Messiah is Ulustrated by the fact that, when
the dehverance of Israel is to be effected by the
Gentile Cyrus, he also is called Jehovah's Messiah
(Isa. xiv. 1).
At times, as we have partly shown above
(Micah v. 2), the connection of the Messianic King
with David is only implied, or even left doubtful
(Isa. xxxu. 1, xxxiii. 17; Zech. ix. 9-11). In some
passages the functions of the Messiah are transferred
to a number of princes or rulers — e.g., Micah v. 5
" seven shepherds and eight chiefs."
However, all these varying ideas concerning the
Messiah agree in the essential point of ascribing the
final salvation of Israel, and therefore of the world
(cf. § 33), to a Monarch who shall be the divinely
accredited representative of Jehovah, who is com
missioned by Him to deliver His people from foreign
enemies, and to rule them righteously in prosperity
and peace. These aspects of the Messiah's person and
work are almost always combined with his connection
with the Davidic dynasty.
ii Messiah as Prophet.— The suffering Servant of

THE IDEAL ISRAEL 91
Jehovah (Isa. Ui. 13 — lni. 12). Though the term
Messiah strictly describes Him as King, yet it has
been extended to include other aspects of His person
and work. As in the last centuries of the monarchy
of Judah the prophets echpsed the kings, we naturally
expect to find the expected Saviour is to be prophet
as well as king. Indeed, the two functions of pro
phet and civU ruler were actually combined in Moses
(Deut. xviU. 15), in Samuel (1 Sam. Ui. 20) and, to
some extent, even in Saul (1 Sam. x. 11, ff.). Acts
ii. 30 is quite in harmony with the spirit of the
O. T. in speaking of David as a prophet.
Moreover, the prophets attempted, by direct spiri
tual means or indirect influence, the same tasks that
Gentile kings and the IsraeUte Messiah accomplished
by the sword. Jeremiah's commission, for instance,
is " to be set " over the nations and kingdoms, " to root
out, puU down, destroy and throw down, to build, and
to plant " (i. 10). On the other hand the Messianic
King of Isa. xi. 1-10 has the prophetic gifts of
Jehovah's " spirit of wisdom and understanding, of
counsel and might, of knowledge and of the fear of
Jehovah " (xi. 3).
Accordingly,, in Isa. xl.-lxvi., the Messianic King re
cedes into the background, and the deliverer appears
as the Servant of Jehovah entrusted with a prophetic
mission first to Israel and then to mankind (xlix. 5, 6).
Though this Servant sometimes stands for Israel or
the believing Remnant (cf. § 10, iU.), he is throughout
a prophet, and when in In. 13 — liii. 12 he is in
dividualised we have to note that the Saviour of
Israel and of the world now appears as a prophet.

92 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
But the Servant of Jehovah wiU not redeem Israel
merely by teaching and preaching. In the last days of
the Jewish monarchy God's faithful servants had been
conspicuous for their sufferings ; Josiah had been cut
off in the prime of his manhood, Jeremiah had been,
for the greater part of his Ufe, " despised and rejected
of men." Isa. liii. 5-10 sees in the sufferings of the
Bighteous One a vicarious atonement for the sin of
Israel : and the Servant of Jehovah delivers Israel
from sin by His death. In Daniel we find both
aspects of the Messiah — the conquering King, in the
universal and eternal King who is almost identified
with the Most High (vU. 14, 17); and the Sufferer,
in Messiah the Prince (ix. 26) who is cut off.*
(Cf., however, § 10, i., note, and iv.)
As the conception of Messiah as the ideal king led
to a Messianic application of the Psalms dealing with
the king and kingdom : so the idea of the vicarious
suffering of the Messiah seems to have led to a
similar application of Psalms dealing with the suffer
ings of the righteous. Hence in N. T., Psalms xxii.,
xxxv., xii., lxix., are recognised as Messianic and
applied to. Christ.
iii. The Messiah as the True Israel. — We have
seen in § 7, vii. that Isa. xl.-lxvi., with an elasticity
which it is difficult for the modern Western mind
to follow, sees in the Servant of Jehovah at once
Israel (xliv. 1, 2, xiv. 4, xlix. 3 ; etc.), and the
individual Saviour of Israel (lii. 1 — liii. 12 ; etc.). The
* The A.V. translation .of the next clause " but not for
himself" is corrected by R.V. to "and shall have nothing " ;
marg. " there shall be none belonging to him."

THE IDEAL ISRAEL 93
Israel here is, for the most part, the true Israel of
believers, the Remnant of the elder prophets (so
apparently, xlix. 5. Cf. xlvi. 3). Thus the idea is
suggested that -the true Israel, which is ultimately to
be co-extensive with the actual Israel, becomes one
with the Messiah or Saviour of Israel and the world.
SimUarly, in the N. T., Christ is not only the Personal
Saviour, but one with the Church as a vine with its
branches (John xvi. 8), and a body with its limbs
(1 Cor. xU. 27).
iv. The Messiah as Priest. — The royal and
priestly functions were closely allied in the ancient
world, and so in Israel we find David and subsequent
kings sacrificing and exercising other priestly func
tions. Hence the kingly status of the Messiah almost
implies His priesthood. But in the post-exilic period
the title Messiah was extended to the High Priest
(Lev. iv. 3, 5, 16 ; Dan. ix. 25, 26), as the highest
authority in the Jewish state, as well as in the
Jewish Church. Thus in Zechariah, even when
Zerubbabel, the prince of the House of David, was
governor for the Persians, and stUl therefore the
civU head of the community, the high priest
Joshua is placed on a level with him, and the two
together are spoken of as the "two sons of oil" —
i.e., "anointed ones," or Messiahs (iv. 14) — and in
the present Hebrew text of vi. 9-13 Jeremiah's
prophecy of the branch is applied to the high priest
Joshua. In the original text it is true, Zerubbabel
is the branch, and Joshua sits at his right hand j but
the alteration shows that at some period of post-exilic
Judaism special stress was laid on the priestly

94 JEHOVAH AND. ISRAEL
character of the Messiah. So Psalm ex. depicts the
Saviour of Israel as both civU ruler and priest.
11. New Heavens and New Earth. — At times the
prophetic vision widens to a far horizon, where earth
and heaven meet and blend so that the one can
scarcely be distinguished from the other. Jehovah
the Heavenly Saviour and the Messiah upon earth
appear one and the same, § 10, i. : the vindication of
Israel by its victory over the nations is combined
with the resurrection of the dead and the final judg
ment, § '32 : the Day of Jehovah upon earth is
ushered in by celestial portents (Hag. ii. 6), and
Jehovah not only renews the face of Palestine
(§ 9, v.), but creates a new heaven and a new earth
(Isa. lxvi. 17, 22).

CHAPTER IV
JEHOVAH AS THE GOD OF ISRAEL

CHAPTER IY
JEHOVAH AS THE GOD OF ISRAEL
12. Names. — The relation of Jehovah to Israel is
expressed by various names and titles. Both in
ancient proper names and various passages we find
Baal = Lord, (Ish-baal, cf . Hosea iii. 6), Melek = King,
(Malcbi-rain, cf. Isa. xliv. 6), Zur = Rock (Pedah-zur,
cf. 2 Sam. xxii. 32), Ab = Father (Abi-ram, cf. Jer.
xxxi. 9), used as names or titles of the God of Israel.
But the personal name of God, as the God of
Israel, is now represented in the Hebrew Text of
0. T. by the four consonants, YHWH. When the
English Version attempts to reproduce this name
they represent it by Jehovah, following an ancient
misunderstanding (cf. below). The original pro
nunciation of this name is not certainly known,
though it is generally supposed to have been
Yahweh.* Its primitive etymology and significance
are stUl more uncertain (for the interpretation given
in Ex. Ui. 14, see § 37), and there is no reason to
suppose that they were known in Israel during the
historical period : consequently they are no more a
* Yahwe, Yahveh, Yahve, etc., are merely equivalent
spellings of Yahweh. The use of J is a Germanism for Y.
Cf. Preface. 97 7

98 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
part of 0. T. Revelation, than the etymology of the
word God is a part of English theology. YHWH
(E. V. " Jehovah ") was to the ordinary Israelite simply
a proper name for the God he worshipped, as " God "
now is to the Christian.
The loss of the pronunciation of YHWH was due
to a peculiar use of another divine name, ADONAI
(Lord). Under later Judaism an exaggerated reverence
for the Most Sacred Name made the Jews to refrain
from using YHWH, and substitute for it either
ADONAI or ELOHIM. They were followed by
the LXX. and Vulgate, and from the Vulgate the
English versions adopted the habit of writing LORD
or GOD for YHWH.
To secure the substitution of Adonai for YHWH
in the public reading of 0. T., the vowels of Adonai
were attached to the four consonants YHWH as
a q'ri perpetuum, or standing direction that Adonai
should be read for YHWH.* When the Jewish
tradition was unknown amongst Christians the
consonants were mistakenly combined with the
attached vowels; and, being slightly modified, the
linguistically impossible form Jehovah was produced.
This Name is used to form the names of persons,
either as prefix JEHO or affix I AH; and of places,
especially altars — e.g., JehovA- jireh, -nissi, -shalom.
But its most significant and frequent combination is
YHWH C'BAOTH, E.V. "LORD of Hosts," N.T.
" Lord of Sabaoth " (Rom. ix. 29 ; James v. 4). This
title is speciaUy common in Amos, Isaiah (both parts),
* If Adonai immediately precedes YHWH, the latter takes
the vowels of ELOHIM, hence E.V. " GOD."

JEHOVAH AS THE GOD OF ISRAEL 99
Jeremiah, Haggai, Zechariah (both parts) and
Malachi; in 1 Sam. iv. 4; 2 Sam. vi. 2, it seems
specially connected with the ark. The title is
altogether wanting in Judges, in Ezekiel, the
Pentateuch and Joshua, in Joel, Obadiah, and Jonah ;
and with the exception of a few Psalms, and some
passages which Chronicles borrows from Samuel,
"the Lord of Hosts" does not occur at all in the
Hagiographa. The term " hosts " has been variously explained —
of the actual Israelite armies, the stars, the angelic
hosts, the elemental powers. Probably at different
periods each of these interpretations was current
among the Jews themselves. Each interpretation
would signify the champion of Israel against its
enemies, whether by means of the arms of Israel
itself, or by divine forces which dispensed with
human co-operation. This sense would harmonise
with the apparent connection with the ark, which
in early times was carried into battle as the symbol
of Jehovah's presence with the armies of His people
(2 Sam. xi. 11).
13. Anthropomorphism and Anthropopathism. —
According to the necessities of human thought and
language, there is much anthropomorphism and
anthropopathism in 0. T. We read of Jehovah's
eyes, nostrils, ears, mouth, arms, feet, fingers, etc.
He sees, smells, hears, laughs, strikes, stands, sits,
walks, etc. Sometimes Jehovah is even spoken of in
terms borrowed from animal Ufe ; He has wings ; He
flies and roars. His moral and mental attributes sa e
also expressed in the same terms as those of man.

100 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
0. T. does not, however, intend to transfer to God
the limitations and defects of human Ufe and
character; such language merely serves to make
the divine nature, attributes, and operations approxi
mately intelligible to men.
14. The Bond between Jehovah and Israel.
1. Election and Divine Sovereignty. — The history
of Israel is initiated by God's choice of the nation ;
is controlled throughout by His purpose ; and leads
up at last, in spite of sin, and faUure, and suffering,
to the realisation of that abiding purpose. Jehovah
is the King of Israel, and the Lord and owner of
Palestine (cf. § 18, i.). This election created a
relation which is set forth, not only as that between
king and subjects, but also as that between Providence
and the'objects of its care, between father and son,
husband and wife, patron and client, and between
the two parties to a covenant.
ii. Providence. — 0. T. recognises the living presence
and immediate working of God in all operations and
processes of nature, and all events of national and
individual history.
iii. Fatherhood. — From the time of Hosea xi. 1
onwards the prophets often use the term " Father "
to describe the relation of Jehovah to Israel. In
using this figure 0. T. is not concerned with the way
in which the relation of father and son originates ;
it does not suggest any essential, almost physical,
bond, which might seem to exist independently of
*ny divine choice (cf. 1). The term sets forth the
actual existing relation between Jehovah and Israel ;
His authority over and affection for His people.

JEHOVAH AS THE GOD OF ISRAEL 101
>
iv. Marriage. — In Hosea ii, iii. ; Jer. U. 2 ; Isa.
Uv. 5, 6 ; Ezek. xvi., Jehovah is spoken of as the
husband of Israel ; and the same figure is implied in
the constant description of idolatry as adultery, or
going a-whoring after other gods. This figure must
be understood in the light of woman's dependent
position in the East. So in Ezek. xvi., Jerusalem
was helpless and forlorn when Jehovah espoused her
out of pure compassion. This figure chiefly emphasises
the free choice of Jehovah, the unswerving fidelity
owed to Him by His people, and the entire dependence
of Israel. It may also imply, to a very Umited
extent, Israel's free acceptance of Jehovah, "the
love of her espousals " (Jer. U. 2).
v. Israel the " Ger " or " Client " of Jehovah. —
In a few passages (Psalms xv. 1, xxxix. 12) Israel is
spoken of as Jehovah's Ger — i.e., a resident alien
under the protection of the chief of a tribe. This
figure again emphasises the free grace of Jehovah
and the helpless dependence of Israel.
vi. The Covenant. — A covenant was the mutual
agreement of two or more contracting parties upon
conditions profitable to both ; it did not necessarily
imply equality between the contracting parties, for
it is even applied to the terms imposed by a conqueror
upon his defeated enemy, or by a suzerain upon his
vassal (Ezek. xvii. 13). In making a covenant with
Israel, Jehovah declared His gracious purposes towards
His people, and the conditions upon which they might
enjoy His promised blessings; they, on their part,
undertook to faithfully observe all His commands.
As far as Jehovah was concerned a covenant did not

102 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
greatly differ from a solemn promise made by Him to
His chosen.
In Gen. — 2 Kings, the earliest history of Israel has
for its epochs a series of covenants ; with Noah after
the Flood (Gen. ix.) ; with Abraham, when Canaan
was promised to his descendants (Gen. xv. xvii.) ; at
Sinai, in connection with the giving of the Law,
(Exod. xxxiv. 10 ; Deut. v. 2) ; under Joshua, after the
Conquest of Canaan (Josh. xxiv. 25) ; under Josiah,
in recognition of the authority of Deuteronomy
(2 Kings xxiii. 3). Judges and Samuel record no cove
nants between Jehovah and Israel; but the promise
of permanence to the Davidic dynasty is spoken of as
an everlasting covenant in 2 Sam. xxin. 5. One of
the oldest sections of the Pentateuch (Exod. xx. 20 —
xxiii. 33) is called the " Book of the -Covenant "
(xxiv. 7) ; Hosea ii. 18, vi. 7, vUi. 1 ; Jer. xi. 10,
etc., xxxi. 31, ff. ; Ezek. xx. 37, etc. ; Isa. xiii. 6, etc.,
emphasise this aspect of Jehovah's relation to Israel.
At the close of the O. T. history, Ezra and Nehemiah
estabUshed the Levitical Law as the code and
canon of Judaism (Neh. x. 29, ff.) by a covenant.*
These covenants have many differences of detail
and circumstance ; but they agree in substance.
Jehovah promises prosperity to Israel or its repre
sentatives on condition of obedience to His revealed
will ; Israel promises to observe this condition, though
the promise is sometimes taken for granted and not
stated. In such cases the covenant is concluded
simply by a declaratory act on the part of Jehovah ;
it is offered to Israel or the Patriarchs, and its accept-
* The word " covenant," however, is not used here.

JEHOVAH AS THE GOD OF ISRAEL 103
ance is assumed. In other cases the conclusion of a
covenant is" virtually the acceptance by Israel of the
terms offered in the law and the prophets.
15. The Moral Attributes of Jehovah. — As moral
attributes can only be manifested in connection with
an object, these attributes are revealed in the deaUngs
of Jehovah with Israel. Accordingly 0. T. is not
so much interested in what Jehovah is in Himself,
as in what He is in His relations to Israel. His
righteousness, truth, etc., are not so much abstract
attributes of His essential nature, as modes of His
action with regard to His people. And, again, while
ultimately as a matter of abstract theology, there is
no standard for God but Himself, in the practical
understanding and application of these truths it is
always assumed that the divine standard of righteous
ness answers to the highest human ideals. It trans
cends and corrects them, ' but does not essentially
contradict or reverse them.
i. Trustworthiness and Self-Consistency. — He
shows righteousness (gedeq, gdaqa), as acting in con
formity with the true standard of conduct — i.e., His
Revelation of Himself and His Will. This standard
is reflected, though partially and imperfectly, in the
human standards, based on men's moral instincts.
He shows faithfulness (emuna) by persisting in His
purposes and fulfilling His promises, and truth (emeth)
by the fact that His utterances express His thought,
feeling, and intention. These divine qualities are
speciaUy manifested in the persistency of Jehovah's
choice of Israel (Isa. xii. 8-10), and by His faithful
ness to His covenant (Ezek. xxxvii. 26 ; cf. xxxvi. 21).

104 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
ii. Benevolence. — He loves Israel, and shows
" mercy " (E.V. for hesed), a disposition to be bountiful
and gracious beyond anything that can be claimed
from Him ; He shows tender compassion and pitiful-
ness {raham rahamim rahum, E.V. "tender love,"
"compassion," "pity," "full of compassion"), He
pities and spares (raham, hus hamal), is long-suffering
(ereh appayim). He not only forgives (salah, nasa V),
but is eager that His people should repent and be
forgiven (Hosea xi. 8, 9; Ezek. xviii. 32, xxxiii. 11).
ni. Justice. — His justice is part of His righteous
ness (gedeq) ; He judges (din, shaphat) righteously
between man and man, assigning to each his due, his
" judgment " (mishpat). What is thus due is deter
mined by the fact that Jehovah is not only righteous
Himself, but requires righteousness in Israel. Hence
He rewards right doing, and punishes sin ; He is angry
with the sinner. Moreover, He is jealous of His
rights, and counts it sin that Israel confounds Him
with other gods, and worships other gods in addition
to or instead of Himself.
iv. Glory (kabod) ; Majesty (gaon) ; Sanctity
(qodesh); cf. § 17. — These attributes serve to express
His supernatural power, splendour, and exaltation,
which are, on the one hand, part of the manifestation
of Jehovah to Israel; and yet, on the other hand,
tend to forbid any close or constant fellowship of
Israel with Jehovah.
v. The Name. — The sum of the divine attributes
of Jehovah and of what is known of His will and
working make up the divine name, or revealed
character and purpose of God.

JEHOVAH AS THE GOD OF ISRAEL 105
16. Jehovah's Revelation of Himself, i. Theo
phanies. — Jehovah Himself is not immediately seen
by men, though, like Isaiah (vi.) and Ezekiel (i.), they
may have visions of Him ; or, like Moses (Exod.
xxiv.), may behold some manifestation of His pre-
serce. The statement that Moses and the elders " saw
the God of Israel " is apparently qualified by the fact
that no further account is given of what they saw
than that they saw the pavement under His feet.
Jehovah, however, constantly speaks directly to men.
As a rule, He is seen and heard by representatives of
Israel. ii. The Supernatural Organs of Revelation. —
(a) The Spirit (ruah). Jehovah makes known His
will to men by His Spirit, and by His Spirit they are
impelled to fulfil His purposes, and are endowed with
necessary strength and wisdom. The warrior is in
spired to fight (Judg. vi. 34) ; the husbandman to
cultivate the soil (Isa. xxviii. 23-29) ; the artisan
to exercise his handicraft (Exod. xxxi. 3) ; the priest
and prophet to announce the divine will (2 Chron.
xv. 1), and the king to govern (1 Sam. xvi. 13).
(b) The Word. — The instrument of the divine
working in Creation and Providence is also spoken of
as " the Word," and the same idea is implied when
God speaks or commands, and His purposes are
forthwith accomplished (Gen. i. ; Isa. xlviii. 13;
Psalm xxxiii. 6, 9, cxlvii. 18, 19, cxlviU. 5). The
" Word of Jehovah " is constantly said to come to the
prophets (Jer. i. 2, etc. Cf. the references to God's
voice in Deut. iv. 12 ; 1 Sam. Ui. 4 ; 1 Kings
xix. 11, ff.). The later developments of the usage

106 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
of the term "Word" in the Apocrypha, Philo, etc.,
connect it with the Logos doctrine of St. John.
Another line of connection is indicated by the later
Jewish doctrine of the " Word " in the Targums,
Talmud, etc.
(c) Wisdom (hohma). — The wisdom of God would
naturally be thought of as primarUy an attribute of
the divine nature, guiding His Spirit and shaping His
Word. From being a divine attribute, it becomes a
gift from God to man — e.g., Solomon, 1 Kings Ui. 28.
But . in Proverbs and Job the doctrine of wisdom
takes special forms. As against the conception of
Jehovah consulting with the angels — the . host of
heaven (1 Kings xxii. 19, 20), the seraphim (Isa. vi.),
the sons of God (Job i. 6, U. 1) ; Prov. viU. 22-31
depicts wisdom as the eldest son and most ancient
possession of Jehovah, His associate and master-
workman (30 R. V.) in creation. Moreover, wisdom
is the source of all honourable human activity and
true prosperity (Prov. vUi. 14-18). In Job xxvUi.
wisdom is a mystery, unfathomable by man, and is
even depicted as a matter which God investigates,
discovers, and then reveals :
Whence then cometh wisdom ? . . .
It is hid from the eyes of all living, . . .
Destruction and death say
We have heard a rumour thereof with our ears,
God understandeth the way thereof,
He knoweth the place thereof,
He looketh to the ends of the earth,
He seeth under the whole heaven, . . ,
Then did He see and declare it.

JEHOVAH AS THE GOD OF ISRAEL 107
He established it, yea, and searched it out,
And unto man He said :
Behold the fear of the Lord, that is wisdom,
And to depart from evil is understanding. <20-28).
Here and elsewhere wisdom is parallel to, and partly
synonymous with, understanding (bina).
There is an obvious connection between the passages
in Job and Proverbs. And this connection emphasises
the contrast between the abstract quality or force in
Job — which is depicted almost as independent of God
and needing to be sought and found by Him — and
the free personification of Proverbs. The later
development of the doctrine of wisdom in Eccle-
siasticus and the Wisdom of Solomon is rather on the
Unes of Proverbs. (Cf., in N. T., Matt. xi. 19;
Luke vii. 35, xi. 49.)
(d) The Angels. — The divine activity is not only
spoken of as exercised directly and through the Spirit,
Word, and Wisdom, but also through subordinate
supernatural beings, by whom He is surrounded,
as by a heavenly court, variously described as the
host of Heaven, the sons of God, the cherubim,
the seraphim, and more generally as angels
(Malakhim — messengers). Nothing is said as to the
origin of these beings, and attention is directed to
their functions rather than to their nature.
The Host of Heaven form the council of Jehovah
in 1 Kings xxii, 19, and his Hosts are spoken of in
Psalm ciu. 21. (Cf. Dan. vii. 10.)
Sons of God. — A similar position is occupied in
Job i. 6, ii. 1 by the sons of God (Bne Elohim),

108 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
cf. xxxviii. 7. The term is parallel to "sons of the
Prophets," and denotes subordinates owning some
community or similarity of nature and function to
their superior (cf. Elohim, Psalm viii. 5).
The Angel of Jehovah, The Angel of Elohim. — In the
older documents attention is concentrated upon one
special, pre-eminent angel, called the angel of Jehovah,
or of Elohim. In the same passages He is at one time
identified with Jehovah, and at another distinguished
from Him— e.g., cf. Judg. vi. 11, 12, 20, 21 with 14,
16, 23 ; and xiii. 15-21, with 22, 23. The angel of
Jehovah is, therefore, almost rather a theophany or
divine manifestation, than a messenger. He seems
to be represented as the manifestation of that special
presence of Jehovah with Israel, which was symbolised
by the ark.*
Cherubim. — These appear as guarding Eden with
fiery swords (Gen. Ui. 24). Figures representing
cherubim were used to ornament the curtains of the
Tabernacle (Ex. xxxvi. 8) and the walls of the Temple
(1 Kings vi. 28, 29), and to cover the Mercy Seat
(Exod. xxx., xxxvii.). Such figures symbolise the
attendance of the cherubim on Jehovah in His
heavenly Temple. In Ezek. ix., x. ; Psalms xviii. 10,
lxxx. 1, xcix. 1, the cherubim are spoken of as
supporting and carrying the throne of Jehovah.
They are generally represented as winged or flying ;
Ezekiel's description is exceedingly elaborate and
complicated, but it was probably not intended to
apply to the cherubim generally. The etymology
and history of the word are uncertain.
* Smend, 42.

JEHOVAH AS THE GOD OF ISRAEL 109
Seraphim. — These are only mentioned in Isa. vi. 1,
where they appear in attendance on Jehovah. The
word elsewhere (Num. xxi. 8 ; Isa. xiv. 29, xxx. 6)
means a fiery serpent.
Angels generally, and individual Angels. — With
slight exceptions (Gen. xix. 1, xxxii. 1 ; 1 Kings xiii.
18) the references to angels in the earUer literature
are confined to the angel of Jehovah, or of Elohim.
The "an angel of Jehovah" in A.V. of various passages
should be corrected to " the angel," as R. V. Marg.
Angels generaUy are mentioned in Job iv. 18 ; Psalm
xci. 11, etc. In Zech. two or three angels, including
the angel of Jehovah, communicate and interpret
the divine message to the prophet. But in Daniel,
angels — other than the angel of Jehovah — are
mentioned by name, Gabriel (viii. 16, ix. 21), Michael
(x. 13, etc.). Michael is " the prince " or guardian
angel of Israel, and fights with angelic alUes against
the "princes" or guardian angels of the nations
hostile to Israel (x. 20, 21, xii. 1). The doctrine of
the angels was greatly elaborated by later Judaism,
from which we learn the names of numerous members
of the angeUc hierarchy.
Satan, Adversary, first appears as one of the Bne
Elohim in Job, and may be compared with the lying
spirit in 1 Kings xxii. 22. He is thus subordinate to
Jehovah, and even in a sense one of His ministering
angels, working with His permission, and even as His
agent. In Zech. Ui. 1, 2 (cf. Psalm cix. 6) he appears
as the accuser of Joshua the High Priest ; his ac
cusations are not refuted, but he is rebuked for
wishing to hinder the free operation of divine grace

110 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
and mercy. 1 Chron. xxi. 1 substitutes Satan for
Jehovah (2 Sam. xxiv. 1) as the author of the
temptation to David to number Israel. O. T. does
not identify Satan with the serpent who tempted Eve.
Devils. — 0. T. has haidly any references to evil
angels other than Satan. Various objects of popular
superstition are mentioned; he-goats, R.V., or satyrs
R.V. Marg. (Lev. xvii. 7 ; 2 Chron. xi. 15), se'irim,
demons — false gods (Deut. xxxii. 17 ; Psalm cvi. 37),
shedim. But these passages do not seem to sanction
any belief in the real existence of such beings. The
" evil angels,'' malakhe ra'im (cf . Psalm lxxviii. 49) are
not to be distinguished from the ordinary angels;
they are not evil in nature, but inflict evil — i.e.,
punishment upon man.
iii. Transcendentalism. — To thus refer the divine
utterance and activity to intermediate beings and
qualities, instead of immediately to God Himself, serves
to emphasise the solitary and ineffable majesty of the
Most High. It also tended, however, to obscure the
divine immanence and the possibility of direct fellow
ship between God and man. It belongs chiefly to the
last period of O.T. Revelation, when the Jews had
become fully conscious that Jehovah ruled, not only
Israel, but all nations and the whole universe, so
that the growing sense of the power and majesty of
Jehovah seemed to set Him alone, aloof, and apart
from man.
iv. Foreshadowings op the Doctrine of the
Trinity. — O., T. use of the terms word, spirit,
wisdom, etc., is originally anthropomorphic; the
action and life of God are described and Ulustrated in

JEHOVAH AS THE GOD OF ISRAEL 111
terms of the faculties and actions of men. Even
when the Word, etc., are spoken of as if they possessed
a certain independence, and could stand in a kind of
personal relation to God, such language still follows
the analogy of phrases in which a man is said "to
commune with his own heart." 0. T., however, shows
a predilection for such language, and develops the
usage to an extent which indicates that to define the
Godhead as a single personality does not satisfy
the data of revelation. This 0. T. usage found its
natural issue in the Christian doctrine of the Trinity.
But that doctrine is still more clearly foreshadowed
in the peculiar position assigned by 0. T. to the
angel of Jehovah, as a supernatural being who is at
one and the same time virtually identical with
Jehovah, and yet capable of personal relations with
Him. v. Revelation in Nature and History. — As
Jehovah is Creator and Ruler of the Universe, all
nature is a revelation. This is recognised in such
passages as Psalm xix. 1-6 :
" The heavens declare the glory of God,
The firmament showeth his handywork."
Cf. Psalm. viU. 3. The same idea underlies God's
answer to Job in Job xxxviii.-xli.
Similarly, Gcd's moral government of the world by
His Providence implies that the courses and events
of history are a further revelation. This is re
cognised by the presence of the historical books in
O. T., and by the constant appeal of the other books
" to Jehovah's manifestation of Himself in history. Note
especially Psalms lxxviU., cv.-cvU., which celebrate

112 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
God's dealings with Israel. While 0. T. chiefly dwells
on the revelation given in the history of Israel, yet
it also recognises that such a revelation is to be
found in all history. This would necessarUy be the
case with all nations in any way connected with
Israel, but it is also implied that God's hand may be
traced in the history of Gentile nations considered
in themselves. For instance, Amos'ix.. 7 expressly
places the emigration of the Philistines from Caphtor
and the Syrians from Kir on a level with the Exodus
from Egypt,
Moreover man, the meeting point of nature and
history, is made in the image and likeness of God
(Gen. i. 26), and is given dominion over all beneath him.
Hence human life, both in its relation to nature, and
in individuals, and societies, and their mutual dealings
must constitute in some way a revelation,
vi. Human Agents op Revelation, Inspiration ;
cf. § 4, i. — We have already seen that the direct and
immediate revelation of Jehovah to Israel is almost
always through the representatives of the nation;
this principle also holds good of the revelation made
through supernatural agents, and through nature
and history.
(a) The Nation. — When Israel -is faithful, its
national life is a revelation of God's will and character ;
so also is the punishment of Israel's disobedience.
Similarly the individual Israelite of every class — king,
prophet, priest, farmer, artisan — in some measure
reveals Jehovah if he yields to the divine in
spiration. *
(b) The King. — More especially the king or judge,

JEHOVAH AS THE GOD OF ISRAEL 113
as the agent through wnom Jehovah bestows the
blessings of social order and victory over enemies,
represents Jehovah to Israel.
(c) The Prophet. — The Prophetic order, however,
was pre-eminently the channel of divine revelation.
The special function of the prophet was to represent
Jehovah — to be'His messenger to Israel. The regular
ritual was fixed and might be learned from the priests ;
but Jehovah had commands and counsel for all the
unforeseen contingencies of national and individual
Ufe. Jehovah's organ for such commands and counsel
was the prophet. Accordingly all the new departures
of national life are authorised by prophets ; therefore
Abraham (Gen. xx. 7), Moses (Deut. xviii. 18),
Samuel, David (Acts ii. 30), are all recognised as
prophets. Ahijah announces the division of Israel
into two kingdoms (1 Kings xi. 29), and the fall of
Jeroboam's dynasty (xiv. 7, ff), and Elijah, the over
throw of the house of Omri (xxi. 22). The captivity
and return are announced by the . later prophets.
Similarly the great spiritual revelations are contained
in the prophetical books ; a recognition of this pro
phetic office led to the ascription of the Pentateuch
to Moses, and of the historical books, Joshua — Kings,
to the prophets.
(d) The Priest. — In the case of the Priests the
representation of Jehovah to Israel was not their
most characteristic function ; nevertheless, they were
His representatives, as conveying to the people, in
their blessing, the assurance of the divine favour
and acceptance (Num. vi. 22-27), and as teaching
Jehovah's will by communicating and interpreting 8

114 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
the Torah (Deut. xxxiii. 10). In earlier times priestly
functions seem to have been wider and to have virtu
ally included those of the later prophets ; priests not
only laid down the law as to conduct and worship,
but also gave counsel in emergencies, by Urim and
Thummim, and otherwise (1 Sam. xxviii. 6, xxx. 8).
But the priest, as priest, never conveys Jehovah's
commands for any great new departure, nor does he
communicate any important new revelation.
vii.' Methods op Revelation. — Perhaps the best
Hebrew equivalent, in the older literature, for our
term "revelation," would be Torah (E.V., " Law," R.V.
Mg., "instruction"). Torah is' in the first instance
a revelation of the divine wUl, on some special point
made through a priest or prophet. This communi
cation of the divine will is made in ancient times by
lot (Urim and Thummim, and Ephod were probably
forms of lot) — e.g., in the cases of Achan (Josh.
vii. 14), Saul (1 Sam. x. 21), Saul and Jonathan
(xiv. 41). The recourse to lots is not sanctioned by the
prophets or the later legislation. Revelations were
also made by dreams in the night ; by visions— i.e.,
impressions made upon the mind during an abnormal
mental condition of trance or ecstasy ; by types — i.e.,
a divine use of a natural object as an im lge or parable
of the divine message. At times it is said that a
voice came to the prophet (1 Kings xix.). Sometimes
the revelation is received through an angel, especially
in the books of Zechariah and Daniel, where, how
ever, the chief function of the angels is to interpret
visions seen by the prophets. For the most part,
however, it is simply said that Jehovah spoke to the

JEHOVAH AS THE GOD OF ISRAEL 115
prophet, or that the word of Jehovah came to the
prophet. O. T. does not tell us how the prophets were assured
of the divine origin of the dreams, visions, voices, or
word of Jehovah. Probably the trance or ecstasy
was regarded as a token of inspUation ; but the
almost entire absence of any appeal to external marks
of inspiration indicates that the prophetic assurance
rested chiefly upon an inner spiritual sense of fellow
ship with Jehovah.
Similarly the O. T. lays down no clear rules by
which the people might be assured of a prophet's
inspiration, though numerous cases occur in which
the true prophets were contradicted by others who
also claimed to speak in the name of Jehovah — e.g.,
Micaiah ben-Imlah by Ahab-s prophets (1 Kings xxu.),
Jeremiah by Hananiah (Jer. xxviii.). Jeremiah xxviii.
(8, 9) indeed suggests that a prophecy of evil is more
likely to be true than prophecy of good; but this
canon is obviously of special and limited application.
Again Deut. xvUi. 21, 22, makes fulfilled predic
tion the credentials of a true propliet ; but this test
might often be vaUd, and yet, unless used with much
discrimination, prove altogether misleading. More
over Elijah on Carmel (1 Kings xviii.), and Isaiah,
with Ahaz (vii. 11) and Hezekiah (xxxviii. 7), offer
signs as proofs of their divine mission. But for the
most part, the impression given by the O. T. is that a
prophet's most convincing credentials were the self-
verifying effects his words produced on the hearts and
consciences of his hearers.
vii. Record of Revelation. Canon. Cf. § 5, xi.

116 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
— The divine acts and utterances which constitute
0. T. revelation were, in the first instance, given to
individuals, or to the nation through individuals,
in reference to the special circumstances of various
periods and crises. Sometimes a prophet, as in Jer.
xxxvi., might communicate, his message in writing ;
but the writing was rather a letter or written address,
than an attempt after literary permanence — the
revelation was so far complete when the message
had reached the ears or eyes for which it was first
intended. But these messages were soon felt to embody
permanent truth ; and God's dealings with Israel
were seen to have a permanent significance. , Hence,
the prophets' or their disciples committed the inspired
words to writing, and histories of Israel began. The
preservation of these records shows that they were
naturally cherished with affection and reverence ;
otherwise 0. T. lays down no doctrine of prophetic
and historic Scripture.
The legislation stands on a different footing. Each
ordinance was originally a divine torah addressed to
some special need. Then as each prophecy embodied
a permanent principle, so each legal decision furnished
a precedent. Customary law might long remain oral,
but convenience ultimately caused its reduction to
writing. Moreover, the authority of a legal code
needed to be definitely accepted and established.
Thus the successive editions of the Mosaic torah
obtained canonical authority by means of solemn
covenants ; Deuteronomy under Josiah (2 Kings
xxiii.), the Levitical law under Nehemiah (x.).

JEHOVAH AS THE GOB OF ISRAEL 117
The doctrine of our present 0. T. canon is neces
sarUy not a part of 0. T. theology, for the formation
of a canon implies that the revelation is closed and
complete. Moreover, the limits of the 0. T. canon
amongst the Jews were stiU under discussion at the
beginning of the Christian era ; and the Christian
Church is still hopelessly divided as to the O. T.
canon, the Protestant Churches rejecting a numbei
of books received by the remainder of Western
Christendom. Thus the attempts to fix this canon
are far too late to be received as part of the revela
tion given by God in O. T.
ix. The Scope of Revelation. —Nevertheless, in
the present work, we assume the canon of the
Protestant Churches, which, at any rate, has the
advantage of only including those books which are
universally accepted. Even within these limits God's
revelation to Israel is seen to be of immense variety
and comprehensiveness. God reveals, through a long
series of centuries, His will and purpose for the past,
present, and future, and also for all classes of Israelites
and aU circumstances and occasions of life.
While N. T. is the literature of a single unique
period, O. T. belongs to a long succession of critical
epochs; N. T. is the account of a new faith in its
first stages ; O. T. enables us to trace religious ideas
through centuries of growth. N. T. concentrates
attention on the personal religious life, and all its
heroes are reUgious teachers. 0. T. sets forth the
wUl and purpose of God as regards the nation; its
heroes are not merely prophets and priests : they are
patriarchs, shepherds, kings, like Abraham, Job,

118 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
David, and Saul ; queens like Esther ; slaves and
statesmen, like Joseph and Nehemiah ; simple women,
like Ruth and Naomi. Divine guidance and grace
are sought and given as to the choice of a home or
a wife, the birth of children, the gathering and
spending of worldly gear, the organisation and govern
ment of the state in its home and foreign politics ; in
short, all the varied interests of life are depicted as
consecrated and inspired.
The contents of the canon further Ulustrate this
comprehensiveness. 0. T. "is not the text-book of a
church, but the literature of a nation, its legal codes,
its maxims of worldly wisdom, its poems and romances,
its histories, its prayers and hymns and sermons, even
its scepticism. Indeed, as we have seen, even the
polemics of opposing theological schools lie side by
side in 0. T. When the Holy Spirit constrained a
half unconscious Church to group all these into one
sacred volume, He proclaimed emphatically that no
earnest and honest movement of human thought or
life was common or unclean.
This variety of Jehovah's manifestation of Himself
to Israel suggests the exact adaptation of the divine
messages to various needs and changing circumstances.
Threats and promises are never arbitrary ; the execu
tion of a threat may be averted by penitence (cf. also
the apparently unconditional prediction of the ruin
of Nineveh in Jonah iii. 4, and God's' repentance in
iii. 10), and the fulfilment of a promise may be
forfeited by sin. Every advance in human conduct
and condition involved a fuller and more blessed
revelation of God. Thus in attempting to appreciate

JEHOVAH AS THE GOD OF ISRAEL 119
O. T. teaching as to the divine nature, we cannot
afford to lay undue stress even on its most important
formulae and most sublime passages; only when we
try to grasp something of the marvellous variety and
comprehensiveness of O. T. do we begin to under
stand what is meant by " Jehovah, the God of Israel."

CHAPTER V
ISRAEL AS THE PEOPLE OF JEHOVAH

CHAPTER V
ISRAEL AS THE PEOPLE OF JEHOVAH
17. Sanctity. — The term used to denote acts,
persons, places, times, specially devoted to Jehovah
and His worship, is qadosh (E.V. , " holy "). So qodesh
(E,V., " holiness ") is used of the quality of being thus
devoted, and various verbal forms of qdsh are used
in a corresponding sense. The connotation of the
modern word " holy " is, as a rule, so different from
that of qadosh, that it is misleading to use " holy " as
its regular equivalent. Acts, etc., specially connected
with worship or with man's relation to God are often
caUed " reUgious" in modern English, and this would
often be a fair equivalent of qadosh ; but perhaps the
word whose usage most closely corresponds to qadosh
is "sacred." Hence, wherever possible, we shall
represent qadosh, by " sacred."
But qadosh is also applied to Jehovah as the object
of religious worship (Isa. vi. 3), He is Himself styled
qadosh ; in this connection the term may be rendered
" divine "* as in our " divine being," " divine service."
Note. — As, however, the root qdsh is not pecuhar
to Hebrew, but is used in the sense of " religious,"
"sacred," by the Semitic peoples generally, certain
* Skinner's Ezekiel, 414.
128

124 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
Hebrew usages of the root are survivals of ancient
Semitic heathenism, and have no connection with
revealed religion. For instance qedesha is used for
prostitute, because such persons were sacred in heathen
reUgion. 18. Sacred Places, i. The Land of Israel. —
Though in the earlier history Jehovah is speciaUy
connected with Horeb (Exod. iii. 1 ; Deut. i. 6) and
Sinai (Exod. xix ; Deut. xxxiii. 2 ; Judg. v. 5 ; Psalm
lxvni. 8, 17); yet for the most part Palestine was
speciaUy the possession of Jehovah, the place where
He dwelt and manifested Himself to His worshippers.
Palestine is His inheritance (1 Sam. xxvi. 19), His
house (Hosea viii. 1, ix. 15), His vineyard (Isa.
i.-v.). Possibly on account of the early loss of the
territory east of the Jordan, the sacred land is Umited
in Ezek. xlvii. 18; Josh. xxii. 19, to the western
territory. Similarly, in later times, a special sanctity
attached to Judrea in comparison with Galilee and,
a fortiori, Samaria.
Jehovah's possession of Palestine does not, of course,
originate with its occupation by Israel. Israel did
not conquer Canaan for Jehovah; but Canaan was
His possession, which He gave to His people.
ii. Sacred Character op Ownership op Land.
(Doctrine of Property). — Not only was the whole land
Jehovah's gift to the nation, but also the inheritance
of each tribe, clan, and famUy was a direct gift from
Jehovah ; hence the division by lot in Joshua.
These inheritances were therefore inalienable. Hence
the law of Jubilee (Lev. xxv., xxvi.) deprives the
owner of land of the right of free sale. He can only

ISRAEL AS PEOPLE OF JEHOVAH 125
dispose of a temporary usufruct, and the reversion is
secured to the family. Similarly it is provided that
land shall not pass from one tribe to another by a
mixed marriage (Num. xxvi., xxvii., xxxvi. ; Josh.
xvii. 3). The coUective rights of the clan in the
land are further asserted by charging it with certain
dues for the benefit of the poor (Lev. xix. 9, 10) ; and
the rights of Jehovah are recognised in the provision
made for the priesthood. The proper treatment of
the soU, by leaving it faUow in the sabbatical year,
and the year of JubUee, is also constituted a religious
duty. As, after the conquest, land was the most im
portant and permanent species of property, the land
laws constitute a doctrine of property, as the gift of
Jehovah, charged with the relief of the needy and
the maintenance of all good works. Moreover, the
principle is implied that the holder of property is to
be careful of the rights and needs of succeeding
generations. Both the prophets and the legislative
codes try to secure that every free IsraeUte family, as
a unit of the sacred nation, shall have its share in
the sacred land.
Ui. The Ancient Sanctuaries or High Places. —
The sanctity of Palestine, as the place where Jehovah
specially manifested Himself to Israel, is shown Ui
the Pentateuch and Joshua by the theophanies at
Beersheba (Gen. xlvi. 1), Bethel (Gen. xxviii. 19,
xxxv. 14, 15) ; Gerar (xx. 2, xxvi. 2) ; Gilgal (Josh.
v. 13) ; Mamre (Gen. xviii. 1) ; Moriah (xxii. 2,
etc.), within the limits of Palestine. Although the
patriarchal history narrates theophanies outside

126 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
Palestine, it does not specially connect them with
any definite locality ; when God appears to Jacob in
Padan-Aram He styles Himself the God of Bethel
(Gen. Xxxi. 13).
The Palestinian scenes of these theophanies are
found, for the most part, amongst the " high places,"
which are referred to in Samuel, Kings, and the
Prophets as the seats of popular worship. As their
connection, in many cases, with the patriarchal
history implies, they were sanctuaries of Jehovah,
so that Solomon sacrificed at Gibeon, because it
was " the great high place " (1 Kings iii. 4). The
worship, however, at these sanctuaries became corrupt ;
Jehovah was worshipped under the form of idols —
e.g., the calves at Bethel and Dan — and in combina
tion with other deities. Hence, the prophets of the
eighth century denounce the high places ; they
were suppressed by Hezekiah and Josiah, and never
restored after the Return.
iv. Cities op Refuge. Num. xxxv. ; Deut. xix ;
Josh. xx. — Of the six cities of refuge, Kedesh-
Naphtali and Hebron were certainly ancient sanc
tuaries, and probably all were seats of important
high places, so that the right of asylum assigned to
them, was an ancient privilege retained when the
sanctuaries were suppressed.
v. Tabernacle and Temple. — In view of the
historical continuity of the Tabernacle and the
Temple we may consider these as a single institution,
which attained its ideal status and full significance
in the position accorded to the Temple at the close
cf the Monarchy and after the Captivity. It was — •

ISRAEL AS PEOPLE OF JEHOVAH 127
(a) Unique. Deut. xii.; Lev. xvii. — In this
advanced state of Jewish religion, the Temple became,
not merely the typical IsraeUte sanctuary, the only
one recognised as fully legitimate, but practically the
sole sanctuary of Jehovah. The synagogues (see
below) stood on an entirely different footing ; and
the existence of the Samaritan Temple and the
Egyptian Temple built by the High Priest Onias
never seriously affected the position of the Temple
at Jerusalem. The multitude of the high places
tended to polytheism ; the " God of Bethel " might
easUy be thought of as a different deity from the
" God of Beersheba," just as " Our Lady of Loretto "
is distinguished from " Our Lady of Lourdes." But
the exclusive reverence paid to the Temple at
Jerusalem emphasised the Divine Unity; the one
sanctuary implied One God.
(b) Graduated Sanctity. Lev. xvi. ; Ezek. xiU., xlvi.
— Though aU Palestine was sacred, the presence of
the Temple and the association with David and his
dynasty made Jerusalem a sacred city — i.e., possessing .
a sanctity a degree higher than that of the country
generaUy; and the Temple, again, possessed a still
higher degree of sanctity. But in the Temple itself
the different courts and chambers possessed a graduated
sanctity. The courts were open to the people, the
outer and larger chamber was opened to the priests
for their ordinary ministrations at the golden candle
stick, the table of shew-bread, and the altar of incense,
and was caUed " the Sacred Place." But, as in most
ancient Temples, there was a small innermost chamber.
Here Jehovah's presence was most specially manifested,

128 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
and was symbolised by the presence — and later on by
the memory of the presence — of the ark, the most
sacred object of Israelite religion. This chamber was
called Qodesh haq-Qodashim, "The Most Sacred
Place" (E.V., "Holy of Holies"), and was entered by
the High Priest alone, and only on one day in the
year. vi. Synagogues. — After the Return, the need for
local sanctuaries, once suppUed by the high places,
was met by the institution of synagogues, where
God was worshipped by prayer and praise, without
sacrifice. 19. Sacred Persons, i. The Nation. — In Exod.
xix. 5, 6,- Jehovah promises that, if Israel " will obey
My voice indeed, and keep My covenant, then ye
shall be a peculiar treasure unto Me from among all
peoples ... a kingdom of priests and a sacred
nation " — i.e., Israel was a nation to whom Jehovah
was manifested, the object of His special Providence,
the people set apart to obej' and worship Him in
that most acceptable way which was made known by
the prophets and the law. The various terms —
divine election, sovereignty, fatherhood, marriage,
protection, covenant (cf § 14) — which are used to
express the mutual relation of Jehovah and Israel,
all emphasise the sanctity of the chosen people.
The sanctity of the nation necessarily included all
its tribes, clans, families, and individuals, and even
extended in some measure to resident aliens and
slaves of foreign birth. Hence the whole civU life
of the nation, on its social, and especially on its
family side, the mutual claims and duties of all its

ISRAEL AS PEOPLE OF JEHOVAH 129
members, are the subject of divine revelation.
Civil law and social custom are alike supported by
religious sanctions, and each man's life is hedged
about with ceremonial observances and regulations so
that it almost becomes a continuous ritual.
U. The Royal Dynasty and the King. —As
Jehovah had chosen Israel out of the nations, so He
chose David and his house to be the rulers of His
people. The election of the dynasty implies the
principle of hereditary succession.
The legislation, however — in the form in which
it has been preserved for us — dates from the
Restoration, when the highest civil authority was
the representative of Persia, and — -apart from this
Persian governor — the High Priest was the civil, as
weU as the ecclesiastical, head of the Jews. The
law, therefore, has little to say about the king ; Deut.
xvU. 14-20, simply provides that the king shall be
the Elect of Jehovah and an Israelite, that he shall
make a copy of the law, study it diligently and
observe it faithfuUy. Hence 0. T. teaching with
regard to the king is chiefly to be sought in the
prophetical and historical books. As Judges, Samuel,
Kings, and the earUer prophets do not apply the
term "sacred" either to kings or priests, we are
left to deduce the sanctity of the king from his
functions. We may, however, note that Lev. iv. 3-16
impUes the supreme sanctity of the ancient king, by
transferring his title " Anointed," mashiah, to the
High Priest.
The king Was, in a sense, sacred as the head and
civU ruler of the sacred nation. But the king v*
9

130 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
sacred, in a more special and technical sense, as the
religious head of the nation ; and in this capacity he
partakes of the character both of priest and prophet.
As Deuteronomy suggests, we find the royal
authority resting on divine -choice, confirmed by
popular consent. This authority is supreme — under
Jehovah — in all matters, civil and religious. The
movements and housing of the ark, the building and
repair of the ^Temple, the celebration of feasts are
originated and controlled, not by the priesthood but
by the kings, David, Solomon, Joash, Hezekiah, and
Josiah. The original founder of the Law and the
other religious institutions of Israel is not Aaron the
Priest, but Moses " the king in Jeshurun " (Deut.
xxxin. 5), to whom Aaron is in all things subordinate.
In prophetic fashion, the king receives direct com
munications from Jehovah — e.g., Solomon's dream;
and, like a priest, he sacrifices — e.g., David (2 Sam.
xxiv. 25), Solomon (1 Kings Ui. 4) ; offers public
prayers — e.g., Solomon (1 Kings viii.) ; reads the Law
to the people — e.g., Josiah (2 Kings xxiu. 2).
The position of the " prince " in Ezek. xliv.-xlvi.
corresponds in essential points to that of the actual
kings of Judah. He is supreme " in his own sphere,"
and " it must not be supposed that ... his authority
is overshadowed by that of a priestly caste." * The
prince is the religious representative of the nation as
supplying the materials for public sacrifice (xiv. 17),
and as possessing special rights of access to the
sanctuary (xliv. 1-3). At the same time Ezekiel, by
implication, excludes the prince from sacrifice and
* Skinner's Ezekiel, 447.

ISRAEL AS PEOPLE OF JEHOVAH 131
other" priestly functions. The chronicler's explanation
of Uzziah's leprosy as a punishment for exercising the
priestly function of offering incense in the Temple,
shows the same tendency. Otherwise Chronicles
depicts the kings as almost more supreme in ecclesias
tical affairs than they appear in Kings.
Accordingly the king and the monarchy are re
garded as divine gifts to Israel, special tokens of
Jehovah's favour ; " the shout of a king " in Israel is
a sign of the divine presence (Num. xxUi. 21 ; cf.
xxiv. 7). On the other hand, the unfortunate ex
periences of the closing periods of both IsraeUte
kingdoms weakened for a time the Jewish reverence
for the monarchy, and an anti-monarchical sentiment
finds expression in 1 Sam. viii. 12 (possibly referred
to in Hosea ix. 9), and more moderately in Deut.
xvii. 14-20.
in. Levites (Num. i. 8, 18 ; Ezek. xliv. 9-14). —
Out of the sacred nation, the tribe of Levi are elect
of God, and invested with a special sanctity to per
form the less important priestly functions of the
Temple. Their service, as a substitution for the
offering of the firstborn in sacrifice, represents the
dedication of Israel to Jehovah.
iv. Priests (Lev., Num., Ezek. xliv. 15, 16). — Out
of this sacred tribe, the clan of Aaron — styled in
Ezek. " the Levitical priests, of the house of Zadok ;' —
are invested with a still higher sanctity. They are
the priests of Israel, the higher functions of worship
are their exclusive privUege, and they alone may
enter the Sacred Place.
v. The High Priest (Exod. xxviU., xxix. ; Lev.

132 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
viU., ix.). — Finally a priestly dynasty is chosen out of
the sacred clan. The legal representative of this
sacred dynasty is the hereditary head of the priest
hood, the High Priest. The highest functions of
public worship are exclusively reserved to him and he
alone enters the Mo^t Sacred Place. Speaking gener
ally, the principles of heredity and primogeniture are
thus recognised for the high-priesthood as well as
for the monarchy — e.g., Aaron is succeeded by his'
eldest surviving son, and similarly Eleazar by his son
Phinehas. In practice, however, this theory of the
law only represents the normal arrangement, the
direct heirs being sometimes set aside. Throughout
the history instances occur in which the priesthood
was transferred from one family to another by the
civil ruler, acting with or without divine sanction
— e.g., the deposition of Abiathar by Solomon (1
Kings U. 26, 27).
vi. Graduated Sanctity. — The principle of gradu
ated sanctity is first illustrated by the gradual election
of Israel ; Seth is chosen from among the sons of
Adam ; Noah from among the Sethites ; Shem from
among the sons of Noah ; Abraham from among the
the sons of Shem ; Isaac from among the sons of
Abraham ; and finally Israel from among the sons of
Isaac. Thus Israel is the purest grain left after the
repeated sifting of the nations. But, as we have
seen, the graduation continues within Israel and
ascends through the Levites and the house of Aaron
to its climax in the supreme sanctity of the High
Priest. vU. Representation op Israel to Jehovah. — We

ISRAEL AS PEOPLE OF JEHOVAH 133
have seen above (§ 16, vi.) that kings and priests, in
some measure, represented Jehovah to Israel. On
the other hand the king by his provision of buildings
and sacrifices for public worship, and in all his publie
acts that looked Godward, also represented his people
before Jehovah. But this representation was more
peculiarly the characteristic function of the priest.
The king was obviously unsuited to be the ordinary
mediator between Jehovah and Israel in the sphere of
ritual. The constant observance of the multifarious
details of ancient ritual would have have made far
too great demands on his time. Moreover, the special
degree of sanctity demanded from the ministrants
in sacred ritual involved niceties of etiquette, dress,
and diet incompatible with the exigencies of practical
Ufe. Accordingly the priests, in their various orders
of Levite, Priests, and High Priests were set apart to
represent Israel before Jehovah ; by their pure descent,
their physical perfection, their honourable marriage,
their exceptional degree of ceremonial cleanness (Lev.
xxi.), they were qualified to represent the nation in
the performance of the most solemn ritual, and, in
the person of the High Priest, to carry the con
fessions, prayers, thanksgivings, and offerings of the
people into the Most Sacred Place, which symbolised
the presence chamber of Jehovah.
vui. Prophets. — The prophet, as we have already
seen, is mainly Jehovah's messenger to Israel. His
divine commission, however, would naturally confer a
certain sanctity ; and, indeed, Elisha is called " a holy
man of God" (2 Kings iv. 9), yet in the strictest
sense, he is not " sacred " — i.e., he has no special

134 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
connection with the ritual by which Israel expressed
its devotion to Jehovah ; He is not set apart by Israel
as its representative in religious matters.
Consequently the qualifications of the prophet con
trast, at almost every point, with those of the priest.
The latter must belong to a certain tribe or clan, the
High Priest must — in theory — be in the direct line of
male succession from Aaron ; ^the prophet may be of
any tribe or family. The priest must possess physical
quahfications, and is limited in the choice of a wife ;
neither set of rules applies to the prophet. The priest
holds office in virtue of his birthright, by which he
shares the family inheritance of a divine election
made centuries before his time ; the prophet derives
his authority solely from a personal call, which he*
himself has experienced.
ix. Seers, Sons of the Prophets (1 Sam. ix., x. ;
1 Kings xviii. ; 2 Kings U.-vi. ; Jer. xxvii., etc. ;. Ezek.
xiii., etc. ; Zech. xiU. 2-6). — O. T. draws a sharp distinc
tion between the professional and the inspired prophet.
The true prophetic status was entirely independent of
any connection with a recognised order and could not
be acquired by any such connection (Amos vU. 14).
Nevertheless there was a prophetic order, with a
regular professional status; and as the inspired
prophet might often arise within this order or identify
himself with it, the popular mind would often fail to
distinguish him from the ordinary ecclesiastic. The
professional order was numerous : we read of eight
hundred and fifty prophets collected to" meet Elijah
at Carmel, and of a hundred prophets of Jehovah
hidden by Obadiah (cf . also the other references above).

ISRAEL AS PEOPLE OF JEHOVAH 135
Their functions were similar to those of the inspired
prophets; they were teachers and preachers, and
claimed to receive revelations by dreams and visions.
In 1 Sam. ix., x., the prophets are possessed by a kind
of ecstasy. According to 1 Sam. ix. 9, these ancient
prophets were called " seers," possibly because they
exercised a kind of second sight. From 1 Sam. ix.
we gather that people resorted to the seer to obtain
supernatural information as to such very practical
details as lost asses, and that they paid for this
information. In later times this prophetic function
degenerated into mere divination and magic. The
members of the prophetic order apparently Uved by
their profession ; in addition to the above instance,
we read that four hundred prophets of Baal ate at
Jezebel's table,- and doubtless pious princes were not
less liberal to prophets of Jehovah. We are not
expressly told how a man entered this prophetic
order ; probably, as is implied in the case of Saul, a
capacity for ecstasy was one qualification ; also, a man
might be acknowledged as a prophet when he claimed,
like Isaiah and Jeremiah, to have received a divine
caU ; moreover, the history of Elisha shows that the
prophet sometimes received his call from another
prophet, whose disciple and assistant he became.
Women also, like Deborah, might be prophetesses.
The common theory that the prophetic guilds, " sons
of the prophets," were devoted to the study of
reUgious tradition and literature is. at any rate, a
very plausible one. In the earlier history, Samuel,
Elijah, and Elisha are closely identified with the
prophetic order ; but later on Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and

136 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
the author of Zech. xii.-xiv., denounce the prophets as
seeking, in the interests of tradition, to hinder men
from accepting new truths of divine revelation.
The Levitical law and the legal edition of the history
— Chronicles — ignore the professional prophets.
x. The Remnant, § 6, vii. — The prophetic doctrine
of the Remnant recognises a new community of
faithful Israelites gathered out of unfaithful Israel.
xi. Nazirites (Num. vi.) appear in the Law as
consecrated in a special way, by a temporary vow to
abstain from intoxicants and from cutting of the
hair. The instances in history, Samuel and Samson,
were under a vow for Ufe.
xii. Scribes (Ezra vU. 6, 21, 25). — In the period
of later Judaism, when written records were super
seding the immediate guidance of the Divine Spirit,
the scribes, or students and interpreters of these
records and especially of the law, in some measure
took the place of prophetic teaching. Ezra is their
prototype,* and his reformation is the first evidence
that supreme religious influence had passed from the
prophets and priests to the scribes.
20. Sacred Seasons, i. Sanctity of All Time. — .
As the sacred places and persons represented the
sanctity of the land and the nation, so modern
thought may regard the sacred seasons as repre
senting the sanctity of all time. But this idea is
too abstract to be formulated in 0. T. Nevertheless,
when we examine the sacred seasons in detail, we
shall see that they have reference to all seasons.
As the land is God's permanent provision for the
* The "scribes" in Samuel and Kings are state secretaries.

ISRAEL AS PEOPLE OF JEHOVAH 137
physical needs of Israel, so the processes of the
seasons, rain, heat, and cold, and the natural forces
of vegetation, are His continuous working, through
which the land yields its increase. The same
necessity which led to the setting apart of sacred
places and persons, also led to the consecration of
special seasons. The sanctity of nature became more
conspicuous by such concentration, and it was then
possible to bring the whole people to the sacred
places — the high places or the temple — and to
permit them to witness the ministrations of their
sacred representatives — the priests.
n. The Agricultural Feasts. — The elaborate and
somewhat artificial gradation in the sanctity of the
soil and the nation, is only partly paralleled in
that of the seasons. The natural sequences of the
year were too imperious to be ignored in the interests
of ritual symmetry. Hence we are concerned with
the agricultural calendar. Immediately before the
barley harvest — which precedes the wheat harvest
— was held the Feast of Unleavened Bread (Maggoth),
at which the firstfruits of the barley harvest were
presented to Jehovah (Lev. xxiii. 10-12). After an
interval of seven weeks, occupied by the wheat
harvest, came the harvest feast (Exod. xxiii. 16),
at whieh were offered the firstfruits of the wheat
(Lev. xxiu. 15-17), and of all the products of the
soil (Exod. xxUi. 19 ; Deut. xxvi. 2, 10). The times
of these feasts were obviously fixed by the practical
needs of agriculture, and the whole harvest was
consecrated by offering the firstfruits.
At the close of the vintage, came the vintage

138 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
feast, the Feast of Ingathering (Exod. xxUi. 19),
or Tabernacles (Lev. xxUi. 24; Deut. xvi. 13), at
which firstfruits of wine and oil were offered.
These were the three great feasts (Exod. xxiii. 14 ;
Deut. xvi. 16), at which all males were to appear
before Jehovah — i.e., at His sanctuary. They linked
the agricultural seasons into a sacred cycle, and
recognised the fruits of the earth as Jehovah's gift
to Israel.
Ui. Historical Feasts. — The three agricultural
feasts recognised the sanctity of nature, and acknow
ledged Jehovah as the God of nature. So the
historical feasts, by attaching a religious significance
to the events of the national history, recognised
Jehovah's moral government of the world, and saw
the workings of His Providence therein. Motives of
convenience would fix the commemoration of national
anniversaries at the times of the agricultural feasts ;
even when such association was not determined by
synchronism. (a) Passover was celebrated in connection with the
Feast of Unleavened Bread. Its ritual commemorated,'
in dramatic fashion, the slaying of the Egyptian
firstborn and the exemption of the IsraeUtes on the
eve of the Exodus.
(b) The Feast of Weeks (Pentecost) is the name
given in Deut. xvi. 10, to the harvest feast, where
also the law of its observance contains the command :
"Thou shalt remember thou wast a bondman in
Egypt." Later Judaism gave a further historical
significance to this feast by regarding it as the
celebration of the giving of the law.

ISRAEL AS PEOPLE OF JEHOVAH 139
(c) Tabernacles. — The vintage feast came to be
called the Feast of Tabernacles, becausa camping
out in booths was regarded as a commemoration
of the life in the wilderness. As the mode of
life in the wilderness was not connected with
any season of the year, this association with the
vintage feast is clearly a mere matter of con
venience. (d) Purim (Esth. ix. 20-32) commemorated the
deliverance of the Jews through Esther and Mordecai.
(e) Dedication commemorated the rededication of
the Temple by Judas Maccabteus after its profanation
by Antiochus Epiphanes.
(/) Fasts (Zech. vU. 3-5, viii. 19). — The disasters
of the close of the Jewish monarchy were com
memorated during the exile by fasts.
iv. Astronomical Feasts. — The agricultural feasts,
as dependent on the annual circuit of the sun, are in
a sense astronomical, but their significance connects
with the ripening of grain and fruit, and not with
the movements of the heavenly bodies. Similarly the
fixing of Passover and Tabernacles at a full moon
was probably a matter of convenience. Some of
the feasts, however, are distinctly astronomical,
and imply the dominion of Jehovah over the
heavens. (a) New Moon. — This is the sacred season most
frequently referred to in the history and the prophets.
Little stress is laid upon it in the legislation — cf.,
however, Ezekiel and Chronicles — probably because
its observance was associated with the corruptions of
the high places.

140 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
(b) New Ypar, Feast of Trumpets (Lev. xxiii. 24,
25), was a special case of the new moon.*
(c) Sabbath, in its widest sense, is a term applied
to any sacred season, as one of rest, but its special
and most usual meaning is the concluding day of a
week of seven days. The time of observance of the
sabbath of course depended on the apparent move
ments of the sun — i.e., the succession of days and
nights, but the period of seven days, probably
corresponds to a quarter of a lunar month (29| days),
either as a rough approximation, or because originally
a day or two were set apart for the festival of the
new moon. According to Gen. i.-ii. 4a, the six
working days correspond to the period occupied by
God in creating the Universe, and the sabbath to
the period during which God rests after having
finished His Creation. Thus man's labour and rest
symbolise and commemorate the divine activity and
the divine repose. ,In Deut. v. 15 the sabbath is
regarded as a commemoration of the Exodus.
(d) Seven as a Sacred Number. — A week, or period
of seven days, being thus definitely marked off by
the constantly recurring observance of the sabbath,
the periods of the Jewish calendar are naturally
reckoned by weeks. Passover and Tabernacles each
last a week, though in the Levitical law an extra
day is added. Then by analogy " seven " is treated
as a sacred number for other periods than days, and
for other objects than periods. Thus the Feast of
* This " New Year " was the civil year, and was the middle
— 1st of 7th month — of the sacred year, which began with
Nisan, about Easter.

ISRAEL AS PEOPLE OF JEHOVAH 141
Weeks, is seven — or a week of — weeks after Passover ;
the sabbatical year, when the land rests, came every
seventh year ; and the Jubilee at the close of seven
times seven years. These periods of cessation from
labour are not merely humane and utilitarian; at
such times, Israel, the people, the land, and all
living creatures, is stilled into silent reverence before
Jehovah. v. The Day op Atonement (Exod. xxx. 10;
Lev. xvi., xxiii. 26-32; Num. xxix. 7-11. Cf.
Ezek. xiv. 18-20). — This great fast day stands apart
from all other sacred seasons ; it does not connect
with agriculture, national history, or the lunar or
solar calendar. It is apparently fixed for the 10th
day of the 7th month with reference to Tabernacles
on the 15th. Its ritual symbolised the purification
of the Most Sacred Place, the Temple, the altar, the
priesthood, the nation, and the land from all unclean
ness contracted during the previous year. It was
thus a necessary preparation for the great rejoicings
of Tabernacles, the most popular of 0. T. feasts, at
which the whole produce of the sacred soil and of the
labours of the sacred nation was consecrated to Jehovah.
The purification of the Day of Atonement assured the
people that their offerings would not be rendered
unacceptable by any taint of uncleanness, and that
they might safely enjoy the fruits of the earth.
According to the correct reading — cf. LXX. and
R.V.Mg. — Ezekiel proposed to establish a day of
atonement to be observed every six months.
21. Sacred Acts. i. In Connection with the
Land. — The ritual observances of Israel, its reUgious

142 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
acts and abstentions, are naturally connected with
the sanctity of nature and of the land, of Providence
and the nation. The sanctity of the land is
symbolised by abstention from cultivation during the
sabbatical and Jubilee years, by various regulations
intended to secure the ceremonial cleanness of the
land — e.g., against sowing mingled seed (Lev. xix. 19),
for the expiation of crime by an unknown hand
(Deut. xxi. 1-9), by the offering of firstfruits and
firstlings, and by sacrifices of thankoffering. More
over, land and people were alike included in the more
general observances of the national ritual.
ii. In Connection with the People, (a) Cir
cumcision (Gen. xvii. ; Lev. xii. 3). — The physical
mark of circumcision was an outward token of the
consecration of Israel to Jehovah ; as a national
observance and one of the conditions of ' tile covenant
between Jehovah and Israel, it was obligatory on
male Israelites and on all foreigners admitted to the
Passover (Exod. xii. 48). In Deut. x. 16, xxx. 6,
and Jer. iv. 4, the rite of circumcision is used as a
figure for spiritual purification.
(b) Cleanness (Lev. v.-xv. ; Num. xix.; Deut.
xiv. Cf. Haggai ii. 10-14). — As a rule, cleanness is
the indispensable external condition of sanctity in
things and persons. Cleanness is also required of
every one and every thing brought into contact with
sacred things and persons. Cleanness in persons con
sists in the state of body — e.g., issues, menstruation,
leprosy, childbirth, etc., render unclean — and in the
use of proper food. ' Moreover, uncleanness — not
cleanness — is contagious, both things and persons

ISRAEL AS PEOPLE OF JEHOVAH 143
become unclean through contact with persons, animals,
and things already unclean. All dead bodies, certain
animals, etc., were unclean in themselves and com
municated uncleanness.
In the more advanced stages of Israelite religion,
the uncleanness of certain definite persons, animals,
things in themselves, or in certain states, or under
certain conditions, had become a matter of estabUshed
custom, the original ground of their uncleanness was
unknown, and 0. T. takes the customs for granted,
without feeling that they needed to be justified.
But the cleanness of the Law included the avoidance
of everything mean and filthy, as unworthy of a
people consecrated to Jehovah, and as disqualifying
from enjoyment of the sacred land, and from
participation in the national fellowship with Jehovah.
(c) War. — In ancient Israel, victory in battle was
regarded as a most important form of Jehovah's
favour for His people. Accordingly Micah (iU. 5, etc.)
speaks of "hallowing" or "consecrating" — i.e., de
claring war.
(d) Sacrifices were of very varied and general signi
ficance and will be dealt with separately below. They
often served to express the sanctity of Israel, either
as tokens of devotion to Jehovah, or as the ritual
prescribed to remove ceremonial uncleanness.
(e) Other Rites. — -Washings, sprinkling with blood
or ashes, were also prescribed as a means of purifi
cation. Ui. Connection of Sacred Acts with the Sanctu
aries, Feasts, and Priesthood. — Sacrifices, the
ordinary act of IsraeUte worship, according to the

144 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
Levitical law could only be offered at the Temple,
veith the aid of the priests, and were most numerous
and important at the feasts and fasts. There was
thus a kind of mutual sanctification, the sacrifices
secured and increased the sanctity of the feasts and
fasts, the Temple, and the priesthood ; and the sacri
fices themselves obtained a greater sanctity from the
. places and seasons at which they were offered and the
persons who assisted at the celebration. The ordinary
custom of the monarchy was not that prescribed by
the Levitical law ; popular usage recognised numerous
sanctuaries which were doubtless the usual places for
offering sacrifices, but altars were erected in many
other places, and sacrifices frequently offered, without
any professional assistance.
iv. Sacrifices, (a) Occasion. — These were the
ordinary and necessary acts of Israelite, as of almost
all ancient religions. The term is often extended to
include any and every kind of offering to the Deity.
As the motives and circumstances of such gifts are
very varied, the significance and character of sacrifices
were equally varied. They were offered on almost
every occasion of religious worship, at the daily morn
ing and evening service of the Temple, on the
sabbaths, new moons, and other feasts ; on all special
religious occasions, especially by way of thanksgiving
at the consecration of the Tabernacle and the Tem^die,
and of Nehemiah's walls, and at the installatijbrM'con^e
ark in Zion; at the ordination of priests, atWation,-
clusion of the covenants (Exod. xxiv. 5 ; Psain th^,
etc.), on occasions of public danger — e.g., before tne
battle of Ebenezer (1 Sam. vii. 9) ; for the cleansing of

ISRAEL AS PEOPLE OF JEHOVAH 145
leprosy, the trial of jealousy (Num. v. 18), on the
renewal or fulfilment of a Nazirite vow (Num. vi.),
or in connection with the cleansing of individuals,
officii Is, or the nation from accidental breaches of
the law, and from some other forms of wrongdoing.
Sacrifices, however, are not offered in atonement for
wUful, heinous sins.
(b) Bloodless Offerings. — To define sacrifice as any
offering is accurate from certain' points of view, yet
it imperfectly corresponds to either O. T. or English
usage. Except qorban, which is a technical term
confined to the Levitical law, 0. T. has no word, in
common use, which covers so wide an area of meaning,
but makes a broad distinction between bloodless and
animal offerings. Popular EngUsh uses " sacrifice "
of animal offerings. Before considering these, how
ever, we must notice the various kinds of bloodless
offerings. All gifts for the Temple and the priest
hood were regarded as offerings to Jehovah. The
most common term for such offerings is teruma,
" heave-offering," Temple tribute (Exod. xxx. 13),
land (Ezek. xiv. 1), tithes (Num. xviU. 26), contribu
tions for the construction of the Tabernacle (Exod.
xxv. 2), portions of sacrifices given to priests — e.g.
" heave -shoulder " (Lev. vii.). A less common term is
tenupha, " wave-offering" ; it is similar in etymological
meaning and in application to teruma ; the " wave-
breast " (Lev. vU. 31), and "wave-sheaf," etc. (Lev.
xxiii.), were portions given to the priests, and the
gold offered for the Tabernacle (Exod. xxxviii. 24) is
called tenupha. Both terms were apparently derived
from the manner of presentation before Jehovah. 10

146 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
While teruma and tenupha were general terms,
which might include part of an animal sacrifice,
'minha (A.V., "meat-offering," R. V., "meal-offering"),
in the legislation,* becomes a technical term for an
offering of meal or some form of corn, mixed with
oil, frankincense, and salt (Lev. ii., vi., 14-18; Num.
xv. 1-16). Special forms of the minha were the
minha qena'oth, " offering of jealousy," in the ritual
observed when a wife was suspected of adultery
(Num. v. 15), and the minha of the 'asham (A.V.,
"trespass-offering," R.V., "guilt-offering," Lev. v. 11);
no oil or frankincense were mixed with these minhas.
The " drink-offerjng," nesek, consisted of wine (Num.
xv. 1-16). The minha and nesek were the usual
accompaniments of the ordinary animal sacrifices, but
they were also offered independently.
In addition to the use of frankincense with the
minha, incense was .burnt on the altar of incense, and
in the Most Sacred Place on the Day of Atonement.
Exod. xxx. 3-38 gives a recipe for " most sacred "
incense. It is apparently intended that this special
incense was to be exclusively used for the altar of
incense and the ritual of the Day of Atonement.
Another special bloodless offering was the " shew
bread," lehem (hap) panim, bread of the face or
presence, (lehem) ma'arekelh, bread laid in order
(Lev. xxiv. 5-9; cf. Exod. xxv. 30, xxxv. 13;
1 Sam. xxi. 1-7). Twelve loaves, sprinkled lUte the
minha with frankincense — lebona, apparently not the
" most sacred " incense — were placed on the table of
* In earlier literature it is almost a synonym for the later
qorlan.

ISRAEL AS PEOPLE OF JEHOVAH 147
shewbread in the Sacred Place, every sabbath at the
end of the week they were eaten by the priests in
a sacred place. They are, nevertheless, said to be
"most sacred . . . amongst the fire-offerings of
Jehovah," the reference probably being to the incense.
The mention in Exod. xxv. 29, xxxvii. 16 ; Num.
iv. 7, of bowls, flagons, and spoons, ~f or the table of
shewbread, has been held to indicate that drink-
offerings were offered with the shewbread.*
(c) Animal Sacrifices. — Zebah — of which "sacrifice"
in E.V., is usually the equivalent — meant originally
a slaughter. The etymology suggests " sacrifice " as
a reUgious function invariably connected with- any
meal at which flesh was eaten, or more accurately, as
the religious aspect of such a feast. It was not a
mere grace before or after meat, the whole meal
was sacramental. By the burning of certain parts
of the festal ox or sheep, Jehovah received a share
of the meal and the feast became a symbol of His
fellowship with His worshippers. The dominant in
terest in such a sacrifice was only religious, in the
sense in which all ancient life was religious. Such
saciifices symbolised the sanctity of the enjoyment of
temporal blessings; cf. the sacrificial feast to which
Samuel invited Saul, and the annual sacrifice of
David's family at Bethlehem.
In view of the etymology of zebah, and of the
fact that zbh is used — though not exclusively —
for offering all kinds of animal sacrifices, and that
altars used for all such sacrifices are mizbeahs, we
should expect to find zebah as a general term for all
* Schultz, i. 355.

148 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
kinds of animal sacrifices ; but such a use of zebah is
rare. Even from the beginning a sharp distinction is
made between the sacrificial feast, at which Jehovah
and His people united in one common gladness, and the
sacrifices offered as a means of sanctification, purifica
tion and expiation. The constant association of zebah
with the feast practically limited its use to those
sacrifices of the later ritual, which retained most of
the old festal sense of joyous fellowship with Jehovah.
Accordingly zebah, zebah shelamim, shelamim (as plural ;
the sing, only Amosv. 22), E.V., "peace offering," R.V.
Mg., "thank-offering," are usually equivalent terms.
The word shelamim connects with the root sh I m,
to requite, or repay. It represented the gratitude
and devotion to Jehovah, naturally felt at any festal
meal; it is therefore associated with the national
feasts, both ordinary and special, and also expressed
individual gratitude for special mercies. The z. sh.
might be the fulfilment of a vow, a freewUl offering,
neddba, or a sacrifice of thanksgiving z. toda, or z.
teru'a (Psalm xxvii. 6). The z. sh. is sharply dis
tinguished from the 'ola (E.V., " burnt offering "), by
the fact that only part of it — mostly the fat — -was
consumed on the altar, and the rest was eaten by
the offerers and by the priests. In these, as in all
sacrifices, the victim was to be without blemish, and
the offerer laid his hand on the head of the victim,
and its blood was sprinkled on the altar (Lev
iU., vi. 12 ; vii., xix. 5-8).
The 'ola, E.V., " burnt-offering " — " that which goes
up," either on to the altar or in sjnoke to heaven,
is constantly coupled with zebah, z. sh., shelamim,

ISRAEL AS PEOPLE OF JEHOVAH 149
and in many cases each noun is governed by a
cognate verb — e.g., 1 Sam. vi. 15, he'elu 'oloth way-
yizbehu zebahim, " they sent up 'olas and slaughtered
zebahs." The 'olas and zebahs are thus indicated as
the two great classes of sacrifices. The characteristic
feature of the 'ola was that the whole of the animal
was burnt. Hence the symbolism was not that of
fellowship, but of gift pure and simple, entire sur
render. The rite became the natural expression of
any intense feeling of gratitude, petition, or pro
pitiation (Lev. i 4), and formed, as it were, the
natural basis of almost all acts of public and private
worship. The hattath (E.V., "sin-offering," Lev. iv., v., vi.
24-30; Num. xv. 22); and 'asham, (A.V., "trespass
offering," R.V., "guilt-offering," Lev. v. -vii, xiv.,
xix. ; cf., for both, Ezek. xL-xlvU.) are not clearly
distinguished. In Lev. vii. 7 we read, "As is the
hattath so is the 'asham : there is one law for both,"
and according to Schultz (i. 380, note), " in Lev. v.
6-8, 12, 'asham and hattath are interchanged, as
absolutely synonymous." Both serve to remove un
cleanness or loss of sanctity caused by sin, see for
h. Lev. iv. 1-3, and for 'a. Lev. v. 1-6, vi. 1-7;
and, as we have seen above, both are said to have
the same ritual, etc. In view of the enumeration
of offences in Lev. v. 1-vi. 7, for which an 'a. must be
offered as compared with the more general statements
in iv. 1-3, with regard to the h, it appears that 'a. was
to be offered in compensation for wrong done to the
material rights of God or man, injury to property,
or the withholding of what was lawfully due; h

150 JEHOVAH' AND ISRAEL
was required to atone for any breach of Jehovah's
commands. The directions as to ritual are in some
passages practically identical for both — e.g., Lev. iv.
28, 32, v. 6 ; but under h. we have provisions for
what is to be offered by an individual, by the congre
gation, by the ruler ; under 'a. by individuals of
different degrees of wealth. A regulation peculiar to
the 'a. is that the wrongdoer is to make compensation
to the full amount of his fraud, plus one-fifth. The
ritual of h. was as follows : the priest was to lay
hands on the victim, kill it, sprinkle part of the
bipod before the veil, put some on the horns of the
altar of incense, and pour out the rest at the base of
the altar of burnt-offering. The fat was to be
removed and burnt on this altar, and the rest to be
burnt " without the camp, in a clean place, where the
ashes were poured out." In the regulations for the
'a., however, the residue of the flesh was to be eaten
by the priestsin a sacred place (Lev. vii.-6 ; cf. v. 13).
The poor man's 'a. may take the form of a minha
offered without oil or frankincense.
'A. occurs in 1 Sam. vi. and 2 Kings xii. 16, as a
fine or money penalty ; otherwise neither 'a. nor h.
occurs in the history except in Chron., Ezra, Neh., or
in the prophets except in Ezekiel. While h. occurs
frequently in the Levitical laws ; 'a. is only enjoined
in cases of compensation, and in cleansing leprous
persons or houses (Lev. xiv. 15), and in renewing
Nazirite vows (Lev. vi. 12).
(d) Grouping of Sacrifices. — The minha and nesek
might sometimes be offered alone — e.g. the minha for
an 'asham (Lev. vii.), David's nesek, (2 Sam. xxin. 16),

ISRAEL AS PEOPLE OF JEHOVAH 151
but usually they were appendages of other sacrifices
(cf. above). Since, when an 'asham consisted of a pair
of birds, one of them was to be the 'asham and the
other an 'ola, we may perhaps gather that an '.ola
usually accompanied an 'asham or hattath. In the
ritual of the Day of Atonement an 'ola accompanies
the hattath ; «o also in Lev. xiv., xv. ; Num. vi.,
vU., xxviii., xxix. In the history (Judges — 2 Kings),
'ola and zebah shelamim sometimes occur, each of
them, alone; but much more frequently. coupled
together. The daily service of the Temple included
the offering of two lambs, one in the morning, and
one in the evening, as a " continual burnt-offering ''
(olath tamid ; Exod. xxix. 38-46) ; in the ritual of
the New Moon, First Fruits, Passover, Trumpets, Day
of Atonement, and Tabernacles, this is supplemented
by other 'olas and combined with a hattath. In the
account of the Dedication of the Tabernacle (Num.
vii.), and in similar narratives in 2 Chron. xxix., xxxi.,
we have a complete set of sacrifices, 'ola, minha, zebah,
shelamim, hattath.
v. Ritual of Passover (with Feast op Un
leavened Bread),. Exod. xxiii. 15; Lev. xxiii. 5-8;
Num. xxviU. 16-25; and Day of Atonement, Lev.
xvi., xxui. 26-32 ; Num. xxix. 7-11. — The characteristic
features of the Passover (cf. above) were on the one
hand the offering of firstfruits, on the other the
dramatic commemoration of the events of the Exodus.
On the Day of Atonement the High Priest, not in his
special robes, but in the simple white linen garments
of an ordinary priest, offered first a hattath and 'ola
for himself and the whole priesthood ; then -he pre-

152 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
sented before Jehovah, at the door of the Temple two
he-goats and a ram, and cast lots between the goats,
that they might be assigned respectively to Jehovah
and to Azazel. Then he offered the bullock as an 'ola
and burnt incense and sprinkled the blood seven times
before the ark, " to make atonement " (kapper) for
himself and the priesthood. Then he similarly
offered the goat assigned to Jehovah as a hattath for
the Temple and the nation, and sprinkled its blood
before the ark, and also sprinkled the blood of both
victims on the altar of incense. Then he laid his
hands on the goat assigned to Azazel (A.V., "the
scapegoat," R.V., "the goat" ... for Azazel), con
fessed over it the sins of the nation, and sent it away
to be let loose in the wilderness, to " bear upon him
all their iniquities unto a solitary land."
vi. Other forms of Worship. — A vow (Num.
xxx. ; Deut. xii, xxiii.) was a promise to make some
offering or perform some service to Jehovah. It
might be a simple expression of gratitude ; but more
often a vow, like Jacob's at- Bethel, and like Jephthah's,
was made on condition that Jehovah granted some
favour. We have numerous examples oi prayer — e.g.,
Solomon's at the Dedication at the Temple, often
followed by direct and prompt answer — e.g., Samuel at
Ebenezer. The granting of petitions is limited by the
divine will — e.g., Abraham's intercession for Sodom,
and Jeremiah's for Judah, are rejected ; and is con
ditioned by the sincerity of the worshipper (Psalm
lxvi. 18). The Levitical law is silent as to prayer
but (Deut. xxvi. 1-11) provides a collect to be re
peated by the offerer of firstfruits, which, however

ISRAEL AS PEOPLE OF JEHOVAH 153
is a declaration rather than a petition. As regards
praise, the history bears abundant testimony to the
use of music, singing, and dancing to express thanks
giving, especially in connection with the ark and the
Temple services. Although the legislation is again
sUent, the Psalter and the fact of its inclusion in the
canon testify to the large part which was played by
prayer and praise in the religious life of Israel.
vii. Fasts. — The only fast appointed by the Levi
tical law is that of the Day of Atonement. From
Zech. vii. 5, viii. 19, we learn that the disasters of
the close of the monarchy had been commemorated
during the Captivity by fasts in the fourth, fifth,
seventh, and tenth months, but that it was the will of
Jehovah that these fasts should cease. Special fasts
were also proclaimed on special occasions (Ezra
vUi. 21, etc.). There are no detailed regulations laid
down for fasting : Lev. xxiii. 27, 29 simply describes
it as "afflicting the soul," Isa. lviii. 5 speaks of
the faster as " bowing down his head as a rush and
spreading sackcloth and ashes under him." The
essential feature of abstinence from food and drink
was too familiar to need mentioning, and is every
where taken for granted. The fast is a natural
symbol of dejection caused by the sense of Jehovah's
anger. vUi. Dedication of Persons and Places. — The
setting apart of a person or place to a sacred office or
use was accompanied by a complete set of sacrifices,
etc., the significance of each being appropriate to
such an occasion. The king, priest, or sanctuary
needed to be cleansed from sin by the atoning rites of

154 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
the hattath ; such dedications were occasions for the
gratitude and self -surrender of the 'ola; they were
marked instances of that fellowship with God and
man expressed by the zebah shelamim. The z. sh. is
not distinctly specified in the ritual for ordination of
priests in Exod. xxix., but the "ram of consecration"
eaten by the priests in the sacred place is virtually a
z. sh. The Levitical law, on account of the circum
stances under which the extant edition was compiled,
contains no ritual for a royal coronation, but 1 Sam.
xi. 15; 1 Chron. xxix. 21, 22, mention the offering of
numerous sacrifices on such occasions. The character
istic rite of such dedications was anointing with oil.
We read of the anointing of Saul, Absalom, David,
Solomon, Joash, Jehoahaz, and Jehu. It has been
suggested that a king was only anointed under
exceptional circumstances, when he founded a new
dynasty, like David, or when his claim to the throne
was disputed, like Solomon ; but the use of the
phrase " Jehovah's Anointed " as an ordinary royal
title rather shows that all kings were anointed. For
the anointing of the Tabernacle, altar, vessels, and
priests, see Lev. viii. This anointing with oil is
interpreted as a communication of the Spirit of
Jehovah (cf. Zech. iv. 6).
The distinction between the status of the king or
priest on the one hand, and the prophet on the other,
is shown by the absence of any ritual dedication of
the prophet. Elijah, apparently, is told (1 Kings
xix. 16) to anoint his successor, but we are not told
that he ever did so; and as Jehovah, in the same
breath, bids him anoint two kings, the word " anoint "

ISRAEL AS PEOPLE OF JEHOVAH 155
may only be applied to the successor in the prophetic
office, in the loose general sense of appoint. There is
no other reference to the anointing of a prophet;
Isa. Ixi. 1, "Jehovah hath anointed me to preach,"
etc., is, of course, figurative.
ix. Ban, herem, A.V., "Accursed Thing," R.V.,
" Devoted Thing." — WhUe sacrifices consisted of de
sirable and sacred materials which formed acceptable
offerings, things evU and abominable were banned
(A. V., "accursed," R.V., " devoted ") by being utterly
destroyed — e.g., the inhabitants of heathen cities
taken in war (Deut. xx. 10-18). The ban might
extend to males only, or to aU tbe inhabitants, and
even to all living creatures. In the case of Jericho
(Josh. x. 18) the ban extended to everything in the
city, the indestructible metals being consecrated to
Jehovah. Images of heathen gods are herem. The
ban, like uncleanness, is contagious, as in the case of
Achan, and of the heathen images (Deut. vii. 26).
In the above cases the ban is judicial and national,
but individuals might ban ; according to the analogy
of the 'ola, things which could not be sacrificed might
be offered to Jehovah, by being destroyed as herem,
apparently even human beings (Lev. xxvii. 28, 29.
Cf^the case of Jephthah's daughter). According to
Num. xviii. 14, all herem, like the silver and gold at
Jericho, belongs to the priests, as Jehovah's repre
sentatives ; and in Lev. xxvii. 28, herem is said to
be "most sacred," like the inner chamber of the
Temple. x. Oaths and Adjurations, Blessings and Curses.
— An IsraeUte used oaths — i.e., invoked upon himself

156 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
punishment from Jehovah — in case of falsehood or
failure to keep faith, to attest his evidence, or clear
his character (Exod. xxii. 6-11), or as a solemn
form of promise to God or man. Such an appeal to
Jehovah was a token of loyalty to Him and trust in
Him (Deut. vi. 13). Similarly Eli adjures Samuel,
in God's name, or, as we should say, for God's sake,
to tell him _the whole truth (1 Sam. iii. 17).
Blessings and curses were solemn prayers for good or.
UI to fall upon the heads of others.
22. Sacred Objects, i. Clean _and Unclean Things.
— The sacred character of the nation and the land
implied, in some measure, the sacred character
of the objects contained in the land and familiarly
used by the people. Hence in their normal state
the belongings of an Israelite homestead should be
clean. On the other hand, as aliens and foreign lands had
no sacred character, they and all belonging to them
are, at any rate in some measure, unclean (Josh.
xxii. 19; Hos. ix. 3). Moreover, human beings are •
also unclean in certain states and circumstances.
Cf. § 21, ii. (b).
ii. The Apparatus op Worship. — In the strict
sense, however, sacred objects were those connected
with worship — the buUdings erected for worship at %
the sacred places; the Temple, with its furniture,
contents and belongings ; and the dress and ornaments
of the priests. Tiie Temple (hekal = palace), was, as
its name indicates, the palace of the Divine King of
Israel. The Most Sacred Place is the royal presence
fchamber, where, on state occasions, He gives audience

ISRAEL AS PEOPLE OF JEHOVAH 157
to the most distinguished of His subjects. The Sacred
Place suggests a royal banqueting hall with its lamps
and perfume of incense, and its table spread per
petually. The shewbread is, no doubt, from one
point of view, a perpetual offering from Israel to
Jehovah ; but as the royal table would naturally be
spread for guests, it may also symbolise Jehovah's
continual bounty to Israel. The material of sacrifice
is naturally sacred, and as it represents the different
kinds of food, symbolises, like the firstfruits and
firstlings, the consecration of cattle, grain, fruit, and
their products and preparations. Special stress is
laid upon the fat and the blood. The parts of the
zebah offered to Jehovah are chiefly the fat, probably
because of their choiceness, possibly also because they
would burn well. According to Lev. xvii. 11, etc.,
" The Ufe of the flesh is in the blood : and I have
given it you upon the altar to make atonement for
your lives : for it is the blood that maketh atonement
by reason of the Ufe." The blood symbolised the
most precious offering that could be made to Jehovah
— the Ufe of a Uving creature.
Ui. The Ark and the Mercy Seat (Exod.
xxv.-xl. ; Lev. xvi. ; Deut. x.). — In spite of the close
connection between these two — the mercy seat cover
ing the ark — they are described separately in the
Pentateuch, and each plays its own part in the ritual.
. The real importance of the ark, 'aron — Noah's ark
and the ark in the bulrushes are teba — belongs to
the earlier pre-prophetic religion of Israel. It is
referred to in the final form of O. T. religion as a
venerable relic, long since lost. The tradition of its

158 JEHOVAH AND ISRAE\L

i

sanctity is still preserved and even serVes to hallow
the empty shrine, which replaces that in which the
ark dwelt. It was above all else the symbol of
the presence of Jehovah with Israel, and when it
was lost this significance was transferred (to the Most
Sacred Place itself ; but neither in the I history nor
in the elaborate descriptions in the Pentateuch is
any reason given why the ark symbolised the Divine
Presence. The ark was in the form of a sacred chest, such as
is found in many religions, the closest parallel being
the sacred boats of the Egyptians. Until the time
of David it was borne in sacred processions, and
especially was carried to battle to symbolise the
presence of Jehovah Sabaoth, the Divine Ally of
Israel. The only reference to the ark in the prophets
is Jer. iii. 16: "When ye are multiplied and
increased in the land, saith Jehovah, ' The ark of the
Covenant of Jehovah ' shall no longer be the watch
word of Israel : men shall neither think of the ark
nor remember it; they shall neither miss the ark
nor make another in its place." Evidently the ark
was lost, and the prophet desired that it might be
consigned to oblivion.
In Deuteronomy and the Levitical law the special
function of the ark is to contain the Tables of the
covenant of Jehovah with Israel ; thus suggesting
that His most real presence with His people was to
be found in the record of His moral revelation.
The name of the mercy seat — kapporeth — lends
itself to two meanings. According to the original
and literal meaning of the root kpr, it may mean

ISRAEL AS PEOPLE OF JEHOVAH 159
cover — i.e., that which it actually was, the covering
of the ark. According to the use of the verbal form
kipper, to make atonement, it may mean place or
means of atonement, lef erring to the fact that the
mercy seat was only used in the ritual, in connection
with the services of the Day of Atonement. Probably
the literal meaning was the original, and the second
meaning was attached to the name as the result of
the place assigned to it in the ritual. As the Most
Sacred Place is the royal audience chamber, so the
mercy seat is the throne.
iv. Most Sacred Objects. — The description " most
sacred " — qodesh qodashim — is given to the following :
— the Tabernacle and its furniture (Exod. xxx. 22-29),
the special incense, the shewbread, the 'asham, the
hattath, the priests' share of the minha, and the herem
(A. V, " accursed thing," R.V., " devoted thing "). The
unique sanctity of the inner chamber of the sanctuary
is marked by the use of the stUl more definite term
Qodesh-haq-Qodashim. 23. The Sanctity of Israel. — Thus the Levitical
law has an elaborate and complete theory of the
sanctity of Israel, worked out with scientific pre
cision. Doubtless it would be entirely symmetrical,
but for the persistence of ancient customs too stubborn
to be completely adjusted to a mathematical diagram.
But we greatly wrong the law if we do not constantly
bear in mind its moral presuppositions. The Penta
teuch makes large provision for personal and social
righteousness ; and the ceremonial ordinances assume
that the national life approximately corresponds to
this high standard.

160 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
The sacred system of the Pentateuch may be com
pared to a pyramid, whose base is a pentagon, the
five sides of which are the sacred people, the sacred
land, the sanctity of time (sacred seasons), the sanctity
of life (sacred acts), and the sanctity of matter (sacred
objects). From these base lines, there is, in each
case, a gradation to successively smaUer classes, with
a correspondingly increased f anctity, till the pyramid
reaches its apex in the central rite of the Day of
Atonement, the entry of the most sacred person, the
High Priest, into the Most Sacred Place, on the most
sacred day, and the performance of acts combining
the most sacred acts and objects of the ritual, the
offering pf incense before the ark, and the sprinkling
upon the mercy seat.
The conditions under which any such elaborate
system could be even approximately carried out did
not exist till the restoration ; under the monarchy
the religious life was far less symmetrical and much
more simple and spontaneous. Moreover, the very
mission of the prophets implied that they were
indifferent or even hostUe to ritual. The law itself
assumes that national righteousness is a necessary
antecedent to acceptable ritual; the prophets' work
was to show that no such righteousness existed and
to induce Israel to seek after it. Till their work was
in some measure accomplished there could be no
question of perfect ritual.
24. The Preservation and Renewal of Sanctity. —
The Levitical theory of Israel is that the whole
nation is sacred. Sin, even the sin of an individual,
as in the case of Achan, destroys the sanctity of the

ISRAEL AS PEOPLE OF JEHOVAH 161
nation and subjects it to the divine wrath. Hence,
when sin has been committed the sanctity of the
nation must be restored by putting away the sin.
There is no forgiveness for heinous sins, in such cases
the sanctity of the nation is restored by cutting off
the offender from. Israel, either by death (Achan) or
by some unspecified mode of excommunication. The
milder penalty was developed by later Judaism. The
punishment of "cutting off" is threatened against the
uncircumcised IsraeUte (Gen. xvU. 14), the man who
eats leavened bread during the Passover (Exod.
xU. 15, 19), the man who makes for profane purposes
imitations of the sacred oU or incense (xxx. 33, 38),
the sabbath-breaker (xxxi. 14), those who take part
in sacred rites in a state of uncleanness, or eat -blood
or the part of a sacrifice which - should be burnt
on the altar (Lev. vii.), those who kill sacrificial
animals or sacrifice elsewhere than at the central
sanctuary (xvii.), those who are guilty of certain
sexual offences (xviii., xx. 17, 18), or worship Moloch
(xx. 1-6), or faU to observe the Day of Atonement
(xxui. 29), or the Passover (Num. ix. 13) ; the un
clean person who faUs to purify himself (xix. 13, 2.0),
and generally any one who is guilty of " presumptu
ous " sin, sin " with a high hand " (beyad rama).
In the case of venial sins, the sanctity of the in
dividual or the nation is restored by hattath or 'asham.
Hattath is prescribed for sins committed inadvertently
(bishegaga, Lev. iv. ; Num. xv. 22-29). 'Asham is
prescribed in simUar cases, and also specially in case of
any infringing or withholding of the rights of pro
perty of man or God (Lev. v. -vii.). 11

162 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
Thus the ritual, like O. T. generally, is concerned
for " hidden sins " (Psalm xix. 1 2), sins of carelessness
and omission committed inadvertently. The case of
Achan illustrates a practical difficulty in the applica
tion of the principle — the author of some grievous sin
might remain undiscovered. Achan was found out
through the lot, but the law does not treat his case
as a precedent. Deut. xxi. 1-9 provides a special
rite to cleanse the land from the guilt of sins com
mitted by some person or persons unknown. A
heifer's neck was to be broken over running water, in
a desolate valley. The elders of the nearest city were
to wash their hands over it, in the presence of the
priests, and to disclaim any knowledge of the crime
and ask forgiveness for the nation. They were also
to pray that Jehovah may not " suffer innocent blood
to remain in the midst of Thy people Israel." As in .
Deut. xix. 13, "innocent blood " is "put away " from
Israel by slaying the murderer, this last prayer
is probably a petition that Jehovah wUl purge Israel
of the guilt of this murder by Himself slaying the
murderer. But sacrifices could only be offered for specific sins
of inadvertence, when the sinner had become aware
of them ; and many sins must have remained per
manently " hidden " from the sinner. Moreover the
very commission as well as the author of heinous
crimes might remain unknown. Provision for the
atonement for such sins is doubtless made in the
hattaths appointed for the various feasts; or indi
viduals, as in Job i. 5, might offer saciifices to atone
for unknown sins ; but the special atonement for sins

ISRAEL AS PEOPLE OF JEHOVAH 163
which had not been otherwise dealt with, was made
on the Day of Atonement, when a hattath was offered
to make "atonement for the sanctuary, because of
the uncleanness of the IsraeUtes, and because of their
transgressions, peshd, in all their sins, hattath, and
the scapegoat carried away the iniquities, 'awon, of
Israel into the wilderness.
Here again the prophets dealt with a condition of
things, in which there was no question of restoring
the sanctity of Isiael by atoning for venial sins and
slaying or excommunicating grievous offenders. The
whole nation was unclean. Nevertheless, the principle
of cutting off offenders is applied to the whole nation,
which is to be destroyed, and this destruction is to
serve as a purification which may secure the sanctity
of a New Israel in succeeding generations. Jehovah
Himself purges away filth and guilt tUl every one left
in Jerusalem is sacred (Isa. iv. 3, 4).
25. Doctrine of Sacrifice. — Questions naturally
arise first as to how sacrifices served to secure the
sanctity of Israel, and second as to what was the
0. T. doctrine of sacrifice. We ca.nnot wholly answer
either of these questions. It would not be a gross
exaggeration to say that the O. T. lays down no doc
trine of sacrifice. Certain rites are commanded for
given purposes, but the O. T. gives little or no reason
for the rites, and states- no theory of the ritual.
The scriptural doctrine of sacrifice is mainly to be
found in the N. T., and is, for the most part, either
adapted from post-bibUcal Judaism or had its origin
in the N. T. revelation ; it therefore belongs chiefly
to N. T. theology. We must, however, consider

164 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
certain doctrines which the 0. T. states or implies
with regard to sacrifice.
(a) Sacrifice not characteristic of the religion of Israel.
— Though sacrifice was appointed for Israel by
divine revelation, it did not originate in this O. T.
revelation. God took a universal and familiar rite
and ordained it as a form of worship for His people.
Many of the sacrifices and much of their connected
ritual were similarly derived. O. T. betrays no con
sciousness that its sacrifices in their main external
features, were essentially different from some of those
offered by the heathen around. Deut. xxxii. 38
speaks of Israel offering zebah and nesek to strange
gods; in 2 Kings iii 27, the king of Moab sacrifices
a human 'ola, and in v. 17 Naaman declares that he
will offer 'ola and zebah to Jehovah alone. Hence,
the original- meaning and ground of much sacrificial
ritual is antecedent to the Mosaic revelation.
(b) Moral Conditions of Acceptable Sacrifice. — The
prophets and psalmists constantly repudiate the idea
that sacrifices have any value apart from true moral
and spiritual life. The language of the prophets does
not mean that they denounced such observances ; but
whereas popular superstition regarded sacrifice as the
most important of divine requirements, and as effi
cacious apart from the life and character of the
offerer, the prophets assigned to sacrifice an entirely
subordinate place in the reUgious life.
(c) The Symbolism of Sacrifice. — We have thus
seen that a sacrifice, according to 0- T revelation 
as distinct from its original heathen sense and from
the value constantly assigned to it by popular Jewish

ISRAEL AS PEOPLE OF JEHOVAH 165
superstition — was a symbol and not an opus operatum ;
but we may ask, in the absence of any revealed 0. T.
interpretation, how far these symbols speak for them
selves. Their meaning might be so obvious that we
should be able to see at once how they must have
been understood by devout Israelites. Such a hypo
thesis, however, is discredited by the many conflicting
interpretations put forward with equal confidence.
Hence, again, we must repeat — on the authority
of N. T. itself, 1 Peter i. 10-12— that the- N. T.
interpretation of O. T. ordinances and teaching was
not necessarUy known to ancient Israel or part of
0. T. revelation.
We may, however, indicate some of the more
obvious suggestions of the symbolism of sacrifice.
i. The custom of the zebah shelamim that the
victim should be partly consumed on the altar, partly
eaten by the priests; and partly by the offerer,
symbolises friendly fellowship between Jehovah and
His worshippers.
ii. All forms of sacrifice, being gifts or offerings,
would naturally express gratitude to a benefactor;
or obligation — by way of tribute — to a sovereign ; or
propitiation of an injured or offended lord.
Ui. The death of the animal was necessarily
involved in a feast upon its flesh, zebah shelamim.
In the case of other sacrifices, death was the most
striking way in which the owner could at once part
with his property and symbolise its reception by
God. The blood, being regarded as the vehicle of
the life, is reserved for Jehovah.
iv. Laying on of hands is common to aU sacrifices

166 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
(zebah sh., Lev. Ui. 2; 'ola, Lev. i. 4; hattath, Lev. iv. 4,
etc. ; it is not mentioned in connection with the 'asham,
but is doubtless covered by Lev. vn. 7). It cannot,
therefore, specially symbolise the atoning value of
sacrifice, but rather the ownership of the animal by
the offerer and his delivery of it to the priest as tho
representative of Jehovah.
v. The Ritual for Atonement. — To say that the
main significance of all sacrifice was its virtue as
atoning for sin would be an exaggeration, but yet
the exaggeration of a truth. Any offering, whether
as gift or tribute, was a natural expression of the
sense of sin and the desire for reconcUiation with
God. Accordingly, it is said in Lev. i. 4 that
the 'ola shall be accepted to make atonement' (cf.
Ezek. xiv. 15-17). But the hattath and 'ola, and
the rites of the Day of Atonement, were specially
appointed to reconcile the sinner to God. The features
peculiar to this ritual and therefore specially sym-
boUsing the method and conditions by which God
received the sinner to His mercy, are the sprinkling
of blood before the veil and the placing of it on the
horns of the altar of incense( and the burning of
the greater part of the hattath without the camp
(cf. iv. 46). The ritual of the Day of Atonement
is, for the most part, a multiplication and expansion
of these two acts. Special hattaths are offered, and
the blood is sprinkled, not merely in the Sacred
Place, but even upon the " mercy seat " in the
Most Sacred Place. The other peculiar features of
this day's ritual are that it is the only fast appointed
by the law, and that beside the goat of the hattath,

ISRAEL AS PEOPLE OF JEHOVAH 167
a goat " for Azazel " bears away the sins of the people
into the wilderness.
The explanation of the sprinkling of he blood is
given in Lev. xvU. 2, when the blood is said to
" make atonement," kapper. The exact force of the
term is matter of much controversy. Kpr means
originaUy cover, and the atoning ritual is usually
explained as covering sin, or the person or thing
contaminated by sin or uncleanness, from the awful
exposure to Jehovah's hoUness* (Isa. vi.). Smend
(p. 321), however, considers that kpr in the
Levitical law does not refer back to the original
sense of the root, but is formed afresh as a denomi
native from kopher, ransom or atoning payment.
None of the explanations of kapper make it clear
how the life of the victim avails to restore the
IsraeUte to that normal state of sanctity in which he
enjoys full reUgious privileges. A common explana
tion — derived from the N. T. — is that the death of
the animal symbolises, and is accepted as a substitute
for, the forfeited Ufe of the sinner. However appro
priate this view may- be in the light of the N. T.
history, and especially when sacrifices are considered
as types of Christ's death, such an interpretation is
nowhere explicitly furnished by O. T. itself, and is
only suggested in Isa. lui. 10.
Lev. xvi. 21, 22 explains the burning of the hattath
without the camp, and the driving away of the scape
goat, as symbolising the putting away of sin from
within the bounds of Israel.
* Cave, Scripture Doctrine of Sacrifice. 514. Schultz
i. 398.

168 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
The meaning of " for Azazel " is one of the unsolved
enigmas of O. T. ; it has been variously explained as
meaning " for sending away " ; or the goat itself ; or
the place to which it was sent ; or some evil spirit.
It has been held to be a relic of pre-Mosaic ritual
adopted into the Levitical law.*
In spite, however, of our ignorance as to the origin
and primitive meaning of many details of the ritual,
its broad and essential significance is clear. The
atoning sacrifices express on the one hand man's sense
of guUt, of the heinousness of sin, and on the other
hand God's hatred of sin, His refusal to tolerate it,
and, at the same time, His wilUngness to forgive the
penitent. The special offering on the Day of Atone
ment of a sacrifice for Israel by the High Priest as
the representative of the nation is recognised by N. T.
as a type of the sacrifice made for the world by Christ
as the representative of mankind.
vi. Sacrifice as a Positive Divine Ordinance. —
0. T. constantly states as the main reason for sacrifice
and the guarantee of its efficacy, the fact that it is
a divinely appointed means of grace. Sacrifices are
to be offered because Jehovah had so commanded;
they will obtain His favour and forgiveness because
He had so promised.
* For details of various theories see Cave, 521.

CHAPTER VI
JEHOVAH AND THE ISRAELITE

CHAPTER VI
JEHOVAH AND THE ISRAELITE
26. The Nation and the Individual. — In con
sidering 0. T. teaching as to personal religion, we
must always bear in mind that 0. T. deals mainly
with the nation, and, in most of its documents,
approaches aU questions from this standpoint. Even
in Psalms which seem at first sight individualistic,
the author is often identifying himself with his
people. WhUe the principles of righteousness, sin,
retribution, and redemption are the same for a
nation and an individual, the statement of doctrine
in the two cases is very different. Many doctrines of
national lffe can be applied to the individual with
slight modification; in other cases the form of the
doctrine must be whoUy changed, and, in any case,
the application requires great care.
For the most part the relation of the Israelite to
Jehovah was mediated through Israel. Divine favour
to Israel in the shape of fertility, prosperity and
victory redounded to the advantage of the individual,
and conversely the individual suffered under the
chastisements inflicted upon Israel. But the corres
pondence of individual and national fortunes had
many important exceptions, and by no means involved
171

172 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
any invariable and exact punishment and reward of
individual character and conduct. Israel might
suffer for its sins and be rewarded for its virtue, but
the righteous man suffered in the ruin of the nation
and was not always blessed in its prosperity ; while
conversely the sinner might sometimes escape the one
and would generally enjoy the other. The ultimate
theory of national sanctity meets this difficulty by
providing that the Israelite who fell into deadly sin
should be cut off by death or expulsion, but this
principle could never be fully applied in practice.
Moreover, as a rule, the religious life of the
individual was mediated through the nation and its
representatives. He worshipped through the priest
or king ; the national ritual of the Day of Atonement
was the regular method by which he received
assurance of reconciliation to God ; his knowledge of
the divine will came to him through the priest, the
prophet, or the national tradition.
On the other hand the sanctity and righteousness
of Israel were, so to speak, the integration of these
virtues in the individual ; and in theory the sanctity
of Israel was annulled by a single individual sin, as
in the case of Achan. Hence national righteousness
is only partly manifested in the pubUc ritual ; it is for
the most part built up out of the righteous lives of
individuals ; and we have now to consider in what
this righteousness consisted, and how it was main
tained and restored. For Ulustrations of personal
religion we naturally have to look, for the most part,
to the national leaders, judges, kings, and prophets;
because history is mainly occupied with such char-

JEHOVAH AND THE ISRAELITE 173
acters. The priests are seldom personally conspicuous ;
the individual is lost in the office.
27. Individual Righteousness consisted in obedience
to the revealed will of God, as expressed in legal
ordinances and prophetic exhortations. These authori
ties covered the whole religious, personal, and
social life of the Israelite. They enjoined the
worship of Jehovah according to the pure ritual of
the law, and abstention from the worship of other
gods, or fiom unauthorised modes of worshipping
Jehovah. They inculcated personal cleanliness and
purity, and a careful respect for the rights of others,
especially of parents and kinsfolk. Moreover, apart
from legal and family claims, the Israelite is com
manded to help the poor and any who are in distress.
It is sinful to neglect an opportunity of saving even
an enemy from accidental loss : " If thou meet thine
enemy's ox or ass going astray, thou shalt surely
bring it back to him again " (Exod. xxiu. 4). The
law shows a certain care for the interests of foreigners,
and even of dumb animals ; and if the standard of
conduct towards slaves, women, and foreigners falls
below that of later times, we have our Lord's
authority for admitting that O. T. legislation made
concessions to the hardness of Jewish hearts (Matt.
xix. 8). Summaries of the moral requirements of
Jehovah are found in the Decalogue (Exod. xx.), the
Book of the Covenant (xxi. -xxiii.), and the law of
holiness (Lev. xvU.-xxvi.) ; and the subject is
further Ulustrated by such pictures as those of the
righteous man in Job xxix., and the virtuous woman
in Prov. xxxi. 10-31. A representative passage is

174 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
Ezek. xvui. 5-9, " But if a man be just, and do
that which is lawful and right, and hath not eaten
upon the mountain " — i.e., engaged in forbidden and
possibly idolatrous rites — " neither hath lifted up his
eyes to the idols of the house of Israel, nor defiled his
neighbour's wife, nor come near to a woman in her
separation ; and hath not wronged any, but hath
restored to the debtor his pledge, hath spoUed none
by violence, hath given his bread to the hungry, and
hath covered the naked with a garment ; he that
hath not given forth upon usury, nor taken interest ;
that hath withdrawn his hand .from iniquity, hath
executed true judgment between man and man, hath
walked in My statutes, and hath kept My judgments,
to deal truly : he is just and shall surely live, saith
the Lord Jehovah." This description of the just man,
with its combination of ritual and morality, of
positive and negative virtue, corresponds very fairly
to the general tenor of 0. T. teaching as to conduct.
It is often said that O. T. righteousness is unduly
negative, a view perhaps largely based upon the " thou
shalt nots '' of the Decalogue, but this objection is
not sustained by an exhaustive examination.
Moreover, O. T. righteousness is by no means
confined to external conduct, it extends also to
character and motive. Hatred, envy, malice, and
covetousness are denounced, and the Israelite is "to
love his neighbour " as himself (Lev. xix. 18). He is
moreover to love God witii all his heart and soul and
might, and to keep His commandments in his heart
(Deut. vi. 5). Trust or faith in God, reverence,
godly fear, humUity, and gratitude are constantly

JEHOVAH AND THE ISRAELITE 175
inculcated. Meekness or hum ihty ('anawa) is especiaUy
singled out in the later literature as a characteristic
virtue of the true believer.
The 0. T. idpal of righteousness is most concisely
express- ed in the words of Micah vi. 8 : " He hath
showed thee, 0 man, what is good: and what doth
the Lord require of thee, but to do justly, and love
mercy, and walk humbly with thy God."
28. Sin. — All sin is essentially disobedience to God,
transgression of His commandments, faUure to con
form to the divine standard of righteousness. Sin
may be regarded from different points of view, and
sins may be divided into several classes. There are
various terms for sin, sinful, and to sin, corresponding
to these classes and points of view : ra' (E.V., "evU")
is used in a perfectly general sense, like the Eng.
equivalent; hep, hattath, hatta'a (E.V., "sin") regard
sin as a missing of the mark, or of the right way, the
opposite of a straight (yashar) course of conduct; rasha'
(E.V., " wicked ") is used of those who do not conform
to the divine law, the class contrasted with the
" righteous," gaddiq ; the cognate nouns denote the
quaUty of such sin, and the verb hirshid denotes
" declare guilty," in opposition to, higdiq, " declare
innocent" : pesha' (E.V., " transgression ") denotes re
bellion against God; 'awon (E.V, " iniquity ") like het
originally denoted crooked conduct, and came to be
used- of guilt or a state of sinfulness. These and"
similar terms emphasise the essential characteristics
of sin — disobedience, and hostility to Gcd.
Other terms regard sin as ignorance and foolish
ness. In Isa. v. 13, and Hosea iv. 6, it is the lack

176 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
of knowledge which has involved Israel in ruinous
sin. Accordingly the sinner is constantly spoken of as
nabal, " fool," and sin as nebala, " folly." Similarly sin
is empty and futile, 'awen (E. V., " iniquity ") nothing
ness ; and essentially false. Such ignorance and folly
issue in pride — a sin upon which the O. T. frequently
dwells, providing distinct terms for its several varieties
— and in mocking, scornful contempt for God and
His faithful servants. The leg (E. V., " scorner ") is
the standing title of the sinner in Proverbs.
Other terms, again, regard sin as wrong done to
man, especially hamas (E.V., " violence.") Under this
head come the terms for the various offences against
social order and decency, murder, theft, fraud,
adultery, and other sexual crimes, false witness and.
other forms of lying, and cruelty.
Moreover sin, like 'righteousness, is a quality of
character as well as conduct ; many of the above
terms — e.g., pride, folly, etc., apply to inner disposition
as well as to external acts. Persistent sinfulness is
spoken of as a hardening or stubbornness of the
heart. From the point of view of the ritual, sins are classed
as (a) " hidden sins," done through inadvertencej for
which ritual atonement could be made ; and (b) pre
sumptuous dr deliberate sins, for which no such
atonement was possible.*
29. Rewards and Punishments. — Without attempt
ing any formal statement of the relations of human
freedom and divine sovereignty, O. T. always takes
* For a full statement of the various terms for sin and
sins, see Schultz, ii., 281 ; Oehler, i., 231.

JEHOVAH AND THE ISRAELITE 177
for granted the responsibility of man for his actions,
and teaches that righteousness wUl be rewarded and
sin punished. As the 0. T. deals almost exclusively
with the present life, these rewards and punishments
mostly take the form of material loss or prosperity,
a faUure of crops or fertility, poverty or wealth,
sickness or health, defeat or victory, a short or long
life, childlessness or a large family. Yet many
passages describe the highest good as fellowship with
God and the sense of His -approval, and regard the
loss of these blessings as the severest punishment.
Hence sometimes temporal misfortunes are deplored,
not so much on account of physical pain and material
loss, as because they are regarded as signs of the
divine displeasure.
30. Forgiveness. Minor sins were forgiven on con
dition of the offering of suitable sacrifices ; such rites
involved confession, and doubtless implied repentance
and amendment. The Levitical law does not pro
vide any atonement for deliberate and heinous sins.
Similarly many passages in the prophets declare that
Israel and Judah are beyond forgiveness and must be
cut off. In the latter case, however, sin is unpardon
able because of persistence in exceptional wickedness,
On the other hand, the doctrine of the restoration of
Israel and Judah implies that even such punishment
is not final, the nation survives its ruin and rises
again from its ashes. Thus we obtain a cycle of sin,
punishment, ruin, forgiveness, restoration, which
illustrates the ancient Israelite doctrine that sin is
atoned for by punishment, and does not finally alienate
from God; thus if the sinner ceases to persist in
12

178 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
his wickedness, he may, after due punishment, be
restored to favour with God. So in Isa. xl. 2,
Jerusalem is forgiven when she has received at the
hand of Jehovah double for all her sins. This is
represented in the Levitical law by its treatment of
venial sins. In the history, Moses is punished for his
pride in striking of the rock, David for the" murder of
Uriah, and Manasseh for his apostasy, but even these
heinous sins do not finally exclude from forgiveness.
In such cases forgiveness is in no way connected with
any ritual observances. Such examples and teaching
intimate that no sin, however grievous, irrevocably
withdraws the nation or the individual from the grace
of Jehovah. The conditions of forgiveness are, there
fore, for venial sins, the absence of deliberate intent,
confession, repentance, amendment and the observance
of prescribed ritual. In the case of heinous sins, the
offender may be punished with death, and so pass
beyond the range of the 0. T. teaching as to forgive
ness ; but even heinous sins may be forgiven, after
punishment, if the sinner repents and amends his
life. Two passages, however, transcend these doctrines.
In Isa. liii. the vicarious sufferings of the Righteous
One secure forgiveness for sinners. In Ezek. xxxvi.
25, 26, repentance and amendment appear as the result
of forgiveness : as in Rom. ii. 4, " the goodness of God
leadeth thee to repentance " (cf . Wisdom xi. 23).
31. Spiritual Gifts. — In spite of the theoretic
sanctity of Israel, reUgion always found the individual
burdened with guilt and under the influence of sinful
propensities. Its first task was to lead him to re-

JEHOVAH AND THE ISRAELITE 179
pentance and amendment, and then to foster and
develop his righteousness. As one instrument in
such operations the O. T. recognises the free activity
of the human wUl ; it constantly appeals to man to
repent and amend, and therefore assumes that he is
able to do so — e.g., Ezek. xviu. 30, 31, " Repent and
turn from all your transgressions ; so iniquity shall
not be your ruin. Cast away from all your trans
gressions, wherein ye have transgressed; and make
you a new heart and a new spirit ; for why will ye
die, O house of Israel?" Thus, from one point of
view, repentance is an act of the human wiU, whose
freedom itself is ultimately a divine gift. Yet from
another point of view, it is Jehovah who gives His
people one heart and one way that they may fear
Him for ever, and puts His fear in their hearts that
they may not depart from Him for ever (Jer. xxxU.
39, 40). The spiritual act which combines human
voUtion and divine working is faith, in which man
yields himself to the redeeming and regenerating
influence of God. The familiar attitudes ascribed to
the believer in the 0. T. of trusting in Jehovah and
in His word, of waiting and hoping for His salvation,
imply a dependence on, and surrender to, the wUl of
God, which are the essence of that faith, through
which divine grace controls the soul. The revelation
of God to Israel, His dealings with His people, and
the divinely appointed ordinances of Israelite religion
all served to inspire the believer with faith, hope, and
love towards Jehovah.
32. Apparent FaUure of Divine Justice. — This is
the great theme of O. T. speculation, the difficulty

180 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
which drove inspired men to the verge of scepticism,
and even seemed to place them in antagonism to the
very axioms of O. T. revelation. Their discussions
dealt with a very limited and special aspect of the
general problem of the origin and existence of material
and moral-evil. Moral evil in men, possibly also in
supernatural beings, was accepted as a fact, with
out any serious attempt (cf. § 34) to explain its
origin or reconcile its existence with the moral
government of God. God was recognised as the
author of material evU, and as prosperity and success
were the rewards of virtue, so suffering was the
punishment of sin. Hence, a doctrine of suffering
prevailed which might be formulated thus : As aU
virtue is rewarded by corresponding blessings, so all
sin is punished by an accurately adjusted amount of
suffering. A logic, which was perhaps technically
accurate, drew the further conclusion that all pros
perity is the reward and token of virtue, and all
suffering is the just penalty of some present or
previous sin. This proposition is insisted on by
Job's friends, and is confirmed in the epUogue to
Job, in which his integrity is manifested by his
restoration to more than his former prosperity.
Similarly in Psalm lxvi. 18, the Psalmist is convinced
se? his innocence, not because he has a clear conscience,
but because his prayer has been answered ; if he had
regarded iniquity in his heart the Lord would not
have heard him, but God had heard him.
The difficulties of such a theory were aggravated
for the Israelite by the Umited range of his specula
tions on divine retribution For him the divine

JEHOVAH AND THE ISRAELITE 181
rewards of conduct chiefly consisted of prosperity, a
long life, a large and prosperous family. Under such
circumstances, very slight observation and experience
showed that, primd facie, facts did not bear out the
theory. The wicked flourished, the righteous came
to ruin. How then was it possible to " justify the
ways of God to man " ?
The difficulty existed, in some measure, even in
regard to the nation. National prosperity did not
always vary directly with national righteousness,
and, especially after the return, Israel often felt
itself an innocent sufferer at the hands of powerful
and prosperous nations of inferior religion and
morality. The difficulty admitted of two explana
tions : the nation might be suffering for the sins of
individuals,. Uke Achan, or, for the sins of its
forefathers. Future salvation and prosperity might
redress the balance, exhibit the even justice of God,
and justify Israel to the world. This problem, however,
peculiarly concerned the individual, who looked for
the just reward of his conduct and the vindication, of
his character within the narrow limits of an earthly
Ufe. For him the difficulty often became a constant
and intolerable burden, and O. T. theology wrestled
with this problem for its very existence.
Naturally the formal discussion of the problem does
not make its appearance in literature in the earliest
days of the history of Israel. Indeed, at aU times,
and especially in the dawn of religion, the sense of
the impenetrable mystery of the divine character and
dealings prevented men from appreciating the logical
consequences of a belief in the moral nature of God.

182 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
Thus the speeches of the Almighty in the Book of
Job appeal to the self -distrustful reverence which
shrinks from measuring God by the footrule of the
human understanding. Yet the Holy Spirit does not
aUow men to rest in blind submission to apparent
injustice, but ever arouses them afresh to an in
spired curiosity, or even scepticism, that prepares
the way for further revelation. Accordingly O. T.
returns again and again to the discussion of this
perpetual question.
One partial solution was suggested by another aspect
of the mystery of the divine wUl. Man has only a
very imperfect knowledge of the absolute or divine
standard of morality. " Who can understand his
errors ? " "I know nothing against myself ; yet am
I not hereby justified : but He that judgeth me is the
Lord." All men are guilty of unconscious sins,
which are " hidden " alike from themselves and their
neighbours. Many acts that seem innocent to men
may be sinful in the eyes of God. Thus the suffer
ing of an apparently innocent man might be due to
such unconscious sins. We have seen that much
of the ritual provides for the expiation of such
sins. Obviously, however, this solution could not be
more than partial. If consistently applied — as for
instance to all the sufferings of the righteous — it in
volved a belief that divine and human morality were
altogether different ; this would have destroyed the
influence of moral motives and encouraged superstition
and magic. The divine will cannot be a moral standard
for men unless they know it, and responsibility is
Umited by the extent to which it can be known.

JEHOVAH AND THE ISRAELITE 183
Another partial explanation was derived from the
fact that the suffering of the righteous and the
prosperity of the wicked were often transient, and
each received before his death the due reward of his
works. Attempts were sometimes made to solve the
problem by suggesting that this always happened.
Job's sufferings are compensated for — in the epilogue
— by a long period of renewed prosperity. Psalm
after psalm rejoices in the prospect that the wicked
wUl be punished and the righteous delivered :
" Mark the perfect man, and behold the upright :
For the latter end of that man is peace ;
As for transgressors, they shall be destroyed together.
The latter end of the wicked shall be cut off" (Psalm
xxxvii. 37, 38). In Psalm lxxiU. 19 the believer,
perplexed at the prosperity of the wicked considers
" their latter end " ; he goes into the sanctuary and
perceives that destruction wUl come suddenly upon
them. But this explanation again could only be
partial. The righteous often perished in their misery
and the wicked died in a prosperous old age, filled
with treasure, satisfied with children, leaving the rest
of their substance to their babes (Psalm xvU. 14).
Resort was also had to an invariable expedient in
such controversies ; apologists ventured to deny the
facts in the interests of dogma. They maintained
that the sufferings of ostensibly good men were due
to conscious sins done in secret. When loss or sick
ness, bereavement or early. death befell the seemingly
righteous man, he was thereby clearly shown to be
a hypocrite. The speeches of Job's friends and of
Elihu are largely devoted to the exposition of this

184 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
argument. It must have been impossible to make any
universal application of the corresponding principle
to the prosperity of the wicked, but all analogy
suggests that much may have been accomplished in
this direction also, and that the vices of prosperity
were often condoned or even regarded as virtues.
The Chronicler ignores the vices of ancient kings like
David and Solomon, whose reigns had been splendid
and glorious. Though this principle might sometimes
afford a true explanation, yet on the whole it was
utterly demoralising ; it tended to destroy all faith in
human nature, and it could seldom satisfy the sufferer
or his real friends. If the sufferer accepted the
doctrine that his misery was a proof of his sin, he
was betrayed into the hypocrisy of stultifying his
own conscience.
These explanations only tended to deny or minimise
the difficulty ; the problem remained unsolved. The
moral government of God was asserted throughout,
and the failure to reconcile it with facts continually
threw men back on the mystery of the divine dealings,
as in the Book of Job.
Two principles, however, stand out from these
discussions, and seem to have mitigated the stress
upon human faith : these are vicarious atonement,
and the spiritual character of true blessedness.
Vicarious suffering was involved in the moral
discipline of Israel. By an anticipation of the
soUdarity of humanity, O. T. taught that the nation
as a whole suffered for the sins of individuals, the
innocent with and for the guilty. Israel was defeated
before Ai on account of Achan's sin, and David's

JEHOVAH AND THE ISRAELITE 185
wickedness in taking a census was expiated by the
death of seventy thousand of his innocent subjects.
There might, of course, be individual exceptions from
national ruin. Lot was rescued from Sodom — where,
however, he was merely a resident alien — and Baruch
and Ebedmelech were promised personal safety in
the ruin of Jerusalem. On the other hand, according
to Gen. xviii. 32, the virtue of ten righteous men
would avaU to save a guilty city. Nine such,
apparently, must perish with their guilty kinsfolk.
Moreover, the continuity of the nation involved the
punishment of one generation for the sins of its
predecessors. The captivity was regarded as a
punishment of Manasseh's apostasy. The guUt of
Saul's bloody house was expiated by the execution of
his seven sons and grandsons. Ahab and Hezekiah
were condemned to suffer in the person of their
descendants. On the other hand, here also, the
vicarious influence of suffering and action has its
positive side, God bears with David's dynasty, for
the sake of their "great ancestor. The positive and
negative aspects are summed up in the statement
that God punishes the children for their father's sins
unto three or four generations, but shows mercy unto
the children of the righteous for a thousand genera
tions (Exod. xx. 5, 6 ; cf . Psalm lxxix. 8). But Ezek.
xviU. states expressly that the righteous son shall
not die for his father's sin, nor the wicked son be
saved by his father's righteousness. The affirmation
and the denial of hereditary responsibility express
two truths which are complementary not contra
dictory.

186 . JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
Thus, through the solidarity and continuity of the
family and nation, 0. T. theology recognised the
principle of the innocent suffering for the guilty ; and
hi Isa. liii. this principle is adopted to explain the
sufferings of the righteous. Such vicarious suffering
is not a useless sacrifice, but ministers to the need
of the guUty, and may even win their forgiveness.
The national unity of Israel, by which the innocent
suffered for his guilty kinsfolk, answers to that
solidarity of humanity by which the death of Christ
avails for the race.
The second principle was that of the spiritual
character of true blessedness. Much of the difficulty
as to God's moral government arose out of the close
identification of His rewards with material benefits.
This high estimate of external prosperity is thoroughly
discredited by Ecclesiastes, which shows that health
and riches, long life and a large family, may be — or,
acccording to it, are — " vanity of vanities," " vanity
and vexation of spirit," no blessings at all. His
reasoning obviously leads up to a conclusion which
he does not state — namely, that such vanities cannot
be infallible tokens of man's spiritual state or of
God's favour. On the other hand the Psalter shows
that men could find delight in fellowship with God
and have assurance of His approval, even when poor
and oppressed. "If only I have Thee I ask for
nothing else in earth or heaven ; though body and
soul perish, yet Thou, O God, art my soul's comfort
and my portion for ever" (Psalm lxxiU. 25, 26).
(Smend 453.)
No longer crushed by the delusion that suffering

JEHOVAH AND THE ISRAELITE 187
was merely a token of God's wrath, man discerned
its discipUnary value :
" It is good for me that I have been afflicted ;
That I might learn Thy statutes " (Psa. cxix. 71).
The discussion of this problem naturally involved
occasional reference to the hope of a future Ufe (see
next section), and the suggestion that some light
may be thrown on the problem by the possibUities
of the future state. But such suggestions are rare
and never clearly formulated, no one ventured to call
in the new world to redress the balance of the old.
Dan. xii. 2, 3, does not allude to our problem.
Perhaps this reticence was riot wholly due to un
certainty about man's future life. Since eternal life
has been included in our speculations on the apparent
moral discrepancy between the actual state of the
universe and the character of its Author and Ruler,
the problem has not been solved, it has only become
more compUcated and assumed larger dimensions.
33. The Future Life. — O. T. contains very little
expUcit statement as to the future life. The state
or place of the dead is known as Sheol, probably
the " Hollow Place " (cf. " hell," " Hblle ") ; and more
rarely as Abaddon, the " Place of Destruction." It
is nowhere said that death is the termination of
conscious life, and even necromancy implies a belief
in continued existence after death. But Sheol, like
Hades, is a realm of shadowy, impotent ghosts, and
existence in Sheol seems conceived as a kind of vague
nightmare (cf . the scene of the dead kings and nations
in Sheol in Isa. xiv., Ezek. xxxU.). According to
Eccles. ix. 10, "there is no work, nor device, nor

188 JEHOVAH AND ISRAEL
knowledge, nor wisdom, in Sheol." In the same
spirit, the inhabitants of Sheol are called Rephaim,
" the feeble ones."
Such conceptions of life in Sheol were very far
removed from that- future life which N. T. describes
as beginning with the resurrection ; but the teaching
of O. T. partly bridges the gulf between the two.
The first suggestions of such a resurrection are met
with in connection with the nation, and its repre-
tatives, patriarchs, and prophets. The narratives of
the translation of Enoch and Elijah indicate a belief
in a possibUity of a future life of bliss with God.
The possibility of release from Sheol is implied in the
accounts of how Elisha raised the son of the Shunam-
mite from the dead, and, of how the prophet's bones
revived a corpse. With regard to the nation, as a
rule the prophets teach that the new Israel will
spring from the surviving remnant of the old. Yet
sometimes they seem to intimate that the expansion
of the remnant into a numerous people is not to be
brought about by any tedious process of natural in
crease of population, but by a kind of resurrection
of the ancient people. So Hosea vi. 2: "After two
days He will revive us : on the third day He will
raise u up, and we shall live before Him " ; and in
Ezek. xxxvu. 1-14, the new Israel is formed by the
revivifying of the dry bones of dead Israelites. The
nation even involves its Redeemer in its own fortunes,
and in Isa. liii., the Righteous Servant accompUshes
His mission by His death and resurrection.
Such instances of individual or national resurrection
readily suggest the principle of a general resurrection

JEHOVAH AND THE ISRAELITE 189
of mankind. But this further step was taken with
much hesitation. Even the discussion of the divine
allotment of happiness and suffering to individuals
barely hinted at possible readjustment and compensa
tion hereafter. We find the hope rather than the
assurance of such vindication of the divine righteous
ness, and that only in a few passages. In Job xiv. 13,
14, the sufferer even ventures to hope that he may b©
recaUed to life from Sheol ; and in spite of corrupt
text and doubtful translation (xix. 25, 26), "I know
that my Redeemer liveth," etc., seems to intimate a
simUar vision (cf. also Psalms xi. 7, xvU. 15).
It is only in Dan. xU. 2 that we are told that
" many of them that sleep in the dust of the earth
shall awake, some to everlasting Ufe, and some to
shame and everlasting contempt."

DIVISION II
GOD AND THE UNIVERSE

DIVISION II
GOD AND THE UNIVERSE
34. Han. — Israel is always the main interest, as
well as the starting point, of O. T. theology. Yet, if
to understand the " flower in the crannied wall, what
it is, root and all, and aU in all," is to know " what
God and man is," a simUar understanding of the
purpose and operation of the divine dealings with
Israel would Uluminate the whole range of theology.
Israel stood related to the human race ; to be
thoroughly effective the God of Israel must control
the mutual relations of Israel and mankind — i.e., He
must be the Lord of nations. The question of the
relation of God to the heathen naturally arose from
the relation of Israel to its neighbours. Its God, in
the first instance met the heathen as its champion
against its enemies. A champion, however, is not
always victorious. Heathen, and popular Jewish
theology could imagine the divine champion of one
nation defeated by the gods of its enemies ; and it
was understood that in a national defeat the national
deity might be included among the vanquished. Thus
the victories of Israel implied Jehovah's power over
vanquished gods and nations. But the prophets even
discerned the outstretcbed arm of Jehovah in the
198 13

194 GOD AND THE UNIVERSE
catastrophes of His people. Their conquerors, Egypt,
Assyria, and Babylon, were the instruments of His
justice. Hence the whole course of history mani
fested the supremacy of Jehovah over all mankind.
Thus, too, the Jewish conceptions of the power and
majesty of Jehovah became more exalted as their
international horizon widened.
But in spite of the Israelite standpoint of the O. T.
its recognition of the moral character of Jehovah
excluded the possibiUty of arbitrary favouritism. God
overthrows heathen empires on account of their sins,
and not merely to serve the interests of Israel.
Amongst their sins are reckoned their mutual in
justice and their treatment of their own subjects, as
well as the injuries inflicted upon Israel. Jehovah is
interested in justice, benevolence, and good govern
ment amongst all mankind.
This attitude is implied by the genealogies; all
mankind — and not merely the Israelites— are made
in the divine image and likeness, and share the life
which Jehovah breathed into the nostrils of the
first man. All existing races have a share in
the deliverance from the Flood and the covenant
with Noah. Moreover, Ishmael and Esau, "Moab
and Ammon, inherit divine promises a« well as
Israel. O. T. too, recognises genuine religion quite indepen
dent of the revelation made to Israel. Melchisedek king
of Salem, priest of El Elyon (E.V., "the Most High
God ") receives tithes from Abraham and is recognised
in Psalm ex. as the highest type of priest ; Jethro, the
priest of Midian, is exhibited in the most favourable

GOD AND THE UNIVERSE 195
and honourable light ; and the Mesopotamian Balaam
becomes the orgari of divine revelation. Moreover,
the Law is not unmindful of the resident alien (ger.).
He may become circumcised, partake of the Passover,
and thus virtually become an Israelite, or more
strictly a proselyte (Exod. xii. 48).
0. T. constantly recognises God's interest in the
heathen. Hence Jonah's mission to Nineveh, and
the flattering picture of the Moabite widow, Ruth.
In Amos ix. 7, God's interest in the Philistines and
the Syrians is placed on the same level as His care for
Israel; and in Isa. xl.-lxvi, Israel's mission is to be a
light to Ughten the Gentiles. In Daniel, other nations
have their guardian angels as well as Israel; and
Deut. iv. 19 states that Jehovah assigned the host of
heaven as objects of worship to all the nations under the
whole heaven. But whatever traces there may be in
the O. T. of divine recognition of worship, outside the
reUgion of Israel, such recognition is only temporary
and provisional. As the starting point of humanity
is its creation in the image of God, so the goal is its
comprehension in that Kingdom of God, which also
realises the highest hopes of Israel.
There is, therefore, no absolute anthropology in the
O. T. ; man's relation to God is mediated from be
ginning to end through the Chosen People. Strictly
speaking the 0. T. has no doctrine of man as man,
but only as Israelite. Adam and the patriarchs owe
their religious status to the fact that they are to be
the ancestors of Israel, they are not mere men but
the elect subjects of special covenants, and represent
Israel and not ordinary humanity. On the other

196 GOD AND THE UNIVERSE
hand so far as the true Israel is ultimately to
embrace all mankind, Israel and the religious life
of Israel become the types of humanity and its
relation to God. Man, therefore, is a responsible,
free agent, capable by his spirit (ruah) of having
feUowship with God, and of receiving or resisting
the suggestions of the Spirit of God (cf. pp. 71, 105.
112, 176, 178, 187).
35. EvU. — 0. T. offers no explanation of the origin
or existence of evil, especially of moral evil. Isa.
xiv. 6, 7 indeed states : " I am Jehovah and there is
none else. I form the light and create darkness ; I
make peace and create evil : I Jehovah do all these
things." But the inspired writer is here emphasising
the divine unity and not seeking to explain the mystery
of evil ; he is probably thinking rather of suffering
than of sin. On the other hand, according to Gen. i,
"God saw all that He had made and it was very good."
The document to which Gen. i. belongs states in Gen.
vi. 11, 12, that the earth became corrupt, but it dees
not explain how a perfect creation Hell from its
primeval purity. But although Gen. iU. comes origi
nally from a different document, the author of the
Pentateuch may have intended it to account for this
lapse. According to Gen. iii, sin in the human race
had its origin in external suggestion, to which first
woman and then man succumbed. But the narrative
throws no light on the origin pf evU, for we find
it already existing in a most malignant form in the
serpent, which is itself a creature of God, and which
—if we connect with Gen i.— had been pronounced
very good.

GOD AND THE UNIVERSE 197
0. T. as a whole assumes moral evil and human
responsibUity, but makes no attempt to explain them,
or to reconcile them with God's sovereignty and
perfect moral nature.
36. Material Universe. — If Jehovah was to be in
any real sense God, even of Israel, He must not only
be Lord cf the Nations, but also of the Universe.
His lordship of the nations involved His supremacy
over the lands they inhabited. He sent pestUence
and famine upon the heathen as well as upon His
own people. Moreover, in blessing Israel with
fertUity or afflicting it with barrenness, heaven and
all its hosts were His instruments. Thus Jehovah is
Creator and Ruler alike of earth and heaven. At the
same time the problems of the origin of matter, or
of an absolute beginning of things, do not seem to
have presented themselves to 0. T. writers. When
God created (Gen. i.) boyra', earth and heaven, the
prior existence of a waste abyss seems implied,
and there is no sufficient evic'en^e that the mere
term bara' proves that a creation out of nothing is
intended. SimUarly O. T. has no fixed and definite doctrine
of the ultimate destiny of the present material
universe. Many passages, however, suggest that
one of the preliminaries to the establishment of the
Kingdom of God wUl be the complete transfiguration
of the present material universe or even its de
struction (Isa. li. 6, lxvi. 22, lxv. 17 ; Joel ii. 30, 31 ;
Haggai U. 21).
37. Supernatural Beings. — The lordship of Jehovah
over earth and heaven implies His supremacy in the

198 GOD AND THE UNIVERSE
spiritual universe. Here, too, 0. T. starts from the
conception of a national deity. Such a God to be
all-availing must be supreme over all other gods. As
champion of Israel He must be able to subdue the
supernatural powers which fight for their enemies.
He can only secure fertility for His land by con
trolling the spirits of the heavenly bodies, to whom
the heathen ascribed an independent deity. Eastern
imagination peopled the springs, and ancient trees, the
stones, cairns, and hill tops with innumerable spirits,
able to ban or bless their human neighbours, The
Israelite lived in continual fear for himself, his family,
his cattle and farm, unless he was assured that these
spirits were also subject to the wUl of the God of
Israel. The divine name which Jehovah bears as one of a
class of spiritual or supernatural beings is ELOHIM.
Elohim is also used of the gods of the heathen, of
the spirit of the dead prophet Samuel, and -even
of exalted earthly authorities. When it is desired to
call attention to the fact that the True God is
referred to, ha-Elohim, the God is often used.
The form is plural, and when it is used of false
gods, etc., it may be construed either as a singular or
plural, but when it refers to the True God, it is
almost always construed as a singular., O. T. does
not explain why the plural is used. It has been
held to indicate the exaltation and infinite variety of
the divine qualities and operations — plural of majesty
— or as a relic of a time when the supernatural world
was conceived of as a plurality of undistinguished
beings — Elohim.

GOD AND THE UNIVERSE 199
We find traces in 0. T. of various views of the
relation of other supernatural beings to Jehovah.
i. According to the ordinary Semitic view, to
which popular Jewish superstition long tended to
return, Jehovah, Chemosh, Moloch, etc., etc., were
each of them tribal gods, of the same genus, but
differing in power and authority.
ii. There was also a tendency to confuse Jehovah
with other gods. He seems sometimes to have been
worshipped as Baal or Moloch.
Ui. While the heathen gods are still recognised
as actual supernatural beings, Jehovah is regarded
as a being of a different order, unique and supreme
(Isa. xl., etc.).
iv. The heathen gods are regarded as NO-gods,
nonentities ('ELILIM, not 'ELOHIM).
v. In Daniel the heathen gods are replaced by
guardian angels of heathen nations.
By these steps Jehovah's rivals were reduced either
to nonentities or to His humble servants, and took
their place in His heavenly court, amongst the
various orders and species of angels. Thus Jehovah
is shown to be unique and supreme amongst super
natural beings.
38. The Doctrine of God. — We have already
mentioned the names, Jehovah, etc., which are
personal to the God of Israel, and Elohim which
describes God as a supernatural being. Besides these
EL is a divine name common to all Semitic languages.
lt is of uncertain origin, often explained as the
"Strong One," and sometimes supposed to be etymo
logically connected with Elohim. 'ELOAH is merely

200 GOD AND THE UNIVERSE
a singular formed from Elohim, and chiefly occurs
in Job. 'EL 'ELYON, in Gen. xiv. is the deity
worshipped by Melchisedeck. Elsewhere, 'ELYON
(E.V., " Most High ") is an epithet or name of
the God of Israel; it is also a Phoenician divine
name. SHADDAI, also in EL SHADDAI (E.V.,
"Almighty"), is a name of uncertain origin and
meaning. We may now briefly summarise what is stated or
implied in 0. T. concerning the doctrine of God.
The most formal statements on the subject are
Isa. xl.-xlviii.
He is Elohim, a supernatural being, differing in
undefined and undefinable ways from men. In spite
of the plural form of Elohim, He is One, unique
amongst, and supreme over, all other supernatural
beings, oi -Elohim. He is therefore self-existent and
self-sufficient, according to the interpretation attached
in Exod. iii. 14, to the personal name Jehovah, " I
am that I am." * He is personal, all personal
attributes, consciousness, -will, emotion, are freely
ascribed to Him.
Positively God is the origin of all things, the
Creator of the universe and of mankind. He is
omnipotent, omniscient, omnipresent and eternal.
Negatively, He is subject to no limitations. As
omnipotent He is unlimited either by the forces or
qualities of matter.
* The alternative explanations : " I become what I become,"
" I will be what I will be," do not materially affect the
general -testimony of the interpretation to the divine unique
ness and self-sufficiency.

GOD AND THE UNIVERSE 201
The absolute freedom of God's action in nature is
shown by miracles, extraordinary and surprising
deviations from what is familiar to man's experience
of Nature (pele niphldoth mopheth), which serve as
signs (oth), and also show that He is not Umited by
the will of animals, men, or supernatural beings. As
omniscient, He is not limited by distance in space, by
the past or future in time, by intervening material
obstacles, or by the privacy of human consciousness.
He " declareth unto man what is his thought "
(Amos iv. 13). As omnipresent He can manifest
Himself, speak, act, everywhere, in Egypt and
Chaldea, as weU as in Palestine ; His special connec
tion with Palestine is not due to any necessity of
His own nature, but to His free election of Israel.
Thus Psalm cxxxix. 8-12 :
" If I ascend up into heaven, Thou art there,
If I make my bed in Sheol, behold, Thou art
there.
If I take the wings of the morning,
And dwell in the uttermost parts of the sea ;
Even there shall Thy hand lead me,
And Thy right hand shall hold me.
„ If I say, surely the darkness shall overwhelm
me,
And the Ught about me shall be night ;
Even the darkness hideth not from Thee,
But the night shineth as the day ;
The darkness and the light are both alike to
Thee."
He is eternal, the 0. T. knows nothing of any beginning

202 GOD AND THE UNIVERSE
or ending of God, but always' states or implies His
existence before all things, during all history, and
beyond its farthest outlook into the future.
In His relation to mankind, as typified by His
dealings with Israel (cf. § 33), He shows Himself a
moral being, self-consistent, just and benevolent.
Thus, in Exod. xxxiv. 5-7, He proclaims "His
Name " as " Jehovah, Jehovah, a God full of compas
sion and gracious, slow to anger, and plenteous in
mercy and truth, keeping mercy for a thousand
generations, forgiving iniquity and transgression and
sin ; and that will by no means clear the guUty ;
visiting the iniquity of the fathers upon the children,
and the chUdren's chUdren, upon the third and fourth
generation."

INDEX OF SUBJECTS

PAGE-
56, 57, 75
. 187
102, 113155

115

Aaron, House of
AbaddonAbrahamAccursed Thing
Achan .
Adjurations .
Adonai .
AdulteryAgricultural Feasts
AhabAhazAhijah .
Altar .
Amon .
Amos .
Angel of Jehovah
Angels .
Anger of God
AnointingAnthropomorphism AnthropopathismAntiochus Ephiph;
ApocryphaArk'Asham.'A&hera
Ashes .
Astronomical Feasts
Atonement —
Day of . 141, 151, 166
Doctrine of . 16% 184
Azazel . . . .152, 168

114155 98
176
137 185 23
113 117 32 14
108
107 99
154 99 99
¦74117
157
149, 161
31, 35
. 143
. 139

PAGE
Baal . . 13, 17, 39, 97
Babylon, Fall of . .62
Balaam .... 195
Ban . . . .155
Baruch . . . .185
Benevolence of God . 104
Bethel . . . .125
Blessing . . .155
Blood . . . 143, 157
Brotherhood of Man . 194
Burnt Offering . . 148
Candlestick, Golden . 157
Canon . . . 42, 115
Captivity —
Assyrian ... 26
" Babylonian . . 54
Chaos . . . .197
Cherubim . . .108
Chronicles ... 69
Circumcision . .142
Cities of Befuge . .126
Cleanness . . 142, 156
Conscience . . . 176
Courts of Tabernacle
and Temple . . 127
Covenant ... 101
„' Book'of . 102
„ New . .85
Creation . . .197
Curses .... 155
Cyrus ... 62, 90

203

204

INDEX OF SUBJECTS

Daniel, Book of
David .
„ House of
Day of Jehovah
Dead .
Deborah
Decalogue Dedication, —
Feast of .
Services .
Demons f
Deuteronomy
Devoted Thing
Disperoion .
Divination .
Divine Sovereignty
Dreams
Drink Offering
Ecclesiastes .
Ecstasy .
Edom .
Egypt .
El „ Elyon .
„ Shaddai
Enemy, Love of
Enoch .
Ephod .
Esther .
Eternity of God
Evil .
Excommunication Existence of God
Exodus .
Ezekiel .
Ezra

God

Faith .
Faithfulness of
Fall .
Family, The .
Fasts .
FatFatherhood of God
Feasts .
Firstlings

PAGE
74, 81, 84
91, 113
. 87
33, SO, 81
. 188
. 135
. 173
. 139
. 153
. 110
34, 65
. 155
54, 62
. 135
. 100
. 114
. 146
68, 69
. 135
. 54
28,43
. 199
194, 199
. 199
. 173
. 188
. 114
. 73
. 201
. 196
. 161
. 201 7
51-62
. 64

. 179
. 103
. 196
. 128
139, 153
. 157
97, 100
. 136
. 157

Firstfruits .
Folly
Food .
Foreigners .
Forgiveness .
Future Life .
Gedaliah .
Gentiles Glory of God
God- Doctrine of
Names of .
Unity of .
God's Heathen
Gog . .
Graven Image
Guilt Offering

PAGE
. 137, 157
. 175
. 142
. 173
. 40, 177
. 187
. 53
. 73, 195
. 104
39, 103, 199
. 3, 12, 198
. 39
. 197
. 82
. 35
. 149, 161

Habakkuk ... 50
Haggai . . . .63
Hananiah . . .115
Hands, Laying on of . 165
Harvest, Feast of . .137
Hattath . . 149, 161
Heathen . 73, 86, 195
Heave Offering . . 145
Heaven, Queen of. 45, 53
Heiresses . . .125
Hell, see sheol ; ABAnDOsr.
Heredity . . .185
Jlferem (Ban) . .155
Hezekiah . . 28-32
High Places . . 35, 125
High Priest . . .131
History, Revelation in . Ill
Holiness, Law of . 66-58
Holy, Holiness, etc. See
SACKED, etc. y
Hosea . . . 17-20
Host of Heaven . . 107
Hosts^Lord of .98

Idols .
Image of God
Images .
Immanuel .

. 35
. 194
. 35
24,89

INDEX OF SUBJECTS

205

PAGE

PAGE

Incense. . . .

. 157.

Law, see covenant,

Individualism 47, 71, 171, 173

Book of, Deuteb-

Inspiration .

105, 112

onomy, Ezekiel,

Isaiah . . 20-25, 27-33

Holiness, Law of, ,

„ xl.-lxvi.

. 69

Levitical Law,

Israel and the Heathen 86

Priestly Code.

Israel, Client (Ger) of

Leprosy

. 142

Jehovah .

. 101

Levites .

56, 131

Levitical Law
. 64
Life Eternal .
. 189
Jacob .
. 132
Long-suffering of God . 10 1
Jealousy Offering .
. 146
Lord
. 98
Jehoahaz
. 43
Lot.
. 185
Jehoiakim
.43, 47
Love of God .
. 104
Jehoiachin .
50
Jehovah
3,97
, Sabaoth .
. 97
Maccabees .
. 74
Jehu
. 14
Macgeba
31,35
Jeremiah . 3
5, 43-53, 60
Majesty of God
. 104
„ Book of
. 55
Malachi . . 6
4, 67, 84
Jeroboam II.
. 14
Man
. 193
Jerusalem, Fall of
. 51
Manasseh
. 32
Jethro .
. 194
Marriage of God vv
ith
Job
68,69
Israel
. 101
Joel
83, 84
Matter .
. 197
Jonah ,.
14, 68, 195
Megiddo, Ba.tle of
. 45
Joshua .
. 102
Melchisedek .'
. 194
„ (HP) . .
. 93
Mercy Seat .
. 157
Josiah .
33-44
Messiah .
79,87
Jubilee .
. 142
Micah .
. 25-27
Judaism
62-79
Michael
. 83
Judges, Book of
. 55
Minha .
. 146
Judgment on —
Miracle .
. 200
Heathen .
. 50
Moloch .
45, 198
Israel
8
Monotheism
39, 200
Justice of God
. 104
Moses . . 91,
113, 178
King .
Kingdom of God
Kings, Book of
Knowledge of God
112. 129
. ' 79
. 55
19, 175
Nahum .
Name, The .
Nature, Revelation i
-Nazirites
. 33
. 104
i . Ill
. 136
KPR (make
Atonement) 15
2,!l59, 166
Nebuchadnezzar .
Necho . .
. 47
. 43
Necromancy .
. 187
Lamentations
. 58
Nedaoa .
. 148
Land of Israel
. 124
Nehemiah . .
. 64
„ as Property .
. 124
Nehushtan .
. 31
206

INDEX OF SUBJECTS

New Heavens and New
Earth ,
New Moon .
New Year
Nineveh, Fall of
Noah

Oaths . .
ObadiahOfferings Oil Ola
OmnipotenceOmnipresence
Omniscience .
Omri, House of

94
139
140 93
102
155 54
145154148
200200
200 14

PassoverPeace Offerings
Pekah .
Pentateuch, see Cove
nant, Book of,
Deuteronomy, Ho
liness, Law of,
Levitical Law,
Priestly Code.
Pentecost
Personality of God
Pilgrimages .
Polytheism .
Praise .
Prayer .
Priestly Code
Priests . . 56. 57, 113, 131
,, of High Places .38,56
Prophets 11,15,38,47,113,133
Proselytes . . .195
Proverbs ... 68
Providence . . . 100
Psalms . . .67, 68, 153
„ Messianic
Punishment .
Purification . 143, 149, 161
Purim .... 139

138, 151
. 148
. 23

138200 138 10
152152 64

,92 176

Qorban .
Queen of Heaven

. 145
45,53

Religion —
Popular ... 9
Prophetic . . .11
Remnant . 23,49,93,136
Repentance ., . 41, 178
,, of God . 99
Rephaim . . .188
Restoration of Judah 60, 62
Resurrection . . .189
Retribution . . 13, 176
Return ... 60, 62
Revelation . . . 105
Rewards . . .176
Righteousness — -
of God . . .103
of Man . . .173
Ritual . . 9,11,54, 141
Ruth . 68, 195

Sabaoth, see Hosts, Lord
of
Sabbath
Sabbatical Year
Sacred —
Acts .
Persons
Place, The
PlacesSeasons
Things
Sacred Place, The Most
Sacred Things, Most
Sacrifices . . 143
„ Doctrine of
Salt .
Samaria, Fall of
Samaritans .
Samuel .
Sanballat
Sanctity of God

SargonSatan ,
Satyrs .
Saul .
Scepticism ScoffingScorners

. 140
58, 142 141128
127
124 136156
128159144
163146 2667
55, 91,113 68
123, 159
104 28
109110
91, 114
180176176

INDEX OF SUBJECTS

207

PAGE
Scribes . . . .136
Scripture; see Canon
Scythians ... 33
Seers . . . .134
Self-Consistency of God . . .103
Self-Righteousness . 9
Sennacherib ... 30
Seraphim . . .109
Serpent. . . 110, 196
Servant of Jehovah 60,90, 178
Seven (Sacred Number) 140
Shaddai . ... 199
Shear-jashub . . 23
Shelamim . . .147
Sheol . . 187
Shewbread . . 146, 157
Sign . . . .200
Sin 160, 175
Sinai . . . .102
Sin-offering . . . 149, 161
Sins of Inadvertence —
i.e.. " Hidden Sins " . 161
Sins, Presumptuous . 161
Sons of God . . .107
Sons of the Prophets . 134
Soothsaying . . .135
Spirit of God . . 105
„ of Man . . 196
Sufferings of the
Righteous . . 68, 179
Synagogues . . . 128
Syncretism ... 45
Tabernacle . . .126
Tabernacles, Feast of 138, 139
Temple . 36, 44, 63, 126, 156
Tenupha . . . 145

PAGE

Teruma

145

Thankoffering
Theophanies .
Time, Sanctity of .
Torah .

!

148
105136114

Transcendentalism

110
Trespass Offering . 149
Trustworthiness of God
161103
Trinity .
Types ,
110114
Universalism. . . 86
Unleavened Bread,
Feast of . . 137,151
Urim and Thummim . 114
Vicarious Atonement
Vintage Feast
Visions .
Vows War .
WashingsWave Offering
Week .
Weeks, Feast of
Wisdom
Word .
Zadok, House of
Zebah .
„ Slielamim
„ Toda .
„ Teru'a .
Zechariah Zephaniah
Zerubbabel .
184137 114152143
143 145 140
138106105 56
147
148148 148 6343
8,93
INDEX OF 0. T. PASSAGES

PAGE

PAGE
Genesis.
Exodus (continued).
xii. 48 . . 142. 195
i., ii. . 105,140,196,197
xix.
. 124
i.26 . . . . 112
xix. 5, 6
128
iii.
iye
XX.
173
iii. 24 .
108
xx. 5, 6 .
185"
vi. 11, 12
196
xx. 20 : xxiii
33
10
2, 173
ix.
102
xxii. 6-11
156
xiv.
199
xxiii. 4 .
173
xv., xvii.
102
xxiii. 14
138
xvii.
142
xxiii. 15
151
xvii. 14 .
161
xxiii. 16
137
xviii. 1 .
125
xxiii. 19
13
7, 138
xviii. 32
185
xxiv.
105
xix. 1 .
109
xxiv. 5 .
144
xx. 2 .
125
xxiv. 7 .
102
xx. 7 .
113
xxv.-xl.
157
xxii. 2 .
125
xxv. 2 .
145
xxvi. 2 .
125
xxv. 29 .
147
xxviii. 19
125
xxv. 30 .
146
xxxi. 13
126
xxviii., xxix
131
xxxii. 1 .
109
xxix.
154
xxxv. 14, 15
125
xxix. 38- 16
151
xlvi. 1 .
125
xxx.
"108
xxx. 10 .
141
Exodus
xxx. 13 .
xxx. 22-29
145159
iii. 1 .
. 124
xxx. 33, 38
. 161
iii. 13 .
7
xxxi. 3 .
. 105
iii. 14 .
. 97, 200
xxxi. 14
. 161
vi. 2
7 •
xxxiv. 5-7
. 201
xii. K, 19
. 161
xxxiv. 10
. 102
908
INDEX OF 0. T. PASSAGES

209

Exodus

{continued).

Leviticus {continued).

xxxv. 13

. 146

xvii. 1-7

. 58

xxxvi. 8

. 108

xvii. 7 .

. 110

xxxvii. .

. 108

xvii. 11 .

. 157

xxxvii. 16

. 147

xviii.-xx.

. 57

xxxviii. 24

. 145
xviii.
. 161
xix. 2 .
. 57
Leviticus.
xix. 5-8 .
xix. 9, 10 .
. 148
. 125
i. 4
. 166
xix. 18 .
. 174
ii. 6, 14-18
. 146
xix. 19 .
. 142
iii.
148
xx. 1-6 .
. 161
iii. 2
166
xx. 17-18
. 161
iv. .
161
xx. 25, 26
. 57
iv., v. .
149
xxi.
. 133
iv. 1-3 .
149
xxi. 10-15 .
. 58
iv. 3-16 .
! 9
3, 129
xxiii.
. 146
iv. 4
166
xxiii. 5-8
. 151
iv. 28, 32
150
xxiii. 15-17 .
137, 138
v.-xv.
. 142, 14
9,161
xxiii. 24
. 140
v.-vii. .
149
xxiii. 26-32 .
141, 151
v. 1-vi. 7
149
xxiii. 27, 29 .
. 153
v. 1-6 .
149
xxiii. 29
. 161
v. 6
150
xxiv. 5-9
. 146
v. 11 .
146
xxv.
67, 124
v. 6-8, 12
149
xxvi. .
. 124
v. 13 .
150
xxvi. 34-43 .
. 68
vi. 2
150
xxvii. 28, 29 .
. 155
vi. 1-7 .
149
xxvii. 28
. 155
vi. 6
150
vi. 12 .
148
Number
3.
vi. 14-18
148
vi. 24-30
149
i. 8, 18 .
. 131*
vii. . 1'
16, 148, 15
3, 161
iv. 7 .
. 147
vii. 7
166
v. 15 .
. 146
vii. 31 .
145
v. 18 .
. 145
viii.
154
vi 
136, 145
viii, ix. . .
132
vi., vii., xxviii., xxi
x. . 151
xii. 3 .
142
vi. 22-27
113
xiv., xv. .
151
vii.
151
xiv. 15 .
150
ix. 13 .
161
xiv., xix.
149
xv. 1-16
. 146
xvi-
141. 151, 157
xv. 22 .
. 14P
xvi. 21, 22
. 127, 167
xv. 22-29
. 16!.
xvii.
. 127, 161
xviii. 14 ,
165
xvii.-xxvi.
56. 67, 173
xviii. 26
145
svji, 2 . ,
167
xix.
142
u
210

INDEX OF 0. T. PASSAGES

Numbers (continued).

xix. 13, 20
xxi. 8 .
xxiii. 21
xxiv. 7 .
xxvi., xxvii.
xxviii. 16-25
xxix. 7-11
xxx.
xxxv. .
xxxvi. .

. 161
. 109
. 131
. 131
. 125
. 151
141, 151
. 152
. 126
. 125

Deuteronomy.

i. 6
iv. 12
iv. 19
v. 2
v. 8
v. 15
vi. 4
vi. 5
vi. 13
vii. 6
vii. 26
x. .
x. 16
xii.
xii. 1-16.
xii. 3
xii. 13, 14
' xii. 19
xiii. 1-8
xiv.xiv. 2
xiv. 27-29
xvi.
xvi. 10
xvi. 13
xvi. 16
xvi. 21, 22
xvii. 14-20
xviii. 6-8
xviii. 15
Xviii. 15-22
Xviii, 18,

124105
195102 35
140 40
175
156 39
155157142
127, 152 37
3537 38
35
142 39
38 37
138138138 35
129, 131 38 91
38
113

Deuteronomy (continued).
xviii. 21-22 . . .116
xix  126
xix.- 13 . . . .162
xx. 10-18 . . .155
xxi. 1-9. . . 142,162
xxiii. 4, 15 . . . 152
xxvi. 1-11 . . . 152
xxvi. 2, 10 . . .137
xxvi. 18-19 ... 39
xxx. 6 . . . . 142
xxxii. 17 . . .110
xxxii. 38 164
xxxiii." 2 . . . 124
xxxiii. 5 . . . 130
xxxiii. 10 . .114

125 155114
125 126
156102

Joshua.

v. 13

vi. 18

vii. 14

xvii. 3
XX.
xxii. 19
! 1 12'
xxiv. 25
¦ • .
Judges,
v. 5
• • *
124
vi. 11,
12, 20, 21 .
108
vi. 14,
16, 23 .
108
vi. 34
105
xiii. 15
, 21 : ;
108
xiii. 22
,23 . .
1 Samuel.
108
iii. 4
105
iii. 17
156
iii. 20
91
iv. 4
99
vi.
150
vi. 15
149
vii, 9
• • « <
144
INDEX OF 0. T. PASSAGES

211

1 Samuel

(con,

Unite

d).

1 Kings

(continued).

viii. 12 . . . .131

xix. 16 . . . .154

ix. x.

134, 135

xxi. 22 .

. 113

ix. 9

. 135

xxii.

. 115

x. 11 .

91
xxii. 19, 20
. 106
x. 21 .
114
xxii. 22 .
. 109
x. 26 .
19
xi. 4 .
19
2 Kings.
xi. 15 .
154
xii. 12, 13
19
ii.-vi  134
xiv. 41 .
114
iii. 27 .
164
xvi. 1 .
8
iv. 9
133
xvi. 6 .
87
v. 17 .
164
xvi. 13 .
105
xii. 1 6 .
150
xxii. 7 .
146
xiv. 23-27
14
xxiv. 25
130
xviii. 4 .
. 31
xxvi. 19
124
xviii. 6 .
43
xxviii. 6
114
xxi!
32
xxx. 8 .
114
xxi. 16 .
32
xxii., xxiii.
34
xxii. 15-17
40
2 Samuel.
xxii. 19 .
107
xxii. 20 . ,
43
vi. 2
99
xxiii.
116
vii.
8
xxiii. 2 .
130
xi. 11 .
99
xxiii. 3 .
102
xiv. 17 .
89
xxiii. 4-14
32, 35
xxii. 32 .
97
xxiii. 8, 13, li
i, 20 '.
38
xxiii. 5 .
102
xxiii. 15-20
35
xxiii. 16
150
xxiii. 20
38
xxiv. 1 .
110
xxiii. 25
43
1 Chronicles.
1 Kings.
xxi. 1 . . . . 110
ii. 26,27 . . .132
xxix. 21, 22 . . .154
iii. 4
126, 130
iii. 28 .
. 106
2 Chronicles.
vi. 28, 29
1UB
viii.
130
"xi. 15 . . . .110
xi., xii. .
8
xv. 1 . . . . 105
xi. 29 .
113
xxix., xxxi . . .151
xiii. 18 .
109
xxxv. 20-24 ... 46
xiv. 7 .
113
xviii. .
\v
;, 134
Ezra.
xviii. 21
14
xix.
114
iii.-vj  63
Six. U .
105
iv.M ,
»
63
212

INDEX OF 0. T. PASSAGES

Ezra ^continued).

Psalms

(continued).

vii. 6, 21, 25 .

. 136

xvii. 15 .
xviii. .

. 71, 189
. 88

viii. 21 .

. 153

xviii. 10

. 108

ix., x. .
ix. 1-4 .

65
. 64

xix.
xix. 1-6

. 67
. Ill

xix. 12 .

. 162

Nehemiah.

XX.

. 88

xxii.
69, 92
v. . .
. 65
xxvii. 6
. 148
viii.
. 67
xxxiii. 6, 9
. 105
x. .
65, 116
xxxv. .
. 69, 73, 92
x. 29 .
. 102
xxxvii. .
. 69
xiii.
. 65
xxxvii. 37, 3
i . .183
xiii. 4-9, 10
. 64
xxxix. 12
. 101
xiii. 10-14
. 65
xii.
. 92
xiii. 23-28
. 65
xliv.
75
xiii. 28 .
. 68
xiv.
. 88
xiii. 29-31
. 65
1.5
, 144
li. 16, 17
. 68
• Esther
lx.
. 75
Ixi.
. 88
ix. 20, 32
. 139
lxvi. 18 .
. 152, 180
Ixviii. 8, 17
. 124
Job.
lxix.
73, 92
lxxii.
. 88
i. 6
. 162
Ixxiii. 19
. 183
i. 6
.
106, 107
Ixxiii. 26, 26
. 186
ii. 1 ' .
.
106, 107
lxxiv. .
. 75
iv. 18 .
. 109
Ixxvii.-lxxix.
81
xiv. 13, 14 .
.
. 189
' lxxviii. .
. Ill
xix. 25, 26
.
. 189
lxxviii. 49 .
. 110
xxviii. .
.
. 106
lxxix. 8
. 185
xxix.
.
. 173
lxxx. 1 .
. 108
xxxviii. -xii, .
.
. Ill
xci. 11 .
. 109
xcix. 1 .
. 108
Psalms
ciii. 21 .
. 107
cv.-cvii.
81, 111
ii. .
.
. 88
cvi. 37 .
. 110
iii..
.
. 69
cix.
73
vii.
.
69,73
cix. 6 .
. 109
viii. 3
viii. 5 ,
. Ill
. 108
ex. ,
ex. 4 .
88, 94, 194 75
X.
.
. 69
cxv.
. 75
67, 78
. 67
. 187
t . 201
xi. 7
xv. 1
•
. 189
. 101
cxviii. .
cxix.
xvii.xvii, 14
.
. 69
cxix. 71
*
9
. 183 |
cxxxix, 8-12 ,
INDEX OF 0. T. PASSAGES

213

Psalms

(continued).

Isaiah
v. 22 .
v. 23 .
v.26 .

{continue^

cxlvii. 18, 19 . .105

. "

cxlviii. 5 . . . 105

vi. . 20,

37, 105, ioe

Proverbs.

vi. 3
vi. 1

viii. 14-18 . . .106

vii. 8 .

viii. 22-31 . . .106
vii. 6 .
xxxi. 10-31 . . .173
vii. 11 .
vii. 14 .
vii. 14, 16
Ecclesiastes.
vii. 14 .
ix. 10 . . . . 188
vii. 16 .
vii. 17-25
viii. 1-4
Isaiah.
viii. 4 .
viii. 8 .
i.-v.
. 124
viii. 11-13
i. .
9
viii. ±4 .
1
i.,2
. 22
viii. 16 .
i. 10, 17
. 22
viii. 16, 17 .
i. 11, 13
. 11
viii. 17 .
i. 21, 23
21
viii. 18 .
i. 23 .
22
viii. 19 .
i. 25-27 .
25
ix.2-7 .
\
i. 29 .
22
ix. 6 .
ii. 1-4 .
37,86
ix. 7 .
ii. 6
22
x 1-4 .
ii,. 6-22 . _
22
x. 5-16 .
ii. 8
22
x. 20-23.
ii. 11 .
21,23
x. 21 .
iii. 8 .
22
x. 24-34.
iii 13 .
23
xi. 1 .
iii. 14, 15
21
xi. 1-9 .
iii. 16 .
21
xi. 1-10 .
iii. 16-iv. 1
22
xi. 10-16
iv.
25
xiii., xiv.
iv. 3, 4 .
163
xiv.
v. 2
81
xiv. 24-27
v. 4
22
xiv. 29 .
v. 7
21,25
xvi. 5 .
v. 8
21
xvii. 1-11
v. 8-25 .
22
xvii. 6 .
v. 13 .
175
xix., xx.
v. 18, 19
21
xix. 18-25
v. 20 .
21
xxii. 15-19
v. 21 .
21
xxviii. 3
214

INDEX OF 0. T. PASSAGES

PAGE
Isaiah (continued).
xxviii. 3-8 ... 25
xxviii. 23-29 . . .105
xxix. 1, 2 . . .29
xxix. 1-8 .. . 30
xxx. 3 . . . .29
xxx. 6 . . . . 109
xxx. 15 . . . .29
xxx. 23-26 ... 84
xxx. 31-33 ... 30
xxxi. 1, 3 . . .28
xxxi. 3 . . . 28, 29
xxxi. 8, 9 . . .30
xxxii. 1. . . .90
xxxii. 15 . . .84
xxxiii. 17 . .90
xxxvi. 19, 20. . . 31
xxxvii. 12-29. . . 31
xxxvii. 35 . .30
xxxviii. 7 . . .115
xxxix  28
xxxix. 6, 7 . . .28

xl.-lxvi. .
xl.
xl. 2
xl. 9, 11.
xl. 28 .
xii.xii. 8-10
xii. 23, 24
xiii. 4-6.
xiii. 6 .
xliii.xliii. 1-7
xliv. 1 .
xliv. 1, 2
xliv. 1-8
xliv. 6 .
xliv. 7 .
xliv. 9-20
xliv. 28 .
xiv. 1 .
xiv. 4 .
xiv. 5 .
xiv. 6, 7.
xiv. 12 .

54, 59, 60, 61, 91,
92, 194, 200
60, 61, 199
61, 178 89
60
81
103 60
86
102 81
8461
9281
59,97 60
60
6290
9259
196 60

PAGE

Isaiah (continued).
xiv. 14 .

xiv. 23, 24
xlvi.
xlvi. 1, 2
xlvi. 3 .
xlvii.
xlvii. 6 .
xlviii. 1-8
xlviii. 13
xlix. 3 .
xlix. 5 .
xlix. 5, 6
xlix. 6 .
xlix 22, 23
xlix. 26.
li. 6
lii. 13 ; liii. 12
liii.liii. 5, 10
liv. 5, 6 .
liv. 17 .
lv. 3, 4 .
lvi. 1-8 .
lviii. 5 .
Ix. .
Ixi. 1 .
Ixi. 4-6 .
lxv. 17 .
lxv. 20-22
lxv. 25 .
lxvi. 19, 20
lxvi. 22.

8660
62
60
9361
6160
105 92
9391
60, 86
8689
197
91 92
46, 60, 178, 188 92

Jeremiah,

i. 2
i. 10
i. 11-19
i. 18
ii. 2
iii. 12
iii. 16
iv. 2
iv. 4
v. 1
vii. 18

101 86,8886
163 86
155
85,86 197 858586
94, 197

. 105
. 91
. 33
. 47
7,101
. 50
64, 158
. 41
. 142
. 49
. 45

INDEX OF 0. T. PASSAGES

215

Jeremiah
vii. 28 .
ix. 25, 26
xi. 10
xi. 28
xiii. 23
xiv. 8
xv. 4
xxi. 4-7
xxii. 15, 16
xxiii. 5, 6
xxiii. 5-8
xxiv. 4-7
xxv. 9 .
xxv. 11 .
xxv. 12-14
xxv. 15-33
xxv. 31

XXX.-XXX1U.xxxi. 9 .
xxxi. 31
xxxi. 27, 34
xxxi. 31-34
xxxii. 39-40
xxxiii. 15, 16
xxxvi. .
xl.-xliv.xliv.xliv. 18, 19
xlvi. -xlix.
xlix. 7-22
1, li. .
li. 20 .

PAGE
(continued). 4950
102 45 49
89
33,49 50 45

84505060505050
134
115
61, 8197
102 84
86
179 88
116 53
10,45 59 50
54
60,61
, 61

60,

Lamentations.

i.18 ii. 14
iv. 13

i. .
ii. 9
iii. 3

Ezekiel.

59
59 59

105 42
42

Ezekiel (continued).
vi. 1-14 .
vii. 23 .
viii.
ix. x.
xiii.
xvi. xvii. 11-21
xvii. 13 .
xvii. 15 .
xvii. 20 .
xviii.xviii. 5-9
xviii. 30, 31
xviii. 32.
xx.
xx. 5
xx. 37 .
xxi. 8-24
xxii.xxv. -xxxii.
xxv. 7 .
xxix. 21.
xxxii. .
xxxiii. 1-1
xxxiii. 21-29
xxxiv. 23, 24
xxxiv. 26, 27
xxxiv. 28
xxxvi. 9-38
xxxvi. 16-24
xxxvi. 21
xxxvi. 22
xxxvi. 25, 26
xxxvi. 26, 27,
xxxvii. .
xxxvii. 1, 14
xxxvii. 15-28,
xxxvii. 24, 25
xxxvii. 26
xxxviii. .
xxxix. .
xxxix. 23-29
xl.-xlviii.

xl.-xlii. xiii.xliii.

. 103 82
. 82
. 81
56, 58, 65, 79,
130, 149
. 56
. 127
. 56

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HHMM<|M050HK)MHHOHMOGOOOOOOlOO-^tOOOOOOOCOOh-'OO

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< a: fa: .— f r   . • ¦ • h? i-!: p: p: p; b; c: R- !-!¦?-• •¦  ¦

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o

ow

Wom

fa
i

s&3

MHMMMHOMMOMHHHHHCOOIHHHHWHWMOKHHOH
O(DC0QC»VI^OOO00!0e0<XIQ0a}Hat«D0Dttait00DM(0t3O«0Q0tSQ0

K* OO S

QOCDOOCOOOtOCOfcOOCOOObOOOCDOO

INDEX OF 0. T. PASSAGES

217

Amos (continued)

ii. 6
ii. 7
i 13-16
ii. 13
iii. 2
iii. 7
iii. 8
iii. 10
iii. 14, 1
iii. 14
iv. 1
iv. 4, 5
iv. 6-11
iv. 12
iv. 13
v. 5
v. 18-27
v. 18
v. 21, 22
V. 22
v. 26
vi. 14
vii.
vii. 11
vii. 14
vii. 15
viii. 5
viii. 14
ix. 7
ix. 11

17
9, 17
168412 1515 1716 171717 1616
201 1716 12
17
148 32 16 1716
134 15
17 17
112, 194

Micah (continued).

Obadiah.
19  85
Jonah.
iii. 4 .... 118
iii. 10 . . . . H8~

Micah

i.2
i. 6
i. 6, 7
H. 1-6

37262626

ii. 12
iii.iii. 5
iii. 12
iv. 1-4
iv. 4
iv. 5
v. .
v. 2
v. 5
v. 10-14
vi. 8

i.li. 15
iii. 1

Nahum.

Habakkuk.

i. 12
i. 13
ii. 4
ii. 8
ii. 9-17
ii. 18-20
ii. 20

Zephaniah.

ii. 7, 9 .
ii. 13 .
iii. 8
iii. 13 .
iii. 15-17

Haggai.

ii. 6
ii. 6-9 .
ii. 7, 8 .
ii. 10-14
ii. 20-23
ii. 21 .
ii. 23 .

26 26
143 26
37,86 86 2682
88, 9090 83
175

343433

. 50
51,69 5160 505051

33
33
33 33S9

94 S2
85
112 82
197

218 INDEX OF 0. T. PASSAGES

Zechariah.

Zechariah (cont

'nued).

i. 21 .

. 82

xiii.

. 83

iii -v.

. 83

xiii. 2-6 .

. 134

iii. 1, 2 .

. 109

xiv.

. 82

iii. 8 .

. 88

xiv. 1-11

. 84

iv.

8

xiv. 16-19 .

. 86

iv. 6

. 154

xiv. 20, 21 .

. 65

iv. 14 .

. 93

vi. 9-13 .

. 93

Malachi.

vii. 3-5 ,

139, 153

i. 7-14 .

. 67

viii. 7-15

. 84

ii. 14-16

. 67

viii. 12 .

. 84

iii. 1 . . .

. 89

viii. 19 .

139, 153

iii. 1-3 .

. 83

ix. 9-11 .

. 90

iii. 8^10 .

. 67

ix. 12-17

. 89

iii. 11, 12

. 84

xii.

. 82

iv 

. 83

xii. 8 .

. 88

iv. 4

. 42

BY THE SAME AUTHOR.
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