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DIVINITY SCHOOL
TROWBRIDGE LIBRARY

THE LIFE

CARDINAL XIMENEZ.

THE REV. DR. VON HEEELE,
OP TDBINGEN.

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THE REV. CANON DALTON.

CHARLES DOLMAN, MANAGER,
61, NEW BOND STREET, AND 21, PATERNOSTER ROW.
I860.

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COX AND WIMAH, PKINTEES, GKEAT QUEEN SXEEET,
llncoln's-inn EJELBS.

TO
HIS EMINENCE CARDINAL WISEMAN,
^rrjrlrishor/ of MzBtminskx, &t.
MY LOED CAEDINAL,
Amongst all the great prelates who lived in Spain in
the sixteenth century, none claims more admiration than the
illustrious Cardinal Ximenez, the honour and glory of his
country. Hence I know no one to whom this translation of his
life can be dedicated with more propriety, than to your Eminence,
who not only was born in that great Catholic country, but has
also ever taken the most lively interest in its welfare, and been
ready to defend it from false and unjust attacks.
Cardinal Ximenez was evidently raised up by G-od to do a
great work in his day, for the attainment of which he courage
ously encountered and surmounted innumerable difficulties. And
so do all Catholics recognize in your Eminence a " great priest,"
chosen by Providence to build up the walls of Jerusalem, in our
own dear country of England, where your Eminence has sur
mounted difficulties of no ordinary character, that would have
daunted less courageous hearts.
Cardinal Ximenez was likewise an illustrious patron of learn
ing, and the first who had the honour of publishing a Polyglot
Bible. And so do we recognize in your Eminence, one who
diligently treads in his footsteps, by the constant exhortations
and endeavours of your Eminence to aid and promote the advance
of knowledge amongst all classes, Catholic as well as those who

IV DEDICATION.
are separated from us. But especially do we admire, in the
biblical learning of your Eminence, a counterpart of that zeal for
the purity of God's "Word, and a critical knowledge of the Sacred
Scriptures, which added so much splendour to the abilities of
Cardinal Ximenez, and thus enabled him, as your Eminence has
already done, to confer so many benefits on the Church.
May God grant your Eminence length of days, for the welfare
of our holy religion.
Thanking you for the kind permission granted to me, of dedi
cating this translation to your Eminence,
I am, My Lord Cardinal,
Your Eminence's most respectful Servant,
JOHN CANON DALTON.

CONTENTS.

PEEEACE  Page ix
CHAPTEE I.
THE BIBTH AND YOUTH OE XIMENEZ  ]
CHAPTEE II.
FERDINAND AND ISABELLA ASCEND THE THRONE — CONQITEST
OE GBANADA  ;  .....'.  12
CHAPTEE III.
XIMENEZ IS CHOSEN CON^ESSOB TO QUEEN ISABELLA, AND
PROVINCIAL OF HIS OEDER  26
CHAPTEE IV.
XIMENEZ BECOMES ABCHBISHOP OF TOLEDO  33
CHAPTEE Y.
WHAT MANNEB OE LTEE THE NEW ABCHBISHOP LED  40
CHAPTEE VI.
THE EIRMNESS OE THE NEW ABCHBISHOP, WHO TAKES A
PABT IN THE AEEAIBS OE STATE EOB THE EIEST
TIME  50

VI CONTENTS.
CHAPTEE VII.
XIMENEZ AT OEANADA  THE CONVERSION OF THE MOOBS Page 58
CHAPTEE VIIL
NAEEATIVE OF EVENTS CONNECTED WITH THE ROYAL FAMILY
— DEATH OE THE QUEEN  83
CHAPTEE IX.
HISTORICAL PARALLEL BETWEEN ISABELLA OF SPAIN AND
ELIZABETH OF ENGLAND  ,  97
CHAPTEE X.
FOUNDATION OE THE UNIVERSITY OF ALCALA  ,  110
CHAPTEE XL
THE COMPLUTENSIAN POLYGLOT  134
CHAPTEE XII.
OTHEE LITERABX LABOURS OF XIMENEZ — THE MOZAEABIC
LITURGY  176
CHAPTEE XIII.
XIMENEZ IN THE ADMINISTRATION OF HIS DIOCESE — RE
FORM OF THE CLERGY, SECULAR AND REGULAR — PIOUS
FOUNDATIONS  197
CHAPTEE XIV.
XIMENEZ TAKES PAET IN THE AFFAIRS OF STATE UNDER
PHILIP THE FAIR  225
CHAPTEE XV.
THE DEATH OF PHILIP — XIMENEZ BECOMES REGENT OF THE
KINGDOM  250

CONTENTS. V
CHAPTEE XVI.
XIMENEZ IS NAMED CARDINAL, AND GRAND INQUISITOR OF
CASTILE AND LEON  Page 212
CHAPTEE XVII.
THE SPANISH INQUISITION  THE LITTLE TRUST WHICH IS
TO BE PUT IN THE STATEMENTS OE LLORENTE  276
CHAPTEE XVIII.
XIMENEZ AND THE INQUISITION  381
CHAPTEE XIX.
THE CONQUEST OF OBAN  401
CHABTEE XX.
XIMENEZ ATTENDS TO HIS DIOCESE — HIS MUNIFICENCE —
TERESA ANTIQUES — THE UNKIND TREATMENT WHICH
HE EECEIVED EEOM FERDINAND, ETC  432
CHAPTEE XXI.
THE CARDINAL SUPPORTS THE CAUSE OF PbPE JULIUS II.... 430
CHAPTEE XXII.
DEATH OF KING FERDINAND  448
CHAPTEE XXIII.
XIMENEZ TAKES POSSESSION OF THE EEGENCY, AND EXERTS
HIMSELF IN FAVOUR OF CHARLES  455
CHAPTEE XXIV.
XIMENEZ' SOLICITUDE FOE THE PEACE, OEDEE, AND SECUEITY
OF THE STATE  4Go

Vlll CONTENTS.
CHAPTEE XXV.
SOLICITUDE OF XIMENEZ EOB AMERICA  Page 495
CHAPTEE XXVI.
THE LAST YEAE OF THE CAEDINAL'S LIFE — HIS DEATH ... 518
CHAPTEE XXVII.
XIMENEZ AND RICHELIEU  556
APPENDIX  575

PBEFACE.

Europe contains no nation whose history is so interesting
as that of Spain. The country itself is perfectly unique, both
in its physical character, in its scenery, in the manners and
dispositions of its inhabitants, as well as in its religious and
political condition. It is a nation, however, difficult to
be understood, except by those who have been in the country
fo#some length of time. Every part of .the continent but
Spain has been trodden again and again by English travellers.
Hitherto, the want of sufficient internal communication,
united with civil wars, and an ungenerous prejudice in the
English mind against Spain, may have deterred the great
mass of our tourists from visiting a country whose historical
recollections are so grand and so instructive.
But have Spaniards any cause to regret this circumstance ?
Certainly not; for those who have visited the country,
either for pleasure or information, have all (with a few
honourable exceptions) indulged in such misrepresenta
tions and calumnies against the Spanish nation and her
religion, as to make the name of an Englishman synonymous
with everything that is dishonourable, arrogant, and abusive.
Ford's " Hand-book for Spain,"* and Borrow's " Bible in
Spain/'f are in a special manner samples of Protestant
prejudice and base pandering to English bigotry. And then,
* With regard to Mr. Ford, who died last year, it is but just to add, that
he exceedingly regretted having said so many untrue and unlcind things about
Spain in his "Hand-book," which, in other respects, contains such a mass of
useful and interesting information.
+ Borrow's infamous work received a severe castigation in the "Dublin
Review " (No. XXVIII., May 1843).

X PREFACE.
what little confidence can be placed in the letters or reports
of newspapers' "Own Correspondents " connected with Spain,
Italy, or Austria. The Pope, the Queen of Spain, the
Emperor of Austria, and the King of Naples, are the objects
of unceasing, base, and calumnious attacks from the English
press, with a few exceptions.
But with regard to Spain, though she is now fallen from
what she once was, yet she is still a noble nation, great in the
recollections of the past; while the historical names, that
throw such lustre around her, can never perish or be for
gotten in the annals of Europe. Hence, whatever her faults
may now be, travellers should respect her for the many good
qualities of her people ; but especially when they favour us
with the history of their " wanderings " in the Peninsula,
they should above all things learn to speak the truth. It is
far, however, from my intention to condemn all the works
that have been written on Spain. In the vast domains of
literature and of art England,* France, Germany, and America
have contributed, each in its own peculiar way, to illustrate
and make known all that can interest and delight us. Indeed,
many of the writers belonging to those countries appear to
have taken more interest in Spanish history and literature
than even the Spaniards themselves. f This is much to be
lamented, as most of the authors alluded to are anti-Catholic.
Hence, in whatever directly concerns the Catholic religion,
or the history of Spain's illustrious saints, kings, statesmen,
or prelates, little confidence can be placed in the statements
of Protestants ; for either they do not take the trouble, like
Robertson, to consult original authorities ; or if they do, as
Mr. Stirling, Prescott, and Washington Irving appear to have
done, their prejudices against everything Catholic destroy
half the value and interest of their works. Fortunately,
* For instance, Mr. Stirling's " Annals of the Artists of Spain " (3 vols. 8vo. ;
Ollivier, London, 1848) are a most valuable contribution to our knowledge of
Spanish painters. He is now engaged on a life of Murillo.
T In the last century, there was a great revival of literature in Spain,
though now it appears to be dead.

PREFACE. XI
there appeared a few years ago (1844 — the second edition in
1851) a work in German, connected with the life of the
illustrious Cardinal Ximenez,* written by Dr. Hefele,t in a
truly Catholic spirit. This is the Biography a translation
of which is now presented to English readers. A French
translation was published by Messrs. l'Abbe Sisson et
l'Abbe Crampon (Paris, 1856). Dr. Hefele's work is
remarkable for depth of research, clearness of method, and
elegance of style, He is enthusiastically devoted to his sub
ject, and not without solid grounds. Hence, the public and
private life of Ximenez is described with admirable skill and
judgment, both as a religious, a prelate, and a statesman.
Not only has the author made use of the labours of preceding
biographers, but he has also drawn abundant materials from
the valuable letters of Peter Martyr; from the historians
Mariana, Pulgar, Ferreras, Zurita, Wadding, Brancas, Pres
cott, Florez, Marineo Siculo, &c. The transactions of the
Royal Academy of History, embracing the valuable com
munications of Muiioz and Clemencin,J have also furnished
their share. The history of the foundation of the university
of Alcala, of the complutensian Polyglot, and the conquest
of Oran, forms brilliant episodes in the life of the Cardinal;
while the historical notice on the Inquisition, though con
sidered as incorrect in many respects by the Spaniards them
selves, is nevertheless worthy of the highest praise, on account
of the satisfactory manner in which he exposes the lies and
inaccuracies of Llorente.§
The biography of such a man as Cardinal Ximenez has
long been a desideratum in history. Sketches of his life
* This is the proper way to spell the name of Ximenez, though, according
to modern orthography, many now write it Jimenez.
T Dr. Hefele is still Professor of Theology in the University of Tubingen,
and is highly respected for his virtue and learning. He is a disciple of the
illustrious Mohler, and is the author of several other works. He was born in
1809. J See the valuable work in Spanish entitled "Memorias de la Real
Academia de la Historia" (Madrid, 1821). It consists of several volumes.
§ A notice of the Germau edition appeared in the " Dublin Review "
(No. LXV., 1852). b 2

Xll PREFACE.
have appeared now and then, but never a complete life in
English, drawn from authentic sources. Two or three lives
have been published in French,— one by Flechier, another
by Marsollier, and the third by Baudier* These writers
have taken their materials principally from Gomez, who
wrote a valuable life of Ximenez in Latin, which was pub
lished in one folio volume at Alcala (Complutum) in the
year 1569.f It was for a long time the sole authority that
was referred to ; indeed, it will always form the basis of every
biography connected with the illustrious Cardinal, inasmuch
as Gomez had access to documents many of which are now
lost, or very difficult to be met with. The university of
Alcala commissioned him to write the life of its noble
founder, and well did he execute the task, though a few
mistakes are to be found here and there, especially in the
chronology. After Gomez there appeared another life of Ximenez —
or, rather, compendium — by Eugenio de Robles, entitled
" Compendio de la Vida y Hazanas del Cardenal Don Fray
Francisco Ximenez de Cisneros " (Toledo, 1604). This
work is especially valuable for the interesting and curious
account it gives of the ancient Mozarabic rite and office,
re-established by Ximenez in the cathedral of Toledo, and
continued to the present day. J
This work was followed by another " Compendio de la
* Marsollier's life was published in Paris, 1693 ; that by Fiddlier, which is
far superior to the former, appeared in 1700. Baudier's "Histoire de
l'Administration du Card. Xime'nes," 4to., was published in 1635.
T Another edition appeared at Frankfort in 1581 ; and it was again re
published in 1603, amongst the "Scriptores Hispaniae Illustratse." The
edition of Alcala is now very scarce, even in Spain ; it bears the following
title — " De Rebus Gestis a Francisco Ximenio, Cisnerio, Arehiepiscopo Tole-
tano, Libri Octo, Alvaro Gomecio Authore ; Compluti, 1569." Nicolas Antonio'
gives a short biography of Gomez in his "Bibliotheca Hispana Nova "(torn. iii. ;
Matriti, 1783).
X El Senor Don Remigio Garcia, canon of the metropolitan cathedral of
Valladolid, and formerly professor in the university of Toledo, has assured
me, that the Mozarabic Mass is still celebrated every day in the cathedral
of Toledo with great solemnity. The funds left for this purpose by Ximenez
have fortunately been preserved to a considerable amount. There are several
chaplains, who'keep choir.

PREFACE. Xlll

Vida Portentosa del Cardenal Cisneros, por Fray Nicolas
Aniceto Alcolea" (Madrid, 1777). Though short, it is ex
ceedingly interesting, besides containing historical notices of
some of the most illustrious men who were educated in the
university of Alcala.
After Gomez, the life of Ximenez by Padre Quintanilla,
is the most known and interesting. It is entitled, " Arche-
typo de Virtudes, Espejo de Prelados, el Venerable Padre
y Siervo de Dios, Fray Francisco Ximenez de Cisneros "
(Palermo, 1633). The author, who was a Franciscan him
self, spent nearly all his life in endeavouring to promote the
canonization of Ximenez, to whom he was enthusiastically
devoted. He considered him a saint in the strictest sense
of the word : but his devotion often carries him beyond the
due bounds of sober criticism. He is too credulous, for
many of the miracles recorded of Ximenez cannot stand the
test of that rigid investigation, which the Holy See always
requires before a saint can be canonized. Still, as a whole,
the life is very interesting and valuable, since many facts
are recorded by him which are not mentioned by Gomez ;
he also seems to have examined with care the curious
" Papers and Documents " which are still preserved in the
library of the university of Madrid, connected with the
beatification of Ximenez. (See the " Appendix," in Quinta
nilla.) Gonzalez Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdes, in his work
entitled " Quincuagenas," also makes honourable mention
of Ximenez, in one of the dialogues which compose this
curious manuscript. It is much to be regretted that a
selection has never yet been made from the mass of informa
tion which the manuscript contains, respecting so many
illustrious personages who were known to Oviedo. Two or
three copies are preserved in Madrid, besides other " manu
scripts " in the Royal Library, and that of the " Universidad
Central," connected with Ximenez. It is wonderful that
a good life of the Cardinal has never been published by any

XIV PREFACE.
of the Spanish academicians, although such abundant mate
rials still exist. Don Modesto la Fuente, in his " Historia
General de Espana" (Madrid, 1850, torn. x. lib. iv. &c), gives
merely a sketch; and this, too, is not written in a Catholic
spirit, but with many of those false and "liberal" views
which unfortunately prevail amoDgst several Spanish writers
of the present day.
For the sake of brevity, I omit other Spanish works, in
order to say a few words respecting Mr. Prescott, the cele
brated American author, whose " History of the Reign of
Ferdinand and Isabella"* is most valuable and interesting.
Mr. Prescott has, it seems, been the first writer who gave
the English public an idea of the exalted character of
Ximenez — a sketch of whose life naturally appears in his
" History." Though the author has fallen into a few
mistakes, which have been corrected by Dr. Hefele ; yet, on
the whole, he has evidently taken considerable pains to
consult all the original authorities connected with Ximenez.
Hence, short as the sketch is, it will always be read with
pleasure and profit. The judgment he has pronounced on
the character of Ximenez is, for the most part, exceedingly
favourable, though he does not admire his " political life,"
which he considers to have been arbitrary, and in direct
opposition to the constitution, -as well as the rights and
privileges of the people. f Without discussing this point, I
will merely remark that, with all Mr. Prescott's learning and
undoubted ability, one thing alone seems wanting. He is too
much inclined to employ the words " bigotry," " intolerance,"
" superstition," " ignorance," &c, when speaking of the
Catholic religion or her ministers, and especially where he
treats of the Inquisition. For example, as Catholics, we
* The "History of Ferdinand and Isabella" was translated a few years
ago into Spanish, by Seflor Sabau y Larroya, with several corrections and
additions. •f M. Leonce de Lavergne, a French writer in the "Revue des Deux
Mondes" (torn. xxvi. Mai 1841), passes a severe and very unjust judgment on
nearly all the actions of Ximenez, especially during the period of his regency.

PREFACE. XV
cannot approve of such expressions as these : " Ximenez had
a full measure of the religious bigotry which belonged to the
age; and he had a melancholy scope for displaying it, as
chief of that dread tribunal over which he presided," &c.
(vol. ii. p. 329, &c. fifth edition; London, 1849). Again-.
" He distinguished his noviciate by practising every ingenious
variety of mortification with which superstition has con
trived to swell the inevitable catalogue of human suffering "
(p. 337, vol. ii.). Several most objectionable passages
likewise occur, in his remarks on the part Ximenez took in
the conversion of the Moors of Granada ; but, as they have
been refuted by Dr. Hefele, it is unnecessary to dwell any
longer on the subject. Mr. Prescott should remember that
the offensive terms which he makes use of should not be
employed without good and solid reasons; for many facts
recorded of Ximenez may, in the eyes of a Protestant, savour
of "intolerance," "bigotry," "superstition," &c, and yet
may have no foundation in reality.
Hence it must be evident, that no one but a Catholic can
properly appreciate such a character as Ximenez. I do not,
however, mean that a Catholic writer is bound to defend all
the actions of the illustrious Cardinal ; but that, being of the
same religion, he can more easily understand what were the
motives and springs of those actions which, in the eyes of
Protestants, so often seem to be either unaccountable, or to
have been the necessary consequence of what he would call
" bigotry and superstition." *
In the year 1813 (London : J. Booker, 61, New Bond
Street) the first English life of Ximenez was published by
the Rev. B. Barrett, who seems to have been a Catholic
priest. Though interesting to the general reader, it has
nothing original about it, consisting merely of a compilation

* What an immense difference there is between a Protestant's and a Catholic's
treatment of Ximenez, may be seen by comparing Prescotti with Wadding, in
his "Annales Minorum" (see torn. xv. ; ed. Rome, 1736).

XVI PREFACE.
from Flechier and Marsollier, together with a few facts
taken from Dr. Robertson's " Life of Charles V."
The present life will, I hope, be more useful and acceptable
to the public. Dr. Hefele has taken great pains and diligence
in examining all the original authorities connected with
Ximenez; though the learned author would have acquired
more valuable particulars had he been at liberty to visit and
examine the libraries in Spain, and especially those of
Madrid. The first chapter of his work (German edition) is
devoted to a condensed account of the political state of
Spain previous to the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella. As,
however, it seems more properly to belong to an introduction,
I have embodied the substance of it in the following pages,
together with a few additional remarks of my own. " The
Visigoths," says Dr. Hefele, "overthrew, in the fifth cen
tury, the power of Rome in Spain ; but scarcely had three
centuries passed away before their own throne — apparently
so powerful — fell beneath the attacks of Muza and Taric, in
the battle of Xerez de la Frontera (July 26th, 711). In the
north only, amongst the mountains of the Asturias and of
Biscay, to which Pelayo, a descendant of the ancient kings,
and a few followers had fled, was a weak but Christian ai\d
independent kingdom preserved and continued. In the
Basque provinces the inhabitants were enabled to maintain
against the Moors the liberty of which the Visigoths them
selves could not deprive them. The rest of Spain, having
quickly fallen under the Moorish dominion, was incorporated
with that power, under the rule of a caliph. In 756 the
independent throne of Cordova was established under
Abdalraham, a city that became the seat of the arts
and sciences, as well as the abode of luxury and every
kind of sensuality." (Chap. i. German edition, p. 1 •
Tubingen, 1851.)
Dr. Hefele, in these few remarks, seems to suppose that all
his readers are acquainted with the early history of Spain,
and of its conquest by the Moors. If they are not, the best

PREFACE. XV11
account of the Moorish invasion occurs in Gibbon* (vol. vi.
p. 87, &c. ed. Bohn; London, 1855). Mariana, and some
other Spanish historians, place the first invasion under
Muza in the year 713, and the battle of Xerez de la Fronteraf
in 714. But modern Spanish critics have detected — such as
Lafuente and Ferreras — several mistakes in Mariana, es
pecially in his " Chronology." The correct date for the first
invasion, given by Gibbon, is 710 ; the battle of Xerez took
place in 711, as Dr. Hefele mentions. The popular story of
Count Julian's daughter Florinda — commonly called Cava —
having been seduced by King Roderic, and the crime assigned
as the real cause why the Moors were invited into Spain by
Julian, is now considered a mere legend. Conde ("Domina-
cion de los Arabes in Espana," cap. viii. p. 13 ; edition Paris,
1840) expressly mentions, in a note, " that the whole account
is a Moorish fiction."
The celebrated Don Pelayo^is generally supposed to have
fought at the battle of Xerez, and on his escape to the
mountains of the Asturias, to have been elected king by his
followers. The cave of Covadonga, % where he lay in ambush,
and with only two hundred men defeated a large Moorish
force, is still to be seen, having from time immemorial been
considered by all true Spaniards as a " holy and venerable
place." From Covadonga, Pelayo and his successors gra
dually extended their conquests to Leon. (See " Curso
Elemental de Historia General de Espana, por Don
Saturnino Gomez." Quinta edicion ; Madrid, 1856.)
Dr. Hefele proceeds : " In the middle of the eleventh
century a new and more important era commenced, by the
* In Spanish, the best account will be found in Conde's "Dominacion de
los Arabes en Espana" (cap. x.).
+ Xerez is about two leagues from Cadiz. (See Ford's "Hand-book for
Spain," vol. ii.)
J It is situated south-east of Oviedo. The cave has always been sacred, on
account of the associations connected with it. In the summer of the year 1858,
the Queen of Spain visited the sanctuary, with the Infanta and the Prince
of the Asturias, when they were both solemnly^confirmed. The place is to be
restored and embellished at the queen's expense.

XV111 PREFACE.
formation of the different states of Spain. In 1028 Castile
passed by inheritance into the hands of Sancho III., king of
Navarre. In 1035 it was assigned to his son Ferdinand ;
and as this prince inherited, three years afterwards, the
kingdom of Leon and Galicia, these three states — whose
union, though sometimes interrupted, was finally sanctioned
by law, under Ferdinand III., in 1230 — soon formed the
most extensive Christian kingdom of Spain, which was
destined to free the Peninsula for ever from the Moorish
dominion. Toledo, the ancient residence of the Gothic
kings, having been retaken by the Christians in 1084,
became the capital of Castile.
" This state fortunately adjoined the kingdom of Aragon,
which, though weak in its origin, rapidly became powerful
and extensive. Navarre, of which it was a part at first,
formed, like Castile, a separate kingdom, under Ramirez, son
of Sancho. Conquest and inheritance gradually added to
the power and influence of Aragon; and when, in 1137,
Barcelona was added to it, Aragon then became the second
Christian state in Spain, while Navarre ranked as third. But
various changes and inheritances between sons and daughters
tended to weaken and dismember the Spanish states, until at
length Ferdinand III. (1230), by a definitive law, effected
the perpetual union of Castile, Leon, and Galicia. A like
union took place, in 1319, between Aragon, Barcelona, and
Catalonia. "These Christian states, however, were numerous, and
often waged fierce civil wars with each other. Hence the
Moors had then but little to fear, even from the heroism and
enthusiasm of the Spanish cavaliers. But about three
hundred years after the Moors conquered Spain, dissensions
began to creep in amongst the Saracens themselves ; they
were even obliged oftentimes to implore the assistance of the
Christians. Moreover, exactly about the period that Castile
and Aragon had recovered their grandeur and independence,
the dynasty of the Ommiades was extinguished at Cordova

PREFACE. XIX

under Hescham III. The power of the caliph then became
divided and subdivided into several small states, just as the
empire of Alexander was portioned after his death. In the
year 1099, thanks to the bravery and exploits of the ' Cid
Campeador,'* the Christians had reconquered half of the
Peninsula, as far as the Tagus. The Moors soon began to
experience a series of defeats. In 1212 Cordova itself, their
proud capital, fell beneath the attacks of the Castilians at the
great battle of Navas de Tolosa."
These few observations of Dr. Hefele comprise the sub
stance of many volumes. A history, in detail, of the gradual
formation and extension of the Spanish kingdoms, would
be out of place in an introduction like the present. The
general reader will find abundant matter in Prescott's intro
duction to the " History of Ferdinand and Isabella ; " in
Dr. Dunham's "History of Spain and Portugal" ("Cabinet
Cyclopaedia"), and also in the " History of Spain " (2 vols. ;
London, J. Goodwin, 1814). In French there is a short
history, entitled " Histoire d'Espagne, depuis les Temps les
plus recules jusqu'a nos Jours, par l'Auteur de l'Histoire
de Russie" (Lille, 1845), which may be read with profit.
In German, Dr. Haveman, of Gottingen has published a
valuable work on Spanish history, entitled, " Darstellungen
aus der innern Geschichte Spaniens, " &c. (ed. Gott.
1850). For a history of the Spanish Arabs, the reader may
consult Mr. Southey's "Introduction" to his translation of
the "Chronicle of the Cid;" Cardonne, "Histoire d'Afrique
et de l'Espagne sous la Domination des Arabes;" and
Conde's, " Dominacion de los Arabes,"f &c.
With regard to the old Spanish chronicles, most of them,
however interesting, are to be read with caution, inasmuch
* His Spanish name is Rodrigo Diaz de Bivar. Bivar is a small place, two
leagues north of Burgos, in the cathedral of which some curious memorials ot
tbe renowned warrior are still preserved.^2Vffims.
+ See also the " Mahommedan Dynasties in Spam, by the learned Don
Pascual de Gayangos. The English translation appeared a few years ago, in
London.

XX PREFACE.
as they relate many legends which have no foundation what
ever in history. It was not till about the time of Charles V.
that national chroniclers were appointed by the sovereign,
though something of the kind seems to have existed under
Alfonso the Wise. The " Chronica General de Espana,
porFlorian de Ocampo" (Alcala, 1587; Madrid, 1791), is
frequently quoted, and yet it is sadly disappointing; for
everything is exaggerated, and so few authorities are quoted,
that the author seems to be writing a novel rather than
sober history. This work was continued by Ambrosio de
Morales, who was appointed chronicler for the Castilian
provinces by Philip II. In elegance of style it is far
superior to Ocampo, besides being more trustworthy, as far
as it goes. Still, great allowance is to be made for these
writers, since they were under certain restraints, and could,
therefore, not write with that freedom and boldness which
later authors adopted. Zurita, Blancas, Garibay, Ferreras,
Mariana, Pulgar, Salazar de Mendoza, Carbajal,* and others,
whom it is unnecessary to mention, are writers more or
less deserving of credit, though Mariana — the most known,
perhaps, to English scholars — has fallen into many mistakes :
these have been corrected by the learned annotations of the
Marques de Mondejar, which are to be found in the edition
of Mariana's " Historia de Espana " (Valencia, 1783f). This
history has been continued by Miniana, with annotations
by El Ilmo. Serior Sabau y Blanco, bishop of Osma (ed.
Madrid, 1817). Masdeu has done much by his critical
investigations to correct the mistakes of preceding writers,
though, unfortunately, he had not time to complete his
labours. (See " Historia Critica de Espana, y de la Cultura
Espaiiola;" Madrid, 1783—1805.) The learned Florez,J in
* Carbajal is in manuscript.
t To this edition is prefixed an interesting life of the holy and learned
Jesuit Father.
J Padre Maestro Fray Henrique Florez lived in the eighteenth century,
under Carlos III. of Spain. He was an Augustin, and Professor of Theology
in the university of Alcala. Padre Antolin Merino and Fray Francisco

PREFACE.

his " Espaiia Sagrada," which has been continued by Risco,
Fray Jose de la Canal y Merino, should not be omitted by any
one who wishes to become acquainted with the history and
antiquities of Catholic Spain. His " Clave Historia],"* is ex
ceedingly useful for those who wish to have a short summary
of Spanish history, as well as of that of other nations. For
the ecclesiastical history of Spain, I strongly recommend
another work also, entitled, " Historia Eclesiastica de Espana,
por D. Vicente de la Fuente " (3 vols. ; Barcelona, 1855). It
contains many important additions to the " History of the
Church," published in Germany, by Alzog. The work is,
moreover, written in a spirit eminently Catholic, and
respectful to the Holy See, while the research which it
displays reflects great credit on the author.
The preceding short and imperfect notice of some of the
principal works connected with the history of Spain, will, I
trust, be useful to the reader. To understand the difficulties
that Ferdinand and Isabella had to surmount (before they
ascended the throne), it is necessary to be well acquainted
with the state of Spain previous to the fifteenth century.
With their great and glorious conquest of Granada in 1492
every diligent reader of Spanish history must be familiar, by
having perused the works of Washington Irving and Prescott.
Justly does Dr. Hefele remark : " That never did Granada
appear more secure than towards the middle of the fifteenth
century. The city was strong in its position, and still
stronger by the courage of its inhabitants. . . . This was
the period, too, when the situation of the Spanish states
was such as to raise the hopes of the Moors, and depress
those of the Christians. Then it would indeed have been
difficult, humanly speaking, to have foreseen the days of
Mendez have left us an interesting account of his life and writings. Besides
his "Espana Sagrada," which was commenced jn 1746, he is the author of
several other valuable works. (See "Proldgo por P. Fray Antolin Merino,
tomo xliii. de Espana Sagrada ; " ed. Madrid, 1819.)
* The best edition of this popular work is that published, with corrections
and additions, by Jose' de la Canal (Madrid 1851).

xxii PREFACE.
glory and splendour that were in store for Spain. Portugal
had ceased to fight against the Moors, in order to direct all
her energies to the extension of her commerce. In Spam,
disorder and civil war reigned in almost every state. The
possession of Navarre was disputed by John II., regent of
Aragon, in favour of his virtuous son, Don Carlos, Prince
of Viana, to whom Navarre belonged by right of inheritance
from his mother Blanche. A cruel war was the consequence,
which was terminated only by the death of Don Carlos, in
the flower of his age, in 1461. This struggle for the posses
sion of Navarre divided and crippled the power of Aragon ;
hence the religious war against the Moors was obliged to be
suspended. " The fiery inhabitants of Castile were also unable, like
those of Aragon, to develop their energies. John II.* of
Castile had nothing in common with John of Aragon but
the name. Though possessed of many estimable qualities,
yet during his long reign he brought more calamities upon
Castile than any sovereign amongst his most depraved ances
tors. He had no capacity for business, but was excessively
fond of music and of poetry. f . . . But amidst songs and
brilliant festivals, the nation was verging towards its ruin.
All the cares of state were left to his favourite, Alvaro de
Luna,J an illegitimate descendant of a noble house in Aragon.
This remarkable personage could ride, fence, dance, and
sing better than any cavalier in the court. His influence
over the king was unbounded. But gradually he began to
lose the esteem and love of his royal master, till at length
an occurrence completely alienated the affections of the king
from him. John II., on the death of his first wife, Mary of

* The father of Isabella the Catholic. (See Prescott's "History of Ferdi
nand and Isabella," vol. i. p. 93, &c; ed. London, 1349.)
t The age of John II. (1407 — 1454) was, according to Bouterwek, more
distinguished for a revival of ancient poetry than as a new epoch. His chapteT
of the " Poetical Court of John II." is exceedingly interesting. (" History of
Spanish Literature ;." ed. Bogue, London, 1847.)
J See "Crdnica deD. Alvaro de Luna" (Madrid, 1784).

PREFACE. xxiil
Aragon, had formed the design of marrying a daughter of
Charles VII., king of France. But Alvaro de Luna, in the
mean time, without having mentioned the matter to the
king, privately entered into negotiations for his marriage
with Isabella of Portugal. The monarch, strangely enough,
afterwards acquiesced in the arrangement, and the marriage
accordingly took place in 1447. But the new queen, instead
of being attached to Alvaro, or grateful for his services, con
ceived a great dislike for him, and endeavoured to wean the
mind of her husband also from paying him that deference
which he was accustomed to do. A plot was formed, when
the unfortunate minister fancied himself at the height of his
power. He was suddenly committed to prison, condemned
to death without any legal form, and beheaded in Valladolid"
(1453). So far Dr. Hefele.
As it is unnecessary to enter into fuller details, it will be
sufficient to observe that king John II. died the following
year, leaving the throne to his son Henry, who assumed the
name of Henry IV. of Castile. His father, by his second
wife (Henry IV. was the only child by his first wife), had
two children, viz. Alfonso and Isabella, who afterwards
became the great, good, and illustrious queen of Castile,
which was united with Aragon by her marriage with Ferdi
nand. She had only attained her fourth year at the time
of her father's death, having been born on the 22nd of April,
1451, at Madrigal.f
The accession of Henry IV. was welcomed with enthusiasm
by the people ; but their hopes were soon doomed to be
disappointed. The public discontent increased every day.
His expenditure was enormous : his crusade against the
Moors ended in a mere border foray; his subjects were un
heeded when they remonstrated ; and the coin was adulterated
to such a deplorable extent, that the price of the most
common articles of food increased five or six fold ; but above
* Madrigal is a few leagues south of Medina del Campo.

XX1V PREFACE.
all, the immoralities and debauchery of the king were so
great, that his subjects could not longer restrain themselves.
A party accordingly rose up against him, burnt his effigy
under the walls of Avila, and proclaimed his brother Alfonso,
then only eleven years of age, as his successor. But another
party still adhered to Henry ; for though they despised the
person of the king, they were not disposed to allow the royal
authority to be publicly degraded. Henry summoned all his
faithful subjects to rally round his standard; for he was re
solved to settle the question by an appeal to arms. The
battle of Olmedo, however, was attended with no result.
Both parties claimed the victory. The consequence was,
that the whole country became a scene of anarchy and
bloodshed, which was put a stop to by the sudden death of
Alfonso in 1468. No alternative now remained but for the
subjects of Henry, who had opposed him, to negotiate terms
with him in the best manner possible. This was soon effected,
and a general amnesty was proclaimed by the king.* Isabella,
his sister, was also proclaimed heir to the throne, to the
exclusion of his daughter, Joanna Beltraneja. Henry after
wards endeavoured, in vain, to set aside this treaty. In the
mean time Isabella Avas publicly married to Ferdinand of
Aragon, in Valladolid, October 19th, 1469. By the death
of Henry IV., in December, 1474, Isabella ascended the
throne, under whom, and her spouse Ferdinand, Spain quickly
rose to a height of power and of glory never before or since
surpassed.f The illustrious prelate, who by his talents and
his virtues contributed so much to the glories of such a

* See the whole account in Prescott's " History,'' vol. i. chap. iii. p. 145.
&c. f In the sixth tome of the "Memorias de la Real Academia de la Historia"
(Madrid, 1821), the learned secretary of the academy, Don Diego Clemencin,
has written most interesting and valuable " Illustrations," as they are termed,
of Isabella's character and policy. In the year 1858 I had the great pleasure
of examining Isabella's will, which is still carefully preserved amongst the
archives of Simancas. Her signature is scarcely legible. The will is dated
from Medina del Campo (now a. most wretched place), where she died,
Nov. 26, 1504, aged 54.

PREFACE. XXV
reign, was Cardinal Ximenez, whose life I trust will prove
interesting to every reader. Isabella and Ximenez are two
names dear to eA'ery true Spaniard ; but Avhile Isabella the
"Catholic" has now become familiar to Englishmen, the
noble actions and distinguished character of Ximenez are not
so well known, nor appreciated as they justly deserve to be.
I have been unable to discover in what year Ximenez was
sent to study at Alcala de Henares, or how long he remained
in the university of Salamanca. Dr. Hefele mentions that
Ximenez passed " six years" there. But the present rector
of the University has informed me, that all the " documents"
connected with the residence of Ximenez in Salamanca having
been lost or destroyed, it is impossible to ascertain in Avhat
particular year he arrived there, or how long he remained.
Though Alvarez Gomez,* and Robles,f mention the fact
that Ximenez studied at Alcala and Salamanca, yet no dates
are given. It seems that before he went to Rome he taught
canon law at home, and that from the money Avhieh he re
ceived from his scholars, he w as enabled to support his parents.
(Robles, cap. xi. p. 37.)
Neither Gomez nor Robles mention how long Ximenez
remained in Rome, though Dr. Hefele states that he resided
there "six" years; but for this assertion no authority is
given. Cisneros, from ivhich the family of Ximenez originally
came, is not near Medina del Campo (as Dr. Hefele supposes),
but about six leagues north-west of Palencia, in the ancient
kingdom of Leon. The vast open plains in this part of
Spain are called " Tierra de Campos " by Robles, which
expression seems to have misled the learned author.

* "Hinc Salmanticam florentissiman omnium doctrinarum aeademiam
veniens, civilis pontificiique juris studiis operam non inutilem neque
infelicem dedit." (Gomez "De Rebus Gestis," lib. i. ; ed. Compluti, 1569.)
+ "Le erabiaron & estudiar la gramatica & Alcala, adonde se ensefiaba con
mucho cuydado y curiosidad en aquel tiempo ; y de alii file" & Salamanca
donde estudid derechos, y sali<5 consumadissimo jurists," &c. (Robles, ut
supra.) C

XXVI PREFACE.
Dr. Hefele also makes a slight mistake in calling the
mother of Ximenez Maria ; — her real name was Dona
Marina Ximenez de la Torre. She was a native of Tor-
delaguna,* where Ximenez Avas born. There were also two
other sons ; viz., Juan Ximenez de Cisneros and Bernardino.
The former married, and perpetuated the family ; the latter
became a Franciscan, in the same order as his brother, the
illustrious Cardinal. (See Robles, cap. ii. p. 5.)
Tordelaguna (now generally called Torrelaguna) is a few
leagues from Madrid, in the diocese of Toledo. The Fran
ciscan monastery founded there by Ximenez is fast going to
ruin, and so also is the aqueduct which he erected to supply
the place with water. A few foundations of houses in ruins
are pointed out, as having belonged to the parents of
Ximenez. Uzeda (or Uceda), where Ximenez was confined by Alonso
Carrillo,t archbishop of Toledo, is about a league from Tor
relaguna. The castle must at one time have been very
strong; but it is now a complete ruin. Ponz visited it in the
last century. Few of the inhabitants now seem to know that
the fortress had any connection with Ximenez. It was in
this prison, according to Robles (from whom Dr. Hefele has
taken the account), that a priest who was confined there
with Ximenez announced to him his future greatness.
Dr. Hefele's parallel between Isabella of Spain and Eliza
beth of England to some may appear unnecessary, inasmuch
as Prescott himself admits "that their characters afford
scarcely a point of contact." Dr. Hefele himself, too, must
acknowledge that the more the history of Elizabeth J comes
to be examined, the more is her character lowered ; whereas

* So called by Robles ; Dr. Hefele spells it Torrelaguna, and so also does
Ponz, in his "Yiage de Espafla,"who gives a description of the parish church
which Ximenez erected there. It is a Gothic building, and has three naves.
(See Carta iii. torn. x. p. 33 ; ed. Madrid, 1781.)
t See a short notice of Don Alonso Carrillo in Pnlgar's " Claros Varones
de Castilla" (cap. xx. p. 117; ed. Madrid, 1789).
I Isabel in Spanish corresponds with Elizabeth in English.

PREFACE. XXvii
the deeper we study the life of Isabella the Catholic, the
more do we love, admire, and venerate her.
Still, as so many Protestants now admire Elizabeth,
Dr. Hefele shows, by facts and proofs, that she cannot stand
a comparison with Isabella of Spain.
But however much most anti-Catholic writers love and
even venerate the name of Isabella — however enthusiastically
they may exalt the character of Ximenez also — there is one
side of the picture which always appears to their eyes dark and
desolate. Who has not heard of the "Inquisition" that
was re-established by Isabella, and supported by Ximenez,
her faithful minister? What Protestant does not devoutly
deplore the banishment and exile of the Jews, and consider
that both Isabella and Ximenez were guilty of the "greatest
injustice" towards these unfortunate people; while the esta
blishment of the Inquisition by Isabella is proclaimed to
be a blemish of the deepest dye on her administration?
Mr. Prescott, with all his boasted fairness, nowhere shows
himself more unfair, more unjust in his invectives, and more
reckless in his accusations, than in his chapter on the
" Establishment of the Modern Inquisition." (" History of
the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella," vol. i. p. 291 ; ed.
London, 1849.)
Of all the institutions connected with the Catholic Church,
the Society of Jesus and the Inquisition are the two, which in
a special manner Protestants and infidels agree together in
hating, denouncing, abusing, and calumniating, in the most
shameful manner. Even the very words Jesuit and Inqui
sition have actually passed into the English language as
having a meaning of their own, independently of that which
belongs to them historically. Thus, when a Protestant
hears the word " Inquisition " pronounced, his hair stands
on end; and there immediately occurs to his mind all
that he has ever heard or read connected with a secret,
dark, and bloody tribunal, whose head-quarters are in Rome,
under the guidance and direction of the Pope, the Cardinals,
c 2

XXV111 PREFACE.
and the Jesuits, but whose ramifications have extended to
every quarter of the globe, and especially to poor benighted
Spain; thus throwing a gloom of fanaticism, cruelty, and
bigotry over that once lovely and chivalrous land. Then
come before him, in terrible array, the dungeons, the
horrors, the tortures, the groans and shrieks of the victims,
mingled with the jeers and laughter of the inquisitors, who
take a most diabolical pleasure in Avitnessing the infernal
scene. He fancies that he beholds the "cruel" Dominic,
the " blood-thirsty " Torquemada, the " bigoted " Ximenez,
and even the " deluded " Isabella, together with the " stern,
gloomy, and savage" Philip II., surrounded with bishops,
priests, monks, ladies, and cavaliers, — all hastening — some
in one century and others in another — to Avitness an " auto-
da-fe," in Toulouse, Seville, Toledo, or Valladolid. But
should his imagination not carry him so far, our good Pro
testant is content to hear a lecture in Exeter Hall from
Gavazzi, Achilli, or the Madiai; and, as a matter of course,
believes what they tell him as firmly and sincerely as if the
God of Truth himself had been speaking !
Thus is the great "Protestant tradition"* of lies and
calumnies against everything Catholic perpetuated from
father to son, from one generation to another ; and thus, in
a special manner, is given a kind of dramatic interest to the
subject of the Inquisition, which is invested with all the
characteristics of real life.
It is with shame and grief I am forced to admit, that a
few unprincipled Spanish writers (besides an American
one — Mr. Prescott f). have done more to spread erroneous
notions on the subject of the Inquisition, and thus pander to
English bigotry and prejudice, than any other authors with
whom I am acquainted. I allude to Puigblanch, under his
assumed name of Natanael Jomtob; to Lorenzo Villanueva;
Adolpho de Castro ; and Llorente. With regard to the first
* See Dr. Newman's "Lectures on Catholicism in England."
t Mr. Prescott died on the 28th of January, 1859, aged 63.

PREFACE. XXIX
writer, who died some years ago in London, and published a
work entitled "La Inquisition sin Mascura"* (1811), the
following are the reasons he gives for assuming the name of
Natanael Jomtob : " These Hebrew words are two proper
names, which form the inscription, Dedit Deus diem bonum.
I wish thus to express the happiness of being able to speak
and write freely against the tribunal of the Inquisition,
and the joy I feel in seeing it abolished." (Prologo, p. cxv.)
If the reader Avish to know either the character of the man,
or of his work, he will find the best authority in one of the
"notes" inserted by Balmes in the appendix to his "Pro
testantism and Catholicity compared " (English translation,
p. 400). To the same source we are indebted for most
useful observations on Villanueva and Llorente, which show
us at once how little dependence is to be placed on the
statements of such men with regard to the Inquisition.f
Dr. Hefele has also given us an insight into the character of
Llorente, by the analysis of a short biography, which ori
ginally appeared in the "Revue Encyclopedique" (Avril, 1823),
inserted in his chapter on the Inquisition.f Here in Spain
his character is also well understood ; but, independently of
this point, one fact alone tells volumes against him as a
writer undeserving of credit. Llorente himself acknow
ledges " that he burnt nearly all the ' official reports '
connected with the Inquisition, with the exception of those
that related to the history of some of the most remarkable
persons," &c. ("Histoire Critique de l'lnquisition d'Espagne;"
ed. 1818, p. 145.) Now, as Balmes justly remarks, ask every
impartial man whether there be not room for great mistrust
with respect to an historian who claims to be a sole authority,
* "The Inquisition Unmasked." It has been translated into French and
English. f With regard to the work of Adolpho Castro, entitled "Religious Intole
rance in Spain" (Parker, London, 1853), I refer the reader to an account of it
in the "Rambler," part ix. September, 1854.
± See also D. Jose" Clemente Carnicero, "Impugnacion de la Obra de D.
Juan Antonio Llorente" (Madrid, 1816).

XXX PREFACE.
because he had the opportunity of consulting the original
authorities whereon he founds his history, and who, never
theless, burns and destroys these same documents ? Assuredly
we may draw the conclusion that Llorente was apprehensive
lest those documents should afterwards be examined.
I. Let us now come to the Inquisition. As it is a subject
on Avhich Catholics as well as Protestants are divided, I
cannot flatter myself that I shall be able to satisfy every
one. Dr. Hefele himself has taken a view of the matter
different from that entertained by many literary men in
Spain, and I believe in France also.* He seems to consider
the " Spanish Inquisition" to have been purely a " political
institution," preserved and encouraged by kings and queens
for no other object than to advance the interests of the
State. To support his view, he quotes the authority of
Ranke, Leo, Guizot, M. Lenormant, and the count de
Maistre, &c.f But, with all due deference to Dr. Hefele
and the great names he mentions, I consider that the Inqui
sition Avas originally established by Isabella solely and
entirely on religious grounds ; and that afterwards it was
of a mixed character, combining in its government the
"political and ecclesiastical element." What was the state
of Spain when the Catholic sovereigns ascended the throne?
Difficulties of every kind surrounded them ; but none gave
them so much trouble and uneasiness as the Jews and
the Moors. The former Avere then exceedingly powerful in
the kingdom, both on account of their riches and their
alliances with the most influential families. But for genera
tions the Jews had been objects of fear and distrust, through
out the whole of the Peninsula. This was the case not only
with regard to the unconverted Jews, but also with respect
to those who embraced Christianity. Their sincerity was
* When the French translation of Dr. Hefele's work appeared in Paris
(1856), the chapter on the Inquisition was severely criticised by L'Univers;
and so also in the Spanish Esperanza.
t See the quotations in the German edition (chap, xviii.). They have been
omitted in the translation, as well as a few other paragraphs.

PREFACE.

generally distrusted, inasmuch as they were considered by
the body of the nation as still identified in interests, in sym
pathies, and probably in belief also, with the rest of their
brethren, whose creed they had outwardly abandoned. For
proof of these remarks, the reader has only to consult the
pages of Hefele and Balmes *
Ferdinand and Isabella were informed of this state of
things ; and they knew also that a vast system of proselytism
had been organized, to overthrow both the throne and the
Catholic faith. f What was the expedient which they adopted
to prevent the threatened danger, which was in reality so
imminent? Animated with a desire to comply with the
earnest entreaties both of the people and the clergy, and
influenced also with a pure desire of preserving intact the
Catholic religion, Ferdinand and Isabella solicited from Pope
Sixtus IV. permission to revive the functions of the Inquisi
tion in Castile, which for some time had gone into abeyance.
Their request was complied with by his Holiness expediting
a bull, dated November 1st, 1478,J authorizing them to
appoint two or three ecclesiastical inquisitors, of irreproach
able manners, who were to be bachelors in divinity or doctors
in canon law. Hence, the Inquisition originated not so
much in political, as in religious motives. No contemporary
authority, as far I know, asserts the contrary; while Balmes,
the best modern authority in Spain on the subject of the
Inquisition, positively asserts "that it would be wrong in
this affair to attribute all to the policy of royalty" (English
ed. chap, xxxvi. p. 164). Lafuente, in his " Historia General

* Not to mention Zurita, Mariana, Zufliga, Sec. See also "Estudios sobre
los Judios de Espana, por Amador de los Rios."
f When the Catholic sovereigns were requested to revive the Inquisition,
they were simply told "that, as Catholic princes, they were bound in con
science to chastise such detestable error ; because, if they did not, the Catholic
faith would receive great injury," &c. (Pulgar, " Croniea de los Reyes
Catdlicos," cap. 77 ; ed. Valencia, 1780.)
J Considerable discrepancy exists among contemporary writers respecting
the date of the establishment of the Inquisition. Amongst modern writers
Prescott, Dr. Hefele, Llorente, and Carnicero, place it in 1478.

XXxii PREFACE.
de Espana," expresses the same opinion : " Neither can I
find," he says, " in any contemporary author any indica
tion which induces me to believe what certain modern
historians assert; viz., that the Catholic sovereigns in re
establishing the Inquisition were influenced by political
considerations, and that they intended to harmonize religious
unity with political unity."* (Tom. ix. parte 2, lib. iv. nota
p. 232-3.) Don Vicente de la Fuente, another writer of
the same name, and author of "Historia Eclesiastica de
Espana" (torn. ii. p. 478), gives the same judgment. I cer
tainly prefer the opinion of these Spanish writers, rather than
follow those mentioned by Dr. Hefele.
II. That the Spanish Inquisition was not merely a "poli
tical" institution, but ecclesiastical also, seems to be the
general opinion of most Spanish writers. Catholic contro
versialists, by endeavouring to prove that the Inquisition was
entirely political, hope by this line of argument to disconnect
the Church from the odium which is popularly directed
against that tribunal.f But independently of the early
Avriters, such as Zurita, Zutiiga, Brancos, Paramo,J Pulgar,
&c, never making any such distinction in their works, it
must be evident, from a careful study of the Inquisition, that
the Church had a great deal to do with its organization and
proceedings. Was it not established in virtue of a papal
bull, and did it not proceed, from its very commencement,
with the papal sanction? Did not Sixtus IV. appoint Fray
Tomas de Torquemada, prior of the Dominican convent in
Segovia, to be the inquisitor-general for Castile, and afterwards
* "Tampoco hallamos de ninguu autor contemporaneo una indicacion que
nos induzca & creer lo que despues nos han dicho muehos escritores de los
siglos modernos ; a saber, que al fundar la nueva Inquisicion, obraron los
Reyes Catolicas impulsados de un pensamiento politico, y que se propusieron
armonizar la unidad religiosa eon la unidad politica." (Ed. Madrid, 1852,
torn. ix. ut supra.)
+ This is the case with Count de Maistre, in his "Letters on the Spanish
Inquisition ;" with Dr. Hefele, &c. See also an article on the subject in the
"Dublin Review" (No. LVI. June, 1850). The writer has made a few
mistakes. J " De Origine et Progressu Officii Sanctis Inquisitionis " (Matriti, 1598).

PREFACE. XXX111
for Aragon? And when Torquemada established various
courts in different parts of the country, was it not principally
ecclesiastics who transacted the business of the said courts?
A few years later, when the Catholic sovereigns, with the
object of securing the interests of the crown in the confiscated
property, established a court of supervision, under the name
of "El Consejo de la Suprema,"* it is remarkable that the
grand-inquisitor was appointed president, together with
three other ecclesiastics. But though latterly those were
appointed by the crown who were to decide all cases con
nected with the Inquisition ; though they were responsible
to the crown, and^removable at its pleasure; yet as all the
leading officials were ecclesiastics, and the whole machinery
for the most part ecclesiastical also, how can the Inquisition
be called a purely royal or political constitution ? But it is
said that Pope Sixtus IV., hearing in 1482 of the great
severity which had been used by the inquisitors in the exer
cise of their office, loudly complained that Ferdinand and
Isabella had not sufficiently informed him of the nature of
the powers which had been sought from him, and that he
had been betrayed into concessions " which were at variance
with the decrees of his predecessors," &c. That such a com
plaint was made, cannot be denied. But what does it prove?
Not that the pope considered the Catholic sovereigns had
assumed any undue authority, in opposition to his own, but
that he was both surprised and displeased at the severity
Avhich was used, towards the relapsed Jews and the Christians
who had apostatized.
But whatever may have been the cruelties or undue seve
rity exercised by the different tribunals, they cannot be
imputed to the Churchy but solely to the individuals who
composed those tribunals. Dr. Hefele shows that the number
of those executed at Seville and other places has been
* Council of the Supreme.
f That is, the Holy See did not authorize or approve the excessive cruelties
which were often used.

XXX1V PREFACE.
exceedingly exaggerated by Llorente, and that Ximenez en--
deavoured, in every possible way, to lessen the sufferings of
the unfortunate victims. Those sufferings we now deplore, and
regret that, both under Isabella and Philip II., some other
means could not have been found to preserve the country
from the machinations of Jews, Moors, and Protestants.
However, no one can deny that Rome was always inclined to
the side of mercy. Whoever appealed to Rome was sure to
better his condition. Hence, as Balmes well observes, " the
number of cases commenced by the Inquisition, and sum
moned from Spain to Rome, is countless during the first fifty
years of that tribunal. But I do not know that it would be
possible to cite one accused person who, by appealing to
Rome, did not obtain indulgence and relief. .... We con
stantly find, on the part of the Holy See, a desire to restrain
the Inquisition within the bounds of justice and humanity."
("The Inquisition in Spain," chap, xxxvi. p. 165.) Indeed,
throughout the whole history of the Inquisition there exists
abundant matter to prove, that the great object of the popes
was to mitigate the rigour of its exercise. But at the same
time I will remark, that we of the present day can form no
conception of the terrible dangers that surrounded the throne
of Ferdinand and Isabella in the fifteenth century, and that,
therefore, it is difficult for us to decide how far they were
justified, or how much to be blamed for the exercise of the
severity to which they resorted. All Protestants condemn
them for the expulsion of the Jews.* But contemporary
writers, who are generally the best judges, took a different
view of the matter. To me it seems undeniable that the
sovereigns were animated by the purest motives of religion,
and an anxious interest in the welfare of their country;
and that they had no desire to erect the Inquisition into
a great state political-engine. The well-knoAvn piety of
Isabella especially forbids such a supposition. Still, I admit
that it was more or less dependent upon the crown, and that
* That is, of those who refused to be baptized.

PREFACE. XXXV
the popes had not that full control over its proceedings
which they so often endeavoured to acquire. But it does
not follow that therefore the Inquisition was purely a poli
tical institution, as Dr. Hefele endeavours to prove. Its
history may be divided into three epochs : the first extends
from the time of its establishment till about the middle of
the reign of Charles V. ; the second embraces the period
from the middle of the reign of Charles V. till the accession
of the Bourbons ; and the third extends from the last-named
period till its abolition in 1820. During the first period.
the efforts of the Holy Office were principally directed against
the relapsed Jews and the Christians who had apostatized ;
during the second, under Philip II., all its energies were
concentrated towards preventing the introduction of Protes
tantism ; while, during the third, the Inquisition contented
itself with punishing infamous crimes, and repressing the
circulation of infidel and immoral publications.
III. As, then, the institution has evidently been modified
according to circumstances, so also must it be judged.*
Under Philip II. the peculiar dangers which threatened
Spain from the insidious attacks of Protestantism, induced
that monarch to employ and direct all his powers and severity
towards its repression. He knew what fatal effects Protes
tantism had produced in Germany and other countries, and
therefore both he and the whole nation concluded, that if it
were allowed to gain ground in Spain, the same, if not greater,
disasters would infallibly happen, the terrible consequences
of which it was awful to contemplate. Philip, however, did
not establish a new Inquisition; he only continued what
Ferdinand and Isabella had commenced : why then should

* As I am now leaving the reign of Isabella, I here wish to protest against
the violent and unjust manner in which Prescott and others endeavour to
blacken the character of Fray Tomas de Torquemada, the queen's confessor.
As Zurita, Pulgar, and all the ancient Spanish writers speak of him with the
highest respect for his zeal and piety, we must conclude that they had better
means of appreciating his character than Mr. Prescott, even though he was
an inquisitor !

XXXVI PREFACE.
Protestant writers condemn him so severely, when, at the
same time, they are inclined to make every allowance for the
conduct of the Catholic sovereigns, though they were far more
severe than Philip? The reason is evident. Protestants
adopted every expedient to gain a footing in Spain; but
because Philip and the Inquisition baffled them, there
fore are they hated, denounced, vilified, and held up in
countless publications to universal execration. Prescott, in
his Life of Philip II., has done great injustice to that monarch.
Even amongst Catholics there seems to exist a certain
amount of prejudice against him. His history has yet to be
written ; * and when examined from a Catholic point of
view, I am confident that his policy with regard to Protestants
will be found to have been influenced more by religious
motives than by political ones. He was a pious Catholic, f
most anxiously bent upon the maintenance and preservation
of a religion in which he so firmly believed. Protestantism,
then, he must have considered to be false, and dangerous by
its principles to the peace and welfare of his country. Hence,
he was bound to preserve the faith and welfare of his
dominions at every cost. Now, as he found the Inquisition
already established, it was natural he should make use of it
to promote the important objects he had in view. Had he
not done so, Protestantism would infallibly have entered the
country; a civil war would have ensued, and probably the
throne itself would have been overturned.! But by these
observations, I do not mean to approve or justify all the
acts of Philip's policy. As we regret that Queen Mary

* Balmes has a most valuable chapter on Philip II. and the Inquisition
in bis "Protestantism and Catholicity compared" (English ed. p. 167).
t See a curious volume in Spanish, entitled "Dichos y Hechos de el Seftor
Rey Don Philipe Segundo, &c., por el Licenciado Balthasar Porreno " (Madrid,
1784). Many of his sayings are remarkably good and witty.
J See Stirling's " Cloister Life of Charles V." (chap. viii. p. 159), where he
mentions how Protestants endeavoured to disturb the kingdom. Prescott, in
his "Life of Philip II." (chap. iii. book ii.), shamefully perverts historic facts
connected with Protestantism in Spain ; so also does M'Crie, in his " History
of the Reformation in Spain" (Edinburgh, 1829).

PREFACE. XXxvii
of England was forced, in a manner (though some Spanish
friars protested against the act), to burn Cranmer, Ridley,
and Latimer ; so do we deplore, with Balmes, that Philip
allowed so many to be executed in Valladolid,* when per
petual imprisonment might, perhaps, have equally served the
ends of justice. Though the Inquisition was not a mere
instrument of Philip's policy ; yet it experienced more or less
the influence of that policy ; and hence, had it beeti during
his reign exclusively under the direction of the Holy See, it
seems certain that those executions would never have taken
place. Those who suffered (an Englishman named Nicholas
Burton was amongst the number) are extolled as Protestant
martyrs !f Be it so. But have Protestants never persecuted,
never imprisoned, never tortured, never put to death any
unfortunate beings? Let history answer the question.
Protestants, with all their boasting about " liberty of worship
and the inalienable rights of conscience," have persecuted
others Avho differed from them, in a manner that ought to
make them blush when they object the same to us. What
fierce contests did not Luther carry on with the Sacramen-
tarians, and still more so with the Anabaptists, whom he
* The spot on which the house of the unfortunate Dr. Augustine Cazalla stood
is still pointed out in Valladolid. Even the street still bears his name— Calle
de Cazalla. His secret conferences with the Protestants were discovered by
the wife of a silversmith, who immediately denounced him to the Inquisition.
f The generality of Protestants have very imperfect ideas of the Spanish
auto de fe. They imagine it must be a huge bonfire, round which the
Spanish kings, bishops, nobles, and ladies assembled on Sundays and holidays,
like so many cannibals, to behold a number of poor wretches roasting and
broiling ; and that they enjoyed the execution of heretics with as much pleasure
as they would a bull-fight ! The truth is, that an auto de fe" (act of faith) con
sisted neither in burning nor in putting to death ; but partly in the acquittal
of those who had been falsely accused, and partly in the reconciliation of those
who repented to the Church. At other times, sentence was pronounced on
the prisoners who continued obstinate, and these were delivered over to the
secular authority. Many executions did certainly take place in Seville,
Toledo, Valladolid, &c. But we should remember that Llorente himself
mentions several autos de /<? when not one single person was executed. Hence,
in many cases, these autos were so many acts of mercy, so many religious
spectacles, at which devout Spaniards might well love to be present. Such
scenes Protestants cannot understand, unless to denounce them as " bloody
and cruel in the extreme." Might not such epithets be applied, with muc/i
more propriety, to the execution of many priests under Elizabeth ?

XXXV111 PREFACE.
endeavoured to repress more promptly and severely than
his own rebellion was by Catholic Princes ? The his
tory of Calvinism is equally significant. The religious
despotism exercised by Luther was continued by Calvin in a
form more complete, violent, and systematic. The direct
object of one of his treatises is to prove " that heretics should
be repressed by the sword ; " and upon this principle we
know how he acted with regard to Castalio, Ochino, and
Servetus, &c. In the burning of the latter, not only
individual divines concurred — such as Beza, Bucer, and the
" mild Melancthon " — but the great synods of Zurich, Berne,
Schaffhausen, and Basel expressed their approbation also.
But in no country did religious persecution and intolerance
attain to such a fearful height as in England and Scotland.
Dr. Lingard's " History of England," and Bishop Challoner's
"Missionary Priests," show too well the sanguinary and
unjust enactments to which Catholics were subjected for
their faith. In Scotland, Tytler* has proved that Knox was
implicated in the murder of Rizzio ; in a word, that he was
an avowed persecutor, and this too upon principle ; for did he
not proclaim that it was the duty, not only of the civil
magistrate, but even of private individuals, to exterminate all
idolators — that is papists ? If such then be undeniable facts,
why should Protestants say a word on the subject of the
Inquisition ? Even Prescott, with all his violent denuncia
tions against it, is forced to make the following admission :
" However mischievous the operations of the Inquisition may
have been in Spain, its establishment, in point of principle,
was not worse than many other measures, which have passed
with far less censure, though in a much more advanced and
civilized age. Where, indeed, during the sixteenth and the
greater part of the seventeenth century, was the principle of
persecution abandoned by the dominant party, whether
* " History of Scotland" (vol. vi. p. 215).

PREFACE. XXXIX
Catholic or Protestant."* (Character of Isabella, chap. xvi.
p. 471 ; ed. London, 1854.)
The famous trial under Philip II. of the archbishop of
Toledo, Fray Bartolome Carranza de Miranda is frequently
cited by nearly all Protestant historians as a demonstrative
proof both of the injustice and cruelty of Philip, and of the
arbitrary character of the Inquisition. Space will not allow
me to enter into all the details of this celebrated case.f A
statement of a few of the principal points will be sufficient.
Carranza was born at Miranda (in the kingdom of Navarre),
in the year 1503. He studied philosophy at Alcala, and
theology in Salamanca ; and thence, after a few years, he
was sent to the Dominican convent in Valladolid, where he
taught divinity for some time. He was so highly esteemed
by Charles V. for his knowledge and eloquence, that he was
sent to assist at the council of Trent. Philip II. chose
him for his confessor in 1548, and soon after appointed
him archbishop of Toledo. It is said that this elevation
excited the hatred and envy of the grand-inquisitor, Fernando
Valdes, archbishop of Seville, Carranza was in England at
the time of his appointment. When he came to Spain, to
take possession of his see, he remained a few weeks at
Valladolid, in the noble convent of San Pablo,J with his
brethren of the order of St. Dominic. But having written
a tract on the " Residence of Bishops," he was anxious to

* In » note the author also remarks : " I borrow almost the words of
M. Hallam, who noticing the penal statutes against Catholics under Elizabeth,
says, 'They established a persecution, which fell not at all short, in principle,
of that for which the Inquisition became so odious.'"
+ See his life, by Salazar de Miranda (Madrid, 1788) ; also, "Documentos
In<5ditos" (torn. v. p. 389); and "Noticia de la Vida de Bart. Carranza de
Miranda," por D. M. S. (Madrid, 1845). Don Vicente de la Fuente has like
wise given a few interesting details of him in his " Historia Ecclesiastica de
Espana" (torn. iii. p. 123). But the most valuable is the notice of the case,
and the observations upon it, by Balmes, in his chapter on the Inquisition
(xxxvii. p. 169, English ed.).
X Now destroyed. The church remains, and is one of the finest Gothic
buildings in Valladolid.

Xl PREFACE.
practice what he had inculcated ; he therefore hastened to
Toledo as soon as circumstances allowed. In August,
1559, while visiting his diocese in Torrelaguna, he was
suddenly arrested by the officers of the Inquisition, and
conducted under a strong guard to Valladolid. The arrest
of such a person naturally caused a great sensation through
out the country.
(1.) Why was he arrested? Not, as Prescott asserts,
because he adhered to the doctrine of justification by faith
alone, but because both his discourses and his writings*
afforded some grounds for suspicions against his faith.
(2.) In those times the mere imputation or suspicion of
heresy was considered a sufficient reason to justify the arrest
of any one, however exalted his station might be. (3.) It
seems certain, that Carranza was treated with extreme and
unnecessary rigour. (4.) No contemporary historian asserts
that Philip acted towards him from personal hatred or
resentment. (5.) It seems almost certain that the king
was induced to treat Carranza so severely from the sus
picion, or rather conviction, he had of his being heretical.
(6.) When the case was summoned to Rome, where
an impartial examination of it took place, he was not
acquitted on all the points — having been obliged by the
Pope to abjure sixteen propositions found in his writings; he
was also suspended from his episcopal duties for five years,
and required to perform several penances. A few days after
the sentence had been pronounced, Carranza died. A monu
ment was erected to his memory by the Pope.f On his
deathbed, he protested that he died a true son of the
Catholic Church. His great fault was that, considering the
critical times in which he lived, he was not cautious in his
* He wrote "Commentaries on the Catechism," and also "Summa Con-
ciliorum," which are now seldom referred to in Spain. His "Summa" was
printed at Salamanca in 1551.
t An immense mass of documents exists in one of the libraries of Madrid
connected with the trial of Carranza. Llorente fortunately did not burn tfoem,
as he did others.

PREFACE. Xli
words ; and did not explain himself with sufficient clearness
in his " Catechism," when treating of justification. Philip's
hatred of heresy — or what might even lead to it — was, no
doubt, the true cause of the excessive severity with which
he treated him.
Balmes positively asserts that the Inquisition was not a
mere instrument of Philip's policy. To support his assertion,
he mentions how Don Antonio Perez, in his " Relations,"
answers a letter of Fray Diego de Chaves, who believed
that secular princes had power over the lives of their subjects
and vassals. These are the words of Perez : " I shall not
undertake to relate all that I have heard said, on the subject
of the condemnation of some of these propositions. Those
who are concerned in this matter will at once understand
the import of my words. I shall content myself Avith stating
that, when I was at Madrid, the Inquisition condemned the
following proposition. A preacher (whose name I need not
mention) maintained in a sermon at St. James's church, in
Madrid, in presence of Philip II., ' that kings had an abso
lute power over the persons of their subjects, as well as over
their properties.' These words the preacher was obliged to
retract as erroneous, which he did publicly, and with all the
form of a juridical act, saying from a paper : ' Kings have
no other power over their subjects than what is given them
by Divine and human law : they possess none which comes
from their own free and absolute will.' " (" Relaciones de
Antonio Perez." Paris, 1624 ; quoted by Balmes. Notes,
p. 399.) This passage seems to have been overlooked by
Dr. Hefele.
Another objection often brought against the Inquisition,
both under Isabella and Philip, is, that it crushed the intel
lect of the Spanish people, and consequently destroyed in
them a love and cultivation of learning and science. Such
an assertion has not the slightest foundation in truth. The
whole reign of Isabella was a remarkable development of the
national enthusiasm for learning and science. It was pre-
d

xiii PREFACE.
cisely at the period Avhen the "Inquisition" began to be
consolidated that learning began to flourish. A number of
schools and universities were erected; the art of printing
was introduced; every species of poetry was cultivated;
celebrated scholars, such as Peter Martyr, Lucio Marineo
Siculo, &c, were invited into Spain from foreign parts;
while the Spanish nobility themselves, by the example and
encouragement of Isabella, turned from the art of war to the
more ennobling pursuits of literature. Even a lady — Dona
Lucia de Medrano — publicly taught classics in the university
of Salamanca; and another — Dona Francisca de Lebrija —
occupied the chair of rhetoric at Alcala de Henares* Philip
also showed a laudable zeal for the advancement of learning.
When he erected the Escurial, he took care to order Doctor
Benito Arias Montano " to be very diligent in collecting all
the choice books, printed and manuscript, which he should
think proper, in order to place them in the library of the
said monastery. Indeed, it is one of the chief possessions
which I wish to leave to the religious who are intended to
live there  I have also commanded my ambassador in
France, Don Francisco de Alaba, to collect the best books he
can meet with in that kingdom. You will communicate
with him on the subject," &c. (Quoted by Balmes, notes,
p. 399.) His majesty also ordered Ambrosio de Morales
to undertake a literary journey into the kingdoms of Leon,
Galicia, and to the Asturias, in order to procure relics of
saints and manuscripts, and examine the royal sepulchres.
The result of his journey, with the notes thereon, forms a
curious volume, an edition of which was published by
Florez.f Cabrera de Cordova, in his " Life of Philip II.,"
proves that his majesty erected and founded many schools
* See "Memorias de la Real Acad, de Historia" (torn. vi. Ilust. 16); also,
Nic. Antonio, "Bibliotheca Vetus et Nova" (Matriti, 1783).
f It is entitled " Viage de Ambrosio de Morales, por orden del Rey D.
Phelipe II. & los Reynos de Leon, y Galicia, y Principado de Asturias, para
reconocer las Reliquias de Santos, Sepulcros Reales, y Libros Manuscritos de
las Cathedrales y Monasterios" (ed. Madrid, 1765).

PREFACE. xliii
and monasteries for the education of ecclesiastics, amongst
which the English college of Valladolid, though established
by Father Persons, Avas at first entirely dependent on the
funds generously given for its support by Philip, Avho may be
called its founder. Several celebrated Spanish writers lived
under the reign of Philip II. ; and their works were printed
with the permission of the Inquisition.* But if we include
the whole period from the time of Ferdinand and Isabella till
the end of the reign of Carlos III., what brilliant names in
Spanish literature, both sacred and profane, present them
selves before us ! — Juan Boscan, Garcilaso de la Vega, Diego
de Mendoza, Montemayor, Herera, Luis de Leon, Juan de la
Cueva, Bermudez, Cervantes, Lopez de la Vega, Calderon,
Pulgar, Zuhiga, Zurita, Mariana, Blancas, Santa Teresa,
San Juan de la Cruz, Luis de Granada, El Venerabile Padre
d'Avila, &c. But, above all, it is to Spain, under the rule
of the Inquisition, that Ave are indebted for the first Polyglot,
published at the sole expense of a grand-inquisitor — the
immortal Cardinal Ximenez ! All readers of Spanish history
know Avhat a splendid revival of learning took place, and how
many magnificent editions of old writers were published in
the reign of Carlos III. Surely, then, it cannot be main
tained for a moment that the " Inquisition " was opposed to
the development of the human mind, or to the cultivation
and progress of literature.
With regard to the use of " torture " by the Inquisition,
no one can deny but that its frequency and its severity are
grossly exaggerated by Protestant writers. Besides, it is
ungenerous, as well as unjust, to make the Inquisition solely
answerable for the use of torture, when at the same time it
formed the ordinary part of all criminal proceedings in
secular tribunals in nearly all the states of Europe, especially
* The committee which drew up the official report respecting the Inquisi
tion, and abolished it in 181 2, had the boldness to assert, " that all learning
vanished when the Inquisition appeared." (See "Infornie sobre el Tribunal
de la Inquisicion," &c. ; Cadix, 1812.) The members of the committee were
" liberals" of the worst sort.
d 2

xliv PREFACE.
in England, France, and Germany. It must also be borne in
mind that torture could only be used under certain restric
tions, and never by the local tribunals, without the consent
of the grand-inquisitor, or of the supreme court. The
regulations for its exercise, as laid down in the "instruc-
ciones" of Torquemada, are remarkable for their leniency
and caution. Additional precautions were introduced by
Philip II. Llorente acknowledges, "that for a long time
the Inquisition did not make use of torture, and that at the
commencement of the present century we may consider it as
totally abolished." Balmes also observes : " Thus we see
the auto defe becomes more and more rare as we approach
our own times ; so that at the end of the last century the
Inquisition was only a shadoAv of what it had been"
(chapter xxxvii. p. 175).
Many more observations might be made on this important
subject ; indeed, a complete history of the Inquisition has
yet to be written. But Dr. Hefele has done a great deal
towards exposing the lies and inaccuracies of Llorente.
An immense mass of papers and documents connected
with the Inquisition still exist in the archives of Simancas.
Though I was assured by the keeper of them that
little or nothing was to be found amongst them respecting
Ximenez, yet I have reason to believe that, if the papers
relating to the Inquisition under Philip II. were properly
examined and digested, a new light would be thrown
on many points which are now but imperfectly known or
understood.* With regard to the university of Alcala,t little remains
* The correspondence which passed between Charles V. when at Yuste,
and his son Philip II., respecting the Inquisition, is very curious. A great
number of letters from Charles and Philip are preserved at Simancas. The
emperor was horrified when he discovered how Protestantism had secretly
spread in Valladolid. He urged his son to execute speedy justice upon
heretics, and to spare no one. Lafuente, in his " Historia General de Espana,"
torn xii., quotes a few of the letters.
+ AlcaU de Henares, so called from the river Henares. It was named
Complutum by the Romans.

PBEFACE. xlv
to be added by me, as Dr. Hefele has already given so many
interesting details respecting its foundation by Ximenez. So
far back as the year 1498, the Cardinal seems to have con
ceived the idea of such a noble and gigantic undertaking ;
but he was unable to commence it till the year 1500, when
the first stone of the Colegio Mayor de San Ildefonso was laid
by his Eminence in person, with all due solemnity. Amidst
all his distracting duties, the Cardinal never lost sight of
his beloved building. When circumstances allowed him to
remain at Alcala for a short time, often was he seen with
rule and plummet in his hand, taking the measurements of
the edifice, and encouraging the industry of the workmen:
At length, after the expiration of about eight years, he had
the inexpressible joy of beholding his glorious undertaking
nearly completed. The first professors came from the
University of Salamanca* A code of studies and discipline
was drawn up by Ximenez, remarkable for its wisdom and
religious spirit. Chairs were established for nearly the
whole circle of sciences which were taught at that time,
special attention being directed to those studies which tended
to elucidate the Holy Scriptures. In 1508 the university
was opened for students, who soon flocked from all parts of
Spain to its academic halls. Different popes, and especially
Leo X., bestowed many privileges on the rising university,
which afterwards became so renowned that when Francis I.
visited it a few years after the Cardinal's death, it is said
that near seven thousand students came out to meet him. A
history of the great men who were educated there would fill
several volumes. Well may the ancient biographers t of
Ximenez love to dwell on its literary glories, and the muni
ficence of its illustrious founder, to whom too much praise
* The university of Salamanca was founded by Alfonso IX. in the twelfth
century. Before this period, one existed in Palencia where St. Dominic was
educated. Salamanca is now a mere wreck of what it once was. The school
of medicine has been removed to the university of Valladolid.
f Robles calls the university " octava maravilla del mundo" (cap. xvi.
p. 127).

xlvi PREFACE.
cannot be given for so noble a memorial of his love for
the arts and sciences. Our admiration increases when
we remember, that the University was erected at his sole
expense !
But, alas ! all its glories have now passed away. Revolu
tionary governments have committed sad havoc with Alcala.
The university was suppressed in 1822, but re-established the
following year, until, at last, it was transferred to Madrid by
a royal decree, in the year 1836, and now forms what is
called "Universidad Central." Thus have all the ancient
associations — so honourable and glorious to Spain — eeased
to have any connection with the "Colegio Mayor de San
Ildefonso " in Alcala. This building was sold by Seiior
Quinto to a committee, composed of the principal inhabi
tants of the town, who nobly resolved to prevent its entire
destruction, by making some repairs which were absolutely
necessary. The chapel, however, is in a great measure
destroyed, the beautiful ceiling having fallen in. The
ancient lecture-rooms and halls are completely stripped of
their furniture and ornaments, though the courts and front
of the building are in a good condition. But the remains of
the Cardinal, having been solemnly translated to another
sepulchre in 1857,* still render Alcala, and the collegiate
church wherein they repose, spots that will ever be dear, not
only to true Spaniards who love the memory of their great
prelates, but to men of every clime, who remember what
the arts and sciences owe to Cardinal Ximenez. The town
itself contains a population of about 7,000. It is celebrated as
the birthplace of Cervantes and Catherine of Aragon. It is
only a few leagues from Madrid. The whole now presents
a desolate aspect, sad to look upon.f
On the merits of the Complutensian Polyglot, I do not
* An interesting account of the translation has been kindly sent to me from
Madrid, by the Marque's de Morante. I shall notice it in the Appendix.
t The best history of Alcala (Complutum) is by Miguel de Portilla y
Esqurvel"(2vols. 4to. Alcala, 1725).

PREFACE. Xlvii
consider myself competent to pass a critical judgment, espe
cially as I have good reasons for believing that the remarks
which Dr. Hefele has made upon it are, on the whole, correct
and satisfactory. He has given the best description of the
Polyglot, from an actual inspection of its contents, in opposi
tion to some writers in Germany and other places, who have
ventured to copy one from another, without having either seen
or examined it themselves. Le Long, in his " Bibliotheca
Sacra" (ed. Masch, part i. p. 332 — 339), mentions most of
the authors who have Avritten on the Complutensian Polyglot.
Goeze's * defence of it, against the attacks of Semler and
Wetstein in the last century, should also be read by those
who wish to see the answers to all the objections that can
be urged against the work. Dr. Hefele enters into a few
valuable details connected with the subject, and proves that
the Complutensian editors did not alter their Greek text, to
support or exalt the Vulgate. Their rejection of the words
following the " Our Father " (" for Thine is the kingdom,
the power, and the glory ") has been completely justified by
modern biblical critics. The celebrated text of the three
witnesses (1 St. John, v. 7) is found in the Complutensian
Polyglot.t Whether the codices were ancient or modern, — what
particular manuscripts were sent to Ximenez by Leo X., or
whether the celebrated Codex Vaticanus % was used by the
editors, are questions which have not as yet been satis
factorily settled. It seems certain that other manuscripts
were used besides those which had been sent from Rome.
D. Michaelis mentions that the Codex Rhodiensis and Codex
Bassarionis, were given to the Cardinal as presents; and
* Vertheidigung der Complutensischen-Bibel, insonderheit des Neuen
Testaments, gegen die Wetsteinischen und Semlerschen Beschuldigungen"
(Hamburg, 1765).
+ See Cardinal Wiseman's valuable dissertation on this celebrated text,
reprinted in his " Essays on various subjects" (vol. i. Dolman, 1853).
J Known as the Codex B. It is now happily printed, and so accessible to
all scholars. " Vetus et Novum Testamentum ex Antiquissimo Codice
Vaticano, edidit Angelus Mai, S. R. E. Card.; Roma?, 1857."

xlviii PREFACE.
Gomez states that Ximenez spent large sums in the purchase
of Hebrew manuscripts. It is to be regretted that the
editors were not more careful in describing the manuscripts
which were used by them ; and yet ought not every allowance
to be made, considering that the art of criticism was then
in its infancy, and the antiquity of manuscripts but little
understood ?
It is asserted by many writers that the manuscripts lent
to Ximenez were either destroyed at Alcala, or were never
returned. To support the first assertion, Dr. Hefele repeats
the story so often mentioned by biblical critics, how Dr,
Holdenhawer undertook a journey to Spain in the year
1784, and went to Alcala for the purpose of discovering and
examining the Greek manuscripts which had been used by
the editors of the Polyglot. But on his arrival he was
informed that, about thirty years before, they had all been
sold by the librarian to a person named Toryo, who used
them for making rockets ! Professor Tychsen, the com
panion of Dr. Holdenhawer, confirms the above statement,
according to D. Michaelis, who gives the whole account in
his " Introduction to the New Testament." (Part i. vol. ii.
p. 440, Marsh's translation; ed. Cambridge, 1793.) The
same story is given by Mr. Ford, in his " Hand-book for
Spain." (See Alcala de Henares.) Bayer, Puigblanch, De
Castro, &c, repeat the same statement.
But it is only just to mention that the Avhole account is
considered inaccurate, if not altogether false, by Spanish
writers. I have been assured by one of the most learned
professors * in the " Universidad Central," that he has
taken the greatest pains in examining the papers and docu
ments that were brought from Alcala when its university
was suppressed, and could find nothing to justify such a
supposition. On the contrary, it now appears certain that
the " Greek codices " were restored, as Father Vercellone
* Sefior Don Vicente de la Fuente, author of the "Historia Eclesiastica de
Espafia."

PREFACE. Xlix
has found and published the papal acknowledgment of their
having been returned. The following are the words of the
receipt : —
"Aug. 23, 1518. Pope Leo X. motu proprio, &c. We
acknowledge to have received from the venerable brother
John, archbishop of Cosenza, our nuncio to Spain, two
volumes of the Mosaic Bible, written in Greek, which we had
formerly commanded to be lent to the cardinal of Toledo,
of happy memory, during his lifetime, by the hands of our
beloved son, Eneas de Blandrata, subdeacon and our friend,
ordering the librarian that it be registered in the book and
certified, and that it should also be registered in the Aposto
lical Chamber.
" Given at Rome, at St. Peter's, Aug. 23, 1518, in the
seArenth year of our Pontificate. Thus we acknowledge and
command. I, L. Parmenius, custodian, acting as librarian,
have written and certify on the day and year as above. I,
Paul Morelli, of Lucca, carried and presented the said man
date." (Translated from the Prolegomena to the published
Codex Vaticanus. Roma?, 1857.)
This receipt seems to set the matter at rest, regarding the
supposed destruction of the manuscripts. Lafuente men
tions that, about the period of Dr. Holdenhawer's arrival in
Alcala, a rumour was current that some Arabic manuscripts
had been burnt there ; and this may have led him into the
mistake of supposing they must have been the Greek codices,
Avhich the ignorant people called "Arabic."
Ximenez, as Gomez* relates, intended by the- publication
of his Polyglot, to follow the plan first conceived by Origen
in his Hexapla, of exhibiting the Holy Scriptures in their
ancient languages. Another object was to revive biblical
studies, and especially the knowledge of Hebrew and Greek,
of which the clergy of that period seem to have been gene
rally ignorant. The Cardinal foresaw, also, that men would
* " De Rebus Gestis," lib. ii. fol. 37, &c.

1 PREFACE.
arise, who, pretending to have studied the Scriptures pro
foundly, would impiously turn their knowledge against the
Church of Christ, taking advantage, in the mean time, of the
ignorance of the clergy to spread their corrupt and poisonous
doctrines. Hence this great man spared no pains or expense,
to provide his clergy with the means of becoming proficients
in Biblical knowledge.
Alfonso de Zamora, professor of Hebrew, and one of the
editors of the " Polyglot," often related in presence of Gomez
that seven Hebrew manuscripts cost Ximenez 4,000 golden
ducats; and that the expense of the whole "Polyglot,"
including the payment of salaries, the purchase of manu
scripts, the casting of new types, travelling expenses, &c,
amounted to more than 50,000 ducats;* a sum which,
estimated according to the value of money at that period,
must have been immense. Though the Avork consisted of
six volumes in folio, a copy could be purchased at the low
price of only six ducats and a half. The editors commenced
their labours in the year 1502. After twelve years the first
volume (including the New Testament) was completed,
January 10th, 1514. The last volume Avas finished July
10th, 1517. Only 600 copies were printed off. The printer
was a German, named Arnauld William Brocar, whom
Ximenez had invited to Toledo, in order to superintend and
publish an edition of the Mozarabic Breviary. He aftenvards
went to Alcala to print the "Polyglot." When his son,
John Brocar, clad in his festal garments, carried the last
sheets to Ximenez, the Cardinal, then almost on the verge of
the grave,f exclaimed, " I give Thee thanks, O Lord ! that
Thou hast enabled me to bring to the desired end, the great
work which I undertook." Then turning to those around
him he said, " Of the many arduous duties which I have
performed for the benefit of the country, there is nothing,
* About £25,000 sterling.
t The cardinal died in November, 1517, four months after the completion of
the Polyglot.

PREFACE. ]i
my friends, on which you ought to congratulate me more
than on the completion of this edition of the Bible, which
now opens to us the sacred fountains of religion, when they
are most needed." (Gomez, fol. 38.) Some difficulties
delayed its publication ; until at length Pope Leo X. issued
a brief (dated March 22, 1520) authorizing Francisco de
Mendoza, bishop of Avila, to allow the sale of the work in
all parts of the kingdom.
Several copies of the " Polyglot " are to be found in the
Spanish Libraries, though many of them are imperfect.
There is a magnificent copy on vellum, preserved at Madrid,
which was brought from Alcala. Some of the universities of
Germany and the colleges in England possess copies, amongst
which there is a beautiful one (I believe perfect) in the
noble library of St. Mary's College, Oscott.
Making every allowance for the blemishes or imperfections
necessarily belonging to such a gigantic undertaking as the
Complutensian " Polyglot," we must yet acknowledge, in
the words of Mr. Prescott, " That the Cardinal's Bible has
the merit of being the first successful attempt at a Polyglot
version of the Scriptures, and consequently of facilitating,
even by its errors, the execution of more perfect Avorks of the
kind.* Nor can we look at it in connection with the age,
and the auspices under which it was accomplished, without
regarding it as a noble monument of learning, piety, and
munificence, which entitles its author to the gratitude of the
whole Christian world."f (Character of Ximenez, chap. xxi.
p. 522 ; ed. 1854.)
The account given by Dr. Hefele of the conquest of Oran,
is most interesting. Such an enterprise, though apparently
* The Complutensian was followed by the Antwerp Polyglot, the Paris
Polyglot, and the London Polyglot. Several minor polyglots have also
appeared at different times, the chief of which is known as Bagster's Polyglot,
with a prolegomena by Dr. Lee.
f Ximenes had also a number of religious works published for popular.
reading, corresponding with the " cheap publications " of the present day..
Amongst these was a life of St. Thomas of Canterbury, to whom the cardinal
was exceedingly devoted. (See Gomez and Dr. Hefele.)

Iii PREFACE.
inconsistent with the peaceful pursuits of a primate, was
undertaken by Ximenez in a purely Christian spirit ; he
sighed for the day when the banner of the Cross should sup
plant the proud Crescent, in a country where such men as
St. Cyprian and St. Augustine lived, and where the Catholic
faith once flourished so gloriously. The undertaking as well
as the execution of that celebrated expedition, reflect the
highest lustre on the military talents of the Cardinal. It was
with difficulty that he obtained the consent of Ferdinand,
who dreaded the expense; but Ximenez generously con
tributed a large sum from his own revenues, while the
chapter of Toledo granted a considerable loan. It was he
whojjilayed the jealousy of the military commanders, appeased
the dissensions of the officers, established discipline in the
army, supplied all its wants with foresight and promptitude,
and enflamed the religious ardour of the troops before the
attack with a few burning words, such as Napoleon or
Wellington might have pronounced.* It was only by the
urgent entreaties of the officers, that he was prevented from
exposing himself in the ranks of his soldiers to the fire of
the enemy. Oran was taken. The standard which was
carried before Ximenez, is still preserved in the library of the
"Universidad Central" of Madrid.
But it is time to bring this long preface to a conclusion,
though much more might be said on other points, especially
on the boldness and vigour of his measures when regent.
During a period of nearly two years Ximenez displayed to the
fullest advantage all his great stateman-like talents. Indeed,
it was only by his consummate prudence, foresight, and
courage, in resisting the intrigues of the grandees, as well as
the ambitious designs of others, that he was enabled to save
his country from the terrible dangers that threatened it on
* See his address in the chapter on the conquest of Oran. Gomez states
that the Cardinal often acknowledged " that the smell of gunpowder was more
grateful to him than the sweetest perfumes of Arabia." Doubtless, because
Ximenez wished to destroy the power of the infidel, and was glad whenever
he had an opportunity of attacking the Moors.

PREFACE. liii
every side. His policy, however, as a statesman has been
attacked by some French and English writers, especially with
regard to his treatment of the Moors after the conquest of
Granada. But as the observations of Dr. Hefele on the
subject are very just, I refer the reader to the translation,
without offering any remarks of my own.
The part which Ximenez took in the conversion of America
was so slight, or, rather, all the documents which could throw
any light on the subject having either perished or been
destroyed, the biographers have not given us any details
respecting so interesting and important a matter. Only
a few allusions to the subject are given by Gomez ; according
to whom it seems that Ximenez, after the death of Ferdinand,
sent a number of Hieronymite monks on a mission for
America, nominating Las Casas as the head of them. The
instructions which he gave them were most admirable, and
the effects of the mission highly beneficial to the poor
Indians, and thus were thousands of souls indebted to the
Cardinal for their happiness, both in this life and the next.*
(See Dr. Hefele's chapter on the " Solicitude of Ximenez for
America," chap, xxviii. German ed.)
Ximenez spent the last few months of his life, in the year
1517, in making preparations for the arrival of Charles V. in
Spain. But that monarch, at the instigation of his treacherous
Flemish advisers, who were jealous of the power of Ximenez,
protracted his residence in the north in order to avoid meet
ing the regent. He had even the ingratitude to address a
letter to him, in which, after thanking him for his former
services, he dismissed him not only from his office as regent,
but from all political duties likewise. Ximenez, however, had
already been preparing himself to appear before another
royal master, who he hoped would reward his services better
a thousand-fold than any earthly monarch could do. The
* See Herrera, " Historia de las Indias Occidentales," Madrid, 1730. For
an account of Las Casas the reader may consult Irving's "Life of Columbus,"
or Colon, as the Spaniards call him.

liv PREFACE.
account of his death Avhich is given by Dr. Hefele is most
edifying ; the news of it filled all Spain with mourning, and
never has that Catholic land seen his equal since. To do
justice to his exalted character needs no words of mine. As
a statesman, he was far superior to Richelieu ; * as a prelate,
he was the model of bishops; as a monk, full of the spirit of
his order ; as a patron of learning, he could not be surpassed.
Not only was he irreproachable in his morals, kind and
generous to the poor, severe to himself alone, zealous beyond
conception for the advancement of the Catholic faith, a father
to his clergy and canons of Toledo, devoted to the Holy See ;
forgiving and even kind to his enemies ; but, in addition to all
this, he is the only prime minister mentioned in history, who
was considered to be a saint, both living and dead.f Well
may Spain be proud of such a prelate, whose history, together
with that of Isabella, throws such glory around the period in
which they lived, and Avhich, alas ! at the same time, forms
such a painful contrast with the present degenerate race of
statesmen, in whose hands unfortunately are placed the
destinies of the noble Spanish nation.
If I can inspire my readers with the same love and admi
ration for the character of Ximenez that I feel myself, and
induce them to take an interest in a country with which we
ourselves were once closely united, and which often assisted
English priests when persecution drove them from their
homes, then will the labour of the translation be fully
repaid. The will of Ximenez is still preserved with great care in
* Dr. Hefele devotes a chapter to a comparison between Ximenez and
Richelieu. But why do so, when every writer is forced to give the palm to
Ximenez ? The difference between the two is immense.
t Though the Church has not as yet pronounced any decree respecting the
sanctity of Ximenez, he is still called a saint by many Spanish writers. The
cause of his canonization was anxiously pressed by the Spanish sovereigns in
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries ; but the Holy See has not thought
fit to enrol him amongst the saints. Whether she considered the miracles
recorded of him not to have been sufficiently proved, or his virtues not to have
been heroic, I am unable to say. (See Quintanilla, " Archivo Complutense,"
at the end of his " Archetypo de Virtudes," &c.)

PREFACE. Iv
the university of Madrid, and some interesting memorials of
him are shown in the chapter-room of the cathedral of
Toledo, especially three fine pictures, one of which is said to
be a likeness. A volume of letters, written by the Cardinal
on various subjects, is also preserved at Madrid, in the Royal
Library ; but I was unable to discover anything among the
documents at Simancas, except a curious account of the
expenses of the troops that were sent to the siege of Oran.
Many of the papers and documents connected with Ximenez
were unfortunately lost or destroyed during the French
invasion, which Avas in so many respects disastrous to Spain.
One relic, however, of the Cardinal, and that, too, exceed
ingly precious, and which I have had the happiness of seeing,
is now in possession of the illustrious archbishop of Burgos,
who was educated at Ushaw College. It is the identical ring
which the Cardinal wore, with his name, Ximenez, inscribed
inside. This ring was presented to his grace the archbishop
of Burgos (Fernando de la Fuente) by the right Rev. Dr.
O'Connor, bishop of Pittsburg, in America, when they met
in Rome in the year 1854. Dr. O'Connor received it from
the late bishop of Philadelphia, to whom it was given by
Joseph Napoleon, the intruded king of Spain, and he was
presented with it by the university of Alcala, on occasion of
a visit which he paid to the place. The archbishop has
assured me, that there is no doubt of its authenticity.
I cannot conclude, without expressing my gratitude and
thanks for the kind assistance given to me by the archbishop
of Burgos, while translating this work, in sending me letters
of introduction to Salamanca and Toledo. I also feel exceed
ingly indebted for much valuable information, which I have
received from Senor Don Vicente de la Fuente, professor in
the royal University of Madrid; from the Marques de
Morante, of Madrid ; from the senator Sefior Don Pedro
Gomez de la Serna ; and from the illustrious rector of the
University of Salamanca. I am likewise bound to express
my thanks for the assistance afforded to me by the respected

lvi PREFACE.
rector of St. Alban's College, Valladolid, the very Rev.
Dr. Guest, and the vice-rector of the Irish College in Sala
manca, the Rev. J. Mooney. I OAve many thanks also to the
librarians of the university of Valladolid, and the college of
Santa Cruz, in the same city, for the facilities they have
afforded me of consulting books. It is my duty, moreover, to
state, that in consequence of my time being much occupied
while here, that portion of the work which embraces the
refutation of Llorente's one-sided and inaccurate view of
the Inquisition, as well as from page 285 to the end of the
volume, has been translated by the accurate hand of
Mr. Meno Haas.

JOHN DALTON.

St. Alban's College, Valladolid,
1859.

In the Appendix will be found an account of the transla
tion of the Cardinal's remains to a new sepulchre at Alcala
de Henares, which solemn ceremony took place April 27th,
1857. % m& $*0 Staler,

THE

LIFE OF CARDINAL XIMENEZ.
CHAPTEE I.
THE BIRTH AND YOUTH OE XIMENEZ.
After Spain had been for a long time in a mise
rable state, Cardinal Ximenez no doubt holds the
first rank amongst those who were preparing for
her better days, at the end of the fifteenth and the
commencement of the sixteenth century.
As a priest, he was pious as a saint; as bishop and
primate, he was very remarkable for his great cha
rity to the poor, and indefatigable zeal in the cause
of morality and the pursuit of knowledge ; as a
statesman, few were so active and wise : so that to
his very name is attached an undying remembrance
of justice and honour. A Spaniard even now blesses
his memory; and although since his birth more
than four hundred years have passed away, yet
writers both of profane and ecclesiastical history,
politicians, too, and theologians, still speak of him
with the highest esteem.*
Many biographers! have laboured, in vain to trace
* For the history of Spain from the eighth to the fifteenth
century, see Prescott's "Ferdinand and Isabella," vol. i.
t Eugenio de Robles, " Compendio de la Vida y Hazanas del
Cardenal Fray Francisco Ximenez de Cisneros" (Toledo, 1604).
B

2 THE LIFE OE
his origin from the famous counts of Cisneros.
Ximenez, however, was perhaps more than any one
else indebted to his own deeds, without depending
on or requiring the splendour of ancestry.
The celebrated cardinal belonged to the family of
Ximenez, which came from the decayed nobility of
Castile. The surname Cisneros was derived from the
town where the family dwelt. His father, Alphonso
Ximenez, discharged the humble office of receiver of
tithes for the king, — a tax which was levied by per
mission of the pope, in order to assist the kings of
Spain in their wars against the Moors. Alphonso
had espoused a lady named Dona Marina de la
Torre,* who was descended from a decayed, though
renowned, family, the name of which, together with
the arms of the noble house, were given on account
of the valour of one of her ancestors who took by
assault a strong tower in Madrid, t Ximenez was
the eldest son, born in the year 1436, J at Torre
laguna, a small town in the province of Toledo. At
his baptism he received the name of Gonzales,
which he changed into Francis, after he entered the
Franciscan order. His parents wishing their son to
Also Quintanilla, " Archetypo de Virtudes, Espejo de Prelados,
el Venerable Padre y Siervo de Dios, Fray Francisco Ximenez de
Cisneros" (Palermo, 1(533, fol.), p. 5.
Prescott, though a very agreeable writer, has fallen into several
mistakes respecting the cardinal, and misunderstood many of his
greatest actions. — Trans.
* See Flechier, " Hist, du Cardinal Ximenes" (Amsterdam,
1700), liv. i. p. 4.— Trans.
t The city was besieged by King Ramiro, who was on the
point of retiring, when one of the strongest towers was unex
pectedly taken. (See Eug. de Robles, cap. 8.) — Trans.
% Prescott accuses Flechier of making a mistake of twenty
years in the date of Ximenez' birth. But the mistake seems
evidently to be a mere misprint for 1437, instead of 1457, which
is on the margin of some editions. In the very first sentence
Flechier mentions that Ximenez was born in the reign of John II.
of Castile.

CAEDINAL XIMENEZ. 3
dedicate himself to the Church, and having trained
him to exercises of piety at an early age, soon sent
him to Alcala, in order to study grammar under
able masters. He afterwards was removed to the
renowned university of Salamanca, where he con
tinued his studies, and began to learn canon and
civil law, philosophy, and theology ; the two last of
which he acquired under a celebrated professor
named Roa. Here it was that he first manifested
that preference for biblical studies which afterwards
produced such abundant and fruitful results. By
giving private lessons on civil and ecclesiastical law,
Ximenez was enabled to support himself for six
years at this university ; after which period he left
Salamanca and returned to his native town, having
acquired a good stock of knowledge, and taken his
degree of bachelor in canon and civil law. Poverty
and the advice of his father induced him soon after,
in the year 1459, to seek his fortune in Rome.*
On his way, he was twice plundered by robbers, of
his money, clothes, and horse : being unable, there
fore, to continue his journey, he was obliged to stop
at Aix, in Provence. 'Here, however, he had the
good fortune to meet with an old friend, named
Brunet, formerly a schoolfellow with him at Sala
manca. He, too, was on his way to Rome ; and
having been informed of the misfortune which
happened to Ximenez, he liberally assisted him,
and accompanied him to the capital of Chris
tendom, f
At Rome, Ximenez, while pursuing his studies,
undertook the office of consistorial advocate in the
* Flechier gives the reason of his journey : " De peur de luy
etre a charge," &c. (liv. i. p. 6). — Trans.
f Gomez (a cotemporary of Ximenez), " De Rebus gestis
Francisci Ximenii," lib. i. in " Hispaniss illustrate Scriptores "
(Francof. fob), torn. i. p. 932.
B 2

4 THE LIFE OE
ecclesiastical courts. After six years' residence, he
soon attracted the notice of his superiors ; but the
death of his father recalled him to Spain, in order
that he might take care of the family, now almost
reduced to poverty. With a view of being some
assistance to them as soon as possible, he had asked
and obtained of the pope letters called " Expec-
tativse," which gave him the first vacant benefice
in the diocese of Toledo.
During several centuries, and especially in the
twelfth century, the spiritual lords and civil patrons
had introduced the evil custom of granting these
letters " expectativse," for benefices not yet vacant.
Although provision was thereby made for men of
merit, yet the custom was opposed to the ancient
laws of the Church, besides opening a door to
simony and every other disorder. The third general
council of Lateran, held under Alexander III.,
considered it necessary absolutely to forbid such
kind of promises.* This zealous pontiff not only
reserved to the Holy See the collation to benefices
already vacant, by the decree " Mandata de provi-
dendo :" he also, on the other hand, strictly sup
pressed the said letters altogether, and forbade any
regard to be paid to them. Still, his successors,
viz., Celestine III., &c, from the year 1191 to
1198, again renewed the permission, as may be
seen from a decree of Pope Innocent Ill.f Inno
cent himself, it is true, adhered to the letter of the
decree of the third council of Lateran, and forbade
all letters " expectativse," under the form " Pro-
mitto prsebendam, cum vacabit ;" but by allowing
another form, " Promitto praebendam, cum potero,
seu cum facultas se obtulerit," he weakened the
force of his first resolution. About ninety years
* Harduin, Collect. Concil., torn. vi. p. 1677, cap. 8.
t Corp. Jur. CanoD., cap. 4, de Concessione, &e.

CAEDINAL XIMENEZ. 5
later, Boniface VIII. withdrew again the power of
conferring benefices not yet vacant, even under the
form " Cum potero," &c, on account of the abuses
which (he says) had crept in. But he himself, by
making use of a sophistical distinction,* whilst he
condemned letters " expectativse " as regards a par
ticular benefice, granted them for any benefice in
general which might first become vacant, f Thus
was the enemy of ecclesiastical order driven out on
one side, but he was admitted on the other : hence
it was, that during the great schism in the "West
in the fourteenth century, a favourable opportunity
was afforded of exercising fully this pernicious power.
Both parties, viz. the popes of Rome and the anti-
popes at Avignon, sought thereby to enrich and
multiply their adherents, by granting permission to
possess these benefices. When the vacancies were
not sufficient, these letters " expectativse " were
granted without number ; they were often sold at a
fixed price, in order to replenish the exhausted
coffers.^ At last, Pope Martin V., importuned by com
plaints from various quarters, solemnly declared in
the council of Constance, that henceforth he would
not grant letters " expectativse," except for inferior
benefices, § and one only for each diocese; Italy and
Spain, however, were excepted, because in these
countries the benefices being very poor, more were
allowed. In the thirty-first session of the council
of Basle (1483) a general law was made against
* This expression is disrespectful, and not at all just. (See
Hurter's Life of Innocent III.) The letters complained of were
given with great reluctance by most of the popes, and only in
favour of those who deserved well of the Church. (Thomassin,
"Discip. de l'Eglise.")— Trans.
t Corp. Jur. Canon., cap. 2 et 3, de Concessione, &e.
% Theodore de Niem. de Schismate, ii. 7, 8.
§ " Auf niedere Pfriinden," &c. p. 13 (German ed.).— Trans.

6 THE LIFE OE
all these " letters " above named ; but as this coun
cil is considered to be schismatical from the twenty-
sixth session, the regulations of Martin V. alone
remained in force. The pope, therefore, and
Ximenez were both in the same circumstances, on
the ground of historical right ; viz., one by seeking
the letters, and the other by granting them. The
council of Trent, by the command of Pius IV.,
absolutely suppressed the " Gratiae expectativse."*
The first benefice which became vacant in the
diocese of Toledo, was that of the archpriest of
Uzeda : the revenue was not indeed great, but
Ximenez was in a special manner satisfied with it,
because his native town of Torrelaguna was included
in the limits of the benefice. In the mean time,
Alphonso Carillo, archbishop of Toledo, had already
promised this benefice to an ecclesiastic of his house
hold : he was, therefore, exceedingly angry that
Ximenez laid claim to it. Milder bishops than
Carillo had often resisted the like concessions of the
popes ; much more opposition, then, was to be ex
pected from a prelate whose ambition and inflexible
obstinacy were well known throughout the whole of
Spain, f For a long time, being all-powerful as
minister under Henry IV. of Castile, he had often
placed himself at the head of the rebels ; and ex
changing the rochet for a coat of mail, had boldly
headed an insurrection, and commanded at the
bloody battle of Olmedo, in 1467. Seldom did any
one venture to resist such a prelate : but from that
day Ximenez began to exhibit that remarkable
* Sess. xxiv. cap. 19, de Reform. — (Pallavicini, Hist. Cone. Trid.,
lib. xxiii. cap. 6.)
t Mariana, speaking of this prelate, says, " Magno vir animo,
turbido tamen et inquieto " (Hist, de Rebus Hispan., lib. xxii.
cap. 4). Flechier mentions him as a bishop " qui etoit
naturelment severe" (liv. i. p. 9). It is to be hoped that the
character given of this prelate is somewhat exaggerated. — Trans.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 7
feature in his character to which he was indebted
afterwards as the means of his exaltation — I mean,
that unalterable, unshaken firmness which no danger
could subdue, when there was any occasion of de
fending right against might. Ximenez, then, in
accordance with his character, persisted most reso
lutely in pressing his claim to the vacant benefice ;
but the more he persisted, so much the more haughtily
did the powerful archbishop withhold the benefice
from him. The result was, that Ximenez, instead
of becoming the parish priest of Uzeda, was de
tained a prisoner there, closely confined in one of
the strongest towers. Some time afterwards, when
he had arrived at the height of his greatness, this
same place was chosen by him for his treasury.*
Here it was, according to the relation of his ancient
biographers, that a priest, who was his companion
in captivity, announced to him his future greatness,
and even elevation to the archiepiscopal see of
Toledo. "My father," calmly replied Ximenez,
" such a commencement does not certainly promise
so happy an end ;" and thus he continued, without
making any complaint against his oppressor, man
fully to endure the severity of his imprisonment, t
After a few years, he was removed to the fortress
of Santorcaz, which was then the usual place of
confinement in the diocese of Toledo for contuma
cious ecclesiastics. Here he resolutely rejected —
as he had done before — the repeated attempts which
were made in order to induce him to renounce his
benefice. At last, after Ximenez had been deprived.
of his liberty for more than six years, Carillo being
convinced that force was powerless in bending such
* Gomez, lib. i. p. 932 ; Eobles, c. 2, p. 40 ; also Flechier, who
adds, " that he kept here the money which he intended for his
expedition into Africa " (liv. i. p. 8). — Trans.
t Flechier, liv. vi. p. 518.

8 THE LIFE OE
a character, and being also influenced by the en
treaties of his niece, the countess of Buendia, gave
him his freedom, together with the possession of his
benefice. Ximenez, however, having but little confidence in
the future goodwill of Carillo, wished to leave the
diocese of Toledo. He exchanged, therefore, in the
year 1480, his benefice of archpriest for the first
chaplaincy of Sigiienza ; but as the revenues of the
latter were greater than those of Uzeda, he made an
engagement to restore the difference to the former
head chaplain of Sigiienza.
At Sigiienza, his virtues soon acquired for him
the general esteem and friendship of many illustrious
individuals ; amongst whom was the rich archdeacon
of Almazan, Juan Lopez de Medina-Cceli. By the
advice of Ximenez, this ecclesiastic was induced to
found the academy of Sigiienza, which was unfor
tunately suppressed in the year 1807.* Ximenez
himself ardently devoted all his time to his biblical
studies, and learned the Hebrew and Chaldaic lan
guages. Such a man could not long remain unknown to
the bishop of Sigiienza. From the year 1468 this
see had been occupied by Pedro Gonzalez, of the
illustrious house of Mendoza, a prelate of great
prudence and high attainments, and one, too, who
exercised an important influence over the history of
Spain and the destiny of Ximenez. In the year
1474 Gonzalez was honoured by the pope with a
cardinal's hat, with the title in addition of cardinal/
of Spain : he had also received from King Henry IV./
the dignity of archbishop of Seville; but as the
diocese of Sigiienza was intrusted to him at the /
* I am unable to state whether the seminary has been since
restored. — Trans.

CAEDINAL XIMENEZ. 9
same time, the* archbishop was anxious to find an
able and trustworthy administrator of it. He soon
discovered " the right man " in Ximenez, whom he
appointed to be his grand-vicar, and honoured with
his fullest confidence, rewarding him at the same
time with the possession of several benefices. How
long Ximenez exercised his zeal in such a wide field,
cannot -be discovered with any degree of certainty,
as all his ancient biographers seem very careless
about dates. Quintanilla gives the year 1484 as the
probable date. It seems, however, certain, that
Ximenez governed the diocese in 1483 ; for it was
about this time that the Count Silva de Cifuentes,
having been taken prisoner by the Moors, confided
to him the administration of his estates (which were
considerable) in the diocese of Sigiienza.
In the mean time, the vicar-general pleased every
one better than he pleased himself. He was not
happy. He longed to withdraw from the harassing
duties and worldly cares of his office. He sighed
for the calm of holy contemplation and the study
of theology. In vain did friends endeavour to
change his mind ; he gave up all his benefices to
them, recommending to their care and protection
his younger brother, Bernardin, then addicted to a
worldly life — on the condition, however, that he be
came virtuous. Ximenez soon retired as a novice
into a convent belonging to the Observantines of the
Franciscan order. It was called the convent of San
Juan de los Reyes, and was founded at Toledo by
Ferdinand and Isabella, in consequence of a vow.f
* Mariana assures us that this plurality of benefices was con
trary to the practice of the Spanish church (Hist. Hispanic, lib.
xxiii. cap. 19).
f This vow was made in consequence of the successful issue of
the War of Succession, by the defeat of Alphonso, king of Por
tugal. (See Eobles, Gomez, and Quintanilla.)

10 THE LIFE OF
Ximenez chose it, because it was celebrated for the
strict observance of the rules.
Scarcely had he finished his noviciate and made
his profession, when the fame of his piety spreading
far and near, numbers of the inhabitants came to
confess to him, asking for advice, comfort^ and in
struction from him. His interior life being hereby
disturbed and interrupted, Ximenez begged his
superiors to send him into some lonesome and dis
tant monastery. He was accordingly sent to the
small convent of Our Lady of Castanar, which
derived its name from its pleasant situation, in the
midst of a forest of chestnuts, near Toledo. Ximenez
himself assures us, that in this tranquil oasis he
spent the most pleasant days of his life, which were
equally divided between study and religious duties,
with the Bible and the scourge in his hand, and his
body covered with a hair shirt. There, after the
example of the ancient anchorites, he spent many
days and nights in a lonely hermitage which he had
built with his own hands, by the permission of his
superiors. He loved this retreat to such a degree
that afterwards, in the midst of all his grandeur,
he said he would willingly exchange for it his
see of Toledo, and also his cardinal's hat and the
ensigns of the regency which he held. All the re
ligious brethren of his order esteemed his prudence
and piety ; and often was he sent for by his superiors
to Toledo, in order that they might have the benefit
of his advice in all important matters connected
with the good of the order.
In one of these journeys to Toledo, his exaltation
to the see of Toledo was again foretold. Being
once, with another companion, overtaken in the
night, he was obliged to sleep on the grass with
his fellow-brother, Pedro Sanchez. The latter awoke
suddenly, and exclaimed, "I dreamt only a mo-

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 11
ment ago, Father Francis, that you were arch
bishop of Toledo, and that I saw a cardinal's hat
on your head." Ximenez, whatever he thought
of this dream, did not long enjoy his peaceful re
treat of Castanar ; for the rule of the order required
the religious often to change their residence. The
pious father was accordingly sent to Salzeda, a less
rigorous solitude than the former, where he con
tinued his mortified life, and even redoubled his
austerities. He was soon unanimously chosen by
the religious as their guardian.* Whilst he was
fulfilling the duties of this humble office, with the
same exactitude which he had shown in the adminis
tration of an extensive diocese, many events had
taken place which influenced his future life, and
clearly pointed him out as destined to become one
of the most active instruments in the regeneration
of Spain.
* Prescott, speaking of this period of the cardinal's life,
says : " It is no wonder that he should have indulged in ecstasies
and visions until he fancied himself raised into communication
with celestial intelligences" (vol. ii. p. 338, 5th edit.). "Where
does the writer of these lines find his authority for such
assertions ?

12 THL LIFE OF

CHAPTER II.
EEEDINAND AND ISABEI/LA ASCEND THE THEONE. — CONQUEST
OE OEANADA.
The greatness of Ximenez, as well as the future
destiny of Spain, depended on Ferdinand and
Isabella coming to the throne. Two things were
absolutely necessary, in order to deliver Spain from
the miserable state in which she groaned about the
middle of the fifteenth century, and to restore once
more that beautiful land to glory and power ; viz.
sovereigns able to rule, and the union into one
kingdom of the Spanish states, which hitherto were
so often opposed to each other. Ferdinand and
Isabella seemed destined to fulfil these two con
ditions. But at their birth no one could certainly
have anticipated such a blessing, so far distant did
the crown seem to be from their heads.* The
sceptre of Arragon belonged to Ferdinand's elder
brother, Carlos, prince of Viana, who was then in
the bloom of age and the strength of his man
hood. But he died unmarried, 23rd of September,
1461 ; thus unexpectedly leaving Ferdinand heir
to the throne. Isabella, however, appeared even
more unlikely to succeed to the crown of Arra
gon; for, before this could be effected, it was
necessary that death should remove both her bro
thers, viz., Henry IV- and Alfonso ; and also that
* Ferdinand was born March the 10th, 1452, and Isabella
April the 22nd, 1451. The date of Isabella's birth rests on the
authority of the learned Spanish historian Clemencin. (See torn. vi.
"Memorias de la Eeal Academia de la Historia," Madrid, 1821.)

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 13
Beltraneja* should be declared by her father in
capable of succeeding to the throne.
Yet even supposing that this almost impossible
union of events should be effected, another con
dition was requisite for the future prosperity of
Spain ; viz. the union of Arragon and Castile, two
powerful states, by the marriage of Ferdinand and
Isabella. But a thousand obstacles appeared in
the way of this consummation, which for a long
time seemed insurmountable. It is true, that
Isabella, when yet a child about six or seven years
old, was betrothed to Ferdinand; but political
motives soon dissolved this proposed union. Her
hand was then solicited by Ferdinand's elder
brother, Carlos, the prince of Viana, before she had
reached her tenth year. After his death, she was
promised to Alfonso of Portugal (1464) ; but in
spite of threats and entreaties, this proposal did
not succeed; for the princess, now only in her
thirteenth year, was quite opposed to it. Some time
afterwards she was exposed to the still greater
danger of becoming the victim of the base political
artifices of her brother. The kingf wished to give
her in marriage to the Grand Master of Calatrava,
Don Pedro Giron, brother of the marquis of Villena,
and uncle to the powerful Archbishop Carillo. The
object of the king, by this proposal, was to weaken
the power of his enemies by attaching to himself
these three men from the rank of the insurgents.
The Grand Master had even obtained a dispensation
from his vows. But Isabella was horrified at the
mere idea of being united with a man who was
* So called from her reputed father, Beltran de la Cueva. Her
baptismal name was Joanna. She was supposed to be an ille
gitimate daughter, though Henry IV. wished her to be considered
as presumptive heir to the crown. — Trans.
t Her brother, Henry IV. — Trans.

14 THE LIFE OF
considered to be a depraved character.* She
therefore besought Heaven, by prayers and fasting,
to deliver her from such a fate ; while her faithful
friend Beatriz de Bobadilla was resolved to murder
him, should he make his appearance. Giron,
however, diedf (May 2nd, 1466) on his way to
celebrate the marriage ; and thus was the princess
delivered from her fourth intended spouse.
When at last Isabella was declared heir to the
throne, by the treaty which was drawn up at a place
called Toros de Guisando,J there came again fresh
suitors from the royal families of England and
France. § But she had already cast her eyes on her
cousin, Ferdinand of Arragon, || a young prince about
the same age as herself, distinguished for the
comeliness of his person and his chivalrous quali
ties, as well as renowned for many noble deeds of
valour which he performed while serving in the
battles carried on by his father. This time
politics and inclination agreed, while the people
already rejoiced in anticipation of such a happy
union between two such regal personages. But in
* So Prescott represents him, asserting " that his private life
was stained with most of the licentious vices of the age " (p. 163,
fifth edit.). Isabella certainly disliked the man exceedingly. —
Trans. t Some attributed his death to poison ; but not a shadow of
suspicion was ever cast on Isabella, as having caused his death. —
Trans. % So called from four bulls, sculptured in stone, which were
discovered there. (Prescott, p. 172, note.)
§ The one from England was a brother of Edward IV., but
which of the brothers seems uncertain. The other suitor, from
France, was the duke of Guienne, brother of Louis XL (Prescott,
p. 173.)
[| I refer the reader to Mr. Prescott's " History of Ferdinand
and Isabella " for all the details connected with Ferdinand, which
Dr. Hefele merely touches upon. Dr. Hefele, however, corrects
some mistakes into which Mr. Prescott has fallen. These I shall
notice later. — Trans.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 15
order to effect the marriage, the consent of Henry
of Castile was necessary ; for by the treaty of Toros
it was settled, that Isabella should not be forced to
marry against her will, nor without the consent of
her brother.
Henry, however, was secretly plotting to annul
the above treaty, and deprive his sister of the
throne.* In order, therefore, that Isabella's claims
might not receive any strength and support from
an alliance with Arragon, he endeavoured to marry
her to Alfonso, the old king of Portugal, and to
unite his daughter Beltraneja (Joanna) with the
son and heir of the Portuguese monarch, who, it
was supposed, would, for his son's sake, espouse the
claims of Beltraneja and reject those of Isabella. t
But what at last constituted an open violation of
the treaty, which Henry swore to observe, was a
threat of force and imprisonment, unless she agreed
to a union that was hateful to her, both on political
and personal grounds. Isabella now considered
herself freed from all her engagements, and she
accordingly married Ferdinand publicly, on the
19th of October, 1649, without the consent of her
brother. J Ferdinand, in the true style of a gallant
* Of Castile and Leon. The marquis of Villena had, perhaps,
more to do with this plot than Henry. The marquis con
sidered the union of Castile and Arragon would be opposed to
his interests. — Trans.
t Dr. Hefele seems to forget that it was the marquis of Villena
who revived the pretensions of Alfonso ; and when the princess
absolutely refused the king's hand, it was Villena, in reality, who
tried to force her by threats of violence and imprisonment. (See
Prescott.) — Trans.
X " Ferdinand was at this time in the eighteenth year of his
age. His complexion was fair, though somewhat bronzed by con
tinual exposure to the sun ; his eye quick and cheerful ; his fore
head ample and approaching to baldness. His muscular and well-
proportioned frame was invigorated by the toils of war, and by the
chivalrous exercises in which he delighted. He was one of the

16 THE LIFE OF
knight, had exposed himself to a thousand dangers
from the soldiers of Henry, on his way from Arragon
to Valladolid.
Though King Henry declared his sister had lost
all right and title to the throne of Castile, yet the
people and the Cortes continued to regard Isabella
as the lawful heir to the crown. In proportion, too,
as Henry, now lingering under an incurable disease,
was approaching the grave, so did most of the
families belonging to the high Spanish nobility
hasten to enrol themselves under the standard of
his sister, together with the celebrated Cardinal
Mendoza,* and all his numerous and powerful
adherents. Thus when Henry died (11th of December, 1474),
Isabella was immediately proclaimed queen, and
solemnly acknowledged by the Cortes as sovereign
in February, 1475. Ferdinand received the title
of king, but the exercise of the royal power in
Castile belonged solely to the queen, as reina pro-
prietaria.f Whatever part Ferdinand took in the
government of the state, was supposed to emanate
from her, and to have her consent. To her ex
clusively belonged the highest prerogatives, such
as the nomination to military commands and
ecclesiastical dignities ; while on the other hand,
best horsemen in his court, and excelled in field sports of every
kind  Isabella was a year older than her lover. In
stature, she was somewhat above the middle size. Her com
plexion was fair ; her hair of a light chestnut colour, inclining to
red ; and her mild blue eye beamed with intelligence and sensi
bility. She was exceedingly beautiful : ' the handsomest lady,'
says one of her household, ' whom I ever beheld, and the most
gracious in her manners.' The portrait still existing of her in the
royal palace is conspicuous for an open symmetry of features,
indicative of the natural serenity of temper, and that beautiful
harmony of intellectual and moral qualities which most distin
guished her." — Prescott, pp. 184-5.
* Archbishop of Toledo. t Queen proprietor.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 17
public notifications, seals, and the current coin,
bore the likeness and the arms united, of both the
sovereigns.* Isabella, in the mean time, did not long occupy
the throne in peace; for Archbishop Carillo, who
once laboured so much for her exaltation, seeing
his hopes frustrated of being able to rule the young
queen, owing to the rising influence of Cardinal
Mendoza, was resolved to take vengeance. Accord
ingly, following the example of Oppas, archbishop of
Seville, who, in the eighth century, introduced the
Moors into Spain, so did Carillo, traitor-like, now
invite the Portuguese into his native land, and
thereby enkindled the War of Succession, which
was as bloody as it was of long continuance. The
same Alfonso of Portugal who, eleven years before,
was anxious to marry Isabella, now sought the
hand of Joanna Beltraneja, who had scarcely
reached her thirteenth year. Supported by Carillo
and other rebels, he endeavoured by the sword to
advance and support her pretended claims to the
throne of Castile. Fortune favoured him in the
beginning, and already the old archbishop boasted
that " he had raised Isabella from the distaff, and
would soon send her back to it again. " But through
the untiring activity of Ferdinand and Isabella,
through the generosity of the clergy, who offered
half of the ecclesiastical revenues for the defence of
the country, and also through the enthusiasm of
the people for their sovereign queen, joined to the
hatred of the Castilians against the Portuguese,
Alfonso was defeated and completely routed at the
bloody battle of Toro, in the year 1476. Carillo and
the other traitors were obliged to sue for pardon, on
most humiliating terms. But peace was not fully
* The original marriage contract is in the archivf^oT^imajwersjT
which are now, happily, thrown open to the ioublie.4- Trcmf^f £\

18 THE LIFE OF THE
established till September, 1479. Ferdinand, by the
death of his father (1479), then became king of
Arragon, to the great advantage of Castile. Alfonso
renounced all claims to the latter kingdom, and to
any union with Joanna, to whom the choice was
given, either to take the veil or marry Don Juan,
the infant son of Ferdinand and Isabella,* as soon
as he was of a proper age. On the other hand, a
marriage was resolved upon between the young
Alonso, son of the prince of Portugal, and the
eldest daughter of the Castilian sovereigns, the
Infanta Isabella (born 1470) : this union was
effected later. Beltraneja, after she had taken
the veil in a convent at Coimbra, soon left her
cell, in order once more to assert her claims to the
throne and the royal dignity ; but little attention
was paid to her words. She died in the year 1530.f
Thus, while Ximenez was part of his time a
prisoner, and during another period of his life ruled
the diocese of Sigiienza, there came to the throne
of Castile a queen who, with the assistance of
Ximenez, was destined by Providence to advance
the glory and prosperity of their beloved land.
The first event which promoted the elevation of
Ximenez was the capture and conquest of the Moor
ish kingdom of Granada, in the south of Spain.
The happy issue of the War of Succession had put
Isabella in quiet possession of the throne, while
numerous reforms in the state, the public prosperity
continually on the increase, the consolidation of
the regal authority, and the improvement in the
* Their son was born June 28th, 1478. (Prescott, note, p. 241.)
t Prescott say's that she left her convent, not once only, but
several times. She affected a royal style and magnificence, sub
scribing herself to the lastr "I, the queen." She died at Lisbon,.
in the sixty-ninth year of her age. Senor Clemencin gives many
details connected with her history after taking the veil. ' (Mem.
de la Acad., torn. vi. Thes. 19.)

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 19
revenue, together with the extinction of the deadly
feuds between the nobility, — all these blessings
enabled the queen to aim at a still higher object —
a nobler enterprise. Assisted by the military expe
rience of her spouse, Isabella now began to direct
her thoughts towards the accomplishment of a work
which would confer numberless benefits on the
Catholic Church, as well as honour and glory on the
Spanish crown. It was only with feelings of bitter
grief that a Christian could behold the beautiful lands
of southern Spain, where the Cross was supplanted
by the Crescent, and the Gospel by the Koran ; while
the Spanish patriot, too, must have wept with no
less sorrow when he cast his eyes on the fair city
of Granada, then a standing monument of the weak
ness and degradation of his father-land. Hence it
was that for some time the young sovereigns, con
scious of their strength, had been maturing their
plans for the conquest of the south, and feeding
their minds with the hopes of success. The com
mencement of hostilities, on the part of the Moors,
soon gave Ferdinand and Isabella the much wished-
for opportunity of accomplishing their designs and
realizing their hopes. " I will pick out the seeds
of this pomegranate one by one,"* said Ferdinand ;
and he kept his word.
Muley Abul Hassanf was the first to interrupt
the friendly relations hitherto maintained with Cas
tile. In 1481 he surprised the fortress of Zahara,
which had been left in a careless state of defence,
and carried away the inhabitants as captives to
Granada. The capture, by the Castilians, of the
rich and strong Moorish fortress of Alhama (in
* Granada is the Spanish word for pomegranate. (SeeWashington
Irving's most interesting " History of the Conquest of Granada.")
t He succeeded his father, Aben-Ismael, in 1466. Zahara
was a small fortified town on the frontier of Andalusia. (Prescott.)
c 2

20 THE LIFE OF THE
1482) was the first reprisal for the loss of Zahara.
From this event many far-seeing Moors clearly
perceived and acknowledged that this misfortune
would not be the last punishment inflicted on
them for the violation of the treaty of peace ; but
rather that it was the forerunner of still greater
evils : and so it happened. Ferdinand had, indeed,
been repulsed with great loss the same year (1482)^
from an attempt made to take the fortress of
Loja,* while a more terrible disaster befell his
little army (in the month of March, the following
year), which caused their almost total destruction,
amongst the defiles of the Axarquia, near Malaga*.
These reverses, however, were of short duration.
The Moors were at war amongst themselves. Abu-
Abdallah, or Boabdil, as he is called by the Spanish
writers,! revolted against his own father, Abul-
Hassan, and deprived him of the greater part of his
kingdom, together with the capital. Thus, while
Boabdil reigned in Granada, his father ruled in
Malaga ; and thereby the strength of the kingdom
was weakened by such discord.
It was only a month after the defeat of the
Christians in the defiles of Axarquia, that Boabdil
was taken prisoner at the battle of Lucenaj (21st of
* It is not many leagues from Alhama, on the banks of the
Xenil. The city was deeply intrenched among hills, and under
the Moors was defended by a strong fortress. Ferdinand seems
not to have made sufficient preparation for the attack. (See Pres
cott, vol. i. p. 390.)
t Boabdil was surnamed " el Chico," the little, to distinguish
him from an uncle of the same name. (Prescott, note, p. 398,
vol.i.) % " He was discovered after the battle hidden among the reedy
thickets of the river, by a common soldier named Martin Hurtado.
The prince, being instantly attacked, defended himself with his
scimitar, until Hurtado, being joined by two more of his country
men, succeeded in making him prisoner." (Prescott, p. 422,
vol. i. ; and Irving.)

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 21
April, 1483). Isabella gave him his liberty, but
only on these conditions: "That he should pay a
yearly tribute as vassal of Castile; and that he
should grant a free passage to the Spanish soldiers,
and furnish them with supplies on their march
against his father."
His return to Granada renewed the civil war ;*
even in the capital itself, the blood of Moors, shed
by Moors, flowed for fifty days and fifty nights suc
cessively ! " El Zagal," that is, the Valiant, had
deposed his brother, the old king, and made a vio
lent attempt upon the life of his nephew, Boabdil ;
while, in the mean time, the Spanish arms began
at last, though late, to be crowned with success
in every direction. One fortress after another fell
into the hands of Isabella; and in August, 1487,
Malaga, " the beautiful," was obliged to yield to its
conquerors. Two years after, Baza followed the
example of Malaga ; it was the capital of " El
Zagal," who, despairing of any more success, re
nounced, in December, 1489, the throne of his
ancestors. By this event a part of the Moorish
kingdom was recovered ; the Christians took posses
sion of all the strong cities, and left to the Moors the
suburbs and the open plains ; and also their pro
perty, laws, and customs, as well as allowing them
the free exercise of their religion ; but only on con
dition of their paying to the crown of Castile the
tribute which their sovereigns had paid before.
To this fortunate success of the war Isabella had
contributed as much as the most skilful general.,
* " The Moors became separated into two hostile factions,
headed by the father and the son, and several bloody encounters
took place between them ; yet they never failed to act, with all
their separate force, against the Christians as a common enemy."
("Washington Irving's " Conquest of Granada," to which I refer
the reader for all the details, which are merely alluded to in the
text.) — Trans.

22 THE LIFE OF THE
Often did she clothe herself in armour, and by her
presence inflame the courage of her soldiers ; she
even surpassed many of the chiefs themselves, by
her penetration and invincible perseverance. With
indefatigable energy she provided for every neces
sity, and pledged more than once her very jewels,
to provide for the expenses of the war, and levy
fresh troops. She took care of the poor, assisted
the wounded in their sufferings, and was the first
to provide for them what are now called " ambu
lances"* As this war was not merely political,
but also a religious one, Isabella knew how to
impress on all hearts the same devout feelings
which in past ages animated the soldiers who
fought in honour of the Cross. Prayer and re
ligious ceremonies were used, both at the com
mencement and the close of a battle ; no noisy
quarrels were ever heard, or gambling allowed,
or any "bad character" permitted to be seen in
the camp.
Of the entire powerful kingdom that the Moors
possessed, the weak Boabdil now retained only half
of what it once was. Depending, too, on the crown
of Castile — to which he was subject for his protec
tion, — this prince had already promised to deliver
up Granada ; on condition, however, that " El
Zagal" should be obliged to surrender his portion
of the kingdom ;f Boabdil being reminded by Fer-
* What the French style " hospices ambulans." This encomium
on Isabella is true to the very letter. At the siege of Baza, Peter
Martyr (or, to use his Italian name, Pietro Martire), who was
present, speaks in raptures of the order that Isabella preserved
in the camp. See his Epistles, lib. ii. epist. 73. — Trans.
t Prescott, in his " History," falls into some mistakes respecting
this event. These I have pointed out and corrected, in an article
which appeared in " Der Tiibinger Theol. Quartalschrift," 1843,
s. 447. I do not know to what mistakes Dr. Hefele refers. —
Trans.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 23
dinand that, as the conditions (made at Loja) were
fulfilled, the time was now come to surrender
Granada. The weak king, however, returned an
evasive answer — " That he was no longer free, and
could not therefore keep his promise." No doubt
there was some truth in these words ; for the Moors
had all risen up, inspired with new enthusiasm
against the Christians ; while Granada, protected by
its numberless* towers, seemed to bid defiance to
the most powerful army.f Indeed, Ferdinand him
self, in the first expedition undertaken in 1490,
attempted nothing of a decisive character. But in
the following year, when the Moors beheld the
town of Santa F6 % rising opposite to Granada with
marvellous rapidity, the presence of the Spaniards
clearly convinced them that they were determined
not to raise the siege : then it was that the courage
of the Moors failed, and all hopes of deliverance
vanished. Isabella had named the new citySantaF£; because,
on the one hand, she looked upon the war as a con
test in behalf of the Christian faith (f6) ; and because,
on the other, she had a pious and strong belief 'that
the whole of the enterprise would be brought to a
successful issue. Her hopes were realized ; for, on
the 2nd of January, 1492, she entered the capital of
the Moorish kingdom, to receive the homage of the
* The text mentions the number at 1,030.
t "Washington Irving gives a very beautiful description of
Granada. X " The holy faith." In less than three months the town was
erected, consisting of solid structures made of stone and mortar,
and including, besides, stables for a thousand horses. The town
was quadrangular in its form, two spacious avenues intersecting
each other at right angles in the centre. The whole army was
anxious that the new city should bear the name of their illustrious
queen, but Isabella modestly declined the honour, and gave it the
name which it still bears. — Trans.

24 THE LIFE OF THE
last of its sovereigns.* With a heavy sigh, Boabdil
bade adieu to the land of his fathers, and looked for
the last time on beautiful Granada from an emi
nence near the city. This place is still called by
the Spaniards, "El ultimo Sospiro del Moro."t
Boabdil departed on his way to a small principality
in the mountains of the Alpuxarras, which was
appointed for his abode. But he soon left this
place, and returned to Africa — to die amidst his
friends. The remaining population obtained similar, and
even milder conditions than did the subjects of
" El Zagal " a few years before. Their property,
religion, mosques, national manners, customs, and
government, remained untouched. The tribute was
the same as it was under their own sovereigns ; and
for the first three years no tax whatever was levied:
in addition to these advantages, all who wished to
emigrate were at liberty to do so. Thus, after eight
hundred years had passed away, the object which
every Spaniard most ardently wished for was now
attained; the long-standing ignominy of his ancestors
was effaced ; and the power of the Moors destroyed
— after a war of ten years' continuance, which was
compared to that of Troy. The whole of Europe
shared in the joy of Spain ; and even secular princes
vied with the Holy See in celebrating, with the
utmost magnificence and pomp, an event which
both interested and gladdened the whole of Chris
tendom. The Pope granted to the two sovereigns,
* See all the details in Irving.
t " The last sigh of the Moor." Boabdil did not long remain
in Spain. The next year he passed over to Fez witli his family,
having commuted his petty sovereignty for a considerable sum of
money paid him by Ferdinand and Isabella. He soon after fell
in battle, in the service of an African prince. (Prescott, vol. ii.
p. 85.)

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 25
Ferdinand and Isabella, the title of " Catholic
Majesties" — Los Reyes Catolicos, — a name which
has spread their glory throughout the world.*
* Prescott (vol. ii. p. 87) gives an interesting quotation from
Lord Bacon, showing .what joy was experienced in England when
the news arrived of the conquest of Granada, in the reign of
Henry VII.

26 THE LIFE OF THE

CHAPTER III.
XIMENEZ IS CHOSEN CONEESSOE TO QUEEN ISABELLA, AND
PROVINCIAL OE HIS OEDEE.
During the ten years of the Moorish war, which
had occupied Spain so much, Ximenez had been
spending his days in the calm retirement of a
monastery : the termination of it was the means
of drawing him from his peaceful cell. Indeed,
amongst the numberless remarkable consequences
of this war, not the least was the fact that Isabella's
attention was thereby directed to three illustrious
men, destined afterwards to become her greatest
and most faithful subjects, and to contribute so
much to the undying glory of her reign, as well
as to the welfare of Spain itself. The men to
whom I allude were, — Columbus, who discovered
America; the great warrior Gonsalvo de Cordova,
and Cardinal Ximenez. Isabella, rejoicing over the
conquest of Granada, and thus encouraged to un
dertake still greater and nobler enterprises, at last
heard the prayers of Columbus, which had remained
so long unheeded ; and on the 17th of April, 1492,
presented him with that small fleet at Santa F6,
which was destined soon to discover a new world.
No less illustrious in history is Gonsalvo de
Cordova, truly called "El gran capitano," the great
captain. For the first time in the Moorish wars, he
it was who displayed those extraordinary talents
and that rare genius whereby he performed won
ders with such slender resources ; and, relying on
the strength of his undaunted soul, as well as on

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 27
the magic influence he possessed over his troops, he
it was too who knew, not only how to conquer
Naples, but also how to retain it in possession of
Spain. The rise of Ximenez is no less intimately con
nected with the Moorish wars, though not in such
a direct way as those were whom I have already
mentioned. An archbishopric had been established
in Granada — not only for the benefit of the new
Christian colonists who might settle in the con
quered land, but also for the conversion of the
Moors. The dignity of archbishop had been given
by Isabella to her confessor, Fernando de Talavera.
If personal virtues, unspotted purity of life, and
a remarkable gentleness of character, could enable
any one to become the apostle of the Moors, this
religious was the man. He was of the order of
St. Jerome, and had exchanged his rich bishopric
of Avila for the poor see of Granada, generously
refusing every indemnification which was offered
to him.
Just at this time, Isabella was thinking of choos
ing another confessor, as pious and prudent as her
former one was. Cardinal Mendoza, who had been
primate of Toledo since the death of Carillo, now
directed the attention of Isabella to Ximenez, whom
he had already known and esteemed at Sigiienza.
He therefore considered him quite capable of
directing the conscience of the queen, and even
giving her prudent and wise counsel respecting the
affairs of the kingdoms on which it was known that
she frequently consulted her confessor. By her
particular desire to see this remarkable man, and
personally judge of him herself, Cardinal Mendoza
ordered Ximenez, under pretence of some urgent
business, to hasten to court immediately. The
poor Franciscan of Salzeda obeyed the summons ;

28 THE LIFE OF THE
and after the cardinal had been speaking to him
for a long time on various matters, he introduced
Ximenez, as it were by accident, and without his
suspecting anything, into the apartment of the
queen. His modest and recollected appearance, so
full of dignity at the same time, — his candour of
soul, and the noble sentiments which he manifested
in his words, — all tended to fill Isabella with the
highest esteem and admiration for Ximenez. But
he was still ignorant of the intentions of her ma
jesty, until two days after, being again introduced
to the queen, he was informed of her wishes. But
he modestly declined an office which he considered
both too weighty for him, and also in direct opposi
tion to the plan of life which he had laid out for
himself. Isabella, however, insisted on his accept
ing the office of confessor; and hence Ximenez
could no longer refuse. But he obtained permission
to remain in his monastery, and to appear at court
only when he should be sent for.*
The learned Peter Martyr, of Arona,t who was
resident in the court at this time, mentions that this
choice gave the queen the greatest pleasure and
satisfaction ; the Spaniards themselves called their
sovereign " happy " in having appointed such a
man to be her confessor, — one, too, who " was equal
in wisdom to St. Augustine, to St. Jerome in
austerity of life, and in zeal to St. Ambrose."
Even on the courtiers, the venerable appearance of
the pious father made a profound impression, which
is thus expressed by Alvarez, the royal secretary of
Ferdinand, in a letter written to his friend Peter
* See Gomez, lib. i. p. 935 ; Robles, p. 56 ; and Flechier,
liv. i. p. 15.
t Dr. Hefele mentions in the text Anghiera ; but it is perhaps
more correct to say that Peter Martyr was a native of Arona,
situated on the borders of Lake Maggiore, in Italy. — Trans.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 29
Martyr : " A man of great sanctity," he says, " has
come from the depths of a lonesome solitude ; he is
wasted away by his austerities, and resembles the
ancient anchorites, St. Paul and St. Hilarion. He
has succeeded the archbishop of Granada." *
The more Ximenez endeavoured to abstain from
all interference in political matters, so much the
more frequently did Isabella seek his advice, until
at last she resolved to execute nothing of im
portance without having beforehand heard his
opinion. A short time after Ximenez had been chosen
the queen's confessor, he was also elected, by the
chapter of the Franciscan order, provincial of Old
and New Castile. He consented with pleasure to
bear the burden of this dignity for the usual term
of three years, in order to be able to labour more
effectively for the restoration of monastic discipline
and austerity; while, at the same time, it would
give him an opportunity of not appearing frequently
at court.
Upon the recommendation of the guardian of
Alcala, Ximenez had chosen for his secretary and
assistant a young and well-informed Franciscan,
named Francisco Ruyz. He accompanied Ximenez
in his journeys, which he made with untiring zeal
and energy through the different parts of his vast
province, in the visitation of the monasteries of the
order. In performing this duty, Ximenez corrected
whatever abuses f had crept in, and by word and
* Pietro Martire, Epist. 105 et 108, ed. 1670. In chap. ix.
of this work, I shall speak more at length of Peter Martyr. His
Italian name is Pietro Martire. (See Prescott's note on him,
vol. ii. p. 63.)
t Prescott, it seems to me, greatly exaggerates, as most Pro
testant writers do, the abuses which had crept into the religious
orders previous to the Reformation. — Trans.

30 THE LIFE OF THE
example encouraged the religious to aim at a more
austere life. All his journeys he made on foot : it
was only when sickness compelled him, and then it
was but seldom, that he made use of a poor mule
to assist him. Faithfully keeping to the strict letter
of his rule, the provincial himself often begged
what was necessary to support him on his journey;
and so often was he obliged to be content with a few
raw roots, that Brother Ruyz once said to him,
with a smiling countenance, — " Most reverend
father, you will certainly be the cause of our dying
through hunger ! God gives to every one his par
ticular talent. Do you meditate and pray for me,
while I am begging for you."*
Ruyz, however, understood something more than
begging ; for Ximenez soon honoured him with
his friendship, and afterwards recommended him
for a bishop.
On one occasion, when they had arrived at Gib
raltar, Ximenez conceived an ardent desire, after
the example of his founder and model, St. Francis
of Assisium, to pass over into Africa and be
come an apostle, and perhaps a martyr, among the
infidels. But a pious woman, belonging to the
class called " Beata3,"t appearing to have had
some revelation of his future greatness, advised
him to renounce such a thought, and rather await
the glorious career which was reserved for him in
Spain. The queen soon recalled- him to court, in order
to hear his opinion, and support her in the project
she had formed for a general reformation of all the
religious orders. Ximenez approved of the pro-
* Gomez, p. 936 ; Quintanilla, lib. i. cap. 10 ; Flechier, liv. i.
p. 16.
t So the Spaniards called those who belonged to the third order
of St. Francis.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 31
ject with all the energy of his character ; and this
he did the more willingly because the religious
orders in Spain stood in great need of a thorough
reform. The Franciscan order was the first to which he
immediately directed his attention, for his recent
visitation had shown him into what a deplorable
state it had fallen. Not only were most of the
monasteries in the hands of the " Conventuals,"*
who were considered very lax, but the greater part
of the religious seem to have entirely forgotten the
practice of penance and apostolic poverty, in order
to lead an idle and luxurious life in magnificent
houses. Supported by the royal authority, Ximenez
especially endeavoured to transform the Conven
tuals into " Observantines," so called because they
adhered to the primitive rule. He then took away
from the monasteries all the possessions which they
were not allowed to retain : he expelled the un
worthy members, and endeavoured to induce the
better disposed to embrace the reform. To many
he offered pensions, if they should wish to leave the
order, and make room for others who would be
willing to lead an austere life. This offer was ac
cepted by the Franciscans of Toledo, who, as if in
mockery of Ximenez, solemnly sang, on leaving
their monastery, the psalm, " In exitu Israel de
^gypto,"t &c.
A thousand calumnies would be sure to assail a
reformer placed in such circumstances, engaged
* Those who did not adhere to the primitive rule of the order.
t " Y he oido a personas muy graves, que los Frayles
Claustrales de San Francisco de Toledo, el dia que salieron
desterrados de aquella Ciudad, Uevavan una Cruz delante, y iban
cantando el Psalmo (113) ' In exitu Israel de ^Egypto,' &c."—
(Robles, " Compendio de la Vida y Hazanas del Cardenal Don Fray
Francisco Ximenez de Cisneros," Toledo, 1604, p. 68.)

32 THE LIFE OF THE
in a contest against relaxed orders, and with men
who preferred the good things of this life to the
austerities of their rule. But Ximenez pursued his
path unmoved, until at length his elevation to the
archiepiscopal see of Toledo gave him opportunities
of attaining his object.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 33

CHAPTER IV.
XIMENEZ BECOMES ABCHBISHOP OE TOLEDO.
While Isabella and her pious confessor were zea
lously carrying on the reform of the Franciscan
order, Cardinal Mendoza fell ill ; in consequence of
which he retired to his native town, Guadalaxara,
in order to enjoy its invigorating air, and to have
some repose away from the cares of state. Not long
after, towards the end of the year 1494, Ferdi
nand and Isabella paid a visit to their sick minister.
They had a long interview with him, during which
he left them, as it were, his last political will ; for
he spoke to them on the future government of the
kingdom, as well as leaving them excellent rules to
be followed out after his death. Amongst other
matters, he told them, in an especial manner, what
his ideas were respecting his successor in the see
of Toledo.*
The archbishop of Toledo was both primate of
Spain and chancellor of Castile : his revenues t
were immense, his vassals numerous; while the
towns and fortified places belonging to him were
no less so. Possessing this double capacity, the
archbishop was, no doubt, after the king, the first
and most influential personage in the kingdom ; and
when he placed himself at the head of the nobility,
* Gomez, p. 938.
t Prescott estimates the revenue at 80,000 ducats, in the
beginning of the sixteenth century. Isabella annexed the dignity
of High Chancellor to that of Archbishop of Toledo ; but, in later
times, it seems to have been a mere honorary title. (Vol. ii. note,
p. 343.) D

34 THE LIFE OF
in opposition to the throne, then the king himself
frequently had cause to tremble. In a kingdom so
completely aristocratic as Castile was, at the time
of Isabella coming to the throne, — when the sove
reign did not surpass the grandees in their revenues,
and was but a little above them in power and im
portance, — the primate and chancellor held as high
a position as did formerly the archbishop of Guesen
in Poland. Hence it was that Mendoza, though
belonging himself to the highest nobility, advised
the queen not to appoint, for the future, to such
an important see any one of a noble family, but
only a person of great virtue belonging to the
respectable middle class. As a confirmation of
his opinion, he mentioned the example of Alfonso
Carillo, his predecessor, who at one time was feared
both by Isabella and her brother Henry, and had
shaken even the throne itself. It is supposed that
Mendoza recommended to the queen, as the fittest
person to succeed to the see of Toledo, her present
pious confessor. A few days subsequent to this inter
view, the great cardinal died (January 11th, 1495),*
after a year of sufferings. For a period of twenty years
he had served Isabella and her consort as a faithful
minister; and had exercised such great influence
over the affairs of the kingdom, as to be playfully
called " the third king of Spain."
In his youth his manners were not irreproach
able ; for, alas ! at that period the Spanish clergy
were somewhat lax : but his numerous virtues
afterwards blotted out every stain : his immense
revenues were devoted to the advancement of
science and the comfort of the poor; while he
himself laboured with all his strength, and with
* Both Gomez and Peter Martyr, not to mention other writers,
give the highest character of the illustrious cardinal. (See Gomez,
" De Rebus Gestis," fol. 9 ; also, Peter Martyr, Epist. 158.)

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 35
an admirable sagacity, for the prosperity of the
State : in a word, his sweetness and modesty
gained for him every heart. Hence his name was
no less loved in Spain, than it was celebrated in
foreign countries ; while the queen herself showed
the illustrious dead the greatest mark of her re
spect, by undertaking in person the execution of
his will.
The necessity of appointing some one to occupy
the archiepiscopal see was now the object of Isa
bella's serious consideration; for, since her mar
riage, she had reserved to herself the nomination
to all ecclesiastical dignities. She felt, therefore,
the deep responsibility which was attached to the
exercise of a right that was so frequently dangerous
in the hands of sovereigns. Though she did not
forget the advice which Mendoza had given her,
yet, in a matter of such great consequence, she was
anxious to hear the opinion of her prudent con
fessor. Ximenez differed widely from the advice
given by Mendoza. It was his decided opinion,
that for such a dignity only a person belonging to
the highest class of the nobility should be chosen :
he accordingly advised the queen to appoint the
nephew of the late archbishop of Seville, Diego
Hurtado Mendoza. Ferdinand, on the other hand,
was most anxious to have the rich dignity bestowed
on his natural son, Alfonso of Arragon, who, from
the time he was six years old, occupied the archi
episcopal see of Saragossa, in spite of every re
monstrance ;* having been appointed by Ferdinand
himself, in his hereditary states of Arragon. Though
* Mariana (lib. xxiv. cap. 16) mentions that Sixtus IV. had
made great opposition to the appointment, and had even refused
the dispensation ; but that Ferdinand and the king of Naples had
compelled him to acknowledge the Infant as perpetual adminis
trator of the archbishopric. (See also Ferrera's " History of
Spain," torn, vii.)
D 2

3(3 THE LIFE OF
Isabella was, on the whole, careful to pay every
deference to the wishes of her consort, and though
there could be no doubt of the talents of Alfonso,
yet his youth (he was only in his 24th year), and
his somewhat scandalous life, forbade Isabella from
agreeing to the wishes of Ferdinand : hence every
entreaty, and even flattery and indignation, on the
part of the king, were all unable to alter the reso
lution of the queen. She placed more confidence
in a lawyer, named Oropesa, who had resigned a
place in the cabinet of her majesty, in order the
more easily to spend his days in prayer and medi
tation. Ximenez also spoke in favour of this
person. The decree for his nomination was already
drawn out, and even a courier had been sent to
Rome to solicit the confirmation, when Isabella
suddenly changed her arrangement. This was ac
counted for, either from the great age of Oropesa,
which probably influenced the decision of the
queen, or from the fact that the good old man
himself, as some writers mention, requested to be
exempted from the dignity. At the same time,
Isabella now immediately resolved to raise her own
confessor to the vacant see. She therefore sent,
without his knowledge, a second courier to Rome,
with an order to her ambassador there not to for
ward the first appointment, but to obtain the ne
cessary bulls for the elevation of Ximenez. A short
time after the pope held a consistory, and acceded
to the wishes of Isabella : the bulls were accordingly
despatched to Madrid, in the Lent of 1495, where
the court was then residing. On Good-Friday,
Ximenez, after he had heard the confession of the
queen, was preparing himself to leave his convent at
Madrid, in order to spend the holy days in retire
ment at Ocana, when one of her majesty's cham
berlains unexpectedly summoned him to the palace.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 37
He immediately obeyed, hoping soon to obtain leave
of absence. Isabella, however, to his great asto
nishment, after speaking with him for a long time
on many indifferent things, presented the papal
bulls to him, with these words : " Reverend father,
you will see by these letters what are the commands
of his holiness." Ximenez kissed them with the
greatest reverence (as is the usual custom, in the
Catholic Church) before he began to read them.
When he opened them and saw the superscription,
running thus — "To our venerable brother Fran
cisco Ximenez de Cisneros, archbishop elect of
Toledo," he changed colour, and immediately left
the chamber, saying, " These letters are not for
me," without even taking leave of Isabella, who
contented herself with replying in a kind manner :
" Allow me to see what his holiness has written to
you." She wished the first emotions of surprise to
subside, in order to give Ximenez an opportunity of
more easily collecting his thoughts. He hastened,
however, to Ocana, without saying anything to
his companion, Ruyz, but these words : " Come,
brother, we must leave here as soon as possible."*
A short time after, the queen, supposing that
Ximenez was still in Madrid, sent two of the head
chamberlains of the court to his Franciscan con
vent, in order to induce him to accept the offered
dignity. When, however, they were informed that
the provincial f had already departed for Ocana,
they hastened after him with all speed, and overtook
him about three miles from Madrid. Though they
succeeded, after a long interview, in persuading the
good father to return, yet he persisted again, with
* Gomez (pp. 10, 11), Robles (cap. xiii. pp. 76, 77), and
Flechier (pp. 35, 36, 37) give a few more interesting details,
which Dr. Hefele omits.— Trans.
t Ximenez, who was then provincial of his order.

38 THE LIFE OF
the greatest firmness, in refusing the dignity. The
"Nolo episcopari" has indeed passed into a pro
verb. But the resolution of Ximenez to remain a
religious, and to work out his salvation in the soli
tude of a monastery, was so clearly without the
affectation observable in others, and his refusal of
the dignity was so long maintained, that the queen
considered it necessary to complain to the pope on
the subject. Six months had already passed away ;
and in the mean time, while the court had fixed its
residence in Burgos, there arrived a new papal
brief, which commanded the provincial, by virtue
of canonical obedience, immediately to accept the
archbishopric. Thus a very unworthy pope*
(Alexander VI.) was instrumental in commanding
one of the most eminent men of the time to occupy
the primatial see of Spain.
As further opposition was no longer permitted,
Ximenez allowed himself to be solemnly consecrated
on the octave of the Feast of St. Francis, October
11th, 1495, in a convent of his order, at Tarazona,
in the presence of the two sovereigns, and amidst
the acclamation of all good people.
After the ceremony was concluded, the newly
consecrated prelate, according to custom, went to
kiss the hands of Ferdinand and Isabella. In
doing so, he used these few but memorable words :
" I come to kiss the hands of your majesties,! not
because they have raised me to the first see in
Spain, but because I hope they will assist me in
supporting the burden which they have placed on
my shoulders." Full of emotion, the two sovereigns,
and after them all the grandees of the court, respect-
* This expression I consider uncalled for, as it is not used by
any of the biographers of Ximenez. — Trans.
t Charles V. was the first king of Spain who took the title of
" Majesty."

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 39
fully kissed in their turn the anointed hands of the
new prelate, who devoutly gave them his blessing.
He was then conducted with great pomp to his
palace. It is remarkable, that while Ximenez in his youth
sought after humble ecclesiastical dignities, they
seemed to fly from him, and were even the cause of
his being confined in a prison. But when, on the
other hand, he began to despise them, then the
highest honours followed his steps, and were forced
upon him quite in opposition to his wishes. Scarcely
had twelve years passed away since the death of the
proud Carillo, and already had that poor priest,
whom he detained in prison for six long years on
account of a paltry benefice, inherited the power
and the dignity of his persecutor. And now, again
though more than three hundred years have passed
away, the name of Ximenez is still remembered by
every well-informed person with respect, while that
of Carillo has long since been forgotten.

40 THE LIFE OF

CHAPTER V.
WHAT MANNEE OE LIFE THE NEW ABCHBISHOP LED.
Matured by experience, and with a soul strength
ened by mortification, Ximenez took possession of
the archiepiscopal see of Toledo, in the fifty-ninth
year of his age. As bishop, reformer of religious
orders, promoter and patron of science, and a great
statesman, Ximenez was destined to effect immense
good in all these different capacities. Like all true
reformers, he began by reforming himself, and so
giving in his own life and conversation an example
and a pattern to others. "A bishop," says St. Paul,
" is one that ruleth well his own house (1 Tini.
iii. 4). Ximenez so faithfully followed this injunc
tion, that Ave may, without the least hesitation,
compare him to St. Charles Borromeo, and other
heroes of the Church, who were poor in the midst
of riches, hermits in the midst of the world, and
models of mortification amidst pomp and luxury J
Let us, then, contemplate this extraordinary man
in the interior of his house, before we consider
him and his actions on the great theatre of the
world. Being a Franciscan heart and soul, Ximenez was
anxious, in his present new dignity, to realize in his
own person the apostolic poverty and religious
austerity of the glorious founder of his order, and
thus to combine the dignity of a bishop with the
simplicity of a monk. No silver, therefore, adorned
his table, nor was any ornament to be seen on the
walls of his apartments : nowhere could be found

\ \

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 41
the least trace of luxury, — nowhere the least symp
tom of pomp or riches. His garment was the
Franciscan habit, and his food only such as the
poorest monastery affords. The journeys which he
was obliged to make were always performed on
foot, though occasionally he made use of a mule, as
most poor Spanish priests do. His palace was
changed into a monastery, while only ten Franciscan
monks composed the staff of one who was both
primate and chancellor.*
But as wasps settle on the ripest fruit, so great
fault was found with the archbishop's manner of life.
Some blamed him for not having correct notions of
his high dignity, while others accused him of pride
and hypocrisy : both parties, however, agreed that
his dignity and the respect which was due to the
high rank he held in church and state were con
siderably diminished by his present mode of life.
The good and the evil-disposed carried, at last, their
complaint before the Holy See ; in consequence of
which Alexander VI., in a brief, which, perhaps, is
the only one on record of its kind, dispenses a
follower of the apostles from his apostolic poverty
and simplicity, f Itruns thus : —
"To our well-beloved Son Francis, Archbishop Elect
of Toledo, health and apostolical benediction.
" You are not ignorant, venerable brother, that
the holyand universal Church is decorated with many
* Prescott relates the following anecdote from Quintanilla.
" On one occasion, as Ximenes was travelling, and up, as usual,
long before dawn, he urged his muleteer to dress himself quickly :
at which the latter irreverently exclaimed — ' Cuerpo de Dios !
does your holiness think I have nothing more to do than shake
myself like a wet spaniel, and tighten my cord a little P ' " (See
Gomez, Robles, and Flechier, for further particulars of his life.)
t This expression is hardly correct, as is evident by the Pope's
brief! — Trans.

42 the life of
and various ornaments, like unto the heavenly
Jerusalem, in which, if excess is blamable, one may
err by trying to avoid the opposite extreme. A due
observance of what belongs to each one's state of
life is pleasing to God, and consequently deserving
of praise. Every one, therefore, and especially pre
lates of the Church, ought so to regulate their mode
of life, their dress, and whole exterior, that no one
may be able to accuse them either of pride through
an excessive magnificence, or of an abject mind
through too great plainness and simplicity, inasmuch
as both these faults weaken the authority of eccle
siastical discipline.
" Wherefore, as the Holy See hath raised you
from an inferior state to the archiepiscopal dignity,
and as we greatly rejoice to hear that you lead a life
according to God and your conscience, we now ex
hort you, venerable brother, outwardly to conform
yourself to the dignity of your state of life, in your
dress, attendants, and everything else relating to
the promotion of that respect due to your authority.
" Given at Rome, under the Fisherman's seal, the
15th of December, 1495, in the 4th year of our pon
tificate." *
It was with great reluctance that Ximenez
changed his mode of life, in obedience to the exhort
ation of the pontiff. But because he thought it his
duty to obey, and nothing was further from his
intention than to do anything injurious to the dignity
* This brief is found in Gomez (fol. 13), Quintanilla, Raynald's
Continuation of Baronius (ad annum 1495), and "Wadding,
"Annales Minorum," torn. xv. I suspect that the date, 15thof
December, is incorrect ; for Ximenez had then been consecrated
two months. Flechier is certainly mistaken in assigning the 15th
of September, 1496, as the date of the brief; for Ximenez had then
been consecrated more than a year. Perhaps, if we were to assign
the 15th of September, 1495, as the date, it would be more in
accordance with the word " elect," found in the address.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 43
of his ecclesiastical position, hence, for the future,
he was resolved to display in public a certain mag
nificence, more in accordance with his high office.
But at the same time he preserved in private all his
former austerity. Towards the end of the Middle
Age, a fondness for pomp, dress, and luxury seemed
to prevail more than at any other period. This
was especially the case with the Spaniards, who,
having been accustomed under the Moors to a quasi-
Asiatic pomp, carried outward magnificence beyond
all bounds. Even the greatest men of the time, like
the " Great Captain," were persuaded that they
could only uphold and strengthen the fame of their
illustrious deeds by an extravagant display of pomp
and boastful splendour. Only a few exalted minds,
like Isabella and Ximenez, remained uncontami-
nated by the general contagion. But as the queen
did not hesitate to appear in public with royal pomp
whenever the respect due to her rank seemed to
require it, so did Ximenez, after he had received the
papal injunction, and heard the complaints made
against him, consider it necessary to yield in some
degree to the weakness and prejudices of his country
men. He accordingly now appeared clad in furs
and silk garments, though under his splendid robes
he always continued to wear, close to his body,
the coarse garment used in his order ; and this he
himself repaired from time to time, that so he might
always be reminded of his own nothingness. In
like manner did Pius VII., when a captive in France,
practise the same humility ; but while the French
ridiculed the virtue of the pontiff, the contemporaries
of Ximenez knew how to appreciate this same virtue
more sincerely ; for, after his death, a small box,
in which Ximenez kept his thread and needle, was
found, and was carefully preserved as a relic.
In the archbishop's palace were indeed to be seen

41 THE LIFE OF
magnificent beds, covered with silk and purple, the
posts of which were richly ornamented with ivory
and gold. The archbishop, however, was accus
tomed to sleep either on the bare floor or on a plank,
with his habit on ; and this austere practice he
carefully concealed from his domestics, by never
allowing any one of them to enter his sleeping-room.
But an accident once led to the discovery of his
secret; so that the mortification which the holy
man practised upon himself was thus very soon
known throughout the country.
Magnificent banquets were now more frequently
given by the prince of the Church ; but, whilst his
table could scarcely bear the multitude of good
things provided for his guests, he himself partook
very sparingly of food, and that was of the plainest
kind. Pages belonging to the first families of the
Spanish nobility constantly attended the illustrious
prelate ; but for his own immediate wants he had,
according to his former custom, no other servant
but himself. He also took especial care of the
proper education of these young nobles.
He filled up all his time with labour, prayer, and
study.* After attending to state affairs, he returned
again to his breviary with fresh vigour and devo
tion ; he offered the holy sacrifice every day, was
frequently present in the choir, and gave the pre
ference to the plain chant before every kind of
harmonized music ; he was particularly fond of
praying in a small dim chapel, the stillness of which
penetrated the depth of his soul. Daily did he
peruse, on his knees, some chapters of the Holy
Scriptures ; and numberless times in the day did he
also gaze on a crucifix which was attached to his
* These and other edifying details are taken from Gomez,
Flechier," and Quintanilla. The Spaniards, at the present day,
revere Ximenez as a saint. — Trans.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 45
arm by a string : he considered it as a preservative
against sin. A promenade was the only relaxation
which he allowed himself, and this he took but
seldom ; while, on the other hand, he daily enter
tained himself with pious conversations, which he
held with his religious brethren around him, and
other theologians. He likewise, from time to time,
renewed his fervour by making a retreat in some
monastery of his order ; and there, like the hum
blest of the brothers, he performed with them all
the religious exercises, made his confession, and
took the discipline. In a secret chamber of his
palace he also frequently used the discipline with
such severity on his body that Pope Leo X. was
obliged to interfere. He seldom wore anything but
a hair-shirt next his skin.
As his poverty had been blamed before, so many
now found fault with the splendour of his appear
ance in public ; so much so that Father Contrera
once forgot himself to such a degree as to make, in
his sermon before Ximenez, a bitter and improper
allusion to a rich fur which he wore at the time.
After he had finished his discourse, Ximenez, having
shown the preacher his hair-shirt with his usual
calmness, the officious accuser was confounded.
But all the discontented were not so easily re
duced to silence ; even from the religious of his own
order Ximenez had to endure many contradictions,
and especially from those who composed his house
hold. A deep pride often lies concealed under the
poorest habit ; and this pride had accordingly so far
deceived many Franciscans as to raise in them great
expectations of receiving from their brother, now
so highly exalted, all kind of favours, honours,
dignities, bishoprics, &c. The inmates of his palace
were in a particular manner so bent upon realizing
their projects as to have recourse to mean intrigues.

46 THE LIFE OF
Ximenez alone was so much opposed to any blind
partiality for his order, that on the contrary, through
a real love for its welfare, he was anxious to remove
far from it all honours and dignities, because he con
sidered them as so many " rocks " that were danger
ous to the monastic life. He was also very careful
not to allow his brethren in religion the least in
fluence in the management of his diocese; and
hence, while he often spoke with them in the most
friendly manner on the affairs of the order, he con
stantly preserved a strict silence in their presence
respecting his plans and affairs. As was to be
expected, the complaints of humbled pride and dis
appointed hopes were loud and constant. It was
said, " that he was a hard man, incapable of friend
ship, and distrustful, whose high position did a great
deal more harm than good to the order." Ximenez,
however, remained silent and immovable. The
only step he took was to send seven out of the
ten Franciscans who composed his household, one
after the other, quietly back to their monastery,
and to retain only three, one of whom was Francisco
Ruyz. One was appointed his almoner, another
his confessor, and the third his chaplain. They
afterwards became bishops, by the recommendation
of Ximenez, united with their own virtues, and
attained, besides, other ecclesiastical dignities. We
shall see, a little further on, how the Franciscans
whom he had dismissed wickedly sought to be
revenged upon him.
But amongst all his domestics, none gave him so
much trouble as his own beloved brother, Bernardin.
At the time when Ximenez lived in his monastery,
Bernardin was wandering round the world without
any employment. At last he entered, as it were by
chance, into the Franciscan order, wherein he dis
played such great fervour, that Ximenez not only

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 47
forgave his past errors, but granted him consider
able authority in his palace. But his violent temper
soon changed him into a despot, and urged him on
to a series of most foolish and ill-judged actions.
By his coarseness he offended the archbishop, as
well as his friends and officers of the household ; by
his own authority he drove the servants from the
palace ; and when Ximenez remonstrated with him,
he became insolent, and more than once retired in
his passion to his monastery till the heat of his anger
had cooled. Ximenez, however, always received him
back again with renewed kindness and friendship,
without adverting in any way to the past. But on
one occasion Bernardin left the archbishop's house
in such a passion that, having arrived at Guadalfa-
jara, he there published a libel against his brother,
with the intention of presenting it to the queen on
the first opportunity. Ximenez, on receiving infor
mation of his design, immediately ordered him to be
arrested, confiscated all his papers, suppressed the
libel, and imprisoned the calumniator for two years,
until at last he began to show signs of repentance,
and promised to amend for the future. This severe
lesson, however, did not tame the spirit of Bernar
din ; on the contrary, it left such feelings of hatred
in his heart, as to urge him. on to still deeper crimes.
Once, when Ximenez was ill at Alcala, Bernardin
mixed himself up, against the express command of
his brother, with a lawsuit that was carried on in.
the archbishop's court ; and so violent and over
bearing was his conduct, that he induced the judges
to pronounce an unjust sentence. Ximenez, having
been informed by the injured party of what had
taken place, immediately ordered the acts of the
process to be brought before him ; he annulled the
sentence, dismissed the judges, and resolved to
punish his peevish brother. The displeasure which

48 THE LIFE OF
he felt at this event had evidently increased his
sickness, and so preyed upon his feeble frame that,
when Bernardin came into his presence, Ximenez
forgot his usual calmness of mind, especially when
he heard his brother assert that he was in the right,
and even accuse the archbishop of injustice. Angry
words arose; and when Ximenez threatened to
imprison Bernardin, his anger knew no bounds ;
and, not being master of himself, he seized his sick
brother by the throat, with both hands endeavouring
to choke him. Whether it was that he supposed he
had murdered him,* or that in some degree he
began to be conscience-stricken, leaving the arch
bishop half-dead, he quietly left the chamber, com
manded the servant outside not to make any noise,
lest the archbishop might be disturbed in his sleep,
and concealed himself in a cave, awaiting the result.
One of the pages, however, named Avellaneda,
having heard the dispute, and noticed an extraor
dinary agitation in Bernardin, immediately hastened
into the chamber of his master. Finding him in a
senseless state, he instantly summoned the phy
sicians. Under their treatment, the archbishop soon
came round ; but he solemnly assured them, that it
was far better for him to have been exposed to such
imminent danger of death, than to have tolerated
an act of injustice. He then mentioned the guilty
party, ordered him to be sent in chains to Turrigio,
near Toledo, and there shut up in a poor monastery.
Bernardin never afterwards dared to appear in the
presence of his deeply injured brother, though some
time after the latter restored him to libertv, at the
request of King Ferdinand, and bestowed on him a
* Flechier seems to attribute to Bernardin the intention of
really murdering his brother, as if he had harboured it for a long
time. But the supposition is not well founded, besides being very
improbable. (See Gomez, fol. 16.)

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 49
handsome pension.* His faithful page he took
care of, by giving him an excellent education, and
providing for him during the rest of his life. Ber
nardin survived the archbishop several years. Gomez,
the historian of Ximenez, mentions, that when he
was a boy, he once saw Bernardin at Alcala (Com-
plutum) ; he was then a very old man, and was
living quietly in that place ; he was of slender
stature, had a bold look, and eyes particularly red
and inflamed, with a long crooked nose.f
Ximenez received more consolation from his
second brother John, who, in accordance with the
wishes of Ximenez, married an excellent lady
belonging to a noble family. Don Juan Zapala,
brother of the Count Barajas, having died an early
death, left behind him a daughter who had received
a very good education : her name was Eleonore ;
and her mother was anxious to form an alliance
with the family of the great cardinal, who, as he
was not opposed to the union, permitted the
marriage to take place, soon after, between his
brother John and Eleonore. The archbishop pro
vided the new family with everything necessary,
though without any superfluities. This same family
still exists in Spain ; and not long ago an illustrious
descendant of it, Lieutenant-General Sir David
Ximenez, died in the English service, in Berkshire,
August, 1848, aged 714
* Gomez mentions the sum ; viz. " Octogena numum millia,"
which probably amounted to 800 ducats. — Trans.
t " Hunc ego Bernardinum extremam pene senectam agentem
puer olim Compluti vidi ; molli otio et genio indulgentem. Erat
statura procera, fronte perfricta, vultu mirum in modum rubro
flammeoque, naso prselongo et incurvo ; oculis introrsum reductis,
totiusque corporis firma quidem compactione, sed macra." (Gomez,
"De Rebus Gestis," fol. 16.)
X Dr. Hefele refers to the " Augsburg Allg. Zeitung," No. 246,
p. 3917. I have endeavoured to discover some further particu
lars respecting Sir David Ximenez.— Trans.
E

50 THE LIFE OF

CHAPTER VI.
THE ElEMNESS OE THE NEW AKCHBTSHOP, WHO TAE'ES A PAET
IN THE AEEAIES OE STATE EOE THE EIEST TIME.
Fifteen rich cities, besides a considerable number
of small towns and villages, formed the princely
domain of the archbishop of Toledo ; in consequence
of which, he had many civil officers and judges
under him. But, as after the death of Cardinal
Mendoza the privileges and functions of these per
sons ceased, so the new archbishop took the oppor
tunity of sending certain experienced delegates
around the province, for the purpose of establishing
in all the fortresses, castles, and towns, faithful
governors, besides conscientious judges and admi
nistrators ; and also that they might receive their
oaths of fidelity in his name.
It was about this time that Ximenez exhibited
such a remarkable proof of the independence with
which he intended to act in all affairs. This deter
mination was so much the more necessary, as men
are naturally inclined to impose all kind of claims
on a poor parvenu. And, moreover, amongst many
abuses which then prevailed in Spain, a very bad
custom had crept in, of bestowing dignities and
employments, not on account of personal merit,
but through the protection of exalted grandees and
the intrigues of favourites. Being justly grieved
at such a monstrous abuse, Ximenez was resolved
to turn a deaf ear to all entreaties from such
quarters ; and hence he seized upon the first op-

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 51
portunity of publicly manifesting his dislike, by
an example that would plainly deter others from
following it.
One of the most honourable and lucrative posts
which it was in the power of the archbishop to
bestow was the government of Cazorla, which
the late cardinal had given to his brother, Pedro
Hurtado Mendoza. He was a man of great merit,
honesty, and talent ; having besides every reason to
expect kindness and favours from the new arch
bishop, who was much indebted to his late brother.
However, he thought proper to seek the goodwill of
the queen first ; and then he sent some of his friends
to Ximenez to remind him of the wish of Isabella,
that he should continue to hold his present office ;
and also to recall to his mind the many acts of
kindness which he had received from the late
cardinal. But Ximenez received the deputation in
such a manner, that he clearly and firmly declared
to them, " He would rather renounce his see
itself, than lose the free choice of his officers and
servants." The members of the deputation, sent by
Mendoza, returned disappointed and exasperated,
and related the cardinal's reply to the queen. She
calmly listened to what they said, appearing to
understand well what were the intentions of her
pious but firm archbishop.
Some days after, Ximenez met Don Pedro Hur
tado at court, and remarking that he tried to
avoid him, he went up to him in a friendly manner,
and saluted him as governor of Cazorla, saying : —
"As I am now perfectly free, I confirm you in
your office, and am confident that for the future
you will serve the queen, the state, and the arch
bishop with the same fidelity that you formerly
displayed under your illustrious brother." From
that time both continued to live on the best of
e 2

52 THE LIFE OF
terms, and Ximenez honoured and loved his faithful
governor during all his life.*
But, in other matters, the affairs of state began
to occupy the attention of the new chancellor
soon after his elevation to the title. Just at this
period, events of the greatest importance for the
future of Spain, as well as for the history of the
world itself, were on the point of taking place.
Ferdinand and Isabella had already concluded those
historical alliances with Maximilian I., emperor of
Germany, the result of which in a short time was
to unite in the person of Charles V. the Spanish
and Austrian crowns, and thus form one of the
greatest European powers. Don Juan, the Spanish
prince, and eldest son of Ferdinand and Isabella,
was united with Margaret, the daughter of Maxi
milian ; while, on the other side, the Archduke
Philip le Bel, son and heir of the same Maximilian,
was espoused to the Spanish Infanta, Joanna.
From this last marriage came Charles V., who,
after the death of all his near relations, succeeded
to the inheritance of both his ancestors.
It is now impossible to ascertain what part
Ximenez took in the final adjustment of these
alliances. But there is no doubt they occupied his
attention very much ; for it was only after their
arrangement that he was able to proceed to Toledo,
and take possession of his cathedral. It seems
certain that he was present with Ferdinand and Isa
bella at Tortosa,t where, in the year 1496, the last
clauses of the alliances were agreed upon ; at least,
it is certain that about the middle of July, in the
same year, he accompanied the queen fc Burgosy in
order to make the necessary arrangements for the
departure of the Princess Joanna to Flanders. But
* Flechier, liv. i. pp. 40, 41. f See Ferreras, torn. viii. c. 11.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 53
as the queen conducted her daughter to the port of
Laredo, Ximenez then obtained permission (which
he had long desired) to spend some time in his
diocese, and then to proceed to Alcala, the usual
residence of the archbishops of Toledo. When,
however, the queen returned to Burgos, her grand
chancellor was obliged to come there also, in order
to perform the solemn ceremony of the marriage of
Prince Juan with Margaret of Austria : this took
place April 3, 1497. Ximenez had before obtained
permission to remain a little longer in his diocese ;
but the queen was unwilling that so important a
marriage should be performed by any one, except by
the primate of the kingdom.
An unfortunate accident, however, detained
Ximenez at Burgos longer than he expected.
During one of the magnificent tournaments, Alonso
de Cardenas lost his life through a fall from his
horse. The archbishop was accordingly compelled
to console both the deeply afflicted father and the
queen* herself, who was overpowered with grief for
the poor father. Few crowned heads ever took
such a deep and sincere interest in their servants as
this admirable queen did. She had a particular
esteem for the father of the unfortunate Alonso,
whose fidelity towards her she experienced when
his services were required, in order to hasten her
marriage with Ferdinand of Aragon, and to over
come the difficulties which opposed it.
After Ximenez had fulfilled his duties at Burgos,
he went to Toledo, and thence to Alcald, in order
at last to take solemn possession of his cathedral
church, and to draw up some useful regulations for
his diocese.* In the mean time, he always had his
attention fixed on the affairs of state ; and every one
* These we shall speak of more at length in Chapter XIV.

54 THE LIFE OF
was convinced that when he came to court, he came
only for the good of the people ; indeed, their wel
fare was the object of his constant care and vigilance.
As far as his power extended, he removed all the
abuses which were made known to him, while others
he mentioned to the queen herself; he protected
the poor and the weak against oppression and in
justice; he was also in a special manner the terror
of corrupt officers and servants, whose arbitrary
conduct and illegal acts he denounced to the queen,
without the least scruple. Amongst the numerous
benefits which he conferred upon the country, an
alteration in the mode of collecting certain taxes
drew down blessings upon him from the people.
The Moorish wars had introduced some necessary
but extraordinary kinds of taxation in the kingdom
of Castile, which had now continued for about a
century. The "most burdensome of all, and that
which completely clogged all commercial business,
was a tax called Alcavala. The law was, that the
tenth part of everything sold or exchanged should
be given to the exchequer. This unjust tax was
rendered still more burdensome by the manner in
which it was collected; the constant intrigues of
the functionaries, and also by the tricks, the lies,
and false oaths of the buyers and sellers. It was
impossible at that time totally to abolish the hateful
impost, however earnestly Ximenez may have wished
it ; nevertheless, at his suggestion, it underwent
an important alteration,* which was this: — the whole
revenue of the tax was fixed at a certain sum, and
an equitable distribution of it made amongst the
* Ximenez, a short time before his death, sent a pressing letter
to Charles V. for the abolition of the Alcavala, but without success.
It was, doubtless, in accordance with the suggestions of the
cardinal that Isabella recommended in her will the speedy abolition
of this tax. (See Prescott, vol. ii.)

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 55
towns and villages, according to their relative size
and condition ; while the citizens themselves col
lected the tax in their own localities, and the whole
band of publicans were dismissed from their office.
This excellent plan Ximenez was enabled to carry
out by the help of Don Lopez de Biscaja, one of the
most illustrious and clever financiers of that time.
Both the citizens and the exchequer gained by this
arrangement ; while an immense number of odious
salaries were suppressed, and a multitude of vexa
tions and contentions ceased ; so that by this happy
change every one rejoiced that a new era of pros
perity and happiness had dawned.
In the mean time, while Ximenez was holding
his first synod, — of which we shall speak a little
later, — events of the gravest importance happened
in the royal family, which required the particular
attention of the great chancellor, and also his
presence at court. On the 3rd of April, he had
blessed the union of Don Juan with Margaret of
Austria ; and only six months after, the prince died,
in the 19th year of his age,* having raised the
highest expectations of his future greatness. A fever
which seized him at Salamanca, immediately after
his marriage, overpowered his weak constitution,
and caused his death, October 4th, 1497 ; an end
being thus put to a life which was adorned by a
love for the arts and sciences. The physicians
ascribed the origin of the malady to a too great
fondness for the company of his beautiful consort, t
His preceptor, Peter Martyr, who gives us these
details with tears, adds that Queen Isabella would
never consent to a separation of the newly married
* He was born 30th of June, 1478.
t " Die Aerzte wolten die Quelle des Uebels in dem zu
hauflgen Dmgange des jungen Prinzen mit seinen Schonen
Gemahlin gefunden haben," &c. (p. 50).

56 THE LIFE OF
couple — contrary to the wishes of the physicians,
to whom she replied : — " What God has joined to
gether, let no man separate." The prince gave up
all hopes of recovery after the first attack ; he was
also the first to console his afflicted parents.*
A short time after, Margaret gave birth to a dead
child ; and thus the right . of succession to the
Spanish throne passed to the eldest daughter of
Ferdinand and Isabella, whose name was the same
as that of her mother ; not long before, she had
been espoused to Don Emanuel, king of Portugal.
In the mean time, it seemed as if the Archduke
Philip, who was married to the second daughter of
Joanna, wished to assert his claim to the title of
" Prince of Castile," in consequence of the death of
his brother-in-law. In order to have a proper
understanding on the subject, and that all trouble
some disputes might be avoided, Ferdinand and
Isabella immediately summoned the Cortes of Cas
tile to meet at Toledo, and that of Aragon to meet
at Saragossa. They also invited the Queen of
Portugal and her consort to come and receive in
person the homage of the States.
Ximenez, in accordance with his dignity as High
Chancellor, took a considerable part in all these
proceedmgs : he assisted at both the meetings of
the Cortes ; and at that which was held at Toledo
on the part of Castile (April 29, 1498), he received
the customary oaths, in concert with the grand
constable of the kingdom.!
It was more difficult to obtain the homage of the
inhabitants of the kingdom of Aragon than that
of Castile, because in the former the laws forbade
the succession of women. As soon, therefore, as the
* Petrus Martyr, Epp. 176—182. The Epistles of this cele
brated scholar are very valuable. — Trans.
t Ferreras, book viii. torn. ii. p. 190.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 57
Cortes at Toledo was dissolved, Ferdinand and
Isabella took Ximenez with them to Saragossa, al
though his authority as Grand Chancellor extended
only to Castile, not to Aragon. They were unwilling,
however, to be deprived of the advice of their wise
minister ; for, just at this time, they indeed stood
in greatest need of it. Opinions were divided ; and
no decided advance towards an arrangement seemed
likely to be made, when the object of all the con
tention, the young Isabella, died in child-birth,
August 23, 1498. Ximenez had prepared her for
death. The last words of the noble princess were a
request to the archbishop not to forget to give all
the consolation he could to her parents. This mourn
ful duty he fulfilled ; he also used the greatest
diligence in procuring the homage of Aragon for
the young motherless Infant, named Miguel. In
accordance with the advice of Ximenez, the prince
was conducted with royal pomp, in. a litter, through
the streets of Saragossa, and thus shown to the
people. The Cortes immediately paid him their
homage, and appointed Ferdinand and Isabella as
the guardians of the young heir to the throne.
Ximenez returned with the court to Castile, where
Miguel received the homage of that state at Ocana,
in January, 1499. He died, however, July 20, 1500,
before he had reached the second year of his age.

58 THE LIFE OF

CHAPTER VII.
XIMENEZ AT GEANADA. — THE CONVEESION OE THE MOOES.
After the Cortes held at Ocana had been dissolved,
both the sovereigns went to Granada, in September,*
1499, in order to see with their own eyes the state
of the late conquered kingdom of the Moors, and
also with the view of putting an end both to the
dangerous intrigues of the Spanish Moors with their
brethren in Africa, and to prevent for the future the
hostile attacks of the latter. Seven years had already
passed away since the last Moorish prince, Boabdil,
had lost the kingdom and all his authority, though
the conquered people were allowed by the treaty t
to retain their mode of worship, their mosques,
their property, laws, customs, and civil tribunals.
They also possessed certain privileges which even
Spaniards themselves were deprived of. J
/ After the taking of Granada, Isabella appointed
Mendoza, count of Tendilla, chief governor of the
city. Under his wise, benevolent, but firm admini
stration, the Moors enjoyed an amount of happiness
* This is the date given by Peter Martyr (Epist. 211), who
accompanied them on the journey. Ferreras is mistaken in
placing it in March.
t The whole of the treaty made between Ferdinand and
Isabella and the Moors is given at length by Marmol, " Historia
del Rebelion y Castigo de los Moriscos," &c. Madrid, 1797.
X For example, the commerce of the Moors was not' subject to
the same restrictions as it was in Castile. Every Moorish slave,
too, who fled to Granada from any part of Spain recovered his
liberty. (See Prescott.)

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 59
and prosperity to which people so lately reduced to
subjection could hardly aspire.
The queen was no less fortunate in her choice of
the good and pious Talavera* as archbishop of
Granada. It was natural that Catholic sovereigns
should be anxious to re-establish the archiepiscopal
see, which existed in Granada before the invasion
of the Moors. Their religious feelings also imposed
this step upon them as a matter of duty, while
another motive was no less powerful ; viz., a regard,
for the welfare of those Spaniards who settled in
the conquered kingdom. Political reasons likewise
had their influence with the sovereigns, who were
anxious to bind the Moors to the rest of Spain by
the introduction of the Christian religion amongst
them. /Whilst, therefore, Ferdinand and Isabella
repudiated every intention of compelling by force
the Moors to embrace Christianity, as contrary to
the treaty made between them, and while they
were also unwilling to interfere with the customs f
of the people, on the other hand, they considered
themselves perfectly justified in trying to establish
at Granada a bishopric, and likewise a mission for
their peaceful and voluntary conversion. /
Fray Fernando de Talavera, a monk of the order
of St. Jerome, was born of poor and obscure parents
at Talavera. But, owing to his virtue and wisdom,
he was in time chosen confessor to their Catholic
majesties, and afterwards bishop of Avila. After
the conquest of Granada, he begged of his sovereigns
* He had previously been for twenty years prior of the monas
tery of Santa Maria del Prado, near Valladolid. (See Oviedo,
" Quincangenas," MS. dial, de Talavera.) — Trans.
t Exemptions from the laws were made in favour of the M/)ors.
For example, in order to put a stop to the extravagance of dress
so prevalent at this period, Isabella forbade her subjects to wear
silk dresses. The Moors, however, were allowed to do so, through
deference to their national customs. (Prescott.)

60 THE LIFE OF
to allow him to resign his dignity, in order to be
able to dedicate his whole life to the conversion of
the Moors. This proof of self-denial induced the
pious queen to recommend him to the pope as a fit
person for the newly-established see of Granada;
and though it was poorer in worldly means than
the bishopric of Avila, yet Talavera firmly refused
every offer of an increase in his revenue, which
Isabella considered proper to make the worthy
prelate.* We have seen above how the translation of this
prelate to the see of Granada was the cause of
Ximenez being chosen to succeed him as confessor
to the queen. It is also worthy of notice, how these
two prelates, so eminent by their virtue and piety,
resembled each other in this respect particularly,
that though they had large incomes, yet, as far as
regarded themselves, they were poor and economical,
while they were noble and generous in the extreme
when the public good was concerned. Indeed, the
new archbishop of Granada devoted the greater part
of his revenues to works of charity ; and frequently
did he, like St. Martin, divide half of his garment
with some poor person. f Such friendship existed
between him and the count of Tendilla, that, accord
ing to the testimony of Peter Martyr, " they both
formed one soul in two bodies." J But Talavera
must have felt, both as a Christian and a bishop, a"
great interest in the spiritual welfare of the new
arch-diocese ; while the conversion of the Moors no
doubt formed the subject of his most ardent wishes.
This was the reason why he learned, in an advanced
age, the Arabic language : he required the same
thing of his clergy ; and caused some of the most
* Marmol Carvajal, "Historia de los Moriscos" (Madrid,
1797), torn. i. p. 105.
t Prescott, vol. ii. p. 362. X Petrus Martyr, Ep. 219.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 61
beautiful parts of the New Testament, the Liturgy
also, and Catechism, to be translated into the same
language. It was on this solid foundation that he
hoped to be able to establish a mission among the
Moors.* No force, or commands, or threats can
convert a conquered people to Christ. This object
can only be accomplished gradually, by gentle in
structions and the inward force of Christian truth,
accompanied by the spectacle of a sublime ritual.
/But the best recommendation of the new faith was
the archbishop's irreproachable purity of morals,
his angelic sweetness of disposition and great charity,
the powerful influence of which produced numerous
conversions. Hence the number of new Christians
daily increased ; and in the whole of Granada no
one was so much beloved as the " great Alfaqui
of the Christians;" for so the Moors were accus
tomed to call him. f /
The government supported the mission, by grant
ing certain advantages to those who were converted,
and also by protecting them from all threatening
losses or dangers. But/towards the end of the year
1499, the Catholic sovereigns, during their short
residence at Granada, directed their particular atten
tion both to the development of the material pros
perity of the country, and to the progress of the
mission among the Moors. For this object they
were now anxious to invite Ximenez to Granada ;
and most probably it was by his suggestion that,
in October, 1499, a law % was made, the wisdom
and moderation of which are praised even by
Llorente himself. By virtue of this law, no Moor
was allowed to disinherit his converted son merely
* Marmol Carvajal, p. 108 ; also Prescott, vol. ii. p. 363, &c.
t Marmol Carvajal, p. 107.
X This law (or pragmatica, as it is called) is dated October 31st,
1499. (" Pragmaticas del Reyno," fol. 5.)

62 THE LIFE OF
on account of his change of religion ; while the
daughters of the Moors who embraced Christianity
received a dowry out of the property acquired by
the state from the conquest of Granada. ^ From the
same fund, converted Moorish slaves were enabled
to regain their liberty. /
/ Ximenez now took part for a time with Talavera
in the business of the Moorish mission ; while the
gentle archbishop of Granada gave his consent the
more willingly, because he was more concerned for
the glory of God and the salvation of souls, than to
be sole master in his diocese. /When the Catholic
sovereigns were about to leave Granada for Seville,
in November 1499, they commanded both the pre
lates to continue their peaceful and pious exertions ;
and, indeed,/these archbishops were as anxious to
remove from the Moors all grounds of complaint
connected with their religious feelings, as they were
zealous in wishing to continue the work of conver
sion. /To. attain this object, Ximenez had recourse
to means as novel as they were efficacious. He fre
quently invited to his palace some of the principal
" alfaquis,' Vor Moorish priests and doctors, where
he held a conference with them almost daily on
matters of religion; and thus he sought to gain
their hearts by his kindness and friendship towards
them. But at the same time, in order that his
instructions might make some impression on their
sensual minds, he did not hesitate to make them
agreeablejpresents, chiefly consisting of costly arti
cles of dress, silks, &c. For this object, he encum
bered the revenues of his see for many years. "/The
conversion of some of the alfaquis Avas quickly fol
lowed by the conversion of great numbers of other
Moors ; so much so that, after labouring for two
months only, Ximenez was able to baptize in one
day four thousand people : this took place on Decern-

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 63
ber 18th, 1499.* The holy sacrament was adminis
tered ^as is usual in large missions, not by immer
sion, but by aspersion./ The anniversary of this
great event continued afterwards to be celebrated,
in the dioceses of Toledo and Granada, every year
as a festival.
The result corresponded with such a happy com
mencement ; so that, ^n the course of a short time,
a great number of the inhabitants of Granada had
embraced Christianity, and the place had already
begun to assume the appearance of a Christian city.
The sound of bells, forbidden by the laws of Maho
met, was now constantly heard ; /so that Ximenez,
to whom this introduction was attributed, received
from the Moors the surname of "Alfaqui Cam-
panero." t
/All this success, however, tended, as a matter of
course, to excite a reaction amongst those Moors
who were more strict in their religion. Hence,
many of the more educated, being grieved to the
heart at beholding their national faith on the
decline, endeavoured with all their strength to pre
vent any further conversions amongst the people, and
to excite in them a hatred of Christianity, and also
dissatisfaction against the government. J There is
no doubt but that these acts were unjust in a great
measure, inflammatory, and therefore deserving
punishment : hence, Ximenez had right on his side,
when he ordered the most clamorous to be arrested.
But he overstepped, on the other hand, in the height
of his zeal, the bounds of the treaty which the
* Robles assures us that he baptized all these with his own
hand: — "T alfiu con halagos, dadivas, y caricias, los truxo a
conocitniento del verdadero Dios ; y por esto medio vino a con-
vertir mas de quatro mil Moros, y baptizarlos por su propia
mano," &c. (" Compendio de la Vida," &c. pp. 100, 101. )
f Prescott, note, vol. ii. p. 367.
X Marmol Carvajal, p. 114 j also Flechier, liv. i. p. 87.

64 THE LIFE OF
government had made with the Moors, by trying to
impose on the prisoners the obligation of receiving
instruction from his chaplains on the Christian reli
gion. Those who refused he even punished very
severely.^ Amongst this class was a noble Moor,
named Zegri, who belonged to the illustrious family
of Aben-Hamar, so renowned in Moorish song. He
had acquired great glory in the late wars of Gra-.
nada against the Spaniards, and was also held in
much esteem %j his own countrymen. Ximenez
confided him to the care of one of his chaplains,
named Pedro Leon, with the hope of his being con
verted. But, finding every gentle means useless, he
had recourse to severity in such a manner1,- that
Zegri, playfully alluding to his name,* said, soma
time afterwards, " that Ximenez had only to let-»his
Leon loose, and in a few days the most obstinate
Moor would be converted." And, in truth, Zegri
himself was obliged to fast for some days, and to
wear heavy irons ; till, suddenly, he expressed a
wish to be introduced to the great " alfaqui " of the
Christians. Having had his request granted, he
assured Ximenez how, in the preceding night, Allah
had commanded him in a vision to become a Chris
tian. Ximenez rejoiced exceedingly on hearing
these words, and immediately baptized the new
convert, who took the name of Fernando Gonsalvo,
in honour of the " great captainT^ToFhe had once
fought with him on the plains before Granada.
During the remainder of his life, he continued to
display such Christian zeal, that many believed he
had been called by God, in a miraculous manner, to
embrace Christianity.! Zegri also attached himself
to Ximenez with an inviolable fidelity, was con
stantly by his side, and was employed by him in a
* Leon, a lion.
t Marmol and Gomez are of this opinion. — Trans.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 65
multitude of affairs, which required both great zeal
in the cause of Christianity, and the most delicate
tact and sound judgment. He likewise found him
very useful in the conversion of the Moors ; and,
indeed, Zegri was instrumental in conducting many
to the Church, both by word and example.
These conversions tended more and more to con
firm Ximenez in the hopes he had conceived of soon
putting an end to Islamism in Granada : hence, he
no longer considered it necessary to listen to the
advice of those who, less zealous than himself, were
willing to leave to the future the complete triumph
of Christianity. On the contrary, /he seemed per
suaded, that any delay in the matter would be
ruinous to the spiritual interests of the Moors, as
well as highly culpable ; and that the work of con
version would, bo likely to advance more by pressing
it forward, than by any tedious delay.*
/ Wishing then to annihilate Islamism by one blow,
he caused several thousand copies of the Koran to
be burnt in the public square, together with other
religious books of the Moors, which their " alfa
quis" had delivered up to him.f Works on medi
cine only escaped the flames :these were afterwards
removed to the library of the University of Alcala,
founded by Ximenez.
It would be a mistake to form any comparison
between this action and the burning of the library
at Alexandria by Omar ; for the archbishop was not
an unlettered barbarian, but one of the greatest
promoters of knowledge at the time of the destruc
tion of the Moorish books, which was effected just
* Gomez, ed. Francof. fol. p. 959.
t According to Robles, the number amounted to a million.
Gomez mentions only 5,000, and Conde 80,000. Prescott seems
to think that the last writer is the most correct, as being better
acquainted with Arabic lore. (Vol. ii. note, p. 369.)
F

66 THE LIFE OF
about the period when, at his own expense, he was
founding the new university of Alcala., and was also
publishing the most learned and admirable work of
the age.* In the life of Luther, a parallel may be
found to the act related of Ximenez, but with this
difference, that, in the fire kindled before the east
gate of Wittenberg, f Luther caused the books of
canon law belonging to the Christian Church to be
burnt; while Ximenez, on the other hand, was
anxious in his zeal to promote the extension of the
said Christian Church. Still, some contemporaries
of Ximenez v had a perfect right to condemn all vio
lence, and to appeal to the synods of Toledo, which
strictly prohibited any one to be forced to embrace
i '.:"¦ ¦¦' '•¦¦¦*• lity . % / Ximenez, however, persevered in the
< >iii 3 haa entered upon, and left nothing untried
\'i o, . to make the whole of Granada Christian;
_i-i ,o: age increased in proportion as did the great
dangers which surrounded him. The means which he
made use of for the conversion of the infidels coald
not fail to produce an immense amount of discontent.
' Nothing, however, so much excited the hatred of the
Moors against the archbishop as the violence which
yhe employed against those who were descendants
of renegades from Christianity : these he forcibly
received into the Church, against the wish of
their parents. § On this account, feelings of ani
mosity had for some time been nourished against
Ximenez, when suddenly, towards the end of the
* It must be remembered, that it was principally the copies of
the Koran which were burnt ; which Ximenez justly considered
would be, if read, an obstacle in the way of the Moors being con
verted. — Trans.
t See Audin's " Life of Luther," vol. i. pp. 234-5, ed. Dolman,
1854. Mr. Prescott's use of the word " bigotry" is more appli
cable to Luther than to Ximenez. — Trans.
X Gomez, fol. 959, &c.
§ Mariana, lib. xxvi. cap. 5, p. 238.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 67
year 1499, a very terrible outbreak occurred. / Sal-
zedo, major-domo of the archbishop, attended by an
officer of justice and another younger servant, went
into the Abaycin (a quarter inhabited exclusively
by Moors), in order to arrest the daughter of an
apostate from Christianity. The young woman,
however, raised such a great outcry, and exclaimed
with such vehemence against the violation of the
treaty, that numbers of the infidels rushed to her
rescue. The officer of justice, whose profession
rendered him doubly odious, and who answered
the abusive language of the Moors with threats of
punishment, after he had been ill used, together
with his companion, was at last killed by a stone.
thrown at him. The major-domo of Ximenez was
saved from a similar fate only through the com
passion of a Moorish woman, who concealed the poor
trembling man underj^ej^bed until he fpund_an
opportunity of returnjugrback^uisafety to the city.
'After the murder of the officer, the whole of the
Albaycin, containing five thousand houses, seized
their arms ; the infidels in the other parts of the
city also joined in the mutiny, and rushed in a
tumultuous crowd, heated with passion, towards the
palace of the archbishop, in order to murder him
whom they esteemed the " destroyer " of their
liberty, together with his officer. A few days before,
the streets resounded with songs in praise of the
liberality of Ximenez, whilst now the multitude were
thirsting and crying out for his blood.
The heroic courage of the archbishop appeared in
strong contrast with the fickleness of the multi
tude. -/His friends were anxious to conduct him by
a secret passage into the fortress of Granada, the
celebrated Alhambra ; but he assured them that he
would never desert his servants in the hour of
danger, while he encouraged them by his example
F 2

68 THE LIFE OF
to make a vigorous resistance, making every arrange
ment at the same time for the defence of his palace :
this he did with wisdom and calmness. During the
whole of the night, they succeeded in repelling the
attacks of the Moors ; at the break of the day, how^
ever, the noble count of Tendilla appeared, with an
armed force from the Alhambra ; and thus he saved
the archbishop from the danger which threatened
him. The revolt continued, nevertheless, nine days
more.* The count of Tendilla now sent a herald to the
rebels, in order to induce them to yield, but they
broke his staff of office on his body, and at last even
murdered him.f Ximenez himself made another
attempt, by summoning all the Moorish priests
around him, and trying to pacify the multitude by
words of peace ; but it was to no purpose. At length
the Archbishop Talavera adopted an experiment
which was most dangerous, though fortunately it
succeeded. Attended only by his chaplain, who bore
the archiepiscopal cross before him, he went forth on
foot towards the rebellious multitude (as Pope Leo
once did to meet the terrible Attila) ; and so calm did
he appear, that it seemed as if he were going to preach
the truths of Christianity to willing crowds. The
appearance of the mild and universally beloved
prelate immediately calmed their heated passions ;
while crowds pressed round the man of God, in
order to kiss the hem of his garment.
The count of Tendilla took advantage of this
momentary calm in the midst of the storm ; for he
presented himself before the rebels as a messenger
of Jgeace, in a civil costume ; and, as a proof of his
friendly intentions, he threw his scarlet bonnet
amongst the crowd, — an act which was received with
* Gomez, p. 960. Carvajal, pp. 116—120.
t Peter Martyr, Ep. 212.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 69
shouts of joy. Both of these popular men now
represented to the Moors " how useless it would be
to continue the contest against the power of Spain,
and that their obstinacy would only bring on them
selves new miseries ; but if, on the other hand, they
would return to their duty, that both the count and
the archbishop would make use of all their influence
to obtain the royal pardon for the repentant."
The count, as a proof of his sincerity, left his wife
and two children as hostages in the Albaycin. This
had the effect of restoring something like tran
quillity.* Whilst these events were taking place in Granada,
the Catholic sovereigns were residing in Seville, to
whom Ximenez, after the third day of the revolt,
hastened to send an account of what had already
happened. The letters were already written when
a grandee of Granada came to him, and offered him
the services of his Ethiopian slave, as a bearer of
the letters, assuring him that he could run fifty
leagues in two days. Ximenez accepted the offer ;
but the slave got drunk on the way, and was thus
delayed ; so that he arrived at Seville five days after,
when the report of what had happened in Granada,
with the usual exaggerations, had already reached
the ears of the sovereigns before his arrival : the
report was, that Granada was entirely lost to Spain.
The whole of the court was completely terrified;
the king especially blamed Ximenez exceedingly,
as having by his indiscreet zeal lost the fruit of
so many bloody battles in one hour.f An old
* Peter Martyr, Epist. 212. Mendoza, " Guerra de Granada,"
lib. i. p. 11. Mariana, " Hist, de Espana," torn. ii. lib. 27.
t Robles quotes the words he makes use of: " Que os parece,
Senora, en que nos ha puesto vuestro Arcobispo, que lo que los
reyes nuestros predecessores y nosotros, en tan largo tiempo, y
con tanto trabajo y sangre temos ganado, el lo ha puesto en una

70 THE LIFE OF
" grudge " against Ximenez having rankled in his
breast at the same time : he bitterly reproached Isa
bella for having raised to the see of Toledo an incom
petent monk, instead of his natural son, Alfonso of
Aragon^Isabella herself was now beginning to
doubt the prudence of Ximenez, whose mysterious
silence on the events she could not understand. She
therefore ordered Almazan, her secretary, to write to
the archbishop, and demand an immediate account
of his proceedings ; and to blame him also for his
negligence in not having written before.
Ximenez in the mean time was free from any
anxiety on the matter, supposing that the slave
had certainly delivered his letters. Now, however,
having received the queen's despatch from her se
cretary, he repented having intrusted so important
a letter to such a man as a slave ; he therefore sent
to Seville Francisco Ruyz, one of his own household,
and a religious of his order, to inform his sovereigns
of the true state of affairs ; and also to announce to
them that when the revolt was put down, he should
appear at court in person and vindicate his conduct.
This he did soon after, and defended himself with
such success, that not only were Ferdinand and Isa
bella appeased, but they expressly thanked him for
his services, and gave him their confidence even more
than ever.* By^his advice, this alternative was
offered to the savage inhabitants of the Albaycin and
its neighbourhood, — eitherjto undergo the punish
ment of high treason or to receive ba.pt.ism_ In
consequence of this,~TieaHy~aliTlie Moors of Granada
hora a riesgo de perderse ? La reyna le disculpava todo quanto
le era posible" (cap. xiv. p. 107).
* " Non solum omnis indignatio discussa est, omnisque ratio
offensionis abolita ; verum magnse illi actse sunt gratise, quod rem
tarn difficilem animo primum concipere ausus, ad exitum tam
felicem perduxisset." (Gomez, fol. 32.) The testimony of Robles
is almost similar (cap. xiv. p. 108). — Trans.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 71
and its environs embraced Christianity ; the remain
der retired to the mountains, or crossed over to the
coast of Barbary, so as to be able to retain the faith
of their ancestors^^
Peter Martyr, however, justly remarks, that their^l
conversion was only exterior, because it was forced ; .
and hence, that Mahomet was still in the hearts of
those who with their lips professed to call upon
Christ. But the learned writer adds very properly,
that from the conversions which were effected among
the present generation little fruit could be expected ;
but that their posterity would reap all the ad
vantages.* A modern American writer, Mr. Prescott, passes
a harsh and severe judgment on the conduct of
Ximenez, with respect to these Moorish conversions. f
/He calls it a "master-piece of monkish casuistry,"
because the archbishop, by the rebellion of the
Moors, considered himself justified in breaking the
treaties which already existed. But the fact is,
that the infidels themselves were the very first to
violate the treaty ; and surely no government in
the world would consider itself bound to accord to
its rebellious subjects advantages which were granted
only on condition of their remaining true and faith
ful to the said government. /  /
/From the court at Seville, Ximenez returned to

* Opus Epist. (epist. 215). The number who were converted
is variously estimated ; some writers making it amount to 50,000,
others even to 70,000.
t Mr. Prescott is certainly too fond of using the word "bigotry,"
which often has no definite meaning in the mouth of a Protestant, i
Ximenez may have been wanting in prudence, sometimes; but all/
must admire the zeal of a man who, in such a short period,
effected the conversion of so many infidels. Granting that the)
conversion of hundreds was not sincere, yet must we not allow j
that many others were sincere in their profession of Christianity?!
— Trans.

72 THE LIFE OF
Granada, in order to take part with the archbishop
of the city in instructing the newly-baptized Chris
tians, and accustoming them to the use of holy
ceremonies. It was truly a touching sight, to be
hold these two illustrious prelates catechising the
poorest persons, and working together in the sweet
est harmony. It was only on one point that there
was a difference of opinion. Talavera, as we have
already noticed, had some time before caused certain
portions of the Holy Scripture and some religious
works to be translated into Arabic ; he also wished
to prepare for publication a complete version of the
Bible. Ximenez, on the other hand, would only
allow books of devotion and edification — not the
Bible — to be placed in the hands of the new con
verts ;* drawing the attention of Talavera, at the
same time, to the evils and dangers likely to arise
from the mere reading of the Bible, in the minds of
those who were rude and ignorant. His opinion
was followed, and the proposal of Talavera was
therefore rejected; but the prelates still remained
united in the bonds of friendship, and the good
Talavera was heard to say, - " that Ximenez had
gained greater triumphs than even Ferdinand and
Isabella, since they had conquered only the soil,
while he had gained the souls of Granada."
The fame of Ximenez began to spread more and
more throughout Spain. Those even who were the
most indifferent to the principles of religion must
have been forced to appreciate the great temporal
advantages which the conversion of the Moors to
Christianity promised for Spain. It is true that
* " Ximenius indignum esse dicebat, margaritas ante porcos
projicere; hoc est, hominibus nondum bene in religione con-
firmatis, sacra nostra irridenda, aut contemnenda proponere."
(Gomez, fol. 40. See also Flechier, " Hist, du Card. Ximenes,"
liv. i. p. 97.)

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 73
Granada only had embraced the faith, while the
remaining part of the Moorish kingdom still
adhered to Mahometism ; but these provinces in a
short time violated the terms of the treaty, and
thereby forfeited, like the rebels of the Albaycin,
the free exercise of their religion. ^~
Ximenez, after his mission to Granada had ter
minated, returned to his diocese, where he ordered
a solemn mass of thanksgiving to be celebrated for
the events which had taken place ;* he also made a
visitation of his diocese, and carried on with energy
the building of the university of Alcala. His health,
which had been weakened by his recent labours,
was now beginning to be restored, when his sove
reigns unexpectedly summoned him to return to
Granada, on account of an outbreak amongst the
Moors who dwelt in the mountains of the Alpux-
arras.f This happened in the year 1500.
The wild range of the Alpuxarras Alps extends
in a south-easterly direction from Granada, for the
kings of which it had furnished in ancient times the
very best warriors ; and even in their late engage
ments with Ferdinand, they had not lost their
ancient renown. In the year 1492, they had, it is
true, fallen under the Spanish dominion ; but their
love of freedom and of* their ancient institutions
was stronger and more intense than that of the
inhabitants of the plains.
Many of those who fled from Granada had in
formed the Moors of the .Alpuxarras how the in
habitants of the ancient capital had been forced
to renounce their faith. This news exasperated
* Robles says, " La fiesta desta conversion celebran las Iglesias
de Toledo y Granada siete dias ante de la Natividad de Cristo
nuestro Seflor" (cap. xiv. p. 108).
f This word means, in Arabic, " pasturage," according to Conde
(" Descripcion de Espana," p. 187).

74 THE LIFE OF
them ; and hence, fearful of a similar violence, the
wild sons of the mountain flew to arms (anno 1500),
and took possession of the Spanish fortresses : they
also, according to their ancient custom, made in
cursions upon the habitations of the Christians;
not remembering that thereby they brought upon
themselves those very evils which they seemed so
anxious to avoid.
The count of Tendilla immediately hastened to
unite himself with the " Great Captain" (Gonsalvo
de Cordova), who was once his pupil, but now
might well be his master in the art of war, and at
this time was residing in Granada. They attacked
the fortress of Huejar,* and soon took it from the
rebels. Afterwards, King Ferdinand himself found
it necessary to take the field in person, when he
captured the haughty and almost impregnable
fortress of Lanjaron, on March 7th,t 1500, while
his generals seized upon other important places,
and inflicted terrible punishment on the rebels.
At last, the inhabitants of the whole of the Alpux-
arras, being discouraged and disheartened, gradually
surrendered themselves in the course of the year
1500, and were mercifully dealt with by Ferdinand
and Isabella. They were obliged to deliver up their
arms and fortified towns, contribute to the expenses
of the war, and receive Christian missionaries
amongst them. But no one was forced to receive
baptism, though many advantages and material
benefits were bestowed on those who became Chris
tians of their own free choice. " The wisdom of
these temperate measures,", says Prescott, "became
* Situated in one of the eastern ranges of the Alpuxarras.
(Prescott, vol. ii. p. 381.) (See also Marmol, "Rebelion de
Moriscos," torn. i. lib. i. cap. 28; and Mendoza, " Guerra de
Granada," p. 12.)
t Prescott gives as the date March 8th (vol. ii. p. 383).

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 75
every day more visible, in the conversion not merely
of the simple mountaineers, but of nearly all the
population of the great cities of Baza, Guadiz, and
Almeria, who consented, before the end of the
year, to abjure their ancient religion, and receive
baptism"* (vol. ii. p. 385).
In the , mean time, a fresh revolt broke out in
another part of the Moorish mountains. The in
habitants of the Sierra Vermeja (Bed Sierraf),
which lay to the west of Granada, being exasperated
by the apostasy of their countrymen, took a horrible
vengeance on the Christians, irt spite of every friendly
assurance on the part of the government : they
murdered the missionaries ; plundered men and
women, and sent them to be sold as slaves in Africa.
Ferdinand himself, therefore, marched against the
rebels ; but, though he was successful at the com
mencement, $ the greater part of his forces were
terribly cut up in the mountain-passes by the
Moors ; so that the red rocks of the Sierra were
made redder still by the blood of the Spaniards.
The universal grief for this day of sorrow is still
preserved in some most plaintive romances. § Alonso )
de Aguilar, elder brother of the " Great Captain," /
whom Ximenez loved so tenderly, fell in this engage-
* See also Carvajal, " Auales MS.," anno 1500.
t So called from the colour of the rocks rising to the east of
Ronda. The river Rio Verde divided the Spaniards from the
Moors. Percy has given a translation of the romance com
mencing, " Rio Verde, Rio Verde,
Tinto va en sangre viva," &c.
X Dr. Hefele here omits many interesting details, which may
be read in Prescott, especially the account of the death of the
brave Alonso de Aquilar. — Trans.
§ The Spanish " romances " correspond with our ballads. (See
the " History of the Civil Wars of Granada,' ' — " Hist, de las Civiles
Guerras de Granada." Madrid, 1694).

76 THE LIFE OF
ment — a perfect model of a hero* (March, 1501),
There were but few of the Spanish nobility who
were not now obliged to put on mourning.
/'But at last the Moors themselves, being terrified
at the thought of the vengeance that was quickly
coming upon them, and alarmed even at their
own victory, hastened to sue for peace. Though
Ferdinand's Spanish heart was most deeply wounded,
yet the dictates of prudence induced him to impose
no other conditions than these, either to embrace
Christianity or to leave Spajn, on the payment of ten
doblas of gold per head/ The few who had the
will or the means to leave the country, had a free
passage to Africa ; for Ferdinand was faithful to
his royal promise. The majority, however, de
clared themselves willing and ready to embrace
Christianity ; and thus, throughout the whole ex
tent of the ancient Moorish kingdom of Granada,
there was no one who had not received baptism;
while those who were established in the other
provinces of Spain were allowed to profess their
religion without any hindrance, f Henceforth, the
Christian descendants of the ancient Moors now
appear under the name of Moriscos ; but though
their various misfortunes have made them objects
of pity, yet it cannot be denied that they brought
on themselves many of their miseries, through

* He fell, fighting with a Moor of immense strength and size,
named Feri de Ben Estepar, after having performed prodigies of
valour. His body was interred with great pomp in the church of
St. Hypolito, at Cordova. — Trans.
t About seventy years after this rebellion (in 1570), another
insurrection broke out, which was put down by the count of
Urena. Many of the soldiers were descendants of those who had
fought under Alonso de Aguilar. This revolt called forth the
admirable work of Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, who is justly
called the Spanish Sallust. The title of it is " Guerra de Granada."
— Trans.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 77
their obstinate adherence to Islamism and their
repeated acts of treason.*
When peace was re-established, Ximenez was
summoned to Granada by his sovereigns. The
sorrow which he experienced at the death of his
friend Aguilar detracted somewhat from the joy
which he felt at the rapid progress that Christianity
had made. Ferdinand and Isabella received him
with the greatest friendship ; and, to testify the
high esteem in which they held him, they appointed
him apartments in the fortress of the Alhambra
itself, and at the same time consulted him in every
important and secret business. /It seems probable
that to his advice is to be ascribed an edict which
appeared in July, 1501, forbidding any intercourse
of the Moors of Granada with those who still re
mained unconverted in other provinces of Castile,
in order to remove all danger of a relapse from
them. /
It is doubtful whether Ximenez had anything to
do with the edict (Praginatica) published inFebruary
1502. -'Under this date, the Catholic sovereigns issued
that well-known Pragmatica, whereby all unbap-
tized Moors in the kingdoms of Castile and Leon,
above fourteen years of age if males, and twelve if
females, were commanded to leave the country by
the end of the following April./ They were, how
ever, allowed, as the Jews were before, to sell their
property, and to emigrate into any country, except
the territory of the sultan, and such parts of Africa
as Spain was then at war with.f But a later edicts
issued on September 17th, 1502, confined their
choice almost exclusively to Aragon and Portugal.
If we may judge from the silence of the Castilian
writers, very few of the Moors made use of the
* More will be said about the Moriscos in Chapter xviii.
t See " Pragmaticas del Reyno," fol. 7.

78 THE LIFE OF
permission granted them ; on the contrary, they
preferred following the example of their brethren
in Granada, and consented to receive baptism. In
the kingdom of Aragon, however, Islamism seems
to have been tolerated till the time of Charles V.
If we are to believe the Chronicle of Bleda, the
grand inquisitor, Torquemada, was the first who
induced the Catholic sovereigns to publish the
severe edict of the 12th of February, 1502; but,
according to the just remark of Prescott,* Torque
mada had already been dead some years before.
With more reason does Llorente attribute its pub
lication to the influence and advice of the second
grand inquisitor, Deza, who at that time was the
confessor of King Ferdinand, and formed one of his
attendants at court, t
Whilst Ximenez was attending the court at
Granada, several important events took place, in
which he no doubt took part, by his advice respect
ing them. I allude especially to the treaty con
nected with the partition of the kingdom of Naples,
a project which, though planned and talked of some
time before, was finally resolved upon at Granada in
the month of August, 1501. J
Besides the isle of Sicily, which, after the mas
sacre known under the name of the " Sicilian
Vespers," § passed into the royal house of Aragon,
King Alfonso V., of Aragon, had also in the
fifteenth century obtained possession of the king
dom of Naples, partly by inheritance, and partly
by the force of arms : thus both kingdoms were
united with Aragon. On the death of Alfonso
* Note, vol. ii. p. 400.
t " Histoire de PInquisition," torn. i. p. 335. Paris ed. 1817.
X Ferreras, vol. xii. p. 242.
§ So called from the signal of the bell tolling for vespers. The
massacre was caused by the unjust claims of Charles VIIL of
France to the crown of Naples.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 79
(May, 1458), the succession of the whole belonged
of right to his brother John, the father of Ferdi
nand the Catholic. But Alfonso had made an
arbitrary partition of his states : he gave the crown
of Naples to his natural son Ferdinand, whilst his
other Italian possessions were united with Aragon,
and left to the rightful heir. Neither John his
father, nor Ferdinand the Catholic, gave their con
sent to this division of the kingdom; and it was
only very perplexing events which prevented the
latter from depriving the bastard line of their
unjust possessions, and of reuniting to the crown of
Aragon, Naples, which had been conquered by the
blood of the Aragonese. Ferdinand the Catholic
had indeed, in the year 1496, supported and de
fended his cousin, Ferdinand of Naples, against the
claims of Charles VIIL of France ; but only four
years after, the same Ferdinand consented to take
away Naples from his cousin, and to divide it with
Louis XII. of France.
Ferdinand has often been reproached for this act,
as a proof of his want of good faith ; but powerful,
reasons can be adduced to justify him, according to
the remarks of his contemporary, Peter Martyr.*
For a long time, Ferdinand had endeavoured to
prevent the French king from seizing upon Naples ;
out when Louis XII. had positively resolved upon
war, Ferdinand had only these two alternatives
remaining, either to see the whole of his kingdom
taken away from him, or by some combination of
circumstances to try and obtain at least half of it
for himself, though by right he could have claimed
the whole of it.
This object, however, applied only to the kingdom
of Aragon, not to that of Castile, and Ximenez
* Epist. 218.

80 THE LIFE OF
exercised his office of grand chancellor merely for
the benefit of the latter ; hence, the archbishop
took at most only a confidential, not an official part
in these affairs.
In the same month wherein this treaty had been
concluded, the Catholic sovereigns made another
political move of great importance. /This was inti
mately connected with the conversion of the Moors,
and very probably Ximenez had some share in
promoting it. The sultan of Egypt, Syria, and
Palestine, hearing that the professors of his religion
in Spain had been oppressed, threatened reprisals,
and seemed determined to force all his Christian
subjects to embrace Islamism. In order to prevent
so great a misfortune, Ferdinand and Isabella sent
(in August, 1501) Peter Martyr as special ambas
sador to the sultan. He was a very learned man,
and prior of a church in Granada.* He has left us
an account of his dangers and adventures encoun
tered on the journey, in a work entitled, " De Lega-
tione Babylonica,"t and also in his admirable letters.
He passed, through France, and arrived at Venice
by land, having a commission to fulfil with the
senate on the part of his sovereigns ; thence he em
barked for Alexandria in Egypt, where he arrived
after a voyage of three months, which had been full
of perils and tempests ; he then sailed up the Nile,
attended with a guard of Mamelukes, as far as
Cairo, which was the residence of the sultans, and
was then called Babylon, on account of its prox
imity to the ancient Babylon. $ The object of the
voyage was accomplished, the sultan was pacified,
and confirmed and insured not only the free ex^
* Peter Martyr, Epist. 224.
t It is appended to his more celebrated work, " Decades de
Rebus Oceanicis et Novo Orbe."
X Epist. 235.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 81
ercise of religion to his Christian subjects, but
also permitted pilgrimages to be made to the Holy
Land. Peter Martyr left Egypt towards the end of
April, 1502 : returning to Venice, he entered into
fresh negotiations with the senate, in order to
obtain for his sovereign the friendship and assist
ance of Venice against France. He at length ar
rived in Spain, in the month of August, 1502, after
a year's absence.*
/Ximenez,/ besides taking a part in these and other
affairs of state, and giving his counsel and advice
in the most confidential and secret negotiations of
the sovereigns, carried on, during his residence at
Granada,/ frequent intercourse with the Moorish
chiefs, and laboured with untiring zeal to instruct
the newly-converted Christians. Having endured/
for two months these numerous labours, his strength
failed him at last, and a severe illness brought him
almost to the grave : he was then in his sixty -fourth
year/'- It was then that Ferdinand and Isabella
showed the tenderest sympathy with his sufferings ;
they honoured him, too, by frequently coming to see
him. The queen, especially, evinced the deepest
solicitude for his recovery, and asked the physicians
if a change of place would not be very beneficial
for the invalid archbishop. He was accordingly
removed from the fortress of the Alhambra (which.
was too much exposed to the wind) to the royal
summer-house of Xeneralifa, not far distant. But
after he had spent a month at this villa, no change
for the better took place in his health ; and though
the physicians employed all their skill to cool his
burning fever, Ximenez was now nearer death than
before. /Already his complaint was declared to be
incurable, when fortunately Francisca, a Moorish
woman and a convert, who was married to the head
* Epist. 249.
G

82 THE LIFE OF
cook of the archbishop, said that she was acquainted
with an old dame, eighty years old, who had. in her
possession a quantity of ointment and herbs of great
virtue. She was accordingly sent for at night ; and
in eight days the fever had so far abated, that
Ximenez was able to leave his bed./1 The pure and
bracing air of the river Darro, which flowed near,
on the banks of which he walked every forenoon,
was the means of hastening his recovery ; and when,
some time afterwards, he was enabled to return to
his beloved Alcala, he found himself restored once
more to perfect health.*
* The account of this illness is taken from Gomez, lib. ii.
fob 35.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 83

CHAPTER VIIL
NABEAT1VE OE EVENTS CONNECTED WITH THE EOTAL FAMILY.
— DEATH OE THE QTJEEN.
While Ximenez was recruiting his health at Alcaki,
amidst the air of his native climate, and enjoying a
repose so seldom granted to him, Ferdinand and
Isabella arrived at Toledo, in the year 1502, in order
to attend the meeting of the Cortes, and definitely
to settle for the future the succession to the
throne. In September, 1498, and in January of the fol
lowing year, the new-born prince, Miguel,* was
acknowledged by the Cortes of Aragon and the
kingdom of Castile as heir to the throne. The
Catholic sovereigns loved this prince with such sin
cere love, that they wished to have him always by
their side. Accordingly, they took him with them
to Granada, in the summer of 1500 ; but a few days
after their arrival, the poor weak child died.f Peter
Martyr — being an eye-witness — describes the deep
grief which this affliction caused to Ferdinand and
Isabella, and which was the more intense in propor
tion as they endeavoured to conceal it from the eyes
of the world. $
Soon was Isabella's prophecy accomplished. In
a short time, at the commencement of the year 1500
* This prince was the son of the queen of Portugal, who was a
daughter of Isabella. — Trans.
t The mother of the child died an hour after her delivery,
August 23rd, 1498.
X Epist. 216.
G 2

84 THE LIFE OF
(February 24), her daughter Joanna gave birth to
another grandson of Isabella, who afterwards be
came the illustrious Charles V. At the news of
this event, Isabella was heard to exclaim, — " As
the lot fell upon the apostle Matthias, so will
crowns also one day descend upon this child."*
And, in reality, Charles became some time after
heir to the crowns of Castile, Aragon, Sicily, Aus
tria, and the Low Countries. Such a political
position required that his claims, and those of his
mother, to the Spanish throne, should be acknow
ledged by the Cortes. For this purpose, the sove
reigns requested their daughter Joanna, and her
consort, the archduke Philip, to hasten to Spain.
At the same time, anxious for the welfare of their
other children, they married their third daughter
Maria' (born in 1482) to her brother-in-law Ema
nuel, king of Portugal, the widower of the deceased
infanta Isabella. The fourth daughter, Dona
Catherina, was united with Prince Arthur, heir to
the throne of England. Maria died in Portugal,
universally regretted and beloved, in the year 1517.
But Catherina lived, to her great misfortune, a much
longer period, being divorced from Henry VIIL of
England, to whom she had been married, after the
early death of his brother Arthur. The whole world
knows how this marriage was, in one sense, the
occasion of England being lost to the Church.
When these marriages, in which Ximenez had
probably a share, were accomplished, the archduke
Philip and his consort Joanna arrived in Spain,
January 28th, 1502. Out of regard to his wife,
and at the same time to satisfy his own excessive
love for amusements, Philip's journey through
France was prolonged to a considerable time : at
* Ferreras, lib. viii. cap. 11.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 85
the court of Blois, he took part in the banquets and
all kinds of amusements which had been prepared
for him; he even sat in the parliament of Paris,
as a peer of France, and swore homage to King
Louis XII. for his possessions in Flanders.* The
Spanish historian Mariana blames, in few but
severe words, as is usual with him, this servility of
the prince ; while, on the other hand, he praises the
consort of Philip for having been mindful of the
honour of her country, by refusing to acknowledge
the sovereignty of the king of France, and taking
no part in the acts of the archduke. King Ferdi
nand the Catholic was also very displeased with his
son-in-law for being on such terms of friendship
with the court of France. Nevertheless, he ordered
Philip and his consort to be received with all due
honour when they arrived at Fontarabia, the fron
tier of Spain, and that thence they should be con
ducted to Madrid.f
In the mean time the States of Castile met at
Toledo, in order to offer their homage. Ferdinand
and Isabella arrived at the same city April 22nd,
1502. The queen immediately summoned Ximenez
from Alcala to meet her there, in order that he
might take part in the business which would be
brought forward. He arrived towards the end of
April, about eight days before Philip and Joanna.
He prepared everything himself on the most mag
nificent scale for their entrance into the city. On
the 7th of May, the archbishop, clothed in his
pontifical robes, received the royal visitors at the
porch of the church, where a cross was placed,
resplendent with gold and precious stones. After
Philip and Joanna had testified, on their knees,
their respect for the emblem of our redemption,
* Mariana, lib. xxvii. c. 11. t Ibid.

86 THE LIFE OF
they were conducted by the archbishop to the higli
altar ; and thence, after remaining a short time in
prayer, they proceeded to the state apartments of
the sovereigns.
l_ The festivities continued for more than fourteen
days, till the 22nd of May. The solemn ceremony
of paying homage took place on a Sunday, in the
metropolitan church. The Cardinal Diego Hurtado
Mendoza,* archbishop of Seville, nephew of the
illustrious cardinal deceased, officiated at this
solemnity, and was the first who took the oath of
fidelity to the archduke and the princess. After
him came Ximenez ; next followed the other bishops;
and lastly the civil authorities — all of whom swore
to be faithful, t
During the five months which the archbishop
spent with the court at Toledo, he was occupying
himself with the formation of those great plans for
the advancement of the sciences, of which we shall
treat in the succeeding chapters. Towards the end
of August, 1502, the court went to Aranjuez, and
thence to Saragossa, in order to receive the homage
of the States of Aragon, in case the king should die
without a male heir to the throne. $ Isabella, how
ever, went to Madrid, in order to meet the Cortes of
Castile assembled there: after a short time, the
other members of the royal household joined her,
with the intention of spending the winter in that city.
All of a sudden, to the great surprise of every one,
the archduke Philip declared his intention was to
leave Spain immediately, and return to Flanders.
He was displeased with the stiff manners of the
Spaniards ; but especially was this vain and fickle
prince apprehensive of being brought under the
* See what Peter Martyr says about this prelate (Epist. 222).
The cardinal died soon after these festivities.
t Mariana, lib. xxxii. c. 11. J Ibid. c. 14.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 87
tuition of his wise relations. It was in vain,
therefore, that Isabella represented to him that the
future sovereign of Spain should make himself well
acquainted with the manners and customs of the
country ; in vain did she try to convince him that
the prosperity of his future government would
necessarily depend on this knowledge, and that,
therefore, it was his duty to remain longer ; in vain
did she call his attention to the state of his wife,
now near her confinement, who would be unable to
undertake so long a journey in the winter, and that
were she separated from him she would be most
miserable. Philip alleged, " that the climate of
Spain was very bad for his health, and that his
former preceptor, Francis Basseidan, archbishop of
Besancon, had already sunk under it." On the other
hand, his love for his wife was so cold, that it could
not detain him in the country, since for a long time
it was evident (and he himself felt it) that he was
justly to be blamed for his groundless jealousy of
Joanna. His departure was accordingly resolved upon. He
justified his obstinacy by an assertion, which was no
doubt untrue, that before his departure from Flan
ders, he had promised his subjects and attendants to
return within a year, and that he was obliged to
keep his word as a prince. He also added, that war
having broken out between France and Spain, his
dominions stood in need of his presence and assist
ance.* He further declared it was his intention, in
spite of the war between Ferdinand and Louis XII.,
of travelling back through France : nothing could
turn him from his resolution ; he even offered him
self as a mediator between the two sovereigns, which
offer Ferdinand accepted; not, however, without
* Peter Martyr, Epist. 250.

88 THE LIFE OF
some mistrust, knowing the preference which Philip
had for Louis, and that his attendants were bribed
by the gold of France.* His misgivings were soon
confirmed; for on the 5th of April, 1503, Philip
concluded, at Lyons, a foolish treaty with Louis XII.
and with his clever minister, Cardinal D'Amboise ;
by virtue of which Prince Charles (Philip's son),
then three years old, was some day to espouse the
Princess Claudia of France ; while the kingdom of
Naples, then an object of dispute between France
and Spain, was to belong to both these children.
But, on other points, this treaty was prejudicial to
the rights of Spain ; and hence, Ferdinand consi
dered himself bound not to acknowledge it. This
step he took without much hesitation, because Phi
lip had evidently overstepped his power. After this
declaration, the war again resumed its course, and,
after many vicissitudes, ended at last (thanks to the
military genius of the " Great Captain ") in the
reunion of the kingdom of Naples with the crown
of Spain.
The fears of Isabella respecting the fatal con
sequences likely to follow from Philip's departure
were soon to be confirmed. Joanna, so unlike her
illustrious mother in the endowments of her mind,
that Peter Martyr said of her, " Simplex est
femina, licet a tant& muliere progenita,"f had con
centrated her whole existence in her " beautiful "
consort, whom she loved most passionately. Being
overpowered then by the pangs of separation from
him, she began to exhibit those symptoms of deep
melancholy which very soon terminated in a com
plete derangement of her mind. The world had lost
all its charms for her ; she showed as little concern
for the tenderness of her mother, as she did for the
affairs of the kingdom. She spent whole days, as
* Peter Martyr, Epist. 253. + Epist. 250.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 89
if lost in silent reverie, immovable, and with her
eyes fixed motionless on the ground ; her body
seeming to be in Spain, and her soul in Flanders.
But when Philip's name was mentioned, she imme
diately awoke from her dream, and ordered the
fleet to" be got ready, which was to convey her to
her beloved, as quickly as possible. Such is the
account which Peter Martyr gives us of this un
fortunate princess ; for he was an eye-witness both
of her affliction and that of the Queen Isabella,
who resolved to send her daughter back imme
diately after her confinement. But this event not
taking place so soon as she expected, caused more
affliction to Joanna : the queen herself, too, began
to be unwell.*
Sighing for a milder climate, and seeking too for
more comfort and consolation, Isabella returned to
Madrid in the beginning of January, 1503 ; thence
she hastened with her daughter to Alcala, where
Ximenez was then residing. With a zeal inspired
by religious and other good motives, the archbishop
endeavoured to soothe the sorrows of both mother
and daughter by frequent interviews, t He was
soon able to strengthen and console the great mind
of Isabella, and to induce her again to occupy
herself with the cares of government, especially
with reference to the French war. As to Joanna,
she was safely delivered of a second son at Alcala,
March 10th, 1503. Ximenez baptized him with
great solemnity, and called him Ferdinand, after
his grandfather. He was afterwards known in his
tory under the name of the Emperor Ferdinand I.
Ximenez, having met, on the birthday of the young
prince, a poor criminal going to be executed,
obtained a royal pardon for him, in memory of
* Peter Martyr, Epist. 253, 255.
t Gomez, lib. iii, fol. 44.

90 THE LIFE OF
the auspicious event, to the great joy of the
people. After the confinement of the archduchess, the
heat at Alcala became so overpowering, that in the
beginning of June the queen was obliged, together
with her daughter, to leave that city and hasten to
Segovia, the air of which seemed more suitable for
her health, which was always delicate. When
there, Isabella would be near the coast, where
every preparation could be made for the departure
of her daughter. But, unfortunately, it was neces
sary to defer it from month to month ; for the
king of France, being exceedingly angry that Fer
dinand refused to acknowledge the treaty of Lyons,
seemed determined to invade Spain with a numer
rous force, and thus take a terrible vengeance
on his rival.* Under these circumstances, the
voyage to Flanders would be as dangerous by sea
as it would by land ; Isabella was consequently
obliged to detain her daughter. But, on the other
hand, symptoms of derangement in the mind of the
archduchess again began to show themselves ; she
left her mother, and hastened to Medina del Campo,
that so she might at least be near the coast, and near
the fleet also, which was intended to convey her to
Flanders. Joanna, having received a letter from her husband
Philip in the month of November, expressing a
wish that she should return, as he had obtained a
free passport for her through France, was anxious
to depart the very same day. But Juan Fonseca,
the excellent bishop of Burgos, "who was intrusted
with the care of the archduchess, immediately sent
information to the queen of her daughter's resolu
tion ; and at the same time implored the princess,
* Prescott, vol. ii. p. 296.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 91
by the most tender and powerful entreaties, to
delay the journey until the arrival of her mother.
But in vain; she heeded not the wishes either of
the governor of the town, Juan de Cordova, or of the
bishop. To prevent her, therefore, from leaving the
place, the governor was obliged to order the gates
to be closed, although she threatened both the
bishop and himself with death whenever she at
tained power. Furious on beholding her plans
frustrated, " tanquam Punica lesena," as Peter
Martyr expresses it, she obstinately refused to
return to her apartments, and spent a day and a
night in the open air, in the court of the castle,
half naked, and almost benumbed with cold.* The
next day, she was with difficulty persuaded to
enter a cook-shop near at hand, in order both to
warm herself and get something to eat. There
she remained, in spite of all representations, until
the arrival of her mother, who had already sent
Ximenez and the high admiral of the fleet to try
to calm her.
When the court left AlcaM in the month of
June, 1503, Ximenez went to Brihuega, on account
of illness. It was in a pleasant place, situated in a
mountainous country, and was originally given to
the archbishops of Toledo, by King Alfonso VI.
Ximenez soon left this retirement and went to
Santorcaz, where he had formerly been a prisoner,
when contending for his right of archpriest of
TJzeda. Hardly had he recovered sufficient strength
to return to Alcala, towards the end of the yeart,
when he was obliged to hasten to the unfortunate
princess. Isabella arrived very soon after him;
and, by the advice of the archbishop, she com
manded the fleet at Larido, which was intended to
* Peter Martyr, Epist. 2G8.

92 THE LIFE OF
convey the archduchess to Flanders, to be prepared
as soon as possible. It was then only that Joanna
consented to return to her apartments.
On the 1st of March, 1504, Joanna was at length
enabled to set sail, by virtue of an armistice con
cluded between Spain and France. She arrived
quite safe at the residence of her consort, to be more
miserable than ever.
Philip received her indeed, in spite of his frivolity,
with every mark of friendship; but Joanna soon
perceived that he loved one of the noble dames
whom he had brought with him from Spain ; and
hence the most furious jealousy now arose within
her breast. The whole palace resounded with her
complaints, reproaches, quarrels, and curses. Being
informed that the flaxen locks of the young lady
particularly captivated Philip, Joanna on one occa
sion suddenly rushed upon her, cut off her beautiful
hair to the very roots, and cruelly tore the flesh of her
face. Philip's indignation could not contain itself
within bounds ; he treated the unfortunate prin
cess with open contempt, reproached her in the
most cutting language, and rejected her company
for a long time.*
The news of these unfortunate events in Flanders
made a most painful impression on both the Catholic
sovereigns, and seems to have thrown them into
a fever at Medina del Campo, where they were
residing in the beginning of July, 1504. t Ximenez
immediately hastened to them, comforted them,
instructed them one after the other in their duties,
and assisted them by his advice in those affairs
which their illness did not allow them fully to
attend to. He was also indefatigable in procuring
for them everything which could contribute to their
recovery. * Peter Martyr, Epist. 272. t Epist. 273.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 93
Isabella's solicitude for the state of her husband
augmented her own sorrows ; but while Ferdinand
happily recovered his health at the end of a few
months, the queen's illness became more and more
critical — a strong fever was wasting away her
strength. In October, symptoms of dropsy snowed
themselves, and the physicians began already to give
up all hopes of her recovery. The consternation of
men at this sad news was great and universal, both
on account of the veneration in which the illustrious
invalid was held, as well as through fear for the
future welfare of the kingdom.*
The mind of the queen, however, was still vigorous,
in spite of the infirmity of her body ; so much so,
that Prospero Colonna, an Italian noble, told Fer
dinand, " that he had come to Spain to see a woman
who from her sick bed ruled the world." f She
very frequently received visits from her friends and
relations. She took a great interest in all the affairs
of the kingdom, especially in the war with Naples,
and the heroic deeds performed by the " Great
Captain," who commanded the Spanish army.
Among the foreigners who were introduced to the
queen at this time, was a Venetian traveller, named
Vianelli, distinguished for his bravery, who was the
first person that suggested the expedition into Africa,
which was afterwards so gloriously accomplished by
Ximenez. Vianelli, during his residence at court,
gave the archbishop an opportunity of expressing
himself in words that were both beautiful, and at
the same time in accordance with his own character;
The traveller was anxious to sell a diamond ring of
extraordinary value ; he offered it to Ximenez, who
having asked the price of it, and being told that
it was worth 5,000 ducats, replied, " With such a
* Peter Martyr, Epist. 274.
t Prescott, note, p. 465, seventh edit. London, 1854.

94 ' THE LIFE OF
sum, it would be infinitely better to do good to five
thousand poor people, than to possess all the
diamonds of India."*
Another stone, more precious in his eyes, came
into his possession at this time. A religious of the
order of St. Francis, warden of a convent in
Jerusalem, was sent by the sultan of Egypt as his
envoy into Spain. He had brought with him a
stone slab from the Holy Sepulchre, and had it
divided into five parts, so as to make five altar-
stones. One he intended to present to the pope ;
one to Queen Isabella ; one to Emanuel, king of
Portugal ; one to Cardinal Carvajal, who took his
title from the holy cross; and the other to Ximenez.
As Isabella received her present of the altar-stone
from our Lord's sepulchre with the deepest vene
ration, so also did Ximenez resolve henceforth never
to say mass on any altar, except on this stone. At
his death he bequeathed it, as a most precious stone,
to his cathedral at Toledo.
I must not here omit making mention of another
circumstance. Ximenez, during his residence at
Medina del Campo, visited the neighbouring town
of Cisneros, where his parents were born, and many
of his ancestors were buried. His object was to
have masses and anniversaries fixed for the eternal
repose of their souls.
Soon after, the archbishop was obliged to take
leave of the queen, in order personally to attend to
his diocese. She graciously dismissed him with
these words : — " I hope very soon to be able to
follow you to Toledo." But Ximenez was destined
never more to see her alive in this world; for she
died at Medina del Campo on the 26th of November,
1504, in the fifty-fourth year of her age, and the
* Prescott gives a somewhat different version of this story, and
sneers very unjustly at the answer of Ximenez. — Trans.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 95
thirtieth of her reign. * According to her directions,
her body was laid in a plain coffin, and interred
at first among the Franciscans of Granada, in the
ancient Moorish fortress of the Alhambra. She
wished to repose in the ground which she had won
for Spain and for Christendom. But after Ferdi
nand's death, as she desired not to be separated
from her husband, her corpse was translated to the
cathedral of Granada, t There may still be seen the
two superb monuments raised by Charles V. (in
the Renaissance style) to the memory of his an
cestors. Laborde, in his admirable work, " Voyage
Pittoresque," gives a very beautiful plate of the
tombs. Such was the sovereign who, through her know
ledge of men's character, raised Ximenez, once a
simple monk, to the highest ecclesiastical dignity in
Spain ; and chose him also for her adviser in all the
most important affairs of the kingdom. To her he
was indebted for all the greatnesswhich he possessed,
and for all the opportunities of doing the good
which he effected. When Ximenez, therefore, re
ceived from King Ferdinand the sorrowful news of
the queen's death, he broke out into loud lamenta
tions; his grief overcame those feelings which,
before, were wont to be so strictly repressed.
" Never," he exclaimed, " will the world ever again
* Prescott gives many interesting details about the queen's
death and funeral, and pays a high compliment to her noble
character, so different from that of our English Elizabeth. Dr.
Hefele mentions in a note, that Csesar Borgia, after the death of
his father, Alexander VI., was deprived of all bis possessions, and
being taken prisoner at Naples by the " Great Captain," was sent
to Medina del Campo. There be was imprisoned for three years ;
but having made his escape afterwards, he was killed in battle in
the year 1507. — Trans.
t See Ford's " Handbook of Spain," where an account is given
of the present state of the royal tombs at Granada. — Trans.

96 THE LIFE OF
behold a queen with such greatness of soul, with
such purity of heart, with such ardent piety, and
such zeal for justice."
Thus did he give a true portrait of the queen's
character. Peter Martyr, who was an eye-witness
of her life and death, comprises a sketch of her in
these few but eloquent words : " The world has lost
its noblest ornament ; a loss to be deplored not only
by Spain, which she has so long carried forward in
the career of glory, but by every nation in Christen
dom ; for she was the mirror of every virtue, the
shield of the innocent, and an avenging sword to
the wicked. I know none of her sex, in ancient or
modern times, who, in my judgment, is at all worthy
to be named with this incomparable woman." *,
Indeed, if, with respect to the art of governing,
Elizabeth, her namesake,f of England, may be
compared with Isabella, the latter is infinitely
superior to the great sovereign of Albion, in the
good qualities of her heart and the accomplishments
of her mind.
* Epist. 279.
t Isabella is synonymous with Elizabeth, in Spanish.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 97

CHAPTER IX.
HISTOEICAL PABALLEL BETWEEN ISABELLA OF SPAIN AND
ELIZABETH OE ENGLAND.
The two queens arrived at the throne by the road
of adversity and of trial. But whilst these impede
ments were raised against Isabella by the injustice
of her brother Henry, who wished to crown the
bastard Beltraneja, Elizabeth had only to suffer in
her youth for having been implicated in a dastardly
conspiracy against Queen Mary, her own sister ;
so that the crime fell back upon herself, but Isabella
was only unfortunate by the crime of another.
The effects which misfortune produced upon their
minds were not less different. It hardened and
froze for ever the heart of Elizabeth ; it made her
truly cruel, and so far extinguished in her gentleness
and mercy, the natural appanage of woman, that in
the transports of her rage she would go so far as
to box the ears of her counsellors and ministers,
and spit in their faces, not to mention the torrent
of coarse insults with which she overwhelmed
them.* Isabella came forth from adversity mild
and benevolent; even in punishments and acts of
necessary rigour she never forgot either religion or
humanity, f
During a long and fortunate reign, both in
creased the prosperity of their country, and added
a fresh lustre to its glory ; but Elizabeth will never
* Lingard, History of England, vol. vii. (6th edition), passim.
t Prescott, vol. ii. pp. 380-2, note 65.
H

98 THE LIFE OF
be admired except as a queen, whilst the personal
virtues of Isabella secure to her the veneration and
affection of posterity. One of the modern historians
of Spain, Muiioz, calls her " the incomparable
Isabella," and the memory of that glorious era
draws from him the exclamation : O ! si renaciera
el spiritu de los reyes catolicos, autores de la gran-
dezza del imperio espanol ! (Oh ! that the spirit of
the Catholic sovereigns would revive, the authors of
the greatness of the Spanish kingdom).*
Both exercised over their subjects an extraor
dinary influence, enchained them to their wills with
a singular power ; during many years they main
tained peace in their kingdom, subdued every party
rebellion ; but the Englishman bent his head before
the pride and despotic will of his queen, and the
Spaniard obeyed with reliance the inspirations of
the genius and the heart of a sovereign whom he
loved as a mother.
Both found a kingdom in the second rank among
the states of Europe, and, undeniably, raised it to
the first, by the wisdom of their internal institutions,
by the formation of a powerful navy, and by suc
cessful wars. But Isabella, in politics as in her
private life, never lost sight of honour and justice ;
whilst Elizabeth, although superior to Isabella by
the impulse which she gave to commerce, rested
her policy upon cunning and insincerity, scattered
the seeds of discord among neighbouring nations,
fostered in other states rebellion and civil war, and,
to fix her own crown upon her head, had basely
recourse to the murder of a queen, her cousin and
her guest, t
Elizabeth and Isabella equally held the sceptre
with a powerful hand, and lived in an age when the
* Memorias de la Real Academia de la Historia, torn. iii. p. 29.
t Lingard, vol. iii. passim.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 99
absolutism of monarchs was at its height. But the
queen of Spain respected the liberties already
acquired by her people, as well as the voices of the
Cortes, and in her will she requested, moreover, that
certain revenues should be sanctioned by the con
sent of that assembly. Elizabeth, on the contrary,
in spite of her seeking for popularity, her pretended
demonstrations of friendship for the peasantry and
farmers,* was a despot in the full sense of the word :
for her was absolute power, for all others passive
obedience: she reduced Parliament to be nothing
more than the shadow of a deliberative assembly,
and despised it in that abasement ; she instituted
arbitrarily new courts of justice worthy of a nation
of slaves, and by them, at her pleasure, disposed of
the lives and the liberty of her subjects. In that
respect nothing is more characteristic than the
reply which she made one day, when informed that
the court had refused to condemn Norfolk : " Well,"
she exclaimed, inflamed with rage, " if the laws are
insufficient to condemn him, my royal authority
shall be large enough."t The right of pardoning
the guilty is for all sovereigns the finest prerogative
of the crown : Elizabeth rejoiced in the power of
delivering over to the executioner those whom the
law had acquitted. History has recorded a thousand
freaks of her arbitrary and despotic will : thus it
was that she ordered the destruction of woad,
because the scent of that useful plant was disagree
able to her. As for the religious belief of her subjects,
she arrogated to herself the right of ruling it with a
power more absolute than ever did her contempo
rary Philip II., king of Spain. $
* Lingard, vol. iii. passim.
t Historisch-politische Blatter, vol. iii. p. 700.
X See Rottek, Weltgeschichte (zweite auflage, 1826), p. 7,
s. 311.
H 2

100 THE LIFE OF
Isabella displayed the greatest zeal that justice
should be equally dispensed without respect to per
sons : never did corruption the most seductive arrest
the execution of the law ; never did any influence,
not even that of her husband, divert her from
what appeared to her to be her right and her
duty.* "The justice which each enjoyed under
her happy government," says Marineo Siculo,
" was the same for all, for the noble and for the
knight, for the citizen and for the countryman, for
the rich and for the poor, for the master and for
the servant."!
Under the reign of Elizabeth, on the contrary,
these sorts of complaint were so frequent, the
tyranny, injustice, and rapacity of the public func
tionaries excited so many murmurs, that a justice
of the peace was openly described in Parliament as
" an animal who, for half a dozen of chickens, would
dispense with a dozen of laws." J By the famous
Court of Star Chamber, by the Court of High
Commission, the queen herself threw trouble and
uncertainty in all the laws ; she extended with
unexampled rigour the martial laws to ordinary
offences, arbitrarily recalled magistrates, for money
interrupted the course of justice ; permitted the lords
and ladies of her court to accept of presents as the
price of their interference in the suits of private
individuals : so that the French ambassador might
with truth assert that the administration of justice
was more corrupt under Elizabeth than under her
predecessors. § " Another, and intolerable griev
ance," says Lingard, " was the discretionary power
assumed by the queen, of gratifying her caprice or

* Prescott gives many examples of this (vol. ii. p. 376.)
t Cosas Memorables, p. 180 ; in Prescott, ibid. p. 588.
J Lingard, vol. iii. p. 323. § Ibid.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 101
resentment by the restraint or imprisonment of those
who had given her offence."* Elizabeth never for
gave a personal wrong, and punished without mercy
the slightest offence to her vanity ;t whilst Isabella
willingly forgot the faults which only were directed
against her person, without injuring the welfare of
the public.^
Both queens acquired large possessions in Ame
rica : Isabella testified the greatest solicitude for the
condition of the poor Indians, and never permitted
them to be illused ; § and we find, in 1567, on the
coast of North America, two large English ships
engaged in the slave-trade for the special service of
the queen of England. ||
Both queens rewarded genius and talent; they
sought for and found great men, who made the immor
tal glory of their government. But whilst Isabella,
gifted with singular prudence and great knowledge
of mankind, selected only ministers capable of pro
moting the welfare of her people, Elizabeth, with, as
much, perspicacity, permitted herself frequently to
be guided in her choice by the external advantages
and corporeal qualities of the candidates ; she often
desired to have favourites and lovers in the persons
of her ministers.
Isabella treated her councillors with kindness,
* Lingard, vol. iii. p. 324.
t The least criticism upon her pronunciation of the French
language irritated her excessively ; and the French ambassador,
Buzenval, could not negotiate with the English cabinet on ac
count of his having allowed himself, several years previously, to
make use of criticism of this sort (Bayle, Diet. Hist, et Crit.,
art. " Elizabeth," note E.)
X Prescott, vol. ii. p. 383.
§ In 1500, Columbus having sent two natives as slaves to
Spain, the queen indignantly demanded by what right Columbus
dared thus to treat her subjects, and instantly set them at liberty.
(See chap, xxvii.}
|| Lingard, ibid. p. 235.

102 THE LIFE OF
confidence, and friendship. She took a sincere inter
est in their welfare ; rewarded them worthily ; pro
tected them against hatred and envy, as Ximenez
and the Great Captain experienced ; comforted them
in misfortune ; visited them when sick ; and some
times herself undertook the office of testamentary
executor, as she did, for instance, on the death of
Cardinal Mendoza and the great commander Car
denas. She showed the same familiarity, the same
kindness, to the ladies of her court ; forgot among
them the differences of rank ; took advantage of all
occasions to make them delicate presents ; and tes
tified to them, whenever they met, the frankest
cordiality, especially to the friend of her youth,
Dona Beatrix Bobadilla, afterwards marchioness of
Moya.* Elizabeth never admitted familiar and kindly
relations between her and her circle : she passed
incessantly from one of two extremes to the
other, sometimes playing the part of coquette in
her own court, at others indulging in the irritable
disposition which she inherited from Henry VIIL,
so far as to swear at and box the ears of her maids
of honour and her ministers. She trusted no one
around her, and did not believe any person capable
of a sincere devotedness ; but she was as much
deceived on all sides, and more than once the craft
and lies of her ladies and her ministers impelled her
to false steps. Another capital evil of her court had
its rise in her avarice and parsimony towards her
servants and the members of the royal household.
Hence arose an odious corruption : to indemnify
themselves, the courtiers sold places, monopolies,
patronages ; law-suits themselves became an object
of traffic. The queen, on her part, loved to receive
* Prescott, vol. ii. p. 381.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 103
presents ; she knew adroitly how to provoke gene
rosity and make her gracious visits productive.*
Both sovereigns were gifted in their youth with
extraordinary beauty ; but whilst Elizabeth suffered
herself to be governed by a foolish vanity, by a
love of ornaments, a desire to please carried to
ridiculous excess, Isabella displayed none of these
feminine weaknesses.! When the English Thetis
gave audiences, she constantly was pulling off and
putting on gloves to draw attention to her fine
hands. J No flattery more agreeable could be ad
dressed to her than praising her celestial beauty :
almost a septuagenarian, she yet desired that
homage should be paid to her faded charms with
the pomp of Oriental style. § Still more, she boasted
of her own attractions : she one day announced to
her faithful subjects that none of the portraits which
had hitherto been taken of her person did justice to
* "At her first lighting at the lord keeper's she had a fine
fanne, with a handle garnisht with diamonds ; in the middle was
a nosegay, and in y4 a very rich jewel, valued at £400 at least.
After dinner in her privy chamber, he presented her with a fine
gown and a juppin (petticoat), which things were pleasing to her
highness ; and to grace his lordship the more, she of herself tooke
from him a salte, a spoone, and a forcke of faire agatte." (Sidney
Papers, vol. i. p. 376.) On the 6th of December before her
death, she dined with Sir Robert Cecil, and accepted from him
presents to the amount of 2,000 crowns, &c. (Lingard, vol. iii.
p. 321.)
t Isabella, in stature, " was somewhat above the middle size.
Her hair of a bright chesnut colour, inclining to red ; and her
mild blue eye beamed with intelligence and sensibility. She was
exceedingly beautiful ; ' the handsomest lady,' says one of her
household, ' whom I ever beheld, and the most gracious in her
manners.' The portrait still existing of her in the royal palace
is conspicuous for an open symmetry of features, indicative of
^he natural serenity of temper, and that beautiful harmony of
tellectual and moral qualities which most distinguished her."
escott, vol. i. p. 190.)
Bayle, Diet. &c. "Elizabeth," note d.
ingard, ibid. f

104 THE LIFE OF
the original ; that, at the request of her council, she
had resolved to procure an exact likeness from the
pencil of some able artist ; and that all the previous
portraits must be reformed after the new one.*
However exalted the opinion which she had of her
person, she did not disdain the aid of foreign orna
ments, and at her death there were found in her
wardrobe two, some say three, thousand dresses. She
covered herself with such a mass of trinkets of gold
and precious stones, that the verse of the poet might
have been applied to her : —
" Gem mis auroque teguntur
Omnia ; pars minima est ipsa puella sui."t
The bishop of London having one day, in his
sermon, endeavoured to raise the thoughts of the
queen to the care of the beauty of her soul, her
coquetry was so much offended by it, that she
threatened the preacher with death if he should
again take a similar liberty, t
Very different is the portrait of Isabella drawn by
Prescott, her latest biographer. " She was equally
simple and economical in her apparel. On all
public occasions, indeed, she displayed a royal mag
nificence ; but she had no relish for it in private,
and she frequently gave away her clothes and
jewels as presents to her friends." §
Prescott relates that Isabella manifested little
taste for those frivolous amusements that occupy so
large a place in the life of courts. || Elizabeth, by
the admission of her panegyrist Leti, took great
pleasure in them : she loved balls and other such
* Lingard, vol. iii. p. 321.
t She is so covered with gold and jewels, that the smallest par^
of the girl is the girl herself ! /
X Lingard, ibid. § Prescott, vol. iii. p. 175. /
|| Prescott, ibid. p. 371.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 105
merriments ;* even at a far advanced age, dancing
was her favourite pleasure, to which she daily de
voted herself, t
The finest ornament of Isabella, was the purity
and innocence of her morals, in which envy itself
never found a stain, and which caused Peter Martyr
to say, that she not only was a living model of
chastity to wives, but might justly be called chastity
herself.J Is it necessary to add that the Virgin
Queen cannot here be compared with her ? The
shameful part which Henry VIIL had played with
his wives Elizabeth in her time played with her
lovers, § and, more faithfully to resemble her father,
she put to death the dearest of her favourites, the
Earl of Essex. Every one admits that the outward
charms of Isabella concealed a lofty soul and noble
mind ; and when age had wrinkled the face of
Elizabeth, Essex, the friend of her advanced years,
might say with truth that she had a soul as
crooked as her body ; an expression which, perhaps,
contributed more to his ruin than all his political
errors. ||
The court of Isabella was for the young nobility
of both sexes a school of discipline, of good morals,
and of polished manners.^ Cotemporaries desig
nate the court of Elizabeth as " a place in which all
enormities reigned in the highest degree, a place
where there was no love but that of the lusty
god of gallantry, Asmodeus." " The only dis
content I have," says a correspondent from the
court of England, "is to live where there is so
* Bayle, Diet. "Elizabeth," note N.
t Lingard, vol. iii. p. 320. + Pet. Mart. Epist. 279.
§ An Act of Parliament conferred the right of succession on
the natural children of the Virgin Queen. (Cobbett, " History of
the Reformation of England," lett. 10.)
|| Lingard, ibid. 302. f Prescott, vol. ii. 371. ; i. 562.

106 THE LIFE OF
little godliness and exercise of religion, so disso
lute manners and corrupt conversation generally,
which I find to be worse than when I knew the
place first." *
In addition to the royal diadem, Elizabeth aspired
to place upon her brow the laurel of science. And,
indeed, she possessed more knowledge than any
other woman of her time: she understood five
foreign languages, and read with ease the Greek
text of the New Testament. But she made no use
of her learning, except for the purposes of ostenta
tion, and sought, with offensive affectation, on all
occasions to display her intellect, her abilities,
and acquaintance with languages. Isabella also,
although in this respect inferior to the queen of
England, possessed more than ordinary acquire
ments : she spoke Latin with equal fluency and
eloquence ; but she rarely used it, being in this, as
in all the rest of her behaviour, modest and unpre
tending. She introduced printing into Spain, esta
blished libraries, founded and endowed schools, and
laboured in the advancement of all the sciences.
As for Elizabeth, she wished to confine learning to
herself, and, as Hume admits, showed more vanity of
her own knowledge than real love for the sciences ;t
but whilst she protected them to satisfy her vanity,
sentiments far more noble instigated a similar con
duct on the part of the queen of Spain ; she bestowed
her protection upon them because she honoured
* Lingard, vol. iii. p. 322. Raumer's statement is therefore a
colossal falsehood, when he says of the court of Elizabeth,
" Hitherto there had never been seen a court so learned and so
moral, so intelligent and romantic." (Gesch. Europa's, ii. 618.)
The romance, according to the " Historisch-Polit. Blatter," ii. 701,
doubtless lay in those boxes on the ear which Elizabeth so
liberally dispensed to the people of her court.
t Prescott, vol. ii. 386.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 107
them, and because she was convinced of their power
ful influence upon the welfare and prosperity of the
people. Both sovereigns showed themselves intolerant in
regard to heterodoxy : but in Elizabeth it was policy,
and not the warmth of sincere conviction, which
dictated the penal enactments : Isabella, on the
contrary, proved the sincerity of her religious zeal
by her tender mercy, by the innocence of her life
and innumerable works of charity ; and her severity
towards the Moors and the Jews is a thousand
times more easy to be justified than the cold and
atrocious persecution exercised against the Puri
tans and the Catholics by a queen who, probably,
herself had neither faith nor conviction. IJnder the
reign of Mary she had solemnly embraced Catho
licism ; she had, on her accession to the throne,
sworn to maintain that religion ;* and, on more
than one occasion, had hypocritically received the
Catholic communion to deceive her subjects who had
returned to the Church of Rome under the preced
ing reign. But as soon as she had thrown off the
mask, she issued against the Catholics laws so bar
barous, and caused them to be enforced with so
much cruelty, that she left very far behind even
the excesses of the Spanish inquisition. The first
refusal to acknowledge the queen as spiritual head
of England was punished with confiscation of pro
perty, the second with death, f Crowded prisons,
horrible torture in constant use, gibbets incessantly
erected, the bodies of Catholics true to the ancient
faith cut to pieces, quartered, and disgracefully
mutilated, are, for posterity, irrefutable proofs of
the religious despotism of Elizabeth. $ Assuredly,
if the inquisition under Isabella killed one thousand,
* Lingard, vol. iii. p. 4. f Ibid. p. 7. $ Ibid. p. 162, &c.

108 THE LIFE OF
the Reformation by Elizabeth slew ten times the
number !
Finally, the latter days of both queens were
clouded with cares; but it was solicitude for the
future of her kingdom that weighed upon Isabella ;
she gave her last commands with a firm and tranquil
mind, and, like a pious Christian, fortified by the
blessings of the Church, she awaited death with
calmness and fortitude. Elizabeth, on the contrary,
plunged in profound melancholy, a prey to the
bitter reproaches of her conscience for the murder
of her favourite, Essex ; heart-broken at seeing the
popular favour estrange itself from her old age ;
became, by the caprices of her ill-temper, the tor
ment of the servants who waited upon her. In place
of seeking for the consolations and the support
of the sacraments for the sick, she ordered a sword
to be placed by her table, and thrust it with violence
into the tapestry of her chamber. Afraid of death,
she refused, in the latter days of her existence, to
go to bed ; she remained seated in the middle of her
apartment upon a stool, bolstered up with cushions,
with her eyes fixed on the floor, in the attitude of
despair. In vain did the archbishop of Canterbury
pray beside her, her heart seemed insensible to the
consolations of religion.* In this manner she died,
on the 24th of March, 1603, nearly a century after
Isabella. Prescott, who has also endeavoured to
draw an impartial parallel between the two queens,
remarks that " the masculine genius of the English
queen stands out relieved beyond its natural dimen
sions by its separation from the softer qualities of
her sex ; while her rival's, like some vast but
symmetrical edifice, loses in appearance somewhat
of its actual grandeur from the perfect harmony
* Lingard, vol. iii. p. 316.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 109
of its proportions."* However accurate this re
mark of the American historian may be, it is far
from expressing the entire truth. It is not only
the absence of the gentle qualities of her sex, but
the positive existence of the worst' qualities in the
character of Elizabeth, which justifies the severe
judgment which cotemporary history, in its learned
impartiality, has begun to bring upon that queen ;f
whilst Isabella finds the same respect, the same
veneration, in all historians, to whatsoever nation
they belong, or opinions that they represent.^
The death of Isabella was for Spain the source of
numerous political difficulties, in the solution of
which Ximenez had the principal part. But before
following him upon that theatre, we proceed to study
the other works of this illustrious prelate.
* Prescott, vol. iii. p. 192.
t Schiller puts this menace in the mouth of Mary Stuart : —
" Wo to you, if the world shall one day raise the mantle of
. honour with which your hypocrisy covers the horrible fire of youf
secret pleasures." Besides, Elizabeth did not appear to care much
for this revelation of her secrets, and for her reputation in that
respect. X Havemann also draws a fine portrait of Isabella in his
" Darstellungen," &c. p. 134—137.

110 THE LIFE OF

CHAPTER X.
FOUNDATION OE THE UNIVEESITY OE ALCALA.
Spain, like other western states, beheld, in the
middle of the fifteenth century, a new era of learn
ing dawn, especially in philological and classical
studies. John II. was then king of Castile, which
formed the principal province of Spain, though it
had not yet been united with the other states : he
was the father of Queen Isabella the Catholic. Dur
ing his long reign (from 1406 to 1454) nothing
was attended to in the kingdom but the arts and
sciences. While, therefore, all other business was
neglected, learning began to flourish; and the hearts
of the Castilians, especially the nobility, were soon
captivated with it. But all these tender blossoms
were crushed by civil war, under the inglorious and
disturbed government of the dissolute Henry IV. ;
and when Isabella ascended the throne of her bro
ther (in December 1474), almost every vestige of
what her father had established was destroyed. The
schools were reduced to a very small number, and of
these Salamanca only deserved to be named. But
the illustrious queen had inherited from her father a
great love for the arts and sciences ; and with this
love were also united the most noble qualities and the
grandest regal virtues, though they may seem incom
patible with her sex : these endowments were totally
wanting in her father, to his own great misfortune
and that of his people. Following the example of
King John II., she also made a collection of books,

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. Ill
and thus contributed to the foundation of a library.*
Even when seated on the throne, amidst all the cares
of government, she found time to learn Latin, and
in the course of a single year she acquired a solid
knowledge of it ; while Ferdinand, her spouse, whose
education was far from being complete, was entirely
ignorant of it.f
Isabella was unable during the first years of her
reign, on account of her contest for the crown with
Beltraneja and with Portugal, to make any exer
tions on a large scale for the advancement of learn
ing ; but as soon as she was firmly seated on the
throne, she directed all her zeal and. penetration to
this object, and so gave such a powerful encourage
ment to learning, that under her protection there
arose a new epoch in Spanish literature. But above
all, the art of printing, then but lately invented,
was introduced into Spain, encouraged, extended,
and liberally supported by the queen. J Civil advan
tages and freedom from taxation, &c. were the
rewards and encouragement bestowed on the most
eminent printers, whether natives or foreigners. The
liberty of introducing foreign works excited a still
greater desire for them, and sharpened the diligence
of collectors. § Hence, Spain soon possessed poetry,
classics, and works of piety ; and in the year 1478,
there appeared a translation of the Scriptures at Va
lencia, by the brother of St. Vincent Ferrer. || Often
* Prescott mentions that there are still to be seen in the royal
library of the Escurial many books in manuscript which belonged
to Isabella ; others, no doubt, are among the archives of Simancas.
— Trans.
t Marineo Siculo, De Rebus Hisp. lib. xxi. p. 506. (See
" Hispaniae Illustrate Scriptores ;" ed. Francof. 1603.)
X "Archivo de Murcia," apud Mem. de la Acad, de Hist.
torn. vi. p. 244.
§ Mendez, " Typographia Espaiiola," p. 52, &c.
|| See Mendez, in the work already cited (pp. 61 — 63) ; also

112 THE LIFE OF
did the queen herself furnish money for the publi
cation of good works ; while Ximenez also published
a great number at his own expense,* distributed
prizes to the best workmen, and so generally encou
raged the art of printing (then only in its infancy)
that in a short time printing-presses might be seen
in all the principal towns of Spain, f
Isabella had invited many German printers into
Spain : to Italy, also, she was indebted for the pre
sence of many learned men in her dominions — Italy,
which then far surpassed every other country by its
literary glory and renown. Thus, there came to her
court the two brothers Antonio and Alessandro
Geraldino,! both conspicuous for their classical eru
dition. Peter Martyr, § named Anghiera, likewise, a
native of Arona, on the borders of the LakeMaggiore,
descended from one of the noblest families in the
north of Italy, and closely related to the Borromeos,
was brought to Spain from Rome in the year 1487,
by the count de Tendilla, Isabella's ambassador.
The admiral Henriquez was the means of inducing
Marineo Siculo to leave Sicily, and accompany him
to Spain. The queen received all these learned
Le Long (torn. ii. p. 145). Cyprian de Valera assures us that he
saw this version. Consult Calmet ; art. " Bibles Espagnoles."
* Ximenez also composed books, as well as published them.
They consisted chiefly of theological treatises on the nature of sin,
on angels, &c. (See Flechier, liv. vi. p. 504). — Trans.
t Such as Toledo, Seville, Granada, Valladolid, Burgos, Sala
manca, Barcelona, Valencia, Murcia, Alcala, Madrid, &c. — Trans.
X Antonio died in 1488. Some of his Latin poetical works
were printed in 1505, at Salamanca. The younger brother,
Alessandro, after serving in the Portuguese war, embraced the
ecclesiastical state, and died Bishop of St. Domingo, in 1525.
(Prescott, note p. 165, vol. ii.)
§ Celebrated for his "Epistles" and other works. His
" Epistles " were first published at Alcala, in 1530 ; but a second
edition, in a more beautiful form, was issued from the Elzevir
press in 1670, folio. — Trans.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 113
men with the greatest kindness and affability, and
considered them as most precious seed for the im
provement and renovation of the national literature.
Neither were those Spaniards forgotten who sought
to collect rare and rich treasures of knowledge in
foreign lands : after their return to Spain, the
queen appointed them professors in the public
schools. Such were Antonio de Lebrija* (Nebrissa),
and Avias Barbosa.f. It was principally to the
brothers Antonio and Alessandro Geraldino that
she intrusted the education of her children, who
became, under such masters, more learned than
any other prince or princess in Europe at that
period. Erasmus himself was astonished at the
knowledge of Isabella's youngest daughter, who
was afterwards married to Henry VIIL of England;
while the great Spanish classical scholar Vives J
mentions with admiration how the unfortunate
Joanna, mother of Charles V., was able to deliver a
Latin speech extempore.
Such examples tended to inspire the nobility
especially with a love for learning ; for the queen
was particularly anxious for the improvement of
their education. For their instructor she appointed
Peter Martyr, who, soon after his arrival in Spain,
took part in the Moorish war, exchanging litera
ture for the military life ; but after the conquest of
* He spent ten years in Bologna, and returned to Spain, laden
with stores of erudition, in 1473. He published several works,
mentioned by Prescott (vol. ii. p. 175). — Trans.
t This learned man was a Portuguese ; but he spent most of
his life in Spain. Like Lebrija, he studied in the schools of Italy.
(See Nic. Antonio, " Bibliotheca Nova," p. 170.)
X The passage comes in his treatise " De Christiana Femina,"
cap. 4, apud "Mem. de la Acad- de Hist.," torn. vi. Erasmus
calls Catherine of Aragon "egregiedoctam" (EpistolsB, — Londini,
1642, Epist. 31).— Trans.

114 THE LIFE OF
Granada (in 1492) he wished to receive holy orders.*
Having been introduced to the queen by means of
the great Cardinal Mendoza, she offered him to
undertake the education of the young nobility attend
ing her court, on condition of receiving valuable
remuneration from her, and also for the sake of
promoting a good work.f Peter willingly agreed to
her proposals. The queen accordingly, after the
example of Charlemagne, instituted a " Schola pala-
tina;" that is, a school which was to accompany the
court wherever it went. The commencement was
indeed difficult ; for the young grandees prized
nothing but the art of war, and considered, there
fore, that the arts and sciences were incompatible
with their profession. However, in the month of
September, 1492, Peter Martyr begins to speak of
his success : he tells us how his house was filled
every day with crowds of young Spanish nobles ;
and that Isabella herself daily sent her relations and
those of Ferdinand to hear his lectures. $
Although he was canon, and afterwards prior, of
the church of Granada, § he still remained at court.
His efforts, however, were so successful, that the
young nobility made most rapid progress in learn-
* Epist. 113, ed. Elzevir, 1670. He was not made priest till
a much later period ; viz. 1505.
t This is his own account, as related in Epist. 102.
X " My house," he says, " swarms all the day long with noble
youths, who, reclaimed from ignoble pursuits to those of letters,
are now convinced that these, so far from being a hinderance, are
rather a help in the profession of arms. . . It has pleased our
royal mistress, the pattern of every exalted virtue, that her own
near kinsman, the duke of Guimaraens, as well as the young
duke of Villahermosa, the king's nephew, should remain under
my roof the whole day," &c. (Epist. 115.) — Trans.
§ Flechier and some other writers call him dean of Granada ;
but they are incorrect; for Peter Martyr styles himself "prior'
of Granada, which dignity seems to have been the same as pro
vost of the chapter. (See Peter Martyr's Epist. 345.)

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 115
ing; and, even after several years, the worthy
scholars highly esteemed him as a father. He says
himself, " that all the Castilian nobles had sucked
his literary breasts."
In union with Peter Martyr other illustrious
scholars worked; such as Lucio Marineo, the Sicilian.
He was first professor at Salamanca ; then, in the
year 1500, he was invited to court, where he
laboured with such success for the education of the
Spanish nobility that " no Spaniard was considered
noble who showed any indifference to learning."
Erasmus also declares " that the Spaniards had
attained such eminence in literature that they not
only excited the admiration of the most polished
nations of Europe, but served likewise as models to
them."* Many belonging to the first houses of the
Spanish nobility — once so high and so proud — now
made no hesitation in occupying chairs in the uni
versities. Thus Don Gutierre de Toledo, son of the
duke of Alva and cousin of the king, lectured in the
university of Salamanca; as also did Don Pedro
Fernandez de Velasco, son of the count of Haro.
Noble dames likewise vied with illustrious gran
dees for the prize of literary pre-eminence ; while
many even held chairs in the universities, and
gave public lectures on eloquence and classical
learning, f
With such a zeal for knowledge, the old schools
now began to be filled and newly endowed; but
Salamanca excelled them all. It was called the
Spanish Athens, and was said at one time to have

* Epist. 977.
t Some of the names of these literary Spanish ladies have been
preserved ; viz., the marchioness of Monteagudo, Dona Maria
Pacheco, and the queen's instructor in Latin — Dona Beatriz de
Galindo. Dona Lucia de Medano and Dona Francisca de Lebrija
are also mentioned. — Trans.
I 2

116 THE LIFE OF
seven thousand students ! It was there that Peter
Martyr gave lessons on Juvenal (1488) before such
an immense audience that the entrance to the hall
was completely blocked up, and the lecturer had to
be carried in on the shoulders of the students.*
But at the commencement of the sixteenth
century, there entered the lists with the ancient
university of Salamanca the new university of
Alcala, which owed its magnificent establishment to
Ximenez, and was called by the Spaniards the
" eighth wonder of the world." t
When Ximenez was head chaplain of the church
of Siguenza, he already showed a great esteem and
love of learning ; while he not only endeavoured by
diligent study to supply any deficiency in his own
education, but he also prevailed on his rich friend,
Juan Lopez de Medina Coeli, archdeacon of Alma-
zan, to found the academy of Siguenza.
But not only did the queen herself see the necessity
of providing a higher education for all classes of
her subjects, and especially for the clergy, but
many prelates, and other illustrious individuals in
the kingdom, had the same convictions. About a
year before Isabella ascended the throne, the
council of Aranda found it necessary to make a law,
that no one should be allowed to receive holy orders
who was unacquainted with the Latin language. J
Wherefore, in order to afford every one the means
of acquiring a good education in all the provinces
of the queen's vast dominions, a number of schools
were established about this period ; viz., that of
Toledo, by Francisco Alvar; that of Seville, by
Roderigo de San iElia ; that of Granada, by the
* Peter Martyr, Epist. 57.
t " Octava maravilla del mundo." v (Robles, p. 127, ed.
Toledo, 1604.)
X Harduin, " Collect. Cone," torn. ix. p. 1504.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 117
Archbishop Talavera ; that of Ognate, by Mercato,
bishop of Avila ; Ossuna, by Giron, count of Urena ;
and Valencia, by Pope Alexander VI.
But all these schools were far excelled by the
foundation of Ximenez at Alcala. As soon as he
had been raised to the archiepiscopal see of Toledo,
he resolved to devote the immense revenues which
he possessed to found a sanctuary where the arts and
sciences could be taught. As a place most suitable
for this purpose, he chose Alcala de Henares, the
ancient Complutum,* where, for two hundred years,
there had already existed a school, which the arch
bishops of Toledo often honoured with their pre
sence. Its pure air, its atmosphere always serene,
and its pleasant situation on the banks of the
Henares, recommended the spot to Ximenez. In
the year 1498 he had already taken the first step
towards carrying out his magnificent design ; he
then fixed on the spot where the building was to
be erected, and adopted the plans which were drawn
out by Pedro Gumiel, who at that time was the
most celebrated Spanish architect. At length, in
in the year 1500, t the foundation-stone of the
college of San IldefonsoJ was laid by the archbishop
himself, with great solemnity. He delivered an
eloquent discourse on the occasion, blessed the place
where the building was to be raised, and offered up
public prayers for its happy completion. Gonsalvo
* " Quae dicitur esse Complutum ; sit vel ne, nil mihi curse,' '
says Peter Martyr (Epist. 254). Consult Ford's excellent
" Handbook of Spain," on the present state of Alcala. I believe
the university was suppressed in 1850.
t Gomez and Robles agree in placing the foundation of the
university in the year 1500. But the first writer falls into serious
mistakes in his chronology relating to this event.
J So named from the patron saint of the cathedral in Toledo.
Ximenez bad a particular devotion to St. Ildefonso. (See F. Florez,
"Espana Sagrada," torn. v.; and alsoAlbanButler, Jan. 23.) — Trans.

118 THE LIFE OF
Zegri, whom Ximenez had baptized some time
before in Granada, and who was tenderly attached
to the archbishop, placed in the foundation-stone,
according to the ancient custom (as Gomez men
tions in the sixteenth century), gold and silver coins,
together with a brass image representing a Fran
ciscan monk, in the middle of which was placed the
deed of the foundation, written on parchment.
Just at the time when Ximenez was commencing
the foundation of the university, the revolt amongst
the Moors broke out in the mountains of the Alpu-
xarras : on this account, therefore, the archbishop
was summoned again to Granada by the Catholic
sovereigns. Scarcely had he fulfilled his duties
there, and recovered his strength after a severe ill
ness, when he immediately hastened back to Alcala,
in order to continue the good work, and to adorn
the town itself with several new streets.* Towards
the end of the year 1501, and in the beginning of
1502, these works were going on. He remained at
Alcala till the end of April, 1502 ; but he was
obliged to hasten to Toledo in the month of May,
the same year, in order to be present at the solemn
recognition of Joanna and Philip as heirs to the
throne. He made a good use of his five months'
residence in that city, in order to mature his plans
still more, and to obtain for his new university an
annual and considerable revenue from the royal
treasury. He was also able to obtain new privileges ;
for on the 10th of March, 1503, Prince Ferdinand—
afterwards emperor of Austria — was born at Alcala,
and on the fifth day after was baptized by Ximenez.
* These details are all taken from Gomez, who tells us that
some of the people blamed the cardinal for being too fond of
building, jocosely observing, " that the church of Toledo never
had a bishop of greater edification, in every sense of the word,
than Ximenez."

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 119
On this occasion the queen bestowed so many fresh
favours on the new university, that great numbers
both of teachers and scholars crowded to it. As a
memorial of this event, Alcala has ever since pre
served, as a precious relic, the cradle of Ferdinand.
When the court left Alcaic, Ximenez (as we have
already seen), hastened, in the summer of 1503, to
breathe the pure air of Brihuega, the Tivoli of the
archbishops of Toledo ; illness, however, detained
him at Santorcaz, where he had once been a pri
soner ; whence he returned restored to health
to Alcala on the vigil of the Nativity, in 1503.
Soon after his arrival he was summoned to Medina
del Campo, in order to console the unfortunate
Princess Joanna. There he remained after her de
parture, on account of the illness of Isabella, till
the affairs of his diocese recalled him to Toledo.
Thence he hastened back to Alcala, with the inten
tion of forwarding the work he had commenced
there. Often was he seen on the ground with the
rule in his hand, taking the admeasurements of the
works, and stimulating the men by his example,
and also by suitable rewards.*
About this time — viz. towards the end of the
year 1503, or the beginning of 1504 — a brief arrived
from Rome authorizing the erection of the new
university. With a view of obtaining this authoriza
tion, Ximenez, four years before, had deputed Fran
cisco Ferrera to Rome (he was attached to the church
of Alcala) ; but the business was unaccountably
delayed, till Alexander VI. (who died August 18th,
1503) and Julius II. (who was elected November 1st
of the same year) at last granted the most exten-
* " On le vit plusieurs fois la regie a, la main, visitant ses
batiments, prenant lui-meme les proportions, et les mesures, et
animant les ouvriers par sa presence et par ses bienfaits."
(Flechier, liv. vi. p. 504.)

120 THE LIFE OF
sive privileges and liberties to the new foundation :*
these were afterwards still further augmented by
Leo X.
The college of San Ildefonso was the head of the
new university. The name was taken from the
patron saint of the cathedral of Toledo, to whojn
Ximenez had an especial devotion. On the 26th of
July, 1508 (or, according to others,t in 1510), seven
students arrived at the university from Salamanca. +
Their names were — Pedro Campo, Miguel Carasco,
Fernando Balbas, Bartolomeo Castro, Pedro de
Santa Cruz, Antonio Roderigo, and Juan Fontius.§
It was enacted, that for the future the college
should consist of thirty-three professors, according
to the number of years our Saviour lived ; and that
twelve priests (who were called chaplains) should
be added, in remembrance of the twelve apostles.
These latter were not allowed to take any part in
the teaching of the students, but were merely to
dedicate themselves to the divine service and their
* Both Gomez and Flechier place the bull of erection in the
year 1502 ; but they are certainly mistaken ; for Julius II. did not
ascend the pontifical throne till towards the end of the year 1503.
It was only in the year 1513 that the statutes of the new univer
sity, having the approbation of Julius II., were promulgated
among the professors of San Ildefonso. They were printed at
Complutum in 1560, under this title : " Constitutiones Insignis
Collegii Sancti Ildefonsi." In addition to this note of Dr. Hefele,
I may remark, that Prescott mentions the year 1508 as the date
when the university was opened for the admission of pupils. —
Trans. t Garibay, " Compendio Historial de las Chronicas," &c.
(Anveres, 1571, fol. lib. xv. c. 10).
X " Studiosorum juvenum colonia, a Salmantica Complutum
Ximenii jussu deducta," &c. (Gomez, lib. iv.)
§ Neither Gomez nor Robles gives the names in Spanish. I
cannot, therefore, be certain whether I have spelt the names
properly. All the account respecting the university is taken from
Gomez, who had every opportunity of collecting materials for his
History of Ximenez. — Trans.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 121
pastoral duties; to recite the canonical office
together, and distribute amongst the poor whatever
remained after meals. The professors, properly
so called, who were all theologians, occupied for
the most part the academic chairs; or merely
prepared themselves, like the "fellows" in Eng
lish universities, to fulfil the duties of high and
important offices ; while some amongst them appear
to have been intended for the post of adminis
trators. It was, in effect, to these latter that the
administration of the whole university was con
fided. When they appeared in public, they were
distinguished from the other academic members by
their imposing dress, which consisted of a long red
robe, closely fitted to the body, together with a
kind of scarf of the same colour, and about three
inches in breadth. It was thrown over the left
shoulder, and reached almost down to the ankles,
hanging on the back in large folds.*
Besides this head college, Ximenez founded
i several other institutions, adapted to all kinds of
I wants. For poor young students in the classics,
he endowed two boarding-schools,! where forty-
two scholars were supported for three years free
of all expense : they were dedicated in honour of
St. Eugenius and St. Isidore. The students at
tended the lectures given by the six professors of
languages, who were attached to the university ; at
their houses, however, special exercises were given,
and disputations held for fourteen days. Strict
examinations were required before any one could
be admitted to a higher class, or to a particular
course of lectures on any science. All these
regulations were followed by such great results,
* " Hsec autem est veluti insigne Collegii Primarii ; ceteris
enim non licet sic vestiri." (Gomez, lib. iv.)
t Convicta, or, as the Germans call them, " Contubernien."

122 THE LIFE OF
that, according to the judgment of Erasmus,
"Alcala was especially distinguished by its able
philologists.* Two other colleges — that of St. Balbina (from
whom Ximenez took his title of cardinal) and that
of St. Catherine — were intended for students in
philosophy. In the first logic was studied for two
years, and in the other physics and metaphysics
for the same term. Each of these institutions
numbered forty-eight scholars, the elder of whom
were obliged to take care of the younger. All
attended the lectures given by the eight professors
of philosophy in the university; while, for the period
of fourteen days, public disputations were held in
presence of the rector and chancellor of the uni
versity; after which diplomas were given to the
successful candidates for the degrees of bachelor,
licentiate, and master of arts.f Another building,
dedicated to the Mother of God, was provided for
students who fell ill. But as the architect made
it smaller than Ximenez wished, the archbishop
erected a much larger one for the same object, in
the year 1514 ; and appropriated the other build
ing for eighteen poor theological students and
six students in medicine : the course of whose
studies was to continue for four years. A sixth
college, named the " Little School," was founded in
honour of the apostles St. Peter and St. Paul, where
twelve Franciscan scholars, under the authority of
a warden, and separated from the convent of
St. Francis, in the city, devoted themselves entirely
to their studies. According to the testimony of
Wadding, from this house came forth a great
* " Academia Complutensis non aliunde celebritatem nominis
auspicata est, quam a complectendo linguas ac bonas literas."
(Epist. 755.)
t Gomez, " De Rebus Gestis," &c. lib. iv.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 123
number of generals of different orders, provincials,
bishops, and learned men.*
The College of Three Languages, for thirty scholars,
dedicated in honour of St. Jerome, was also founded
by Ximenez ; in this ten were taught Latin, ten
Greek, and the same number learned the Hebrew
language,! and all thoroughly.
Thus by degrees there arose such a number of
buildings connected with the university in Alcald,
that many bon-mots were made at the expense
of their founder. $ But, besides these foundations
of the archbishop, many other institutions arose,
which owed their origin to the renown of the
university; for all the monastic orders in Spain,
with the exception of the Benedictines and
Jeronymites, established houses of their own
in Alcala, in order to give the young religious
an opportunity of studying in such an illustrious
place. §
The superintendence over all these colleges, from
which that of San Ildefonso made up the number
of its staff, was confided to the rector of the uni
versity, who was also assisted by three counsellors ;
and to these was given the power of admitting the
stipendiary professors. Ximenez reserved only a
few free places for his relations, and other persons,
besides some particular corporations. He placed
the whole of the university under the perpetual
patronage of the king of Castile, of the Cardinal de

* " Annales Minorum," torn. xv. p. 143.
t " Tambien el Colegio Trilingue, con titulo de San Geronymo,
con treynta colegiales  en quien se ha fundado la
puridad de las lenguas, y elegancia de la ret6rica." (Robles,
p. 132.)
X The play upon the word "edification" has already been
related. — Trans.
% Robles, p. 133.

124 THE LIFE OF
Santa Balbina, the archbishop of Toledo, the duke
del Infantado, and the count of Coruna.
Ximenez wished that the rector of the university
should be at the same time rector of the college of
San Ildefonso. Herein he deviated from the custom
followed at Salamanca and other universities, even
out of Spain, of appointing as " Rector Magnificus "
(honorary rector) a student who might belong to a
royal family, or at least to some noble house.*
Ximenez appointed three counsellors for the rector,
to assist him ; and these were chosen from the pro
fessors of San Ildefonso. Their business was to
consult together on all affairs of minor importance
connected with the university, without being obliged
to trouble the other professors. Hence they formed
a kind of august senate, being chosen, like the rector,
from the professors of San Ildefonso : they were
changed, however, every year. Matters of importance
were submitted to the " fellows " of San Ildefonso,
and sometimes were discussed by all the professors
of the university. By means of papal indults and
royal privileges, the rector was invested with the
right of correcting the faults of all persons belong
ing to the university. He also possessed great in
fluence, and his dignity was highly respected ; for,
in union with his three counsellors, he had the
power o'f nominating persons to nearly all offices,
and even to the professorial chairs.
The first rector was chosen on the feast of
St. Luke, 1508 ; his name was Pedro Campo, one
of those academicians who were summoned from
Salamanca, and who were the first that were received
in the college of San Ildefonso.
Besides the rector, the university of Alcala,
* Voight, in his treatise " TJeber Fiirstenleben und Fiirsten-
sitte im 16 Jahrhundert," mentions several princes who, whilst
students, were rectors of the university of Wittenberg.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 125
following the example of the university of Paris,
had also a chancellor, who conferred academic
degrees, and took part in examinations, disputations,
and scientific exercises. Ximenez chose the learned
Pedro Lerma for the first chancellor, having invited
him from Paris, and appointed him abbot of San
Justus, and pastor in AlcaM. He made a rule, that
for the future the dignity of chancellor should
always be united with the office above named.
Ximenez invited professors, partly from Sala
manca, and partly from Paris ; and so numerous
were the excellent and learned men whom he col
lected around him, through his immense liberality,
that on the opening of the university, which took
place October 18th, 1508, (only eight years after
the foundation-stone had been laid,) all the chairs
of the professors were found to be occupied. Their
number amounted to forty-two : of these six
taught theology ; six, canon law ; four, medicine ;
one, anatomy ; one, surgery ; eight, philosophy ;
one, moral philosophy ; one, mathematics ; four,
the Hebrew and Greek languages ; four, rhetoric ;
and six, grammar.* The following are the names
of the first professors of theology : — Gonsalvo iEgidio
de Burgos, the Franciscan Pedro Clemente, and
Pedro Sirvel de Daroca; for philosophy were
Miguel Pardo de Burgos and Antonio Morales de
Cordova; medicine was taught by Torracona and
Cartagena ; and philology by Demetrio Ducas of
Crete, and Nunez de Guzman,f or Pinciano. Hebrew
was taught by Paulo Coronel, a converted Jew;
canon law by Loranca and Salceo, and rhetoric by
Fernando Alfonso Ferrara. There was no chair
* Robles, p. 133.
t This was a very celebrated scholar, belonging to the ancient
house of that name. He was the author of the Latin version in
the polyglot of Ximenez. — Trans.

126 THE LIFE OF
appointed for civil law, as this branch was studied
with success at Salamanca and Valladolid. Ximenez
himself had no taste for this science, although he
had profoundly studied jurisprudence.
In order to excite the zeal of the professors, he
made a law that their period of holding office should
not continue longer than four years, at the end of
which a fresh concursus was to be held. For the
like object Ximenez made a law, that if a professor
had no audience, he was not to receive the emolu
ment attached to his chair, and that his salary was
to be confined only to his benefice, or to some office
he might have in the college. This regulation is
similar to one which now prevails in the colleges of
many universities.
The archbishop adopted other no less efficacious
means of exciting the zeal of masters and of scholars.
Thus he often attended the lectures, and presided
in person at the academic exercises and disputa
tions.* He obtained for the university the right of
conferring degrees in philosophy, medicine, and
theology ; following herein the rules of the Paris
university as his pattern. But the theological
honours were far more solemn, and much more
difficult to attain. No one could venture any claim
to them before he had devoted ten years to the study
of theology. Hence it happened, that well-deserving
persons, and even priests, who had been in office and
dignities for years, were yet obliged to undergo a
rigorous examination in theology. Gomez relates,
that Fernando Balbas, a professor in San Ildefonso,
was obliged to wait till the expiration of his rector
ship before he could receive his degree of licentiate
in theology.
The annual revenues with which Ximenez en-
* Gomez, lib. iv.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 127
dowed the university amounted at first to 14,000
ducats ; but in the time of Robles (anno 1600) they
had risen to 30,000.* This writer also remarks,
with particular emphasis, that of all the foundations
made by Ximenez, not one had failed.
Quickly there hastened to Alcaki an immense
number of students f from all parts of the Peninsula.
The university itself counted in a short time as
numerous a body as any of its elder sisters in Spain.
But amongst so many, it was to be expected that
sometimes there would, occur outbreaks of juvenile
rashness ; as, for example, in the following case : —
One day the students rescued an unfortunate
man, who was going to be hanged, J and insulted
the police. § Ximenez pardoned them, and obtained
their pardon from the king also ; but reprimanded
the offenGe so firmly, that the like never happened
again in his lifetime. About six years after,
Ximenez had to bear another severe trial, on
seeing many of his most able professors leaving
Alcala for the rival university of Salamanca, and
even taking with them many of the students.
They were seduced by promises of all kinds from
the authorities at Salamanca. || Amongst the
* Robles, p. 129. I do not exactly know the amount in English
money ; no doubt it was equal to several thousand pounds. —
Trans. t Prescott mentions, that 7,000 students came out to meet
Francis I. when he visited Alcala, only twenty years after the
university had been opened.
X This case is mentioned by Gomez, who states that the stu
dents attacked the mayor and the executioner. Nothing is said
about the police, if there were any such body in those days. —
Trans. § " Und die Polizei dabei insultiren." (Hefele.)
|| Gomez gives more particulars : — " Nam viri illi prsestantes,
quibus munus docendi datum diximus, partim Ximenii favore
abutentes, partim Salmanticensis Academic pollicitis invitati
(verebantur enim Salmanticenses, ne sua schola non ita fioreret,

128 THE LIFE OF
professors whom Ximenez lost at this time, was
JElio Antonio de Lebrija (Nebrissa), a town in
the neighbourhood of Seville. He was born*
of a noble family, in the year 1442. He studied
five years at Salamanca and ten in Italy, with
extraordinary success, having acquired vast stores
of knowledge, especially in languages. About
the year 1470 he returned to his native country,
and was appointed tutor to the nephew of the arch
bishop of Seville. Soon after, he was named to a
chair in the university of Salamanca, t where his lec
tures, and especially his works on philology, gained
him an extraordinary reputation. In order, how
ever, to be able to devote all his time to the compo
sition of a Latin lexicon, he resigned his public
professorship about the year 1488, and lived in
retirement with the grand master of the order of
Alcantara, who was afterwards known as Cardinal
Zuniga. At the cardinal's death, Lebrija accepted
the office of preceptor to Prince Juan, the heir to
the throne ; and was also appointed the " historio
grapher " under Ferdinand and Isabella. After the
queen's death, he returned, in 1505, to his professor
ship at Salamanca, where he remained till 1508,
when Ximenez induced him to become professor in
si Complutensis tarn insignes haberet professores), salaria sibi
majora dari poscebant. Id cum Ximenius, ad eos provehendos
alioqui munificus, indignum esse et impudens duceret, semper
enim vir in promittendo parous, bene de ipso sperarent edixerat —
coepit animo nonnihil commoveri." (Lib. iv.) Dr. Hefele omits
mentioning that the professors wished their salaries to be raised.
— Trans.
* Prescott states that he was born in 1444. But Senor Munoz
proves the date to be incorrect. (See his life of Lebrija, torn. iii.
" De las Memorias de la Real Aeademia de la Historia," p. 2.
Madrid, 1799.)
t Prescott states that he was appointed to the two chairs of
grammar and poetry, a thing unprecedented in the university.
(See his notice of Lebrija, vol. i. p. 451.)

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 129
his new university at AlcaM, and to assist him in
the great work of his Polyglot Bible. It is uncer
tain in what year Lebrija left Ximenez, to return
to Salamanca. But in 1513 the archbishop had the
consolation of beholding this learned professor re
turning to him once more, never again to leave him.*
Ximenez rewarded him with princely generosity,
and testified the highest esteem for him. Often did
he pass before his residence, and converse with him
through the window, sometimes on difficult points
which he could not understand, and at other times
on the affairs of the university. Lebrija on his part
deserved so well the gratitude of Alcald, that for
several years after his death (which took place in
1522) his anniversary was commemorated by the
university with a solemn service, as a mark of
respect for his memory. According to the opinion
of Gomez, f Spain owes to Lebrija almost all the
glory of her classical knowledge. His two " De
cades" on the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella,
composed at Alcala in 1509, contain most valuable
stores for the history of that period. $
In the beginning of the year 1514^ the new
university was highly honoured by a visit from King
Ferdinand, who personally inspected all the insti
tutions, attended some of the lectures, and admired
* The real motive which induced Lebrija to leave Salamanca
seems to have been this. The first chair in Humanity being vacant,
Lebrija was most anxious to occupy it. But the students of Sala
manca had then the right of election : they entered into a plot,
and rejected the learned professor. This so displeased him, that
he abandoned the university for ever. (Muiioz, " Memorias de la
Acad, de la Hist." p. 22.)
t " Cui Hispania debet quicquid habet bonarum literarum."
(See also Antonio, " Bibliotheca Nova," torn. i. pp. 132 — 139.)
X Thus his new biographer, Juan Bautista Munoz, speaks of
him as, " El restaurador del gusto y solidez en toda buena litera-
tura," and " Maestro por excelencia de la nacion Espaiiola."
(" Memorias," &c. torn, iii.) K

130 THE LIFE OF
the grandeur and beauty of the buildings.* Having
noticed that one of the walls was made merely of clay,
the king remarked, " that such a wall but ill corre
sponded with a building which was destined to last for
ever." " It is true," replied Ximenez ; " but a man,
who is mortal, should make haste to see the termina
tion of his labours. I am consoled by the reflection,
that what is now made of clay will one day be made
of marble." And his words came true ; for forty-
three years after, by order of the rector Turbalano,
the whole wall alongside of the Franciscan convent
was built of marble. While the king was conversing
with the archbishop, Fernando Balbas, the rector
of the university, came from the college of San
Ildefonso, attended by his beadles, who carried their
maces with great gravity. The rector invited his
majesty into the college. But when the attendants
of the king perceived the pomp and state of the
beadles, they called out to them to lay aside those
insignia, as unbecoming the presence of kingly
power. Ferdinand, however, blamed the zeal of his
attendants, and commanded that respect should be
shown to the customs of the university, adding
these words : " Here is the residence of the Muses,
where the learned are kings." f The rector then
threw himself at the feet of Ferdinand, who received
him kindly, and heard with interest the details which
he gave him respecting the state and progress of
the university. In the mean time night came on,
* Flechier (liv. iii. pp. 302, 303) and Prescott also assign the
date 1513 for this event. But Balbas was not elected rector till
October 18th, 1513 : and Ferdinand did not arrive at Alcala till
January in the following year.
t Gomez gives the answer somewhat differently : " Musarum,
inquiens, illas »des esse, in quibus fas poscebat, ut Musarum
sacris initiati regnarent " — This is the seat of the Muses, and
those have a right to reign there who are initiated in the myste
ries of the Muses. — Trans.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 131
and the young pages of the king were waiting to
accompany his majesty back with torches. But,
on a sudden a quarrel arose between them and the
students, which ended in violence.* When the
king arrived and heard of the tumult, he was very
angry, and bitterly upbraided Ximenez in these
words : — " If the first excesses which the students
committed had been punished as they deserved,
the present insolent proceedings would not have
occurred." f The bishop replied by making an
allusion to the provocation which had been received
from the pages : " O king, even an ant has its
gall, and every one will be revenged when he is
oppressed." These words calmed the anger of the
king. Some years after the death of Ximenez, the
university received a visit from another no less
illustrious personage, — Francis I., king of France.
After he had visited all the various institutions, he
uttered these remarkable words : " Your Ximenez
has undertaken and accomplished a work which I
myself could not attempt. The university of Paris,
the pride of my kingdom, is the work of many
sovereigns. But Ximenez alone has founded one
like it."
After Ximenez had made every regulation con
nected with the course of studies in the university,
his solicitude also provided for aged and infirm
professors. On this subject he consulted with the
plenipotentiary of Charles V., afterwards known as
* " His vero fustibus et saxis se ulciscentibus," &c. (Gomez),
show how the quarrel was carried on.
t " Hsec sunt (inquit) praemia mese semper lenitatis. Nam bi
isti tui scholastici, cum primum in regios ministros irreverenter
se gesserunt, fuissent ut merebantur mulctati, non pervemssent
ad tantam impudentiam, ut, me praesente, in meam familiam tam
procaciter irruerent." (Gomez, lib. iv.)
K 2

132 THE LIFE OF
Pope Adrian VI., and who was associated with the
archbishop in the regency of Castile. Adrian was
then not only professor in the university of Louvain,
but he was also honoured with the dignity of
" Dean" of the church of St. Peter in that city.
Now, there a custom prevailed of providing for
aged professors, the same as was done for the
canons. Ximenez approved of this custom, and
therefore he solicited Pope Leo X. to incorpo
rate with the university of Alcala the collegiate
church of SS. Justos and Pastor.* His petition
was granted; and hence he was empowered to
bestow canonries on professors of theology ; while
lesser benefices were given to the professors of
philosophy. The academy of Siguenza, after the death of its
founder, expressed a desire to be united with the
university of Alcala; but Ximenez would not
consent to the proposal, out of respect to the
memory of his friend who had founded the college
at Siguenza. Neither would he give his consent
that his university should be incorporated with that
of Salamanca.
But it was reserved for the 19th century (1807t)
to behold this magnificent home of the arts and
sciences, together with the academy of Siguenza,
and many other colleges in Spain, completely dis
solved and suppressed. %
* These were two martyrs, whose bodies reposed in the church
of Alcala. (See Robles, who gives many interesting details con
nected with the university, cap. xvi.) — Trans.
t Dr. Hefele refers to the invasion of Spain by the French,
when religion and literature were alike outraged.
X The Univers of the 6th of June, 1857, speaking of the
translation of the remains of Cardinal Ximenez, refers to a much
later date the suppression of the university of Alcala : — " Tout
demeure dans le meme etat jusqu'en 1850, ou l'TTniversite d' Alcala
se trouva supprimee par la creation de l'Universite Centrale, et

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 133
ses bailments vendus au Comte de Quinto. Les habitants de
cette viUe, voyant que P^difice allait etre detruit, sans respect
pour les souvenirs qui s'y rattacbent, et pour le merite artistique
de sa construction, resolurent de sauver au moins le riche tombeau
du Cardinal Cisneros," &c. A more detailed account of the
translation of the cardinal's remains is given in the Preface. —
Trans.

134 THE LIFE OF

CHAPTEE XL
THE COHPLTJTENSIATT POLYGLOT.
The greatest literary work published at Alcala is
the cardinal's celebrated Polyglot; the name
" Complutensian" being added from Complutum,
the place of its publication. It was the ancient
name of Alcala.
The impetus that was given to philology at the
commencement of the 15th century, exercised a very
beneficial influence on the progress of biblical
studies, and especially with reference to biblical
criticism and hermeneutics.* Even in the middle
ages there were biblical critics ; such as abbot
Stephen, of Citeaux, who received the vows of St.
Bernard, and the learned Dominican, Hugo de Santo
Caro (1236). f There was also the famous Sorbonne
of Paris, that attempted to correct the text of the
Vulgate, not merely from ancient Latin manuscripts,
but also from a comparison with ancient Greek and
Hebrew ones. J But the incapacity of copyists, and
the ignorance of many- who undertook the correction
of Scripture, were so many obstacles which prevented
* It treats of the principles of biblical interpretation. (See
Dr. Dixon's " Introduction," &c. vol. i, p. 270. Duffy, 1852.)—
Trans. t The writer's account, in this introduction to the polyglot of
Ximenez, is very meagre. He passes over the labours of St. Jerome,
Origen, Eusebius, Lucian, Cassiodorus, and Alcuin. Reference
should also have been made to St. Augustine's treatise " De Doc-
trina Christiana," where he insists on the necessity of procuring a
correct text as far as possible. — Trans.
X See Welte's "Kirch. Ansehen der Vulgata," Quartalschr.
1845.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 135
the full growth and development of critical investi
gation.* Hence, at the commencement of the
fifteenth century, Cardinal Pierre d'Ailly com
plained bitterly, but very justly, of the deplorable
state of the original text of Scripture.!
But just at the period when in the West the new
impulse given to philological studies had revived the
long-delayed hopes and wishes of at last beholding
an emendated text of Scripture, then it was that
Germany gave to the world a new instrument of
power, applicable to all branches of literary know
ledge ana science. This was the art of printing,
whereby books, beautifully got up, could be multi
plied a thousandfold, and sold at a comparatively
low price.|
It was but natural that the newly-invented art
should immediately have given its services to the
Holy Scriptures ; and in reality we find, that from
the year 1462 to the year 1500, no fewer than eighty
complete editions of the Vulgate appeared, of which
the Boman edition of 1471 had been corrected
from ancient manuscripts by the learned bishop
Joannes Andreas of Aleria.§
Soon did the zeal of the pious and learned extend
to the original text of the sacred books. The Jews
were the first who endeavoured to multiply copies
* The reader will not fail to peruse Cardinal Wiseman's tenth
lecture, on oriental studies, in his " Lectures on Science and
Revealed Religion," where an immense mass of information will
be found on the history of biblical criticism. — Trans.
t It is now, however, acknowledged that the Hebrew and
Greek manuscripts of the Scripture have not been wilfully cor
rupted, and that no material or substantial interpolation has found
its way into them. The accuracy of our ordinary text is won
derful. — Trans.
X See Charles Knight's interesting volume, " The Old Printer
and the Modern Press." (London, Murray, 1854.)
§ A town in Corsica. There is a short account of this bishop
in "Watt's " Bibliotheca Britannica." Edinburgh, 1824. — Trans.

136 THE LIFE OF
of the Hebrew Bible. After several attempts had
been made upon the Psalms and other single books
of Scripture, a Jew published the first complete
Hebrew Bible, in the year 1488,* at Soncino, a
town in Lombardy, between Cremona and Brescia.
Several other editions followed, especially that of
Brescia, in the year 1494,t all being edited by
Jews. Up to this period there is no question but
that Christians were behind others in biblical
emendations. But there now appeared a man
who was destined to restore to the Christians their
ancient renown in scriptural knowledge ; and this
personage was Cardinal Ximenez. No one lamented
more bitterly than he had done the miserably low
position which biblical studies held in the theo
logical course of studies pursued at that time. We
have already noticed how he himself, in riper years,
and when he was head chaplain of Siguenza,
learned the Hebrew and Chaldaic languages through
his love of the Bible. Often was he heard to say
that he would willingly give up all his knowledge
of civil law (which was then considered essential
to a theological education), to be able to explain
only a single verse of the Bible. $ Gomez assures
us that Ximenez had two especial reasons for
lamenting the neglect of biblical science in the
clergy of his time, and also their ignorance of
Hebrew and Greek. The first was, because such
neglect closed up the principal source of sacred
learning, viz., the Bible and the works of the
* Abraham Ben Chajim seems to have been the name of the
editor. The third and last of the Soncinates editions was printed
in 1517, folio. (See Le Long, " Bibliotheca Sacra." Paris, 1723.)
— Trans.
t Herbst, " Historiscb-Kritisehe Einleitung in's A. Test.,"
berausgegeben von Dr. "Welte, 1840, thl. i. ss. 128—132.
X Gomez, lib. i. p. 933 (in " Hispanise illustrate Scriptores,"
Francof. 1603, fol.)

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 137
fathers ; and secondly, they at the same time made
themselves incapable of offering any opposition
(which was so necessary to be done) to those
impious heretics who either abused the Holy
Scripture or perverted it.
Scarcely had the archbishop been elevated to the
primatial see of Spain, when he began to show his
early love for learning, not by the foundation of
the university of Alcala only, but he also at the
same time resolved to give a new impulse to biblical
studies, by the publication of a work equal to the
"Hexapla" of Origen, now unfortunately lost.*
His ideas on this subject are thus expressed in the
prolegomena to the Polyglot : — " No translation
can fully and exactly represent the sense of the
original, at least in that language in which our
Saviour himself spoke. The manuscripts of the
Latin Vulgate differ so much one from another
that one cannot help suspecting some alterations
must have been made, principally through the
ignorance and negligence of the copyists. It is ne
cessary, therefore (as St. Jerome and St. Augustine
desired), that we should go back to the origin of
the sacred writings, and correct the books of the
Old Testament by the Hebrew text, and those of
the New Testament by the Greek text. Every
theologian should also be able to drink of that
water 'which springeth up to eternal life,' at the
fountain-head itself. This is the reason, therefore,
why we have ordered the Bible to be printed in the
original language with different translations 
To accomplish this task, we have been obliged to
have recourse to the knowledge of the most able
* Gomez, p. 966. One of the most learned amongst the
members of the Spanish academy, Senor J. B. Munoz, pays a just
tribute to Ximenez for the services he rendered to learning. (See
his article in " Memorias de la Historia," &c, torn. iii. p. 18.)

138 THE LIFE OF
philologists, and to make researches in every direc
tion for the best and most ancient Hebrew and
Greek manuscripts. Our object is, to revive the
hitherto dormant study of the Sacred Scriptures."*
During the summer of 1502 Ximenez was obliged
to spend five months in Toledo, on account of
Joanna and Philip being acknowledged as heirs
to the crown of Spain. But while the court of
grandees were rejoicing amidst the splendid fStes
which followed the act of homage, the archbishop
was preparing a more magnificent feast for sacred
theology. It was then that he conceived the plan
of his great Polyglot, that he chose learned men
to help him, that he procured the manuscripts,
and fixed upon his new university to be the place
where this gigantic work was to be prepared and
completed, t
The men to whom this undertaking was in
trusted were the celebrated Antonio de Lebrija, of
whom mention has been made ; Demetrius Ducas, of
Crete, who had been invited by Ximenez to Alcala,
to teach the Greek language ; Lopez de Zuniga
(Stunica or Astuniga), so well known by his discus
sions with Erasmus ; Nunez de Guzman (Pintianus),
of noble extraction, professor at Alcala, and author
of several commentaries on the classics. With
these Ximenez associated three learned Jews, con
verts to Christianity ; viz., Alfonso, physician at
Alcala ; Paul Coronell, of Segovia (he died, in 1534,
professor of theology at Salamanca) ; and Alfonso
de Zamora, who was specially appointed to compose
a grammar and Hebrew dictionary for the Poly-
* " TJt incipiant Divinarum Litterarum studia hactenus inter-
mortua reviviscere," &c. — (Prolegomena, inserted in vol. i. of
the Old Testament.) If this introduction was not written by
Ximenez himself, it certainly expresses his ideas and sentiments.
t Gomez, p. 965.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 139
glot. Demetrius of Crete, Zuniga, and Nunez de
Guzman, occupied themselves especially with a Latin
version of the Septuagint. They afterward made
use of the assistance of their scholars, one of whom,
Peter Vergara (who died canon of Alcala, in 1557),
translated the sapiential books of Proverbs, Eccle-
siastes, the Canticle of Canticles, Ecclesiasticus,
and the Book of Wisdom. It would be quite a
mistake to suppose that Ximenez was able to collect
all these men together in a day to help him in his
work. Alfonso de Zamora, for instance, did not
receive baptism till the year 1506, and consequently
he did not belong to the learned band till after the
others had been connected with it several years.
The whole of the plan for his magnificent under
taking was formed by Ximenez himself, and these
learned men worked under his direction, being con
fident that they would be most liberally rewarded.
He himself, with noble generosity and immense
zeal, supplied all their wants, and furnished them
with every help necessary for the work. Often did
he quicken their zeal by such words as these : —
" Make haste, my friends ; for as all things in this
world are of a transient nature, you might lose me
as your patron, or I might have to lament your
loss."* He made researches on all sides for
manuscripts of the Old and New Testaments ; and
sometimes was obliged to purchase them at an
enormous expense, while others generously hastened
to lend them for his use ; amongst whom was Pope
Leo X. This pontiff honoured and revered Ximenez,
and still more, he loved the fine arts. He therefore
generously supported him in the publication of the
celebrated Polyglot. In return, Ximenez dedicated
the work to his holiness, and in the introduction
* Gomez, p. 966.

140 THE LIFE OF
gave him public thanks in these words : — " Atque
ex ipsis (exemplaribus) quidem Grseca Sanctitati
Tuse debemus ; qui ex ist& Apostolic^ Bibliothec&
antiquissimos tam Veteris quam Novi Testamenti
codices perquam humane ad nos misisti."*
I am aware that a doubt respecting the chronology
of this event has been raised. Leo X. was only
elected pope in March, 1513, while the first part of
the Polyglot — the New Testament — was only com
pleted on the 10th of January, 1514. During so
short an interval, then, it is asked, how could the
Vatican manuscripts have been not merely collated
together, but also have been copied ? We are
inclined to believe, with most biblical critics, that
before Leo X. was made pope, when he was only
cardinal, he had sent the archbishop the manu
scripts f from Borne, and that the public thanks for
them were offered by Ximenez (such as we have
seen in the preface) after Leo had been elected
pope.f * " It is to your holiness that we are indebted for the Greek
manuscripts. You have sent us, with the greatest kindness, the
copies both of the Old and New Testament, the most ancient that
the apostolic library possessed." These manuscripts having been
unfortunately lost or destroyed, critics cannot pronounce any
judgment on their precise date. It seems the editors must have
had other manuscripts, besides those which had been sent from
Rome. (See Michaelis, " Introduction to the New Testament,"
vol. ii. p. 433, ed. Cambridge, 1793. Also, Hug's " Introduction
to the "Writings of the New Testament," vol. i. p. 304. London,
1827.) t This is the opinion of Marsh, in his " Remarks on Michaelis'
Introduction;" Professor Hug, Eeilmoser, and others, give the
same explanation. See the curious and rare volume of Zuniga
(Stunica), entitled, "Itinerarium dum Compluto Romam pro-
ficiseeretur." 4to.
X Respecting these manuscripts, Michaelis relates (" Introduc
tion to the New Testament," vol. ii. pp. 440—441), that Professor
Moldenbawer, who was in Spain in 1784, went to Alcala, for the
purpose of discovering the manuscripts which had been used for
the Complutensian Polyglot. It was supposed that very pro-

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 141
In the same prologue, Ximenez also mentions
what great pains and trouble he took in order to
collect from various parts a considerable number of
Hebrew, Greek, and Latin manuscripts. He like
wise informs us, in the second prologue, that for
the Greek text (probably used for both the Old and
New Testament) he made special use of the Boman
manuscripts,* besides consulting others, particularly
one sent by the republic of Venice, which was a
copy of a codex that once belonged to Cardinal
Bessarion. Mention is also made of some very
ancient Latin manuscripts, written in Gothic cha
racters, which seem to have been made use of for
the edition of the Vulgate. We learn, too, from
Zuniga, t one of the principal editors of the Poly
glot, that a Codex Rhodiensis (Griesbach speaks
of it under No. 52 of the manuscripts for the Acts
bably the Greek manuscripts were preserved in the library of the
university. But on making inquiries, the professor found that
about thirty years before his arrival, an ignorant librarian, who
wanted room for some new books had sold the ancient vellum
manuscripts to a person named Toryo, as " Membranas inutiles "!
This man, who made fireworks, used them as materials for bis
rockets ! Michaelis candidly admits that the editors of the Poly
glot did not alter the Greek text to confirm the authority of the
Vulgate, and that when they described their manuscripts as being
of the greatest antiquity, the editors were honest, though they
were mistaken; the art of criticism being then in its infancy, and
the antiquity of manuscripts but little understood. (Vol. ii.
p. 434.)
* It is uncertain whether the " Codex Vaticanus " was in the
number of the manuscripts which were sent from Rome. The
Complutensian Polyglot differs from it very frequently, according
to Blanchini : — " Ealluntur qui putant ad solum exemplar ex
Bibliotbeca Vaticana suppeditatum a Leone X., suam editionem
exprimendum curasse Ximenius, cum ab ipsa ssepissime, fact& a
nobis collatione, deflectat." (" EvangeHarum Quadruplex," pars i.
p. 495.) — Trans.
t Lopez de Zuniga is the same person who has been men
tioned before, whose " Itinerarium " is referred to in a previous
note.

142 THE LIFE OF
of the Apostles and catholic Epistles)* was made
use of for the Greek text of the New Testament.
In a word, Gomez testifies that seven Hebrew
manuscripts alone cost no less a sum than 4,000
ducats ; and that the total expense of the whole
work amounted to 50,000 ducats, t— a sum which,
if estimated at the value of money then, could
have been expended only by a man who united the
wants of a monk to the revenues of a king. The
purchase of manuscripts ; the remuneration of those
engaged in procuring them ; the emoluments of the
editors, the copyists, and assistants; the expense
also of the new letters, which were all to be cast
in Alcala; the bringing over able printers from
Germany; the printing itself; — all these required
an enormous outlay. The sale price bore no kind
of proportion to the expense of* publication; for
Ximenez had no more than 600 copies taken off,
while each copy, though consisting of six folios, cost
no more than six ducats and a half.f But even the
produce of the sale was devoted by Ximenez, in his
will, to charitable purposes, as may be seen from
the papal bull of confirmation, in the first volume
of the Old Testament.
The small number of the copies that were printed
accounts for the scarcity of the work and the dear-
ness of the price ;§ for at the present day a perfect
* See his " Krit. Aus. des N. Test.," 2 band, p. 8.
t This sum would amount in English money to near £25,000
sterling. X This price we know from the declaration of Prancisco Ruyz,
bishop of Avila, who was an intimate friend of Ximenez; and
who, after the death of the cardinal, tried to extend the sale of
the Polyglot. His declaration may be found at the end of the
preface to the Old Testament.
§ In all Germany there are not more than fifteen copies.
(See Hanlein's " Introduction to the New Testament," part 2,
p. 260.)

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 143
copy cannot be purchased under 500 florins.* The
second volume, viz., the Hebrew-Chaldaic Lexicon,
is often wanting in many copies. Gomez, the bio
grapher of Ximenez, informs us that in his time it
was difficult to find it, even in Spain.
The learned editors commenced their labours in
the same year that Ximenez conceived the design
of the Polyglot (1502). f But it was not till twelve
years after (January 10, 1514), that the first volume
was finished, containing the New Testament. This
date is evident from the final remarks appended to
the Apocalypse. J
This volume, the first in the order of time, and
forming the sixth of the work, contains the whole
of the New Testament, and other matter, in the
following order : — It commences by a kind of preface
in Greek and Latin, explaining why the Greek text
of the New Testament has no accents. As the
ancient Greeks did not make use of any accents, so
also, it seems that the writers of the New Testament
did not use them in their autographs: thus the
edit6rs of the Polyglot wished to adhere to the
ancient custom. § Their absence, however, can cause
* The price varies according to the state of the copy. A short
time ago a copy was sold in London for £75. Eive hundred
florins would amount to about £40, for which I believe a copy
could be procured from Mr. C. J. Stewart, of King-"William
Street. — Trans.
t Not in 1505, as Schrockh and others suppose ; nor in 1500,
as Rosenmiiller states in his " Handbucb fur die Literatur der
Bibl. Kritik und Exegese" (band iii. s. 281).
X Prom comparing each volume, and from the prologue to the
whole work added to each volume of the Old Testament, it is very
evident that the New Testament was printed first. Many, bow-
ever, have fallen into an error on this point.
§ "We should be mistaken were we therefore to conclude
that the Greek copies which the editors had were without accents.
Michaelis appears to believe that their manuscripts really had

144 THE LIFE OF
no difficulty to any one who has a slight knowledge
of Greek. Still, the tonic syllable of every poly
syllable is marked with a stroke, resembling our
acute accent. As to the Septuagint; — the Greek ver
sion of the Old Testament, — there is no difficulty
with the modern accentuation, since the question
is not about the original text, but merely of a
translation. In a word, we are assured that only
the most ancient and correct copies were made use
of, — "Antiquissima emendatissimaque exemplaria,"
which Pope Leo X. had specially sent to serve as
the basis of the Greek text.*
This short preface to the reader is followed by the
letter of Eusebius Pamphilus (who died in 340)
to Carpianus, respecting the harmony of the Gos
pels. The letter is in Greek, without a Latin trans
lation. This letter generally precedes the canons of
Eusebius, connected with the concordance of the
Gospels. But the Polyglot contains the letter only,
and simply mentions the order of the canons. They
are ten in number. In the first are included all
those passages which are found in the four Evan
gelists ; in the second are the passages which are
common to St. Matthew, St. Mark, and St. Luke ;
in the third, those which are found in St. Matthew,
St. Luke, and St. John ; in the fourth, those which
accents, and that therefore they were not so ancient as the editors
supposed. * These are the words of the preface to the New Testament :—
" Illud lectorem non lateat, non quawis exemplaria impressioni
buic archetypa fuisse, sed antiquissima emendatissimaque, ac
tantse prseterea vetustatis, ut fidem eis abrogare nefas videatur ;
quae Sanctissimus in Christo Pater et Dominus noster Leo X.
Pontifex inaximus huic instituto favere cupiens, ex Apostolica
Bibliotheca edueta, misit ad Reverendissimum Dominum Car-
dinalem Hispaniae," &c. In the letter addressed to Leo X. by
Ximenez, to thank his Holiness for sending the manuscripts, be
says, — " Qui nobis in hoc negotio maximo fuerunt adjumento "
— meaning the manuscripts. — Trans.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 145
are common to St. Matthew, St. Mark, and St.
John ; in the fifth, those which St. Matthew and
St. Luke have in common; in the sixth, those of
St. Matthew and St. Mark ; in the seventh, those
of St. Matthew and St. John ; in the eighth, those
of St. Mark and St. Luke ; in the ninth, those of
St. Luke and St. John ; and the tenth, finally, in
cludes all those passages which belong only to one
single Evangelist, and for which no parallel passage
is found in the others.*
Then there follows the letter of St. Jerome to
Pope Damasus, upon the four Gospels : there are
also two prefaces on St. Matthew, together with a
dissertation (argumentum) on his Gospel.
After these introductory parts, come the four
Gospels themselves, divided into two columns, the
largest of which contains the Greek text, and the
smallest the Vulgate, with reference to the margin
of the parallel places and quotations. The division
into verses is wanting both in the Old and New
Testament. This division, it is well known, was
invented a few years later (1551), by Bobert Ste
phens. The chapters, however, are distinguished
from each other according to the manner intro
duced by Cardinal Hugo in the thirteenth century.
At the end of the Gospel of St. Matthew is intro
duced the preface of St. Jerome or St. Mark,
though, by an error of the press, St. Matthew is
put instead of St. Mark. In like manner, after the
Gospel of St. Mark, a preface of St. Jerome precedes
the Gospel of St. Luke, which is followed by a preface
on the Gospel of St. John.
Two dissertations in Greek come after this first
part of the New Testament ; the shorter one is ano-
* These canons (Tabellen) of Eusebius, together with the
letter to Carpianus, are printed in Mill's edition of the New
Testament.-

146 THE LIFE OF
nymous, though probably composed by the editors
themselves : it treats of St. Paul's journeys. The
other is much longer : it was composed in the fifth
century by the deacon Euthalius, the inventor of
stichometry,* and treats of the chronology of St.
Paul's preaching, and also of his death.
Then there follows a preface of St. Jerome upon
all the epistles of St. Paul, and a particular pre
face of the same father upon the Epistle to the
Bomans ; after which comes the text of St. Paul's
epistles, by the side of the Vulgate. To each
epistle is prefixed a preface and a dissertation
(argumentum). The Epistle to the Hebrews closes the series of
all St. Paul's epistles ; then come the Acts of the
Apostles, with two prologues ; and the Acts are fol
lowed by the seven catholic epistles ; and last of all
is the Apocalypse. At the end of the Apocalypse of
St. John are added five pieces of poetry, upon the
work itself, and upon Ximenez ; two of which
were composed in Greek by Demetrius Ducas and
Nicetas Eaustu, who was probably a scholar of De
metrius. The three others, however, are in Latin,
and were composed by Juan Vergara, Nunez Guz
man Pintianus, and Maestro Bartolo de Castro.
These were doubtless five learned men, who were
principally occupied with the labour of preparing
the New Testament, f
To these poems succeeds a table, explanatory of
all the proper names in the New Testament, ranged
* This is a biblical term, from the Greek (rrixoH-ETPM' ^
consists in setting just so many words in one line as are to be
read uninterruptedly, so as clearly to give the sense of the author.
No punctuation was then used. (See Hug's " Introduction to
the New Testament," vol. i. p. 240, &c.)
t There is a very excellent account of the Complutensian
Polyglot in Le Long's "Bibliotheca Sacra" f (ed. March.),
pp. 332—339.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 147
according to the order of the books ; there is also a
complete, though small, Greek grammar, printed on
one single folio leaf; together with a short Greek lex
icon, with the meanings in Latin, intended for read
ing the New Testament, and the books of Wisdom
and Ecclesiasticus. The editors inform us, in their
" Introductio quam brevissima ad Grsecas Literas,"
that the lexicon was composed by the express
order of Ximenez. To them it appeared " Lexicon
copiosum, maxima cura. et studio elucubratum."
This volume, and all the other copies of the work,
though not wholly free from mistakes, are yet very
beautifully printed, especially if we consider them
as the production of an art which was then only in
its infancy. Each title-page bears the arms of the
cardinal in red and black letters. The characters
are large and clear : the Latin ones are made accord
ing to the Gothic form, and the Greek according to
the form of letters used in ancient manuscripts, from
the ninth and following centuries : those letters
were small.*
The Greek text and the Vulgate are indicated by
small Latin letters, which point out the corre
sponding words in both languages. If there come
a chasm in the Latin translation, or if the Latin
words are not sufficient to complete the line, the
open space is filled up with serpentine lines crossing
each other. The following example from St. Matthew
(xiii. 1) will illustrate this arrangement, and make
the mode of accentuation clear :—
b cd e f bdcef
Ev Se tt\ n/ikpa ikuvt), i^tKSiav o £>) erotic In illo die exiens Iesus ooooo
g hik lghikl
airo Tt)Q omiaQ, EiraSijro wapa rrjv SaSaooav de domo sedebat secus mare oo

* See Montfaucon, " Palseographia Graeca," pp. 271, 291, 293,
308, 324. Also Marsh's "Remarks on Michaelis' Introduction "
(Notes, vol. ii. p. ii. p. 838, &c).
L 2

148 THE LIFE OF
But while we acknowledge the care and zeal which
were bestowed on this great work, we must also so
much the more express our regret that the editors
did not see the necessity of giving some account of
the text, and of entering upon questions of criti
cism, which seem indispensable in such an under
taking. Hence, in the whole of the New Testa
ment, they considered it necessary to make only
four remarks of a critical nature,* with the excep
tion of a few exegetical observations, which are of
very little importance.
Moreover, an account of the " Variantes " is en
tirely wanting, and no manuscript authority is
given even for a single reading. There the text
stands as if it had dropped down from the clouds, and
not once are the codices named from which it has
been taken. The preface to the New Testament
merely mentions certain manuscripts which had
been sent by Leo X. from the Vatican library ; but
instead of describing them, the writer of the preface
contents himself with giving only a vague and pre
sumptuous assurance, that not merely have the best
copies been made use of, but also the most ancient
and correct — "antiquissima emendatissimaque," &c;
and these were of such great antiquity, that if they
could not be trusted, no confidence could be given
to any other codex. Whether the letters were
uncial or small ; of what date the manuscripts were ;
what was the number used, and to what family they
belonged, &c, — these and other questions remain
unanswered, t Hence it is, that the merits of the

* Dr. Hefele's note in reference to the nature of the remarks'
lias been omitted. — Trans.
t Though these omissions must be lamented, yet, at the same
time, allowance should be made for the first attempt of the kind,
which, considering the state of biblical studies at that period,
claims our highest praise. — Trans.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 149
Complutensian Polyglot, as we shall see later, have
been often controverted.
A few months after the first volume, the second
appeared, in May, 1514, to serve as an introduction
to the edition of the Old Testament. This is the
work of the converted Jew, Alfonso Zamora. It
contains a Hebrseo-Chaldaic lexicon on the Old
Testament sufficiently extensive : the various mean
ings of the words are given in Latin, pointing out
at the same time all the places in the Bible where
they occur. Another small dictionary resembles
the index which Gesenius has added in our times
to his Hebrseo-Chaldaic lexicon. It contains the
Latin phrases, and refers the reader to the corres
ponding Hebrew and Chaldaic words ; so that, as the
preface states, by the help of the lexicon and index,
the Latin can be translated into Hebrew or Chaldee,
and vice versa. This volume also contains an ex
planatory table of the Hebrew, Chaldee, and Greek
proper names both of the Old and New Testament,
in alphabetical order ; and likewise a Hebrew gram
mar, tolerably copious for the period. In the ex
terior arrangement of the Polyglot, this volume
occupies the fifth place. The four following
volumes are exclusively devoted to the Old Testa
ment.* The first commences with the prologue of
which we have already spoken ; in which Ximenez
dedicates his work to Pope Leo X., and gives a short
explanation of the plan he has followed in the
arrangement of the Polyglot. He speaks of the
manuscripts which served as the basis of the text,
and also of the happy results which he hopes will
follow from the publication of the work. Then there
comes, after a second preface to the reader, a direc-
* At the end of the last volume we are informed that the
printing was finished July 10th, 1517.

150 THE LIFE OF
tion taken from the grammar of the preceding
volume, upon the method of finding out the roots
of Hebrew words. There is also a prologue (of
which mention has been made above, and which
belongs to the New Testament) : this gives the
reasons why the accents were omitted, &c. There
is likewise reprinted a kind of introduction to the
Hebrew lexicon.
Then follow dissertations on the origin of the
Septuagint, on the versions of Aquila, Theodotion,
and Symmachus ; upon the Hexapla of Origen, and
the biblical labours of St. Jerome.
In the same manner, there is a short treatise on
the four different ways of interpreting the Holy
Scriptures ; viz, the historical, the allegorical, the
anagogical, and the tropological, or moral.* The
definition of these is the same that is usually
given : the character and difference of one from the
other are given in a few words and examples. Thus,
while the " historical " gives the literal sense, the
three other methods aim at the more profound
meaning concealed under the literal sense ; and
this they discover either in the " moral " precepts,
or in allusions to the redemption (" allegorical "),
or in some reference to the Church in its glorious
state ("anagogical"). Here, too, are quoted the
well-known verses, which were made use of in the
" middle age " to express the character of these
different modes of interpretation : —
" Litera gesta docet ; quid credas allegoria ;
Moralis quid agas ; quo tendas anagogia."
Then follows a letter of St. Jerome to Paulinus
on all the books of Holy Scripture ; and also the
preface of the same father on the Pentateuch. Be-
* See Dr. Dixou's " Introduction to the Sacred Scriptures,"
vol. i. p. 279 (ed. Duffy, 1852).

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 151
fore we come to the original text of the Bible, is
found immediately preceding it the brief of Leo X.,
dated March 22nd, 1520, addressed to the bishop of
Avila and the archdeacon of Cordova, Erancisco
Mendoza : the brief authorizes the publication of
the Polyglot. In addition to the pontifical letter,
the bishop of Avila makes some short observations
on the price of the work. These two last documents
were naturally printed some years after the com
pletion of the rest of the work, and the death of
Ximenez, which took place in 1517. A glance at a
copy of the Polyglot will be sufficient to show the
reader that the page in which these two documents
appear, was inserted afterwards in the volume.
After these introductions, this volume presents
us with the Pentateuch in Hebrew, Chaldee, and
Greek, together with three Latin translations.
Each page is divided horizontally into two sections.
The higher section is composed of three parts, which
include three columns ; the lower section has only
two columns. The three columns of the higher
section contain the Septuagint, the Vulgate, and
the Hebrew text. The Vulgate holds the middle
place ; that is, between the other two texts. The
second preface gives the reason of this collocation ;
viz. that as our Lord was crucified between two
thieves, so the Latin Church stands between the
Synagogue and the Greek Church. Some writers,
by taking this comparison to mean that the Vulgate
is as much superior to the Hebrew text and the
Septuagint, as our Saviour was above the two thieves,
have been induced to believe that Ximenez was not
the writer of this second preface, since in the first
preface he gave to the original text so decided a
preference. In reality, it is necessary to adopt this
supposition, or to attribute gross inconsistency to
Ximenez, if the words in question have really the

152 THE LIFE OF
meaning attributed to them. But this is not the
case. Ear from giving the Vulgate such an im
mense preference, the second preface, as well as the
first, calls the Hebrew text the truth, Veritas,
and this by the side of the other versions. It is,
however, nowhere said that the Latin version
has the same relation to the Greek and Hebrew
text as our Saviour had to the thieves ; but that the
Latin Church stands in the same relation with the
Greek Church and the Synagogue. The question
then is not about the texts, but the relation of the
churches. It was only the exterior arrangement
of the texts — an arrangement very reasonable in
itself, which gave occasion to the remarks on the
relation of the churches ; which remarks were quite
out of place. By adopting this explanation, we free
Ximenez from any imputation of inconsistency, or
from having recourse to a supposition which is far
from probable, because the last words of the first
preface necessarily belong to a second preface,*
which explains to the reader the order and arrange*
ment of the Polyglot. And such in effect is the
object of the second prologue, which, together with
the study of the Bible itself, will be our guide in
what remains to be said respecting this and the
following volumes.
Of the three columns of the upper section of each
folio page, the Septuagint, corrected in many places
from the Hebrew text, always occupies the inner
one, nearest to the back of a bound book, while the
Hebrew text always has the outside place in the
volume. Above the text of the Septuagint is placed a Latin
interlinear translation, giving the literal sense : this
* These are the last words of the first prologue : " Hunc ad
instruendum de operis artificio lectorem convertimur."

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 153
is the production of the editors. Each Latin word
is placed just over the corresponding word in the
Septuagint. Only two columns fill up the lower section ; the
larger space is occupied by the Chaldaic text, — that
is, the Targum of Onkelos ; and the smaller space
contains a Latin translation of the Targum. On the
exterior margin of the Hebrew and Chaldaic texts
are marked the roots and forms of difficult words
in both these languages. When, for example, the
word vjn occurs in the line, we see in the margin
the root of it — rwy. It is the same with the
Chaldaic. Small Latin letters point to every word
of the text which corresponds with the root placed
in the margin. The same small Latin letters unite
the Hebrew text, as we saw above with regard to
the New Testament, with the version of the Vulgate ;
but this is not the case with the Chaldaic and Greek
versions. Here also ovals (oooo) are made use of,
either to fill up chasms in the Latin version, or in
the empty spaces at the end of the lines. However,
in the Hebrew and Chaldaic v text, whatever empty
space might remain at the end of the lines, it was
not filled up by the enlargement of the final letter,
but by a number of jods ( ' ' , , )¦ The lines of the
Vulgate are only about half as long as those
of the Hebrew text ; but as a line in Hebrew,
on account of the characters being large, required
double the height of the Latin, so it is that each
line in the Hebrew corresponds with two lines of
the Latin text. The same relation exists between
the Chaldaic text and the Latin version belonging
to it. The Chaldaic characters, though identical
in form with the Hebrew ones, are evidently
smaller : the characters of the Latin translation
of the Chaldaic are also smaller than those of the
Vulgate ; hence it is that one line of the Chaldaic

154 THE LIFE OF
corresponds with two of the Latin version belonging
to it.
The Greek characters of the Septuagint are small,
and full of volutes and abbreviations, such as we
often meet with in the old Greek type. In no way
can they be compared, either in size or in form,
with the characters of the New Testament. The
same height is given to the Gothic letters of the
Latin interlinear version, which is placed over the
Septuagint ; hence one line of this version and the
Septuagint form two equal lines, which always cor
respond with a line of the Hebrew text. Thus the
column of the Septuagint necessarily has the same
length as that of the Hebrew text.
It may also be well to remark that, in the arrange
ment of the whole work, the order used in the West
is followed, and not the Oriental method ; thus the
first chapter of the book of Genesis comes, not in
the last page of the volume, as is the custom in
Hebrew and Chaldaic works, but in the first page.
The type, especially that of the Hebrew and
Chaldaic, which are in what are called " Spanish"
characters, is very beautiful, though, unfortu
nately, it is not free from errors. Both texts have
the vowel-points and the large accents. Should
the accent in the Hebrew words, instead of falling
on the last syllable, fall on the antepenultimate,
then this tonic syllable receives the grave accent*
But the Greek text of the Septuagint is fully
accented, the same as the Greek text of the New
Testament. A somewhat different arrangement is found in the
following volumes of the Old Testament. As the
Targum of Onkelos includes only the Pentateuch ;
and, moreover, as the Chaldaic paraphrases of the
other books seemed to Ximenez or his learned
assistants (as is mentioned in the second prologue),

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 155
either to have been corrupted, or full of fables, so
they were accordingly omitted in the whole remain
ing portions of the Old Testament.* Nevertheless,
Ximenez caused these Targums to be translated
into Latin ; he also ordered these translated to be
separated from the Polyglot, and preserved in the
university library at Alcala. It is from the second
prologue, so often named, that we have taken these
details. The absence of the Chaldaic text has allowed the
second volume of the Old Testament to be divided,not
into five but only into three columns. This volume
contains the books of Josua, Judges, Buth, the four
books of Kings, the two books of Paralipomenon,
and the Prayer of Manasses. The Vulgate occupies
its usual place between the Hebrew and the
Septuagint ; the latter has an interlinear translation
with it, as before. The remaining portion resembles
the first volume of the Old Testament : the very
letters themselves and the general arrangement are
the same. The Prayer of Manasses, at the end of
the volume, is merely given in Latin.
The third volume of the Old Testament includes
the proto-canonical and deutero-canonical books
in the following order : Esdras, Nehemias, Tobias,
Judith, Esther, Job, the Psalms, Proverbs, Eccle-
siastes, the Canticles, Wisdom, and Ecclesiasticus.
As we have already mentioned, it was Juan Vergara
who gave a new translation of the five last books.
The whole arrangement corresponds with that of the
preceding volumes, with the following exceptions.
The division into three columns, intended to receive
the Hebrew text, the Vulgate, and the Septuagint
* Indeed, the Targum of Jonathan on the prophets, &c. con
tains many fables, not to speak of the incorrectness and caprices
of the translations. (See Herbst, " Einl. in's A. Test." heraus-
gegeben von Dr. Welte, thl. i. s. 178—187.)

156 THE LIFE OF
(with their interlinear translation), is only used for
the books which belong to the first canon, or the
canon of the Jews ; but the Hebrew text is wanting
in all the deutero-canonical books ; viz., Tobias,
Judith, Wisdom, and some parts of Esther, which
come in various parts of the Septuagint, but were
united by St. Jerome ; and after him by the editors
of the Complutensian Bible. There is, however,
in these deutero-canonical pieces a division into
three columns; but as the Septuagint, with its
Latin version, requires a space double that of the
Vulgate, two columns, therefore, are assigned to it,
between which the Vulgate always occupies the
middle space. Among the proto-canonical, or
Hebrew books of this volume, the Psalms have this
peculiarity, that the Vulgate is not, as elsewhere,
placed by the side of the Hebrew text, but comes as
an interlinear version to the Septuagint, with which
it corresponds. The middle of the three columns
contains the version of the Psalms, made from the
Hebrew by St. Jerome : it is by the side of the
Hebrew text.
The fourth and last volume of the Old Tes
tament contains Isaias, Jeremias, the Lamenta
tions, Baruch, Ezechiel, Daniel, with the deutero-
canonical fragments of the 3rd, 13th, and 14th
chapters ;* Osee, Joel, Amos, Abdias, Jonas, Mi-
* The Complutensian Polyglot has been described by writers
who seem never to have examined the work. The celebrated
Rosenmiiller (" Handbuch fur die Literatur der Bibl. Kritik und
Exegese," s. 279) gives a description of this Polyglot ; but from
bis account, it is evident he never saw the work : if he bad, lie
would have perceived that the words of the parentheses (in hoc
libro habentur libri de Susanna, &c.) are not the words of the
editors themselves, but an ancient account of the Polyglot, written
in Latin and copied by Rosenmiiller. Very recently, another
writer, who does not give bis name, in an article on the
Complutensian Bible, which appeared in the " Zeitschrift " of

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 157
cheas, Nahum, Habacuc, Sophonias, Aggeus, Za-
charias, Malachias, and the three books of the
Machabees. The fragments inserted in Daniel
(viz., the prayer of Ananias, the canticle of the
three children in the furnace, the history of Susan
na, and of Bel and the Dragon), Baruch, and the
three books of Machabees, not being proto-cano-
nical, are not found in the Hebrew. The third
book of Machabees, not being deutero-canonical,
but apocryphal, is not in the Vulgate : hence, the
Polyglot has only two columns here, both of which
contain merely the Septuagint, with its new Latin
interlinear version.
This volume, the last of the Old Testament and
of the Polyglot, was issued from the press of
Arnold William de Brocario, of Alcala, July 10th,
1517. As soon as John Brocario, the young son of
the printer, clothed in his best attire, ran with the
last sheets to the cardinal, Ximenez exclaimed with
great joy, raising his eyes to heaven :* "I give
thee thanks, O most high God, that thou hast
brought to the long-wished-for end this work which
I undertook." Thus was Ximenez allowed to behold the print
ing of his great Bible finished ; but four months
Pletz, contents himself with reproducing the manual of Rosen
miiller, without examining for himself. The history of Susanna
is attributed to Ezechiel, instead of to Daniel. As regards Rosen
miiller, I could mention other facts which prove, either that
he bad never seen the Polyglot, or that he examined it very
carelessly. * " Audivi Joannem Brocarium Comp. excussorem, Arnoldi
Gulielmi Brocarii filium, saepenumero ad aequales dixisse, eo ipso
die ultima manus a patre operis excussioni imposita fuit, se
puerum eleganter vestitum cum ultimo Bibliorum volumine ad
Ximenium venisse ; cui impendio laetatus, ita ccelum suspiciens
acclamavit, — ' Gratias tibi ago, summe Christe, quod rem magno-
pere a, me curatam, ad optatum finem perduxeris,' " &c. (Gomez,
lib. ii. p. 38, ed. 1569.)

\

158 THE LIFE OF
after he died, November 8th, 1517. The papal per
mission which authorized the publication of the
work, did not appear till two years after his death,
viz. March 22nd, 1520.* A year passed away
before any copy could pass the Spanish frontier.
The text, therefore, of this Bible could not be made
use of, either for the editions of the Old Testament
by Bomberg (1518), or for the first edition of the
New Testament by Erasmus (1516). But a little
later, the Complutensian Polyglot was not without
its influence on the formation of the text of the
Bible. As regards the New Testament, it is, without
doubt, the " editio princeps " in the order of time
(1514), though the first edition of Erasmus became
public before it (in 1516). But this same Erasmus,
who had devoted only five months of labour to his
work, and that very superficially, and who possessed
but a small number of manuscripts, was fortunate in
the later editions (the fourth in 1527, and the fifth
in 1535), by being able to consult the Compluten
sian text.f
It is certainly very pleasing to consider the mild
ness with which Ximenez defended the work of
Erasmus against the attacks of even his own friends
around him. As soon as his edition of the New
Testament appeared, Zuniga, one of the chief edi
tors of the Polyglot, began to make remarks against
the notes of Erasmus. Ximenez expressed a desire
that the manuscript of this sharp critic should first

* The death of Ximenez was the reason why the approbation
was not solicited from Rome. At length, Leo X., in order not to
deprive the world any longer of so great a work, approved the
publication proprio motu, as the brief mentions. Hug, in his
Introduction, is mistaken both in the month and the year, by
giving as the date of the brief, March 20, 1525. (See vol. i.
p. 304, English ed. ; London, 1827.)
t Griesbacb, N. Test. torn, proleg. p. 6.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 159
be shown to the accused author, and then only made
public if Erasmus should manifest no inclination to
correct his mistakes. But Zuniga would not agree
to the proposal ; he even went so far one day as
to express, in the presence of Ximenez, a very con
temptuous judgment on Erasmus. Then it was that
the cardinal answered him with a simplicity com
bined with earnestness, in the following words : —
" God grant that all writers may do their work as well
as he has done his. You are bound either to give us
something better, or not to blame the labours of
others." Zuniga was silenced : these few words
made such an impression on him, that during the
lifetime of the cardinal he never indulged in any
invective against Erasmus. But after the death of
Ximenez, he became still more violent and bitter.
At length, however, towards the end of his life,
Zuniga began to relent ; for a short time before his
death (1530), he ordered that his other manuscripts
directed against Erasmus should not be printed, but
sent to him for his use.*
Erom about the middle of the sixteenth century,
almost innumerable editions of the New Testament
followed, — sometimes that of Erasmus, sometimes
the text in the Complutensian Polyglot, and some
times both together. While the editions printed at
Basle gave the preference to Erasmus, the editions
issued from the Plantinian press at Antwerp and
Geneva followed the text of the Complutensian
Bible. The famous Polyglot of Paris, which
appeared in 1645, also adopted the same text for
the New Testament, in its ninth and tenth volumes.
But not to dwell on other editions, the great
* Du Pin, " Nouvelle Bibliotheque des Auteurs Ecclesias-
tiques," &c. torn. xiv. p. 75. See also Erhard, " Geschichte
des "Wiederaufbliihens der "Wissenschaftl. Bildung," Bd. ii.
s. 571.

160 THE LIFE OF
Antwerp Polyglot published in 1569, and edited
by Spaniards at the expense of King Philip II.,
followed the text of Erasmus and the Compluten
sian compared together.
The Bible of Ximenez had no less influence on
the celebrated editions of the Stephens'. The first,
published by Bobert Stephens, printer, at Paris
(1545), adopted the Complutensian text entirely for
its basis ; and though the third edition of Stephens
(much superior to the first) followed the fifth edi
tion of Erasmus, yet it is not to be forgotten that
the Polyglot of Ximenez was made use of by Eras
mus. It is by this third edition of the Stephens'
that the Polyglot of Alcala is connected with the
"textus receptus," which became known by the
family of the Elzevirs, who were printers at Leyden.
Their press produced from 1624 to 1735 innumer
able copies of the text of the third edition of the
Stephens', with readings from the edition of Beza.
These were so multiplied that they received the
name of the " Textus receptus."*
Such was the great influence which the Complu
tensian edition of the New Testament exercised on
the text of the New Testament in the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries, until at length the English
Polyglot, by Brian Walton (who was afterwards arch
bishop of Canterbury)! opened a new era in 1657.
Dr. Eell, bishop of Oxford, published his edition
* The "received text." Dr. Hefele merely glances at this
interesting part of the subject. Eor further details I refer the
reader to Dr. Dixon's "Introduction," or to a similar work in
French by Glaire, torn. i. (Paris, 1839). — Trans.
t Dr. Hefele is mistaken in supposing Walton to have been
archbishop of Canterbury. He was bishop of Chester. The
history of the London Polyglot and of the labours of Walton,
are most interesting. (See Archdeacon Todd's " Memoirs of the
Life and Writings of Walton," 2 vols. 8vo. London, 1821.)—
Trans.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 161
of the New Testament in 1675 ; and Mill published
another, more splendid and accurate, in 1707,. at
Oxford, where he was one of the professors in the
university. These editions, however, were surpassed
by those of Bengel and Wetstein.*
The labours of Griesbach and other modern
biblical critics have certainly thrown the Complu
tensian Polyglot into the shade. But we need not
wonder at this, when we remember that the editors
of that Bible seem to have consulted at the most
only about ten manuscripts,, while, in our days,
through the labours of Scholz,f more than five
hundred manuscripts have been collated and classi
fied. Still, the Complutensian text has very lately
been made use of by Dr. Gratz, in his edition of
the New Testament (Tubingen and Mayence,
1821). The edition by Dr. Van Ess has adopted
for its basis the text of the Complutensian and that
of Erasmus at the same time. A still later and
more widely-extended edition, by Goldhagen, has also
followed the Complutensian text, t
The Complutensian Polyglot has exercised no
less influence on the text of the Old Testament.
Here, it is true, it is not considered the " editio
princeps," as it is in the New Testament. This
glory belongs, as we have already remarked, to the
* Bengel's edition appeared in 1734. He did not confine
himself to the " received text." Wetstein's famous edition ap
peared in two volumes folio, at Amsterdam, in 1751 and 1752. —
Trans. t One of the Catholic professors at Bonn. The work forms
two volumes quarto ; it was published at Leipsic, the first part,
containing the four gospels, in 1830, and the second part in 1836.
Though possessing great merit, the edition has been severely
criticised by Catholic writers.' — Trans.
X Among the modern editions may be mentioned the one by
the late Dr. Bloomfield (2 vols. 1832). The notes are open to
criticism, though the ordinary Greek text is impartially treated. —
M

162 THE LIFE OF
editions published by Jews at Socino (1488) and at
Brescia (in 1494) : still, the Complutensian forms
the second fundamental basis of the Hebrew text.
The question still remains undecided, whether the
editions of Socino or Brescia were consulted or not.
Many critics have fancied they could discover a
resemblance between the text of the Complutensian
and that of Brescia, but on a closer examination
all traces of resemblance have vanished.* Gomez,
the earliest biographer of Ximenez, mentions that
the cardinal purchased seven Hebrew manuscripts
for 4,000 ducats; but the archbishop himself, or
some of his learned assistants, in the first Prologue
addressed to Pope Leo X., merely state " that they
had collected together a considerable number of
Hebrew, Greek, and Latin manuscripts," without
any further explanations. Quintanilla asserts that
the seven Hebrew manuscripts arrived too late, and
were therefore useless, f But Gomez, who lived at
Alcala a short time after .Ximenez, makes not the
slightest allusion to this circumstance, which, if
true, was certainly of importance to be recorded.
However, he merely states that these seven Hebrew
manuscripts were preserved, in his time, at Alcala.
Some years after the Polyglot of Complutum,
the celebrated Hebrew Bible of Bomberg was pub
lished at Venice (1518), X from the press of Daniel
* Rosenmiiller, " Handbuch," &c, thl. iii. s. 289.
t " Archetypo de Virtudes, espejo de Prelados el Venerable
Padre, y Siervo de Dios, E. Erancisco Ximenez de Cisneros"
(Palermo, 1653), lib. iii. cap. x. p. 137. The writer was a
Franciscan, and was employed in procuring the beatification of
Ximenez. X Several editions of this Bible appeared at different times ;
the most remarkable is the second of 1526. Some were in folio,
others in quarto. They were called Rabbinical Bibles, because
the text is accompanied with Rabbinical commentaries. (See
Calmet, "Bibliotheque Sacree," lre partie ;" Bibles Hebraiquea
et Rabbiniques.") — Trans.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 163
Bomberg. But though it appeared before the Com
plutensian, yet as regards the New Testament, both
are on an equality, and both share the glory —
Ximenez and Bomberg — of having been the first
Christians who gave editions of the Hebrew text of
the Old Testament. Hence, the Bible of AlcaM
and an edition of Bomberg, viz. that published in
folio by the learned Jew Jacob Ben Chayim (in
1526), became afterwards the basis of most of the
editions which followed. The Polyglot of Heidel
berg, by Bertram, in three editions (1586 — 1616),
borrows not only the Hebrew text of the Complu
tensian, but also the Septuagint and the Vulgate.*
The Antwerp Polyglot (1569-72) adopts the
Hebrew text of the Complutensian, compared with
that of Bomberg; and this has been followed by
the editions of Plantinus, and also in the celebrated
London Polyglot of 1657.
Erom this time the influence of the Compluten
sian Polyglot on the text of the Old Testament
began to decline. In proportion as the labours of
Athias, Buxtorf, Norzi, a Jew of Mantua, John
Henry Michaelis of Halle, Professor Kennicott of
Oxford, and Bossi,t a professor at Parma, began to
throw light on the original text of the Scripture,
so much the more did the Complutensian Polyglot
fall into the oblivion of libraries. Such is the lot
of all human works ; even those which are con
sidered the most perfect are in their turn supplanted
by others.
But in the last century, the Complutensian Bible
was in great danger of being deprived of its ancient
and well-deserved merit, through the attacks of an
* Herbst, " Einleitung in's A. Test.," tbl. i. s. 135.
t Eor a very interesting account of these biblical scholars, see
Cardinal Wiseman's Lecture X., in his " Connection between
Science and Revealed Religion."
M 2

164 THE LIFE OF
unjust critic. The Hebrew text was allowed to
remain undisturbed : but complaints were made,
that alterations had been made in the Septuagint
by the editors of the Complutensian, in order to
render it more conformable to the original text.*
The Greek text of the New Testament was the
object of long and bitter discussions on the part of
some learned Protestant writers. t
The first who undertook to controvert the merit
of the Complutensian Bible was the critic John
James Wetstein, of Basle. In the prolegomena to
his magnificent edition of the Bible (1730 and
1751), he brings forward the three following serious
objections against the Complutensian text of the
New Testament : —
1. " That the Greek text does not rest on ancient
manuscripts. 2. " That it has intentionally been altered ac
cording to the Vulgate.
3. " That the assertion of manuscripts having
been received from Leo X. deserves little credit ;
because his holiness was elected pope on the 11th of
February [read March 11th], 1513, and the printing
of the New Testament was finished January 10th,
1514." X
In the year 1764, Dr. Semler had the pro-
* Dr. Michaelis, " Oriental und Exeget. Bibliothek," bd. ix.
s. 162 ; Rosenmiiller, " Handbuch fiir die Literatur der Bibli-
schen Kritik und Exegese," bd. iii. s. 289.
t The details connected with this controversy may be seen in
Walch's " Neuester Religions-geschichte," bd. iv. s. 423—490.
An epitome of this account is given by Rosenmiiller, in his
" Handbuch," bd. iii. s. 291.
' X This last objection we have already answered. To assert,
with Semler, that the manuscripts sent from Rome were made
use of, not for the New, but for the Old Testament, is grossly to
contradict the very words of the editors of the Complutensian
Bible, in their Preface to the New Testament.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 165
legomena of Wetstein reprinted at Halle; but
although Semler adhered to the principles of criti
cism adopted by Bengel, and not to those of
Wetstein, yet he adopted as his own all the
objections of the latter against the Complutensian
Bible, and brought them forward again. Wishing,
however, to give them still greater force, he pub
lished in the same year (1764) a work, entitled
" Historical and Critical Bemarks on certain Pass
ages brought forward to support Dogmas ;" first
part, on 1 John v. 7.
" It cannot be denied," the writer says, at p. 77,
" that this edition (the Complutensian) has been
wilfully altered from the Latin text, and that the
whole is the production of men who had but little
profound learning." Such is the judgment which
Semler dared to pronounce even before he had seen
a single copy of the Complutensian Bible; and this
reproach he could not help allowing his adversaries
to make in the discussion, though at a later period
he endeavoured to remove it !
While J. _N. Kiefer, rector and pastor at Saar-
briick, sided with Semler, another pastor, John
Melchior Gotze,* of Hamburg, defended the Com
plutensian Bible. A controversy sprung up ; and
such a number of treatises, answers, and replies
appeared on the subject, that at last the public
began to be tired of the discussion. But the cha
racter of Semler had received a more severe wound
than even his learning. Yet even this was far
from being victorious. Semler had commenced
* The title of the work by Gotze was, " A Complete Defence of
the Complutensian Greek Testament, with a collection of the
principal differences between the Greek Text and the Latin Text
of -that edition." (Hamburg, 1766.) "A Continuation of the
Defence" appeared in 1769. (See the notes of Marsh, in Michaelis'
" Introduction," vol. ii. part 2, p. 813.) — Trans.

166 THE LIFE OF
the discussion by asserting that the whole of the
Complutensian Bible had been altered from the
Latin text, knowingly and wilfully ; but in his
second pamphlet against Gotze, published in 1768,
he was obliged to abandon his position, and main
tain that he did not mean that the whole of the
Complutensian text had been altered, but only a
falsification of it in the " liturgical parts " had
been made.
But Kiefer reduced this assertion also to a very
small compass, by confining it to two or three
passages (St. Matthew vi. 13; 1 St. John v. 7;
and in a certain way, 1 St. John ii. 14). Thus it
was evident, that Semler, after he had at first
undertaken to defend the whole of his fortifica
tion, was at last forced to save himself in a small
tower. Gotze defended himself in the controversy with
much greater success than he did ten years after,
against Lessing. He proves, in four works, that
the Greek text of the Complutensian differs from
the Vulgate in more than nine hundred places, and
this too in many of the liturgical parts;* and
moreover, that the editors must have followed,
generally speaking, their own Greek manuscripts
in opposition to the Vulgate :f this furnishes an
inductive proof, that the two or three contested
passages have their text formed from the Greek
manuscripts, and still more that the very im
portant passage (1 St. John v. 7) in the Complu
tensian Bible is evidently not a translation from
the Vulgate.
Thus the objections of Wetstein andSemleragainst
* Walch, "Neuester Religions-gesch.," s. 461.
t Eor example, in the verse on the resurrection (1 Cor. xv. 51),
where the editors of the Complutensian have given the true
reading, quite in opposition to the Vulgate.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 167
the Complutensian Bible cannot be considered
valid or just ; on the contrary, most able critics,
like John David Michaelis, have become the de
fenders of the Polyglot. Amongst these is the
celebrated Ernesti, in his " Neue Theologische
Bibliothek " (bd. vi. s. 723), and the author of the
epitome of the whole controversy, in Walch's
" Neuester Beligions-geschichte." Griesbach also
asserts that Semler went a great deal too far in his
attacks against the Complutensian Bible ; and that
through the progress which biblical criticism has
made, and by the discovery of new manuscripts,
many passages which Semler had considered as
having been "wilfully altered" were now fully
vindicated.* On the whole, a more favourable
judgment is, in our day, pronounced on the Com
plutensian Bible, and with justice ; because, in
reality, the complaints respecting an alteration
having been made in the Greek text from the
Vulgate have been gradually reduced to almost
nothing. Hence, one must not for the future be
too hasty in condemning the Complutensian Bible.
1. With regard to a passage inv St. Matthew
(vi. 13), where the editors of the Complutensian
have omitted the well-known Doxology after the
" Our Eather," they have put in the margin the
following remark : — " In exemplaribus Grsecorum
post haec verba Orationis Dominicse, — Sed libera nos
a malo, statim sequitur, — on <rou etrriv r) 0ao-jAs*a
x. t. \. Sed advertendum, quod in Missa GrsecO"-
rum, postquam chorus dicit ilia verba Orationis
Dominicse, Sed libera nos, &c, sacerdos respondit
ista verba supra dicta : Quoniam tuum est reg-
* Griesbach, N. Test. Proleg., p. ix. This illustrious critic,
however, seemed to believe that, in some parts of the New Testa
ment, the editors of the Complutensian Bible have given the text
different from their manuscripts.

168 THE LIFE OF
num, &c. Sic magis credibile videtur, quod ista
verba non sint de integritate Orationis Dominica?,
sed quod vitio aliquorum scriptorum fuerint hie
inserta, &c."
The editors of the Complutensian frankly acknow
ledge, then, that here they departed from the Greek
codices, and at the same time they give their reason
for so doing, viz., that this doxology, which was
used in the Greek Liturgy, had crept into the text
by an error of the copyists. All critics of the present
day consider that the editors had good grounds for
departing from the Greek text, while the frankness
with which they mention this departure gives us
a strong presumption for the correctness of the
alterations in other passages.
2. The second objection respects the omission in the
1st Epistle of St. John (chap, ii.), where the editors
of the Complutensian, in opposition to their codices,
have suppressed the words at the commencement of
verse 14 : — " I write unto you, babes, because you
have known him who is from the beginning." Such
is the objection. But these words are evidently only
a literal repetition of the commencement of the
preceding verse. It cannot, therefore, have been
any great rashness in the editors to ascribe the
insertion of the words, in spite of the authority of
excellent codices, to the error of some ancient
copyist. But it cannot now be decided whether the
editors of the Complutensian Bible wilfully omitted
the words merely from a conviction that the autho
rity of the Vulgate would thereby be strengthened,
or whether the words were really wanting in the
manuscripts they used. The editors have no remark
whatever in this place. But, in any case, neither
doctrine, nor the liturgy, nor any controversial or
theological question, depends upon the fact being
known, whether the verse is found once or twice

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 169
in the Epistle of St. John referred to. Hence, the
Catholic Church has no interest in determining
whether any alteration was really made from the
Vulgate by the editors of the Complutensian
Polyglot. 3. The third and last objection refers to what is
called the "Comma Joanneum," in the 1st St. John
v. 7. It is maintained that the verse was trans
lated from the Vulgate, and introduced into the
Greek text, without any authority whatever. The
words, " And there are three who give testimony
in heaven, the Eather, and the Word, and the Holy
Ghost ; and these three are one" (v. 7), are always
quoted by theologians as a proof of the Blessed
Trinity ;- but it is well known, that the passage is
not found in any single Greek codex of authority.
But as the Greek text of the Complutensian Bible
in this passage does not perfectly agree with the
words of the Vulgate, hence the suspicion that the
editors translated the verse from the Vulgate is con
siderably weakened. The editors give no explana
tion whatever ; for the half-critical and half-exege-
tical remark which comes in the margin, and seems
to have been borrowed from St. Thomas, gives no
data for deciding whether the comma existed or not
in any of the Complutensian manuscripts.
The objection against the Complutensian Bible
becomes still weaker, from the fact that, up to the
present time, three Greek manuscripts of recent
date have been discovered, which contain the"Comma
Joanneum."* Erasmus had already referred to a
" Codex Britannicus," from which he had inserted
* By this phrase is understood the controverted parts in the
1 Epist. of St. John v. 7, as if they were a modern interpolation
into the text. (See Cardinal Wiseman's learned and satisfactory
Letters on the Controversy, published in the Catholic Magazine,
1832.)

170 THE LIFE OF
the passage in his last editions of the New Testa
ment.* The passage is certainly found in the Codex
Britannicus, or Codex Montfortianus (No. 34, in
Griesbach), and in two other manuscripts com
pared by Scholz (Nos. 162 and 173) ; one of which,
No. 162, belongs to the Vatican.! The number
"three" must be increased, if we may admit that
the Codex Britannicus of Erasmus is different from
the Codex Montfortianus, as the diversity of the
readings allows us to think that it is.$
As then there are, properly speaking, four manu
scripts which contain the controverted passage, and
one of them is in the Vatican, may we not therefore
conclude, without any rashness, that the editors of
the Complutensian Bible might have found the said
passage in one or other of the manuscripts which
thev had ? This assertion would be still more un-
deniable, were there not a possibility that the pass
age was first copied from the Complutensian Bible
into the recent manuscripts (Nos. 34, 162, 173).
What took place in the controversy between Zuniga
and Erasmus makes us somewhat suspicious of the
Complutensian editors.
Zuniga had reproached Erasmus with the omis
sion of the " Comma Joanneum" in his first edi
tions ; but Erasmus demanded the place to be
pointed out to him in the Greek text where the pass
age could be found. Zuniga evaded the question,
* See the Dissertation of Griesbach on 1 John v. 7, in his
Appendix to part ii. of his New Testament, p. 3.
t See the Annotations of Scholz on 1 John v. 7, in his
edition of the New Testament. The "Codex Ravianus," at
Berlin, contains also the " Comma Joanneum ;" but it is only
a copy of the the Complutensian text. (Griesbach, Appendix,
pp. 4, 5.)
X Griesbach has printed the reading of Erasmus in the third
page of his Appendix ; and at page 4, the reading of the " Codex
Montfortianus."

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 171
and confined himself merely to complaints respect
ing the corruption of the Greek manuscripts.*
This incident may certainly have given rise to the
suspicion ; but there is no ground for any certainty,
when we recollect (what has already been stated),
that in the passage the Greek text of the Complu
tensian does not agree* with the Vulgate, and that
in almost a thousand other places the editors have
neglected to form the Greek text according to the
Vulgate. Indeed, it is not at all improbable, but that
the editors may have found the passage in question
in some recent codex, as Erasmus did. But even
supposing they had inserted the " Comma Joan
neum " without the authority of any manuscript,
relying merely on the Vulgate and the twelfth
general council, &c, still even this one fact cannot
possibly justify a sweeping and general accusation
against their honesty ; at a time, too, when men had
for their guide, not so much fixed laws of criticism,
as vague rules, which were altered according to the
caprice of the moment. All that can in any way be
objected against the editors amounts to what Gries
bach has already mentioned, viz., (1.) That they
exaggerated the age of their manuscripts, and
asserted that their " codices" were " antiquissimi
et vetustissimi,"t when, in reality, they could not
have reached beyond two hundred years. (2.) That
when the manuscripts differed in their readings,
they preferred those which were more conformable
with the Vulgate. $ But this is a circumstance which
must not be dealt with too severely, since the result
* Griesbach, Appendix, pp. 7, 8. Walch, p. 438.
t The same happened to Erasmus, who also calls his manu
scripts " vetustissimos, veneranda? antiquitatis ;" and yet they
did not date beyond the eleventh or twelfth century. (See
Ernesti, " Neue Theol. Bibliothek," bd. vi. s. 718.)
X Griesbach, N. Test. Proleg., pp. 6 and 9.

172 THE LIFE OF
of the labours of our biblical scholars at the present
day tends to strengthen the conviction that the
Vulgate had for its basis most excellent manu
scripts.* In any case, the Complutensian text
adheres to the Vulgate much less than that of Eras
mus, who, it is well known, in his first editions of
the New Testament, translated several passages
from the Vulgate through the want of Greek
manuscripts, f
It cannot, indeed, be denied, that the editors of
the Complutensian Bible possessed none of the best
and most ancient manuscripts ; for . their text is
throughout conformable to recent manuscripts,
* On the " Comma Joanneum," see the letters of his
Eminence Cardinal Wiseman (mentioned in a preceding note) ;
also Perrone, " Prselectiones," torn. ii. p. 294, &c. The following
are their principal reasons for supporting the text in 1 St. John
v. 7 :—
1. Christianity reached the north of Africa, from Italy, at the
commencement of the second century, if not before.
. 2. With the faith, Rome also sent the Holy Scripture.
3. The Bible was translated into Latin in Africa — not in Rome,
where every one understood the Greek language ; a translation
was therefore useless. Lachmann admits this conclusion of the
cardinal (Nov. Test. Graaee et Latine, torn. i. proleg. p. 11, &c).
4. This translation was made in the second century. Tertullian,
St. Cyprian, &c, made use of it.
5. It must have had for its basis a Greek text more ancient
than any of the Greek manuscripts known to us at the present
day, which at the most do not extend beyond the third century.
6. Now, the " Comma Joanneum" is found in the ancient Latin
version made in Africa. It must, therefore, have been in the
ancient Greek manuscript sent from Rome to Africa ; and conse
quently its antiquity is greater than the most ancient manuscripts
which we possess.
7. The " Comma" is wanting in the manuscripts of later date;
which may have happened either through its being omitted by
anti-trinitarian heretics, or 'through the fault of the copyists, by
the similarity of words occurring near each other. Thus the
" Codex Veronesus " omits verse 8, because it commences and ends
like verse 6 ; and yet its authenticity is acknowledged by critics.
t Haulein, " Einl. in's N. Test.," thl. ii. s. 260.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 173
when these differ from the ancient, while it never
agrees with the ancient in opposition to recent
manuscripts.* It is also proved that the editors had not the use
of the venerable Codex Vaticanus (B) ; whether it
was not then to be found in the Vatican, or whether
the librarian himself did not lend it to them, is now
uncertain.! What particular manuscripts were sent
to them from Borne cannot be discovered, because
hitherto they have not been found in that city ; and
also because Griesbach, Scholz, and others, who
have examined and compared the different manu
scripts of the New Testament which are preserved
in the Vatican library, assure us that none of them
have served as a basis for the Complutensian text.
Perhaps — and this is the opinion of Ernesti $ — the
copies sent to Ximenez belonged, not to the Vatican
library, but to the pope himself ; and after his death
they may have passed into other hands.
We may also form another supposition, viz., that
after the manuscripts had been consulted, they may
have remained at Alcala-, and have shared the sad fate
of those others used for the Complutensian Polyglot.
In the year 1784, a German professor, named Dr.
Moldenhawer, went to Alcala, in order to inspect
on the spot the precious manuscripts ; but on his
arrival, he found, to his great sorrow, that in the
year 1749 the librarian had sold them all, " as waste
* Griesbach, Proleg., p. 7.
t The celebrated " Codex Vaticanus ' ' seems to have been written
about the fifth century. Its antiquity, however, has been variously
estimated by different critics. Mill quite takes it for granted
that this codex was used by the Complutensian editors ; but he
does not prove his assertions, which are mere conjectures.
Dr. Hefele seems to have good ground for supposing that the
codex was not known to the editors of the Bible of Alcala. —
Trans. X " Neue Theol. Bibliothek," bd. vi. s. 725.

174 THE LIFE OF
paper," to a rocket-maker of the name of Torzo !
In almost the same way did Ludwig of Wurtem-
berg act, by taking a great number of manuscripts
away from the celebrated monastery of Hirsau, and
putting them in " usum bombardicum."* Professor
Tychsen, the companion of Dr. Moldenhawer, con
firms the account about the manuscripts of Alcala ;f
and adds, moreover, that a learned Spaniard, named
Martinez, when he first heard of such vandalism,
endeavoured to save such a treasure from destruction.
But all had perished, with the exception of a few
leaves. These he preserved, and collecting them
together, deposited them in the library at Alcala.
Marsh, J having given these details, draws the con
clusion that the manuscripts, having been written
on paper, must have been of no great antiquity ;
because parchment could not have been made use of
for rockets.
But though the barbarous act of a librarian may
have rendered impossible any further research
respecting the character of the manuscripts used
by the editors of the Complutensian Bible, still I
believe we can form a correct judgment respecting
their antiquity from the nature and form of the
Greek letters employed in the Polyglot. Ximenez
must first have the types cast, and this was done,
very probably, according to the model which the
form of his manuscripts furnished : hence we may
draw the conclusion that the manuscripts written
in small letters date from the 9th to the 13th
* Eeilmoser, " Einl. in's N. Test.," 2te Aufl. s. 625.
t This account has already been given in a preceding note,
taken from Michaelis. — Trans.
X Herbert Marsh, who died bishop of Peterborough. He
translated "The Introduction" of Michaelis into English; a
work which, though abounding with much critical learning, is too
full of German rationalism to be safely followed. The bishop
himself was also unfortunately tainted with it. — Trans.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 175
centuries. According to the researches made by
critics, it seems that the readings in the Complu
tensian agree the nearest with those manuscripts
which are now designated under the names of Codex
Havniensis 1, Laudianus 2, Vindobonensis Lambeci
35, and Codex Guelpherbytanus C*
There is no doubt but that the modern recensions
of texts are far superior to those of the Compluten
sian Bible ; but yet it will always have the honour
and glory of having been the " first " among the
Polyglots, and the most ancient of the editions of
the New Testament.
Time has, indeed, robbed Alcala of its ancient
glory^-her university; but the Bible of Alcala, though
so few copies of it were printed, remains for all
time in honour and renown, and raises itself aloft
untouched amidst the ruin and desolation which
for fifty years have laid waste unfortunate Spain.
Political revolutionists have, alas ! destroyed or
suppressed all those magnificent colleges which
Ximenez believed he had established for ever ; but
amidst the ruin of his buildings they cannot bury
the glorious name of their founder, and much less
can they silence the voice of his great Polyglot,
which will proclaim to posterity both the glory of
its originator, and his undying love for biblical
pursuits.
* Hiinlein, " Einl. in's N. Test.," thl. ii. s. 259. These manu
scripts are described in Michaelis. (See his "Introduction,"
English ed.)

176 THE LIFE OF

CHAPTER XII.
OTHEB LITEBAEY LAB01TES OE XIMENEZ. — THE MOZABABIO
LITTTBGY.
As Ximenez intended his Polyglot for theological
studies, so also was he anxious, at the same time,
to promote philosophical pursuits by means of a
great work of a similar character. Eor this object
he chose Juan Vergara,* and some other learned
men, well skilled in the Greek and Latin languages ;
to them he gave a commission to prepare a complete
edition of the works of Aristotle. At this period
the Peripatetic philosophy was held in high repute,
especially in Spain, — an inheritance which had come
down to the Christians from the time of the Moors.
It was, then, but natural that the art of printing, re
cently invented, after having consecrated its first effort
to the Book of all books, should immediately after
wards offer its services to the prince of philosophers.
Although Aldus Manutius had already published at
Venice, between the years 1495 and 1498, the first
Greek edition of Aristotle, in five volumes folio,
yet Ximenez wished to enrich science with a much
better edition, which, in addition to the Greek text,
and an ancient Latin version of it, was to contain
in a third column a new Latin translation, the object
of which was to correct and elucidate the obscurities
of the first edition. Vergara applied himself imme
diately to the work, and translated a number of the
* He died canon of Alcala, in 1557. Gomez gives a few de
tails about him, in his " Life of Ximenez," lib. ii.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 177
physical, psychological, and metaphysical treatises
of the Stagirite. But as the publication was deferred
till the completion of the Polyglot, the death of
the archbishop, which soon followed, put a stop
to the noble enterprise. The materials, however,
which were already complete, were deposited in the
library belonging to the cathedral of Toledo. But
there appeared no second Ximenez to carry on the
work. The works of the celebrated Spanish critic, Alfonso
Tostatus,* bishop of Avila, met with a more fortu
nate fate ; they were printed for the first time, by
the order of Ximenez. Other works of less note
also appeared, which the archbishop had printed
more for the instruction of the people than for the
use of the learned. Some of them were in Latin,
and some in Spanish ; and they were published at
the same time that the printing of the Polyglot
was going on. Among these were the Letters
of St. Catharine of Sienna ; the writings of St.
Angela de Eoligno, and of the holy Abbess
Mechthildes; the Ladder of Perfection, by St.
John Climacus ; the Bule of Life, by St. Vincent
Eerrer and St. Clare; Meditations on the Life
of Christ, by the Carthusian, Landulph ; and a
Biography of St. Thomas a Becket, archbishop of
Canterbury.! The intention of Ximenez, in publishing these
works, was that they might find their way into
domestic circles, and thereby displace all immoral
writings : thus, by multiplying at his own expense
these good books, he hoped also to increase and
* Dr. Dixon gives a short account of this writer, in vol. ii. of
his " Introduction," p. 363. He wrote rather diffuse Commen
taries on certain books of Scripture, which display great learning.
He died in 1454 or 1455. — Trans,
t Gomez, ibid. p. 967. N

178 THE LIFE OF
extend piety and. devotion in every direction ; for
this object he gave away an immense number of
copies of the works referred to above. They were
eagerly received, and read with avidity ; so that in
the time of Gomez, fifty years after, very few copies
of them could be found.*
There was also another undertaking of Ximenez
which deserves notice, relating in a special manner
to the good of his diocese. Hitherto the ecclesiasti
cal music-books, especially in Spain, could only be
multiplied in manuscript, and of course were very
dear and scarce. The archbishop, therefore, now
ordered a great number of new works on ecclesiasti
cal music to be published, containing the whole
series of church-offices, together with the notes and
other musical additions, on parchment. These he
distributed to all the churches of his diocese, in
order that the Gregorian Chant, which he loved
exceedingly, might be everywhere known and un
derstood. Ximenez, being likewise anxious to promote the
material prosperity of the country, procured the aid
of a clever and experienced agriculturist, named
Eerrera, brother to the professor of rhetoric at
Alcala. He assisted the cardinal in publishing
several popular treatises on agriculture, which he
distributed amongst the country-people. Gomez
assures us that these publications were quite equal
to the ancient classical works on the same subject,
and that many years after several editions of them
were published, f
* "Sed hi libri . . paucissimi nunc inveniuntur, et sui
pretium raritate adaugent." (Lib. ii. p. 39, ed. Compluti, 1569.)
These and other interesting details are mostly taken from Gomez.
The account of the Mozarabic Liturgy is given by Elorez, in his
" Espana Sagrada." — Trans.
t Hoc ille (Eerrera) argumentum ita feliciter tractavit, ut jure

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 179
Anotb undertaking of Ximenez deserves honour-
able^_*dtion, for its object was to promote not only
the interests of science, but also those of literature.
' Whilst he was residing, in. the year 1502, at Toledo,
(the city where he first conceived the idea of his
Polyglot), having had occasion to visit the library
of his cathedral, he found that many of the valuable
manuscripts were much injured by the humidity of
the place. He immediately resolved to erect an en
tirely new building for a library, which should be in
a better locality, more spacious, and more airy and
lightsome. He also intended to have endowed it
with considerable funds, so that it might vie with
the Vatican itself in its literary treasures. But this
and other intended erections at Alcala. were deferred,
on account of the enormous expense arising from
the publication of the Polyglot ; and at last it un
fortunately happened, that the death of the arch
bishop suddenly put an end to everything.
This visit, however, to the library at Toledo, was
not without profit both to the Church and to
science. Ximenez found, amongst the manuscripts
there, several which were written in old Gothic
characters. By this discovery, the thought occurred
to him of preserving from impending destruction
the Gothic or Mozarabic Liturgy.*
The ancient Spanish Liturgy, which was intro
duced into Spain by the apostles of that country,
— viz., St. Torquatus and his companions (called
Septemviri Apostolici), — resembled, as Elorezt has
proved, the Boman Liturgy, at least in all essential
cum priscis illis contendat, qui Graece Latineve de ea re scrip-
serunt. Q.uanti vero fiant quae scripsit, testimonio sunt crebrae
illorum voluminum editiones, nostri nimirum hominibus ea
semper avide exoptantibus." (Gomez, lib. ii.)
* Gomez, lib. ii.
t "Espana Sagrada," torn. iii. pp. 192 — 198.
N 2

180 THE LIFE OF
points. But this resemblance was soon lost ; because
in Bome itself various alterations were made in the
Sacramentaries by different popes ; viz., in the sixth
and seventh centuries by Leo the Great, Gelasius I.,
and St. Gregory the Great.* Then there came into
Spain, soon after this period, the Alani, the Suevi,
the Vandals, and Visigoths,! all of whom were
Arians. Having conquered the country, they intro
duced their own particular Liturgy, which was in
reality like the Latin, though composed according
to the model of the Grseco-Arian.J The Arian and
ancient Spanish rite existed together for some time.
But the old orthodox Church, through Arian bar
barities and intolerance, soon saw herself reduced
to such destitution, that nothing but confusion and
disorder surrounded her rites and ceremonies. But
the evil was still greater : the violent system of
proselytism made use of by the Arian conquerors
had for its object to make both their religion and
their Liturgy dominant in Spain ; the consequence of
which was, in some places, a mixture at least of
the ancient and new rites. Thus certain elements,
if not entirely Arian, still foreign and Grecian in
their origin, gradually crept into the ancient Liturgy,
and developed themselves still more under the
influence of Grecian priests who came and settled
in the country. Indeed, from the commencement
of the fourth century, viz. from the time of Hosius
of Cordova, we know that a frequent intercourse
subsisted between the Spanish Church and that
of Constantinople ; while, in the commencement of
* Elorez, torn. iii. p. 209.
t See Gibbon, for an account of these tribes (vols. ii. and iii.
Bohn's ed. 1854).— Trans.
X In Spanien einfielen und ihre eigene, der Griechisch-
Arianischen nachgebildete, aber doch Lateinische Liturgie, nach
Spanien mitbrachten." (Dr. Hefele, pp. 150, 151.)

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 181
the fifth century, we find that Pope Hormisdas
considered it his duty to put John, archbishop of
Tarragona, on his guard respecting certain Grecian
clergy who were then resident in Spain.* In a
word, it is very probable that the heresy of Pris-
cillian,t not yet extinguished at this period, con
tributed its share towards corrupting the ancient
Spanish Liturgy.J To such an extent was this
evil carried, that, in the year 537, Profuturus,
archbishop Of Galicia, wrote to Pope Vigilius for
advice in this matter. His holiness sent him the
canon of the mass according to the Boman rite,
together with the- entire mass for Easter, that these
might serve as models for the reformation of the
Spanish Liturgy.
But a very important change took place in this
Liturgy when, towards the end of the sixth century,
the Visigoth kings were converted to the Catholic
faith. In the fourth council of Toledo, held under
King Sisenand,§ in the year 633, the Spanish bishops,
with St. Isidore of Seville (who died in 636) at
their head, resolved to put an end to the diversity of
rites which then prevailed, and to establish through
out the whole of the country one and the same
Liturgy and Psalmody. Eor this object, the bishops
undertook to give to each priest, at his ordination,

* Elorez, torn. iii. p. 222.
t See a learned note of Alban Butler, in the " Life of
St. Martin" (Nov. 11), on Priscillianism. It was supported in
Spain by the severe laws of Honorius, the zeal of St. Leo, and of
St. Turibius, a Spanish bishop. — Trans.
X Elorez, torn. iii. p. 219.
§ The learned Jesuit, Mariana, in his " History," gives us most
interesting details connected with this and other early kings of
Spain, as well as general information, to which modern writers
are much indebted. (See " Historia General de Espana," ed.
Madrid, 1623.) Another edition appeared in 1780, which is
superior to the former. — Trans.

182 THE LIFE OF
a ritual, to which he was strictly obliged to adhere
in the performance of his sacred functions.* It is very
probable that St. Isidore! himself, who was then the
most illustrious of all the Spanish bishops, under
took the compilation of the new Liturgy ; and that
he was enabled, from the ancient liturgical books
still existing, to collect materials which would be
useful to him, and so to compile the work by making
certain alterations and additions, or suppressing what
was unnecessary. Hence it is that the work often
bears his name; and the mistake arose — already
refuted by Cardinal Bona — that St. Isidore himself
was the author of the new Missal and other
works. J
This Gothic Liturgy, with part of it in Greek and
part in Latin, soon came into general use in Spain.
It extended everywhere, without being influenced in
any way by the reform of St. Gregory the Great,
which about this time began to be adopted, when, at
the commencement of the eighth century, the Moors
conquered the greater part of the country. Every
one knows that numbers of the Spaniards remained
on the battle-field, while others took refuge in the
Sierras of the north, in order to preserve their liberty.
But those who were willing to submit to the Moors
were allowed to preserve and practise their religion
without any danger. Those living under the Moorish
power received the name of "Mostarabuna,"§ that
* Harduin, " Collectio Concil." torn. iii. p. 579, cap. 2.
t See a short account of Isidore, in Mariana's " Historia de
Espana," libro sexto, cap. 7 ; also a note of Alban Butler, in the
Life of the Saint, April 4th. There seems to be a great difference
of opinion amongst the learned respecting the real origin of the
Mozarabic Missal and Breviary. P. Lesley, a Jesuit, gave a new
edition of the Liturgy, at Rome, in 1755. — Trans.
X See Stolberg's " Geschichte der Religion Jesu Christi," con
tinued by Dr. Brischar, of Tubingen. (Bd. xlvi. s. 402—404)
• § Signifying, " Mixed with Arabs." It is an Arabic participle.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 183
is, Arabizants ; while at the same time their Liturgy
also was soon called the Mostarabic, the Muzar-
abic, Mozarabic, or Mixt- Arabic.
Not long after, the rise of the heresy of the
Adoptians made this Liturgy suspected of contain
ing false doctrine ; for Glipandas, of Toledo, who
was the chief of these heretics, had quoted some
passages from it in support of his errors. The synod
of Erankfort (held in 794) believed his assertions,
and therefore showed itself to be very unfavourable
to this Liturgy.* Elorez, however, tries to prove
that the Adoptians quoted, not genuine, but false
passages from the Mozarabic Liturgy, f As to the
approbation which, about one hundred and thirty
years later, Pope John X. (in the year 924) for
mally gave to the Mozarabic Liturgy, this rests
only on a single document, which is certainly not
genuine. J
Whilst the Mozarabians lived under the dominion
of the Moors, their brethren, who possessed liberty,
were beginning gradually to recover a great part of
their native land ; until at last Toledo, the ancient
capital of the Visigoth kings, was once more con
quered. About this period, a change in the Liturgy
took place among the Spaniards who were free ; for
the popes Alexander II. and St. Gregory VII. were
enabled by the legates Hugo Candidus and Cardinal
Bichard to introduce into Castile and Aragon the
Gregorian rite, in place of the ancient Gothic one.
In Aragon, King Sancho Bamirez§ had effected
this change at the Synod of San Juan de la Pena,
under Pope Alexander II. But about the same
time, Alfonso VL, king of Castile, by the advice of his
* Harduin, " Collect. Concil." torn. iv. p. 885.-
t Elorez, torn. iii. p. 270.
X Elorez, Appendix, torn. iii. p. 29.
§ Or Ramiro, as Mariana calls him. — Trans.

184 THE LIFE OF
queen, Constantia, who had been accustomed to the
Gregorian rite in her native country of Erance, and
who now regretted that it was not followed in Spain,
wrote to the Abbot Hugo of Clugny, expressing a
wish for the pope to send into Spain Cardinal
Girald, who was then nuncio in Erance, in order to
introduce the Boman Liturgy. The violence, how
ever, with which this cardinal conducted matters,
prevented at first any good effect ; and though, in
the year 1074, the Castilian bishops promised their
assistance to the newly-elected pope, Gregory VII.,
and Alfonso VI. had even made a law for the intro
duction of the Liturgy, still the synod held at Bur
gos, in 1077, offered the most energetic opposition
to it. As, therefore, the two parties could not come
to any agreement, it was determined to decide the
matter by single combat, according to the custom of
the times ! The knight of the Mozarabic Liturgy
gained the victory. But King Alfonso then soli
cited the pope to send another legate ; and accord
ingly Gregory VII. appointed Cardinal Bichard,
who was at last enabled, by the support which he
received from the king and most of the bishops, to
introduce the Boman Liturgy into the whole of Cas
tile, in the year 1085. The celebrated council of
Burgos, held in 1085, solemnly sanctioned this
introduction.* When, a few years later, Toledo was recovered
and annexed to the crown of Castile, the Gre
gorian rite was adopted in place of the Moza
rabic. The choice was confirmed in a council held
in that ancient royal city (which was again honoured
as the primatial see) in the year 1088. But
the approval of the council raised such a powerful
* Stolberg's " Geschichte," &c, continued by Dr. Brischar,
bd. xlvi. s. 407 — 414 ; also Elorez, torn. iii. p. 299, &c.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 185
opposition amongst those who adhered to the Moza
rabic Liturgy, that it was considered necessary this
time to decide the matter by having recourse to the
"judgment of God" (Gottesurtheil). A copy of
both Liturgies was accordingly thrown into a blazing
fire. The Gregorian copy rebounded from the pile
of wood and fell by the side of it, while the Moza
rabic remained uninjured in the midst of the flames.
The inhabitants of Toledo exulted over the victory.
But the king decided, that as both Liturgies appeared
to be respected by the fire, so they should both be
allowed in his kingdom. This decision, it is said, gave
rise to the proverb, " Where kings wish, there the
laws go."*
But though the king recognized both Liturgies,
he was far from granting them equal rights. The
Mozarabic Liturgy was only allowed in Toledo, and
in these six parish churches of St. Justa, St. Luke,
St. Eulalia, St. Marc, St. Torquatus, and St. Sebas
tian, in the same city : these parishes were inhabited
by Christians living under the Moorish dominion.
But all the other churches of the city and of the
kingdom were obliged to use the Gregorian rite.
But in course of time, when the Mozarabic families
died, or, through mixing with strangers, lost all
attachment to their ancient Liturgy, then the Gre
gorian began by degrees to be adopted in the above-
mentioned six parishes; until, at last, the Mozarabic
Liturgy was used only on certain festivals of the
year, to keep up the memory of it.

* " Alia, van leyes, donde quieren reyes," as quoted by
Mariana, who gives the curious details connected with the trial of
the two Liturgies (libro nono, cap. xviii. p. 444, ed. Madrid,
1623). According to Archbishop Rodrigo, it seems that the
Gregorian or Roman Liturgy was really burnt. The words of
the archbishop are quoted by Robles, from a work entitled, " De
Commutatione Officii Toletani." (See Robles, p. 235.) — Trans.

186 THE LIFE OF
Such was the state of matters when Ximenez
took possession of the primatial see of Toledo. His
predecessor, Cardinal Mendoza, had been engaged
in the same object, viz. that of restoring the Moza
rabic rite. But Ximenez effected what death pre
vented Mendoza from accomplishing. He carefully
collected all the best manuscripts of the said Liturgy,
and chose Canon Alfonso Ortiz, together with three
parish priests attached to the churches of the
Mozarabic rite, to revise the manuscripts ; he also
changed the ancient Gothic characters (not the
language) for the Castilian* letters, and expended
a considerable sum in the printing of a great num
ber of Mozarabic Missals and Breviaries : this was
done by the assistance of Melchior Gutierrez, of
Toledo.! But, in order that the Mozarabic rite might for
the future rest on a more secure foundation, Xime
nez erected a very beautiful chapel, called "Ad
Corpus Christi," in his own cathedral : he also
founded a college of thirteen priests for the Moza
rabic rite, who were called " Mozarabes Sodales, or
Capellani," with a head chaplain, named Capellanus
Major. These celebrated the divine office every day,
and recited the canonical hours according to this
Liturgy. They also exercised the right of presenta
tion to all ecclesiastical posts in the six parish
churches of the Mozarabic rite. The patronage of
* Robles says, Ximenez changed the characters " de la letra
Gotica en la letra Latina" (p. 236). — Trans.
t Gomez, lib. ii. fol. 41. Binterim, in bis " Denkwiirdigkeiten
der Christi. Kirche," bd. iv. thl. iii. s. 116. This last writer gives
1500 as the date of the publication : we certainly read this date
at page 474 of the Mozarabic Missal, reprinted in 1755. But if
we are to follow Gomez, the most ancient biographer of Ximenez,
it seems that the Mozarabic books must have been printed about
the period of Queen Isabella's death, viz. in 1504. (See Gomez,
lib. iii.)

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 187
these institutions was confided to the chapter of
Toledo.* Other bishops followed the example of Ximenez ;
so that in the 16th century similar institutions arose
at Salamanca and Valladolid. The first was founded
by Patriz Maldonato de Talavera, and the other by
Pedro Gasca, bishop of Sagunto.!
Thus it is to Ximenez that we are indebted at the
present day for our knowledge of this Liturgy, so
venerable for its antiquity and deep piety. In less
than half a century after the death of Ximenez,
the books that were published by him became so
scarce, that a single copy of a Missal was sold,
in the presence of Gomez, for 30 ducats. But
now Mozarabic copies of the Missals and the
Liturgy may be found in almost every library ; for
an edition was reprinted in Bome in the year
1755.J It would be out of place here to enter into any
long details connected with this Liturgy ; they may
be found in Bobles, Pinius, Thomasius, Bona, Mar-
tene, Aguirre,§ and others. Still, a short description
of the Mozarabic Mass may not be unacceptable to
the reader. It commences by a prayer, a little
different from the Boman rite, at the steps of the
altar : the psalm " Judica" (Psalm xiii.) and the

* Robles (p. 237, &c.) gives a long description of this founda
tion, of its chapels, revenue, &c. He himself was one of the
chaplains, and was a cure at the -church of the Mozarabic rite of
St. Mark, in Toledo, about the year 1600. His " Compendio de
la Vida y Hazanas " of Ximenez was published in 1604, at
Toledo. t Binterim, loco citato, p. 117.
X By the learned Jesuit F. Lesley. — Trans.
§ Cardinal Aguirre died in Rome, in 1699. His celebrated
work, entitled " Collectio Maxima Conciliorum Hispaniae et Novi
Orbis," was published in Rome, in 1693, 1694. Another edition
appeared in 1753, 6 vols, folio. — Trans.

188 THE LIFE OF
" Confession of Sins" form the principal parts. The
" Introit" varies according to the festivals, but
differs considerably from ours. The " Gloria in
Excelsis" follows, or, on certain days, the canticle
of the " Three Children in the Eurnace ;" then comes
a prayer and a lesson from the Old Testament,
amongst which prayers are versicles quite different
from those in the Boman Missal. After the gradual
called " Psallendum," comes the epistle, properly
so called, which is distinct from the lesson, and is
always taken from the New Testament, and generally
from the epistles. It is announced by the priest
or deacon in these words : " Silentium facite."
It commences, as our gospel does, with the
" Sequentia," * &c. ; to which, the choir answers,
" Deo gratias," and, at the end of the epistle,
" Amen." The gospel, on the other hand, is announced by
the form, " Lectio sancti Evangelii ;" to which the
choir answers, as with us, " Gloria tibi, Domine."
It generally begins with these words, " In illis
diebus ;" and at the end of it the people answer,
" Amen." A second book (which is necessary for the Moz
arabic Mass), called " Omnium Offerentium" (that
is, Liber), is placed on the epistle side of the altar.
It contains prayers common to all the Masses ; and
the " Offertory" commences with prayers similar to
those in our Missals, though not alike. After the
" Offertory," as is the case in the ancient Greek and
Milanese Liturgies, a series of prayers come, the
third of which, by its title, " Post Nomina," alludes
* On certain days, such as the Ascension and Pentecost, &c,
there is read, instead of the epistle, a passage from the Acts of the
Apostles, with the initial form " Principium Libri Actuum," or
" Lectio Libri Actuum." (See the Mozarabic Missal, p. 250—259,
ed. Romse, 1755.)

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 189
to the reading of the dyptichs which preceded the
Offertory. After the fourth prayer, entitled " Ad
Pacem," the kiss of peace takes place, which is given
here, as in the Greek and Milanese Liturgy, not after,
but before, the consecration. The priest kisses the
paten, and thus receives the peace ; he then gives it
to the deacon, and the deacon gives it to the nearest
person among the people.
The preface, called the "Illatio,"* that is, the con
clusion (viz. of the first part of the Mass), often
varies in its form. It begins by the words, " Introibo
ad altare Dei ;" to which the choir answers, " Ad
Deum, qui lsetificat juventutem meam." Then
come the following versicles. The priest says,
" Aures ad Dominum ;" to which the choir responds,
" Habemus ad Dominum;" the priest, " Sursum
corda;" the choir, " Levemus ad Dominum;" the
priest, " Deo ac Domino nostro Jesu Christo Eilio
Dei, qui est in coelis, dignas laudes dignasque
gratias referamus ;" the choir, " Dignum et justum
est." The preface itself commences, as with us,
by the words, " Dignum et justum est, nos tibi
gratias agere ;" and concludes with the Trisagion,
Sanctus, &c.
Up to this part, the Mozarabic Liturgy bears a
great resemblance to the Boman ; but in the canon
of the Mass there is a great difference. After the
Trisagion (or Sanctus), and a short prayer called
the " Post-sanctus," the consecration immediately
follows. It is then, as with us, that the Host and
chalice are elevated before the people ; while in the
Greek Mass this takes place after the consecration,
immediately before the communion. During the

* In a work by Thomasius, entitled " Codices Sacramentorum "
(Romse, 1680), and which contains a " Missale Gothicum," the
preface is called " Immolatio Missse." — Trans.

190 THE LIFE OF
consecration, the priest of the Mozarabic rite uses
these words : " Adesto, adesto, Jesu bone, Pontifex
in medio nostri ;* sicut fuisti in medio discipulorum
tuorum : sancti>$<fica hanc oblationem :>$<ut sancti-
ficata^sumamus per manus sancti angeli tui,
sancte Domine ac Bedemptor seterne. Dominus
noster Jesus Christus in qua- nocte tradebatur,
accepit panem; et gratias agens bene >J< dixit ac
fregit ; deditque discipulis suis, dicens : Accipite et
manducate. Hoc : est : corpus : meum : quod : pro :
vobis : tradetur." ! Then the priest elevates the
sacred Host, and thus continues : " Quotiescunque
manducaveritis, hoc facite in meam^commemora-
tionem." Taking the chalice, he says : " Similiter
et calicem postquam ccenavit, dicens : Hic^est :
calix : novi : testamenti : in : meo : sanguine ;
qui : pro : vobis : et : pro : multis : effundetur : in :
remissionem : peccatorum." The sacred chalice,
covered with a pall, called " filiola," is then shown
to the people ; and the priest adds the words, "Quo
tiescunque biberitis, hoc facite in meam>$<comme-
morationem." The choir answers, " Amen."
After a few more short prayers, and another
elevation of the Host, comes the Credo, $ which in
* These words are used at the commencement of the canon,
according to Robles — " Comienca luego el sacerdote consecu-
tivamente el sacro canon, con aqUellas palabras .... Adesto,
adesto, Jesu bone, Pontifex in medio nostri," &c. This writer,
as one of the Mozarabic chaplains at Toledo, gives a very inter
esting account of the Mozarabic Mass. (See cap. xxvii. of bis
" Compendio de la Vida y Hazanas del Cardenal Ximenez.) —
Trans. t This form of consecration is almost all taken from the words
of St. Paul. 1 Epist. Corinth, chap. xi. 24. We have copied the
form, word for word, together with the punctuation, from the
Mozarabic MissaJ.
X I use the word " credo," but in the Mozarabic Liturgy it is
always " credimus." (Robles, p. 289.) — Trans.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 191
the Boman Liturgy is recited before the offertory,
but in the Greek immediately after. The Creed is
that of Constantinople and Nice, with the addition
of " Eilioque ;" but it is translated quite differently
from ours. I am convinced, by comparing the
symbol of the Mozarabic Liturgy with that which
comes in the Acts of the third Council of Toledo
(held in 589, when the Visigoths were Catholics),
that both rites completely agree with each other,
with the exception of a few unimportant parts ;
and that the Mozarabic symbol is no other than an
ancient translation of the old Spanish (Toletana)
symbol, remodelled so as to resemble in some respect
the Boman Credo. By a canon of the council of
Toledo, the Credo has its proper place in the Moz
arabic Liturgy.*
The breaking of the Host is a rite exceedingly
peculiar. The priest divides the sacred Host into
two parts ; these are again divided, one into five
and the other into four parts.! These he ranges on
the paten, on which is engraved a cross formed of
seven small circles, in such a manner that each
circle receives the first seven particles of the Host.
The two other particles are also placed on the
paten, to the right of the cross. Each of these
nine parts has a name corresponding with some
period in the life of our Lord. These are the names
in order : 1. Corporatio ; 2. Nativitas ; 3. Circum-
cisio ; 4. Apparitio ; 5. Passio ; 6. Mors ; 7. Be-
surrectio; 8. Gloria; 9. Begnum. Their proper
* Coneil. Tolet. III. Canon 2. Apud Harduin, torn. iii. p. 479.
See also Aguirre, Coneil. Hispanias, torn. ii. p. 349.
t Thus making nine divisions, ,to correspond with the nine
principal mysteries of the Catholic faith, contained in the
" Creed" already recited by the priest. (Robles, p. 289.) —
Trans.

192

THE LIFE OF

arrangement will be understood from the following
figure :* —

I MORS

(cORPORATIOl ©RESURRECT 10 J

GLORIA 8

RECNUM 9

After the breaking of the bread comes the
" Pater noster," with a rather long introduction.!
To each petition the choir answers, Amen. Then
the priest, after having prayed for the afflicted, for
* Corporatio is the same as Incamatio ; and Apparitio the same
as JEpiphania. (Robles, p. 290.) — Trans.
t It corresponds with the " Oremus, Prseceptis salutaribus
moniti," &c. in the Roman Liturgy. (Robles, p. 291.) — Trans.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 193
those in prison, for the sick, and for the dead,
strikes his breast, as is done with us at the " Nobis
quoque peccatoribus." He then takes the particle,
" Begnum," and lets it fall into the chalice, saying
the proper words* prescribed.
The blessing of the people immediately follows ;
then comes the communion, during which the
choir sings, "Gustate et videte, quam suavis est
Dominus," &c. The priest then takes the particle
"Gloria," saying, "Panemccelestemde mensaDomini
accipiam, et nomen Domini invocabo :" he prays
for the dead, says the " Domine, non sum dignus,"
striking his breast three times ; he then consumes
the particle " Gloria," together with the others, one
by one. Then he receives the precious blood, and
afterwards the ablutions, and recites another prayer.
The deacon then removes the Liber Offerentium
from the altar, and places on the Epistle side the
proper Missal, from which the priest reads the post-
communion. Instead of our "Ite Missa est," he says,
" Solemnia completa sunt, in nomine Domini nostri
Jesu Christi ; votum nostrum sit acceptum cum
pace;" to which the choir answers, "Deo gratias." But
on feasts of no particular solemnity, the priest merely
says, " Missa acta est, in nomine Domini nostri Jesu
Christi ; perficiamus cum pace." Then comes the
"Salve Begina," after which the priest, turning
towards the people,! blesses them in these words, —
* Which are, " Saneta Sanctis, Conjunctio Corporis et San
guinis," &c. Dr. Hefele omits mentioning a very curious
ceremony which takes place from Easter till "Whitsuntide at
Mass ; and is also used on Corpus Christi. It is this : When the
priest holds the particle " Regnum " over the chalice, he says, three
times, in a loud voice, as if singing the victory of our Lord over
death — " Vicit Leo de tribu Judaa ; Radix David, Alleluia !" The
choir answers each time — " Qui Bedes super Cherubim ; Radix
David, Alleluia !" Robles, p. 292.— Trans.
t According to Binterim (p. 131), this is the only time that
O

194 THE LIFE OF
" In unitate Sancti Spiritus benedicat vos Pater et
Eilius, Amen :" after which he leaves the altar, and
unvests in the sacristy.
Having now described the Mass of the Mozarabic
Liturgy, let us return to Ximenez. It certainly
seems remarkable that a man who loved and pro
moted so much all branches of knowledge, should
himself occupy no considerable place in the rank of
authors. Our astonishment, however, increases,
when we see Ximenez described by his contempo
raries as one "Doctrina singulari oppletus," and
compared even with St. Austin for the quickness
of his genius.* But without dwelling upon the fact
that Ximenez, though so highly educated, was far
more conspicuous for his virtue than for his learn
ing,! yet it is evident that his natural character
was more practical than theoretical, more formed
for action than for writing. Moreover, his many
important and various duties, both as a bishop and
statesman, could have afforded very little leisure for
literary undertakings, even to one whose talents
were of the first order ; hence, he who rules others
well is justly dispensed from the labours of an
author. $
It is said, however, that Ximenez found sufficient
time to compose several theological treatises ; for
the priest turns round to the people ; but according to the
Mozarabic Missal (p. 3), he also turns round before the Preface,
when he says : " Adjuvate me, fratres, in orationibus vestris, et
orate pro me ad Deum." These words seem to correspond with
our " Orate, fratres." (See Quartalschrift, 1849, s. 342.)
* Peter Martyr (Epist. 108). It is not the judgment merely of
Peter Martyr himself, but of others also.
t " Aiunt homines esse virum, si non Uteris, morum tamen
sancti tate egregium," says Peter Martyr. (Epist. 160.)
X Dr. Hefele somewhat -detracts from the merit of Ximenez by
his remarks, for the cardinal certainly found abundance of time
for the completion of his Polyglot amidst all his other duties —
Trans.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 195
example, a work entitled " De Natur& Angelica,"
and another " De Peccatis." These were never
printed, but were preserved in manuscript in the
monastery of the Blessed Virgin at Salzeda, where
Ximenez was once warden. It has likewise been
said that there were found at Alcala, composed by
Ximenez, a biography of the old Gothic king
Wamba ; and also certain critical treatises and
observations on various parts of the Holy Scripture,
falsely attributed to Nicholas de Lyra.* It is
certainly difficult to determine whether these asser
tions are correct. Gomez is silent! on the subject,
while Nicolas Antonio, the learned editor of the
" Bibliotheca Hispana," expressly says, " that
Ximenez was indeed a very learned man, and pro
moted every branch of knowledge, but that no work
of his own was published by him " (s. 11. p. 687).
The assertion of Bobles, adopted also by Elechier,
that Ximenez did compose several works, will lose
all authority whatever when we remember that the
work "De Natura Angelica" was composed, not by
our Ximenez (as Bobles asserts), but by another,
Erancisco Ximenez, who lived almost a century
before, and was bishop of Elne (or Perpignan),
and titular patriarch of Jerusalem.!
It is no less incorrect to ascribe to Ximenez a
biography of king "Wamba, § for the assertion only
* Robles (p. 114) says : " Cuyo original se conserva oy dia,
escrito de su propria mano, en el monasterio de Nuestra Senora
de la Salceda." This is certainly strong testimony. (See Elechier,
liv. vi. p. 505.) — Trans.
t Cave, " Historia Litteraria,"" appendix, p. 57. Busse,
" Grundridtz der Christi. Literatur," bd. ii. s. 331.
X Dr. Hefele is mistaken. Gomez expressly says, " Scripsit
etiam historiam de rebus gestis a rege Bamba .... quae in
Bibliothecis Hispanias asservatur " (folio 22, ed. Complutum,
1569.)— Trans.
§ He died about the year 680. He seems to have been a most
o 2

196 THE LIFE OF
rests on a mistake made by Bobles, and which has
been thoughtlessly copied by Elechier. Gomez
relates that Ximenez at his first synod — of which
we shall soon speak — ordered the feast of St. Ilde
fonso of Toledo to be kept as a solemn feast through
out the diocese. On this occasion the historian
(Gomez) remarks, that St. Ildefonso (who died in
667) left amongst his writings a life of king
"Wamba. Bobles, not understanding this passage
properly, ascribes this biography to Ximenez, instead
of his ancient predecessor.
But Ximenez, after all, has done so much service
to literature, by the foundation of the university of
Alcala, together with its rich and numerous institu
tions, and also by the publication of his great
Polyglot and several other literary undertakings,
that his name alone will be immortal. We shall
now see how deserving of our esteem was his zeal
for the good of his diocese and the reformation of
religious orders.
excellent king. Mariana gives some interesting particulars of
his life. (" Historia General de Espana," lib. sext., cap. xiv.) —
Trans.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 197

CHAPTEB XIII.
XIMENEZ IN THE ADMINISTBATION OY HIS DIOCESE. — BEEOEM
OF THE CLEBGY, SECULAB AND EEGULAB. — PIOUS FOUNDA
TIONS.
Ximenez, from the time he became archbishop,
gave constant and numerous proofs of his apostolic
zeal for the good of his diocese. Even in his literary
^foundations, it is easy to see that he had the best
interests of the Church at heart before all things else.
But it is the property of true zeal never to be satis
fied in doing good, and therefore it is, that we
behold Ximenez extending his zeal and activity to
different objects at one and the same time. One of
the principal objects to which he applied his energies
was the reformation of morals, especially amongst
the clergy of his diocese.
Many causes had contributed to impair the morals
of the Spanish clergy.
1. The bishops possessed great revenues and
widely-extended domains ; they also took an active
part in political matters, and even sometimes ex
posed themselves personally to the horrors of war.*
* According to Marineo Siculo (" Cosas Memorables de
Espana." Alcala, 1539, lib. iv.) the archbishop of Toledo had an
annual revenue of 80,000 ducats ; Seville, 24,000 ducats ; San
tiago, 20,000 ducats ; Granada, 10,000 ducats ; the . bishop of
Burgos, 20,000 ducats ; Siguenza, the same ; Cuenea, 16,000
ducats ; and Segovia, l4,000 ducats. The bishoprics in Aragon
were not so richly endowed. (Dr. Hefele should have added,
that most of the bishops and archbishops belonging to the dif
ferent sees made a very good use, generally speaking, of their
enormous revenues. Now how different is the condition of the
Spanish bishops and clergy ! God knows they are poor enough,

198 THE LIFE OF
The consequence was, that they either became very
worldly, or were in a great measure incapacitated
from properly fulfilling the duties of the sacred
office which they had undertaken.*
2. The number of ecclesiastics became so great in
Spain, that many of them experienced what dangers
to morality arise from idleness.
3. The benefices were numerous and richly en
dowed ; hence, they attracted many to embrace the
ecclesiastical state who had not real vocation or
sufficient learning. Being thus deprived of two
essential elements in the support of a sacerdotal life,
they yielded to sensual pleasures, and the enjoy
ments of a dissipated mind. The evil at length
became so great that the council of Aranda (in 1473)
made a law that no one should be allowed to
receive holy orders who was ignorant of the Latin
language. Peter Martyr assures us that in his
time a clergyman of noble birth who could preach,
"was more scarce than a white crow."!
4. This want of learning in the Spanish clergy
favoured the rise and growth of errors under the
name of Judaism, which we meet with in the
Spanish history of the period ; while, during the
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the opposition
which was raised against the Church in Italy took
the form of Anti-Trinitarianism (as, for instance,
and yet how patient, bow zealous, and exemplary are they as a
body ; this is evident from the interesting article on " Spain,
written by bis Eminence Cardinal Wiseman, in the Dublin
Review, No. XXXVL, June, 1845.— Trans.
* Tbe religious wars with the Moors excited for a long time
the warlike propensities of several Spanish bishops. Sometimes
they took part even in civil commotions. Monks also followed
their example occasionally. Clemencin devotes a whole treatise
on this subject, viz. the warrior-bishops of Spain, in the " Me
morias de la Real Academia de la Historia," Madrid, 1821 ; torn. vi.
ilustrae. 15, p. 388.
t " Alba cornice rarius." (Epist. 356.)

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 199
Socinus) ; in Germany, that of Predestination
(Luther) ; in Spain, on the other hand, learned
Jews there were enabled to infect a great part of
the clergy with their errors, so that even Chris
tian bishops were secretly attached to Judaism.*
If one may credit the statement of a recent English
traveller,! vestiges of this attachment to Judaism
are yet to be found in the Peninsula.
5. As in the later period of the middle ages
sins of the flesh prevailed to such an extent, so
in Spain also they were even more common, be
cause the evil example of the neighbouring Moors
exercised a very destructive influence on the manners
of the Christians. Another influence, probably no
less disastrous, was the corruption of the Castilian
court under Henry IV- Cast-off mistresses were
made abbesses ! The sovereigns themselves shame
fully defiled the sanctity of the marriage state, and
almost intentionally endeavoured to root out of their
people all feelings of modesty and detestation of
impurity. % It was no uncommon thing to behold
the concubines seated by the side of the lawful wife ;
while ladies of the highest rank were not ashamed
to countenance such a state of things : open concu
binage seems to have been almost as freely tolerated :
public opinion was silent on the matter. No
wonder, then, that this corruption reached even the
clergy ; and what was a remarkable feature in the
* Dr. Hefele here refers to a bishop of Calahorra, and gives for
bis authority Llorente. What credit is due to this writer we all
know, who have read his mendacious work on the Inquisition. —
Trans. t Borrow's " Bible in Spain." Eor the character of this work
see an article in the Dublin Review, No. XXVIII. 1843. — Trans.
X For example, Catharina von Sandoval, once the king's mis-
tcess, became abbess of the monastery de San Pedro de las Dueiias,
in order (said King Henry) " that she might reform its morals !"
(Becker, " Geschich. Eerd. und Isab.," thl. i. s. 36.)

200 THE LIFE OF
immorality of this period is the fact, that the con
cubines were not so much blamed for their wicked-
/ ness as for the extravagance of their dress.* In a
word, the laws of Castile declared that the bastards
of ecclesiastics might, in the absence of any will,
become lawful heirs.!
Such was the deep degradation into which the
inferior clergy were plunged in Spain. But amongst
the bishops, though in general they were not so
corrupt, yet many were not without reproach. "With
out recalling the case of Bodrigo Luna, archbishop
of Santiago, who was deposed in 1458, for having dis
honoured a lady on the day of her marriage, $ Alfonso
Carillo, archbishop of Toledo, of whom we have
already frequently spoken, had led an unchaste life,
and the people were not ashamed to bury his corpse
in the Eranciscan monastery at Alcala, by the side of
his natural son named Troilo. But Ximenez, justly
indignant at such a proceeding, ordered the body of
the latter to be removed. § Eonseca, archbishop of
Santiago, bestowed the right of succession to the
see on his own son, not, however, without great
opposition on the part of Ximenez, as we shall have
an opportunity of seeing later.
6. Another terrible evil was, that very frequently
* An ordinance (dated 1405) had commanded all the concu
bines of ecclesiastics to wear on their head a piece of red cloth, in
order that they might be distinguished from others. (Eerreras,
torn. vi. p. 162.)
t Dr. Hefele quotes Mr. Prescott for his authority. But the
statements of this writer with regard to the Spanish clergy of the
period under consideration must be received with great caution.
— Trans.X Mariana, lib. xxii. cap. 20. Dr. Hefele speaks of Rodrigo as
archbishop of Compostella : but Mariana says be was " Arzobispo
de Santiago." This wicked prelate came to an untimely end.—
— Trans.
§ Elechier, liv. vi. p. 495. See also Moreri, Diction, art.
" Carillo."

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 201
the bastards of kings and grandees were raised to
episcopal sees, there to continue the incontinence of
their fathers. Thus, in the time of Ximenez, we
see, for example, Alfonso Henriquez occupying the
episcopal see of Osma : he was a natural son of the
grand-admiral of Castile. Ximenez himself, also
beheld, in his younger years, the archiepiscopal see
of Saragossa, the first in the kingdom of Aragon,
occupied by Don Juan of Aragon, the bastard of
King John II. On the death of Don Juan, in
1475, Don Alonso of Aragon, a bastard of Eerdinand
the Catholic, was raised to the same see (1478)
when he was only six years old. Pope Sixtus IV.
had long protested against this abuse ; but through
political influence, and under a threat of seeing all
the church property in Sicily confiscated, he was at
last obliged to consent that the bastard should
have the perpetual administration of the property
belonging to the archbishopric*
7. This general corruption had also found its way
into the monasteries. The vow of poverty was no
longer observed by the mendicant orders; their cells
were often changed into magnificent apartments, and
asceticism exchanged for luxury. That holy see, it is
true, which had so often before stirred up new life
in the Church, and so severely punished wickedness,
was at this period occupied by Innocent VIIL and
Alexander VI., whose individual sins forbad them
to punish the guilt of others.
A prelate, then, like Ximenez was absolutely
necessary for Spain, and also a queen like Isabella ;
both of whom exhibited in their unspotted lives
the fairest pattern of every virtue. By the purity
of their morals they gained the public esteem;

* Mariana, lib. xxiv. cap. 16. Zurita, "Annales," torn. iv.
lib. xx. cap. 23. Eerreras, torn. vii. p. 550.

202 THE LIFE OF
and by their wise institutions of every kind, espe
cially the advancement of knowledge amongst the
clergy and people in general, they strove to improve
their manners and to banish vice.
When the chapter of Toledo was informed of the
elevation of Ximenez, they appointed two canons,
viz. Eranz Alvar and Juan Quintanapallia, to wait
on the new prelate. The archbishop took that first
opportunity of communicating his views to the
clergy. He did not conceal from them his inten
tion of introducing a more strict discipline amongst
them ; and his wish to commence with the vene
rable chapter itself. Like nearly all other chap
ters, that of Toledo had widely departed from its
ancient strictness : the canons had formally aban
doned all traces of community life, and introduced
that mode of irregular living so opposed to the very
name of canon — that is, a rule. Ximenez therefore
informed the deputies from the chapter that it was
his express wish to see all the canons give up, as
soon as possible, their private magnificent dwellings, \
and live together in the ancient manner, — " vita
communis ; " but above all, he wished that those
who had to attend the weekly services of the Church,
should live together in a house near the cathedral,
so as always to be ready to attend to their sacred
duties. He promised them, on his part, to procure
a suitable dwelling for them. The zeal with which
he immediately ordered the building to be com
menced, proved that he had not uttered mere idle
words. The chapter, having been informed by the depu
ties of the archbishop's intentions, and seeing very
soon that he was quite in earnest, by the erection of
the buildings did not dare, openly, to oppose his
intended reform. But they resolved to prevent him,
if possible, from carrying out his intentions, and

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 203
accordingly they secretly sent an agent to Bome for
this object. Their choice fell upon a canon named
Alfonso Albornoz, who was a clever man, and accus
tomed to business. He immediately departed for
Bome, but as privately as circumstances would allow,
pretending that he had some other business. But
his real object was, to obtain the papal confirmation
of the chapter in its present state, and protection
from the reform about to be introduced by the arch
bishop. In reality, their hopes of obtaining what
they wished were sanguine, judging from the cha
racter of Alexander VI. Ximenez, also, had too
much reason to fear, lest some obstacle might be
raised by the pope to his plans of reform. Accord
ingly, when he first heard of the agent's journey to
Bome, he despatched, by the royal authority, a
police-officer to the nearest port, in order to arrest
the deputy of the chapter, in case he intended to
embark : but he had already set sail. Ximenez,
however, had provided for this contingency, and
sent out a fast-sailing galley to overtake the other
vessel. At the same time, he wrote to Garcilasso
de la Vega, the Spanish ambassador at Bome, to
arrest the said deputy as soon as he should arrive,
and to send him back to Spain.
Everything happened as well as could be wished.
Albornoz, having been sent back to Spain, was sum
moned before the archbishop at Alcala, who kept
him in prison for some months, with more or less
severity. This punishment so terrified the canons,
that for the future no more opposition was made.
In this affair Ximenez exhibited a peculiarity in his
character which I do not wish wholly to justify,
— I mean the use of severe measures in order to
promote what one may consider useful objects.
Ximenez, however, thought it necessary to allay
any fears which might arise in the minds of the

204 THE LIFE OF
canons. He therefore assured them, that he did
not intend or wish to introduce the proposed changes
by force, but merely by advice and exhortations
thereto. But we are not informed that his
wishes and exhortations, as regards living in com
munity, were attended to by the canons, those espe
cially who had to officiate at the services of the
Church. Gomez, who lived so near the times of
Ximenez, is silent on the subject ; on the contrary,
we learn from him, that the buildings which were
erected bv him for the residence of the canons, were
" ¦ • i
some time afterwards added to the archiepiscopal
palace at Toledo.*
About the middle of the year 1497, having
assisted at the marriage of Prince Juan with Mar
garet of Austria, he obtained permission to reside at
Toledo. This he had for a long time desired, be
cause he had not yet taken possession of his cathe
dral, having been obliged since his promotion to
reside either with the court or at Alcala, the usual
residence of the archbishops of Toledo.
In order to avoid all pomp, Ximenez wished to
make his entrance at night and in silence, and so
take possession of his cathedral in the ancient capital
of Spain. But the inhabitants being so pressing in
their entreaties that he would not decline the
honourable reception prepared for him, had at last
their wishes gratified by the consent of the cardinal
to make a public entrance. Accordingly, his recep
tion was most enthusiastic and magnificent ; never,
indeed, had an archbishop of Toledo been so greeted
* Gomez, folio xviii. (ed. Compluti 1569). The reason why
Ximenez did not then insist on the canons living together, appears
to have arisen from an apprehension that some tumult and dis
turbance might have taken place : " Caeterum tumultus et turbas
emersuras praevidentem," &c. (Gomez). Ximenez, no doubt,
gained his object at last. — Trans.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 205
by his people. The reason was evident. The fame
of his sanctity had already preceded him ; hence,
both clergy and people vied with each other in the
pomp and splendour of their demonstrations towards
him. Having been conducted in triumph to the
porch of the cathedral, Ximenez stopped there to
venerate a relic of the true cross, which was brought
to him in procession. Having entered the cathedral,
he prayed before the high altar for a short time,
and then took the oath to maintain all the rights
and laws of the cathedral church of Toledo. After
the ceremony was finished, the archbishop retired to
his palace near the cathedral.*
Three days after, he summoned all his chapter
around him, and spoke to them in the following
words : " None of you are ignorant, my beloved
brethren, how unwillingly I accepted my present
dignity ; no one knows, too, better than myself, how
unworthy I am of the exalted office which I have
undertaken, under the weight and responsibility of
which I already begin to totter and to groan. I
feel, then, that I stand in great need, not only of
the aid of Divine grace (which I earnestly implore),
but of human help also ; and, above all, assistance
from you, venerable brethren, who possess so much
piety and prudence, and who can support me by
your advice and prayers in carrying on the affairs
of the Church. Confidently, therefore, do I hope
and trust that you will be of the greatest assistance
to me by your co-operation, zeal, and advice, that
so we may be enabled to extend and promote, not
* Gomez mentions that the streets and houses were so crowded
with people that the lives of many persons were in danger, and
that the immediate attendants of the cardinal could hardly push
their way through the multitude of men, women, and children.
It was the hour for vespers before the procession arrived at the
cathedral.— -Trans.

206 THE LIFE OF
only in this parish, but throughout the whole of
the diocese, the worship of God; the reform of
ecclesiastical discipline and morals, if not to their
ancient strictness (which would be a difficult task
in this corrupt age), at least to something of their
former purity and vigour. This object will, I am
sure, be accomplished, if I behold in you models of
every virtue. It is but just and proper that priests,
above all others by their dignity and emoluments,
should also surpass others by their merits and the
sanctity of their morals. "What fruit can we expect
from our instructions, advice, or preaching to the
faithful, if you neglect your duties, and excite
divisions or quarrels amongst yourselves ? No ; you
must rather show your people by your very dress,
by the very movements and gesture of your body, by
your mutual peace and union one with another, by
your holy conversation, and by your good works,
that you are interior men, and therefore worthy of
the sacerdotal dignity with which you are honoured;
As for myself, I will act candidly with you, by
assuring you that whomsoever I shall see walking
through this life piously, and ascending step by step
towards the heavenly Jerusalem, those I shall not
only encourage in their efforts-, but will watch over
their interests, and honour them with my confidence
and esteem. But if any amongst you should err from
the paths of justice (which God forbid), and walk
in the ways of this world, and fall into the abyss of
vice, I shall follow in their regard the example of
the good Samaritan in the gospel, and pour out on
them oil and wine in such proportions that they
will feel more the sweetness and refreshment of the
oil than taste of the sourness of the wine ; unless,
however, some deep corruption should require the
knife or the fire ; then, in spite of my repugnance,
I should be obliged to have recourse to these extreme

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 207
measures, whenever my conscience before God and
your good should demand this duty of me. But I
am confident that better fruit will come from so
venerable and prudent a chapter. Moreover, because
I have resolved to hold my first synod at Alcala,
in order to deliberate on ecclesiastical affairs, I
earnestly exhort you to send your deputies, according
to ancient custom. I shall receive your observations
and advice with gratitude in this church, or in any
other place within my jurisdiction, and also what
ever remarks you may consider fit to make respecting
the project of reform." *
After a respectful reply from the dean, the chapter
retired. The archbishop devoted a few days for the
reception of the magistrates and citizens of Toledo.
In order to expedite the reception, he adopted the
following expedient. On a table by his side he
placed a Bible, opened, before him. If, after the
usual compliments had passed, the visitor had
nothing of importance to communicate to him, he
immediately began to read the book, thus intimating
to the troublesome talker that it was time to retire.
He kindly received the petitions that were addressed
to him, and took a special interest in those which
related to the protection and support of the poor.
Hence the fame of the new archbishop's generosity
attracted round his palace such a number of suppli
cants and beggars, that on one occasion when he
was about to leave home he was unable to pass
through the crowd, till by a device of his almoner
a sum of money had been thrown amongst them.!
During the few days which Ximenez spent in
Toledo, he made rich presents to the churches, and
* This address is translated almost word for word from Gomez
(fol. 19). It is indeed worthy of the zeal and eloquence of -the
.illustrious prelate. — Trans.
t Gomez, fol. 20.

208 THE LIFE OF
published many excellent regulations both for the
clergy and people. It was discovered on one occasion
that the choir of his cathedral was somewhat con
tracted by a mortuary chapel, which contained the
remains of ancient kings. But by removing the
tombs into another chapel of the church, he was
enabled to enlarge the choir. The queen approved
of what had been done, in spite of the opposition of
the clergy who were attached to the chapel, and
were supported by the chapter. Immediately after,
Ximenez went to Alcala, in order to make prepara
tions for the opening of his first synod there.
Alfonso Carillo, archbishop of Toledo, after the
ecclesiastical institution of synods had for a long
time become obsolete in Spain, had indeed, in De
cember, 1473, convoked a provincial synod of his
suffragans at Aranda, at which many useful regula
tions were made.
Every two years a provincial council was to be
held, and every year a diocesan synod (cap. 1).
Every Lent the clergy were commanded to explain
to their respective flocks the principal articles of
religion (cap. 2). No one was to be admitted to
holy orders who did not understand Latin; and
when the bishops were unable to be present them
selves at the examinations of the clerics, they were
to appoint two delegates to examine the candidates,
who should attest by oath their fitness (cap. 3).
The ecclesiastical vestments were somewhat curtailed
of their excessive magnificence (cap. 5, 6, 7). Keep
ing concubines was punished with loss of the be
nefice (cap. 9). The game of dice was forbidden
(cap. 11). The use of firearms was not allowed
(cap. 15). And the permission to preach was re
served for those priests only who were approved of
by the bishop (cap. 13) . The celebration of marriage
was only allowed to take place at certain periods

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 209
(cap. 16). Secret affiances, unless five witnesses
had been present, were punished by excommuni
cation against the parties ; while the ecclesiastic
who had blessed such affiances was suspended for
three months, and deprived of his benefice for the
same period (cap. 17). Theatrical plays and repre
sentations were strictly forbidden to be held in
churches, especially on Christmas Eve and the three
following days ; while those priests who permitted
such unbecoming scenes were heavily fined (cap. 19).
Other regulations were made, more or less useful.*
But, alas ! all these reforms were only on paper,
never having been put into execution, for Carillo J
was not the man to undertake and carry out such 1
important measures.
This glory was reserved for Ximenez, who,
amongst other excellent regulations for the improve
ment of his diocese, held two synods also,! the
" acts " of which have not, unfortunately, come
down to us. But the decrees have been made known
to us both by Gomez and Bobles. $
In the first synod Ximenez gave confessors the ,
right of absolving each other in the sacred tribunal >
from all cases reserved to the bishop, in order that
none of them might be prevented from offering up
the adorable sacrifice. He also commanded all who
had the care of souls to explain the Gospel on Sun
days and holidays of obligation ;§ and in the evening,
after complin, at the hour of the " Angelus," that
the bell should be rung, and all the children of the
parish assembled together to recite the " Salve," in
honour of the glorious Queen of Heaven. At the
* Harduin, " Collect, Coneil." torn. x. pp. 1501-1516.
t One was held in Talavera, and the other at Alcala. — Trans.
X Gomez, fol. 21, 22. Robles, cap. xv. p. 109.
§ This decree is not found in Gomez, but it is mentioned- by
Robles (p. 110). P

210 THE LIFE OF
same time, they were to be taught the creed, the
articles of faith, the commandments, and other points
of Christian doctrine. The archbishop likewise
granted an indulgence of forty days to all who should
assist at catechism.* This regulation still existed
in the time of Gomez ; and was afterwards con
sidered so useful that it came into general use, and
served as a model for all catechistical instructions
on Sundays.
He also re-established the custom (which had
almost entirely fallen into disuse) of taking holy
water at the entrance of the church. He likewise
ordered, though Carillo had forbidden it, that the
paten should be taken to the laity to kiss at mass, .
as a sign of peace (instrumentum pacis).
In order to prevent many from being impoverished
through the expenses arising from cases at law, and
to shorten the long duration of judicial proceedings,
he enjoined all ecclesiastical and lay judges through
out the diocese to give judgment there and then on
all cases of minor importance, without making use
of any writ ; and in other cases to carry on the
proceedings as much as possible by word of mouth.
Towards ecclesiastics especially, he wished that
every respect should be shown to their character in
all cases of trifling importance. If the accusation
was light, sentence was to be pronounced by the
vicar-general privately, and without any formal
proceedings either of acquittal or punishment. If,
on the other hand, the accusation was grave and
serious, and judicial proceedings seemed unavoidable,
still Ximenez recommended the judges to respect as
much as possible the honour of Christ's anointed.
* I have added from Robles some additional interesting matter,
which Dr. Hefele has omitted, in the last two sentences. The
fifteenth chapter of Robles — " De dos Synodos que el Cardenal
celebro " — is well worth reading. — Trans.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 211
In this synod regulations were also made, which
were productive of the greatest good to the diocese,
that " registers " of births and deaths should be
kept in all churches, in order that a stop might be
put to marriages which were null through the
relationship existing between the parties ; and to
criminal divorces often made under pretext of alleged
relationship. Many difficulties, too, connected with
questions of inheritance were removed. Another
decree obliged all curates to keep an account of those
who led lukewarm or disorderly lives in the diocese.
In addition to this, all priests were commanded
to send information to the bishop of any public and
serious scandal which should occur in their parish,
in order that he might apply a remedy to the evil
as soon as possible ; a regulation which, Gomez tells
us, was continued to his time in the diocese of Toledo
with. great benefit, and which other bishops also
adopted, especially the suffragans of Ximenez.
Other rules and decrees relate to festivals. The
archbishop followed therein the calendar of Pope
Sixtus IV. (who died in 1484), who was, like
Ximenez himself, a Eranciscan. Thus it was decreed,
that the feast of the Presentation of our Lady should
be fixed on the 21st of November, and the. feast of
St. Joseph on the 19th of March. It was also
ordained that the feast of St. Erancis of Assisium
should be observed as a festival, and that of St.
Julian also, who was bishop of Toledo (he died in
690), be kept on the 8th of March.*
A few years later, in the summer of 1498,
Ximenez held a second synod, in the palace! of his
* Gomez has made a few mistakes about the calends and
nones. Eor example, he has put " xi. Calendas Octobris," inT
stead of Decembris.
t One would suppose, from the words of the text, that the
synod was really held in the palace of Juan Aiala ; but Gomez
p 2

212 THE LIFE OF
friend Juan Aiala of Talavera de la Beina, near
Toledo, at the time when the cortes was assembled
in the latter city to do homage to the young Isabella,
then recently married to the king of Portugal.
Gomez mentions that a great number of priests were
present at this synod, and that Ximenez opened
nearly all the sessions with a solemn pontifical
service. Holy and learned men were appointed to
preach upon all the subjects which were to be dis
cussed in the synod; amongst whom Gregorio
Castello, a pontifical judge, particularly distinguished
himself, and gained the admiration and thanks of
every one, especially of Ximenez. The decrees of
the first synod were confirmed in this second ; and,
according to Gomez, several new and wise regula
tions were made and promulgated ; but, unfor
tunately, only one of these has been preserved by
Gomez ; viz., that for the future a yearly diocesan
synod should be held for the maintenance of ecclesi
astical discipline.* Ximenez was afterwards so
engaged with ecclesiastical and political affairs, that
he was unable to carry out this regulation which he
himself had made. It was only after the council of
Trent that King Philip II. established the custom of
holding provincial ana diocesan synods in Spain.!
Moreover, the decrees of both these synods held by
Ximenez were quietly embodied in the " constitu
tions " of several of his successors in the archi
episcopal see ; and thus did they come into active
operation long after the death of the illustrious
cardinal.only intimates, that many of the clergy were hospitably enter
tained there, together with Ximenes.— Trans.
* Robles, in the fifteenth chapter of his work, seems to unite
both the synods and decrees together (p. 109).
t Gomez (fol. 26). Prescott, in his "History of Philip II.,"
has misrepresented many of this king's actions. See especially
book ii. chap. iii. — " Protestantism in Spain." — Trans.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 213
But independent of these synods, Ximenez pub
lished many excellent regulations for the good of
his diocese. Eor example, he ordered a list to be
made of all the parishes, and of the revenues they
possessed ; of the state of morals amongst the
parishioners ; of the incomes belonging to parti
cular families and localities ; and of the abuses
which prevailed, &c. He also sent round visitors
and commissioners, in order to -introduce reforms
• both amongst the clergy and laity. The appoint
ment of persons to ecclesiastical dignities was an
object of his particular care and attention. He
made choice of those only who were really worthy
— that is, virtuous and humble priests, without any
regard to rank, birth, or previous condition. With
a view of removing any ill kind of intrigue and
patronage, he made it a point resolutely to reject
every one who, either by himself or by the 'inter
cession of others, should seek to obtain benefices.
It was generally about the time of Easter that the
appointment to vacant benefices was made.*
Already it was evident what .great progress disci
pline and religion had made in the diocese. But in
order that Ximenez might' labour with still greater
effect, and especially that he might be able to con
quer the opposition of certain ecclesiastics, who
claimed exemption from episcopal jurisdiction, he
obtained from Pope Alexander VI. a brief (dated
June 23rd, 1497), which invested him, by the
* " II s'informoit de leurs inclinations ; de leurs etudes ; de la
conduite de leur vie passee. II pesoit leur merite, et ensuite il
les placoit, selon la proportion de leurs talens avec les besoins
des paroisses  C'etoit sa coutume de reserver toujours
quelque benefice pour ces bons pretres, qu'on decouvre de tems-
en-tems, a, qui la pauvrete ne permet pas d'attendre les occasions,
et qui sont obligez d'aller chercher de l'emploi hors de leurs
dioceses." (Elechier, "Hist, du Card. Ximenes," liv. vi. p. 426 —
497.)— Trans.

/

214 THE LIFE OF
authority of the Holy See, with full and unlimited
power over all ecclesiastics in his diocese, whatever
might be their privileges or dignities.*
Ximenez, being now supported both by the autho-
thority of the pope and that of his sovereigns, for
mally declared war against all vices and abuses in his
diocese.. His efforts were crowned with such abun
dant fruit that, to use the words of Gomez, " Men/,
seemed to have been born again."!
But so confident was he of having right and •
power on his side, that even out of his diocese he
resolved strictly to uphold ecclesiastical discipline,
and hesitated not to punish severely and boldly any
violation of it. Of this spirit he gave a remarkable
proof in the affair connected with the archbishopric
of San Jago of Compostella. This see the aged pre
late Eonseca had resigned, in favour of his son
Alfonso ; hence, with the permission of King Eerdi-
nand, but to the great scandal of the faithful, it came
to pass, that a son, who was more distinguished for
his warlike than his virtuous habits, was seen to
succeed his father in the metropolitan see. Ximenez
boldly represented to his sovereign that even kings"
had no right to violate the laws of the Church, and
that the inheritance of Christ ought not to be pos
sessed by a bastard. As Ferdinand, however, refused
to recall his consent, Ximenez then uttered these
words : " If Eonseca is to possess the revenues of
the Church, on your highness must rest the respon
sibility, the expiation, and restitution." f
* The brief is given by Gomez (fol. 24).
t " Ita in omni disciplina et sanctitate diocesim suam con-
tinebat, ut homines denuo renati viderentur, et bellum om
nibus vitiis indictum, priscamque illam severitatem rediisse"
(fol. 24).
X Elechier, liv. vi. p. 495. Zurita, " Annales de Aragon" (torn.
vi. lib. viii. cap. v. p. 141), informs us that this event happened

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 215
While Ximenez, however, was carrying on these
reforms in his diocese with untiring energy, he did
not forget at the same time the reformation of the
Eranciscan order, which he had commenced even
from the period when he was chosen provincial and
confessor to Queen Isabella. As we have already
remarked, his intention was to bring the lax "Con
ventuals " into a stricter observance of their rule ;
those, on the contrary, who refused to submit, he
endeavoured to remove from the monasteries, partly
by mildness, and partly by force, and then to reno
vate the houses with monks of stricter observance.
Erom the very commencement Ximenez met with
powerful opposition. But when he became archbishop,
as he strove to accomplish the reform with redoubled
energy, so also was the opposition redoubled ; for
the lax Conventuals found numerous supporters
amongst the nobility. Many of the best families
had tombs and mortuary chapels in the churches
of the Conventuals. But as the " Observantines,"
who were to be introduced in their place, were not
allowed to receive any remuneration for services
performed, nor any revenues for pious foundations ;
so these noble families began to fear that the masses
and prayers for their ancestors would cease altoge
ther, especially as a false report had spread that
Ximenez intended to divert the foundations to other
purposes. /
The authority of the pious queen, however, kept
down the opposition of the nobility. But Ximenez
met with a greater and more serious obstacle on the
part of the court of Bome. The reform was consi
dered by many there as a violation of the constitu
tions of the order, which had been approved of by

in 1507, and that the aged Eonseca, after his resignation, took
the title of Patriarch of Alexandria.

216 THE LIFE OF
Paul IL, Sixtus IV., and Innocent VIIL, by virtue
of which neither the Conventuals nor Observantines
could take possession of the monasteries and churches
belonging to either, even with the permission of the
Holy See. Alexander VI. had certainly approved
of the alteration intended by Ximenez. But after
wards he listened to the complaints and grievances
made by the Eranciscan General Samson, who be
longed to the Conventuals, as all his successors did
till the year 1517. The pope, having consented to
the representations of the general, decreed, that
the royal visitors of the monasteries (obtained by
Ximenez) should not undertake the business of
reform alone, but only in union with other dele
gates, who were to be chosen by the general from
amongst the Conventuals. But in addition to this,
the pope went still further. As these delegates were
not respected in Spain, and their advice no longer
listened to, his holiness addressed a brief to Eer-
dinand and Isabella (dated Nov. 9th, 1496), where
by the continuation of the reform in Spain was to
be suspended for a time : but the name of Ximenez
was not mentioned.*
The queen, almost disheartened, communicated
this intelligence to Ximenez ; but he did not give
up all hopes of accomplishing his good intentions,
for he sent such powerful representations to Bome,
that the pope withdrew the prohibition, and com
mitted the carrying-on of the reform to Ximenez
and the two bishops of Catanea and Jaen. Thus it
came to pass, that, with few exceptions, the strict
rule of the Observantines was introduced into
all the monasteries of the Eranciscans in Spain; and
whatever piety, discipline, mortification, and purity

* The brief is given in Gomez (fol. 23). See also Wadding,
" Annales Minorum" (torn. xv. p. 127).

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 217
were observable amongst them in the time of
Gomez, all, it is said by him, must be ascribed to
Ximenez. But even after the archbishop had obtained the
papal permission, many obstacles had yet to be
overcome ; for about a thousand Conventuals, who
were averse to the reform, went over to Africa,
and by their apostasy to Mahomedanism freed
themselves from the strictness of reform, and gave
themselves entirely up to the gratification of their
base passions. Such, at least, is the account given
by Petrus Delphinus, and after him by Baynaldus,*
in his continuation of Baronius. Zurita,! also, and a
more recent writer, the Spanish academician Cle-
mencin,| give this fact as quite certain. Hence, the
assertion of Prescott (which rests only on a single
authority), that the rebellious monks did not go
over to Barbary, but into Italy and other Christian
countries, scarcely deserves credit. §
But amongst all those who opposed the reform of
the order, the most determined was the general of
tne Eranciscan order, iEgidius Delphinus. Erom
the time he was raised to this dignity (in 1500), he
had been planning how to unite the Conventuals
and Observantines together : he came into Spain,
a short time after his election (in the same year,
1500), for the purpose, if possible, of supplanting
* Raynald. ad annum 1497, n. 34.
t " Hist, del Rey Hernando," lib. iii. cap. xv. (See Mr. Pres-
cott's note on the subject, vol. ii. p. 350, ed. 1849). — Trans.
X See his " Elogio de la Reina Dona Isabel," in the " Memo
rias de la Real Academia de la Historia" (torn. vi. p. 201).
§ Dr. Hefele is here somewhat mistaken. Mr. Prescott does
not positively assert that the monks went into Italy. He merely
says, in a note : " One account represents the migration as being
to Italy and other Christian countries," &c. (vol. ii. p. 350).
But in the text he states that " they passed over to Barbary." —

218 THE LIFE OF
Ximenez.* Soon did all the enemies of the arch
bishop range themselves on the side of the general ;
and zealously did they endeavour to collect together,
for the inglorious campaign, all their griefs, com
plaints, and accusations. Supported with such arms
and provisions in abundance, the cunning general
first endeavoured to lower Ximenez in the estima
tion of the queen. Eor this object he asked for an
audience, which was granted by Isabella. After the
usual greetings and civilities were over, he imme
diately began to launch forth the poisoned arrows of
his false zeal : " What did your majesty see," he
said, "in brother Erancisco Ximenez, that could
induce you to promote him to so exalted a dignity ?
What is his origin ? What his learning ? What
are the proofs of his holiness and virtue ? As to
his birth, he is nothing but a poor hidalgo : as to
his learning, an ignoramus. What knowledge had
he of canon law, or what knowledge could the ob
scure official of Siguenza have acquired in four days,
that your majesty should intrust him now with
affairs of such great confidence ? If you chose him
for his holiness and virtue, your majesty should not
trust to a feigned sanctity, which is nothing better
than hypocrisy and deceit. It could not escape his
penetrating eye, that Ximenez was very fickle ; and
that he often passed from extreme severity to ex
treme laxity. He did not wish to dwell on his
rude and melancholy character, on his boorish
manners, and his want of education and good-
breeding. All these were, however, so many proofs
that Ximenez had no true holiness about him, since
real virtue was mild and gentle, serene and uniform.
Even his long refusal to accept his present dignity
* Accusations against Ximenez bad been previously sent to
Rome, to the general, who, according to Robles and Gomez,
believed every unfounded report against the archbishop. --Trans.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 219
was a proof, not so much of his virtue as of his
cunning. Your majesty is still able to heal the
wound," he continued, " which you have inflicted
on the church of Toledo, since it cannot be dif
ficult for you to deprive a man of his dignity who
is in every way so utterly unfit for it."*
To these words he also added other accusations
and insinuations ; but he" so completely failed in his
attack, that the queen could hardly restrain her
indignation, and prevent herself from ordering him
to leave the room immediately. She, however, con
tented herself with addressing these few but severe
words to him : " Are you, father, in your right
senses, or do you know to whom you are speaking ?"
"Yes," he passionately replied; " I am in my
senses, and I know well to whom I am speaking
— to Queen Isabella, a handful of dust and ashes,
like myself."!
Having said these bold words, he suddenly arose,
and departed like a fury. He continued for a few
years throwing the order into confusion, until at
last he was deposed in 1506, by a general chapter
held in Bome. As to Ximenez, he continued his
labours for the reformation of discipline, not only
amongst the Eranciscans, but also amongst all the
other religious orders in Spain, towards the accom
plishment of which object he had already made a
beginning, with the approbation of the pope, when
he was confessor to the queen. $ If the Eranciscans
submitted to the reform with great reluctance, the
* This impudent address is taken partly from Robles, and partly
from Gomez. — Trans.
+ " Diziendo : Ehtero juyzio tengo, y bien se" que hablo con la
Reyna Isabela, un poco de ceniza y polvo, tambien como yo."
(Robles, p. 91.) — Trans.
X Quintanilla, " Archetypo," &c. (lib. i. cap. xi. — xiv. p. 21),
gives some details connected with the reform of the religious
orders. So also does Robles (p. 67, Ac).

220 THE LIFE OF
Dominicans, on the other hand, the Carmelites, and
Augustinians, most readily embraced it.*
But while Ximenez was carrying on these affairs,
connected with the good of his diocese and the
reform of the religious orders, so great was his zeal
that he expressed a desire to hasten to Granada,
and remain there some time for the conversion of
the Moors.! After he had satisfied his zeal, the
attendance at court and the ceremonies respecting
the homage which was to be paid to Philip and"
Joanna occupied his attention. Scarcely had he
recovered his health at Santorcaz, towards the end
of the year 1503, when he returned to Toledo, in
order to be able to continue the work of reform
with energy. But he had scarcely departed, when
the queen immediately summoned him to Medina
del Campo, where her daughter Joanna was afflicted
with a deep melancholy. The archbishop hastened,
as we have already seen, to console the princess ; but
in the mean time, anxious not to slacken in carrying
out the work of the reform, he commissioned his
vicar-general Dr. Alonso Garcia Villalpando, and
Canon Eernando de Eonseca, to visit the chapter of
Toledo officially. The canons, however, seeing
therein a violation of their ancient right of being
responsible to no one but the archbishop himself,
would not acknowledge or accept the visitation of
the two delegates ; they, accordingly, appealed to
Bome. Three of the most obstinate and clamorous
amongst the canons were arrested by Ximenez, from
the report sent in by the vicar-general : their names
were Sepulveda, Barzana, and Ortiz. The others,
fearful of the same fate, sent a deputation to the queen
* Zurita ; Quintanilla.
t The labours of Ximenez amongst the Moors have already
been mentioned in a previous chapter.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 221
at Medina del Campo, where she was then residing
with the archbishop. The head of the deputation,
Dr. Erancisco Alva, assured her majesty " that it
was not through any spirit of opposition against
the archbishop, or any fear of the reform, that
induced them to undertake the journey. They were
even ready to submit to the censures of the arch
bishop, although every one knew that Ximenez was
without comparison far more severe than his vicars-
general. But the interests and honour of the chapter
were at stake, which from time immemorial had
never been responsible to any one but to the arch
bishop himself."
Ximenez, no doubt, perceived that in this matter
he had acted with too much precipitation. He
accordingly entreated the queen to allow him to
visit the chapter in person, and so put an end to the
dispute. She granted him leave to do so, for the
interest of religion, though she was herself then
beginning to be unwell : Ximenez therefore left
Medina for Toledo. At his departure she addressed
these words to him : "As soon as my health is
restored, I shall rejoin you at Toledo ;" but death
prevented the queen from ever seeing Ximenez
again.* The visitation of the archbishop to the chapter
calmed all their fears. Unfortunately, the particu
lars have not reached us, or the regulations which
he made ; still we know that the relation in which
Ximenez afterwards stood towards the canons was
most amicable; that he consulted them on all
important matters, and often entreated them to
remember him in their prayers at the altar.!
* She died November 26th, 1504. (See Clemencin's eulogy of
this most illustrious and pious queen, in the " Memorias de la
real Academica de la Historia," torn, vi.) — Trans.
f Flechier, liv. vi.' p. 487.

222 THE LIFE OF
Ximenez, about this period, founded other very
useful institutions in his diocese. He discovered
that many young women were driven by poverty to
a life of sin and dishonour ; and on his visitations as
provincial he also found out that several who had
taken the veil through necessity, and without having
any vocation, became afterwards very unhappy in
their convents. To remedy this double evil, he
founded at Alcala the Convent de San Juan, to
which he joined a house of charity for poor girls,
under the title of " Santa Isabel." Here they lived
to a certain age, under the guidance of a spiritual
mother and the warden of the Eranciscans of the
city, with certain rules drawn up for their direction.
They had the choice either of marrying or of em
bracing a religious life. If they chose the former,
they received a dowry • from the revenues of the
house ; if the second state, they were received with
out a dowry into the convent of San Juan.
Ximenez lived long enough to behold the blessings
arising from, such institutions. He was so pleased
with their success, that in his will he left con
siderable sums to them, though in his lifetime he
had endowed them with large donations, which
were afterwards considerably increased by Erancisco
Buyz* and King Philip II. By these means the
establishments became so flourishing that even
ladies of respectability and daughters of officers
connected with the royal household endeavoured to
be educated in them.
Ximenez also encouraged sueh institutions which
were so productive of good, even when they had
been founded by other people. Thus two indivi
duals of the middle class, named Jeronymo Madrit
and Pedro Zalamea, being grieved that no institu-
* He was bishop of Avila. (See Gomez, fol. 51).

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 223
tions for the poor existed in Toledo, resolved to
found an hospital which was intended for poor inva
lids. A considerable number of these were brought
to a house, where doctors and other necessary helps
were provided for them. The middle age, so fruitful
in good works " for God's sake," had scarcely com
menced this pious undertaking, when immediately
many persons hastened to give it their support.
Accordingly Madrit and Zalamea, having united
their resources together, soon saw themselves in a
condition, not only to provide for poor invalids, but
also to take care of widows and orphans who had
been abandoned, besides undertaking numerous
other works of mercy. Ximenez was the chief
patron of these institutions ; he invited Madrit to
come and see him, and encouraged him to persevere ;
he gave him also most substantial assistance, assur
ing him of his willingness always to aid him by his
advice, money, and authority. This encouragement
excited the zeal of the founders to such a degree,
that the undertaking soon assumed the form of a
religious congregation, whose office was to take
care of the poor and the sick, and especially of those
who wished not be known as paupers. Every night
during the year, from the 1st of November to the
last day of March, two of the members were obliged
to walk through the streets of Toledo, with torches
in their hands, collect together all the houseless
poor, and conduct them to the newly-erected hos
pital. When Ximenez saw the success of the insti
tution, he gave to it, during the year of famine in |
1505, more than 4,000 bushels of corn, to be distri
buted amongst the poor. Indeed, every year he
made valuable presents to it, both in money and
provisions. After the death of Ximenez, Pope
Adrian VI., as a memorial of the pleasant days
which he and Ximenez had spent together in Spain,

224 THE LIFE OF
solemnly approved of the institution. Gomez*
seems to delight in describing the blessings which
flowed from its establishment, as well as the grati
tude which the public felt and expressed towards
Ximenez by the celebration of a solemn service on
the anniversary of his death and an abundant dis
tribution of alms to the poor.
In addition to these benefactions, Ximenez was
also in the habit of performing a number of other
works of charity. Thus, he visited the hospitals in
person; he gave dowries to distressed women;
every day he fed at his palace thirty poor people ;
he released those who were in prison ; and founded
four hospitals, eight monasteries, and. built twelve
churches.! But while he was thus engaged in promoting the
welfare of his diocese, assisting the poor, and
endeavouring to lead his clergy along the paths of
virtue, the noble Queen Isabella died. By her
death the faithful chancellor was again interrupted
in the performance of his episcopal duties.
* Lib. iii. fol. 50, 51.
t Elechier (liv. vi. pp. 499 — 501) gives these and many other
edifying details about the charity, zeal, and devotedness of
Ximenez.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 225

CHAPTEB XIV.
XIMENEZ TAKES PAET IN THE AFFAIRS OF STATE UNDER
PHILIP THE FAIR.
By the death of Isabella, who died without a male
descendant, Castile came to be settled on the Infanta
Joanna, the consort of Philip the Eair ; while Fer
dinand, by this event, lost all right over Castile,
and was therefore obliged to be content with his
hereditary states of Aragon. But this posture of
affairs, so simple in itself, soon became exceedingly
complicated, both by reason of the enfeebled state
of Joanna's mind, and the inconstancy of Philip.*
Philip seemed to have but little regard for Spain ;
and so anxious was he to leave the country almost
immediately, that people began to doubt whether he
intended ever to take up his residence there, and
not rather live in the Netherlands, the land of his
affection. As to Joanna, who doted upon him with
excessive fondness, and whose jealousy was also
proportioned to her love, would she in this case
consent to remain absent from him, and so leave
Castile without a sovereign ? No one could be
deceived on the question ; — she would never remain
behind him. But, independent of this consideration,
* He was archduke of Austria, and son of the emperor Maxi
milian. Joanna, to whom he was married, was the second
daughter of Eerdinand and Isabella. But Philip being a stranger
to Spain, the marriage proved very unfortunate. He treated
Joanna with the greatest indifference. In spite of every solici
tation on the part of his wife, and of Eerdinand and Isabella, he
could not be prevailed upon to remain for any length of time in
Spain. — Trans. Q

226 THE LIFE OF
it was also to be feared, as indeed was afterwards
the case, that the disordered state of Joanna's mind
would become worse and worse, and so render her
incapable of holding the reins of government.
Isabella, therefore, in order to guard against both
dangers, viz., either the departure * of her daughter,
or her increasing infirmities of mind ; and' being
aware, too, that her own death was approaching,
appointed her husband Eerdinand regent of Castile ;
for in his prudence she could confide. She had
already, towards the end of the year 1503, wished
the Cortes of Castile to sanction a law, that in case
she herself should die in the absence of Philip and
her daughter, Eerdinand should be elected ad interim
regent of the states of Castile. But the queen
declared her wishes more clearly in this respect in
that admirable will which she dictated in October,
1504, a few months before her death. Eoreseeing
either the absence or the incapacity of Joanna, she
declares, that after mature reflection, and by the
advice of several prelates and nobles of the land, she
had appointed King Eerdinand, her husband, " to
be the sole regent of Castile," until her grandson
Charles should have attained his twentieth year.
She also bequeathed to Eerdinand a rich income,
and bestowed on him during his lifetime half of the
revenues which should arise from the newly dis
covered lands in the Indies, together with the
grand-masterships of three Spanish military orders,
which a short time before had been united to the
crown by a papal indult.! The queen made no
* Erom the time Philip left Spain to return to the Low Coun
tries, Joanna began to sink into a deep melancholy. She was
always talking and thinking about her husband; and never re
covered her tranquillity till she returned to Brussels, the year
after Philip's departure from Spain.— Trans.
t Mariana, lib. xxviii. cap. ii.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 227
mention of Philip in her will, and did not confer
the regency on him ; because he turned a deaf ear
to her advice, ill-treated her daughter, and con
stantly preferred the interests of Erance to those of
Spain.* Isabella had named as her executors King Eerdi
nand, Archbishop Ximenez, Deza, bishop of Palencia,
Antonio Eonseca, and Juan Velasquez, two inspectors
of the finances, together with her secretary Juan
Lopez Lezarraga.! The two first had full power &
to act, in conjunction with any one of the others.
Many of the nobles of Castile were, however,
exceedingly displeased with these appointments of
the queen, for they did not wish to hear anything
about the regency of Eerdinand ; whether they were
blinded by the rivalry so long subsisting between
Castile and Aragon, or whether they hoped to exer
cise greater influence under Philip, a weak and
inconstant prince, than under Eerdinand, who
was strong and resolute. Scarcely had they heard
the will of Isabella read than they broke forth
into complaints, and sent messengers forthwith to
Elanders to invite Philip to hasten without delay
into Spain. J
Eerdinand, on the other hand, instructed by these
intrigues, and with the intention of complying with
the regulations of the will, solemnly resigned the
title of King of Castile, and ordered the heralds
publicly to proclaim that his absent daughter
Joanna, and her husband Philip, were now the
sovereigns ; but that he himself, according to the
* Peter Martyr, Epist. 277.
t Prescott gives a good epitome of Isabella's will. (See
" History of Eerdinand and Isabella," part ii. chap, xvi.) There
seems, however, to be a difference respecting the date of the will,
between Mr. Prescott and Dr. Hefele : the former mentious as
the date, November 23rd, 1504 ; the latter, October 12th, -1504.
X Peter Martyr, Epist. 277. >
Q2

228 THE LIFE OF
wish of the deceased queen, was merely the admi
nistrator of the kingdom.*
According to ancient custom, he also delivered
the standard of Castile to the duke of Alva, and
summoned the primate and grand chancellor to
meet him at Toro, on the confines of Portugal, in
order to deliberate about the affairs of the kingdom
and the execution of Isabella's will. In the mean
time, while Eerdinand and Ximenez were conferring
together on business at Toro, the corpse of Isabella,
attended by the faithful Peter Martyr and a great
number of cavaliers and ecclesiastics, was borne from
the north to the south of Spain, Granada, amidst
the most dreadful weather.! The wise Eerdinand
surpassed himself in royal civilities towards Ximenez,
in order to gain to his side such an influential
prelate. He saw clearly that he then stood more
in need of Ximenez than Ximenez of him : he
accordingly went forth to meet him, welcomed him
in the most friendly manner, and offered him a seat,
while he himself continued to stand. The executors
met and consulted together almost every day. The
Cortes was also immediately convoked at Toro
* Peter Martyr, Epist. 279.
t Scarcely bad the funeral procession left Medina del Campo,
where the queen died, than a tremendous tempest arose, which
continued with little interruption during the whole of the journey.
Such is the testimony of Peter Martyr and others. The remains
of Isabella were first laid in the Eranciscan monastery of the
Alhambra, at Granada ; but on the death of Eerdinand, they
were removed to the cathedral, where both now lie, side by side.
A magnificent mausoleum of white marble was erected to their
memory, by their grandson, Charles V. The sides were adorned
with figures of angels and saints, richly sculptured in bas-relief,
while on the top reposed the effigies of the illustrious sovereigns.
The Capella de los Reyes, though forming a part of the cathedral,
is quite distinct in a manner from id. Fortunately, the royal
remains have never been disturbed. (See Eord's " Handbook of
Spain," Granada ; also, " Spain as it is," by Hoskins, vol. i.
chap. xiii. ; and Laborde's " Itineraire," ed. Paris, 1827.)

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 229
(January, 1505), in order to ratify the wishes of
Isabella as expressed in her will, to take the oaths
of allegiance to the queen Joanna and her consort,
and to acknowledge Eerdinand as the administrator
of the kingdom.* Unfavourable news, however,
having arrived respecting the state of Joanna's mind
while the Cortes was holding its sittings, it was
declared that the circumstances which were foreseen
by Isabella regarding her daughter had arrived ; and
therefore Eerdinand was expressly requested not to
abandon the kingdom, but to carry out the wishes
of the deceased queen. At the same time, notice of
these proceedings was sent to the court of Philip.!
Thus every arrangement was made in accordance
with the laws of justice, and with a view to the
future welfare of Castile. But many of the nobles
seemed as unwilling to comply with the commands
of the Cortes, as they did to carry out the last wishes
of the queen expressed in her will. They even
spread injurious reports about Eerdinand, as if he
intended, by a marriage with Beltraneja, to acquire
possession of Castile for himself, and also demand
half of the kingdom of Granada. Others, likewise,
openly declared themselves the friends of Philip ;
viz, the marquis of Villena, the duke of Najara, and
Don Juan Manuel, the ambassador of Eerdinand
and Isabella at the court of Maximilian. On being
informed of the death of the queen, he immediately
hastened to Elanders without the permission of his
sovereign, where he gained great influence over
Philip by his talents, J increased the ill-will already
* Mariana, lib. xxviii. cap. xii.
t Zurita, " Anales de Aragon," torn. vi. lib. vi. cap. iv.
X " This nobleman, descended from one of the most illustrious
houses in Castile, was a person of uncommon parts, restless and
intriguing, plausible in his address, bold in bis plans, but exceed
ingly cautious, and even cunning in the execution of them," &c.

230 THE LIFE OF
existing between Eerdinand and Philip, and openly
refused to obey the command of the former to
return to his post of ambassador : he also served as
a means of communication between Philip in Elan-
ders and the rebellious Castilian nobles.* His in
sinuations succeeded so much the more powerfully
with Philip, as they were supported by the court
favourites of the prince, who hoped the more easily
to enrich themselves with the gold of Castile, by
the removal of Eerdinand out of the way. Philip
also, dreading to find in his father-in-law a severe
and troublesome tutor, readily came into the plans
of Don Manuel to drive Eerdinand from Castile, in
spite of the will of Isabella.
Such difficulties were, of themselves, sufficient to
damp the courage of Eerdinand. Eor thirty years
he had been accustomed to love Castile as his own
father-land ; while in union with his wise and faith
ful queen, he had done innumerable good things
for its welfare, and even gained a new kingdom for
it by the conquest of Granada. But now it seemed
as if he were about to lose the fruit of all his labours,
and that the band which had so long united him
with Spain would be broken, in case the light-minded
Philip should succeed.! Eerdinand, also, began to
have some apprehensions about the kingdom of
Naples, recently added to the crown of Aragon.
Neither could he divest himself of a suspicion which
forced itself on him for a long time, that perhaps
the " Great Captain " might, as a Castilian, unite
himself with Philip, and so deliver up Naples to him.
Ximenez, however, was entirely devoted to the
(Prescott's History of Eerdinand and Isabella," part ii. ch. xvii.)

* Peter Martyr, Epist. 282. See also Eerreras, torn. viii.
t Such are the apprehensions expressed bv Peter Martyr
(Epist. 283). F 3

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 231
cause of Eerdinand. He advised him to send some
persons of tried fidelity to the court of Elanders, in
order to inform Philip of the self-interested views
and plans of the Spanish nobles ; to offer him the
friendship of Eerdinand, and to request the young
prince (Charles) to come into Spain. Lopez Con-
chillos and Miguel Eerrera were accordingly sent
to Elanders.*
Ximenez, during his stay at Toro, was very
anxious to see and venerate the corpse of St. Ilde
fonso of Toledo (who died in 667) ; it was preserved
in the neighbouring town of Zamora. But the in
habitants of the place refused him permission, through
the apprehension they had, that he might perhaps
request for himself a portion of the saint's body.
Being painfully disappointed at the refusal of the
people, Ximenez applied himself again to his epis
copal duties ; but it seems uncertain whether he
returned to Alcala, and carried on the business of
the reform (now for some time interrupted) in his
diocese, or whether, as some other writers say, he
joined the king at Segovia, and was unwilling to
leave him till the aspect of affairs became more
settled. About this time, Philibert de Vera, of Burgundy,
and Andrea de Burgo, from Cremona in Italy,
arrived in Spain as ambassadors of Philip and the
emperor Maximilian.- Their object was to repeat
by word of mouth what Philip had already expressed
in writing to Eerdinand ; viz., that Eerdinand should
resign Castile, and retire as soon as possible into
his own hereditary states. The unfortunate Joanna,
in her lucid intervals, saw with grief the blindness
of Philip, the cruel treatment shown to her father,
and the dangers also which threatened his states of
* Peter Martyr, Epist. 282 ; Mariana, lib. xxviii. cap. xiii.

232 THE LIFE OF
Castile. Acting according to the advice of Conchillos,
who was her secretary, she addressed the following
affecting words to her father : — " If the entreaties
of a loving daughter are of any force, do not, my
father, resign a kingdom which, in union with
Isabella, you delivered from ruin, and made great
and powerful. I, the heiress of that kingdom, hereby
surrender to you full powers for its government ; and
when I return to Castile, your counsel shall be my
rule of conduct." Conchillos had intrusted this
letter to his companion Eerrera, that so he might
take it with him to Spain. But Ximenez and others
were deceived by this man ; for he was base enough
to deliver the confidential letter to Philip. When
he read it, his rage knew no bounds ; he banished
all the Spanish ladies and grandees from the court
of Joanna, censured her correspondence with
Spain, and threw the unfortunate Conchillos into a
horrible dungeon as a state criminal. There the
miserable young man, probably under the effects of
poison, soon lost his hair, and for a time even his
reason.* Philip immediately equipped a powerful
fleet to drive by force his father-in-law from Castile ;
and having entered into an alliance with Erance, it
was arranged that Louis XII. should take Naples
from King Eerdinand, while Philip at the same time
was to land in Spain.!
Oppressed under all these difficulties, Eerdinand
summoned Ximenez to Segovia, in order to oppose
his authority to the unruly nobles, and to confer
with the ambassadors from Elanders. Immediately
on his arrival in the city, even before he had any
* Gomez, and Peter Martyr, Epist. 286.
t Peter Martyr, Epp. 285, 289, 290, 291. These details are
somewhat different from those given by Mr. Prescott, who seems
to forget a reference to any authorities. (See chapter xvii. of his
History, &c.) — Trans.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 233
interview with the king, Ximenez invited both the
ambassadors to an audience with him. These, in
opposition to the representations of the Spanish
grandees, showed such respect for the primate and
grand-chancellor, that they at once arose from table,
and hastened to Ximenez, who received them in the
royal apartments. The archbishop then represented
to them, " how deplorable it was, that Philip should
mistrust his father-in-law, and deliver himself over
to rapacious vultures and hungry wolves. As to the
imprisonment of Conchillos, he proved that the
punishment was much greater than the fault he had
committed ; he therefore requested them immedi
ately to send off a courier to Philip, to demand his
liberation : above all, he convinced them that it
was high time for Philip to show himself more con
ciliating towards Eerdinand ; for should his anger be
once roused, he could easily prevent Philip by force
from entering Spain."* Alarmed by these words
of Ximenez, and also dreading his firmness, as well
as fearful of his influence, they immediately sent off
— even before they arose from table — a courier to
Philip, to inform him of the conference which had
just taken place, and to beg of him to come to some
understanding with Eerdinand ; for that this would
be the only means of avoiding great evils. Everything
succeeded so well, that Conchillos was released, from
prison, and fresh negotiations were opened between
Philip and his father-in-law.
Another circumstance contributed to make Philip
more pacific. At the, time when he was making pre-
* Robertson, in bis " History of Charles V.," is to be blamed
for having attributed to Eerdinand the intention of resisting the
landing of Philip by force. Ximenez only wished to terrify the
ambassadors by such a threat. Peter Martyr assures us that
Eerdinand had no idea of employing force against Philip. (See
•Epist. 291.)

234 THE LIFE OF
parations for war against Eerdinand, in union with
Erance, Eerdinand, by his tact and wisdom, had suc
ceeded not only in averting the threatened storm,
but even in gaining over to his cause his hereditary
enemy, Louis of Erance. Through his hatred of
Philip, he went so far as to marry Germaine,* the
niece of the king, that so he might leave Aragon to
another heir, rather than to the ungrateful Philip.!
Thus, the enmity between the son-in-law and the
father-in-lawthreatened to undo all that the marriage
of Eerdinand and Isabella had effected for the wel
fare of Spain. The hatred, too, of Eerdinand had
become so intense, that he sacrificed precious advan
tages in order to detach Erance from Philip, and
to gain it over to his cause. While Louis renounced,
in favour of Germaine, all his claims to Naples, Eer
dinand engaged himself, in case Germaine should
die without children, to deliver the moiety of the
kingdom of Naples to Erance: in a word, the
affiance between the young prince Charles and
Claudia (which was not agreeable to the Erench)
was declared to be of no effect. The two parties
signed the treaty in October, 1505. Peter Martyr
justly calls it "a shameful treaty" (Epist. 292) ;
but, he adds, that Eerdinand considered it abso
lutely necessary; and these words explain the reason
why Ximenez gave it his co-operation. J Erance
now took in a decided manner the part of Eerdinand,
and refused Philip an entrance into Spain, so long

* She was the daughter of Jean de Eoix, viscount of Nar-
bonne, and one of the sisters of Louis XII. ; and granddaughter
to Leonora, queen of Navarre, the guilty sister of King Eer
dinand. (Prescott, chap, xvii.)
t Dr. Hefele omits here several details connected with the alli
ance between Eerdinand and Erance, and also many of the terms
on which this alliance was to be based. — Trans.
X " Non abnuente Ximenio." (Gomez.)

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 235
as he refused to be reconciled to his father-in-
law. The letter in which Eerdinand announced these
events to his son-in-law is interesting : — " You
have no reason, my son, to be angry with me
for having concluded a treaty of peace with your
friend of Erance; since as long as the king was
my open and your secret enemy, you eagerly sought
to obtain his assistance against me, and even
against yourself. In making this treaty, I have
not been unjust towards you; but you, by your
alliance with Erance, have treated me with con
tempt and done me great harm, and also yourself ;
you have likewise forced me to enter upon this
new marriage. Becover, then, yourself. Should
you come into Spain as a son, and not as an enemy,
I shall forget the past, and receive you as my son ;
so great is the power of paternal love. Should you
listen to the advice of one who knows perfectly
both the people and the nobility, your presence in
Spain will be happy and welcome. But should you
continue to give your confidencei to those who
think only of their own interest and your de
struction, you will certainly fall into terrible
misfortunes."* This unexpected turn of events compelled Philip
to become more pacific towards Eerdinand, who,
after the treaty with Erance was arranged, went
frOm Segovia to Salamanca in company with Xime
nez. There the archbishop first heard of the death
of the governor of Cazorla, Pedro Hurtado Men
doza, brother of the late great cardinal of the same
name. He immediately commissioned persons with
full authority to confirm the inferior officers in their
places, and to provide for the levying of the taxes ;
* Peter Martyr, Epist. 293.

236 THE LIFE OF
but he deferred till a later period the appointment
of any one to the late governor's post.
It was during his stay at Salamanca that the
affair of the regency was settled, — November 24th,
1505 ; it was publicly proclaimed on the feast of
the Epiphany. Erom this date it was settled, that
all royal decrees and documents should bear at the
head of the page the names of Eerdinand, Philip,
and Joanna, together ; and that they were to carry
on the government in union with each other.* But
the friends of Philip amongst the Spanish grandees
considered this treaty only as a necessary evil,
which was unavoidable on account of the friend
ship of Eerdinand with Erance ; but that it would
be null and void as soon as Philip should once arrive
in Castile. They hoped, that then Eerdinand would
no longer occupy the first place, or rather no place
at all, in the government of Castile, but that he
would be obliged, against his wish, to retire into
Aragon. Their prophecies were correct, because they them
selves had a share in the accomplishment of* them.
Eerdinand, in the mean time, being satisfied with
the treaty, left Salamanca, and returned to Segovia,
to enjoy the pleasures of hunting, which he loved
excessively. But when he heard that Philip and
Joanna had embarked for Spain (January, 1506),
he ordered public prayers to be offered up through
out the whole of Castile for their safe arrival. He
himself came more towards the north, as far as
Valladolid, in order that he might hasten to the
coast as soon as he heard of their arrival in Spain.
Peter Martyr mentions with what profound grief
Eerdinand was afflicted, when the news reached him,
* Peter Martyr, Epist. 294. The treaty was really intended
by Philip to lull the suspicions of Eerdinand, who was quite
deceived in the matter, as events prove. — Trans.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 237
some time after, that a most furious tempest had
destroyed part of the Elemish fleet, and a fire broken
out in Philip's ship, while the remainder of the
vessels were cast on the coast of England.*
Being obliged to remain some time in England,
Joanna took the opportunity of visiting her sister
Catherine.! Philip at last set sail, and reached the
port of Coruna on the 28th April, 1506. Eerdinand
hastened to meet them, and sent two envoys to
Philip to assure him of his friendly intentions ; and
that after he had taken part in the government of
Castile for two years, he should then retire into his
kingdom. J Ximenez followed the king by his spe
cial command. Gomez relates, that on his journey
he obtained for the inhabitants of Villumbrale, by
his prayers, a most abundant shower of rain, which
had been long wanted. § Eerdinand and Ximenez
arrived together at Molina, while Joanna and Philip
proceeded to Compostella. There their arrival was
waited for by the ambassadors, who had been
deputed by Eerdinand to congratulate them.
But in the mean time, the friendship which had
but just commenced between both parties so closely
related was soon destined to be broken. Philip was
so unwise, and also so presumptuous, as publicly to
declare that the treaty of Salamanca was not bind
ing in his estimation; that he should receive no
advice from Eerdinand, nor allow Joanna his wife
to have an interview with her father. || Philip was

* At Weymouth. When Henry VII. heard of the shipwreck,
he invited the illustrious persons to Windsor, where they were
magnificently entertained for three months. — Trans.
t Catherine of Aragon, who was then married to Henry VIIL
— Trans.X Peter Martyr, Epp. 294, 301, 304.
§ Gomez, lib. iii. folio 58.
|| Peter Martyr, Epist. 305 (also, Epist. 300). The letters of

238 THE LIFE OF
exceedingly irritated at the marriage of Eerdinand
with Germaine, because such an event threatened
to deprive him of Aragon, Naples, and Sicily. The
Castilian nobility were also irritated at this union,
because it seemed to injure the memory of the great
Isabella, the national honour, and likewise the wel
fare of Castile. Thus numbers of the grandees were
already deserting the cause of Eerdinand, and going
over to the side of Philip, who was intentionally
endeavouring to avoid an interview with his father-
in-law ; he even hastened away from Compostella,
like a fugitive, in order not to meet Eerdinand there
on his arrival. Ximenez, the grand-admiral, the
grand-constable of Castile, the duke of Alva, his
brother, the marquis de Denia, and a few others,
were the only persons who remained faithful to
the king.
One can hardly decide whether it was meanness
or wickedness that induced Philip to hide himself,
like a thief, in the mountains of the north of Spain.*
The words, " odiunt, quern lseserint," are certainly
applicable to him ; for he must naturally have felt
a strong dislike to appear before Eerdinand, whom
he had lately irritated by his violation of the treaty
agreed upon at Salamanca, and by his refusing
Joanna an interview with her father.
Towards the middle of May, 1506, Eerdinand,
with the object of effecting some good, commissioned
Peter Martyr to have an audience with Philip,
hoping that the archduke would lend a willing ear
to the representations of so learned a man, whom
he had so highly honoured ever since his arrival in
Spain.! But as the visit was useless, Eerdinand
poured out all his grief into the bosom of Ximenez,
this learned man are of great historical value for this period of
our history. — Trans.
* Peter Martyr, Epist. 308. f lb. 305, 306.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 239
though he had fortitude enough to conceal it from
the eyes of the world. He now regretted having
remained so long at Molina, and thus allowed his
son-in-law to escape from him. He also reproached
Ximenez for not having corrected his negligence ;
but the archbishop at once replied, " that he had,
alas ! constantly given advice to his majesty which
was never attended to ; that he had frequently
entreated him, not only to make haste, but also to
have recourse to arms to subdue his rebellious
nobles, and to keep his evil-minded son-in-law in
check : but still, that Eerdinand must not lose
courage, and might count for certain on his support
and adherence."*
The result of this conversation was, that Ximenez,
though now advanced in years, undertook the diffi
cult task of effecting a reconciliation between
Eerdinand and Philip. He accordingly hastened to
overtake the latter, followed him across the moun
tains, and ceased not till he found him at Orense, in
Galicia.! On the same day of his arrival, he sent
his companion Erancisco Buyz to Philip, to offer
him his respects and ask for an audience. This was
readily granted, while Eerdinand expressed his joy
to Buyz at the arrival of so venerable a prelate, and
appointed the following day for the audience. Philip
received Ximenez before the whole court with extra
ordinary marks of respect and kindness ; for he had
already learned to esteem, not only the ecclesiastical
dignity of the primate, and his great political influ
ence, but also the high personal character which he
bore. The first interview — which was private — lasted
more than two hours. Several other interviews
* Gomez, folio 59.
t Gomez states, that Ximenez commenced bis journey at the
beginning of May, 1506 ; but it is clear, from Peter Martyr, that
it was at the commencement of June.

240 THE LIFE OF
followed, and conferences with the ministers of
Philip. Hence, the best amongst the Castilian nobles
now began to rejoice at seeing Ximenez become the
only mediator capable of effecting a reconciliation
between the two hostile parties.
The representations which Ximenez made to Philip
may be seen in a letter which the archbishop ad
dressed to Eerdinand from Orense. It was to the
following effect : — " He assured the young prince,
that the Spanish grandees sought only their own
interest, even at the risk of the repose and security
of the kingdom ; that they hated King Eerdinand,
because he saw through their avarice, and was deter
mined to put a check upon it. As Eerdinand had
rendered great services to Philip, the latter could
do nothing better than allow himself to be guided
by his wise father-in-law, whose long experience and
knowledge of the Castilian people and nobility
would be a pledge for promoting the welfare of the
kingdom. But should he refuse to confide in Eer
dinand, and be resolved to trust himself to Don
Manuel, such an act would be nothing more or less
than to cut himself off from a strong support, and
rest only on a weak reed. Seldom indeed do step
mothers agree with their step-children ; but quite
the opposite is the case between a father-in-law and
son-in-law, especially in the present case, where the
father-in-law, having no male heir, would devote
himself to the interests of his daughter and her
children."* But the words of Ximenez were of no avail. Philip
could not be induced to allow Eerdinand to retain
the provisional government of Granada, which had
been conquered by him, and was not yet entirely
subdued. Philip persisted in wishing Eerdinand to
* Gomez, folio 60.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 241
remove from Castile, and would allow him to claim
nothing but the revenues which his wife Isabella
left him in her will.
Ximenez, believing that any further negotiations
would be perfectly useless, accepted the conditions
mentioned above. But as he earnestly desired that
the two princes should have an interview with each
other, he resolved not to depart from the court of
Philip till he had effected a meeting between them.
Eerdinand, on his part, did not delay in expressing
to Ximenez his warm thanks for all his exertions :
he declared that he was ready even to abandon his
kingdom, to govern which he was forbidden by the
blindness of his son-in-law.
Thus was an apparent reconciliation effected,
principally through the condescension of Eerdinand:*
from this period Ximenez seems constantly to have
remained by the side of Philip, as he was required
by his duties of grand-chancellor of Castile.
It was about this period that Ximenez bestowed
the office of governor of Cazorla on his cousin, Count
Garcias de Villaroel. It was remarkable that the
mode of collation which he made use of, respected
at once both the right of confirmation which be
longed to the crown, as well as the liberty of elec
tion which belonged to the archbishop. Ximenez
one day addressed these words to Garcias in the
presence of Philip : " Kiss the hand of the king,
our master, for having made you governor of
Cazorla." The king, quite taken by surprise, could
not refuse his consent, because it seemed as if the
appointment had come directly from himself. Thus
it was seen, that Ximenez had deferred appointing
* Eerdinand, through the love which he had for his daughter,
sacrificed his rights, as Peter Martyr remarks : " Ab armis tem-
peratum est a Eernando, quia paternus amor tot opprobria ferre
coegit." (Epist. 309.) R

242 THE LIFE OF
any one to the office till the arrival of Philip, as,
indeed, it was the general opinion from the first
that such would be the case.
When Philip met the Cortes at Burgos, and thence
went to Puebla de Senabria, Ximenez accompanied
him, where he at last obtained a promise from him,
that he would consent to have an interview with his
father-in-law. Philip chose Don Manuel to regulate
all the details. But this individual had offended
Eerdinand too grievously to dare to appear before
him till the duke of Alva and Don Antonio Eonseca
had offered themselves as hostages : Ximenez re
ceived them in his house. After everything had
been arranged, the solemn interview at last took
place in an open plain near Senabria, on the borders
of Leon and Galicia, June 23rd, 1506. Philip,
accompanied by a great number of Belgians and
Spaniards, and surrounded by a considerable force,
as if prepared for a battle, made his appearance on
the plain with royal pomp ; Don Manuel being
on his left hand and Ximenez on his right. Eer
dinand, on the other hand, came without any pomp
or military escort, attended only by about two
hundred followers, who were mounted, like himself,
on quiet mules, without any warlike preparations.
Even his very enemies could not help admiring his
wisdom and tact, in seeing him thus advance like a
father going to meet his children ; while Philip
hastened to his father-in-law as if he were going
forth to encounter an enemy. The pompous parade
of the one did not diminish the simplicity of the
other. The military formed an extensive circle round the
two sovereigns and their noble attendants, while
the Spanish grandees, being now brought so near
to Eerdinand, ' could not help, in spite of their
enmity against him, from showing him formal marks

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 243
of their respect. This ceremony certainly cost their
pride a great deal, for many were conscious how
grievously they had injured Eerdinand, and, above
all, the count of Benevente and the marquis of
Astorga, who had refused Eerdinand on his journey
to meet Philip a passage through their territory.
Eerdinand, however, thanked them all with kind
ness, and added, moreover, many good-humoured
remarks and witty allusions. Several of the grandees
wore armour inside their clothes, because they had
no faith in the reconciliation of the two princes, and
feared the worst from their own guilty conscience.
These precautions had not escaped the sharp eyes of
Eerdinand : he said, therefore, to Don Garcilasso
de la Vega (who was once his ambassador at Bome),
while he was embracing him in a friendly manner :
" Why, my dear Garcilasso, what broad shoulders
you have 1 You have grown wonderfully stout since
last we met !"
The moment when the two sovereigns were to
embrace each other having now arrived, Philip
wished outwardly to give a proof of that respect
which he really entertained in his heart for his
father-in-law. But Eerdinand tried to prevent the
exhibition ; he made a sign to him not to dismount,
and instead of offering him his hand to kiss, he
embraced him, kissing him with great tender
ness " on his forehead and cheeks," as well as
two knights could do. Almost all the nobles of
Castile and a great number of people witnessed
this scene. The; two kings then dismounted, and
entered a small hermitage close at hand, in order
to be able to confer more leisurely with each
other. They were followed only by Don Manuel and
Ximenez. When they entered, the archbishop, being
most anxious to' banish the demon of hatred from
r 2

244 , THE LIFE OF
the breast of Philip, suddenly turned towards Don
Manuel, and addressed these laconic words to him,
uttered with all possible earnestness : " The princes
wish to speak to each other in confidence, let us
therefore depart ; I will remain as sentinel at the
door." Manuel accordingly retired. Ximenez closed
the door, and then seated himself near the sovereigns
on a bench in the chapel.
The interview lasted about two hours. After
Eerdinand had complained of the undeserved mis
trust to which he had been exposed, he gave Philip
a description of the grandees of Spain ; told him
their real character ; dwelt on the amount of their
fidelity, and the manner in which he was to treat
each one of them. He then recommended Ximenez
to the young prince, as one of the wisest and most
loyal of all the great men in the kingdom ; worthy
before every one else of the royal confidence, and
deserving to be treated with love and esteem. Philip
promised to follow the benevolent advice of his
father-in-law ; left the chapel with Eerdinand ; and
renewed before the whole assembly his most friendly
intentions.* A few days after, on the 27th of June, Eerdinand,
in the presence of Ximenez and others, solemnly
swore to observe the treaty which had been agreed
upon ; the same was done by Philip on the following
day. But Eerdinand went still further; for he
executed another instrument, in which he plainly
acknowledged the incapacity of his daughter for
carrying on the government, and promised to sup
port Philip as sole regent.! But Eerdinand, before
signing the document, made a protest in private,
before several witnesses, that what he was about to
* All these details are taken from Gomez and Zurita, and also
from the valuable epistles of Peter Martyr— 2V«rcs.
t Zurita, torn. vi. lib. vii. cap. viii. Prescott, chap. xvii.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 245
do was not of his own free choice, but from necessity;
and that so far from relinquishing his claims to the
regency, it was his intention to enforce them, and
to rescue his daughter from captivity as soon as he
was able to do so. Philip's conduct, too, was far
from being honourable, for under friendly appear
ances he nourished continually a bitter hatred. This
hatred manifested itself on the very same evening
of the interview, by his refusing to accompany Eer
dinand on his journey to Aragon, and not allowing
him to see his poor beloved daughter after such a
long separation from each other, though his desire
to see her was supported also by the authority of
Ximenez. Nay, only a short time afterwards, when
Eerdinand and Philip met together in a church at
Ben^do, near Valladolid, and Eerdinand took the
opportunity of again pressing his request, Philip
refused permission in a harsh tone,* and repeated
several times these insulting words : " The good of
Spain requires that Eerdinand should leave Castile
as soon as possible." According to Zurita, this
second interview took place in the presence of
Ximenez, July 5, 1506, and lasted an hour and a
half,! though Peter Martyr says it lasted only half
an hour. Philip contented himself with merely
promising Eerdinand permission to retain the grand
-masterships of the three military orders for ever,
and the revenues secured to him by the will of
Isabella. Nothing was said on other subjects. J
Eerdinand had now the sorrow to see himself obliged

* " Durior Caucasia rupe," says Peter Martyr (Epist. 310).
t Zurita, torn. vi. lib. vii. cap. x. . Peter Martyr, Epist. 310.
X There appears to be some discrepancy in the dates of these
two interviews. Prescott seems to take it, for granted, that it
was on the 27th of June that Eerdinand surrendered the sove
reignty of Castile to Philip and Joanna. Altogether three inter
views took place between the two sovereigns. — Trans.

246 THE LIFE OF
to depart for Aragon, attended only by the duke of
Alva and the marquis of Denia. It was his intention,
however, as soon as possible, to visit his states of
Naples and Sicily.
Ximenez, in the mean time, was constantly at the
court of Philip, and therefore was unable to remain
in his diocese for the present, because he wished to
guide the young prince in the way of virtue, as far
as circumstances would allow. We may relate (in
passing), that about this time Ximenez gave a
remarkable proof of his courage. The count Pimentel
de Benevente, while the young king was on his way
from Senabria; to Valladolid, had prepared a great
bull-fight in his honour. Before the combat com
menced, Ximenez, wishing to cross over to the place
where the king was sitting, suddenly met one of the
beasts, who got free through the carelessness of the
keeper. It furiously attacked the attendants of the
archbishop, wounded several, and threatened to
attack Ximenez himself. But he stood before it
calm and tranquil, like a man prepared to fight or
to die; the royal guard, however, quickly came,
and drove the bull away. When he was praised
for his calmness and courage, he jocosely answered *.
" When the king's guard is near, no one need
fear." *
Ximenez now began to excercise his influence,
not without fruit, in calming the terrible and often
fatal quarrels which soon began to break out in the
court of Philip between the grandees, and especially
between the houses of Benavente and Mendoza. He
also took part in a quarrel with Eonseca, archbishop
of Compostella, because as primate he had to receive
an appeal against a decision of Eonseca. This last
prelate had excommunicated two of the government
* Gomez, folio 63, 64.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 24?
judges for having imprisoned Erancisco Bibas,
although he had received minor orders. Eor this
reason the judges appealed to Ximenez. What was
the issue we are not informed.
The Cortes soon after took the usual oath of
fidelity and homage to Queen Joanna, as " Senora
natural," to her consort Philip, and also the Prince
Charles, as presumptive heir to the crown. But
Ximenez soon had an opportunity of witnessing
the evil influence which the Spanish and Elemish
favourites began to exercise over Philip. Judges
the most faithful and talented, officers the most
able, governors, prefects, and other persons in
authority, were odious and suspected, merely be
cause they had been appointed by Eerdinand. Even
the marquis of Moya was dismissed from his post of
governor of Segovia, without any regard being paid
to his past fidelity and that of his spouse, Beatriz
Bobadilla, in favour of the late queen, Isabella.*
Unworthy favourites, and even strangers from
Elanders, got possession of the most important
offices : often were the posts purchased by money,
and even the property of the state sold to supply
the excessive prodigalities of a corrupt court. Philip
himself said once, " that having been rich when
count of Elanders, he became poor when he was
the greatest king in Europe."! Complaints the
most just, when addressed to the sovereign, re
mained, unanswered ; so that it is not wonderful
if, as was the case in Andalusia, a revolt broke out
in some of the provinces. Ximenez now thought it
was his duty to overthrow the pernicious influence
of Don Juan Manuel, and to close the too credulous
ears of Philip to his advice and suggestions. A
* Peter Martyr, Epist. 312. Prescott, chap. xix. part ii. The
government of Segovia was given to Don Juan Manuel.
t Peter Martyr, Epist. 313. Flechier, liv. ii. p. 181.

248 THE LIFE OF
favourable opportunity soon presented itself. In
one of the treaties signed by Philip, he had insured
to Eerdinand, conformably with a clause in the
will of Isabella, the revenues arising from the silk-
manufactures of Granada. This solemn pledge,
however, did not prevent Don Manuel from farming
out the said revenues to some speculating favourite ;
thus making his royal master's words so many lies.
Being prime minister, Don Manuel was also inspec
tor of finance. When the contract was found in his
cabinet, signed with his own hand, Bertrand de
Salto, one of the royal collectors, showed it to
Ximenez, without having any suspicion that mat
ters were going wrong. Ximenez tore it in pieces
immediately, and went directly to the king to
inform him of the disgraceful conduct of Don Juan
Manuel. Then, taking advantage of this circum
stance, the archbishop spoke in a general manner
of the evils which the bad counsellors of the king
had brought upon Spain, &c. He concluded his
address by imploring his majesty to remove Don
Manuel from court, under some honourable pretext.
Though Philip refused to do so for a long time, he
at last promised to send him as ambassador to
Bome : the promise was not, indeed, fulfilled ; but,
according to the testimony of Gomez, his influence
from that day began to decline.
At the request of the king, Ximenez was soon
after charged with the difficult but important task
of studying the nature of all the different affairs
which were brought every Eriday before the council
of state, and then of giving in a report respecting
them to the king. By this means it was very easy
to show the king everything in its true light and
bearing. Every Thursday Ximenez gave an audience
to some of the principal ministers, who gave him an
account of the most important matters which were

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 249
to be brought under the consideration of the council
the following day. Don Manuel himseK was now
becoming more discreet and reasonable than he used
to be : often did he accompany the other ministers
to the house of the energetic prelate, who was the
real cause of the downfall of his influence.
God only knows whether the king would have
continued long in this way ; for, as the Almighty
called him out of this world in the flower of his age,
Philip was unable to give sufficient proof of his
having altered for the better.

250 THE LIFE OF

CHAPTEB XV.
THE DEATH OF PHILIP. — XIMENEZ BECOMES BEGENT OF THE
KINGDOM.
Amongst many other dignities conferred upon
Don Manuel by Philip, was that of governor of
Burgos. This favourite had therefore prepared a
magnificent feast for his royal master in person, as
a proof of his gratitude for the honour. The most
lively joy and pleasure prevailed at the banquet.
The king, however, who had eaten and drunk to
some excess, on rising from table wished to take a
little exercise. He called for his horse, and rode on
the riding-ground with great ease. Then he dis
mounted and had a game at tennis-ball, which he
passionately loved. At this he played for a long
time with considerable exertion. But he became
so heated that he thoughtlessly drank a jug of
cold water, which brought on a fever that very
same evening. This happened on the 19th of Sep
tember, 1506. At first there seemed to be no
danger, but it soon increased with fearful rapidity,
either through negligence or improper treatment.
One only amongst the physicians of Philip (Ludo-
vico Marliano,* from Milan) was aware of the
danger in which the prince was ; all the others
believed there was no danger whatever. When
Ximenez heard of the case, he thought it his duty to
* He afterwards became bishop of Tuy, in Galicia. Peter Mar
tyr, who was his friend and admirer, calls him " Lucida lampas
inter philosophos et cleri'cos " (Epist. 313). See also Mariana,
lib. xxviii. cap. 23.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 251
send his own physician (Dr. Yanguas) immediately
to visit the sick prince. Philip received him kindly,
and told him all the particulars of his illness. Yan
guas saw no remedy but in bleeding. The Elemish
doctors, however, were exceedingly opposed to such
treatment, pretending to know the nature of the
malady, as well as the constitution of the king,
better than the Spanish physician. Their opinion
prevailed. Yanguas then hastened to inform the
archbishop that there was no hope for the king.*
As soon as the report spread abroad, the nobles
and ministers considered it necessary to deliberate
on the present posture of affairs, and consider the
best means of providing for the government of the
kingdom, in case the king should die. The inca
pacity of the queen was evident to all. The grand-
constable, Velasco ; Henriquez, admiral of Castile 5
and the duke of Infantado — the two first of whom
were related to the royal family ,-^-declared them--
selves in favour of Eerdinand, and were of opinion
that he ought to be immediately invited to return
from Naples, and, as guardian of his daughter,
undertake the regency of Castile. But the duke of
Najara and the marquis of Villena, two old enemies
of Eerdinand, opposed such a motion with great
earnestness. The count of Benavente and others
sided with them,-^-mostly through fear, lest when
Eerdinand should come into power again, he might
revenge on them the injuries which they had com
mitted against him after the death of Isabella. The
nobles, being thus divided, put the matter into the
hands of Ximenez till the king's death. They con-r
jured him to try and conciliate the two parties, and
preserve the peace, in quality of his dignity as
grand-chancellor and primate.
* Gomez, folio 66.

252 THE LIFE OF
In a second conference, held on the 24th of
September, just when the king was near his death,
Ximenez at last succeeded, by his prudence and
wisdom, in effecting a union among the numerous
nobility who surrounded him. Many had already
spoken in favour of King Eerdinand ; and their
advice would probably have been followed, had not
Pimentel, count of Benavente, opposed the others
with all his might. " What !" he exclaimed, " will
you all be so mad as to invite back again to Spain
one whom you have so lately driven away ? Are
you not afraid, lest, after being kind to you in the
beginning, he may at last exercise all his deep
Vengeance upon you ? This I now tell you openly :
I possess at home two new suits of armour ; these
shall be torn from my body before I suffer the king
of Aragon to return to Castile."*
These fiery words produced a great effect, for most
of the grandees came over to the views of the count
of Benavente.
Hitherto Ximenez had not spoken, as he listened
in silence to the various opinions which were ex
pressed. Though devoted, as all right-minded per
sons were,! to the cause of Eerdinand, he could only
speak under the present circumstances in a general
way, invested as he was by the nobility with the
character of a mediator. He promoted, then, the
interests of his country, as well as the cause of Eer
dinand, much better by the way in which he spoke ;
for he represented to the assembled nobles, that
King Eerdinand. had indeed a long and practical
experience of affairs, and had also displayed, talents
of the highest order for governing ; but, at the same
time, that Castile had no need of choosing a regent
* Gomez, folio 67.
t Peter Martyr says : " Eernandus apertis visceribus a bonis
desideratur ; is nisi redierit, ruent omnia." (Epist. 317.)

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 253
out of the kingdom, because there were so many fit
and excellent men within her own bounds. The
nobility, therefore, had only to choose some one
amongst themselves, who possessed the love and
esteem of the people. As for himself, he would
honour and support any one they might choose, just
as he would the king himself.*
Scarcely had Ximenez finished his address, when
it was received with the most lively joy by the no
bility. Had he taken the part of Eerdinand then, it
is very probable, that after Philip's death there
would have been a civil war. The only thing for
which Ximenez can be blamed is, that he showed
himself more politic than candid with the passionate
grandees. Some were fearful, that if Ximenez had
spoken more in favour of Eerdinand, he might
quickly have excited or irritated their minds. The
result was, that Ximenez himself, together with the
grand-constable, the grand-admiral, the duke of
Najara, the duke of Infantado, the ambassador of the
emperor of Germany, Andrea del Burgo, and Vere,
a Elemish nobleman, were chosen for the provisional
administrators of the kingdom, until the Cortes
(now near at hand) should pronounce a definitive
judgment on the choice.! The biographers of Xime
nez, with Gomez at their head, who is followed by
all the others, seem to think, in their account of
these proceedings, that Ximenez was chosen regent
of Castile personally, with only two councillors, viz.
the grand-constable and the duke of Najara. But
Zurita has given us all the authentic documents
of the meeting, and from these sources it is that
we have taken the above account. $
* Gomez, folio 67. See ljkewise Elechier, liv. ii. p. 170.
t Gomez, folio 68. Zurita, torn. vi. lib. vii. cap. xv.
X It is certainly true, that Peter Martyr (Epist. 317) speaks
merely of Ximenez, the duke of Najara, and the grand-constable.

254 THE LIFE OF
The following day the fatal event which was
so much feared took place. After an illness of six
days, Philip died on the 25th of September, 1506,
at Burgos, five months after his arrival in Spain,
and in the twenty-eighth year of his reign. Being
the first of the royal family of Austria, he had a
probability of inheriting an almost world-wide mo
narchy ; but it was not given to him to arrive at
such greatness, and much less had he the talents and
capability of Charles, his son and heir. Eor although
nature had not been backward in her gifts to him,
yet Philip " the Eair "* was too fond of the plea
sures of life, too light-hearted and weak, ever to
become a great sovereign.!
Joanna, who was so deserving of pity, being pos
sessed of an invincible love for Philip, would not
for a moment leave the bed of her deceased spouse.
No tears, however, assuaged her sorrow ; for, from
the time when she discovered a Belgian maid in the
arms of her faithless husband, terror had dried up
the fount of tears in the eyes of the unhappy woman.
But after the death of Philip, and in spite of her
being far advanced in her pregnancy, she could not
be removed from the corpse, either by the entrea
ties of the grandees, or even by those of Ximenez
himself. $
On receiving the news of the king's death,
Ximenez immediately retired to his domestic
chapel; and there, unseen by men, he wept over
But he, no doubt, only wished to indicate the principal personages
who composed the council for the regency.
* Eelipe el Hermoso, of whom Mariana thus speaks : " Labium
inferius porrectum cum gratia" (lib. xxviii. cap. xxiii.).
t " He was rash and impetuous in his temper, frank, and care
less. He abandoned himself to the impulse of the moment,
whether for good or evil." (Prescott, chap, xix.)
X Zurita, Anales, torn. vi. lib. vii. cap. xv.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 255
the young prince and recommended his soul to
God. After he had performed this duty, he hast
ened forthwith to the queen, not with the view of
addressing useless exhortations to moderate her
grief, but to console her by sympathizing with her
in the affliction which had just befallen her, and
then endeavouring to pour the oil of comfort into
her afflicted soul.
The remains of Philip were publicly exposed that
day and the following night, according to the
Elemish custom. They were covered with costly
robes, and all the usual tokens of the royal dig
nity, and surrounded by a great number of the
clergy and laity ; amongst whom was Peter Martyr,
who gives us the account of the proceedings. In
the morning of the same day, the body had been
opened by two doctors, embalmed, and then bound
round, like a mummy, with cloths, and put into a
double coffin of lead and wood. It was then depo
sited in the Carthusian convent of Miraflores, near
Burgos ; where it remained till it was removed to
Granada, to be interred by the side of Isabella,
according to the wish of Philip. But the king had
bequeathed his heart to Elanders, to which he had
belonged all his lifetime.
The king's death might easily have led to an
explosion of hatred (long pent up) on the part of
the Spaniards, against the avarice and tyranny
of their Elemish masters. To prevent such an evil,
the duke of Najara and the grand-constable con
sidered it necessary, by order of the council, to
publish in the public square of Burgos, by the
assistance of the heralds, "that whoever should
be found with arms in the streets would be horse
whipped ; and that whosoever should draw a sword
would have his hand cut off; and, finally, whosoever
should shed even one drop of blood, would be

256 THE LIFE OF
punished on the spot with death."* By this means
order was preserved. As soon as the funeral cere
monies were over, the grandees assembled again in
presence of Ximenez, on October 1st, in order to
confirm his authority of regent, and to compel the
nobility to yield obedience to him. The decree is
to be found in Zurita, who informs us, that a
certain pre-eminence was given to Ximenez over
his colleagues in such a way, that none of them
could send a deputy into the council of regency
without his consent, while he alone was com
missioned to receive the adhesion of the nobles and
prelates to the new government.!
But before this meeting took place, Ximenez,
immediately after Philip's death, wished, if possible,
to enter into a correspondence with Eerdinand ; he
therefore instantly sent a letter to him, hoping it
would find him at Barcelona before he set sail for
Italy. The following is the substance of it : — A
fever carried off Philip in a few days, and so great
is the disunion amongst the grandees, that no one
knows what to do. The queen, overwhelmed with
grief and mourning, has lost the powers of her
mind. If, then, you have any consideration for a
kingdom once so dear to you ; if any love yet
remains for a daughter so inconsolable, — let the
affairs of Italy stand by for a time, and return
immediately to Castile. Ximenez trusts to the
magnanimity of the king, which he hopes will
induce him to forget all the evils which the
grandees made him suffer. But now nothing of
the kind need be feared; rather was Ximenez
confident that he would be able to surrender the
government into the hands of his majesty, and that

* Peter Martyr, Epist. 317.
t Zurita, Anales, torn. vi. lib; vii. cap. xvi.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 257
he would find it in a more tranquil state than it
was even under Isabella herself."*
Louis Eerrer, whom the Catholic king had left as
his ambassador at the court of his daughter, took
charge of this letter, and immediately sent it by a
courier to Eerdinand. Letters of similar import
were also sent by the grand-constable and the
faithful Peter Martyr.! But Eerdinand had already
left Spain, and the courier only overtook him at
Portofmo, near Genoa, October 6th, 1506.
But in spite of so many pressing invitations, the
king did not think proper to return immediately to
Castile. He probably wished his subjects to taste
for some time the bitterness of anarchy, before
he offered them any assistance, and thought that it
would be the most prudent course for him to return
then in the character of a liberator. Moreover, a
violent and unjust suspicion of the fidelity of the
"great captain,"! who was his viceroy at Naples,
had tormented him. Eerdinand, in order to diminish
the power of this man who had been so useful to
him, had already conferred a part of his powers ofi
other magistrates. But his suspicions induced him
to proceed to Italy at once, in order to suppress
any perfidious attempts which some might be
plotting against his statholder. He therefore con
tinued his journey towards Naples, and contented
himself with sending kind answers to the grandees,
prelates, and citizens of Castile, assuring them in
affectionate words of his speedy return to Spain.
He begged of Ximenez especially, faithfully to attend
* Gomez, folio, 68. A Spanish historian is mistaken in sup
posing that Ximenez at first wished to make himself regent. (See
Ascorgorta, " Compendio de la Historia de Espana," Paris,
1838, p. 229.)
\ Epp. 317, 319. Zurita (loco citato), cap. xix.
X Gonsalvo de Cordova.

258 THE LIFE OF
to the affairs of the kingdom ; not to abandon the
unfortunate queen, and frequently to inform him
how matters were going on.*
Enmity and disorder soon began to break out
amongst the nobles, while a hatred arose between
the grand-constable and the duke of Najara, which
threatened to end in bloodshed. Ximenez inter
fered, but his efforts were useless. The queen also
began to thwart him, by her complete obstinacy
in all matters connected with the regency. She
listened, indeed, through a latticed window to the
plans of the archbishop and his colleagues, but she
paid no further regard to them ; she even refused
to subscribe to any decree which was presented for
her approval, and neither prayers nor tears had
any effect upon her. She had, however, allowed
Ximenez to dwell with her in the palace, but she
forbad him to speak to her on the affairs of govern
ment, considering him " not to be a councillor, but
merely a companion to her." She was exceedingly
angry whenever the prelate ventured to meddle in
" her affairs," as she expressed herself.!
The only thing which she did about this time,
was to order payment of the Elemish musicians,
whom, after Philip's death, she had received into
her court. She had loved music from her infancy,
for in that she found her only solace during the
hours of her melancholy .% Some time afterwards,
shortly before her departure from Burgos, she
awoke from her apathy, and by an act which tended
to increase still more the public discontent and
confusion, she suddenly recalled, without any
apparent grounds, all the honours and rewards
which her spouse had bestowed on different persons
* Gomez, folio 71.
t Peter Martyr, Epist. 317. Zurita (as above), cap. xxi.
X Peter Martyr, Epp. 317—349.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 259
during his regency. In other matters she remained
mute and almost inaccessible. To every question
she merely answered in these words : " I can only
do one thing, — pray for my husband ;" or with the
remark, " My father will soon return, and he will
provide for all." With such words she also put off
the Elemish servants, who demanded in vain to be
paid, that so they might be able to return home.
It was equally impossible to induce her to sign a
decree against the duke of Medina Sidonia, who
had revolted, or for the appointment to important
offices which had been long vacant. Several
cathedrals were without their bishops: Ximenez,
therefore, conjured the queen to present to the
pope any persons who were agreeable to her ; but
she replied "that her father would know better
than herself who were fit subjects." When the
spiritual evils were represented to her, that were
likely to arise from so many sees being left vacant,
she remarked, with a quickness which was not
uncommon to her in her lucid intervals, " that the
evils would be still greater if she should name
unworthy subjects." She remained during the
greater part of the day in a dark chamber, with
her chin resting on her right hand, quite silent, full
of obstinacy towards her attendants, and especially
of bitter hatred towards the whole race of women*
— only two of whom were allowed to approach her,
viz., Dona Maria d'Ulloa, countess of Salinas, who
was her lady in waiting, and the wife of the grand-
constable. Though this last lady was a natural
daughter of Eerdinand, yet she left the palace of her
husband when Philip and Joanna came to dwell
at Burgos ; it was only after the death of the king
that she returned:! there the unhappy princess
* Peter Martyr, Epist. 318. t Mariana, lib. xxix. cap. iii.
s 2

260 THE LIFE OF
continued to reside for some time, until, for the
sake of her health, she removed to the country house
of the Vega, near Burgos.
Her case, however, became worse and worse, until
at last it terminated in downright madness. On the
feast of All Saints, 1506, she went from Burgos to
the convent of Mirafiores, where the body of her
spouse had been deposited for a time, in order to
convince herself that the body had not been stolen
by the Elemish attendants on her husband. She
even ordered the coffin to be opened; she gazed
upon the corpse for a long time ; she touched it
with her hand in several places, and always with
dry eyes and a calm countenance. She then ordered
the lid to be put on again, and immediately returned
to Burgos.*
Under these circumstances, and amidst the in
creasing disorder of the kingdom, it was evident
that some one was required to save the country
from utter ruin, who should be invested with un
limited power. Some of the grandees cast their
eyes upon the German emperor Maximilian, father
of the deceased King Philip, and wished the govern
ment of the kingdom to be confided to him. Others
preferred calling from Elanders the young Prince
Charles, who was then in his seventh year, and who
could easily choose an administrator and invest him
with full power. Another party were anxious that
the queen should marry again ; but they could not
agree respecting the choice of a husband. Some
thought of Eerdinand, the young duke of Calabria,
* Zurita, cap. xxvi. Mariana, lib. xxix. cap. iii. Elechier (liv. ii.
p. 182) confounds another journey to Mirafiores, which took place
later, with that which Joanna made on the feast of All Saints.
This mistake probably arose because Peter Martyr speaks only of
the last (Epist. 324). But Mariana and Zurita distinctly men
tion each separate journey.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 261
or Don Alonso of Aragon, both of whom were her
uncles. Others wished her to marry the king of
England, or the Erench count Gaston de Eoix,
brother of Germaine. But Joanna rejected all
these overtures with invincible firmness. " She
loved her spouse now that he was dead, as much as
she did when he was alive."* All the best-disposed,
however, wished Eerdinand to return ; but on this
point different opinions prevailed. Some considered
it better that Eerdinand should be acknowledged
administrator of the kingdom while absent ; others
wished it to be done only on his return to Spain.
Ximenez belonged to the first party : hence it was
thought that he wished to confide the government
to Eerdinand while he was in Italy, in order that
Ximenez himself might be named his representative.
But, according to the testimony of Zurita, Eer
dinand had in reality bestowed full power and
authority on Ximenez to govern Castile during his
absence, in concert with other grandees who should
seem proper persons.! It would, then, be very rash
to impute the zeal which Ximenez showed for the
interests of Eerdinand merely to motives of self-
interest. It is evident that the good of the country
dictated to Ximenez the same line of conduct as
other less generous motives might have inspired
him with. Who can venture to decide that the sole
motive of self-interest, gratuitously alleged, pro
duced acts which it is most natural to attribute, if
not to the most noble of the two motives, at least
to both of them together ?
But, however anxious Ximenez was that Eerdi
nand should return to Castile, this could not be
effected in the present state of affairs without a
royal decree, and the sanction of the Cortes.
* Zurita, cap. xxi. Mariana, lib. xxix. cap. iii.
t Zurita, cap. xxv.

262 THE LIFE OF
Ximenez, then, and his colleagues resolved to
assemble the Cortes at Burgos, in November, 1506,
in order, by a solemn decision, to settle the question
of the regency. But the archbishop had wisely
taken the precaution beforehand to induce the vari
ous parties into which the nobility were divided
to make a solemn promise not to enter into nego
tiations with any prince in the mean time.
But while Ximenez was thus exerting himself to
assemble the Cortes, the other friends of Eerdinand,
and especially the duke of Alva, were endeavouring
to prevent the meeting. This party had on its side
the express declaration of the Catholic king (Eerdi
nand), who derived his right to the regency from
the last will of his spouse, and the decree of the
Cortes held at Toro, without there being any necessity
for a new decision on their part. But Ximenez and
the other adherents of the king, and, lastly, his
majesty himself, clearly saw that the right acquired
by the will of the queen, and through means of the
Cortes held at Toro, had been made null by his
treaty with Philip.*
Nevertheless, under such circumstances, the uni
versal and peaceful acknowledgment of Eerdinand
could not be made without the ratification of the
Cortes. The decree was therefore prepared, accord7
ing to the wish of Ximenez, for the convocation of
the Cortes. Soon was there a general agitation
visible amongst all parties, who were anxious to
direct the choice of the provinces and cities so as to
promote their own views. The provinces of Guipus-
coa and Biscay, which had not been accustomed to
send deputies to the Corbas, now demanded to be
represented for this time" only.!
* All these details are principally taken from Zurita, " Auales
de Aragon," so often quoted. — Trans.
X Zurita, cap. xxii.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 263
Eerdinand' s party gained great advantages in the
elections, for the people universally wished his
return, as the only means of recovering tranquillity.*
To complete the victory, there were only wanting
two points, viz., the opening of the Cortes, and its
being acknowledged by the queen. To obtain this
result, the grandees, the council royal, and the
governor of Burgos hastened to the palace, where
Ximenez pressed the queen to accede to the wishes
of the deputation, representing to her that the wel
fare of the kingdom depended on the Cortes being
convoked.! But no efforts or motives could induce
the queen to give her consent. In this extremity
Ximenez, contrary to all custom, and in spite of the
protestation of the duke of Alva, and without any
order from the queen, convoked the Cortes by an
edict of the council royal. But as it did not obtain
the necessary approbation in all the provinces, only
a very small number of deputies arrived at Burgos
towards the middle of November; the meeting,
therefore, was soon dissolved. $
It was then that the provisional government of
Castile ceased, and Ximenez, the duke of Alva, and
the grand-constable obtained from King Eerdinand
full power to conduct affairs. § Ximenez, with an
eagerness peculiar to him, now took advantage of
the meeting of the Cortes solemnly to declare — ¦
what the whole of Spain already knew — the inca
pacity of the queen. His object was that Eerdinand,
on his return, might be spared the pain of being
obliged to adopt this measure against his own
daughter, and by this means, to avoid any obstacle
in his administration. No doubt this arrangement
of the archbishop was good, but it is no less certain
* Zurita, cap. xxv. t Ibid, cap xxi.
X Ibid. cap. xxviii. Mariana, lib. xxix. § Zurita, cap. xxxii.

264 THE LIFE OF
that the compassion which every one felt for the
unfortunate Joanna made it useless : neither the
people nor Eerdinand himself approved of it.*
But though Ximenez at first was so determined
on convoking the Cortes, yet he began a little later
to change his opinion on the subject, when he saw
how, in the course of their proceedings, they did
nothing but quarrel more and more amongst them
selves, and suffered themselves more than ever to
be influenced by the Austrian party. Hence it was
that Ximenez, the duke of Alva, and the grand-
constable considered it necessary to adjourn the
States. They also heard with joy that the queen,
the day before her departure from Burgos, had
ordered a deputation from the Cortes to retire to
their homes. A royal decree prorogued the Cortes
for four months.
After the prorogation of the Cortes, the queen at
length yielded to the entreaties of those around her,
and left Burgos, which was then ravaged by a
pestilence. Having dwelt in the neighbouring Vega,
not far from the city, for a few weeks, she resolved
to leave that part of the country altogether. A
number of the nobility, through the hope of acquiring
greater influence over her, offered her their mansions
for her habitation, as soon as they heard of her
intention to leave the neighbourhood of Burgos.
Ximenez himself, if we may trust the assertion of
Zurita,! had recourse to this expedient ; while
Gomez, on the other hand, assures us that Ximenez
endeavoured to dissuade the queen from her intended
departure, on account of her being pregnant. But
Joanna obstinately refused to listen to any advice,
whether good or bad ; she was resolved to follow
only her own will. Accordingly, on the 20th of
* Zurita, cap. xxi. xxxii. t Cap. xx.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 265
December, 1506, she went to the convent of Mira-
flor^s, in order to disinter the body of her husband,
and take it with her on her journey. In vain did
the bishop of Burgos represent to her that such a
proceeding would be contrary both to the laws of
the Church and to the will of Philip himself;
and that, moreover, no corpse could be removed
during the first six months after its burial. This
opposition threw the queen into a fearful passion ;
she uttered the most terrible threats in case her
orders were not obeyed. Eearful lest some dangerous
consequences might follow from her passion, and
considering, too, the state she was in, the bishop
complied with her wishes. Accordingly, all the
grandees present, the papal nuncio, the ambassadors
of Maximilian and Eerdinand, the bishops of Burgos,
Malaga, Jaen, and Mondonedo, as also Peter
Martyr, were summoned to view the body, in order
to testify to its identity. But, according to Peter
Martyr,* nothing could be seen save a form enveloped
in cloths, and totally incapable of being recognized.
Joanna, however, ordered the coffin to be ornamented
with gold and silk coverings. She then placed it
on a car, which was drawn by four Elemish horses,
and ordered it to be conveyed before her to the town
of Torquemada, which lay between Burgos and
Valladolid. At this last city she stopped, the journey
having taken two days, though the distance is so
short ; because the queen travelled only at night,
by the light of torches. " A respectable woman,"
she said, " after the death of her husband, who was
to her a sun, should shun the light of day, and
travel only in darkness."!
At Torquemada she ordered the body to be

* Epist. 324.
t Peter Martyr, Epist. 359. Mariana, lib. xxix.

266 THE LIFE OF
taken into the principal church, and be sur
rounded by numerous guards, as if she wished to
repel the attack of an enemy. But her object
was to prevent any woman from approaching the
royal coffin ; for the jealousy of the afflicted queen
still troubled her, even after the death of her
husband. Every morning a funeral service was
performed in presence of the corpse, and in the
evening vespers of the dead were recited. Neither
these nor the watching of the guards were inter
rupted during the whole of the journey. Ximenez,
at first, had remained at Burgos, with the grand
admiral and the duke of Najara; but he soon
hastened to join the queen at Torquemada, in order
not to be absent a moment during the approaching
" confinement" of Joanna. He feared — and his fears
were shared by all the friends of order — lest, if the
queen should die during her delivery, the guardian
ship of Charles, the heir of Castile, together with the
regency of Spain, should pass into the hands of the
emperor Maximilian I. But these fears of Ximenez
were the result of his zeal for the interests of
Eerdinand, as well as for the good of the country.
Eortunately, they were not realized, for, on the 14th
of January, 1507, Joanna gave birth to a princess
at Torquemada. She was baptized by Ximenez, and
received the name of Catharina. She was afterwards
married to the king of Portugal.* The queen soon
recovered her strength, though her reason was far
from being restored ; on the contrary, her mind was
more and more filled with delusions.
"Under such unfortunate circumstances Ximenez
considered it his duty, in virtue of the authority
with which he was invested, to transfer the royal
* Gomez, by an error, says the princess was born on the
nineteenth calends of January instead of February. (See Zurita,
cap. xliii., and also Peter Martyr, Epist. 331.)

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 267
council, and also the office of the Inquisition, to
Palencia ; while he himself remained near the queen,
who became every day more and more incapable of
governing. Whenever she was called upon to sign
any document, says Peter Martyr, it seemed as if
her fingers were glued together.* She cared very
little what became of the kingdom, provided she
was not disturbed in the deep apathy that had
possession of her ; and this prevailed to such an
extent, that when once she was seized with it she
was unable to raise herself up.! In the mean time
the hatred of the nobility one towards another, and
especially between the grand-constable and the duke
of Najara, arose to such a height that at Torque
mada they would have come to blows, even in the
palace of the queen herself, had not the queen, or
rather Ximenez by means of the queen, sent some
mediators to appease the strife of the parties.
No wonder, then, that the return of Eerdinand
was anxiously and daily hoped for ; though Peter
Martyr complains that the promises he made of
returning were empty and deceitful. $
During the stay of the court at Torquemada,
Ximenez visited the small town of Cisneros, from
which his family originally came. There he saw his
parents, paid his respects to them, and gave them
many tokens of his affection. The inhabitants of
the town received him with great honour, and as
a return for what they had done to testify their
esteem for him, he granted the favour they had
asked, viz. that for the future the civil officers
were not to be chosen from Castile, but they them-
* Peter Martyr, Epist. 331. t Ibid. 332.
X Prescott seems to think that Eerdinand showed a " discreet
forbearance," in not immediately returning to Spain. He used,
however, the most courteous style in his communications to the
nobles. (See chap. xx. part ii.)— Trans.

268 THE LIFE OF
selves were to elect two adelantados, or municipal
officers, who should have the power of settling all
their disputes.
Towards the end of April, 1507, the queen, at
last, left Torquemada, which was not healthy;
but, as Peter Martyr remarks, she only exchanged
Scylla for Charybdis, by choosing for her residence
the small town of Eornillos, which scarcely con
tained sufficient houses for her attendants. In vain
was she exhorted to proceed to the neighbouring
city of Palencia, where the royal council had already
arrived : she resolutely replied, " that widows ought
not to dwell in large cities and magnificent houses."
Many of her attendants were obliged to erect small
cabins for themselves, in order to have some place
in Eornillos wherein to dwell.*
The principal object, in the mean time, which
Ximenez zealously aimed at, was, by negotiating
with the grandees, gradually to unite all the parties,
and so prepare them for acknowledging Eerdinand,
so that on his arrival in Spain he might find order
everywhere re-established.! Sometimes even his
own friends put obstacles in his way, viz., the duke
of Alva and the grand-constable ; partly because
they considered his negotiations and compacts as
disgraceful for Eerdinand to accept; and, above
all, because they considered themselves justified in
complaining that favours were promised to their
adversaries, which ought to have been the reward of
their own fidelity. Another obstacle to the complete
success of Ximenez was his want of the authority
with which Eerdinand had invested him the preced
ing year, during his negotiations with Philip. Still
* Peter Martyr, Epist. 339.
! Ximenez was unwilling to employ any severity, except
against the two most obstinate enemies of Ferdinand, viz., the
duke of Najara and Don Manuel.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 269
Ximenez succeeded in gaining over the most bitter
enemies of Eerdinand ; viz., Garcilasso de la Vega,
the marquis of Villena, the count of Benavente,
and the duke of Bejar. But the duke of Najara and
Don Manuel remained inflexible.*
Ximenez derived great assistance from Eerdi
nand' s ambassador, Louis Eerrer, who used his ut
most endeavours to keep the archbishop, the duke
of Alva, the admiral, and grand-constable united
together. As a recompense for so many services on the part
of Ximenez, Eerdinand endeavoured to show his
gratitude to the archbishop. Hence, during his
residence in Italy, a report was spread through
Spain that Eerdinand had obtained the cardinal's
hat for Ximenez from Pope Julius II. , and also that
he had reserved for him the dignity of grand in
quisitor of Castile.! Zurita insinuates that these
two dignities were objects of ambition with Ximenez ;
he likewise mentions, in another place, that Eerrer
had made proposals on the subject to Ximenez in
the name of Eerdinand, and at the same time had
promised a bishopric to his friend Buyz4 These
promises were fulfilled on the arrival of Eerdinand
in Spain.
In the mean time Eerdinand, having left Naples,
set sail for the port of Savona, instead of Ostia,
where Julius II. had been expecting him in vain.§
At Savona, Eerdinand and Louis XII., king of
Erance, met together amidst great pomp. The "great
captain" also was amongst Eerdinand's attendants,
though he was once deprived of his dignity of
viceroy over Naples by the suspicious monarch ; but
* Zurita, cap. xxxix. ; also lib. viii. cap. vi.
t Peter Martyr, Epp. 340, 343. J Zurita, cap. xxii.
§ It seems as if Ferdinand had designedly1 avoided having an
interview with the pope. (See Peter Martyr, Epp. 352, 353.)

270 THE LIFE OF
now the illustrious warrior was loaded with the
highest honours by the king of Erance, against whom
he had so often fought in battle.*
At length, after having enjoyed the splendid
hospitality of Louis for four days, Eerdinand and
his queen re-embarked, and reached their own port
of Valencia on the 20th of July, 1507. After a
short repose, he proceeded by slow journeys towards
Castile, while all the grandees and nobility came
forth to meet him with great pomp. His daughter
Joanna was also anxious to meet him on the frontier
of Castile ; but Ximenez, at the suggestion of Eer
dinand, dissuaded her from the undertaking, and
advised her to remain in some town not far from
Eornillos, where sufficient room could be found for
the residence of both courts. Joanna accordingly
set out on her journey in the middle of the night of
August 24th, accompanied by the corpse of Philip,
and attended by Ximenez and the other officers of
the court. She reached Tortol^s, which was about
fifteen miles from Eornillos. A few days before
(August 21st), Eerdinand had arrived in the terri
tory of Castile, where the duke de Infantado, the
admiral, and a crowd of grandees and cavaliers,
received him most solemnly and cordially.
On the 27th of August he entered TortoMs, and
embraced his daughter with tears of joy, though
he was exceedingly shocked by Joanna's outward
appearance, which was wild and haggard.!
After a long interview, at which Ximenez only
* The " great captain " was also exceedingly honoured by
Eerdinand himself, who now studied to efface from his mind every
uncomfortable impression. (See Prescott, chap, xx.) — Trans.
X She survived forty-seven years after this meeting, but took no
part in public affairs. Philip's remains were finally removed to
the cathedral church of Granada, where they were deposited
with those of his wife Joanna, in a magnificent sepulchre erected
by Charles V. (Prescott.)

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 271
was present, it was resolved that the court should
remove to Santa Maria del Campo. The king de
parted in the morning, but Joanna, as usual, would
travel only by night, taking along with her the
corpse of Philip. On his arrival Eerdinand assumed
the reins of government with a firm hand, and also
with the full consent of his daughter. So confident,
too, was he in the justice of his cause, that he took
no trouble to have his " right and title" ratified
by the approbation of the Cortes, which was only
convoked three years after, on the 6th of October,
1510.

272 THE LIFE OF

CHAPTEB XVI.
XIMENEZ IS NAMED CARDINAL, AND GEAND INQUTSITOE OF
CASTILE AND LEON.
One of the first acts of Eerdinand, the new regent
of Castile, was to procure the cardinal's hat for
Ximenez. Eor a long period the Spanish episco
pacy had been honoured by having several cardinals
in its ranks. The kings themselves generally soli
cited this dignity from the pope in favour of those
amongst their subjects who had served the State
more than the Church. It was during the time when
Eerdinand was residing in Italy, that he proposed
to the holy father to invest Ximenez with the purple,
alleging most powerful reasons for wishing to honour
him with this distinction ; amongst which were the
great services he had rendered to himself, to his
deceased queen, and to the kingdom of Castile.
Often had the Holy See been obliged to accede
with regret to solicitations of this kind. But, in
this case, Pope Julius II. and the Sacred College
were exceedingly delighted to be able to accord such
an honour to a man who was one of the most illus
trious prelates of his time. Nay, so loudly and
frequently did the cardinals express their joy at this
new creation, that a great number of letters having
been sent from Bome by the resident Spaniards there,
the news quickly spread through Spain. Gomez
assures us that he himself found several of these
documents in the archives of the church of Toledo.
After all the negotiations and necessary formalities
had been completed at Bome, on the 17th of May,

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 273
1507, the brief was published, which raised Ximenez
to the dignity of a cardinal of the Boman Church.*
With the title of St. Balbinus, was also united the
honourable appellation of "Cardinal of Spain,"
which his immediate predecessor in the primatial
see of Toledo had also borne, as well as Pedro Erias,
bishop of Osma, in the fourteenth century.!
On the very same day, after the publication of
the pontifical brief, Eerdinand, who was still at
Naples, wrote a letter to Ximenez, in which he
assured him, "that his numerous and extraordinary
virtues, as well as the important services which he
had rendered to Spain and to himself personally,
had induced him to solicit the holy father to confer
the dignity of cardinal upon him, and that he, Eer
dinand, hoped the archbishop would accept this
favour with the same kind feeling and sentiments
that had inspired him with the idea of obtaining it
for him," &c. This letter, written by the king's
own hand, contained something still more honour
able and important. He was named, at the same
time, grand-inquisitor of Castile and Leon, in place
of Deza, archbishop of Seville, who had just resigned
that dignity.
Though the papal brief and royal letters had been
* " Venerabili Eratri nostro Francisco, S. E. E. Presbytero
Cardinali, Julius II. P. M. : —
" Dilecte fili, Salutem et Apostolicam Benedictionem. — Inducti
praclaris meritis et virtutibus tuis ; contemplatione etiam caris-
simi in Christo filii nostri Aragonum, Sicilian, Eegis Catholici,
qui hoc a nobis per literas et oratores instantissime petiit, hodie
in consistorio nostro secreto, S. E. E. Cardinalium consortio et
collegio te aggregavimus ; sperantes quod eidem S. E. E., cujus
tam honorabile membrum es, utilis eris et honoriflcus, illiusque
authoritatem pro viribus conservabis, et augebis.
" Datis Koma% apud Sanctum Petrum, sub annulo Piscatoris,
die xvn. Maii, mdvii. pontificatus nostri anno quarto." (See
Gomez, folio 76 : Alcala, 1569.)
t Mariana, lib. xxix. cap. x. p. 31.
T

274 THE LIFE OF
for some time previously received in Spain, it was
ten months before Eerdinand returned. He brought
with him the red cap or birretta belonging to the
dignity of cardinal, in order that he might solemnly
place it on Ximenez, in the place of the pope ; a
function which the Catholic sovereigns themselves
very frequently fulfilled.* It was the original inten
tion of Eerdinand that the solemn ceremony should
take place in presence of the court, at Santa-Maria
del Campo : Joanna, however, who seemed to view
with displeasure the honours which had been con
ferred upon Ximenez, absolutely refused her consent,
remarking, " That such a festivity was quite incon
sistent with a widow's sorrow ; that some other
place ought to be chosen ; and if so, that she would
undertake to provide the tapestries and other orna
ments necessary for the solemnity of the function,
from the royal treasury." Eerdinand, yielding with
regret, fixed upon the neighbouring town of Maha-
mud! for the ceremony, which, he considered, ought
properly to be performed before the court. However,
many grandees of the kingdom were present. The
papal nuncio, Giovanni Bufo, bishop of Bertinovo,
near Bavenna, celebrated mass ; the pontifical brief
being publicly read, Ximenez was then decorated
and honoured by receiving the red birretta, in Sep
tember, 1507. Soon after, he sent official notice to
the chapter of Toledo of his election, and of the
honour which had been conferred upon him by
Eerdinand, entreating the canons at the same time

* Her majesty Isabel of Spain performed the same solemn
ceremony at Madrid, on the 6th of April, 1858, by placing
the red birretta on the recently-elected cardinals of Toledo and
Seville. t The modern name of this place seems to be unknown. It
was called " Mahamudum " by the inhabitants, according to
Gomez. Eobles names it Mahamuz. — Trans.

t

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 275
to pray for him, and also for the good estate of the
whole of Christendom.*
The second dignity of grand-inquisitor, which was
bestowed on Ximenez in the same year (1507),
invites us to direct our especial attention to the
history and nature of the Spanish Inquisition. The
importance of the subject in itself, towards enabling
us to draw a correct portrait of the cardinal,
demands of us so much the greater diligence in the
examination of the question.
* Gomez (folio 76) ; Peter Martyr (Epist. 340—343, 364) ;
Zurita (torn. vi. lib. viii.) ; Bobles (pp. 161, 162).

T 2

276 THE LIFE OF

CHAPTEB XVII.
THE SPANISH INQUISITION. — THE LITTLE TRUST WHICH IS TO
BE PUT IN THE STATEMENTS OE LLOEENTE.
It often happens, that one and the same word
points out two similar things, though essentially
different in their meaning; and hence the similarity
of expression is calculated, by degrees, to confound
the radical diversity of the things themselves.
Such has been the case with the word " Inquisition,"
which at first was used to designate an " ecclesias
tical tribunal" in matters of faith; but afterwards
it meant a " political institution," which became the
terror of Europe by its cruelties, real or imaginary.
There is sufficient evidence to prove, that from the
very commencement of Christianity, an ecclesias
tical tribunal existed in matters of faith. It is also
certain, that the punishments inflicted on heretics
in the first ages of the Church were, like the tribu
nal itself, purely ecclesiastical and spiritual, without
any effect in the department of the State. Thus
obstinate heretics were banished from the society of
the faithful, or, in other words, "excommunicated;"
for the Church could not act otherwise, without
losing her right as guardian of the doctrines of
Christ. A new order of things opens before us, when the
emperor Constantine united the Church and State
together, and made regulations himself which, at
first, were in a great measure ecclesiastical. The
emperor, in virtue of being the "protector and
secular arm" of the Church, now assumes the title

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 277
of " Episcopus ad extra," and considers himself
absolutely bound to punish by exile and other penal
ties those heretics who should disturb the peace of
the Church. Two motives justified, in his eyes,
these severe proceedings against heresy. The one
was, that, being the " first son " of the Church, he
was bound to protect her for the future against her
open enemies ; the other, that, being head of the
State, he was obliged to preserve order and tran
quillity in the kingdom, by the removal of the dis
affected ; for when religious strife and dissensions
prevailed, then order was at an end.
When, however, Constantius and Valens came
to the throne, much more cruel punishments than
banishment were directed by the Arians against
the Christians. By the first they were imprisoned ;
by the second, they were drowned in the sea.* All
the Arian princes in the new Germanic empire suc
cessively followed this cruel example towards those
who differed from them in religion. At the end of
the fourth century, we meet, for the first time, with
the fact of Catholics punishing heretics. This hap
pened under the emperor Maximus, who, in order
to suppress the Priscillianists, commanded the
leaders amongst them to be executed at Treves, in
the year 385. But the most illustrious bishops of
that time, viz. St. Martin of Tours, St. Ambrose
of Milan, Pope Siricius, and others, and later St.
Leo the Great, all loudly condemned the shedding
of the blood of heretics. St. Augustine himself was
of the same opinion, though he did not disapprove
of the use of force as a means of correcting error.
This opinion gradually gained ground, and after
wards served as a basis for the civil laws under
Theodosius II. and Valentinian III. These sove-
* Socrates, " Hist. Eccl." lib. iv. cap. xvi.

278 THE LIFE OF
reigns considered heretics as enemies of the State,
and disturbers of public order and morality; and
accordingly they excluded them from all posts of
honour, and deprived them of the rights of succes
sion, besides the loss of many other civil privileges ;
but at the same time, they did not punish them
with death.
In the middle ages the union of Church and State
was much closer than it was under Constantine. A
grand idea then began to be entertained, — of which
Pope Gregory VII. was the originator, — of uniting
the whole of the West into one vast theocratical
alliance ; the Pope, under God, was to be its pro
tector, while those only were to be members who
belonged to the Church. Erom this point of view
heretics evidently became guilty of high treason,
because by their errors they rose up in rebellion
against God, who was considered to be the head of
the alliance. Hence the civil legislation of the
middle ages always threatened heretics with death.
The teaching of several illustrious theologians of
the period accords with this legislation. Thus, for
example, St. Thomas of Aquin, in his celebrated
" Summa," does not hesitate to defend the punish
ment of death: "To corrupt the faith," he says,
" is a crime much greater than that of corrupting
the coin, and therefore it ought to be punished as
the latter always is. But in order to win over the
guilty, the Church does not immediately pronounce
the excommunication. It is only after the heretic,
having received several warnings and admonitions,
still remains obstinate, that then she pronounces
the sentence and delivers him over to the secular
arm, in order that by his death the other members
may be preserved sound." St. Bernard, however,
thought otherwise ; and many other lights of the
Church, also continued, like the ancient fathers, to

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 279
protest against the punishment of death being in
flicted on heretics.*
Thus, while on the one hand civil punishments
were inflicted on heretics by princes from the time
of Constantine, on the other, the Church from the
very commencement decided cases of heresy by
means of her bishops and synods. Hence, if we
wish to have a clear idea of the real object of the
Inquisition, viz. the seeking out of heretics and
their punishment by the ecclesiastical authority,
sanctioned by the civil power, we shall find that the
Inquisition in its first form dates its origin from the
time of the Apostles, and in the second from the
reign of Constantine the Great.
But, according to the usage of language, the
Inquisition was not yet properly organized, until
special courts and tribunals had been established for
the discovery and punishment of heretics.
This organization took its rise in the eleventh
and twelfth centuries, when a prodigious number
of sects arose in the West, like a destroying pesti
lence, and infected all classes of society, penetrating
even amongst the chapters of cathedrals and the
cloisters of monks.
The first celebrated edict issued against these sects
does not belong, properly speaking, to the history
of the Inquisition, inasmuch as it appointed no
special court for the examination of heretics. It
contented itself with recommending, in general, to
the civil power the obligation incumbent upon it
of punishing them. The third general council of
Lateran, held in the year 1179, under Pope Alex
ander III., issued the following decree against the
heretics residing in Gascony and about the borders
of Albi and Toulouse. These sects were called
* Hurter, " P. Innocenz III." (Hamb. 1834), bd. xi. s. 245.

280 THE LIFE OF
Cathari, Pateri, or Publicans. The decree, though
cited by Llorente in his "History of the Inquisition,"
is mutilated by him. The following is the decree : —
" As these heretics no longer remain in obscurity,
but boldly proclaim their errors, and try to seduce
the weak and simple,* they and their abettors are
hereby excommunicated. None of the faithful are
allowed to associate with them any more, or to hold
any intercourse with them." The same punishment
was inflicted on the heretics and their abettors who
then desolated Aragon, Navarre, and the Basque
provinces in the Spanish peninsula, " because they
practised great cruelties on the orthodox, and spared
neither churches, widows, nor orphans.! It is
decreed, therefore^ that the faithful are freed from
all obligations towards them, until they shall have
been reconciled to the Church. Eorce may be
opposed to force ; their goods can be confiscated,
and Christian princes can even reduce these heretics
to slavery." J
Though these decrees against the heretics are
severe, yet no mention is made in the council of any
tribunal for the Inquisition. But a few years later
we see traces of such a tribunal under Pope Lucius
III. and the emperor Erederic Barbarossa. At a
council held at Verona, in presence of the said em
peror, and in concert with the bishops, his Holiness
decreed as follows, with the consent of the emperor :
— " (1.) That the Cathari, the Pateri, the poor men
* These words, so necessary for understanding the true nature
and history of the Inquisition, are entirely omitted by Llorente
in his " History of the Inquisition." (Paris, ed. 1817, torn. i.
p. 28).
t This passage also is omitted by Llorente.
X Harduin, " Collect. Coneil," torn. vi. para. ii. p. 1683.
Respecting these decrees against heretics, compare Van Espen,
" Commentarius in Canones et Decreta Juris Veteris ac Novi "
(Colon, ed. 1755, p. 557).

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 281
of Lyons, &c, were excommunicated. (2.) That all
others who should preach without permission, and
try to propagate their errors, were also liable to the
same punishment. (3.) So were those, too, who
encouraged such people. (4.) The council, more
over, decrees, that as mere ecclesiastical punish
ments are often despised by such persons, an here
tical cleric shall first be degraded, and if he do not
retract, that he shall be delivered over to the secular
power ; that heretical laymen, if they continue
obstinate in their errors, shall be given up to the
civil authorities in order to be punished. (5.) That
those who are * suspected,' and who hesitate or
delay in appearing before the bishop to clear them
selves from all suspicion of heresy, shall be treated
as heretics. (6.) That all who have renounced their
errors, and have again relapsed, shall have an oppor
tunity given them of renouncing their errors a second
time ; but if they refuse the offer, they shall be
delivered to the secular power."
So far these decrees of the council of Verona are
only applications of what were decreed in preceding
synods. The following decrees, however, of the said
council show a transition towards the establishment
of a tribunal, properly so called. The pope decreed,
with the consent of the prelates and the emperor
assembled, — " That all bishops should make, at
least every year, either in person or by means of
their archdeacon, a visitation of those parts of their
diocese which were inhabited by the heretics ; and
that the bishop should bind by oath three or four
respectable and. virtuous persons to denounce the
.different heretics, and those also who held secret
meetings, and separated themselves from the rest of
the faithful ; after which the bishop or archdeacon
shall summon the said persons before his ' tribunal'
and examine them."

282 THE LIFE OF
Here we see, for the first time in history, bishops
making visitations connected with the Inquisition :
these journeys were regulated according to certain
rules, and the bishops had assistants to attend them.
Here was the commencement of tribunals in the
proper sense of the word. Other decrees of the
same council were as follows : — " (1.) That all civil
magistrates shall be bound by oath to obey these
decrees made against the heretics, and to enforce
the punishments directed against them. (2.) That
all those magistrates who favour or protect the
heretics shall at once be deprived of all their honours
and dignities."
All the measures which were in the mean time
adopted against heresy took as their base these
decrees of the council of Verona. But the twelfth
general council (the fourth of Lateran), held under
Pope Innocent III., in the year 1215, renewed the
decisions of the council of Lateran held in 1179, and
particularly enjoined on the bishops to make visita
tions of the diocese connected with the heretics, and
to take with them assistants.
By the war carried on against the Albigenses, the
character and nature of the Inquisition began to be
more and more developed.
Towards the end of the twelfth century, the nu
merous sects, which we have already mentioned,
began to infect almost the whole of Europe. As
their principles were Manich8ean,they committed the
most frightful disorders. The contagion principally
prevailed in the south of Erance, where the powerful
barons on the one hand (like the Count Baymond
of Toulouse), either adhered to the heresy them
selves or were its supporters ; while, on the other
side, the ignorance, the apathy, and even sometimes
the vices of the bishops and the clergy, opposed but
a feeble resistance to the errors and disorders of the

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 283
heretics. Nay, even many of the clergy of the higher
and lower orders were secret adherents of the sects.
Pope Innocent III. was accordingly obliged to
appoint legates, with a view to extirpate this heresy
from the south of Erance. But being convinced
that error cannot be overcome by force alone, except
the clergy are models of learning and virtue, the
pope confided the mission to members of the Cister
cian order, because, though it was still, as it were,
in its infancy, it possessed men who were eminent
for their learning and virtue. Peter de Castelnau,
Brother Bodolph, and Arnold, abbot of Citeaux,
were appointed the apostolic missionaries and legates
for the south of Erance. Scarcely had these com
menced their labours, when twelve more Cistercian
abbots joined them, together with the pious bishop
of Osma, in Spain, Don Diego de Azevedo, and a
priest named Domingo Guzman.* This took place
in the year 1206.! The latter personage, who
afterwards became the celebrated St. Dominic, is
considered by many writers to have been the first
grand-inquisitor. But there is no evidence for such
a supposition ; for the fact is, that St. Dominic,
while in the south of Erance, exercised no other
office but that of a missionary : even in the whole
history of his life there appears no trace of his having
ever acted as a judge in the tribunal of the Inqui
sition; on the contrary, he always appears as a
travelling preacher of the faith. But if we wish to
speak of the " inquisitors " of this period, we must
cast our eyes on Peter de Castelnau and the other
papal legates, who possessed, together with the
power of teaching, the power also of compelling
* St. Dominic. (See the interesting life of this great saint
published in the " Popular Library." Burns and Lambert: Lon
don, 1857.) — Trans.
X Hurter, Band ii. p. 276.

284 THE LIFE OF
bishops and civil magistrates to drive out of their
territories those who were heretics ; to excommuni
cate all who were negligent in complying with this
command ; and who, in a word, had full power to
do whatever they thought proper for the success of
the mission and the extirpation of heresy. Indeed,
the author of the "History of Languedoc"* dates
the origin of the Inquisition from this very mission
to the south of Erance. which was authorized by
Pope Innocent III. But though the legates were
connected with the Inquisition, properly so called,
in the capacity of special judges for discovering and
examining heretics, yet there is a difference between
the one and the other, inasmuch as their office of
legates was only transitory, while the Inquisition
was something permanent — a regularly-established
tribunal. The mission to the south of Erance would
not have been organized had not the obstinacy of
the Albigenses forced the pope to send it. Indeed
it may be said that the war against the Albigenses
arrested the commencement of that organization
which the Inquisition had already received ; the
suppression of the heretics by means of the tribunals
was changed into a war of religion ; thus making
the legates no longer inquisitors, but the leaders of
a crusade that deserves to be called, not the Inqui
sition, but a thirty years' war. As at the conclusion
of a civil war the conquerors erect tribunals before
which those are tried who persist in exciting re
bellion, so the natural result of the crusade against
the Albigenses was something similar : a tribunal
was considered necessary for the suppression of
those who, though defeated in battle, did not cease
to carry on their rebellion against the Church.

* Dom. Vaissette, " L'Histoire du Languedoc," torn. iii.
p. 131.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 285
Indeed, the Inquisition may be considered really to
have commenced at this period. In the year 1229 the
great council of Toulouse, embracing the ecclesiastical
provinces of Auch, Bordeaux, and Narbonne,was con
voked, under the presidency of the cardinal legate
Bomanus. It was attended by many bishops, as well
as a considerable portion of the nobility of the South
of Erance, amongst them the counts of Toulouse
and Eoix, who had formerly supported the heretics.
This council not only exercised an act of inquisition,
by inquiring into the orthodoxy of numerous accu
sed persons, and by enjoining penances of various
kinds and degrees upon those who repented, con
fessed, or were convicted, but took also for the
future measures against heresy, chiefly by the insti
tution of special tribunals. The following is an
abstract of the decisions : — " Chap. I. orders the
archbishops and bishops to appoint in all the
parishes a priest and several laymen of good repute,
and to bind them by oath zealously and faithfully
to search for the heretics in their districts, and to
report them as well as their abettors to the bishop,
the lord of the district, or to their representatives.
The same measures are in Chap. II. enjoined upon
the exempted abbots for their districts ; and Chap.
III. calls upon the secular lords to find out the
heretics, and destroy their hiding-places. Chap.
IV. threatens those with the loss of their dominions
who harbour heretics knowingly ; but a lesser pun
ishment is imposed, according to Chap. V., upon
those by whose negligence the heretics find refuge
in their dominions. Chap. VI. The house to be
rased in which a heretic is found. Chap. VII.
Negligent officials to be severely punished. Chap.
VIIL shields the innocent and calumniated by enact
ing that no punishment be imposed before the bishop,
or those authorized by him, have found the accused

286 THE LIFE OF
guilty. Chap. X. Heretics whose native places are
infected with heresy, aris, on renouncing their
doctrines of their own free will, to be removed to
other places not infected; to wear two coloured
crosses fastened upon their dress, and to be disabled
from holding public offices, until the Pope or his
legate have with due solemnity received them again
into the Church; whilst, according to Chap. XI,
those who abjure heresy only from fear are to be kept
imprisoned by the bishop, so as not to infect others,
and. their maintenance to be defrayed either out of
their own property, or by the bishop. Chap. XII.
All males of fourteen years and upwards, and all
females of twelve years and upwards are to swear
that they" will remain faithful, and denounce all
heretics to the authorities ; which oath is to be
repeated every two years. Chap. XIII. Such as
omit going to confession and communion three times
a year, at Christmas, Easter, and Whitsuntide, to be
suspected of heresy. Chap. XIV. No layman to
have a Bible, or any portion of the same, except the
Psalms, nor any other books, save the Breviary and
the offices of St. Mary in the original. Chap. XV.
Persons branded with or suspected of heresy not to be
permitted to attend as physicians, nor any one sus
pected of heresy to be allowed to visit sick persons.*
Thus the council of Toulouse instituted the first
real Inquisition, leaving, however, to the bishops,
as in former times, the power of sitting in judgment
upon heretics.
Shortly after we find special inquisitors in Italy,
where heresy had spread considerably, and become
so dangerous as to induce Erederick IL, who
* Haurdin, torn. vri. p. 173—178. The remaining decrees of
this synod refer to other matters, such as the public peace, the
keeping of the Lord's day, &c.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 287
certainly cannot be accused of bigotry, at his coro
nation, and repeatedly afterwards, to decree capital
punishment against the heretics in his dominions.
Llorente ascribes to him even the nomination of
special inquisitors from the Dominican order before
the sitting of the council of Toulouse. But the
edicts of the earlier years of the emperor* make no
mention of this, and the document upon which
Llorente bases his opinion is not dated 1224 but
1239, as he might have learned from Bolandini " in
Muratori Scriptores."!
But in Italy we meet with the first special in
quisitors two years after the council of Toulouse,
introduced by the same Gregory IX., whose legates
presided at this council. In his bull of the year
1231 he anathematizes all heretics, as well as their
abettors, brands the obstinate ones with infamy,
declares them unable to hold public offices, to act as
witnesses, to be testators, or inheritors, &c, whilst he
excommunicates such as are suspected and cannot
sufficiently clear themselves, and punishes as heretics
those that remain under the ban for one year.
In consequence of this bull, which makes no
mention yet of the Inquisition, the senate of Bome,
and its president, Annibald, issued on their part
decrees for the persecution of heretics within the
jurisdiction of the Boman territory. Those decrees,
which speak for the first time of " inquisitores ab
* The edict of the year 1224 is given in extenso in Eaynaldi
" Contin. Annal. Baronii," ad ann. 1231, n. 18.
t The edict in question is to be found in Harduin, torn. vii.
p. 370, and in the letters of Petrus de Vireis, i. 25, but without
a special date. It was signed at Padua, the 22nd February of the
twelfth indiction, the year 1224 being designated by the twelfth
indiction, Llorente hastily places the document in this year,
forgetting that the year 1239 bears the same number, and that
Frederick did not visit Padua before the year 1239. See Eolan-
dini, lib. iv. c. 9, and Pertz, vol. iv. p. 326 et seq.

288 THE LIFE OF
ecclesia dati," were, together with his own bull, sent
by Gregory to the archbishop of Milan and his
suffragans, as well as to other parts of Italy, to be
acted upon.
Shortly after we find the Dominicans at the side
of the episcopal inquisitors charged with the duties
of the inquisitions, but it is impossible to determine
when they first took place ; it probably happened in
the following manner.
The chief object of the order being the conversion
of heretics by preaching (whence it was also called
the order of the Preachers), Hadrian III. recom
mended the bishops to avail themselves of the aid
of its members. They showed great zeal in their
exertions, and were probably charged with extra
ordinary inquisitorial functions even before the
institution of regular tribunals. When these were
established, in 1229, many bishops selected, doubt
less, also priests of the Dominican order for their
inquisitors and officers.
There can be no doubt about Gregory IX. having
done so. He greatly befriended both the Domini
cans and Eranciscans. The former had, in 1233,
zealously laboured to extirpate heresy from Milan
and its environs, and, two years after, were specially
sent to several towns charged by Gregory with the
reconciliation of a number of persons guilty or
suspected of heresy. But besides the Dominicans,
other priests and members of other religious orders
were labouring in the cause of the Inquisition, as,
for example, in Erance, in the year, 1233, Stephen,
prior of the Benedictine abbey of Cluny.
"Under Pope Innocence IV. (1243-54), however,
the influence of the Dominicans began to develop
itself more fully, and, as we believe, first in Spain.
Aragon was, of all the Spanish provinces, the one
nearest to those parts of southern Erance, where

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 289
heresy had established its head-quarters. That part
of it situated on the other side of the Pyrenees
belonged even to the ecclesiastical province of Nar-
bonne in Erance. Heresy had, therefore, infected
Spain, especially Aragon, where King Alfonse II.
had already, in 1194, put into execution the above-
mentioned bull of Lucius III. against heresy.
Peter II. of Aragon, at first followed in his
footsteps, but shortly after joined the count of
Toulouse, and other nobles of the South of Erance,
who fought in the ranks of the Albigenses, against
the crusaders. His death (he fell in the battle of
Muret, 1213) re-established the former state of
things in Aragon, and Gregory IX. summoned, in
1232, the archbishop of Tarragona, Esparraga and
his suffragans, to search for heretics themselves, or
to have them searched for by the Dominicans.
Indeed in a few years we find the latter at the head
of an inquisitorial tribunal at Lerida.
What had hitherto only been exceptional, became
now a rule. Innocent specially invested the Domi
nicans with full inquisitorial powers, equal to those
of the bishops. In his brief of the 20th October,
1248, addressed to the great Dominican, St. Bay
mond of Pennafort, he declares : "The Dominicans
having, as it were, been sent to him by Provi
dence to assist him in the extirpation of heresy,
and their zeal remarked by him, he had decided
upon intrusting these affairs to them . . . ipsis
hujusmodi negotium providimus specialiter commit-
tendum." He orders, therefore, Eather Baymond
to send several Dominicans, as inquisitors, to that
part of Aragon which belonged to the ecclesiastical
province of Aragon, and to give them the decrees
issued by Gregory', which were confirmed by
himself.*" Innocent, doubtless, meant by this the
* The decree of the Pope is recorded by Mansi, torn, xxiii.
U

290 THE LIFE OF
decrees of the council of Toulouse, for his own
inquisitorial statutes, divided into thirty-eight
paragraphs, were only issued several years after
this brief. In these statutes, dated the 15th May,
1252, we find the Dominicans mentioned as regular
inquisitors for Lombardy, the Boman States, and
the province of Treviso.
Tnus the Inquisition was gradually transferred
from the bishops to the Dominicans, who intro
duced it into almost all parts of Europe.
In the peninsula, to which we must confine
ourselves, it soon extended from Aragon to Castile,
Navarre, and Portugal. The former province
counted many tribunals, over which several cele
brated inquisitors presided, as for instance, Nicolas
Eymerick, author of the " Directorium Inquisito-
rum," and which, on account of the close proximity
to southern Erance, where heresy prevailed, had
from time to time to renew their activity.
In Castile, however, the Inquisition fell gra
dually into disuse about the middle of the fifteenth
century, so much so, that, in the year 1460, Eather
Alphonse Espina, who, as a Eranciscan, was anta
gonistic to the Dominicans, complained of the
absence there of an inquisitor delegated by the
pope, which allowed heretics and Jews to' scoff at
the Christian religion.
Anton Biccio, provincial of the Dominicans, is
said to have in consequence been nominated grand-
inquisitor of Castile by Pope Paul II. But though
this may be true, it is certain that no successor
was appointed to him ; for, at the commencement
of Eerdinand and Isabella's reign, no inquisitor was
to be found in Castile for the trial of Peter of
Orma, which had to be conducted before the arch
bishop of Toledo, and to be confirmed by Pope
Sixtus IV.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 291
It is, however, remarkable, that Castile became
the home of (as Llorente calls it) the modern, or
rather, the political inquisition, owing to peculiar
circumstances belonging exclusively to Spain.
In the very first centuries of the Christian era,
the Jews became so numerous and powerful in
Spain, that they were even emboldened to believe
they might attempt to "judaize" the whole coun
try. Some records of doubtful authority state that
they came into Spain about the time of Solomon ;*
but it seems much more probable that they entered
the peninsula from Africa, about a century before
the birth of Christ. By degrees they became very
numerous, obtained considerable power and influ
ence, and carried on the work of proselytism with
exceeding zeal and perseverance. So far back as
the commencement of the fourth century (303 —
313), a synod held in Illeberis,! considered it neces
sary to decree, "that no Christians possessing
estates should have their lands blessed by Jews ;
that neither priest nor layman should hold any
intercourse with them ; and laymen were especially
forbidden to contract marriage with them." But it
was no easy matter to uproot the evil ; for it is
certain that at this period (as Jost positively asserts)
many Spanish Christians were addicted to the
practices and doctrines of Judaism. The third
council of Toledo, held in the year 589, considered
it absolutely imperative to renew the decree which
we have just cited regarding marriage. Moreover,
as the Spanish Jews carried on a considerable traffic
in slaves, whom they frequently circumcised, the
same council forbad this traffic, and declared
* Jost, " Geschichte der Israeliten, seit der Zeit der Maccabaer
bis auf unsere Tage " (Berlin, 1825), vol. v. p. 13.
t Or Elvira, supposed to have been where Granada now
stands.
u 2

292 THE LIFE OF
every slave to be free who had been circumcised.*
Several other decrees of the same character were
issued against them ; but they appear not to have
been carried into effect. Many of the Jews pur
chased by their gold the protection even of several
amongst the Spanish clergy: against this evil the
fourth council of Toledo, held in 633, issued severe
decrees.! The Visigoth kings, on the other hand, were at
the same time endeavouring to convert the Jews
by force ; but the same fourth council of Toledo
expressly forbad any violence to be used : " Eor the
future" (these are the words of the 57th canon),
" no Jew must be forced to embrace Christianity ;
but those who have already been converted, even
should it have been done by force, and have received
the holy sacrament, shall be obliged to preserve
their faith, and on no account dishonour or despise
it." | Bespecting baptized Jews, the 59th canon
further decrees : "A very great number are still
Jews in secret ; but as King Sisenand commands,
they must be induced to embrace Christianity
again." In order to avoid the guilt of apostasy, the
62nd canon forbids all intercourse whatever between
Jews baptized and non-baptized.
Thus this ancient council made an essential dif
ference between Jews who had been baptized and
were yet secretly attached to their old religion, and
real Jews. This distinction must, in our future
remarks be always carefully borne in mind.
In the mean time the number of Jews apparently
converted to Christianity, but still secretly attached
to their former practices, considerably increased by
the severe laws of the Visigoth kings against them
in the seventh century. These laws, first made by
* Harduin, torn. iii. p. 481, can. 14. f Ibid. p. 590, can. 58.
X Ibid. torn. iii. p. 590.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 293
the civil power, were confirmed by the ecclesiastical
authority in the fourth, sixth, twelfth, and sixteenth
councils of Toledo, and tended to deprive the Jews
of many of their civil rights, in order more effec
tually to force them to become Christians.
The consequence was, that amongst these pre
tended Christians a terrible plot was secretly and
silently extending on all sides, which had for its
object the downfall of the Christian kingdom of the
Visigoths by the assistance of the Saracens in Africa,
and the erection of a new Jerusalem in Spain.* But
the deep-laid plot was discovered by King Egica, and
the originators severely punished. The seventeenth
council of Toledo alludes to this event, where it says
(speaking of the baptized Jews, " qui tunicam fidei,
qua eos per undam sacri baptismi induit sancta
Mater Ecclesia, maculaverint"), "Ausu tyrannico
inferre conati sunt ruinam patriae et populo universo
 et regni fastigium sibi per conspirationem
usurpare maluerint." The guilty were condemned
to slavery, and the incursion of the Saracens was,
fortunately, repulsed.
Prescott, who mentions this event in his "History
of Eerdinand and Isabella," falls into a serious mis
take on this point, for he positively asserts, " that
no sooner had their Arian masters (the Visigoths)
embraced the orthodox faith, than they began to
testify their zeal by pouring out on the Jews the
most pitiless storm of persecution ;" and he adds
the words, " one of their laws alone condemned
their whole race to slavery" (vol. i. p. 296, ed.
1849). He supports his assertions by referring to
the seventeenth council of Toledo. But he, unfor
tunately, seems to have forgotten that both the real
Jews and pretended converts were the very persons
* Jost, loco citato, p. 147.

294 THE LIFE OF
who drew down upon themselves these severe laws
by their secret machinations, and especially that the
council expressly states — " Slavery was to be the
punishment, not of the tohole race, but only of the
chief conspirators." *
But the Jews soon recovered from the adversities
and punishments which they were forced to endure
in the seventh century. After the invasion of the
Arabs, they again acquired riches, power, influence,
and honours ; they established flourishing schools
and academies in Cordova (anno 948), Toledo, and
Barcelona. Several learned men arose amongst them,
until at last the Jews, reached a degree of impor
tance and literary eminence in Spain which they
never acquired in any other part of Europe.
They suffered also greatly by the religious wars
of the Spaniards against the Moors, many Spanish
knights seeing in them nearer and consequently more
dangerous enemies to the Christian faith. In these
difficult times it was the clergy and the popes who
(though they are seldom given credit for it) pro
tected the Jews. This is clearly proved by a brief
of the predecessor and friend of Hildebrand, Alex
ander II., in which he applauds the Spanish bishops
for having protected the Jews and prevented their
massacre. In the same manner and for the same
reason he wrote to Viscount Berengar of Narbonne,
but to the archbishop of that province he wrote,
censuring him : " Your prudence will know that all
ecclesiastical and civil laws condemn the shedding
of blood." One hundred and fifty years later, Pope
* These are the words of the council, as given by Elorez :: —
" Que todos los Judios sean hechos esclavos, y confiscados todos
sus bienes, pues no solo bavian judaizado despues de bautizados
sino que havian conspirado contra el reyno " (tom-vi. p. 229,
ed. 1751). The words certainly seem to imply, that the whole race
Was condemned to slavery. — Trans.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 295
Honorius III. imitated the example of Alexander
by guarding the Jews from brutal treatment.* On
the other hand, the popes, without being incon
sistent, demanded, — as, for instance, Gregory VII.
of King Alphonse VI., of Castile, — that the Jews
should not be allowed to hold power over Christians,
either as their masters or as their judges. We
nevertheless repeatedly find them holding public
offices, especially since Alfonse X., the astrologer,
who esteemed them highly for their astronomical
learning, had collected around him many learned
Jews. It was no uncommon thing to see them employed
as governors, administrators, and treasurers, both
to the kings and the grandees of Spain. Many of
them, by practising the art of medicine, gained access
into private families, and thus learnt every domestic
secret. Most of the dispensaries in the country were
in their hands. They had their own judges, and
were tried by laws and rights peculiar to themselves,
often to the prejudice of the Spaniards. They also
possessed several privileges which the Christians did
not enjoy ; for instance, that of not being imprisoned
(which privilege belonged only to the nobility)
without the express command of the king. We even
find Jews at this period as ministers of finance, and
favourites with kings to such a degree as to hold the
reins of government in their own hands. The con
sequence was, that often, in the fourteenth century,
the Cortes and different councils were obliged to
send remonstrances to the government on the sub
ject of these privileges enjoyed by the Jews ; while
several civil commotions proved what were the feel
ings of the Spanish people towards these dangerous
foreigners. * The clergy of France, too, in the thirteenth century, pro
tected the Jews against the severity of the civil courts. — Jost, vi.
302.

296 THE LIFE OF
But those who pretended to be converts to Chris
tianity were far more dangerous than the real Jews.
The number of the former had increased exceedingly
since the persecutions at the end of the fourteenth
century. The real Jews had indeed monopolized a
great part of the national property and commerce,
while the pretended converts threatened to uproot
the Spanish nationality itself and the Christian faith,
because, on the one hand, they were raised to several
ecclesiastical dignities, and even to bishoprics;*
* Jost, vol. vii. p. 100. Borrow, in chap. xi. of " The Bible in
Spain," tells a very remarkable adventure bearing on this subject.
On his way to Talavera, in the beginning of the year 1836, he met
a man, dressed in a manner strange and singular for the country,
who appeared to be half Spaniard, half foreigner, and in reality
was a disguised Jew. After a short discourse, the man, believing
to have discovered in Borrow another son of Abraham, opens his
heart to him, tells him that his family bad always remained faithful
to the creed of their forefathers, that he was possessed of great
wealth, and had large sums employed in usury, &c. " My grand-
sire was a particularly holy man," he continues, " and I have
beard my father say, that one night an archbishop came to his
house secretly, merely to have the satisfaction of kissing his head.
He was one of us, at least bis father was, and he could never
forget what he had learned with reverence in his infancy. He
said, he had tried to forget it, but he could not ; that the truth
was continually upon him, and that even from his childhood he
bad borne its terrors with a troubled mind, tili at last he could
bear himself no longer ; so he went to my grandsire, with whom
he remained all night ; he then returned to his diocese, where be
shortly after died, in much renown for his sanctity." On Borrow
expressing his surprise, and questioning him as to whether he had
reason to suppose that many of his people were to be found among
the priesthood, the Jew continued : " I not only suppose, but know
it. There are many such as I amongst the priesthood, and not
amongst the inferior priesthood either ; some of the most learned
and famed in Spain have been of us, or of our blood at least, and
many of them at this day think as I do. There is one particular
festival of the year at which four dignified ecclesiastics are sure to
visit me ; and then, when all is made close and secure, and the
fitting ceremonies have been gone through, they sit down upon
the floor and curse." In chapter xvii. Borrow repeats his asser
tion that many disguised Jews were then still to be found amongst

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 297
and, on the other, not only possessed many civil
posts of importance, but intermarried with noble
families, and used these advantages and their riches
as so many instruments to erect Judaism in place
of the Spanish nationality and the Christian faith.
It is a well-known fact, admitted even by Llorente
himself in a work prior to his " History of the
Inquisition," and denied by no one, that in the
time of Eerdinand the Catholic the proselytism
carried on by the Jews had reached an alarming
degree.* And the Cortes, too, of 1812, of philo
sophical memory, who legally suppressed the In
quisition, positively asserted that the Jews were at
this period " a people within another people ;" and
that, in the year 1473, they even tried, by means of
their money, to obtain possession of the fortress of
Gibraltar, the key of Spain.
Under these circumstances, many of the clergy
and laity, seeing the great danger which the Jews
threatened to bring on the nation, and being also
the clergy in Spain, saying that he derived his information from a
priest formerly belonging to the Inquisition at Cordova. Dr.
Kunstmann in the " Miinchener G-elehrte Anzeigen " (1845,
No. 97), remarks with reference to this : " This report is to be
accepted with caution, not only because it is highly improbable
that a stranger on the first meeting would be initiated into the
secrets of crypto-judaism, the adherents of which were liable to
severe punishment, but also because in the very year of Borrow's
tale, 1836, nearly the half of the sixty-two episcopal sees of Spain
were vacant, and a meeting of four bishops in one and the same
house impossible without causing great sensation. It is true, that
a tendency towards Judaism is still to be found in some Spanish
families, but not a single instance can be found, either in former
days, when the usual inquiry, de genere, was rigorously conducted,
or in modern times, of a priest of Jewish extraction, having been
raised to the episcopal dignity.
* Don Jose Clemente Carnicero, " La Inquisicion justamente
restablecida ; 6, Impugnacion de la Obra de Don Juan Llorente,
Anales de la Inquisicion de Espana, y del Manifesto de las Cortes
de Cadiz." (Madrid, 1816, torn. i. p. 61.)

298 THE LIFE OF
convinced that the evil could not be averted without
the assistance of the government, several times
solicited Eerdinand and Isabella to proceed with
severity against the disguised converted Jews.*
It was these that the " Inquisition" afterwards
punished, and not the Jews properly so called, which
is carefully to be borne in mind.!
The young sovereigns received an address of this
kind while they were residing at Seville, during the
years 1477 and 1478. Philip de Barberis, inqui
sitor of Sicily, had arrived at that city about this
time, in order to obtain from his sovereign, Eerdinand
the Catholic, the confirmation of an ancient privilege
for his institution in Sicily. Both he and the prior of
San Pablo in Seville, Alonso de Ojeda, who belonged
to the Dominican order, as also Diego de Merlo, a
respectable magistrate of the city, represented to the
sovereigns the necessity of re-establishing in Castile
a tribunal to judge heretics. If we may credit the
assertion of Llorente, Nicolas Eranco, the pope's
nuncio, supported their representations. According
to the same author, the queen was at first quite
opposed to the introduction of the Inquisition. If
this assertion be correct, she must soon have seen
by the course of affairs the absolute necessity of
such a tribunal, for in her last will she expressly
recommended her heirs to favour and uphold the
Inquisition. These are her words : " E que siempre
favorezcan mucho las cosas de la santa Inquisicion,
contra la heretica pravedad,"$ &c.
* Pulgar, " Crdnica de los Eeyes Catolicos," &c. (ed. Valen
cia, 1780).
t Neither the unbaptized Jew nor the unbaptized Moor could
be brought before the Inquisition, but only those of these two
creeds who had relapsed. Maistre, pp. 49 — 53.
X Carnicero, pp. 229,-230. The will is still to be seen in the
archives of Simancas. — Trans.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 299
Soon after Eerdinand and Isabella had resolved
to introduce the Inquisition into Castile, Pope
Sixtus IV. authorized (November 1st, 1478) the
sovereigns to establish a tribunal for searching out
and punishing heretics, which was to consist of two
or three dignitaries of the Church, who might be
either seculars or regulars, according to the wish of
the sovereigns, provided the said dignitaries were at
least forty years of age, of pure morals, bachelors of
theology, or doctors of canon law.*
The sovereigns, however, before establishing the
tribunal, tried some other means of arresting the
progress of concealed Judaism. It was no doubt
with their consent that Mendoza, the great arch
bishop and cardinal of Seville (and afterwards of
Toledo), published a catechism, in which the prin
cipal duties of a Christian's life from the time of
his baptism till his death were briefly explained.
This little work the cardinal not only circulated in
Seville, but had it also posted up on all the church
doors throughout his extensive diocese, commanding
all the curates to make it known to the faithful, to
exhort them to live according to its maxims, and to
teach their children to do the same. ^ This measure,
* According to Bernaldez and Zuniga the papal bull is dated
1480, but Llorente and his usual opponent Carnicero place it and
the introduction of the Inquisition in the year 1478. The date
matters little. Of greater importance is, that Pope Sixtus shortly
after declared the bull, confirming the Spanish Inquisition, had
been obtained of him by an imperfect representation of the royal
intentions. Through a misconception of these, he had confirmed
the royal plan, which, as it now appeared, was contrary to the
decrees of the holy fathers and the general practice of the church.
(Llorente, torn. iv. p. 347 in the documents.) This observation is
for those who believe that the pope was overjoyed at the political
inquisition of Spain. We shall see later how different it was from
the ecclesiastical one, and how it became an institution for the
absolutism of the king.

300 THE LIFE OF
so wise and so gentle, was afterwards made the
occasion of accusing the noble cardinal of having
been instrumental in establishing the Inquisition.
But no contemporary writer makes any mention of
his participation; and even modern historians*
consider the accusation devoid of truth.
In order to render this measure of the archbishop
more successful, Eerdinand and Isabella ordered
several regular and secular priests to endeavour to
wean back to the Church, by public preaching and
private discourses, such as had been misled ; and on
leaving Seville requested the vicar -general Don
Pedro (Llorente says Alonso) de Solis, the corregidor
Merlo, and the above-named father Alphonse, to
watch the results of this peaceful mission.
But these efforts could not bend the obstinacy
of the Judaists. Ear from being induced to be
come sincere Christians, they published a cutting
and bitter pamphlet against the conduct of the
government, and even against the Christian re
ligion. This publication, however, soon drew down
upon the heretics themselves the severest punish
ments. It was not answered with such a friendly
spirit by the sovereigns as Isabella's confessor, the
mild Eerdinand of Talavera, would have wished.
By virtue of the papal bull, two royal inquisitors
were immediately nominated for Seville, both of
whom were Dominicans, viz., Miguel Morillo and
Juan Martin; the first was the provincial of his
order, and the last the vicar. With these were
united Dr. Juan Buiz, counsellor of the queen, and
her chaplain, Juan Lopez del Barco.
Such is the origin of the modern, or rather of the
Spanish state Inquisition, between which and the

* Prescott, for instance.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 301
ecclesiastical Inquisition there is this difference,
that in the former, the persons, whether clerical or
lay, appointed to seek out and punish heretics, were
not employed as servants of the church, but as
functionaries of the State, and received from the
sovereigns their appointment and instructions.
The ancient Spanish writers do not agree as to
the exact date of the commencement of the modern
Inquisition.* Some see its rise in the institution
just named ; others refer its beginning to the period
of Torquemada' s nomination as grand-inquisitor.
This last opinion is supported by the authority of
Zurita;! while the first, on the other hand, is con
firmed by an ancient inscription on the tribunal of
the Inquisition at Seville, which mentions 1481 as
the year of its establishment.
The Inquisition of Seville, immediately after its
establishment (January 2nd, 1481), issued a decree
wherein a number of " signs " were given, by which
the secret Judaism of a pretended Christian could
be detected; this decree also contained a general
order to every one to denounce those who showed
these " signs " of Judaism. Llorente attacks this
decree with his usual violence, asserting that twenty-
two of the signs indicated in the edict would scarcely
be sufficient at the present day to establish a mere
suspicion of Judaism.! Prescott maintains the
same opinion. § But it is easy to prove what little
honesty the first writer possesses, and what little
* Similar reasons called the Portuguese state inquisition into
existence. t " Anales de la Corona de Aragon," torn. iv. lib. xx. cap. xlix.
X The edict itself is to be found in Llorente, torn. i. pp. 153 —
158. § " Hist, of Ferdinand and Isabella," vol. i. p. 311, ed. 1849.
Mr. Prescott is exceedingly incorrect and unjust in his remarks
on the Spanish Inquisition. — Trans.

302 THE LIFE OF
judgment and want of criticism the other shows.
If, for instance, the pretended convert would not
allow, after his baptism, any fire in his house on the
Sabbath-day, and if on that day he wore better
clothes than usual, would there not be in such con
duct, as the edict asks in the fourth section, matter
sufficient for a just suspicion, however ridiculous
Llorente may consider it ? And again : who would
not suspect a secret relapse into Judaism on behold
ing the practice of those who, after the baptism of
their infant, hastened to wash those parts of the
body which had received the unction of the holy oil?
(Section 24.)
Llorente and his followers might have borne in
mind the axiom : duo si faciunt idem non est idem
— and that one born of Christian parents may,
without being suspected of crypto-judaism, do many
things which one of Jewish descent may not. Yet
were the former to show many of the signs indicated
in the decree, even he would not escape from being
gravely suspected of apostasy.
But the dishonesty of Llorente does not stop
here. A little further, he asserts (p. 160), that in
the year 1481 alone, the Inquisition of Seville
ordered no less than two thousand persons to be
burnt in the two dioceses of Seville and Cadiz. In
order to strengthen the faith of his readers in such
a monstrous assertion, he appeals to the authority
of the celebrated Spanish historian Mariana. Now,
if we peruse his work, we shall certainly find the
number two thousand mentioned.* But it is

* Mariana thus approves of the modern Inquisition : " Eeme-
dio muy a propdsito contra los males que se aparejaban ....
Dado del cielo, que sin duda no bastara consejo, ni prudencia
de hombres, para prevenir y acudir a peligros tan grandes como
se han experimentado, y se padecen en otras partes." (Lib. xxiv.
cap. xvii. ed. Valencia, 1795.)— Trans.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 303
expressly mentioned that this was the number of
those who were burnt under Torquemada. There
fore not during the year 1481 alone (when Torque
mada was not grand inquisitor yet), and not in
these two dioceses only, but throughout the whole
provinces both of Castile and Aragon.* What
Mariana says, Llorente might have seen in Pulgar
also, who was contemporary with these events ; for
after having mentioned that Torquemada established
tribunals in the provinces of Castile, Aragon, Valen
cia, and Catalonia, he thus continues : — ¦" These
tribunals now conducted the Inquisition against
heresy . . . they summoned all the heretics to appear
before them of their own accord . . . About fifteen
thousand responded to the call, and, after having
done penance, were reconciled with the Church.
Those who waited to be accused, were tried, and, if
convicted, delivered over to the secular power. Of
these, about two thousand men and women were burnt
at different times, and in certain cities and towns."!
Llorente, who so often quotes Pulgar, must have
seen this passage ; but in his estimation, it seemed
more dramatic to make his readers suppose that so
great a number were burnt in one year, and in one
single province. The boldness and indifference with
which he misquotes and falsifies Mariana is still less
excusable. %
* The jurisdiction of the tribunal of Seville was not confined to
Andalusia alone, but extended over the whole of Castile and Leon.
The bull of Sixtus IV., of the year 1483, clearly proves this, as
therein mention is made of several bishoprics, in which these two
inquisitors exercised their power and functions. The bull is to
be found in Llorente, torn. iv. p. 357.
f " Destos fueron quemados en diversas veces, y en algunas cib-
dades e villas, fasta dos mil homes e mugeres " (ed. Valencia,
1780, p. 137). In this beautiful edition, the ancient orthography
of many words is preserved. — Trans.
X Prescott also acquiesces in the assertion of Llorente ; but he
has the candour to acknowledge that L. Marineo, also a contem-

304 THE LIFE OF
I am, however, far from praising the inquisitors
of Seville for their mildness and indulgence : on
the contrary, they deserved the just reproaches and
complaints which were abundantly heaped upon
them by Pope Sixtus IV., in a brief dated January
29th, 1482, in which he complained that the bull of
confirmation had unfairly been obtained from him.
" It was only through regard for Eerdinand and
Isabella," he says, "that he had not deposed the two
inquisitors against whom complaints were made, of
having condemned even persons who were not guilty
of heresy."* Prescott represents the matter in such
a manner as to lead the reader to suppose "that the
pope was for a moment touched with something
like compunction ; that he rebuked the intemperate
zeal of the inquisitors, and even menaced them with
deprivation. But these feelings were but transient;
for we find the same pope in 1483, quieting the
scruples of Isabella respecting the appropriation of
the confiscated property, and encouraging both
sovereigns to proceed in the great work of purifi
cation," &c. (vol. i. p. 313.) The brief, dated
Eebruary 23rd, 1483, in which the pope is repre
sented as having made use of such language, may
be seen in Llorente (torn. iv. p. 352). As far as
regards the assertion of Prescott that the pope
endeavoured to calm the scruples of the queen
respecting the confiscated property, the truth is,
that, " he assures her majesty he fully credits the
assurance she gives him, that she had not persecuted
the heretics through any motives of self-interest."
In a second brief, dated August 2nd of the same
porary, diffuses the two thousand capital executions over several
years. Why does not Mr. Prescott say the same of Mariana and
Pulgar ?
* The brief may be seen in Llorente, torn. iv. The date (1481)
which he gives is incorrect. It ought to be 1482.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 305
year, the pope requires* " that all those who repent
of their heretical doctrines shall be allowed to retain
possession of their property ."
But if Sixtus praises the queen, he does so on
account of the Inquisition in Sicily, and not that
in Spain ; he approves of the Inquisition as such,
but not of the political one, as may be seen from
his brief of Eebruary 25, 1483, in which he ex
presses to her doubts of his ability to grant several
requests concerning the Inquisition. Moreover, his
aversion against the political Inquisition is shown
by the nomination of the Archbishop of Seville,
Don Inigo Manrique, as papal councillor of appeal,
to whom appeals could be made against the sentences
of the royal inquisitors. And when he found that
this measure neither lessened the severity of the
latter, nor was respected by them, he received him
self appeals of the persecuted, declaring in his edict
of the 2nd August, 1483, that he was forced to this
step not only by the contempt shown to the power
intrusted to the Archbishop of Seville, but especially
by many of the accused having been prevented from
appealing to the papal judge.
He further cautions therein strongly against too
great severity, takes the repenting heretics under
his protection, demands pardon for them, though
their time of grace may have elapsed, and enjoins
the sovereigns to leave them in the quiet possession
of their property.
If so mild an edict had been issued by a secular
prince, or better still, by a republican senate,
Llorente could hardly have praised it enough ; but,
coming from the pope, he sees therein nothing but
contradiction and violation of the Archbishop of
Seville's rights; he would rather have recorded
* Llorente, torn. iv. p. 357.
X

306 THE LIFE OF
that a few thousand additional heretics had been
burned than that their appeals went to the Holy
See. Nay, even the merciful benevolence which
dictated to the pope to absolve such in private, and
not to proclaim their offence as had addressed
themselves to him of their own accord, is in his
eyes nothing more than a desire to extort increased
fines.* The brief of August 2nd, 1483, had no effect
in dissuading Eerdinand and Isabella from their
design of converting the Inquisition into apoliti
cal institution.! A short time after, Pope Sixtus
authorized them to name as grand-inquisitor for the
whole of Castile the Dominican Tomas Torquemada,
prior of the convent of Santa Cruz, in Segovia, with
the power invested in himself of choosing other
inferior ministers .% In a second brief, dated
October 17th, 1483, the pope consented that Tor
quemada should unite with his other powers that
of grand-inquisitor of Aragon also.
It was not without strong opposition that the
other inquisitors of Aragon accepted the authority
of their new head, Mho had been invested by the
crown with such extensive powers : from his
appointment, the Spanish state Inquisition dates its
full organization. In a short time, Torquemada
established four tribunals, at Seville, Cordoba, Jaen,
and Villa-Beal ; the last of which was afterwards

* Several mistakes of this nature, made by Llorente, were ably
refuted by a writer in the " Theologische Quartalschrift," pub
lished at Tubingen in the year 1820.
t Both the " TJnivers" and the Spanish "Esperanza" blame
Dr. Hefele for representing the Spanish Inquisition as a purely
political institution. (See preface to the translation.)
X Paramo, " De Origine Inquisitionis " (Matriti, 1598), lib. ii.
cap. iii. p. 137.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 307
removed to Toledo : for these tribunals he drew up
several rules and statutes.*
Eerdinand placed under his presidency a council,
consisting of theologians and jurists, who lent him
their advice in all matters purely religious, but
whose majority decided in all cases of a civil and
juridical nature. It is evident that these council
lors, more still than the great inquisitor, were func
tionaries of the state, whose nomination required
not even the sanction of the pope, or any other
ecclesiastical power. Whether they were eccle
siastics or laymen is a question of no import, as
modern times furnish many similar cases, in which
civil offices were filled by members of the Church.
We shall, moreover, see later that Eerdinand acted
upon his principle of laymen also being able to hold
places in this council.
While the organization of these tribunals was
going on, Pope Sixtus IV. died. His successor,
Innocent VIIL, approved of the tribunals and
statutes in a brief, dated February 11th, 1486.
Soon did the new Inquisition behold its power
extend more and more, when Eerdinand and Isabella,
in the year 1492, immediately after the conquest
of Granada, issued a decree for the banishment of
all those Jews who refused to be baptized. But the
causes and circumstances connected with this event
have no direct connection with the history of the
Inquisition, and it may therefore suffice to say that
various reasons tended to occasion that decree.
The inquisitors and other zealous persons saw the
impossibility of suppressing crypto-judaism as long
as the Jews remained in Spain. It needed little
* There is a copy of these " Statutes " in the public library of
Valladolid. They seem to be drawn up with great care and mode
ration. — Trans.
x 2

308 THE LIFE OF
sagacity to see the indefatigable proselytism of the
Spanish Jews, whose aim was not only to bring
back to their faith the Maranos,* but also to convert
the old Christians and to judaize the whole of
Spain. Hence the warnings of the inquisitors were
listened to by the statesmen, who for some time
previous had looked with suspicion upon the grow
ing national wealth of the Jews, in whose hands
were the most lucrative trades of the country.
The public weal, this word whose magic power must
also in our times cover many a violation of justice
and religious liberty, demanded, therefore, impera
tively the expulsion of the Jews ; and this the more,
as, perhaps, through the great severity used against
them, there seemed little hope of converting them
into peaceful subjects, and of deterring them from
their desire to make converts.
However reluctantly these measures were resorted
to, they were hastened on by several ill-timed
brutalities and acts of revenge on the part of the
Jews. They defaced crucifixes, profaned consecrated
Hosts, and were gravely suspected of having, at La
Guardia, in the Mancha, in the year 1490, and
elsewhere, crucified Christian children, and at
tempted the same crime at Valencia. In 1485 a
conspiracy of the Jews was discovered in Toledo,
the object of which was nothing less than the
seizure of the town on Corpus Christi day, and the
murder of all the Christians.!
All this, and the wealth of the Jews, had so

* So called from Maranatha : " The Lord is coming." —
1 Coeinth. xvi. 22.
t See Jost, Ferreras, Carnicero, and Balmes, all of whom
prove that the Jews at this period were guilty of most terrible
crimes. The chapter of Balmes, on the " Inquisition in Spain,"
is most valuable. (See English ed. London, 1849, chap, xxxvi.
p. 161.)— Trans.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 309
exasperated the Christian population of Spain, that
government could rely upon their co-operation in
the expulsion of the Jews. In vain they endea
voured to ward off the blow by offering to Eerdinand
the sum of 30,000 ducats, at a time when, still
engaged in his war against Granada, he stood
greatly in need of money. The latter is indeed
said to have nearly yielded to temptation, and to
have intended to relinquish his plans against the
Jews. But Torquemada appeared before him and
Isabella, holding in his hands a crucifix. " Judas
sold our Saviour for thirty pieces of silver, but your
highnesses will sell Him for 30,000. Here He is,
sell Him." So saying, he laid the crucifix before
them and retired. This bold behaviour made such
an impression upon the sovereigns, that they imme
diately after issued at Granada the memorable edict
of the 31st March, 1492, which commanded all the
Jews to leave the country who, up to the 31st July,
had not become converts. They were allowed
until then to sell their possessions, and to take with
them their property in bills or in goods, but not in
specie, whilst the sovereigns provided them with a
pass and vessels for their transport.* The Spanish
preachers used their utmost exertions to win over
many Jews before the expiration of the term of
emigration, and Torquemada in particular charged
the Dominicans to devote their utmost zeal to this
cause. Many thousands, however, preferred exile
to conversion, and left the country in large masses
at the end of July, having been compelled to sell
their property at very low prices, as, for instance, a
house for a mule, &c.
* Ferdinand and Isabella say in this edict, " that they had
been advised to it by many wise and distinguished men, and
adopted it only after 'long and profound reflection."— Carnicero,
torn. i. p. 273.

310 THE LIFE OF
Llorente assures us that, according to the calcu
lation of Mariana, about eight hundred thousand
Jews were banished. But the conscientious historian
of the Inquisition forgets to remark that Mariana
declares the number to be exaggerated, and indeed
almost incredible.* He also neglects, according to
his usual custom, to acknowledge that Eerreras,
another Spanish historian, after having given the
number of those who were exiled throughout the
provinces, makes them amount to about thirty thou
sand families, and one hundred thousand souls.
Although many of the emigrants acted against
the prohibition of taking precious metals with them,
and sewed gold-pieces in the saddles and halters of
their mules, or swallowed them in small pieces, and
hid them on parts of their body where delicacy
forbade to search for them, Eerdinand kept his
word and let them pass unmolested. Most of them
wandered to Portugal, Italy, Erance, or to the
Levante, and to Africa. But their misfortunes did
not end here. Many were carried off in Italy by
epidemics ; and in Africa, they were robbed and
murdered by the Moors, who defiled their wives and
daughters, and cut their bodies open in search of
the gold-pieces they had swallowed. Many thou
sands returned then, in the greatest misery, to
Spain, submitting to baptism. Those who had
from the beginning declared their intention to
remain, had had to do the same, but their conversion
was only outward. They continued in their old
* These are the words of Mariana: — " El niimero de los Judios
que saheron de Castilla y Aragon no se sabe  No falta
quien diga que llegaron a ochocientos mil almas; gran mucbe-
dumbre sin duda," &e. (lib. xxvi. cap. i.) Prescott himself can
didly owns that the calculation made by Llorente is exaggerated :
— -" A review of all the circumstances," he continues," will lead us,
without much hesitation, to adopt a more moderate computation."
("Hist, of Ferdinand and Isabella," vol. ii. p. 130.)— Trans.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 311
Jewish rites, and, as a necessary consequence, fell a
prey to the Inquisition, whose functions were
thereby greatly extended.
The tribunals of the Spanish Inquisition were, to
a much less degree, called into requisition by the
Moriscos, or baptized Moors. Eerdinand and Isa
bella, after the conquest of Granada, in 1492,
solemnly confirmed to the Moors, besides their
mil privileges, the retention of their mosques and
the free exercise of their religion, and authors who
have taken only this into consideration stigmatize
severely the subsequent proceedings against them.
The facts, however, are as follows.
Ine sovereigns did not consider that they broke
their word, by appointing Talavera and Ximenez,
the two most virtuous bishops of their state, to win
the Moors over to Christianity by persuasion and
instruction. Nor can it be called a violation of
their promise, to have conferred special civil and
material privileges upon those who were converted.
We have seen, in the tenth chapter, what threat
ening revolts were caused by these attempts at con
version, by the exasperatedMoorish population of the
Albayrim, the Alpuxarras, and the Sierre Vermeja.
No wonder that the sovereigns considered themselves
no longer bound by their treaties of 1492. Had
not ihi Moors, by their rebellion, broken them
first ? They henceforth treated them, therefore, as
rebellious subjects, and thought it but a merciful
and lenient exercise of their rights, instead of
arraigniig them for high treason, to compel them
either tc be baptized, or, without confiscating their
property, to allow them to emigrate on payment of
a fine o? ten gold florins for every head. The
greater part of them remained, and embraced
Christi.an.ty, so that, soon, not a single unbaptized
Moor was to be found in the entire old kingdom of

312 THE LIFE OF
Granada. Many lived, however, still in the pro*
vinces of Castile and Leon, which had been subju
gated before by the Christians ; and to guard the
Moriscos of Granada against a relapse, an edict, of
the 20th July, 1501, forbade all communicatiod
with their co-religionists. By a second edict, datqd
but a few months later (12th Eebruary, 1502), the
more rigorous measures used against those cf
Granada, to be baptized or to emigrate, were al^o
extended to them. Many preferred the former
alternative, were baptized, and remained in Spain.
Diego de Deza, a Dominican, successor to Torq/ie-
mada (who died 16th September, 1498) in the office of
grand-inquisitor, confessor to Eerdinand, and Bislop
of Jaen, afterwards Archbishop of Seville, is saii to
have been the chief instrument in causing tlese
severe measures to be taken against the Moitrs.*
It is also he who induced the sovereigns, to ip.tvo-
duce the Inquisition into Granada, to prevent the
Moriscos from returning to Islamism. Isabella,
however, granted him only the permission if ex
tending the jurisdiction of the tribunal of Cordova
to Granada, forbidding, at the same time, to jnolest
the Moriscos on any other ground than that of
apostasy. Under the same condition, the Moriscos
residing in Castile, Leon, and Aragon, were /placed
under the Inquisition, and a declaration ofltheirs,
of the year 1524, shows that they were not/treated
harshly. In this document, which is addipssed to
the fifth grand-inquisitor, Manrique, th£y say :
" We have always been treated justly py your
predecessors, and properly protected by them."
Manrique did not change this policy, e]en when
a visitation of the kingdom of Granada,/ in 1526,
showed that almost all the Moriscos had renounced
* Several historians wrongly attribute this measure to have
originated with Torquemada, who died several years jreviously.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 313
Christianity, and that hardly seven had remained
faithful to it. The consequence of this visitation
was, indeed, the erection of a special tribunal for
Granada, but it was conducted with great leniency
towards those that had relapsed. Pope Clement
VII. made it his special care to provide for the
Moriscos a sound instruction in the Christian
religion, and the Emperor Charles V. ordered that
the possessions of apostates could not be confiscated,
but were to be retained for their children ; nor could
they be handed oyer to the civil authorities, still
less condemned to death.
They fared similarly under Philip II. Not one
was condemned to capital punishment for apostasy,
and harsher means were resorted to against them
only after the inhabitants of Granada had revolted
again, proclaiming as king a descendant of one of
their former rulers. Several popes, especially Gre
gory XIII., tried unsuccessfully to win the Moriscos
over by kindness. They were never thoroughly
converted, nor for any length of time, but revolted
and revolted again, conspiring with the Moors in
Africa, until at last, in the year 1609, Philip III.
issued a decree for their expulsion from Spain, a
measure which Erancis I. of Erance had recom
mended before to the Emperor Charles V.*
The Inquisition has hitherto appeared to us only
as a barrier against the encroachments of Judaism
* Llorente, torn. i. p. 429. The decree of expulsion is to be found
in Carnicero, torn. i. p. 289, and also in Balmes, p. 218. The
Spaniards have frequently been reproached for this expulsion of
the Moriscos, but the Gottinger Gelehrte Anzeigen (July 28,
1842) have already pointed out correctly how it was considered
an urgent necessity by the most enlightened and liberal contem
poraries, such as Cervantes and others. The " Ausland," too, in
its number 146, for 1845, acknowledges that the unity of the
state was, by the open and secret partisans of the Moors, much
more jeopardized than is generally believed.

314 THE LIFE OF
and Islamism.* We shall now see what further
political reasons induced the Spanish kings to
favour an institution, which, though apparently of
an ecclesiastical nature, was constantly complained
of and combated against by the popes and bishops.
The reign of Eerdinand and Isabella was, in Spain,
the phase of transition of the old state into the
modern one, of the primitive and free state into the
abstract and absolute one, as Banke has clearly
shown in his " Princes and People of the Sixteenth
and Seventeenth Centuries." In- the old state, the
central or monarchical power was restricted by
three tolerably independent corporations : the aris
tocracy, the clergy, and the towns. Their close
connection with foreign countries — of the clergy
with Bome, of the aristocracy and the towns with
the aristocracy and towns abroad — prevented the
concentration of the state in itself, and the royal
power from gaining too much ascendancy. But
nowhere in Europe was royal power so limited as
in Castile and Aragon; hence we find the sovereigns
here, earlier than elsewhere, striving to lessen the
independence of the three states and to increase the
central power. They succeeded sooner in Castile
than in Aragon, but in both countries the Inqui
sition was the most efficient instrument for subju
gating entirely to the crown all the subjects, in
particular the nobility and clergy, and completing
the absolute power of the monarch.!
* De Maistre, in his Letters on the Spanish Inquisition, ob
serves very justly with reference to this: " Great political evils,
and especially violent attacks on the state, can only be prevented
or repulsed by means equally violent. This is an irrefutable
principle in politics. The Judaists and disguised Moors neces
sarily either inspired fears or had to fear for themselves."
t Eanke, vol. i. p. 248. " The Inquisition was the means of
completing the absolute authority of the king." Very remarkable
is what Count Alexis de St. Priest, in bis history of the banish-

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 315
Hence the two upper classes were the fiercest
opponents of the Inquisition, and oftener persecuted
as enemies of the same, than as heretics. The
prelates in particular soon saw themselves entangled
in numerous suits with the new tribunals. The
popes, too, could not fail to discover that the
Spanish Inquisition served more as a means to
consolidate the absolute power of the monarch than
to purify the Church, and therefore endeavoured to
thwart it in the same degree in which they favoured
the ecclesiastical Inquisition. Nor were the Cas
tilian people blind to the fact that the tribunals of
the Holy Office were the rock against which the
power and authority of the nobles and the clergy
would be shattered.*
ment of the Jesuits from Portugal (" Eevue des Deux Mondes,"
April, 1844), observes, with reference to the relation of Piombal
to the Inquisition. This minister, the destroyer of the Jesuits
and apostle of absolutism, an enemy of Bome and the hierarchical
power like no other, recognized in the Inquisition the best means
for the accomplishment of bis plans. " He had found," says St.
Priest, " this formidable institution a convenient and safe weapon,
a sort of committee of public safety ; hence he also spoke of it
always in terms of the greatest admiration." One day he said to
the French ambassador: " I intend to reconcile your country with
the Inquisition, and prove the utility of this institution to the
world. It was established under the authority of the most faith
ful king, for no other reason than to exercise certain functions of
the bishops, which are much safer in the hands of a corporation
chosen by the sovereign, than in those of a single individual, who
can deceive himself or others." It was Piombal who persecuted
the Jesuit P. Madrigal for his connection with the family Tanora,
and accused him of heresy before the Inquisition. He was sen
tenced to be strangled, and afterwards burned in a solemn auto-
da-fe. * Philip IL, in particular, used the Inquisition to act against the
Jesuits and reduce their privileges. This is clearly shown by
the famous bull, " Dominus ac Eedemptor," by which Clement
XIV. suppressed the order of the Jesuits in 1773 : " Multse hinc
ortse adversus Societatem querimonise, quae nonnullorum etiam
principum auctoritate munitse . . . fuerunt. In bis fuit claras
memoriae Philippus II., Hispaniarum rex Catholicus, qui turn

316 THE LIFE OF
The Inquisition, therefore, found great favour
with the lower classes, and the Castilian even
boasted of this institution of his country. But there
is still one other reason, mentioned also by Banke,
which made it really popular in Spain. There, more
than elsewhere, a marked distinction existed between
persons of pure and impure blood, and the Inquisi
tion, by making this opinion her own, became the
most powerful weapon against the latter. National
hatred divided in Spain the sons of the Germanic
Visigoths from the descendants of the Jews and the
Moors, so that the most severe laws against these
were joyfully received by the former. It was con
sequently natural that, urged on by the sovereigns,
who were struggling for absolutism, and considered
as a national institution by the people, the Inquisi
tion spread rapidly, and without much opposition,
throughout the whole of Castile.*
In Aragon, the endeavours to change the old
state into the new one were less successful and less
complete than in Castile. We find here rather a
a fierce opposition against the new tribunals on the
part of the nobles and the representatives of the
towns, although the ecclesiastical Inquisition had,
for centuries, continued to exist there unattacked.
Similar events took place in Sicily and Naples, where
the inhabitants, accustomed since time immemorial
to the old Inquisition, could only by main force, and

gravissimas, quibus ille vehementer impellebatur rationes, turn
etiam eos, quos ab Hispaniarum Inquisitoribus adversus immode-
rata societatis privilegia ac regiminis formam acceperat clamores
.... Sixto V. Prsedecessori exponenda curavit." (Nat. Alexander,
Suppl. II. p. 134. Venet. 1778.)
* Balmes coincides with this view, and is moreover of opinion
that Ferdinand and Isabella followed, in their introduction of the
measure, more the general voice of the nation than their own
political views.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 317
after the suppression of several insurrections, be
brought to submit to the political Inquisition.*
But the irritation of the nobles of Aragon against
the Inquisition was raised to such a height, that, on
the 15th September, 1485, they assassinated the
first royal inquisitor of Seville, Dr. Peter Arbues,
of Epila, canon of Saragossa, whilst singing the
matins in the church. This outrage was, however,
the very cause of the political Inquisition taking a
firmer footing in this country.!
Modern historians, whose researches have at once
been more accurate and impartial, have thoroughly
recognized the political character of the Spanish
Inquisition. Banke testifies to it in the following
words : —
"We have a celebrated book on the Inquisition by
Llorente, and if I am so bold as to say anything
in opposition to him, it is only because this
well-informed author wrote in the interest of the
Alfrancesados and the government of Joseph. He,
consequently, contests the privileges of the Basque
provinces, although they can hardly be denied,
and considers the Inquisition a usurpation of the
spiritual power over the political. But I must be
much mistaken if, on the contrary, the result of
the facts adduced by him does not show that the
Inquisition was only a royal tribunal, furnished with
spiritual weapons. In the first place, the inqui
sitors were royal officials. The king had the right
* They fared in this similarly to the Templars in the fourteenth
century, who insisted upon being tried by the old Inquisition, well
aware, as the historians of the order say,, that they could expect
milder and juster treatment of this institution than of Philip the
Fair of France.
t Blancas, p. 264, calls Arbues and his colleague the Domini
can, Caspar Inglar, "'duo egregii et prastantes yiri ;" and Arbues
especially, " vir Justus, optimus, singulari bonitate et modestia
prseditus, imprimisque Uteris exaltus et doctrina."

318 THE LIFE OF
to appoint and dismiss them, and, independent of the
other councils belonging to the court, had a council
of the Inquisition. The tribunals of the Inquisition
were subject to the same royal visitations as other
bodies, and their assessors were often men who held
seats in the highest court of justice of Castile.
Ximenez in vain opposed the introduction of a
layman into the council of the Inquisition, who had
been nominated by Eerdinand the Catholic, 'Do
you not know,' said the king, ' that if this council
has any jurisdiction whatever, it is only owing to
the king ? ' As regards the measures which, Llo
rente says, were projected against Charles V. and
Philip IL, it is indeed evident, from his own
account, that Paul IV., then in open war with
emperor and king, proposed proceedings against
them, but we cannot learn from him if their propo
sals were accepted, or even attempted to be carried
out.* Secondly, the profits from the confiscations
of this tribunal fell to the king . . . the proceeds of
these confiscations formed a sort of regular revenue
for the royal treasury. Thirdly, the state was first
rendered entirely independent by the Inquisition,
the king thereby becoming the master of a tribunal
from which neither grandee nor archbishop could
withdraw. Eoreigners were particularly shocked
by this. ' The Inquisition,' says Segni, ' has been

* Eanke states the facts incorrectly. It is true, Paul IV., em
bittered against Charles, threatened him and his son Philip with
the Inquisition ; but, of course, he intrusted the inquiry not to the
Spanish State Inquisition, but to the Eoman tribunal, which had
to declare whether the emperor had not made too great conces
sions to the Protestants of Germany. Paul charged the Spanish
inquisitors only with the trial of those theologians, who, like
Melchior Carus, had advised Charles " to force the Pope to yield."
But Charles protected Carus, and his Inquisition had to act after
bis will. — (Llorente, torn. ii. p. 172 — 176.)

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 319
invented to rob the rich of their possessions, and
the mighty of their authority.'
"When Charles knew no other means of arraigning
the bishops who had lent assistance to the com
mittees in their revolt, he ordered the Inquisition
to try them. When Philip despaired of his ability
to punish Antonio Perez, he called the Inquisition
to his aid. Accordingly, as this tribunal reposed on
the authority of the king, its administration turned
to the profit of the royal power. It belonged to
those spoliations of the Church by which this reign
became powerful, for instance, the management of
the grand -mastership, the appointment of the
bishops — but in its spirit and aim it was intrinsically
a political institution. It was of importance to the
popes to throw obstacles in its way, and they did so
as often as they could. The kings, on the other
hand, were interested in advancing its power con
stantly."* The opinions of Henry Leo on the Inquisition are
similar to those of Leopold Banke. " Isabella," he
says, " knew how to break the nobles and the clergy
of Castile by means of an ecclesiastical institution
entirely dependent on her, and equally directed
against laymen and clergy;" and further — •" These
sovereigns knowing how to employ, as political
agents, other and similar institutions in the rest of
their dominions, in the same manner in which they
had made use of the Inquisition in Castile, to
undermine the power of the nobles and the clergy,
the greater part of the peninsula advanced, under
their rule, at the end of the middle ages, towards
absolute monarchism."
* Eanke, vol. i. p. 245. " It is evident from the letters of
Visconti, the papal nuncio, of the year 1563, that Eome ascribed
to the Spanish Inquisition a great decrease of the papal authority
(gran diminuzione dell' autorita di questa santa sede)."

320 THE LIFE OF
Guizot's opinion coincides with the above : " The
Inquisition was, at first, more political than ecclesi
astical, and destined rather to uphold order than to
defend the faith." Professor Havemann expresses
himself much in the same manner in his " Essay
on Ximenez :" " Boyalty and the Inquisition have
frequently been regarded as two distinct powers
to which Spain was then subjected. Yet the Inqui
sition has, at no time, occupied here a position
independent of the crown, although in the days of
Eerdinand it was not as much a political instru
ment as it became during the reign of Philip II.
Avarice, and the desire to undermine the national
freedom of Spain, were no less the causes of the
establishment of this institution than zeal for the
Church. The king appointed the president, and
himself prepared his instructions, whilst the ratifi
cation of the Holy See was only sought to save the
forms in the eyes of the Church : the assessors were
sometimes nominated by the king, sometimes by the
president in his name. Neither grandee nor arch
bishop could withdraw from this tribunal, nor even
the three powerful knightly orders, which, by virtue
of their ' fueros,' had long maintained an independ
ence difiicult to be reconciled with the power of
royalty." To these opinions of eminent Protestant scholars
we add a few from the writings of not less distin
guished Catholics. Lenormant, formerly substitute
for M. Guizot in the professorship of history, speaks
in the following terms : " The Inquisition, in its
original conception and its essence, was not an
ecclesiastical, but a political institution ; and far
from abhorring the enormity of a justice which
covered her mysteries with an impenetrable veil,
the Spaniard felt even proud of possessing so excel
lent an institution. The very fact of this secret

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 321
tribunal having been principally composed of civil
functionaries* is a decided proof of its character ;
and the Inquisition was nothing more than a police
excellently served, admitting no distinction of per
sons."! The celebrated Count de Maistre observes: "Many
believe the Inquisition to have been a tribunal purely
ecclesiastical ; this is false .... the tribunal of the
Inquisition was purely royal. It was the king who
appointed the Inquisitor-general, who, in his turn,
nominated the councillors, subject to the approval
of the king. The rules for this tribunal were issued
in the year 1484 by Cardinal Torquemada, in concert
with the king." J In the same manner, the ultra-
liberal Cortes of 1812 expressed themselves : " The
Spanish kings have always rejected the advice given
to them against the Inquisition, because they could
in all cases, and at their pleasure, nominate, sus
pend, or remove the councillors." § It is, therefore,
not without reason that Charles V., who knew how
to govern, and loved absolute power, recommended
the Inquisition so warmly to his successor in his
will, that he might be able properly to discharge his
duties as sovereign.
The correctness of these opinions of the political
character of the Inquisition is clearly shown by the
very statutes of the year 1484. All the paragraphs
stamp the Inquisition unmistakably as a political
* This is incorrect. Most of the members were priests, but
secular priests ; hence the misconception of Lenormant.
t Spittler, in his interesting preface to Eeuss's collection of
the instructions of the Spanish Inquisition, bears testimony to
this truth when he says, p. xiv. : " It was an instrument in the
hands of the kings who sought to establish absolutism on the
ruins of the great national liberties." P. xv. : " The new tribunal
was merely a royal one." P. xviii. : " Everything to the interest of
the king and — not the Cburch."
X Lettres sur l'luquisition, pp. 11, 12. § Pp. 37, 38.
Y

322 THE LIFE OF
institution, and expressions like the following recur
constantly : — "Their Highnesses [that is, Eerdinand
and Isabella] will, ordain, command;" — "their
Highnesses pardon;" — "it is not at all the inten
tion of their Highnesses;" — "the Most Serene
Sovereigns the King and the Queen ordain, ap
prove, &c. ;" whilst no mention is made of the will
and the dispositions of the ecclesiastical power.
The Portuguese Inquisition was equally consi
dered a political institution by the sovereigns of
that country. This is evident from the decree of
the minister Piombal, of the 20th March, 1769. " I
have been informed," says King Joseph I., "that,
contrary to the usage of all other tribunals, which
have at all times taken, and still take, the title of
Majesty, because they represent my royal person,
an abuse has crept into the Holy Office to adopt a
different address, though this tribunal, by its organi
zation and its service, is immediately and more than
any other attached to my royal person." The king
proceeds farther on — " As the members of the
council of the Holy Office exercise my royal jurisdic
tion not only in criminal and disciplinarian matters
against all who offend against religion, but also in
civil matters against the privileged classes, as I
am further acquainted that the intrigues of the
so-called Jesuits profit by this abuse (namely, the
suppression of the title of majesty by the council of
the Inquisition) to lower the authority of this
tribunal, I ordain that the general council (of the
Inquisition) be, in all addresses, writings, and
petitions, treated as majesty."*
But for that very reason that the Inquisition, as
we have seen, was closely connected with political
absolutism, and perhaps its most powerful weapon,
* Coleccao de Legislacao Portugueza (Lisbon, 1829), torn. ii.
p. 379, et seq.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 323
the Inquisition was necessarily compelled to die as
soon as the absolute power of the monarch vanished.
This is, in few and striking words, said already in
Art. II. of the decree of suppression, issued by the
Spanish Cortes on the 22nd Eebruary, 1813 : — " El
tribunal de la Inquisicion es imcompatible con la
constitucion." And when, on the return of Eer
dinand VII., in the year 1814, the old monarchy
was re-established, the Inquisition was immediately
revived to keep down the demagogues ; but as soon
as Eerdinand, in the year 1820, had been compelled
to grant again a constitution, the Inquisition was
once more suppressed. Similar events happened in
Portugal and other states; the Inquisition stood
and fell with political absolutism.
This correct estimate of the object and political
character of the Inquisition has, in our times, pro
duced a more just appreciation of this institution
and its effects. History, which, in general, of late
has been freed from many often-repeated falsehoods,
has also learned better to appreciate facts connected
with the history of the Inquisition. Before, there
fore, we proceed to examine what part Ximenez
took in the proceedings of the Holy Office, truth, not
the desire to defend that institution, induces us to
make the following observations : —
1. The Inquisition has often been unjustly judged
according to the principles of the nineteenth century,
instead of those of the fifteenth and sixteenth. Whilst
many, for the last hundred years and more, were
inclined to see in heretics and infidels of all kinds
the most enlightened and honourable citizens of the
state, the Inquisition, in direct opposition, was
based on the opinions of the Middle Ages, according
to which heresy was high treason, and only such
subjects were safe and worthy of confidence as
conformed to the religion of the state. It is natural

324 THE LIFE OF
that the defenders of modern ideas cannot appreciate
and judge impartially facts which find their reasons
in those of former ages, if they are unable to divest
themselves of the ideas of the present time, and to
think themselves into those of the past. Every true
historian does this. But the Inquisition has mostly
been described by such writers as tried to substitute
mere words and assertions for sound and conscien
tious researches ; gave romantic descriptions for real
facts, and hid their want of absolute knowledge under
liberal phrases. Persons of this kind understood of
course not the maxim, cujus est regis,illius est religio,
— on which the whole Inquisition is based, and which
formerly was thoroughly and universally recognized,
and so little contested, that Protestants in particular
have defended it and carried it into practice. The
Palatinate may serve as an example. Here the
Elector Erederick III., who had been a Lutheran;
after having turned Calvinist in the year 1563,
forced all his subjects to do the same ; and expelled
from his country all who would not adopt the
Heidelberg catechism. Thirteen years later, in the
year 1576, his son Ludwig re-established the old
Lutheran confession, drove away the Calvinistic
preachers and teachers, and forced his subjects to
become Lutherans again. In 1583, the Elector John
Casimir, in his office of guardian to Erederick IV.,
introduced Calvinism once more, and with equal
severity; so that the Palatinate has sufficiently
experienced that conformity to the religion of the
state and court was enforced not in Spain only, and
by Eerdinand the Catholic, but also in Germany
and by Protestant princes, and that the severest
civil punishments were inflicted by them upon dis
senters. Spain has indeed not acted otherwise than
the Lutherans and Calvinists in Germany. The
Peace of Beligion, concluded at Augsburg 26th

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 325
September, 1555, gives, in paragraph 24, to every
state of the empire full powers to put to their sub
jects the alternative either of adopting the religion
of the state or emigrating, on payment of a certain
fine ; just as the Jews and Moors were treated in
Spain. It is well known that precisely to this
lenient Spanish measure the Beformation owes much
of its extension in Germany. It can, moreover, not
be doubted that mild treatment was not to be
expected in Germany by those who, obeying out
wardly only the dictates of their Protestant princes,
and adhering to the old faith, sought to re-establish
it again in the dominions of their masters. But it
may be doubted whether it was worse to fall into
the hands of the Spanish Inquisition than into those
of a zealous Lutheran prince.
2. It is, further, often forgotten, in judging the
Inquisition, that the criminal law of those days was
frequently more cruel and bloody than that of the
present century. Many offences which now are
punished but slightly, called formerly for blood.
The most striking proof of the criminal justice of
those times to which the Inquisition owes its origin,
is the Carolina, or penal code of Charles V., of the
year 1532. Blasphemy against God and the Blessed
Virgin is therein (in sect. 106) punished with
mutilation and death ; (sect. 116), pederasty and
sodomy with death on the stake; (sect. 106),
sorcery with death. Even purely civil offences are
visited with similar severity. So coiners and persons
circulating base coin knowingly are (sect. Ill)
condemned to the flames ; (sect. 113), defaulters of
measures and weights to flogging, or, if the offence
be great, to death; (sect. 159 — 162), burglars,
however large or small the thefts might be, to
death by hanging, to blinding, to the chopping off of
the hand, &c. ; whilst repetitions of the same crime

326 THE LIFE OF
were punished with death. In a similar manner
the smallest offences against the safety of the roads
were punished with death in Erance ; and the cruel
measures used formerly against poachers are well
known. On looking further back in history, we do not
meet with greater mildness in the laws, but, on the
contrary, find that the penalties were even more
severe before the compilation of the Carolina,
especially in the application of torture ; so that the
penal code of the great emperor may be called mild
if compared to the earlier practice. Nay, in the
very century which gave birth to the Inquisition,
one of the wisest and most liberal men of Europe,
the celebrated Chancellor of Paris, Gerson, recom
mended pain of death to be applied even to pope
and cardinals, if their actions were detrimental to
the interests of the Church. If Gerson did not recoil
from advising such stringent measures against the
highest authorities of the world, what could here
tics of impure blood expect in Spain ?
But in the same degree in which the treatment of
heretics bore relation to the criminal justice of those
days, in the same degree their treatment became
less severe under the milder laws of subsequent
times. Llorente even acknowledges this ; nor are
his followers in the Cyclopsedia of Ersch and Gruber
silent upon it.
3. It must further not be overlooked, that pain
of death against heretics was not decreed by the
Inquisition only, but was common to all countries
and to all confessions. We have before, at page 277,
adduced the ancient code of Suevia as testimony ;
but a better witness still is Michael Servetus, of
whom the well-known reformer Bucer said, in 1531,
whilst delivering, at Strasburg, a public sermon from
the pulpit, that he deserved the most miserable

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 327
death for his work against the Trinity. And Calvin
showed, twenty-two years later, that this was not
idle talk of the reformer, by having, on the 27th
October, 1553, the " heretic " burned at the stake
by a small fire. To justify which act the great re
former wrote his work : " Eidelis Expositio Errorum
Michaelis Serveti, et brevis eorum Befutatio, ubi do-
eetur, jure gladii coercendos esse Haereticos." And
to place it quite out of doubt that the Protestants of
those times wished to have capital punishment
inflicted upon heretics, the " mild " Melancthon
wrote to Calvin : " I have read thy book in which
thou hast fully refuted the horrible blasphemies of
Servetus, and thank the Son of the Lord for having
awarded thee the victory in the contest thou hast
sustained. The Church owes thee now and for ever
eternal gratitude for this. I quite agree with thy
opinion, and maintain that thy tribunal has acted in
accordance with justice, in having, after due investi
gation, put to death a blasphemer."* Eor super
abundance I may add that also Theodore Beza com
posed a work : " De Hsereticis a Magistratu civili
puniendis ; " and that, besides Servetus, many others,
as for instance, Valentine Gentilis, Bolsec, Carol-
stadt, Castello, Judge Ameaux, by their imprison
ment, banishment, or death, learned that the
Inquisition of the Protestant church was not less
severe than that of Spain. Many Protestants, as
for instance, Prescott, in his " History of Eerdinand
and Isabella," acknowledge this. But there is no
need for going back as far as the sixteenth century,
or even for recalling the horrible atrocities committed
against the Catholics in England, to furnish pendants
to the Spanish Inquisition among the Protestants.
A singular case of this kind is recorded by Pfeil-
* Sehrockh : Neuere Kirchengeschichte, vol. v. p. 517.

328 THE LIFE OF
schifter of a young soldier, who, convicted of having
entered into a pact with the devil, was, at Bends-
burg, in Holstein, in the year 1724, decapitated
by the mercy of the king. Nay, even in our days,
that is, on the 3rd April, 1844, the painter J. O.
Nilson, for having apostatized and embraced a
heretic religion (the Catholic), was banished from'
Sweden, his civil and hereditary rights declared for
feited, and this judgment confirmed by the highest
tribunal of the land. The unfortunate Nilson died
in misery at Copenhagen, in February, 1847. This
is not intended as a reproach. Our only object is to
show, that the Protestants had also adopted the
sanguinary principle, that " deviation from the
Church of the country is to be punished by death ;"
and that Sweden adheres to this doctrine, slightly
modified, to the present day. If the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries had doubted the correctness
of this principle, the Protestants ought necessarily
to have been the first to raise scruples, as their own
apostasy should have made them indulgent towards
other converts.
4. Amongst the victims of the Inquisition, the
so-called witches and sorcerers form a considerable
portion. It is needless to prove at length, that
these unfortunate persons were persecuted just as
much in Germany as in Spain, and as mercilessly
by Protestants as by Catholics. Not Torquemada
only, but two hundred years later, Benedict Carpzov
also delivered them to the flames. The Beformer
Beza reproaches the Erench parliaments with negli
gence in the persecution of witches ; and Walter
Scott owns that, the more Calvinism extended in
England, the more numerous became the trials for
witchcraft. Seventy years before the Protestant
Thomasius shook the belief in witches amongst his
co-religionists, the Jesuit Frederick Spee, of Langen~

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 329
feld* had done so amongst the Catholics. As late
as 1713, the Eaculty of Law at Tubingen condemned
a witch to death ; and, one year later than in Spain,
in 1782, the last witch was burned in the canton of
Glarus, tried and condemned by a reformed tribunal.
In general, a comparison of the German trials of
witches with the proceedings of the Spanish In
quisition, would hardly be to the advantage of the
former. 5. Moreover, it must not be forgotten that the
tribunal of the Inquisition confined itself to the
sentence, that the accused be more or less, entirely,
partly, or not at all, guilty of heresy, blasphemy, or
other crimes. The tribunal has never pronounced
pain of death, but its sentence was, nevertheless,
followed by this punishment ; those found " guilty
of heresy" by the Holy Office, being handed over
to the secular arm, which, and in particular the
Council of Castile, the highest Spanish court of
justice, condemned them to death or prison. We
learn from the sentence of the Inquisition, cited by
Count de Maistre,! that the tribunals always pleaded
in behalf of the convicted heretic. This document is
the more trustworthy, as it was first published by the
author of the book, " The Inquisition Unmasked,"
one of the bitterest enemies of the Inquisition.:}:
He thinks, it is true, that this intercession was mere
idle form, and to strengthen his assertion, cites
the canon law of the celebrated Van Espen (torn. i.
pars ii., tit. x. ch. iv. & xxi.), but, apart from this
author treating there of something totally different,
* Leibnitz, in his Theodicee, I., sees. 96, 97, has erected a
beautiful monument to this noble and zealous priest.
t Lettres, p. 32.
X Don Antonio Puigblancb, under the pseudonym Nathaniel
Jomtob. See Balmes about this incorrect and fanatic Spanish
writer.

330 THE LIFE OF
namely, the intercession of the bishop in behalf of a
priest about to be handed to the secular arm, such
forms, even if they at last became mere phrases,
which we will not deny, unmistakably had origi
nally a real meaning ; which opinion is held also by
Van Espen in the passage just quoted.
6. The Spanish Inquisition is generally repre
sented as an offshoot of Bomish intolerance; but the
popes, especially, were least favourable to this
institution, and have at all times tried to reduce its
power and influence. Even Llorente, who can as
little be called a partisan of Papacy as a Jacobin
can be called a friend of royalty, shows in almost
numberless cases and examples the truth of this
assertion. a. Erom the very beginning, Pope Sixtus IV. was
little pleased with the royal plan of the new Inqui
sition, and the relations between the Spanish and
Pontifical courts became, in consequence, so con
strained, that the ambassadors of both were impri
soned, and Eerdinand's subjects recalled from Bome.
We know that Sixtus at last yielded to the impe
tuosity of the king, by granting the bull of the 1st
November, 1478. But when complaints of the
severity of the first inquisitors reached the Holy
See, he issued, on the 29th of January, 1482, the
energetic brief, of which we have spoken before, in
which he declared the preceding bull as surrepti
tiously obtained, and notified to the inquisitors,
under strong censure, that nothing but his regard
for the sovereign deterred him from dismissing
them. To put a stop for the future to similar
excesses of the inquisitors, he further ordered in this
brief, that they were henceforth only allowed to
proceed against heretics in concert with the bishops
of the diocese. And further on, he opposes the
intention of Eerdinand and Isabella to introduce the

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 331
same Inquisition into other provinces of their
dominions, because the old, namely the ecclesias
tical and episcopal tribunals, already existed. And
when Isabella, not long after, desired the abolition
of the concurrence of the bishops being obligatory
in the proceedings of the Inquisition, Sixtus, in
many polite phrases, again sent a refusal.
b. At about the same time, in the year 1483, the
Pope tried further to diminish the severity of the
Spanish inquisitors, by appointing the archbishop
of Seville, Manrique, judge of appeals, to whom
such as were treated with too great severity by the
Holy Office, could address themselves.
c. But when the Pope found that these were not
better protected by the archbishop than before, he
received himself the appeals against the sentences
of the Inquisition, suppressed numerous cases,
modified certain punishments, and demanded milder
treatment for those who repented and abjured
heresy. He even went so far as to implore the king
and queen, by the mercy of Christ, to be merciful
and lenient towards such of their subjects as had
fallen into error.* Eerdinand, however, and after
wards his grandson, Charles V., endeavoured to frus
trate all these appeals to the Papal court, causing
thereby many disagreeable embroilments with the
Holy See. They demanded that all those against
whom the Inquisition had pronounced sentence,
should address their appeals to the royal minister of
justice, and not to the Papal court. And as they
had from the beginning considered the Inquisition
only a political institution, the consistency of their
demand cannot be called into question.
d. The popes endeavoured, besides, to mitigate
the severity of the Inquisition by trying to regain
* The edict is to be found in Llorente, torn. iv. p. 365.

332 THE LIFE OF
the restitution of the property and civil rights of
many condemned persons, preventing by this the
impoverishment of numberless families. We know
this from the best source; for anything advanced by
Llorente in favour of the popes, must of necessity be
an undeniable fact.
e. The children of the condemned were a matter
of special solicitude to the popes. They endeavoured
to shield them from suffering together with their
parents, and from being punished with infamy
and confiscation of their property. "Unfortunately,
numerous Papal edicts to this purpose were disre
garded by royal command.*
f The benevolence of the popes did not end here.
To guard repenting heretics, they repeatedly ordered
the inquisitors to absolve such penitents secretly,
in order to save them from civil punishments and
public shame. Thus fifty heretics were secretly
absolved by virtue of an order of the Pope, of the
11th Eebruary, 1486; another fifty by an order of the
30th May, of the same year ; an equal number on
the following day ; and again fifty by a fourth brief
of the 30th June. One month later, on the 30th
July, 1486, the Pope issued a fifth edict for secret
absolution. Llorente does not state the number to
whom the favour was extended, but he does say
that these Papal edicts of grace were very frequently
disregarded on the part of the Spanish government.
g. Under Julius II. and Leo X. the appeals to
the Papal court not only continued, but we learn,
even from Llorente, numerous cases in which these
popes appointed special judges to rescue the appel
lants from the hands of the Inquisition. Erequently,
also, the popes notified their will to the grand inqui-
* In a similar manner Pope Clement IV., in the thirteenth
century, endeavoured to mitigate the severity of the French laws
against blasphemers. — De Maistre, p. 23.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 333
sitors, in special edicts and strong terms, to liberate
less guilty prisoners. To others they remitted the
punishment of carrying the san benito, or shirt of
penitence; removed this sign from the graves of
persons over which it had been hung as an addition
to their punishments, and, in general, saved the
memory of numerous deceased from ignominy.
Many of these Papal mitigations had the intended
effect, but many miscarried, because the Spanish
kings, Eerdinand the Catholic, and Charles V., in
particular, frequently intimidated the judges dele
gated by the Pope to replace the inquisitors, or
opposed the execution of the Papal briefs. Some
times the Spanish inquisitors suppressed the Papal
edicts of mercy, or had their sentences so quickly
executed, that the protests of the pope arrived too
late, or even went so far as formally to refuse to
obey them. But the soul of this opposition was
always the Spanish government, bent upon render
ing null the Papal mediation, frustrating the appeals,
and making the Inquisition entirely independent of
the Church.
h. The inquisitors were often called to account
by the Pope, or his nuncio, or his delegate, and
threatened with excommunication if they persisted
in persecuting persons who had sought aid. at the
Papal court. This excommunication was repeatedly
carried into effect, as, for instance, by Leo X. against
the inquisitors of Toledo, to the great annoyance of
Charles V.
i. Sentences pronounced by the Inquisition, and
already half carried out, were at times cancelled by
the popes. Eor instance, that against Virues, the
preacher to Charles V., who, being suspected of
holding Lutheran views, was condemned to be
imprisoned in a cloister, but by Pope Paul III., in
the year 1538, declared innocent, and able to fill all

334 THE LIFE OF
ecclesiastical offices. Virues became afterwards
bishop of the Canary Islands.
k. To deter witnesses from giving false evidence
in the tribunals of the Inquisition, Leo X. decreed,
on the 14th December, 1518, pain of death against
them. I. Leo X., irritated by the disregard shown to
several of his edicts of mercy, purposed, in the year
1519, an entire reorganization of the Inquisition.
All the inquisitors then in office were to be removed,
and two canons to be presented by each bishop to
the grand-inquisitor, one of whom was to be ap
pointed provincial-inquisitor; but even this nomi
nation to be subject to the approval of the Holy See,
and the new inquisitors to be carefully visited every
two years. But Charles strained every nerve to
frustrate this intention of the Pope, and to prevent
the three briefs already issued by the same, from
being carried into execution. And as during the
negotiations Charles had become emperor of Bome,
the Pope desisted from pressing the matter further,
in order to avoid the dangers of a rupture. To
frighten the Pope, the Spanish ambassador even
advised his master apparently to favour Luther,
which, however, did not deter Leo from declaring
that the Spanish Inquisition worked much mischief.
m. We have seen above, how in later years the
popes, especially Gregory XIII., continued their
efforts to soften the rigorous measures of the In
quisition. Llorente supplies us with more ample
information. Paul III. in particular complained
bitterly of the Spanish Inquisition, and protected
those who endeavoured to hinder its introduction
into Naples. Pius IV. and his nephew, the great
St. Charles Borromeo, acted similarly by opposing
the introduction of the Spanish Inquisition into
Milan. Llorente avows openly that the Spanish

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 335
government had long made it their special business
always to take the part of the inquisitors whenever
the Papal court decreed anything which was dis
pleasing to them.
A convincing proof of the little influence possessed
by the Holy See over the Spanish Inquisition is
furnished by the trial of the celebrated Bollandists.
Since the year 1683, complaints had been made in
Belgium against the learned Jesuit Daniel Pape
broch, and the works of the Bollandists, then edited
by him. These complaints found their way to
Spain, and were brought before the Inquisition of
Toledo, which, in the year 1695, issued an edict,
condemning the first fourteen volumes of the "Acta
Sanctorum," on account of alleged heretical propo
sitions, although popes, cardinals, bishops, and
other distinguished Catholic notabilities, had con
stantly praised and in every way supported the
work. Eather Papebroch in vain defended himself
and his work in various Latin and Spanish pamphlets,
as well as in a special letter to the grand-inquisitor.
He received no answer, nor were the heretical pro
positions pointed out to him. When the matter
was brought to Bome, Pope Innocent XII. did not
hesitate calling the decree of the Inquisition a
fiera censura, and several cardinals, amongst them
the celebrated Cardinal Henry Noris, declared them
selves decidedly in favour of the learned Jesuit. The
Congregatio Indicis, however, would not pronounce
either of the two contending parties wrong, but in
the year 1698 imposed silence on both, which did
not prevent Cardinal Noris from openly saying that
regard for Spain had been the only reason for not
pronouncing the Bollandists entirely innocent.*
* The complete history of this trial is to be found in Bollandi
Thesaurus Eccles. Antiquitatis . . . seu Prsefationes, Tractatus, &c.
torn. i. pp. 92, 95, 97, 350; torn. iii. pp. 149, 150, 152, 305, 306,
et seq.

336 THE LIFE OF
All this shows that the Papal See has acted an
honourable part in the history of the Inquisition,
and was, as it has at all times been, a protector of
the persecuted.
But the Inquisition has also to be cleared of
many unjust reproaches, which we will endeavour
to do here.
7. The cruel tortures and torments of all kinds to
which prisoners were subjected in the prisons of
the Inquisition,. are particularly dwelt upon. But
let us recall to those who shudder at the bare men
tion of them, that the torture in those days was
used by all civil courts of all countries — nay, that it
legally existed in many German states as late as the
present century, and fell practically into disuse only
about the middle of the last, simultaneously in the
Inquisition and the civil courts. It is certain, says
Llorente, that the Inquisition has long ceased to
condemn prisoners to the torture; so that this
punishment may now (writing at the beginning
of this century) be considered abolished. As long
as the torture was not abolished by law, the fiscal
of each tribunal had, in certain cases, to propose its
application ; but the judges never sanctioned it, and
Llorente observes justly : " The fiscal would have
been sorry had his proposition been complied with."
This is common to all courts of justice in all states.
Severe legislation, as, for instance, the Carolina in
Germany, existed, still as law when it had long
ceased to be carried out in practice.
The above remarks of Llorente explain and confirm
also an anecdote told by the Count de Maistre in his
" Letters on the Inquisition." He relates that he
had, in the year 1803, met two distinguished and
well-informed Spaniards, with whom he conversed
on the Inquisition and the application of the torture.
They looked at each other in astonishment, he

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 337
continued, and assured me most positively never to
have heard anything about it in their own country.
Quite natural; for, according to Llorente's own
confession, the torture had long ceased to exist.
It requires but little love of truth to convince
oneself that the Inquisition used at least not more
severity in the treatment of its victims than the
other courts of justice of those times, both in
Catholic and Protestant countries. A simple
comparison with the Carolina will suffice to dispel
all doubts on the subject. The penal code of
Charles V. not only speaks of execution by fire and
sword, of quartering, the wheel, the gibbet, and
death by drowning, but also of burying alive, of
tearing with red-hot pincers, of the loss of the
tongue, the ears and hands, &c. The Inquisition
knows absolutely nothing of all these barbarous and
painful punishments. Add to this, that at a time
when the prisons in the whole of Europe were
damp, impure holes, into which neither air nor light
penetrated, veritable graves, full of putrefaction and
pestilential atmosphere, those of the Inquisition
were, to speak with Llorente, " well-vaulted, light,
and dry rooms."* "No prisoner of the Inquisi
tion"! (we quote him again) " ever sighed under the
weight of chains, handcuffs, 'iron collars, &c< ; he
knows of one only who was put in fetters, and he
to hinder him from committing suicide. The
prisoners were asked if they were treated well by
the gaoler ; the sick were properly nursed. Eor the
prisoners for life, special buildings, called peni
tentiaries, were erected, which were periodically the
object of scrupulous investigation.
* The same assurance was recently given to Ferdinand III. by
his grand-inquisitor. — De Maistre.
' f. The statutes of the year 1484 admitted the repetition of the
torture ; but this severity was soon after abolished.
Z

338 THE LIFE OF
We must, moreover, not omit • to mention that
the civil legislation, the Carolina in sections 55 and
57, admits the repetition of torture to extort con
fession, whilst, again according to Llorente, the
great council of the Inquisition from time to time
impressed on the provincial inquisitors that the
torture was admissible but once in one and the same
trial, and always to cease as soon as the physician
in attendance considered the life of the prisoner in
danger. It is true, Llorente adds, that the sub-
inquisitors often evaded these benevolent orders of
their superiors, by having the torture applied a
second time, under the pretext that it was only a
continuation of the first ; but everybody knows how
frequently inferior functionaries, even in the present
century, are severer than the stern law itself. We
must, besides, take into consideration that the In
quisition, at its very commencement, often threat
ened with the torture without applying it, and that
the grand council of the Inquisition, as early as the
year 1537, forbade almost every application of this
punishment against the Moriscos.* No other court
of justice of that time can boast of similar benevo
lence. Other wise and precautionary measures were
soon introduced. According to one, the provincial
tribunals had no pow"er to impose the punishment
of torture, but only the grand council of the Inqui
sition. According to another, this power was vested
in the bishop of the diocese, acting in concert with
the councillors and the inquisitor ; but the punish
ment could be inflicted only after the accused had
exhausted all means for his defence. In this case,
to avoid all brutal treatment, the bishop, the coun-
* The torture was, in the civilized states in general, legally
abolished only in the present century, in the Inquisition by a
decree of Pope Piua VIE of the year 1816.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 339
cillors, and the inquisitor were necessitated to attend
each application of the torture.
So sure, therefore, as it cannot be denied that the
torture was a stain on the old criminal legislation,
so unjust it would be to blame the Inquisition
exclusively for proceedings which were admitted,
and unhappily too often carried into effect by
enlightened Athens, by Bome, learned in the law,
and by all the courts of justice of all countries in
ancient times, and during the middle ages.
8. It has further grown customary to look upon
the Inquisition as a rapacious monster, constantly
lying in wait for its victims, ready and eager, on
the slightest suspicion, to snatch them up. This
representation, which works so powerfully in histo
rical romances and romantic histories, is totally
wrong and perverted, and must be altogether dis
missed, if Llorente is not to be accused of being a
partisan of the Inquisition.
a. Each tribunal began its activity by promul
gating a time of grace, announcing publicly that
" every one would be absolved and saved from heavy
punishments who, conscious of apostasy, presented
himself within the limited time, and did penance."
Such penitents had, of course, to undergo smaller,
and especially ecclesiastical punishments, and their
penance was required to be public if their apostasy
had been also public. These measures, though based
pn the old discipline of the Church, are, nevertheless,
commented upon by Llorente, who certainly, as
priest, ought to have known from his own expe
rience, that ecclesiastical punishments, vindicativse
as well as medicinales, are imposed even upon those
who confess of their own free will. Besides, the
statutes of the Inquisition ordered the mildest
possible treatment for such penitents.
Although after the expiration of the term of grace,
z 2

340 THE LIFE OF
the rigour of the law was to be resorted to;
against the apostates, these terms were repeatedly
renewed and prolonged. So, on the occasion of the
removal of the tribunal from Villareal to Toledo, a
time of grace of forty days was fixed. Llorente
relates — "A great number of new Christians were
seen hastening to confess of their own accord their
relapse into Judaism." And he continues, " The
term having expired, the inquisitors accorded an
extension of sixty days and another of thirty days."
b. The statutes of the Inquisition, referring to
youthful heretics, merit our full attention. By a
decree of Torquemada, the sons and daughters of
heretics who had not yet reached their twentieth,
year, and who, through the advice and instruction
of their parents had fallen into error, were, if they
presented themselves for absolution of their own
free will, to be kindly received, even after the expi
ration of the term of grace; their exercises of peni
tence to be less heavy than those of grown-up
persons ; and their instruction in the faith and the
sacraments of the holy mother Church to be properly
cared for. Boys under fourteen and girls under
twelve years of age were unable solemnly to abjure
heresy. This, because the punishments for relapse
being severe, the Inquisition wished to guard young
people against the possibility of a relapse, by allow
ing them only to renounce heresy when their under
standing had become more mature.
c. -The slightest and most innocent expressions, it
is asserted, were sufficient to throw the unfortunate
persons into the prisons of the Inquisition. But
the second grand-inquisitor Deza, whose severity is
considered to have surpassed that of Torquemada
himself, decreed, on the 17th June, 1500, "that
nobody could be arrested for matters of slight im-

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 341
portance, nor even for blasphemies, if uttered in a
fit of anger.
d. If any one was accused of having spoken
heretical language, the Inquisition first inquired of
the physician if debility of mind might not be the
cause of the punishable expressions of the prisoner.
Llorente does not allude to this precaution ; but in
a trial of the Inquisition in Sicily, where, at the
beginning of the sixteenth century, the ecclesiastical
Inquisition had made way for the Spanish one,
express mention is made of the tribunal having
consulted, under oath, several medical men on the
mental condition of the accused.
e. The tribunals of the Inquisition were not
disposed to listen indiscriminately to every denun
ciation. Llorente relates, on the contrary, many
cases in which only repeated accusations could
induce the Inquisition to proceed against a person.
They were more inclined to consider the mad
behaviour of many of the heretics the result of
mental derangement.
f. It may in addition be boldly asserted that no
other court of justice of that time was bound by so
many restrictions and conditions in the grant of
orders for arrest. Torquemada, in the first article
of his statutes of the 25th May, 1498, decrees, "At
each tribunal are to assist two inquisitors, the one a
jurist,* the other a theologian, who are forbidden to
issue an order for arrest otherwise than by mutual
consent." Article III. of these statutes declares,
" No person can be imprisoned whose crime is not
placed beyond doubt by sufficient evidence." If
the inquisitors did not agree, or the suspected was a
person of some importance, for instance, an eccle-
* This jurist was generally also an ecclesiastic.

342 THE LIFE OF
siastic, the arrest could be ordered only by the grand
council. Philip II. extended this even more, and
King Charles IV. decreed that the Inquisition was
not allowed to arrest any one without first having
acquainted the king. The tales of secret arrests,
according to which persons had suddenly disappeared
without leaving a trace behind, are therefore mere
fables, the more so, as each prisoner had a special
administrator appointed for his property, and the
arrest itself was subject to numerous formalities.
The right of the Inquisition to imprison was still
further restricted. If any one was accused of here
tical expressions, and his heresy not quite clear, the
tribunal had to obtain the opinion of a commission
of learned theologians, professors, &c, called qualb*
ficators, who, without being directly connected with
the Inquisition, indorsed their opinion in a docu
ment signed by them, and decided whether the
suspicious (spoken or printed) propositions were
really heretical or not. In the latter case, the
arrest could not take place, unless other qualifi-
cators, consulted before, had given a different
decision. Llorente, indeed, complains that these
qualificators were principally scholastic theologians,
but freemasons, which he probably would have
preferred, they certainly could then not have been.
9. Many accuse the Inquisition of barbarous
cruelty ; of having in its trials sought not truth, but
the conviction of the prisoners ; and of having used
all manner of cunning and intrigue to find even the
most innocent guilty.
a. Llorente, for one, pretends that the Maranos
and Moriscos were interrogated on points which so
little support a suspicion of heresy, that the most
orthodox Christians might permit themselves to do
things for which those unfortunate persons were
condemned by the Inquisition. Prescott echoes this

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 343
assertion; but we have already alluded to the
invalidity of the accusation, and shown that many
actions of converted Jews or Mohammedans would
raise just suspicions, which a Christian by birth
might do with little danger of seeing them miscon
strued. It is, for instance, very harmless to wash a
child immediately after baptism on those parts of
the body where it was anointed with the holy oil.
But this action assumes a different aspect if done
by a convert from Judaism, especially if his conver
sion seems not to have been very sincere. Most of
the points, however, on which the Maranos and
Moriscos were questioned were really such as would
prove apostasy, among which may be reckoned the
circumcision of a child, the assertion that the Mosaic
law possessed the same efficacy for salvation as the
gospel, and other matters.
Prescott imagines that he has discovered, in a
glaring case, the most monstrous tyranny in the
proceedings of the Inquisition. "The Christian
Jew," he says, " became suspected of relapse, if he
gave his children names from the Old Testament,
whilst he was forbidden to give them such as belong
to the New." Our indignation would be just, if this
assertion were true ; but it is utterly false, because
Prescott confounds Jews with Christian Jews.
Those Jews who adhered to their religion were
forbidden to give Christian names to their children,
but not so those who had been converts to Chris
tianity. Whilst the former were punishable for
giving their children names from the New Testa
ment, the latter became equally so for choosing for
theirs names from the Old.
b. Every court of justice is exposed to receive false
witnesses against or in favour of the accused, but a
tribunal loving justice will punish them equally; the
former one because it aims at truth, and not at the

344 THE LIFE OF
conviction of the criminal ; the latter one because
it cannot suffer justice to yield to falsehood. The
Inquisition acted in this respect the same as other
courts. Article VIIL of its statutes of the year
1498 decrees that false witnesses are to be publicly
punished. Llorente makes use of a wrong artifice
in trying to make us believe that by false witnesses
such were principally understood as spoke in favour
of the accused, whilst those who made calumnious
accusations passed almost unpunished. Llorente
not only omits substantiating this assertion by
facts, but is compelled to confess, in another place,
that Ximenez, in a celebrated trial, rejected as
suspicious a number of witnesses who spoke against
the accused persons, and that in the year 1559 at
an auto-da-fe in Seville a false witness received not
less than four hundred lashes, and was besides con
demned to the galleys for four years. We have
already cited the instructions of Leo X. to the
inquisitors, in virtue of which false witnesses were
punished by death.
c. The mode and manner in which the Inquisition
had to proceed in its interrogatories, equally con
tradicts the assertion that it intended to find even
the most innocent guilty.
et. The interrogatory was conducted by the secre
tary of the tribunal, in presence of two of the
provincial inquisitors and two priests in no way
connected with the Inquisition, who, in the office
of assessors, had to guard the prisoners against
ill-treatment and arbitrary power.
j3. Valdes, the eighth grand-inquisitor, described
by Llorente as one of the severest, decreed further,
that the accused was to be treated with benevolence
and to be left sitting, except during the reading of
the act of accusation, to which he was to listen
standing.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 345
' y. By the same instruction the inquisitors are
enjoined to mistrust the accuser as much as the
accused, and carefully to guard against embracing
the side of either beforehand, as this would easily
lead them into error.
8. Article XXIII. decrees, "the inquisitors are to
let the accused choose an advocate amongst those of
the Holy Office (who were all bound by oath to
silence), and to administer an oath to the one
chosen, faithfully and loyally to defend his client."
The fiscus paid the fees of the advocate, if the pri
soner was poor.
e. The accuser, in his turn, was obliged to swear
that he was not moved by private hatred, and was
threatened with the severest punishments on earth,
as well as eternal damnation, if he gave false evi
dence. d. The solicitude of the Inquisition, shown by
the revision of the protocols, also merits our
attention. The protocols were not only read to
the prisoner immediately after the interrogatory, in
•presence of the two priests above named, in order
to establish the identity of the depositions, but they
were, four days later, subjected to a second revision,
in presence of the same priests, when such remarks
were added as had the first time been omitted. If
the prisoner had not yet reached the twenty-fifth
year, a special procurator was selected for him from
the most honourable inhabitants of the town, espe
cially the jurists, whose business was to assist
during the trial, to correct the protocol, &c.
Llorente complains that these precautions were
often rendered useless by the great ignorance of the
accused, which prevented him from comparing his
depositions with the protocol. But let us not
forget that ignorance may also in our days make a
protocol a dangerous instrument, and that the two

346 THE LIFE OF
ecclesiastical assessors before mentioned were spe
cially appointed for the benefit of these ignorant
persons. As regards the alleged alterations of
these protocols, which the enemies of the Church
reprove with so much energy, they consisted simply
in translating the depositions of the accusers and
witnesses from the first into the third person, and
suppressing such points as would have revealed the
names of the accusers to the accused : this was done
to avert Spanish vengeance.
e. The inquisitors, furthermore, received instruc
tions to be zealous and careful in collecting all the
materials which might serve for the defence of the
accused, and after obtaining them, to inquire of
him if he desired other researches to be made ; in
which case his wishes were to be complied with
as far as possible.
Llorente, we see, has hitherto given us the best
weapons to defend the Inquisition against unjust
accusations. He will still continue to do so in our
subsequent observations.
10. The sentences of the Inquisition were sur
rounded by equally great precautions.
«. Each sentence of the provincial tribunals was
subject to the revision and. consent of the supe
rior authorities, the grand-inquisitor, and the grand
council, and only acquired legality after being con
firmed by them.*
b. The grand-inquisitor had to transmit the
original documents, sent to him by the lower court
for revision, to a number of jurists, who, under the
title of counsels, were advocates to the upper court,
but in no wise functionaries of the same. Llorente
regrets that they could not participate in the ulti-
* In the commencement, the upper tribunal revised only such
sentences as h»d not been come to unanimously ; afterwards all,
without discrimination. — Llorente, torn. i. p. 221.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 347
mate voting, but to my knowledge such practice
exists nowhere in the world.*
c. In the same manner in which, before the
imprisonment of suspected persons, impartial theo
logians were consulted for their opinion on the
alleged heretical expressions, so, in the same man
ner, after the interrogatory and the depositions of
the witnesses had thrown more light upon them
and defined them more clearly, the qualificators
were referred to a second time, in order to declare if
they still adhered to their former opinion.
d. The accused had the right to object to the
judges of a provincial tribunal, in which case the
grand-inquisitor was compelled to appoint others.
(Statutes of the grand-inquisitor Vald6s, of the
year 1561.)
e. In the absence of the prisoner's own confession,
conviction for heresy was rendered extremely diffi
cult. Torquemada already recommended in this
case the utmost circumspection and care.
f. Many passages of Llorente' s work prove that
the bishop of the diocese for the time, or his substi
tute, had to assist in the passing of the sentence of
the Inquisition; but his illogical style makes it
impossible for us to determine what share they
had therein.
g. Besides all this, we have shown before that
the popes ordered Spanish archbishops to receive
appeals against the sentences of the Inquisition,
and that the papal court itself received numberless
cases of this kind.
11. The Inquisition has been bitterly reproached
for never revealing to the accused the names of the
witnesses who bore testimony against them. This
* These counsels seem, in later days, to have been abolished, and
their functions transferred to members of the upper tribunal qua
lified for the purpose.— Llorente, torn. i. p. 319, No. 3.

348 THE LIFE OF
was said to be opening a door to numerous de
nunciations; but the real state of the matter is
different. a. Already the statutes of Torquemada, of the
year 1484, allude to this in the following man
ner : — " It has become notorious that great damage
and danger would accrue to the property and person
of the witnesses, by the publication of their names,
as experience has shown, and still shows, that several
of them have been killed, wounded, or maltreated
by heretics."
b. Leopold Banke has also seen and explained
the real motive of this measure, when he says that
the Inquisition introduced the concealment of the
names of witnesses and accusers, in order to save
them from the persecutions of the culprits, who were
Often rich and powerful.*
c. Lenormant expresses himself in the same
manner : "the accusers mostly belonged to the lowest
class, and were, therefore, by this law (the suppress
sion of the names) protected against the revenge
and persecution of distinguished and powerful
families." d. The correctness of the views of these eminent
historians is corroborated by Llorente' s statement,
that under Charles V., the Cortes of Valladolid de
manded the publication of the witnesses at the
Inquisition, as this would no longer be attended
by disastrous results, except if the accused were a
duke, margrave, count, bishop, or prelate.
e. The danger caused by the suppression of the
names of witnesses was to a considerable extent
neutralized by another measure, according to which
the accused had the right to name such persons as
he considered his enemies, and whose testimony he,
* Vol. i. p. 247.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 849
therefore, rejected. It may often have happened,
as Llorente observes, that the accused mentioned
persons who had never appeared against him ; but
this did not much matter, as they were simply
passed over. On the other hand, it was of consider
able importance to the prisoner to have thereby the
legal means of excluding his personal enemies from
being witnesses against him. It is self-evident
that he was required to support his rejection of the
witnesses by sufficient reasons and other witnesses ;
in the like manner as. it was the duty of the tri
bunal to inquire if the witnesses not excluded by
him were not animated by personal hatred.
The accused had, moreover, the right of naming a
number of witnesses in his favour ; the Inquisition
was obliged to hear them, even if they were to be
fetched from America, as is proved by a case related
by Llorente.
12. We are asked — " But has not the Inquisition
cruelly protracted its trials ?" The statute of the
year 1488 says in reference to this — " Those who
have been imprisoned are not to be tormented
by detention, but tried at once, so as not to have
cause for complaint." The statute of Torquemada,
of 1498, equally demands precaution and precision.
If, in spite of these regulations, the trials of the
Inquisition lasted a considerable time, the reasons
must be sought for in the delays occasioned by the
qualificators in giving their opinion ; by the revision
of the protocols, the examination of all the wit
nesses, who, at times, had to be summoned from
distant countries, by the transmission of the acts to
the upper tribunal, their revision by the counsels,
and the final confirmation or modification of the
sentence by the grand council of the Inquisition.
Sometimes the proceedings were purposely pro
tracted, not with the intent of tormenting the

350 THE LIFE OF
prisoner, but of giving him time for reflection
and repentance, the Holy Office never handing any
penitent to the secular arm for capital punishment
except in cases of relapse. "Erom the moment
the accused confessed and repented," says De
Maistre, "the crime changed into sin, and. punish
ment into penance. The culprit fasts, prays, and
mortifies himself. Instead of being led to the place
of execution, he sings psalms, confesses his sins,
listens to the holy mass, is made to do spiritual
exercises, is absolved, and restored to society and
his family."
As we have seen before, the Holy Office was not
permitted to condemn an accused as long as a
witness for the defence remained unexamined, even
if this witness lived in America ; it was equally for
bidden to protract the imprisonment by awaiting
evidence against the prisoner from distant countries.
The statute of 1488 says expressly that the sentence
is not to be deferred under pretext of awaiting the
completion of the evidence of the crime, that, on
the contrary, the prisoner is only to be judged ac
cording to the evidence produced, and, if insufficient,
to be released. The proceedings could be recom
menced if fresh proofs turned up ; in other words,
the detention of the prisoner ceased from want of
evidence, and the inquiry against him was resumed
with the arrival of fresh proofs, similarly to the
absolution of prisoners ab mstantia.
13. There exist fabulous accounts of the enor
mous revenues of the inquisitors, who are alleged to
have condemned many prisoners in order to enrich
themselves by the confiscation of their property.
Justice would indeed be badly administered .by that
judge who derives pecuniary advantages from his
sentences, and the Holy Office would assuredly have
been a dangerous and abominable institution had

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 351
the income of the inquisitors depended upon the
number of the condemned. But notwithstanding
the insinuations of Prescott, we know from Llorente
that the confiscated property of the condemned fell
to the royal fisc, whilst all the officers of the Inqui
sition received a fixed salary quarterly. This is the
reason why Llorente accuses the Spanish kings of
cupidity, and not the inquisitors ; in which opinion
Banke coincides.* Similar reproaches were made
to Eerdinand and Isabella already, soon after the
institution of the tribunals. In a letter to Pope
Sixtus IV. Isabella complains of the accusations
made against her, of having, in the establishment of
the Holy Office, been actuated by motives of cupidity,
rather than zeal for religion. It is well known that
the first statute of Torquemada, of the year 1484,
declares the confiscated property of heretics to be
employed by the Spanish sovereigns in the cause of
God, especially in the war against the Moors.
Eerdinand was often so embarrassed in his
finances, that the public treasury could not pay
even the salaries which were due. The archbishopric
of Granada, then newly established, furnishes a
striking and deplorable example : this see, not being
endowed with lands, could not obtain all its revenues,
although Peter Martyr, as many of his letters still
show, warmly urged at court the cause of his col
leagues and the archbishop. In consequence of the
functionaries of the Inquisition frequently being
left unpaid, Torquemada, on the 27th October, 1488,
intended to establish a rule for having the confis
cated property of the condemned handed over to the
royal fisc, only after the deduction for the salaries
of the officers and servants of the Inquisition had
been made. This project was rejected by King
* Page 244.

352 THE LIFE OF
Eerdinand, but he devised some other plan to supply
the necessary expenses of the Inquisition. Already,
in the year 1486, he had obtained a bull authorizing
"the inquisitors to enjoy the revenues of their former
benefices, for an additional five years, even should
they be prevented by their new office from residing in
them ; thus maintaining the royal inquisitors at the
expense of the church livings. But in the year 1501,
the acute monarch gained from the pope another
concession, by which each episcopal church of Spain
had to cede one canonry to the Inquisition, to enable
the latter to defray the expenses of its adminis
tration. But Llorente acknowledges that even the royal
fisc derived little financial benefit from the Inqui
sition. The first years during which the rich
Maranos were brought to punishment, may have
yielded considerably, but the moneys were spent in
the national war against the Moors.
About fifteen years after the establishment of the
institution, Llorente tells us, Eerdinand complained
to the pope, that the decisions of the inquisitors on
the confiscated property had repeatedly been preju
dicial to the royal fisc. The pope immediately, on
the 29th March, 1496, charged Archbishop Ximenez
with the investigation of the causes of these com
plaints ; but Llorente gives us no further details,
and leaves us to guess the real state of affairs.
There is, however, no difficulty in divining it, for
we know that in another case, when the inquisitors
wanted to appropriate some confiscated property to
their own use, Eerdinand quickly interposed, without
imploring the assistance of the pope. It is natural
to think that he would again have known how to
help himself, and not have required a papal dele
gate, if the inquisitors had repeated their attempt to
enrich themselves. We must, moreover, remember

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 353
that the popes constantly exerted themselves in
behalf of the penitents, and the children of the
condemned heretics, and tried to preserve their
property for them. If the inquisitors, in conse
quence of the papal bulls to that effect, wrested at
different times a long-coveted prey from the royal
fisc, it is clear why Eerdinand preferred complaining
at Bome, to taking the law in his own hands. The
Inquisition is, therefore, also in this respect better
than its repute.
Besides, the law for the confiscation of the pro
perty of convicted prisoners existed in Castile long
before the establishment of the Inquisition, and the
time of grace granted by each tribunal before the
commencement of their proceedings was specially
devised for the saving of" the property, fortunes,
&c, of heretics.
From the Moriscos the royal fisc derived no reve
nue, because the property even of those who were
condemned, fell to their children, and not to the
State ; the fisc was, on the contrary, compelled to
cede part of the confiscated property to the minors
of the other condemned, and to provide for their edu
cation. Moreover, Eerdinand and Isabella restored
the whole, or part, of the confiscated property to
many widows and orphans. .
14. We have been accustomed to consider the
autos-da-fe (or acts of faith) enormous fires, round
which, every three months, the Spaniards assembled
to watch, like cannibals, the roasting and toasting
of several hundred heretics. The purport of the
autos-da-fe* was, however, neither to burn nor to
murder, but, on the contrary to procure the release
of such persons as were falsely accused, or to re
concile penitents with the Church. Numerous autos-
da-fe have passed without the burning of anything
but the candles which the penitents carried in their
2 A

354 THE LIFE OF
hands as a symbol of the resuscitation of their faith.
Llorente, to prove the great zeal of the Inqusition,
describes an auto-da-fe which took place at Toledo
on the 12th February, 1486, at which, not less than
750 culprits were punished. But not one of all
these was executed ; their punishment consisting
merely in a public penance. Another great auto-
da-fe* was held in the same town on the 2nd April
of the same year, when not one of the " 900
victims " suffered capital punishment. A third and
fourth auto-da-fi took place on the 1st May and
10th December of the same year, at which 750 and
950 culprits were present ; but again not one was
put to death.
The number of persons at Toledo who at that
time were condemned to do penance, amounted in
all to about 3,300; of which twenty-seven were
executed. Llorente, our authority for this, is not
one who would have altered figures for the benefit
of the Holy Office.
We find elsewhere in his work, the description
of another auto-da-fe* held at Bome, with 250
Spaniards, who had appealed to the Pope. None
were put to death ; but all, after having per
formed the prescribed penance, were at the auto-
da-fe reconciled with the Church. They afterwards
walked two and two to the Basilica of the Vatican,
there to offer their prayers ; thence in the same
order to S. Maria Minerva to take off the san-benito.i
or shirt of penitence ; and ultimately returned to
their homes, abandoning for the future every sign
of the sentence previously passed upon them.
Another auto-da-fe is described by an English
ecclesiastic, Townsend, in his "Voyage in Spain"
(during the year 1786), and cited as an example of
the horrors of the Inquisition. An impostor, specu
lating on the credulity of persons, having sold love-

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 355
philters, was publicly whipped and condemned to
do penance. The inquisitor who read the sentence
to him, addressed him in terms such as we should
like to hear from the mouth of every judge.
Of all the trials recorded by Llorente, very few
terminate with the death of the culprit. No one
will accuse him of having selected the mildest cases
and suppressed the most gloomy ones ; for it is well
known, his aim was to paint the Inquisition in the
darkest possible colours.
The above facts explain the reason why the
Spaniards, as Llorente even confesses, regarded the
autos-da-fe rather as acts of mercy than of cruelty.
After the reconciliation of the penitents with the
Church, the obstinate heretics, and such whose
offences were partly civil, were transferred to the
secular power.* Llorente omits mentioning that
the auto-da-fS was then at an end, and the inqui
sitors retired. We learn this, however, from
Malten's "Library of Cosmology," published in
1829. A trial is therein reported at full length,
which took place in Sicily in the beginning of the
eighteenth century, and at which the civil punish
ment was inflicted only the day after the auto-
da-fe. 15. It is further not to be overlooked, that the
persons condemned by the Inquisition were far
from being all heretics. They included— (a) so
domites, such as carried on infamous intercourse
with animals ; (b) polygamists, who, owing to the
example of the Moors, were rather numerous, and
are said still to be so at the present day.! (c) The
* Llorente, torn. i. p. 321. " La condamnation au feu par la
justice du roi."
X Llorente, torn. ii. pp. 338—341. At an auto-da-fe held at
Murcia on the 8th September, 1560, seven bigamists were burnt ;.
three years later, at the same place, thirteen others; and there
2 A 2

356 THE LIFE OF
jurisdiction of the Inquisition was also extended to
those who had committed ordinary carnal sins, if
the seducer had made the girl believe that their
action was not sinful, (d) The same punishment
awaited the ecclesiastic or monk who had married,
having concealed their station from the girl, or
persuaded her that, although ecclesiastics, they
were permitted to marry. In the like manner were
punished — (e) confessors who had seduced their
female penitents ; (f) priests who had dissuaded
the women, with whom they had sinned, from
confessing their fault ; (g) laymen who had exer
cised ecclesiastical functions ; (h) deacons who had
heard confessions; (i) persons pretending to be
agents of the Inquisition, which, as we know
from Gil Bias, frequently happened ; (k) blas
phemers ; (I) church-robbers ; (m) usurers ; and
\n) even murderers and rebels, if their deeds
were in some way connected with the affairs of the
Inquisition. Thus, for instance, the murderers of
Arbues, the inquisitor of Saragossa, and the rebels
of Cordova, who had liberated the prisoners of the
Inquisition, were judged by the Holy Office. Even
(o) the servants of the Inquisition were not exempt
from punishment, but sentence of death was passed
upon those who had violated female prisoners of
the Inquisition. In the like manner smugglers
were punished, who during war, in particular that
with Erance, sold horses and ammunition to the
enemy ; and lastly, an immense number of witches,
sorcerers, mixers of love-potions, pretended saints,
and, in fact, all who speculated upon the credulity of
the people.
The Inquisition was charged by the Spanish
was hardly a large auto-da-fe at which not one or more sinners of
this kind appeared. If they repented, and bad not relapsed, they
received only ecclesiastical punishments.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 357
monarchs with the prosecution of all these nume
rous and various crimes, partly contrary to the will
of the grand-inquisitors.* If we remember the
number of witches only, burnt in Germany, that
of heretics, sorcerers, witches, murderers, usurers,
sodomites, fornicators, smugglers, church-robbers,
and other criminals condemned by that institution,
will no longer appear extravagant.
Soldau, in his " History of the Trials of Witches,"
narrates that in the little Protestant town of
Nordlingen, in Bavaria, numbering, in his lifetime,
about six thousand inhabitants, not less than thirty-
five witches were burnt during the years 1590 — 1594.
Applying this scale to Spain, the number of witches
executed during four years would amount to
50,000, or, according to Llorente, to 20,000 more
than there were criminals of all classes executed
by the Holy Office during the 330 years of its
existence. Taking further into consideration, that in Ger
many the criminal code of Charles V. pronounced
capital punishment against blasphemers (sect. 106),
sodomites (sect. 116), sorcerers (sect. 109), church-
robbers (sect. 172), and similar criminals, and de
ducting the probable number of all these, as well
as the other criminals quoted above (such as
witches, bigamists, usurers, smugglers, &c), from
the thirty thousand condemned to death by the
Inquisition, the number of persons executed in
Spain for heresy decreases considerably, even if we
accept Llorente' s computations as by no means
exaggerated. 16. But we assert that they are exaggerated, and
will endeavour to prove this.
* The grand-inquisitor Aveda, for instance, would allow no
other persons to be tried before the Inquisition but such as had.
sinned against religion. — De Maistre, pp. 92, 93.

358 THE LIFE OF
It must always be borne in mind that Llorente
has derived his statistics neither from official regis
ters nor even private sources; but that they are
solely and entirely the result of calculations of
probability based on wrong premises. He himself
at different places (torn. i. pp. 272, 406; torn. iv. p.
242) avows this openly and candidly, and describes
the method adopted by him ; the fallacy of which is
evident. a. Llorente starts with the assertion that, accord
ing to the Jesuit Mariana, two thousand victims
were given to the flames at Seville in the first
year of the Inquisition, 1481. On referring to
the work of this historian, we find, however, that
the passage (lib. xxiv. c. 17) referred to by Llo
rente, runs as follows : " A Turrecremata edictis
proposita, spe venia? homines promiscuse setatis,
sexus, conditionis, ad decern et septem millia ultro
crimina confessos, memorant duo millia crematos
igne, &c." Mariana says, therefore, expressly, that
two thousand were burnt under Torquemada. Llo
rente, fixing himself 1483 as the year of the instal
lation of Torquemada as grand-inquisitor, could not
say that the two thousand mentioned by Mariana,
were executed by him, in Seville alone, in the
year 1481 only, when Torquemada had as yet no
participation in the proceedings of the Inquisition.
He ought, on the contrary, to have known, from
the works of Marineo Siculo and Pulgar,* that
this number was to be distributed over several years,
and included the executions of all the tribunals of
the kingdom under Torquemada.
To our question, how many were really executed
in the first year of the Inquisition, Llorente himself
* Marineo Siculo, " Cosas Memorabiles," p. 164. Pulgar,
" Cronica de los Eeyes Catolicos," p. II. cb. lxxvii. p. 137.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 359
supplies us, in another place, with the correct
answer. He states that the tribunal had, up to
the 4th November, 1481, burnt already 298 persons;
but, as if feeling his own contradiction, adds that
these were executed in Seville alone, the remaining
1,700 in its environs and the bishopric of Cadiz.
Unhappily for him, he had closed a back-door by
asserting elsewhere that before Torquemada, or
1483, only one tribunal existed for the whole of
Andalusia ; and, consequently, also for Cadiz. This
was at Seville, where the suspected persons were
brought from all parts of Andalusia, and if con
victed, executed on the Quemadero, the only place
of execution so long as no other tribunal was
erected.* It is therefore evident the right number
is 298, and the statement of 2,000, wrongly based
on Mariana, utterly erroneous.
b. Llorente pretends to know from Bernaldez, that,
during the years 1482 — 1489, eighty-eight persons
were annually executed at Seville. We cannot verify
this assertion, as the work of Bernaldez, who was
chaplain to the second grand-inquisitor, exists only
in Spain in manuscript ; but must object to the
conclusions which he has drawn from it. He rea
sons thus : — In Seville the delations were more
numerous than elsewhere ; the number of persons
condemned by each of the other three tribunals may
therefore be calculated at forty-four, or half the num
ber of those at Seville. So far his hypothesis seems
admissible. But he retains this figure even after
* Llorente, torn. i. p. 150. At page 160 Llorente relates that
on the stone scaffold at Seville, called Quemadero, four large
statues of plaster, under the name of the Four Prophets, were
Standing, in which the unfortunate victims of the Inquisition
were broiled to death in the manner of Phalaris. He retracts,
however, this assertion afterwards, observing that the condemned
were tied only to these statues. Jost, in bis "History of the Jews,"
vol. vii. p. 77, still repeats the false assertion of Llorente.

360 THE LIFE OF
the tribunals were increased to eleven, allotting to
each forty-four sentences of death. Hence, accord
ing to his theory, criminals would augment in
proportion to the establishment of new courts of
justice ; and a country, possessing at first only one
court of justice would, if eleven more were added,
produce as many more criminals.
c. Another flaw in the calculations of Llorente has
already been indicated by Prescott, — that of reckon*
ing the same number of condemned for the five
tribunals of Aragon, as for those of Castile; although
the latter province contained five times as many
Jews as Aragon, and for that reason, certainly, also-
many more judaizing Maranos.
d. Prescott adds the following words : — " One
might reasonably distrust Llorente' s tables, from
the facility with which he receives the most
improbable estimates in other matters, as, for ex
ample, the number of banished Jews, which he puts
at 800,000. I have shown, from contemporary
sources, that the number did not probably exceed
160,000, or, at most, 170,000."
e. If Llorente, therefore, states the number of per
sons burnt under Torquemada during the eighteen
years of his administration to be 8,800, we have more
than one just reason to doubt the correctness of
hia assertion. Having shown him wrong in his
premises, on which his fabric of numbers is built,
we ought, by rights, to oppose our own calculations
of probability to his, which would run as follows : — ¦
Llorente having sextupled the actual number of
persons condemned at Seville in 1481, and quin
tupled that of the Jews expelled from Spain, we are
justified in taking for granted that he has in the
same ratio multiplied the number of victims of the
Inquisition. But we are not minded to adopt this
in earnest : we intend only to prove how easily

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 361
Llorente's system of calculation may be turned
against him.
/. His arbitrary reasoning and his incorrectness
are more particularly evident in his statements re
specting Ximenez. He expressly tells us, as we shall
see hereafter, that our archbishop endeavoured to
lessen the severity of the Inquisition, deposed bad
functionaries, pardoned numerous accused persons,
&c. Not one of the special sentences recorded by
him of the administration of the third grand-inqui
sitor, is a death-warrant. Yet he hesitates not to
include this period in his, calculations, and to assure
us that, under Ximenez, as many prisoners were
executed as under Deza and his auxiliary Lucero,
both of whom he accuses of the most barbarous
cruelty and the greatest severity. Are stronger
proofs needed to show the fallacy of his theory ?
17. Those who would apply modern notions to
the estimation of the minor punishments of the
Inquisition imposed on the penitents and less
guilty, would necessarily conceive a wrong and
exaggerated opinion.
. Numerous persons were found guilty only in a
minor degree {de levi), and in that case not even
submitted to ecclesiastical punishments. They were
merely, as it was then termed, absolved ad cautelam ;
that is, the excommunication was not pronounced
against them, though they might have deserved it.
The same practice is to the present day adhered to
by the Catholic Church in the confessional, the
penitent being absolved by the confessor, even if he
had incurred excommunication through his sins.
Llorente himself acknowledged that since the middle
of the last century, all the sentences of the Inquisi
tion belonged to the class de levi, but regrets that the
prisoners were acquitted without being indemnified
for loss of time, &c. I cannot say whether future

362 THE LIFE OF
generations will adopt what Llorente claims from
the Inquisition ; up to the present time it has not,
to my knowledge, been the practice of any court of
justice. We have now arrived at the san-benito, or dress
worn, we are told, by all suspected persons, one
which was in itself a stigma and an indelible mark
of ignominy on the wearer. The history of the
Church, as well as Llorente, provides us with the
facts necessary to dispel this illusion. San-benito
is a corruption of the Spanish words saco bendito,
the name of the dress which, in conformity with the
early usages of the Christian Church, was worn by
penitents, to show their repentance and contrition
also by outward signs. To appear in court dresses
embroidered with gold and diamonds, was unknown
to the Church, and consequently not allowed by the
Inquisition, which Llorente considers very hard
and cruel. The saccus, mentioned already in the
Old Testament, was subjected during the Middle
Ages to benediction for the use of penitents ; hence
its name of saccus benedictus, or in Spanish, saco
bendito. The colour of this dress was blue in some
countries, in others grey or black ; in Spain, yellow.
Those who were absolved de levi, had to wear it
during the act of reconciliation, but only then, and
without any other sign or figure ; many were alto
gether dispensed from it ; and those who confessed
of their own free will, entirely escaped the publicity
of their penance, their reconciliation with the Church
taking place in secret autos-da-fe in the interior of
the tribunals. Penitents who had to abjure, wore
a san-benito with half a cross fixed on it if gravely
suspected, and an entire one if they had been decided
heretics. Such, however, and only such, as showed
no repentance whatever, were handed over to the
secular arm, dressed in a san-benito, painted all over

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 363
with flames and figures of demons, carrying besides
in their hands a cap (caroza), painted in the same
manner. Spain, like all other countries, has had a
dress for criminals — the san-benito, in which they
were led to the place of execution. In states which
are justly reckoned amongst the most civilized of
Germany, they were, even in the present century,
dragged thither in hides.
With regard to the penance of those who were
reconciled with the Church, we have to consider
two things. Eirstly, that the very statutes of the
Inquisition command, the exercises of penitence to
be as merciful and mild as is compatible with con
science ; secondly, that the ancient Church and the
Middle Ages looked upon penance as a matter of
devotion rather than of disgrace. Whilst, in former
days, thousands thought nothing of confessing their
sins before the whole community, few are now found
who will do so in private. Kings left their thrones
to do penance in sackcloth and ashes ; as for instance,
Theodosius the Great, for his cruelty to Thessalonica.
His subjects did not consider him dishonoured by
this act, nor when St. Louis submitted of his own
free will to the discipline of his confessor, did Erance
lament the disgrace of her sovereign ; on the con
trary, millions admired him for his piety. Numerous
examples from history could be added ; but these
suffice to show that formerly sin, not penance, was
looked upon as a disgrace, and the latter merely
regarded as an atonement for the former.
In this light we must also view the penances
imposed by the Inquisition. Indeed Llorente him
self furnishes several instances of persons, who,
having been punished de levi by the Inquisition,
were thought so little disgraced, that they married
into the highest families, and even into that of the
king. Nor were such as were gravely suspected,

364 THE LIFE OF
and had done penance, excluded from again attain
ing the highest civil and ecclesiastical dignities.
The prisons of persons who, on account of their
greater culpability, or to prevent their infecting
others, had been condemned to confinement for life,
were either their own houses, as decreed by the
Statutes of Valladolid, or penitentiaries similar to
those of the Beguines or the houses of the Eugger
at Augsburg, where they could follow their former
occupations and trades.*
18. Several writers have asserted that the Inqui
sition has smothered the genius of the Spanish
nation, retarded the progress of intellect and the
cultivation of sciences. They find this a very natu
ral and necessary consequence of such an institu
tion, but do not stop to inquire whether history has
no objections to make, and does not teach differently.
Now, it is an indisputable fact, that during the reign
of Eerdinand and Isabella, with whom the Inquisi
tion originated, science began again to flourish in
Spain; numerous schools and universities were esta
blished, and the classical studies pursued with
unusual vigour ; belles-lettres and all kinds of poetry
revived, celebrated savants of foreign countries were
invited to come to Spain and well rewarded, the nobi
lity was reinspired with love for the productions of
the mind, even ladies of high rank taking professor
ships in the universities. In short, Spain was then
the theatre of a scientific life, incomparably more
active than it is in the present day. We are far from
attributing these noble results to the Inquisition.
Our aim is only to show that this institution was not
the violent storm which swept away the precious buds
and blossoms of science. We hold this opinion, in
* Torquemada already ordered small buildings surrounded by
a common wall, as it were a little town in the town, to be erected
for the penitents.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 365
spite of the committee of the Cortes of 1812, who,
misguided by modern doctrines, strove to engraft on
Spain, then at war with Erance, a constitution fash
ioned after the Erench, and declared, in their report,
that the writers disappeared the moment the In
quisition was introduced. They have by this shown
themselves utterly unworthy of the praise generally
bestowed upon Spaniards, and recently repeated by
Arndt in his "Comparative History of Nations," that
of having a thorough contempt for falsehood. The
most brilliant epoch of Spanish literature extends
from the end of the 15th to the middle of the 17th
century, and embraces just the very period during
which the Inquisition was most powerful. All the
writers through whom Spain has become famous,
lived during this time ; and their works were printed
with the consent of the Holy Office.
Spain's three great poets, Cervantes, Lope de Vega,
and Calderon, as well as her eminent historians, E.
de Pulgar, Zurita, Mariana, not to mention a host of
other authors of less note, belong to this period.
Llorente, it is true, enumerates in the second volume
of his History, 118 learned men who were prose
cuted by the Inquisition, but omits adding that they
escaped without personal injury.
19. We cannot pass over in silence the opinions
pronounced on the Inquisition by the greatest and
most cultivated minds of Spain. , Llorente, who
likewise devotes a special chapter to this subject,
lays particular stress upon the celebrated historian
Pulgar having expressed himself against the Inqui
sition, which was established during his lifetime.
It is true Pulgar blames the Inquisition for the
application of capital punishment against heretics,
but no one will ever be able to prove that he spoke
against this institution in general. Erom Mariana,
Llorente prudently quotes only such passages as

366 THE LIFE OF
are introduced by that author, into his history, as
the opinions of others. He forgets to give Mariana's
own, which is the more weighty, as he was himself
once the object of the persecutions of the Holy
Office. Mariana says that the Inquisition had been
" reipublicse universse majori commodo," and "prae-
sens remedium adversus impendentia mala, quibus
alise provincise exagitantur, ccelo datum ; nam hu-
mano consilio adversus tanta pericula satis caveri
non potuit." — Lib. xxiv. ch. 17.
Let us now listen to what Peter Martyr says, a
philosophical writer, whose candour is praised by
Llorente, and whose letters, he adds, are so liberal
that they had to be published abroad. The latter
assertion is incorrect, as the first edition of this
celebrated collection of letters was printed at
Alcala de Henares, in the year 1530. True it is,
that Peter Martyr repeatedly and openly passed
very strong censures on the inquisitor Lucero
and his conduct, calling him Tenebrero (man of
darkness) instead of Lucero (man of light). The
opinion which this great humanist and avowedly
liberal writer passes on the Inquisition itself is quite
different. In his 279th letter, addressed to an
intimate friend, he says, with reference to Queen
Isabella, who had just died, — " Qualem una cum
viro se gesserit ad exstirpandas hsereses, purgandam
religion em .... nemo ambigit;" thus reckoning
the zeal of the queen against the heretics as one of
her virtues. In his 295th letter he censures Lucero/
but calls the Inquisition itself a "prseclarum iri-
ventum, et omni laude dignum opus, ut omnis
religione labes tollatur." This was written at a
time when the persecutions of Lucero against the
archbishop of Talavera, a friend whom he greatly
esteemed, had already begun, and in a letter to so
intimate a friend, that reserve, much less dissimu-

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 367
lation or falsehood, is out of the question. Peter
Martyr refers several times to the trial of Talavera,
without once attacking the Inquisition, but only the
person of Lucero. Vet it must not be supposed that
his pen was chained by fear. His vehement expres
sions against Lucero, and his courageous behaviour
before the judges of the- Inquisition, in favour of
Talavera, disprove this. (Ep. 334.)
Of Zurita, the celebrated historian of Aragon (died
1580), Prescott speaks as more free from religious
prejudices than any other Spanish writer, and
Llorente calls him the trustworthy and truthful
author of the "Anales de Aragon." But what
does the liberal Zurita say : — " Eor this reason
they [Eerdinand and Isabella] established the holy
office of the Inquisition against heresy. It was the
best means which could be devised for the protection
of our holv faith, and seems to have been a divine
inspiration to guard Spain against numberless errors
and heresies by which the rest of the Christian
world has been disturbed."* At the end of the
chapter, and elsewhere! in his work, he regards the
Inquisition as a benefaction for Spain.
A younger contemporary of Zurita, and his suc
cessor in the office of historiographer of Aragon, was
Hieronymus Blancas (died 1590), distinguished
both by his elegant Latin and his high-minded love
of liberty. In his principal work, " Commentaria
Berum Aragonensium," of which the beautiful
edition of Saragossa, published in 1588, lies before
me, he speaks, at page 263, in the following man
ner of the Inquisition : — " The greatest proof of
the wisdom and piety of Eerdinand and Isabella
is to be found in their having, for the purpose of
turning the minds of heretics and apostates from
* Tom; v. lib. i. ch. vi.
X For instance, tom.iv. lib. xx. cb. xlxix.

368 THE LIFE OF
fatal errors, and breaking their boldness, estab
lished the office of the Holy Inquisition, an insti
tution the utility of which is readily acknowledged,
not only by Spain, but the whole Christian world."
Blancas repeatedly returns to his praises of the
Inquisition — for instance, at page 274; and it is
unmistakable that he, like Zurita and others, valued
the Inquisition the higher the more he saw the
horrors produced in other countries by the wars
of religion consequent upon the Beformation.
Hence, also, he assures us, at page 346, that the
Inquisition was held in the highest regard by his
contemporaries. His opinions are embraced by
more modern writers, who agree with him that the
Inquisition was a preventive measure, by which
Spain, for a considerable time, was saved from civil
and religious wars.
20. We have but one more duty to perform, — to
investigate whether Llorente, whose history is
considered by many as irrefutable, is a witness
worthy of credit or not. Having been a functionary
of the Holy Office, he is generally believed to have
made revelations. We would wish he had done so,
and instead of empty tirades and long declama
tions, given us plain sterling facts. True, he fre
quently quotes documents to support his asser
tions; but they have reference mostly to minor
punishments only, whilst we should have greatly
preferred to learn the entire decisions and sentences
of the tribunals, on which the large autos-da-fe
were based.
As it is impossible for us to examine the secret
documents which Llorente professes to have used,
and thereby be enabled to form a judgment on
their value, it is the more necessary to inquire
carefully into his own moral and scientific character,
to enable us to find in it either a guarantee for his

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 369
truthfulness or reasons for doubting the correctness
of his assertions.
Happily we possess an interesting biographical
sketch of him, written by two of his Paris friends, —
Mahul and Lanjuinais, and inserted in the April
number of the " Bevue EncyclopeMique " for 1823,
to which he was himself a contributor for many
years. In spite of the partiality for the friend, they
have given therein sufficient truthful matter for us
to pass a correct judgment on him.
Juan Antonio Llorente was born March 30th,
1756, of a noble family in Aragon. He studied
civil and canon law at Saragossa, was ordained priest
in 1779 for the diocese of Calahorra, and made a
doctor of canon law in Valencia. He belonged then
already to that class of the clergy who were called
Sclaires ; and as the Spanish government favoured
at that time persons of such tendencies, a path to
civil and ecclesiastical honours was soon opened for
Llorente. Only two years after his ordination, he
became at Madrid a counsellor in the High Council
of Castile, and was elected a member of the Academy
of San Isidoro,' which had been established after
the expulsion of the Jesuits, and favoured Jansen
ism from the very commencement of its career.
In the year 1782, we find him, though hardly
twenty-six years old, acting as vicar-general of the
bishop of Calahorra ; and in 1784, according to his
own testimony, entirely and completely " purified
from the last remains of the leaven of ultramon-
tanism." For this change he was indebted " to a
very learned and intelligent friend." Froin that
period (Llorente tells us so) he became intimate
with the Freemasons, to whom, no doubt, the same
" learned and intelligent friend " belonged, who
convinced him how full of errors and prejudices his
knowledge had hitherto been, and taught him to
2 b

370 THE LIFE OF
throw off the yoke of authority, and to listen only
to the voice of reason ! We have no cause for
calling in question the assertion of his panegyrists,
that Llorente made rapid progress in this new path;
it was to this fact that he owed his nomination by
the king to a canonry in the cathedral of Calahorra ;
that he was chosen by the minister, Count Florida-
blanca, a member of the new Academy of History ;
and by the grand-inquisitor, Senor Don Augustin
Bubin de Cevallos, bishop of Jaen, appointed
secretary-general of the Inquisition at Madrid in
the year 1789. Since the days of Aranda and
Piombal, it was no uncommon thing to behold
Jansenists and Freemasons occupying the most
important ecclesiastical offices, both in Spain and
Portugal. The university of Coimbra, for example,
was full of theologians, who were members of the
fraternity of Masons.*
Llorente was secretary to the Inquisition of
Madrid till the year 1791 ; he was then banished
from the capital and sent back to his canonry of
Calahorra. Being recalled, however (1793), by the
enlightened grand-inquisitor, Don Manuel Abad y
la Sierra, he laboured with him, and after the fall
of Don Manuel was associated with the minister
Jovellanos, the Countess Montijo, and others, in
endeavouring to introduce liberalism into the re
ligious and political institutions of Spain. But
some of his letters, having been intercepted, com
promised him ; and though his name was on the
list of candidates for a bishopric, he was arrested,
deprived of the office which he held in the Inqui
sition, and condemned to do penance for a month
in a monastery.
He was in disgrace till the year 1805, when the
* Pfeilschifter, " Politische Studien," vol. i. p. 7.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 371
notorious " Prince of Peace," the Spanish minister
Godoy, endeavoured to deprive-the Basque provinces
of their ancient rights and privileges,* and to bring
them under his own despotism.
In order to facilitate the success of this tyrannical
enterprise, the violent act was to be accompanied by
a so-called historical and scientific exposition.
For this business Godoy selected Llorente, who
was recalled to Madrid, and for writing his work,
" Noticias Historicas sobre las tres Provincias Bas-
congadas " (Madrid, 1806-7, in 3 volumes), in
which he attacked the privileges of these provin
ces, successively named canon of the cathedral of
Toledo, scholastic of the chapter, chancellor of the
university in the same city, and knight of the order
of Charles III. Llorente, who thus had become
the pliant instrument of despotism, was in conse
quence, as if in mockery to the provinces, named
a member of the " Patriotic Association of the
Basque Provinces." The improper conduct of
Llorente is also reproved by Banke.! To us it fur
nishes a proof how the writer could make history
bend to his own views and plans ; and if we had no
other work by him but this unjust attack on the
Basque Eueros, in which history is violated and
perverted, it would suffice to justify our suspicions
against his mode of writing history.
Every one knows how Napoleon (May 10th, 1808)
forced Ferdinand VII., then a captive in Bayonne,
to resign his crown, in order that he (Napoleon)
might bestow it on his brother Joseph. The Spanish
patriots courageously rose up against the stranger
who was forced upon them. There was, however,
a party so forgetful of the national honour as to
sell themselves to the French ; in the ranks of this
* " Fueros," as they are termed in Spanish.
t " Fiirsten und Volker," vol. i. p. 242.
2 B 2

372 THE LIFE OF
party was to be found Llorente. The religious
orders were suppressed, the monasteries robbed of
their property, while to Llorente was confided the
honourable mission of putting the sacrilegious
decrees into execution, of extending a system of
rapine and spoliation throughout the whole country,
and of administering the "secularized" property,
not, it is said, without enriching his private
purse with many a precious jewel stolen from the
churches. Indeed, he exhibited so much ability
in the art of confiscation, that he was very soon
raised to a " director-general" of the national pro
perty, — a name by which his patrons were pleased
to designate the confiscated property of the patriots
who were opposed to France.
Having been accused of the embezzlement of
eleven millions of reals, Llorente shortly after lost his
office ; but, as the crime could not be proved, was
appointed instead commissary-general of the bull "de
la cruz," a bull by which, in former days, the popes
allowed the Spanish kings to raise certain funds for
the purpose of defraying the expenses of the Moorish
wars. Though the object had ceased to exist, the
contribution still continued.
Since the year 1809, Llorente, by order of King
Joseph, was engaged in the publication of several
pamphlets in support of the French cause, but es
pecially in writing his history of the Inquisition,
for which, in conjunction with others, he collected
documents. Being, after the fall of Joseph, banished
from Spain on a charge of high treason, he repaired
to Paris, in the year 1814, where he edited his
famous "Histoire Critique de 1' Inquisition," four
vols. 8vo, originally written by him in Spanish, and,
under his own superintendence, translated into
French by Alexis Pellier (1817-18). In conse
quence of the appearance of this work, the arch-

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 373
bishop of Paris interdicted him both to hear confes
sions and to read mass, and when he endeavoured
to support himself by giving private lessons in the
Spanish language, the University of Paris forbade
him to teach in private educational establishments ;
so that he was forced to live partly by his pen, partly
by the charity of the Freemasons of Paris. Though
comprised in the amnesty of 1820, Llorente remained
in Paris, translated about this time the immoral
adventures of Faublas, and published in 1822 his
equally exceptionable " Portraits Politiques des
Papes," which latter work determined the French
government to banish him from France in December,
1822. Shortly after his arrival in Madrid, death
overtook him on the 5th February, 1823.
Having given this sketch of Llorente's life, the
question naturally arises — Can a man who sold him
self to a tyrannical minister, and, by the perversion
of history, aided him to extinguish the ancient
liberties of a brave people ; a man who proved him
self a traitor to his country, and sold his soul and
body to a foreign oppressor ; a priest, who lent
himself as the instrument of violence and the sacrile
gious robbery of church property ; who, on account
of his principles, was by the ecclesiastical authori
ties forbidden to exercise his sacerdotal functions,
and to teach youth ; can such a man be worthy of our
confidence, can we put faith in such an historian ?
Nobody will be tempted to give an affirmative
reply to our first question ; for a writer who perverts
the history of the Basques can also falsify that of
the Inquisition. We have Banke's testimony that he
has done this.* So much for Llorente as an historian.
It remains for us now only to inquire what he was
as a priest and churchman. The above-mentioned
* Eiirsten und Volker, vol. i. p. 242.

374 THE LIFE OF
stains on his sacerdotal character were allied to an
uncommon enmity for the Church, which drew from
his pen a series of falsehoods and mistakes. We
will not repeat that he falsely represented the Inqui
sition as a usurpation of the ecclesiastical over the
civil power, although the document brought for
ward by him shows clearly that this institution was
nothing but a royal tribunal armed with spiritual
weapons. His hatred for the popes is vented against
them even when they endeavoured to mitigate the
severity of the Inquisition and to protect its victims,
and with marvellous ingenuity he discovers the
worst motives in their best and kindest actions.
As an instance of the misrepresentations which
hatred caused him to make, we will cite the fol
lowing : — Charles V. desired to obtain a living for
one of his favourites, which before had been given to
a monk by the Pope. When Leo X. in consequence
persuaded the latter to renounce his rights, the
Spanish ambassador, who reported it to his master,
added that the monk was said formerly to have
been a Jew, but this did not signify much to Bome.
Llorente on this exclaims : "What a singular state of
things ! the court of Bome does not care much if a
monk is a Jew or not, whilst the Spanish Inquisition
is so scrupulous and severe in this respect." It is
manifest how perfidiously Llorente here perverts the
fact of the monk having formerly been a Jew, in
order to enable him to accuse the Papal See of the
most culpable indifference. How much history
becomes caricature under his pen, may also be
seen in what he says concerning the crusades : —
" This war [speaking of the first crusade] and the
subsequent expeditions of the same kind, would, by
their injustice, have been revolting to Europe, had
she not before been carefully indoctrinated with the
absurd notion, that war was allowable if carried on

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 375
for the glory and honour of Christianity." What
other author would not shrink from and feel ashamed
of writing in this vein ?
In another work of Llorente's, " Project of a
Beligious Constitution," which, according to the
title, was only edited by him, but from the testi
mony of his biographers written by him, we find
the assertion — " The advantages humanity has de
rived from Christianity are counterbalanced by the
many evils which the change of the primitive consti
tution of the Church brought with it." After this
confession, which for every Catholic amounts to
nothing less than self-excommunication, Llorente
strives to place the Church again on that footing
on which she was two hundred years after Christ.
The supremacy of the Pope — such is the opinion of
our Catholic priest and canon — is therefore to be re
jected as a mere human institution, and no one to
obey the decrees of the head of the Church if they
are not in accordance with the decisions of the tri
bunal of individual reason. The "pious priest"
further rejects the obligation to confess and take the
sacrament of the holy supper once a year, at Easter ;
to hear mass on Sundays, specially to confess one's
sins, &c. ; and adds that the priest is not bound to
press the performance of these exercises. Our doctor
of canon law considers divorce allowable, demands
the abolition of the obstacles to marriage, of religious
vows, celibacy, and the suppression of the four minor
orders of priesthood, &c. In short, he proposes
such a number of anti-ecclesiastical and anti-catholic
changes, that already, in 1822, the Tubingen Theo
logical Quarterly found it necessary sharply to cen
sure his doctrines, and point out his numerous
contradictions and errors against history.
But Llorente's hatred for the Church and her
head, shows itself most glaringly in his " Portraits

376 THE LIFE OF
of the Popes " a work, of which even his Jansenistic
friends say, that " the author not only accepted as
authentic, a mass of things of doubtful truth, as for
instance the fable of the so-called Popess Joanna,
which has sufficiently been proved quite apocryphal,
but also, we grieve to say, the subject, tendency, and
even tone of the work, are such as to be incompa
tible with the character of a Catholic priest." And
further on they proceed : " He has also attacked
those traditions of apostolic origin which every true
Catholic respects as the dogmas of his faith."
We add, Llorente, after having in his work ex
hausted the repertory of old reproaches against Bome,
is at no loss to invent new accusations. Thus, for
instance, he reproaches, at page x. of his preface,
most of the popes with having, for the extension of
their power, taken the title of (Ecumenic or Univer
sal Bishop. We can scarcely suppose that Llorente
was ignorant enough to believe in his own assertion.
With great affected simplicity he continues : " If
the popes were really the vicars of Christ on earth,
Divine Providence would never have permitted the
succession of the first popes to be left in doubt, but
made it a matter of certainty whether Cletus
and Anacletus were one and the same person or
not. This being left doubtful, the popes could not
be the vicars of Christ." * Gregory the Great is to
him (i. p. 166) the most venal flatterer ; and in his
wrath he calls Gregory VII. the greatest monster
ambition ever engendered, the cause of a thousand
wars and murders, a man who has done more mis
chief in history than any other, who lived in con
cubinage with Mathilde, poisoned his predecessor,
&c. ! Bome is to Llorente the centre of intrigues
(i. 241), and history, he assures us, will never par-
* Portraits Politiques des Papes, torn. i. pp. 11, 12.
t Pp. 344—350.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 377
don the sovereigns of Europe the re-establishment of
the States of the Church.
This will, I believe, suffice to enable us to pass a
judgment on Llorente's sentiments towards the
Church. Let us, however, put aside his ecclesias
tical character, and consider him in his capacity of
profane historian. Here his incorrectness is not less
apparent, and no confidence can be placed in him.
His little pamphlet on the constitution of the Church
furnishes abundant proofs. Llorente has absolutely
fixed the year 200 after Christ as the normal one
for the regeneration of the Church. All the changes
in the Church since this year are to be put aside ;
but he is so illogical or thoughtless as immediately
after to speak of the prescriptions of the general
councils to be retained for the regenerated Church,
and yet the first general council was held only in
the fourth century, in the year 325.
It is of little moment whether the Apostle Paul
was married or not; but a theologian who, in the face
of the Bible, furnishes him with a wife, is either an
incorrect writer, or worse still, an intentional forger ;
and who, like Llorente, gives as a fact, that the
Apostles, before their separation, together composed
the Apostolic Creed, is not only little versed in theo
logy, but shows also great audacity in propounding
as certain and indisputable, what he could only
know from hearsay.
The " Portraits of the Popes " are not less rich in
historical blunders. Vol. i. p. 66, Llorente relates
in the most serious manner that Paul of Samosata
adopted the heresy of Sabellius, — an assertion which
will cause the least tyro in church history to smile.
Page 9 we are told that St. Justin had written his
works before Ignatius of Antioch, that is, whilst
he was still in his cradle. On the same page we

378 THE LIFE OF
find the celebrated heathen Apollonius of Tyana
amongst the ancient heretics ; the well-known perse
cution of the House of David is placed under the
emperor Vespasian instead of Domitian, and the most
confused and. irrational trash is written about the
ancient heresies. His equal also is not to be found
in the treatment of modern history and statistics.
" The consequence," he says, "of the refusal of Leo X.
to reform his court, was that England, Switzerland,
Saxony, Bavaria, Holland, Germany, Wurtemberg,
Hanover, Prussia, Sweden, Denmark, and Bussia are
now Protestant countries." * Yes, Llorente goes so
far as to be of opinion, Bussia and Greece would still
belong to the Boman Church if Leo X. had been
more yielding.!
After all these specimens, we will throw a last
glance on Llorente's " History of the Inquisition."
He there makes Gregory VII. go to war with the
emperor Henry III. (i. 23) ; the Pseudo-Isidorian
decrees are composed in the eighth century (i. 15) ;
the Crusaders take Antioch before laying siege to
Nicea and Edessa ; and the Protestants receive their
name from their protesting against a decree of the
Pope. At page 196 of the same volume he raises by
his own power the monk Peter of Castelnau to the
dignity of Abbot of Citeaux, and as a set-off assas
sinates him four years too early. His blunders in
the history of his own country are equally gross.
Thus, he repeatedly speaks (i. 145, 150) of the
count of Ascos and margrave of Cadiz as of two
distinct persons, although one and the same famous
warrior, Ponce de Leon, to whom to a high degree
Spain owes the conquest of Granada, united both
these titles. The mistake here committed is at least
* " Portraits," torn. ii. pp. 198 et seq. t P. 200.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 379
as great as if a French historian made Marshal Ney
and the duke of Elchingen two generals of the
French empire.
Another mark of the greatest carelessness is,
for a Spanish historian, to prolong the life of
Philip L, the father of Charles V., to the year 1516
and 1517 (i. 421), when he had been dead ten years,
and his death caused such disturbances and commo
tions in Spain as we have seen in chapter XIV.
We shall take occasion, in the following chapter, to
point out other gross blunders of Llorente, even in
the history of Spain.
If we sum up, after all that has been said con
cerning the life and character of Llorente, and his
mode of writing history, our verdict will be consi
dered mild, when we say, that he is an author not
to be depended upon, and unworthy of our confi
dence. The artistic part of his history does not
concern us. But we will insert the criticism of his
Paris friends. They say : " The good which this
work has produced, is not owing to the style in
which it is written, being devoid of all colouring
and elegance ; nor to a skilful and judicious arrange
ment of the materials, nor to the clearness of the
descriptions or the depth and beauty of the views and
reflections — no, the art of being able to write history
is not revealed by this work." Whoever has read
the four volumes of the history, will agree that this
criticism is by no means exaggerated.
Before concluding this chapter, we must add that
we are far from wishing to be the champion of the
Spanish Inquisition as such. On the contrary, we
entirely deny the right to the secular power of ruling
over consciences, and are, from the bottom of our
heart, averse to every religious oppression on the
part of the temporal power, no matter whether

380 THE LIFE OF
perpetrated by a Torquemada in the cowl of a
Dominican, or by a minister of the nineteenth cen
tury in his court dress. Our intention was only to
show that the Inquisition was not that abominable
monster which party passions and ignorance have
often represented it. We are obliged to do this, in
order to be able properly to appreciate the man
who for ten years presided over this institution as
grand-inquisitor. If the Inquisition in reality had
been what it is frequently depicted — an institution
more blood-thirsty than the legislation of the times,
a colossus of injustice, all the brilliant virtues and
eminent qualities of Ximenez would not have availed
to wipe out this stain on his character.
We have proved that it was not so, and can now
turn to the great Cardinal in his new office.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 381

CHAPTEB XVIII.
XIMENEZ AND THE INQUISITION.
In many historical works it is asserted, repeated
also by Botteck in his work on Spain and Por
tugal (published in 1839), that Ximenez, in union
with Cardinal de Mendoza, was instrumental in
advising Queen Isabella to establish the Inquisition.
But Llorente himself declares this assertion to be
without foundation ; indeed, a simple examination
of dates and facts will suffice to show that Ximenez
appeared at court ten years after the tribunal of the
Inquisition had been established, and that he was
only an obscure priest when it was first introduced.
The first participation of Ximenez in the affairs
of the Inquisition dates from the year 1496, after
Ferdinand the Catholic had complained to the Holy
See that the inquisitors had, without his knowledge
or consent, been disposing of the property of the
condemned, and thus deprived the revenue of con
siderable sums. We have before expressed our
opinion, that the Inquisitors very likely robbed
the royal fiscus of many a prey by preserving the
paternal property to the children of condemned
persons, thereby incurring the displeasure of the
king. Alexander VI., who governed the Church
at that stormy period, considering it necessary to
gain the friendship of Eerdinand, appointed the
Archbishop Ximenez (March 29th, 1496) to examine
the matter ; and at the same time gave him power
to demand restitution, if necessary, of whatever had

382 THE LIFE OF
been unjustly taken away from the revenue of the
king. The result of this inquiry is unknown.
What connectionXimenez had with the Inquisition
under Deza, the second grand-inquisitor and successor
of Torquemada, we have no means of ascertaining.
It was the vast knowledge of Deza that caused him
to be chosen to occupy the high dignity of grand-
inquisitor, and which afterwards was the means of
his being elevated to the archiepiscopal see of
Seville, as well as being ranked amongst the most
illustrious theological writers of Spain.
Prescott seems to consider it " worthy " of a
grand-inquisitor, that Deza should constantly have
a tame lion at his feet. Llorente also represents
him as a man possessed of a savage and austere
nature, who surpassed in cruelty even Torquemada
himself, and introduced the terrors of the Inquisi
tion into Naples and Sicily. But this judgment is
annulled by the Spanish academician Munoz, who
wrote a eulogium on Lebrija,* with whom Deza
once had some misunderstanding. Muiioz, however,
gives Deza the character " of a great and good pre
late and a learned theologian." We ourselves may
also add, that he was amongst the small number of
those enlightened men who, by having encouraged
and assisted Columbus, had a share in the glorious
discovery of the New World.
The person who contributed most to injure the
reputation of Deza as grand-inquisitor, was his
assistant Diego Bodriguez de Lucero, scholastic of
Almeria and inquisitor of Cordova, who, it must he
owned, persecuted innocent persons, perpetrated
barbarities of all kinds, and abused the confidence
of Deza. As early as January, 1506, Peter Martyr
describes him as "severus et iracundus a natura,
* " Memorias de la Eeal Academia de la Historia," torn. iii.
p. 17.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 383
judaico nomini et neophytis infensissimus,"* and
one year later he repeatedly declares that his name
Lucerius was a lie, and should be Tenebrerius.!
One of the most odious trials commenced at the
instigation of Lucero, was that against Talavera, the
archbishop of Granada, which brought Ximenez again
in connection with the Inquisition. We have, in
a former chapter, spoken of the virtues of Talavera,
and his labours for the conversion of the Moors.
But Lucero conceived the idea of accusing this
noble prelate of judaizing tendencies, because he
had from the beginning opposed the introduction of
the Inquisition, protected the suspected neophytes,
and was, on his mother's side, of Jewish extraction.
The grand-inquisitor was soon won over for the pro
secution, especially as Lucero produced a sufficient
number of witnesses, who were probably bribed. J
As early as the commencement of the year 1506,
Peter Martyr began to complain of the insult offered
to the most holy man in Spain. § But not Talavera
only was accused of heresy ; several relatives of his
fared the same, and were even imprisoned, particu
larly his nephew, Francisco Herrera, dean of the
cathedral of Granada, and the sisters and mother
of the latter. ||
We learn from Llorente, that Deza at first
intended to intrust Ximenez with the examination
of the orthodoxy of the archbishop of Granada."[[
* Epist. 295. t lb. 333, 334, 339, 342. + lb. 333, 339.
§ Epist. 295. According to Llorente (i. 341), Lucero con
ferred first with Isabella concerning the suspicion against Tala
vera; but Isabella bad then already been dead one year and a half.
Leonce de Lavergne (in bis Essay on Ximenez, " Eevue des Deux
Mondes," 1841, May) represents this matter as if Talavera had
been attacked by the Inquisition on account of his intention of
preparing an Arabic version of the Bible for the Moors.
|| Epist. 342.
% "When Talavera learned that Ximenez, and not the Inquisi-

384 THE LIFE OF
But Ximenez reported the whole affair to Pope
Julius II., and by following this course was instru
mental in bringing about the speedy deliverance of,
and tranquillity to the accused. The Pope, namely,
took the inquiry entirely out of the hands of the
grand-inquisitor, confiding -it to the care of his legate
in Spain, John Buffo, bishop of St. Bertinoro, in the
Bomagna, and to a special commission, as Peter
Martyr informs us.*
The history of this memorable trial is much
curtailed by Llorente, but the details are happily
supplied by Peter Martyr, himself one of the chief
actors in the affair. The inquiry was opened in the
spring of 1507, either at Torquemada, where the
unfortunate Queen Johanna resided for some time
after the death of her husband, or in the vicinity of
this little town, at Palencia. Talavera sent a special
representative to the court in the person of the canon
Gonzalez Cabecas to conduct his case. He found,
besides, an energetic defender in Peter Martyr, who
warmly pleaded the cause of his venerable and well-
beloved, friend the archbishop, reminding the judges
in particular of the venerable age of the man, who
was then eighty years old, of his universally admired
holy life, as well as of the zeal he had shown in the
conversion of the Moors.! The legate, himself a
friend of Peter Martyr, J showed much benevolence*
for the accused, interceded for them with the Pope,§
and sent the papers to Bome, whence the complete
acquittal of Talavera and his relatives soon arrived. ||
tion, was to conduct the inquiry, he became somewhat reassured,
as well as the people who loved him. Talavera says so himself in
his letter to King Ferdinand of the 23rd January, 1507, reprinted
in the " Memorias," &c, torn. vi. p. 489.
* Epist. 334. Llorente, i. p. 342, wrongly calls the nuncio
bishop of Bristol, although be might have known from Peter
Martvr, Letter 428, that Buffo was Episcopus Britonoriensis.
t Ep. 334. X 328—330. § 334, 335. || 342.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 385
Talavera did not long enjoy his liberation; in a letter
dated the last of May, 1507, Peter Martyr mourns
the death of this wise and pious prelate, whom he
elsewhere compares to King Solomon, and the
patriarch of monachism, St. Hilario.*
Another trial, if possible, still more scandalous,
instituted by Lucero, led to the nomination of
Ximenez as grand-inquisitor.
Several persons in Andalusia accused of heresy,
had falsely denounced a great number of others in
the hope of saving themselves and seeing their trials
suppressed by a general amnesty, which they thought
might be obtained if the number of suspected were
increased. Lucero was credulous and suspicious
enough, on their report, to threaten a great number
of persons of all ranks, ages, and sexes ; nobles,
ladies, priests, monks, nuns, and other persons of
distinction. Deza gave his consent ; but Ximenez
raised his voice to oppose it, and entreated King
Ferdinand to assist him, by writing to the pope and
requesting him to deprive Deza of his office of grand-
inquisitor. According to Zurita, who gives us this
account,! Ximenez himself was then aspiring to this
dignity. Ferdinand, however, would not agree to
the proposal : it was only after the arrival of King
Philip in Spain that Deza was ordered to confine
himself to his diocese; his jurisdiction was suspended,
and the affairs of the Inquisition were confided to the
royal council. Zurita informs us that this proceed
ing was severely commented upon by the nation.
But when Philip died, Deza appeared again in
* Petrus Martyr. Ep. 334. Llorente (i. 342) wrongly states
the trial to have lasted three years, whilst in reality it. lasted only
one year and a half. He further makes the archbishop live several
months after his liberation, which took place on the 21st May.
On the last of the same month he was already dead.
t "Anales," torn. vi. lib. vii. cap. 29.
2 c

386 THE LIFE OF
public, and protesting against what had been done
in opposition to him, reinstalled himself in his
former dignity. His return encouraged the inqui
sitor of Cordova (Lucero) to recommence proceed
ings against those who had been falsely denounced.
An insurrection was the consequence, for on the 6th
of October, 1506, the whole population of Cordova
rose. Lucero was forced to fly for his life ; the
buildings of the Inquisition were seized, and the
prisoners released by the Marquis de Priego, who, in
conjunction with the chapter of the cathedral and
the magistrates of the city, required Deza to depose
Lucero. The grand-inquisitor refusing to comply
with their request, the insurrection became more
threatening, and extended throughout the whole of
Andalusia. Ferdinand now began to be convinced
that Deza, his friend and confessor, against whom
the public dislike was so clear and intense, could no
longer preside over the Inquisition. He therefore
made, during his residence in Italy, every requisite
arrangement with Pope Julius II. for transferring
the dignity of grand-inquisitor to Ximenez. Deza
submitted, and resigned his office. Ximenez suc-
I ceeded him, and his appointment was confirmed by
\ a royal edict dated May 18th, 1507. There was,
' however, this alteration made, that his jurisdiction
(contrary to what his predecessors enjoyed) should
be confined only to Castile. Another grand-inqui
sitor, Don Juan Enguera, Bishop of Vich, was
appointed for the kingdom of Aragon. But as both
he and his successor, Don Luis Mercader, a Car
thusian, died very soon after each other, the dignity
of grand-inquisitor for Aragon was offered to
Ximenez. He refused to accept it, and recom
mended Adrian, the dean of Louvain, in his place,
who after the cardinal's death united both dignities

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 387
in his own person, and afterwards became celebrated
under the name of Pope Adrian VI.
Ximenez, immediately after his elevation to the
dignity of grand-inquisitor, drew up several regu
lations, which were ordered to be published and
observed as laws throughout the whole of Castile.
They applied especially to the new converts, regu
lating the manner in which they themselves, their
children, and all belonging to them, were to con
duct themselves and observe the practices of the
Christian religion, in order not to incur any sus
picion of apostasy, witchcraft, blasphemy, &c* At
the same time, the cardinal commanded more
complete instruction to be given them in reli- *
gious matters, and particularly that they should
be put on their guard against every form of
superstition and blasphemy. Indeed, he adopted
every expedient which justice and humanity dic
tated, in order to diminish the number of judicial
cases reserved for the tribunal of the Inquisition.
Llorente himself acknowledges that Ximenez ex
erted all his energy in providing for the instruc
tion of the converts, for which object priests were
appointed in all the large towns, with special in
junctions to visit the new Christians in their houses,
and warn them not to commit any act which
might make them amenable to the Inquisition.
Another important matter which occupied the
attention of the cardinal, was the trial of the
inquisitor of Cordova.! Ximenez lost no time in
ordering his arrest. Having been suspended from
his functions, he was conducted to Burgos, and
there imprisoned and ordered to give an account of
his stewardship.
* Gomez gives us all these particulars (" De Eebus gestis,"
lib. iii.; Compluti, 1569). t Lucero.
2 c 2

388 THE LIFE OF
All suspected witnesses were likewise arrested.
Ximenez, considering the serious nature of the case
and the great number of the accused, appointed,
with the king's consent and approbation, a com
mission, under the name of " Catholic Congre
gation," which, as Llorente acknowledges, consisted
of twenty-two of the most respectable personages
that could be found ; these were to preside and
take cognizance of the case, the cardinal himself
being the president of the " commission." The
names of the members were — the bishop of Vich,
who was grand-inquisitor of Aragon ; the bishops
of Ciudad-Bodrigo, of Calahorra, and Barcelona;
the mitred abbot of the Benedictine convent in
Valladolid ; the president of the council of Castile,
together with eight of his counsellors ; the vice-
chancellor and president of the chancery of Aragon ;
two provincial inquisitors ; two counsellors belong
ing to the higher court of the Inquisition, and an
auditor of the chancery of Valladolid.
The reason why Ximenez named so many in
the " commission " who belonged to Aragon was,
that Castilian families had an interest in the
case, and therefore it was necessary to obtain im
partial judges.
In November, 1507, Peter Martyr, who was then
residing at court, sent several particulars connected
with the trial to his friends in Granada; viz., to
Count Tendilla, viceroy of the city, and to the dean
of the cathedral. " Lucero," he says, " stoutly
asserts his innocence, but the judges suspect he has
been guilty of great cruelty." (Epp. 370, 372.)
In the month of March of the following year, this
writer remarks, " that the judges, having care
fully examined the sentences pronounced some time
before by Lucero, were convinced that he had too

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 389
easily believed improbable accusations, and conse
quently punished the innocent." (Epist. 375.)
On the 9th of July, 1508, the " commission de
clared the witnesses brought forward by Lucero
to be unworthy of credit or confidence, both on
account of their bad character and contradictory
depositions. What they had asserted was, therefore,
inadmissible as proof against the prisoners, who
were accordingly liberated. The memory of those
who had already perished was honourably men
tioned; the houses which had been pulled down,
under the pretext that they were private synagogues,
were rebuilt ; while the defamatory " notes,"
which had been supplied by the inquiries of Lucero
and his agents in the books of the Inquisition,
were erased.
On the-lst of August, 1508, the judgment of the
" commission " was published with great solemnity
in Valladolid, in presence of the king, and a crowd
of prelates and grandees.
With regard to Lucero, Llorente informs us that
after he had been confined for some time in prison
at Burgos, he was, by an excess of indulgence,
ordered to return to his diocese of Almeria. Cer
tainly Peter Martyr (Ep. 393) and several others
regretted that Lucero had been treated with such
mildness. But since he seems to have acted more
from excessive credulity and false zeal than from
any real wickedness of heart, and since the trial had
not revealed any "mala fides " in his conduct, as
Gomez observes, it seemed but natural that he
should be released after a year's imprisonment. He
was also deprived of his dignity, and reduced to his
former rank of canon, though Llorente erroneously
makes him a bishop.*
* He is simply called " canonicus " by Gomez.

390 THE LIFE OF
About this period, Ximenez also acquired great
renown by the protection he gave to the cele
brated Antonio de Lebrija, or Nebrissa, so called
from a town in the neighbourhood of Seville. In
the two chapters which treat of the foundation of
the university of Alcala and the Complutensian
Polyglot, we have already said sufficient to prove
that Lebrija was one of the most distinguished
scholars of his time in Spain. The freedom with
which he spoke, in a work entitled " Critical
Bemarks on some Passages of Scripture," respecting
a few mistakes in the translation of the Vulgate,
roused the indignation of several theologians, who
accused him of rashness and presumption.* Deza,
taking advantage of these complaints, condemned
his two first commentaries on the Bible, in con
sequence of which Lebrija suspended the publi
cation of other works which he had prepared,
until Ximenez became grand-inquisitor, to whom
he then addressed an apology in self-defence,
written with considerable boldness and indepen
dence. Such is the account given us by the acade
mician Munoz,! and Nicolao Antonio, the historian
of Spanish literature. $ Llorente is quite mistaken,
however, when he speaks of unkind treatment
shown to Lebrija. The fact is, that in spite of his
books being condemned, he continued to live undis
turbed by Deza, sometimes at Salamanca as pro
fessor, and at other times at court as the royal
historian, until the year 1508, when Ximenez made
use of his labours in the publication of his Polyglot,
appointed him professor in the new university of
¦* Du Pin, " Nouvelle Bibliotheque des Auteurs Ecclesias-
tiques," torn. xiv. p. 121.
t " Memorias de la Eeal Academia," torn. iii. p. 17.
X " Bibliotheca Hispana Nova," torn. i. p. 132 (Madrid, 1783).

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 391
Alcala, and honoured him with his particular
friendship. In chapter XI. we have already seen
how Ximenez consulted him in all important
matters connected with the university; and how
familiarly he often spoke to him from the balcony
of his palace. To the end of his life, the archbishop
also accorded his support and protection to many
other learned men, who were thereby freed from
the examinations of the Inquisition ; amongst these
may be mentioned the first chancellor of Alcala, the
abbot Lerma, and the learned Vergara.
Llorente relates many other events, all of which
tend to the honour of Ximenez ; amongst these we
may mention the scrupulous care with which he
watched over the officers of the Inquisition. The
details connected with the case at Cordova show to
what extent the officers of that tribunal abused
their power by violence and oppression. Ximenez,
therefore, endeavoured to diminish their influence
by depriving them, amongst other things, of the right
of permuting works of penance for some others
which were imposed ; he also closely watched their
conduct, and even deprived many of their office
altogether. In vain did these protest against his
proceedings ; in vain did they appeal to the pope
himself. The Holy See confirmed all the acts of
Ximenez, and resolutely maintained his authority.*
The cardinal, however, could not carry into effect,
his project of having only ecclesiastics admitted to
the grand-council of the Inquisition. The reply
Ferdinand gave him on the 11th February, 1509,
respecting this, shows clearer than anything else,
the political character of the Inquisition. Ximenez
protested against the nomination of Hortugno
* Llorente, torn. ii. p. 358.

392 THE LIFE OF
Ybagnez d'Aguirre as member of the grand-council,
on account of his being a layman. But Ferdinand
told him that the grand-council was indebted solely
to the king for its jurisdiction ; the king had there
fore a right of appointing for it and every other
court of justice any one he chose. Ximenez was
forced to yield during the lifetime of the king ; but
when, after the death of Ferdinand, he became
regent of Castile, Aguirre was excluded from the
grand-council. Charles V., however, reappointed
this otherwise very worthy layman, after the decease
of the cardinal.
Llorente does not tell us why Ximenez deposed
also Antonio Buyz de Calcena, the secretary of the
grand-council, but relates other details which are
not without interest.
At Toledo, the assistant of the gaoler of the In
quisition had had culpable connection with several
of the imprisoned females ; this crime had caused
great sensation and general indignation. Doubtless
the letter of Gonzalo de Ay or a, cited by Llorente
elsewhere (i. 349), in which the knight speaks in
the strongest terms of such scandalous conduct, has
reference to this case. Ximenez immediately recog
nized the greatness of the evil and the urgency of
prompt remedy, and with his usual energy and
severity did not hesitate, in concert with the grand-
council, to decree pain of death against any func
tionary of the Inquisition found guilty of carnal
connection with female prisoners.
We have before mentioned several beneficial mea
sures of the new grand-inquisitor framed with the
view of procuring better religious instruction for
the newly-converted, and of guarding them against
the danger of drawing on themselves a suspicion
of apostasy. To these belong the foundation of

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 393
special parishes for the new Christians, and the
rules of conduct which the cardinal issued for them
to preserve them against the suspicion of the in
quisitors. Unlike the above, and in itself of no importance,
is the decree of Ximenez, of the year 1514, by which
in future the crosses fixed in certain places of the
Sanbenito were no longer to be of the usual form,
but in the shape of a cross of St. Andrew, in order,
says Llorente, that the cross of Christ might not be
dishonoured by being represented on the dresses of
the condemned.
The receivers of the revenues of the confiscated
estates, generally obtained assistants at the expense
of the fiscal ; Ximenez abolished this custom, made
the receivers pay for their assistants, and demanded
of them to render an exact account of the posses
sions confided to their administration. In order to
have their accounts properly examined, he issued
special instructions for the use of the receivers and
the persons charged with the revision of their man
agement. It is much to be regretted, that of all the cases
examined and adjudged by Ximenez, Llorente gives
us an account of only four. The details, however,
connected with them, show us at once how careful
and exact that great prelate was in the discharge of
the duties of an office which has been so much
calumniated and misunderstood.
The first of these trials took place in the year
1511, and concerns a so-called saint, the daughter of
a peasant from Piedrahita, in the diocese of Avila,
who wore the dress of the third order of St. Dominic,
pretended to be in relation with Christ and the
Holy Virgin, held frequent conversation with both,
and called herself the bride of Christ. She held,

394 THE LIFE OF
besides, the opinion that she was constantly accom
panied by the Holy Virgin, for which reason, out of
politeness, she remained at the doors, offering the
precedence to Mary, &c. Ferdinand ordered her to
be brought to Madrid, and he, as well as Ximenez,
conversed with her.
The opinions of the most learned, theologians
differing greatly on her account, one party declaring
her a self-deluding visionary, the other party re
cognizing in her a saint, the Pope ordered his
nuncio and two other bishops to inquire into the
matter ; whilst on the other hand, also, the Inquisi
tion, as in duty bound, tried the girl. Ximenez, for
his part, believed her to be inspired, and as the
tribunal could not discover anything dangerous,
heretical, or deceptive in the person, she was spared
further molestations.
The second trial related by Llorente, concerns
Juan Henriquez de Medina. The Inquisition of
Cuenca had, after his death, declared him guilty of
heresy, and purposed to confiscate his property;
Ximenez, on the appeal of the heirs, appointed com
missioners to revise the trial. When these, according
to the established usage, refused to communicate
the names of the witnesses to the relatives of the
deceased, the interested parties appealed to Leo X.,
who, by his briefs of the 8th February and 9th
May, 1517, ordered, under pain of excommunication,
the communication of the acts and an equitable
judgment ; Henriquez was in consequence entirely
absolved. Ximenez, who was then near his death,
seems to have had no other share in the proceedings
than the nomination of the commissioners for the
revision. The third trial ended only after the cardinal's
death. John of Covarrubias, of Burgos, who had

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 395
once before been absolved, was after his death again
denounced to the Inquisition by the fisc. Leo X.,
from the very beginning, interested himself the
more warmly in behalf of the accused, as Covar
rubias had been his schoolfellow. By a letter dated
15th February, 1517, he recommended to Ximenez
a quick conclusion of the inquiry, and shortly after
translated the case to the court of Bome. Ximenez
remonstrated against this, and Charles V., after the
Cardinal's death, in the autumn of the same year,
protested so strongly against this pretended en
croachment of the Boman court on the rights of
the Holy Office, that the Pope handed the matter
over to Cardinal Adrian, the successor of Ximenez
in the office of grand-inquisitor ; Llorente does not
tell us the ultimate result.
We cannot gather from Llorente that Ximenez
participated at all in the fourth trial. The superiors
of the Augustines had complained of the prosecution
of several members of their order by the Inquisition,
and obtained by a brief of Leo X., of the 13th May,
1517, the privilege for the order of its members
being in matters of faith judged by their own supe
riors, and not the Holy Office. We do not learn
whether Ximenez regarded this exemption favour
ably. If we did not know Llorente better, the
selection of these trials would induce us to believe
that he intended to show the solicitude of the Holy
See to lessen the severity of the Inquisition. A
decree of Ferdinand, of the 31st August, 1509,
specially directed against these endeavours of the
Pope, is very remarkable ; he therein threatens with
death all those who obtained of the Pope or his
legate, a bull or other document directed against
the Inquisition; Llorente, of course, finds this
sanguinary measure in favour of the Inquisition

396 THE LIFE OF
very rational and just, because it is based on the
principle of opposition to Rome, nor does it shake his
opinion that the Inquisition was an ecclesiastical
institution. How easily the most astonishing contradictions
are made to agree by Llorente is strikingly illus
trated by the following example : — He is of opinion
that Ximenez is the real author of an anonymously
written allegorical novel on the Inquisition, dis
covered in the library of St. Isidor, at Madrid, and
entitled " Of the Government of Princes." He
asserts that it furnishes clear proof of the cardinal's
aversion to the Inquisition, as well as of his demands
for numerous important changes, for instance,
publicity of the debates, &c. This curious work is
addressed to Charles V., when still prince of Asturia,
and partly reprinted amongst the documents in
vol% iv. of Llorente's History. Llorente presumes
it to have been written by Ximenez himself, or at
his instigation, before his nomination as grand-
inquisitor, and after the death of Isabella, that is
between the years 1504 and 1507, forgetting that a
few pages before (iv. 389) he has fixed 1516 as the
year in which it was written ; this date is probably
correct, for during the years 1504 — 1507 Charles,
then only four to seven years old, was in no wise
capacited for the consideration of such important
topics. Although we would gladly accede to Ximenez the
honour of such liberal principles as are expressed in
the book in question, yet we cannot help strongly
doubting the admissibility of Llorente's opinion.
Prince Charles is therein urged to introduce several
important changes in the Inquisition, more especially
publicity of the inquiry ; but, in reality, it was Xime
nez who determined King Ferdinand not to yield to

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 397
the clamour of the new Christians, and is said even
to have sought to indemnify him from his own
purse for the refusal of 600,000 ducats, which the
new Christians had offered him, to tempt him to
grant their request.* When, after the death of
Ferdinand, they repeated their offer to Charles V.,
raising the sum to 800,000 gold ducats, and were
even backed in their petition by Chievres, duke of
Croy, the instructor and confidant of Charles,
Ximenez protested once more against- the grant of
publicity, addressing the following letter to the
king : —
" Most high and mighty Catholic King, most
gracious lord ! — -The Catholic kings, as your Majesty
is aware, have bestowed so much care upon the
Holy Tribunal of the Inquisition, and examined its
laws and institutions with so much prudence,
wisdom, and conscientiousness, that modifications
of the same are not needed, but would rather be
prejudicial than otherwise. At the present moment
such changes would fill me the more with sorrow,
as they would assuredly tend to increase the defi
ance shown to the Inquisition by the Catalonians
and the Pope. The pecuniary embarassment of
your Majesty is, I confess, very great, but certainly
that of Ferdinand the Catholic, the grandfather of
your Majesty, was greater, when the newly con
verted Christians offered him six hundred thousand
gold ducats to carry on the Navarrese war. He did
not accept their proposals, because he preferred the
* Llorente, torn. i. p. 367. Flechier, liv. vi. p. 492. Jost,
vol. viii. p. 237. Ximenez would probably have heard of this offer
only after the acceptance of it by Charles, if Cardinal Pucci,
whose nephew was destined as nuncio for Castile and therefore
wished to ingratiate himself with Ximenez, bad not given him
timely notice. Gomez, p. 1104.

398 THE LIFE OF
purity of the Christian religion to all the gold of the
world.* With all the true devotion of a loyal
subject, with the zeal which I must have for the
office to which your Majesty has raised me, I be
seech you to open your eyes and follow the example
of your Majesty's grandfather, and consent to no
changes in the proceedings of the Inquisition. All
ths objections raised by its adversaries have before
been refuted, under the Catholic kings of glorious
memory. The modifications of even the most un
important law of the Inquisition could not be done
without betraying the honour of God and insulting
that of your most illustrious ancestors. If this consi
deration has not sufficient weight with your Majesty,
may it please you to recall the deplorable occurrence
which has lately taken place at Talavera de la Beina,
when a newly-converted Jew, who had learned the
name of his accuser, searched for him and stabbed
him. The hatred against these informers is indeed
so great that, if the publication of their names is
not prevented, they will not only be assassinated
in private and public, but even at- the foot of the
altar. No one will be found in future willing to risk
his life by similar denunciations ; this would be the
ruin of the Holy Tribunal, and the cause of God
would be left without a defender. I live in confi
dence your Majesty, my King and Lord, will
not become unfaithful to the Catholic blood which
runs in your veins, but be convinced that the
Inquisition is a tribunal of God, and an excellent
institution of your Majesty's ancestors."!
After this it was impossible that Ximenez should
* Ximenez does not speak here of his own offer to Eerdinand,
and we cannot vouch that he ever made it.
t Carnicero, torn. ii. p. 289 — 293. Gomez gives only an
abstract of this letter.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 399
have written or been the instigator of the allegorical
novel mentioned by Llorente. It must, on the con
trary, be attributed to one of those whose influence
he opposed in the above letter.
In the computation of the victims of the In
quisition under the administration of Ximenez,
Llorente has evidently done injustice to the car
dinal. Llorente's usual practice of basing his
calculations rather upon probabilities, the fallacy of
which we have demonstrated before, than upon
documents, is in this instance specially invalidated
by other circumstances. According to his own
confession, the administration of Ximenez com
menced on the 1st of October, 1507, and lasted
therefore little more than ten years, whilst Llorente's
calculations are based upon eleven years. Besides
this, he makes Ximenez responsible for the condem
nations of all the twelve ancient tribunals instead of
only seven, Ximenez being only grand inquisitor of
Castile and not also of Aragon. The hypothetical
number of two thousand executions would conse
quently be reduced by half.
In the year 1514 Ximenez established a new tri
bunal at Cuenca. Llorente here again commits the
same error which we have exposed before, that of
increasing the number of criminals with each addi
tional court of justice. And lastly he starts in his
calculations with the entirely arbitrary assumption
that Ximenez, whose benevolence he admits, exe
cuted every year as many persons as his predecessors,
Torquemada and Deza, whom he describes as cruel.
We know nothing certain or even probable of the
number of trials conducted under Ximenez ; but
this we know, that our cardinal more clearly circum
scribed the jurisdiction of each separate tribunal,
by dividing them according to the provinces and

400 THE LIFE OF
bishoprics and introduced tribunals in Orau in
Africa, which he had conquered, as well as in the
Canary Islands and America. These latter held,
however, as we shall see hereafter, jurisdiction only
over the old Christians who had settled there, and
not over the indigenes. Ximenez has, in all these
affairs of the Inquisition, shown himself the same
straightforward and thoroughly just, though severe
man, which he was in all his other actions. We
shall find him the same again on a field on which
the former Franciscan monk will hardly be expected
— that of battle.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 401

CHAPTEB XIX.
THE CONQUEST OF OHAN.
Military events have always occupied a more
prominent place in history than other more im
portant facts that occur in time of peace. Thus,
more abundant details have been preserved connected
with the part Ximenez took in the Spanish con
quests in Africa than respecting other events in his
life, however important.
y So far back as the year 1505, when the "Great
Captain " (Gonsalvo de Cordova) returned to Spain
from his glorious Italian campaigns, crowned
with honour and accompanied by his victorious
legions, Ximenez advised the king to employ these
troops in the conquest of some strong fortress in
Africa. As a bishop, he sighed for the day in which
he should see the cross replanted in that country,
where once the Church flourished so prosperously,
and where prelates, like St. Cyprian and St. Augus
tine, displayed such genius, learning, and piety/ as
a statesman, too, Ximenez had not forgotten his
interview with the famous Venetian traveller
Vianelli; hence, he saw at once the immense ad
vantage that would be gained by Spain, both in a
strategic and commercial point of view, if she had a
station on the coast of Africa. /
Directly opposite to the Spanish port of Cartha-
gena, was a large and strong fortress called by
2 D

402 THE LIFE OF
the Moors Mazarquivir. It stood on the sea, and
had become, in consequence, a nest of pirates, who
spread terror in every direction. Some years
before (1501), the Portuguese had attempted, but
in vain, to gain possession of it. However, in
September, 1505, Ferdinand, assisted by the mu
nificence of Ximenez, sent a fleet against the
place under the command of Diego de Cordova
and Baymund de Cardona. The expedition suc
ceeded. Cordova was appointed governor of the
conquered city, and remained there with a strong
garrison, whilst his companions in arms returned
to Spain.*
7 About this period Ximenez conceived a still vaster
plan ; viz., a new crusade against the infidels for the
recovery of the holy sepulchre in Jerusalem. For
this object, he entered into negotiations with the.
kings of Spain, Portugal, and England. / Gomez
has preserved a remarkable memorial of these nego
tiations : a letter addressed by King Emmanuel of
Portugal to Ximenez, in which his majesty expresses
the most profound respect for the cardinal, and the
hope that his pious desires for the recovery of the
holy places and the overthrow of Mahometanism
may speedily be realized. At the same time he
assures Ximenez, that every day he fancies himself in
the holy sepulchre receiving from his hands the true
and real body of our Lord ; and that he counts more
on the part which Ximenez takes in the enterprise
than upon the efforts of the most powerful kings in
Europe, because the presence of so holy a man. would
be sure to draw down most abundant blessings from
heaven. Moreover, that the pecuniary assistance
offered by the cardinal, his high character, zeal, and
* Gomez, Zurita, Eerreras, &c.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 403
geographical knowledge, would be a certain pledge
of success.*
But in spite of so much ardour and enthusiasm,
all this beautiful project fell to the ground, in con
sequence of the political events which quickly
followed, by Philip becoming regent of Castile, and
afterwards quarrelling with Ferdinand. Ximenez,
too, experienced profound grief on beholding the
small Christian colony of Mazarquivir exposed to
the greatest danger of being lost. The circumstances
are as follows : — In the same month that king Fer
dinand returned from Italy, to assume the govern
ment of Castile after the death of Philip (August,
1507)^ terrible misfortune happened to the Spanish
garrison in Africa. The governor, Cordova, being
most anxious to extend his conquests further, had
fortunately succeeded in taking two small places
from the Moors. He was returning with a con
siderable booty of men and beasts, when his troops,
having halted to take some repose, were suddenly
attacked by the enemy and completely routed ; the
governor himself escaped with difficulty. Gomez,
while mentioning the great grief which filled the
heart of Ximenez on hearing the account of this
terrible disaster, adds, that it only served to con
firm the cardinal the more in the plan he had
conceived, of extending the Spanish conquests in
Africa still further. His character, indeed, was such,
that the more obstacles he met with to oppose his
designs, the stronger his resolutions became to carry
them into execution. / «
The arrival of Ferdinand, however, and the events
which followed therefrom, delayed for a time the
accomplishment of the cardinal's project. In
* Gomez, " De Eebus gestis," p. 78 (ed. Compluti, 1569).
2 D 2

404 THE LIFE OF
August, 1507, the king arrived at Tortoles with his
daughter Johanna (called " loca "*) ; and thence
hastened with the court to Maria del Campo, and
sent the cardinal's hat to Ximenez, who was then
residing in a neighbouring town, named Mahamud.
After Johanna had taken up her residence at Arcos,
in company with Ferdinand's second consort/Ger-
maine, his majesty and Ximenez proceeded together
to Burgos, in order to devise some remedy for the
evils that afflicted the kingdom.!
As many of the grandees viewed the return of
Ferdinand with regret, they publicly evinced their
hostility to him in many ways. But the king con
ducted himself towards them with as much pru
dence as mildness. He endeavoured rather to win
them to his cause than to punish them ; and if he
sometimes spoke of their past conduct, it was not
by way of reproach, but as it were in joke. How
ever, with regard to some of the nobles who continued
obstinate in their refusal to submit, Ximenez
advised Ferdinand to be firm and severe. Hence,
the duke de Najara and the marquis de Priego,
who were amongst the most turbulent, were severely
punished ; so also were the bishops of Badajoz and
the young duke de Medina-Sidonia. Ximenez was
of great assistance to Ferdinand in his work of
pacification and in the humiliation of the grandees.
It is uncertain whether the cardinal took any part
in the formation of the league of Cambray, which
was directed against Venice, and concluded, De
cember 10th, 1508, between Eerdinand, Louis XII.,
king of France, the emperor Maximilian, and Pope
Julius II. That which gives some ground for the

* That is, deranged, mad.
t Peter Martyr, epp. 367, 368.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 405
uncertainty is, that Ximenez did not assist at the
negotiations. He was then too much occupied with
the expedition to Africa. The league of Cambray
reconciled Ferdinand with two of his most dangerous
enemies, the king of France and the emperor
Maximilian ; the latter renounced all his claims to
the regency of Castile.
A short time after, Ferdinand was delivered from
another source of trouble. His unfortunate daughter
Johanna at last consented (March, 1509) to reside
at Tordesillas, a pleasant and healthful spot, whither
she took the remains of her deceased husband.
There most of her former follies disappeared, that
profound melancholy only remaining which adhered
to her till the end of her days.*
Matters being now quietly settled in the kingdom,
yy Ferdinand at last yielded to the prayers and repre- "
sentations of the cardinal, and resolved to fit out a
considerable fleet for the expedition to Africa.
The object was the conquest of Oran. This city,
situated at a short distance from Mazarquivir,
was one of the most important of the Moorish pos
sessions, being very populous and strongly forti
fied, /ft was a kind of republic, under the protection ,
of the king of Tremesen, and had acquired consider
able opulence by its extensive commerce with the .
Levant. /Oran was also as powerful as it was rich,
having at its command an immense number of
cruisers, which swept the shores of the Mediterranean
and committed fearful ravages. This stronghold .
Ximenez was most anxious to take ever since the
Spaniards gained possession of Mazarquivir : /Via
nelli had already furnished him with plans of the
city and its environs; but the political state of
* Peter Martyr, epp. 410, 411.

406 THE LIFE OF
affairs in Spain had hitherto delaved the fulfilment
of the cardinal's anxious desires. /The cardinal was,
however, now resolved, though in his seventy-second
year, to march in person to the conquest of this
important place, and even to furnish himself all the
necessary expenses, so that the king might incur no
risk or suffer any loss, should the enterprise not
succeed.* In vain did many of the grandees ridi
cule the whole affair, exclaiming " that the world
was turned upside down ; and that while the Great
Captain was telling his beads in Valladolid, the
Franciscan father was preparing himself for battles
and sieges !"!
But impartial observers thought otherwise; for
Gomez assures us, that they considered, Ximenez
possessed all the requisite qualities of a general :
an invincible courage and an admirable prudence,
united with a mind fruitful in resources. Such,
too, was the conviction of Ferdinand himself, who
immediately placed all the forces that could be
raised, at the disposal of Ximenez, and left him to
choose any Spanish port he thought proper for the
equipment of the fleet. He also gave him a number
of blank papers (signed with Ferdinand's name)
which could be filled up by Ximenez, when circum
stances required any orders to be carried out in the
king's name. Two military judges were likewise
annexed to the expedition to punish military offences.
In a word, orders were issued throughout the whole
kingdom for the levy of troops, and the purchase of

* Zeal for the propagation of the faith and the conversion of
the Moors, were the chief motives that enkindled the zeal of
Ximenez. (Eobles, cap. xxii. p. 246.) — Trans.
X " Gonsalvum Fernandum, orbiculos quibus preces annume-
rari solent, Pintise volvere ; antistitem vero Toletanum caedes et
lanienam optare," &c. (Gomez, p. 100.)

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 407
everything necessary for so important an under
taking.* Ximenez Would willingly have named his friend
the "Great Captain" commander of the forces;
but through regard for King Ferdinand, who for
some time had not been on terms of friendship with
Gonsalvo, he intrusted the post to Count Pedro
Navarro, who was brought up in the school of the
illustrious warrior during his Italian campaigns.
Navarro had also recently acquired great glory in
Africa, having conquered for the Portuguese, in
1508, by the permission of Ferdinand, the strong
city of Arzila, in the kingdom of Fez. Troops now
came pouring in from the provinces of Castile and
Aragon, amongst which Alcala especially distin
guished itself by its zeal and energy ; /nence, in a
short time, four thousand horse and ten thousand foot
were under arms,! and officers appointed to com
mand them who were already illustrious for their
bravery. /Gomez gives us the names of several of
them; amongst whom we find a titular bishop,
named Bustamante, at the head of one of the
divisions. Garcias Villaroel, a cousin of the cardi
nal and prefect of Cazorla, commanded the cavalry ;
whilst Vianelli, being perfectly acquainted with the
locality of the country, was named one of the
staff. X
* Leonce de Lavergne highly praises the military talents of
Ximenez, in an article on the conquest of Oran, inserted in the
" Eevue des Deux Mondes" (tom. xxvi. p. 536 ; Mai, 1841). See
also an article on the subject, by Vincente Gonzalez Arnao, in
the " Memorias de la Eeal Academia de la Historia," tom. iv.
pp. 2—15.
t The numbers are variously stated. Flechier says the whole
of the forces amounted to about 16,000 ; while Eobles estimates
the cavalry at 2,000.— Trans.
X Peter Martyr, ep. 413; Mariana, lib. xxix. cap. 18; Zurita,
torn. vi. lib. viii. cap. 30.

408 THE LIFE OF
For some years before, the cardinal had been care
fully husbanding his revenues with a view to this
expedition, so that Peter Martyr and others were
almost inclined to accuse Ximenez of avarice, saying
" that he was richer than Crassus himself." The
metropolitan chapter of Toledo, having "been re
quested by Ximenez to assist him in his expedition,*
sent him a considerable sum " for the success of a
war in which the honour and extension of the Chris
tian faith were interested." Many of the canons
even wished to accompany the cardinal to Africa, if
he would allow them to do so. Pecuniary assistance
was sent from other dioceses also, as Gomez makes
mention of a letter addressed by Ximenez to Ferdi
nand, wherein he expresses his delight " that other
churches and dioceses had followed the example of
Toledo." Though everything was now ready for the expe
dition to sail, it was delayed under various pretexts,
by false reports and base insinuations. At the
head of the intrigue against Ximenez were the
senator Varga and his friend Villalupo, who had
charge of the commissariat and stores. Navarro
himself, by continually proposing new plans, endea
voured to obtain the sole command. But Ximenez
satisfied all the scruples and calmed all the fears of
the king, whilst he reminded him with great wisdom
and judgment, and in words as powerful as they
were worthy of an archbishop, " that his promise
had already been given, and the honour of the
Christian name, as well as the good of the kingdom
were at stake," &c./ By these and other pressing
arguments Ferdinand was induced, towards the end
of the year 1508, to renew his promise of supporting
the expedition. /
* Ximenez addressed a very interesting letter to the chapter
on the subject, the substance of which is given by Gomez. — Trans.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 409
But new difficulties arose, on the part of Varga
and Villalupo, who refused, on various pretexts, to
deliver the munitions provided by them, alleging
that it would be better to forward them to Mazar
quivir in transport vessels rather than intrust them
to the fleet. The folly of such a proposition was
evident, and Ximenez terrified his two enemies into
submission by threatening them with the king's
anger. Matters seeming now to be more quiet, the
cardinal, in the spring of the year 1509, summoned
Navarro and the other principal officers around him,
in order to arrange with them the plan of the expe
dition. He afterwards went to Toledo, and confided
the temporary government of his diocese to the
bishop of Calahorra ; he also collected together the
prefects and governors of various towns and cities,
to the number of twenty-four, each at the head of
his division of troops, and addressed many encou
raging words to them. Public prayers were likewise
ordered for the success of the enterprise. At length,
at the commencement of the year 1509, Ximenez
hastened to join the army, being attended by two of
his canons ; viz., Francisco Alvar, theologian of the
chapter; and Carlo Mendoza, abbot of St. Leoca-
dia : these followed him to Carthagena, where the
fleet, together with the forces, awaited his arrival.
He arrived there March 6th; Navarro had pre
viously ordered the vessels to sail from Malaga
to Carthagena to receive Ximenez. Some more
levies had also been raised by Colonel Spinosa, at
the expense of the cardinal ; while relays of horses
were distributed at certain distances, so as to con
nect Carthagena with different parts of Spain, that
the king might receive immediate information of
what had passed.
/Just as the fleet was about to sail, a mutiny sud
denly broke out in the army. Ximenez had wisely

410 THE LIFE OF
resolved not to give any pay to the soldiers till after
the expedition, in order to be able the more easily '
to keep the military in his power. But now they
refused to embark, declaring " that they would take
no part in the war unless they received the whole
of their pay in advance." In every direction was
heard the wild exclamation /" The monk is rich — ,
let him pay — let him pay us." A great number of
soldiers left the camp, and occupied a neighbouring
hill, threatening at the same time to proceed to extre
mities. Vianelli, instead of suppressing the mutiny,
only enflamed it the more, by executing some of the
ringleaders.* Ximenez, who perceived the threat
ening aspect of affairs, immediately deputed Garcia
Villaroel, prefect of Cazorla, to command Vianelli to
use some mildness. Villaroel probably discharged
his commission somewhat rudely. The consequence
was, that a violent altercation took place between
them. Vianelli spoke contemptuously both of
Ximenez and Villaroel. The latter immediately
drew his sword, and severely wounded Vianelli on
the head. He fled for refuge into the citadel, fearing
the indignation of Ximenez, who, however, soon
reconciled the two combatants by the valuable
services of an officer named Salazar. Being a po
pular speaker, he also harangued the seditious
soldiery, and soon quelled the mutiny. Ximenez,
too, having promised the troops to advance a
portion of their money as soon as they had em
barked, they hastened to the vessels to the sound
of trumpets, bags of gold crowned with boughs of
laurel being carried before them. The pay was dis
tributed according to the cardinal's directions, and
order completely restored. Ximenez, on this occa
sion, deemed it prudent to use mildness and modera-
* Vianelli is supposed to have encouraged the revolt.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 411
tion, especially as he suspected that General Navarro
had excited the revolt, through the hope either of
delaying the expedition or of breaking it up alto
gether.* In a confidential letter addressed to his
faithful friend Buiz, he complained bitterly of the
perfidy he had to endure, together with numerous
other trials and vexations ; but he suffered all things
patiently (he said) in order to avoid greater evils.
/M last, on the 16th of May, 1509, the fleet
weighed anchor/ It consisted of ten galleys, eighty
large transports, besides a large number of smaller
vessels.! The forces amounted to four thousand
horse and ten thousand foot, as we have already
mentioned. /The following day, being the feast of
our Lord's^ Ascension, the fleet reached the coast of
Africa. /Fires were soon observed blazing along the
Moorish hills, announcing the arrival of the enemy, ,
and calling the infidels to arms. All the Spanish
vessels safely entered the port of Mazarquivir,
without having suffered the least injury. /Ximenez
was received by the governor of the city, and con
ducted to his apartments in the castle. But he
spent the night without sleep, occupied in giving
instructions for the following day. All the cares
and troubles which he had lately undergone, had
evidently affected his health. But though his body
was weak and emaciated, his mind still possessed its
wonted vigour ; while he knew well how to infuse
into his soldiers the courage which animated his
own breast, and to elate them with the hope of
victory. * These and other details connected with the expedition are
all taken from Gomez, lib. iv.
t " Classis ergo octoginta actuariis navibus, decern maximis
triremibus, quas nunc regias . galeras vocant, constabat ; prseter
permulta navigia minora, et scapbas majonbus servientes.
(Gomez, p. 107.)

412 THE LIFE OF
He summoned Navarro in his presence, and
assured him, before all the officers, " that the glory .
of this expedition would belong to him alone ; and
that as regarded himself, he only undertook to
furnish the expenses of the war, to encourage
the troops, and to acquaint the king with their
exploits." No time was now to be lost. A council of war
having been held, it was resolved to gain possession
as soon as possible of a hill situated between
Mazarquivir and Oran, and which was the key
to the latter ; if there were any delay, the Moors
would probably hasten to defend it ; and therefore
the galleys were to drop down under the walls of .
Oran in the morning, and attack the city both by
sea and land.*
As soon as the army had landed and formed in
order of battle, Ximenez left the castle. He was
clothed in his pontifical robes and mounted on a
mule, with a belted sword at his side. A number of
priests and religious surrounded him. Before him
rode, on a white charger, a Franciscan friar of im
mense stature, bearing aloft the silver cross of the
primate as the standard;! a scimitar hung from
his girdle, and all the other ecclesiastics wore their
swords, according to the directions of Ximenez. As
it was Friday, the cardinal dispensed the soldiers
from their accustomed fast.
As the cavalcade advanced, the priests and other
religious sang, with great devotion and enthusiasm,
* The hill being the principal point of attack, Oran was at first
assaulted merely to divert the attention of the inhabitants.
Quintanilla gives the best account of the attack in his " Arche-
typo," lib. iii.
t Eobles thus speaks of it : " Un estandarte que de la una
parte Uevava un santo Crucifixo, y de la otra las armas de los
Cisneros " (p. 252).

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 413
the hymn "Vexilla regis prodeunt, fulget Crucis
mysterium," &c. The cardinal rode along the
ranks, and imposing silence, addressed the following
harangue to the troops : — " If I thought, my brave
Spanish soldiers, that your courage and confidence
stood in need of being excited by any words of
mine, it is not I, without eloquence and unskilled
in the art of war, who would have ventured to
address you. This duty I leave to one of your
valiant captains, whose stirring eloquence has often
led you on to victory, and who has won your
confidence by sharing in your toils and triumphs.
But knowing your ardour to prosecute this holy
war, in which both the glory of God and the
welfare of our country are interested, I wish to be
a witness of your bravery and magnanimity now
that the die is cast, as the proverb expresses it.
Eor many years you have heard the words re-""
peated : { The Moors are ravaging our coasts ;
they are dragging our children into slavery ; they
are dishonouring our wives and daughters; they
are insulting the Christian name.' These crimes
and evils you have long thirsted to avenge. Sol-/
diers ! you I have chosen, to give to our country this
consolation. The mothers of Spain have seen us
pass through towns and cities; prostrate before
the altars of God, they have entreated the Most
High to bless our undertaking. They are already
anxious to behold us returning victorious ; already,
in imagination, they behold us breaking the chains
of their captive children, and restoring them once
more to their loving arms. The day so long
desired has at length arrived./ Soldiers ! behold
before you the accursed land: behold the proud
enemy who insults you, and now thirsts for your
blood. Prove to the world this day, that hitherto
it has not been lack of courage on your part, but

414 - THE LIFE OF
only the want of a fitting opportunity to avenge'
the wrongs of your country. As for myself, I wish
to be the first in facing every danger ; for I have
come here with the resolution to conquer or to die
with you, which God forbid/ Where can the priests
of God find a better place than on the battle-field,
fighting for their country and religion? Many
of my noble predecessors in the see of Toledo have
given me an example, and have died a glorious
death on the field of battle."*
After this address, Ximenez was about to place
himself in the foremost ranks of the soldiers, whose
enthusiasm had reached the highest pitch on
hearing the stirring words of the cardinal. They
were deeply affected at beholding a prelate in his
seventieth year, worn out with fatigues and watch*
ings, so anxious to expose his sacred person to
danger. But both men and officers pressed around
him, conjuring him, for the common good and his
own safety, to retire from the field. Ximenez'
very unwillingly yielded to their entreaties, and
retired into the fortress of Mazarquivir, after having
given his blessing to the whole army. In the
citadel was an oratory dedicated in honour of
St. Michael. There, on bended knees and with his
arms uplifted towards heaven, the cardinal offered
his prayers, that the God of battles would grant
victory to the Christians.! -^
Ximenez had, however, scarcely entered the
fortress, when he was informed that Navarro
thought the cavalry would be useless in a country
so hilly as that around Oran appeared to be, and,
* This address is almost a literal translation from Gomez
(lib. iv. p. 109). Flechier has also given a translation of it
(liv. iii. p. 241). Eobles gives merely a short epitome. — Trans.
X Gomez adds, that he also prayed, " multis lachrymis."

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 415
therefore, intended to employ only the fleet and the
infantry. Ximenez, who was quite opposed to such
a measure, immediately left his apartments, and
ordered the cavalry to support the infantry in the
engagement. He also gave orders for the troops
to occupy the defiles of the sierras around Oran, so
as to be out of the reach of any sudden attacks
from the Moors. This double precaution contri
buted considerably to the success of the day.
But another difficulty presented itself to Navarro.
Perceiving an immense number of the enemy occu
pying the heights which he had resolved to attack
first ; seeing also the exhausted state of the troops,
who had hardly recovered from the effects of their
voyage, and that the day was far advanced, Na
varro began to doubt which would be the best
plan to adopt, whether to defer the attack to the
following day, or to profit by the enthusiasm of the
troops and commence the attack immediately. In
this perplexity he hastened to Ximenez to ask his
advice. ./The cardinal, after a few moments' reflec
tion, replied in the following words : — " Navarro,
in this engagement, Christ, the Son of the Most
High, and the impostor Mahomed, are about to
contend. To defer the battle, would, I consider, not
only be injurious and dangerous, but also sinful;
therefore, be not fearful, but lead your men on to
battle ; for I am confident that this day you will
gain a glorious victory over the enemy."*/ The
wisdom of this advice was afterwards seen, for only
three hours after the capture of Oran, the messuar,
or chief visir of Tremesen, arrived with powerful
reinforcements ; but seeing the city already in the
* Gomez, p. 109. Prescott and others sadly curtail these
words, which seem to have been, as it were, inspired.

416 THE LIFE OF
hands of the Christians, immediately returned,
without attempting its relief.
Navarro, returning to the camp, gave instant
orders for the troops to advance. He divided the
infantry into four battalions, placing the artillery
and cavalry in the rear. When the trumpet sounded
for the attack, the troops raised the national shout,
" Santiago, Santiago !" and began their ascent up
the sides of the sierra, amidst a shower of stones
and arrows which were hurled down upon them by
the Moors. But the Spaniards pressed forward
with such impetuosity, that some of the foremost
soon came in contact with the enemy, with whom
they fought, contrary to the commands of their
officers, hand, to hand, according to the chivalrous
custom of the time. Luis Contreras was killed in
one of these single combats, and his head, having
been cut off, was carried to Oran and shown to the
populace as the first trophy of victory ; after which
the children kicked it about in the streets like a ball.
The Christian captives were told that the head
belonged to the " great alfaqui," that is, to the car
dinal ; but the falseness of the report was detected
by one of the prisoners, who had been a servant of
Ximenez. The Spaniards gradually became masters
of the lower part of the sierra, where they found a
stream of clear water that restored their exhausted
strength. The attack was again renewed, while
the Moors, rushing down, endeavoured to drive back
their assailants. The position was disputed with
fearful obstinacy, until at length Navarro placed a
battery of guns in such a position as to operate on
the dense masses of the enemy. Their flank being
attacked, the enemy began to waver, seeing them
selves decimated both by the sword and the fire of
the Spanish artillery. A retreat was made, which
soon ended in a confused flight. The heights being

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 417
abandoned, the Spaniards pursued the flying enemy,
without paying the least regard to the commands or
menaces of their officers ; a circumstance which
might have proved fatal, but fortunately only tended
to increase the terror of the Moors, who supposed
the Spanish army to be much more numerous than
it really was.
The fleet/ in the mean time, had anchored before
the city, and opened upon it a heavy fire, which was
answered with great spirit and vigour from the '
Moorish battlements, until at last a Spanish gunner,
by a well-directed shot, destroyed one of the prin
cipal batteries. The fire of the enemy beginning to
slacken in consequence, the troops on board made
good their landing and soon joined their comrades,
who, pushing forward with all haste towards Oran,
resolved to carry the place by escalade : though but
ill provided with ladders, they overcame every ob
stacle. In a short time the Spanish colours floated
from the walls. The first who gained the summit
was Sousa, a captain of the cardinal's guard, who,
having planted the standard of his master on the
highest tower of the fortifications, exclaimed with
a loud voice, Santiago y Ximenez ! The soldiers,
rushing into the city, obtained possession of the
gates, and threw them open to their comrades. For
some time the enemy continued the engagement
with obstinate fury: seeing themselves, however,
pressed on all sides by the Spaniards, they fled in
confused masses towards Tremesen ; but being met
Jby the Spanish cavalry, they were all cut to pieces.
'Though the victory was glorious, it was stained -
with cruelty and unnecessary bloodshed. _ All were
massacred within the walls, without distinction of
age or sex. In vain did Navarro call the troops
off; in vain did he strive to restrain their fury.
They returned to the slaughter with renewed
2 E

418 THE LIFE OF
madness, until at last, wearied with plundering and
butchery, and gorged with wine, the greater part
of the soldiers sank down in the streets to sleep
by the side of the bodies they had slaky
Navarro, fearing an ambuscade on the part of
the Moors, kept watch all the night with some
troops under arms. The following day, when the
sun rose on the scene of carnage, the Spaniards
were thoroughly ashamed of their previous excesses.
The general placed guards at all the important
points, and summoned the Moors, who had fled to
the mosques and other places, to surrender ; his
object was to have everything quiet and secure
in the city before the arrival of the cardinal.
Force, however, was necessary, in order to gain
possession of the mosques, which were only taken
after . considerable difficulty and labour. fFour
thousand Moors are said to have fallen in the battle, •
and from five to eight thousand were made prisoners; '¦!
while the loss of the Spaniards is said to have
amounted only to thirty,* an assertion which can
scarcely be believed. The spoil was estimated at
about five hundred thousand golden ducats ; in con- "
sequence of which many of the soldiers returned to
Spain exceedingly rich with their share of the
booty.! if When Ximenez received, the same evening, the
news of the glorious victory, he spent the whole.
night in acts of praise and thanksgiving to God.
The following day he proceeded by sea to Oran,
where he made his solemn entry, preceded by the
archiepiscopal cross, and surrounded by his victo-
* The number certainly seems incredible ; but both Gomez
and Eobles state that it amounted only to thirty slain. — Trans.
X Several minor particulars of the engagement have been
omitted by Dr. Hefele ; while Prescott gives several details which
are not found in Gomez. — Trans.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 419
rious troops, who received him with loud acclama
tions of joy, declaring " that he alone was the real
conqueror of the infidels." But the cardinal, humbly
disclaiming any merit on his part, was heard to
repeat aloud the words of the Psalmist : " Non
nobis, Domine, non nobis, sed nomini tuo da
gloriam." ^Ximenez immediately proceeded to the fortress
called Alcazava, where, having received the keys
from the governor, he had the inexpressible happi
ness of setting at liberty three hundred Christians,
who had been taken captives to Oran. The spoil
found in the city was presented to him, as being the
commander-in-chief ; but though it consisted of a
great number of most valuable objects in gold and
silver, he took nothing for himself, but merely ¦
reserved a part for the king, and divided the
rest amongst the army, /lie thanked publicly
the whole of the forces, including the generals and
officers, for the signal courage they had displayed
in the capture of the city ; and distributed decora
tions and presents to those who had particularly
distinguished themselves. //Fearing a pestilence
might arise, he also ordered the bodies of the slain
to be removed and interred as soon as 'possible.
Such a quantity of provisions were found in the
city, and especially so many engines of war, amount
ing to more than sixty pieces of cannon,* that every
one was astonished such a strong place could have
been taken in a few hours. Some believed a
miracle had been wrought by the piety of the cardi
nal ; whilst others, and especially the Moors them- •
selves, suspected treachery on the part of some of
the inhabitants of Oran, who shut the gates of the
city against the Arabs that were coming to their
* "Plusquam sexaginta sunt capta." (Gomez.)
2 e 2

420 THE LIFE OF
assistance, and opened them for the Spanish troops.
'Another account is also given by Gomez, of the
cardinal having gained over to his side, by means of
two individuals, named Alfonso Martos and Martin
Argoto, some of the principal inhabitants in Oran,
who acted as spies, and gave Ximenez secret intel
ligence of the movements and plans in the Moorish
camp.* Ximenez remained in Oran for some time. The
day after his entry, he visited the city on horseback,
in order to examine its situation, and give the neces
sary orders for the repair of the fortifications. /He
was especially assiduous in dedicating the mosques
to the worship of the true God, having converted
them into churches. The principal one was conse
crated in honour of the Blessed Virgin, under the
title of the Annunciation. He ordered a solemn
festival to be celebrated every year, in memory of
the conquest of Oran. / Another mosque was
dedicated in honour of St. James, the patron of
Spain, and an hospital established and dedicated to
St. Bernardin of Sienna./ He also founded two
monasteries, one for Eranciscans and the other for
Dominicans. And as he was fearful lest many of
the converted Spanish Jews might hasten to Oran,
in order to renounce the Christian religion with
impunity, he established a tribunal of the Inqui
sition there, ^appointing as the chief officer over it
a priest named Yiedra, who was as pious as he
was learned.
The cardinal immediately sent a courier to Ferdi
nand, to give him all the necessary information
respecting the capture of Oran. Fernandez de
* M. Leonce de Lavergne maiutains, as an undeniable fact,
that a Jew and a few Moors were induced by Ximenez to assist
him in the capture of the city. (" Eevue aes Deux Mondes,"
tom. xxvi. ; Mai, 1841.)

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 421
Vera was chosen to carry the despatches ; but the
thoughtless young man, more intent on enjoying
himself during the journey than on minding his
errand, allowed a soldier, who perceived his negli
gence, skilfully to steal the despatches from him,
and on their delivery to Ferdinand, to receive the
presents which were intended for Vera. Xime
nez afterwards deputed his faithful friend, Fran
cisco Buiz, to repair the negligence of the first
messenger. The cardinal now began to deliberate about the
propriety of advancing still farther into Africa with
his victorious army. An event which happened
about this time had some weight with Ximenez.
The inhabitants of Tremesen, being exasperated at
the capture of Oran, seized their arms, and massa
cred all the Christian merchants in the town, in
spite of the efforts of the king to restrain them, and
although they were living under the royal protec
tion. The Jews shared the same fate. But when
the first transports of their fury had passed away, the
Moors were seized with terror. Fancying that the
Spaniards were already at the gates, they abandoned
-their homes, and retired into the kingdom of Fez.
But if this could be considered a favourable cu-t
cumstance for the continuance of the war, other
reasons induced Ximenez not to carry it on in person.
Navarro began to be very jealous of the cardinal's
fame ; and on one occasion publicly said, " that he
never could have thought an old captain like him
self would have been obliged to receive orders from
a monk." When one of Navarro's soldiers had
killed a domestic of the cardinal, and the latter was
about to order instant punishment to be inflicted
on the culprit, Navarro interfered, and insolently
addressed the following unbecoming language to
Ximenez : " Whatever disorder arises, comes from

422 THE LIFE OF
you. No army ever knew two masters. Had I
the sole command in Africa, I could subdue the
country in a few months. The king nominated you
generalissimo solely for the siege of Oran : with the
siege, therefore, your power expires. Beturn to
your diocese, and there reap the fruits of your
victory ; but if you remain here, know that hence
forth you shall be treated as no other than a private
individual."* This threat was no sooner pro
nounced than executed.
Ximenez, however, preserved his composure, and
made no reply. On the following day he sent for
Navarro, and issued his orders as usual, mildly
but firmly. Navarro obeyed, and also acknow
ledged his fault. But what contributed more than
anything else to induce Ximenez to return to Spain
was a letter which fell into his hands, addressed
by the king to Navarro, in which Ferdinand re
quested him " to detain Ximenez in Africa as long
as his presence was necessary." The old prelate's
feelings were hurt, for he began to suspect that
the king wished him to die in a foreign and
burning climate. The jealous mind of Ferdinand
seemed to justify this suspicion, for he could not
endure to see the glory of his friend, the " Great
Captain," dimmed by that of Ximenez.
The cardinal immediately resolved to hasten
his return to Spain. Before his departure he ap
pointed Navarro commander-in-chief of the army,
observing at the same time, that " old men were
usually timid and circumspect, and that he was
convinced he could be of more service to the war in
Africa by returning to Spain than by remaining in
the camp." He then gave Navarro much good
* One can hardly believe such language could have been used
by Navarro, had not Gomez given us the very words themselves.
— Trans.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 423
advice respecting the government of the new ac
quisitions, entreating the general especially not to
allow any fraud or embezzlement by his officers.
For the maintenance of the army, he left an abun
dant supply of stores, consisting of fruit, wine, and
biscuit ; and for the revictualling of the fleet, a large
sum of money. He also appointed Villaroel gover
nor of the fortress Alcazava, and promised to send
him from Spain, as soon as he arrived there, an
abundant supply of provisions.
All the officers were so much affected by the
cardinal's kindness and attention, that they imme
diately entreated him not to abandon them in a
strange land ; for as fortune had so wonderfully
favoured them under his guidance, they were
afraid that if he now left them, it would fare
ill with them. Navarro himself joined his en
treaties with those of the soldiers, and appeared
exceedingly grieved for his past conduct towards
Ximenez. The cardinal set sail from Oran on the 23rd of
May (1509), and with a favourable wind arrived the
same day at Carthagena, accompanied by a few
attendants. He remained there a week, solely occu
pied with providing for the necessities of the army,
and establishing a line of transports to run between
Carthagena and Oran. He also addressed a letter
to Ferdinand, entreating him to send royal com
missioners to Carthagena, with powers to provide
everything requisite for Oran and the troops quar
tered there. Towards the end of May, fearing he
might suffer from the excessive heat of the place,
he departed for Alcala de Henares. Before the
harvest commenced, he most kindly sent to their
homes all the labourers whom he had enrolled for
the war; and afterwards, in his will, appointed
two canons of Toledo to visit all his subjects, and

424 THE LIFE OF
repay them for whatever losses they had sustained
from the expedition to Oran.
The rector of the university of Alcala, Don Pedro
Campo, hearing of the cardinal's approach, deputed
two of the most distinguished doctors to advance a
day's journey, and meet his eminence. The cardi
nal received them with exceeding joy, like a father
receiving his children after a long absence. Whilst
taking refreshments with them, he asked many
questions respecting the state of the colleges, the
progress of the new buildings, the state of discipline,
and the number of students. The two professors
were utterly astonished on hearing Ximenez speak
only of the Muses, instead of dwelling upon his
African conquests and brave Spanish soldiers. One
of them, named Fernando Balbas, playfully alluded
to the cardinal's pale looks and emaciated frame.
Ximenez, roused by the remark, as if it were a re
flection upon his indolence or cowardice, replied
with warmth : " You do not know, Fernando, the
strength and vigour which God has given me. Had
my army been faithful to me, pale and emaciated
as you see me, I should have hastened at this
moment to plant the Cross of Christ in all the chief
cities of Africa."*
The next day he made his entry into Alcala, where
he was greeted, both by the citizens and the students
of the university, with extraordinary acclamations.
A part of the walls had been broken down, in order to
receive him as a conqueror in the most solemn man
ner ; but Ximenez refused this honour, preferring to
enter through the usual gate. He was preceded, as
in the triumphs of ancient times, by a body of
Moorish slaves, leading camels loaded with the
* Translated from Gomez (lib. iv.), but almost wholly omitted
by Dr. Hefele. — Trans.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 425
booty* destined for the king. For himself the
cardinal had reserved some rare curiosities, with
which he intended to enrich his beloved univer
sity ; viz., several Arabic manuscripts on astrology
and medicine ; the keys of the gates and citadel
of Oran ; some chandeliers and basins from the
mosques ; Moorish colours which had been taken ;
besides several other things — all of which Ximenez
ordered to be preserved in the church of San Ilde
fonso.! To Talavera he sent the key of Oran, which
had for a long time been called the " key of Tala
vera," because it was taken by a captain of that
city, named Bernardin de Meneses. He also pre
sented a red standard, in the middle of which figured
an azure crescent. Both these gifts were deposited
in a chapel of the Blessed Virgin.
In order to perpetuate the memory of the capture
of Oran, a large tablet was placed in the Mozarabic
chapel of the cathedral of Toledo, containing the
following inscription, which gives an epitome of
the events already related in this history. It is
taken from Bobles (p. 143) : —
" Anno salutis Christianse millesimo quingen-
tesimo nono, pontificatus domini Julii papse secundi
anno sexto, regnante serenissima domina Joanna
regina Castellse, relicta quondam Philippi Bur-
gundi, unici Maximiliani imperatoris nati, ac pro
ea Ferdinando ejus genitore Aragonum et utrius-
que Sicilian rege Catholico regnorum gubernacula
gerente : reverendissimus pater et dominus frater
Franciscus Ximenez de Cisneros, cardinalis Hi-
* " Cameli auro argentoque ex pr»da Africana onusta^."
(Gomez.) .
t Gomez says that they were to be seen in bis time. " Qua?
adhuc Compluti magno studio visuntur." At the present day,
a few curiosities are still shown in the sacristy of the cathedral at
Toledo, which are said to have been brought from Oran by
Ximenez. — 1

426 THE LIFE OF
spanige et archiepiscopus Toletanus, ex portu
Oarthaginensi cum ingenti armatorum classe, tor-
mentis et commeatibus refectissima, movens, in
biduo ad Mazarquibir, die decimo octavo Maii
appulit, et ea nocte in classe pernoctato, sequenti
die egresso e navibus exercitu, cum hostibus con-
flictum habuerunt, quibus ultra urbis Aurensis
ambitu expulsis et profligatis ad portas usque
impune preventum est, ubi picas pro scalis ad
muros exponentes, in urbem primi congressores
ascenderunt, et elevatis ad mcenia signis Christia-
norum ac portis undique reseratis, cuncti fideles
pariter intraverunt, et csesis passim iv. mill.
h ostium, urbs ipsa cum arce infra quatuor horas
capitur, triginta de nostris solum desideratis, an-
nuente Deo, qui in Trinitate perfecta vivit et
regnat in ssecula sseculorum. Amen."
Ximenez remained a few months in Alcala, in
order to recruit his health. But he declined going
for the present either to Toledo or to the court at
Valladolid, to receive the congratulations which he
heard awaited him there. However, at his request,
the chapter of Toledo ordered public prayers to be
offered, to thank God for the success of the expedition
and his safe return to Spain. But the sad news
which Ximenez received from Oran about this time
considerably lessened his joy. Zarata, one of the
chief judges there, had informed him that Navarro
and Vianelli, by acts of the most revolting avarice,
were actually causing a famine in the city, in
spite of the abundant supply of provisions which
Ximenez had sent from Spain. They had monopo
lized all the corn, and forbidden any to be introduced
into the place. In vain Zarata endeavoured to put
an end to such disorders. He was only answered
by threats; and when he offered to resign his

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 427
office and return to Spain, was not allowed to do
so, lest he should inform the king of their conduct.
Ximenez then considered it his duty to inform
Ferdinand of the disgraceful proceedings of Na
varro. He requested his majesty to exclude him
from all authority in the civil government, and
confine him to his military command. Moreover,
in order to introduce more unity in the operations
of the military power in Africa, Ximenez pressed
upon Ferdinand the necessity of placing Oran and
the citadel of Mazarquivir, under the authority of
one and the same governor. He proposed Don
Fernando de Cordova, the then prefect of Mazar
quivir, as the person most capable, in his opinion,
of fulfilling the duties of that important post.
" It is also necessary," continued Ximenez, " to
send a certain number of priests to Oran with fixed
salaries, and to establish colonies, in order that
the fertile soil of the country may be cultivated."
In a word, Ximenez reminded Ferdinand, if he
wished to preserve the Spanish conquests in Africa,
it was of the highest importance that the defence of
Oran should be committed to the knights of the
order of St. James — each knight being required to
spend at least twenty years in the country — just as
the knights of St. John: of Jerusalem had done for
the defence of Bhodes against the Turks.*
Ferdinand complied with the whole of this advice,
except the latter part ; but Ximenez did not live to
see it fulfilled, not daring during his regency to
attempt so important an undertaking without the
consent of Charles V., and died before he had an
opportunity of conferring with the young monarch
* Gomez, lib. iv. Mariana, lib. xxix. cap. 18. Flechier, liv. iii.
pp. 259-260.

428 THE LIFE OF
on the subject. /In accordance with the pressing
solicitations of the wise statesman, Ferdinand in
the following year ordered Navarro to attack the
strong and important Moorish city of Bugia, which
the Spaniards took- on the 5th of January, 1510,*
after having performed prodigies of valour. The
joy over the victory, however, was lessened by the
death of Count Altamira, who, in charging boldly
the ranks of the enemy at the head of his troops,
was mortally wounded by a poisoned arrow. When
he perceived his end to be near, he lifted up his
eyes towards heaven, and thanked God that he died
fighting in His cause. His death was universally
regretted by the whole army, and by none more
than Ximenez, who had raised the young hero to
the rank of lieutenant-general during the expedi
tion to Oran, on account of his bravery.
Five months later, the king of Bugia endeavoured
with a powerful army to retake his capital ; but he
was repulsed with great slaughter by Navarro.
'Algiers, Tunis, and Tremesen soon became subject
to the Spanish crown ; while, towards the end of
July, Navarro became master of Tripoli.! Such
unexpected successes caused the greatest joy, not
only to Eerdinand and Ximenez, but also to the
pope and the sacred college. A solemn act of
thanksgiving was performed in Bome, and in a
consistory held by Julius II. the highest eulogiums
were passed upon Ximenez as the first author and
soul of these successful expeditions.!
In the mean time, a fatal accident happened in
* Peter Martyr (epist. 434). Elechier is mistaken in the date
1511; it ought to be 1510.
t Gomez (lib. iv.).
+ Peter Martyr (epp. 435, 436, 437, 440, 442). Gomez
(lib. iv.).

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 429
Africa to the illustrious Vianelli and Don Garcias
de Toledo. The first perished through the treason
of an officer whom he had injured. One day he
went to dig a well at some distance from the fortress,
without having any guard with him but a few
servants. The officer secretly conducted some
armed Moors to the place ; where they suddenly
attacked Vianelli, and massacred both him and his
servants. Garcias de Toledo, son of the duke of Alba, and
father of the celebrated captain of the same name,
had attacked, by the orders of Navarro, the isle of
Gerbe or Zerbi,* near Tripoli. Being the month
of August (1510), the heat was excessive. The
soldiers, oppressed by a devouring thirst, hastened
in disorder to the different wells in the island.
But whilst quenching their thirst, they forgot to
take the requisite precautions against the enemy,
who suddenly emerging from a wood of palm-trees,
assailed the Spaniards, and killed Garcias and four
thousand of his soldiers. Those who escaped the
sword died through thirst. This was the com
mencement of Navarro's misfortunes. Losing the
favour of Ferdinand, he renounced his allegiance,
and served in the armies of France. But being
afterwards taken prisoner by the Spaniards, he
was confined in a dungeon, where he soon died ;
or, as some assert, put an end to his existence.
With him terminated Ferdinand's conquests in
Africa.! Ximenez was at last induced to visit Toledo, in
order to fulfil the vows he had made during his
* Prescott and Elechier call the island Gelves. — Trans.
X Villaroel returned from Oran to enjoy a life of repose. But
having ill-treated a respectable citizen, he lost the favour of
Ximenez, and died in obscurity. — Trans.

430 THE LIFE OF
expedition to Oran, and to gratify the wishes of his
venerable chapter. He was received with unbounded
joy. He ordered two annual masses to be solemnly
celebrated by the chapter (for which he left suffi
cient funds), in memory of the day on which the
Spanish army took Oran and he made his solemn
entry into the captured city. As long as he lived,
he never ceased to take the deepest interest in his
" dear Christian oasis," that lay amidst a desert of
infidelity : even death itself, if we may credit some
of the cardinal's biographers, could not lessen his
affection or solicitude for it. The tradition is, that
the Moors often beheld the gigantic form of a
Franciscan wearing a cardinal's hat, some times
riding on a mule, and at other times fighting against
them with a sword in his hand at the head of Ms
troops. It was in the year 1643, at the time when the
Moors of Algiers were besieging Oran, that the form
of the cardinal was seen last, infusing new courage
into the Spanish soldiers and promising them
victory. Other prodigies are mentioned by Quin
tanilla,* who seems to be too fond of the mar
vellous. But without our being obliged to give credence to
these, or deciding on what foundation they rest, it
is certain, that for some centuries the Spaniards
retained possession of their African conquests, until
the year 1790, when an earthquake occurred and
destroyed nearly the whole of the city. It soon
after fell into the hands of the dey of Algiers. But
in our time Oran and the north of Africa fortu
nately again belong to Christians, and form an
important colony of the French empire.
(The plan which Ximenez had conceived, of plant-
* " Archetypo," &c, lib. iv. cap. 21. (Ed. Palermo, 1653.)

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 431
ing Christianity in Africa, and there establishing
the power of Spain, was full of grandeur and wisdom. /
Charles V. hoped to see it realized. But it was not
the fault of these two great men, if the daily decay
ing state of the monarchy, so far from extending its
conquests, was at length unable even to preserve
them. /With the Spanish lion, the cross of Christ
also disappeared from the soil of Africa.

432 THE LIFE OF

CHAPTEB XX.
XIMENEZ ATTENDS TO HIS DIOCESE. — HIS MUNIFICENCE. —
TEEESA ANTIQUES. — THE UNKIND TEEATMENT WHICH HE BE-
CEIVED EE0M EERDINAND, ETC.
After the death of Isabella, Ximenez, being
engaged in many important matters, could not
bestow so much attention to his diocese as he
desired. But when the regency had been secured
to Ferdinand, the troubles in Castile settled, and
the conquest of Oran achieved, Ximenez considered
it his duty to visit his diocese, and provide for
its necessities. The first object of his solicitude was
the church of Baza. It was originally under the
jurisdiction of the bishop of Toledo : in the eighth
century it was taken by the Moors, and reconquered
by Isabella in 1489. The church was then incor
porated by the queen, as part of the diocese of Cadiz,
by and with the consent of Mendoza, who was pri
mate of Spain. Ximenez, wishing to have it restored
to the diocese of Toledo, referred the matter to his
chapter, and ordered the archives to be examined, in
order to prove his claim. The Holy See, also, having
been consulted, gave its decision in favour of Baza
being restored to Toledo.
Ximenez soon after founded a convent for nuns
at Illescas, which was dedicated to the Blessed
Virgin ; and another Franciscan convent at Torre
laguna,* the place of his birth. Hearing that a
* Ximenez endowed these convents with ample revenues. Don
Antonio Ponz speaks of a Franciscan monastery being in existence
there, when he visited the town in the last century : " Fabrica

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 433
monastery, not far distant from that town, had
become disorderly, he visited it to restore discipline.
Once, when a great scarcity of provisions occurred
in his diocese, he ordered public granaries to be
erected; and from his own revenue settled upon
the poor an annual donation of forty thousand
measures of wheat. He committed the distribu
tion of it to the magistrates, who, in order to testify
their gratitude, raised a fund for the performance
of an annual service, in the chapel where the
Mozarabic Liturgy was celebrated in Toledo, at the
conclusion of which a panegyric was to be pro
nounced in honour of Ximenez. In proportion
to their extent, the cardinal bestowed the same
relief, under certain conditions, upon the towns
of Cisneros and Alcala de Henares. In Torrela
guna, he also erected a magnificent church,* and
endowed it with ample funds. For the conve
nience of the building, as well as for the benefit of
the public, he constructed an immense aqueduct,
for the formation of which passages were opened
through rocks and mountains. The expense is
said to have amounted to a million of English
money. But, in the midst of his pastoral solicitude, an event
happened about this time which caused Ximenez
great trouble and vexation. Several of the gran
dees, whom he had been instrumental in humbling,
had long sought an opportunity of making him lose
the favour of Ferdinand. When the cardinal was
in Oran, he ordered that all the correspondence
between Spain and Africa should pass through his
hands ; hence, he opened the king's letter to
Navarro, of which we have already spoken in the
grande y solida, que fundo el Cardenal Cisneros," Ac. (" Viage
de Espana," ed. Madrid, 1781, carta, iii. tomo decimo.)— Trans.
* Described by Ponz, ut supra.
2 F

434 THE LIFE OF
preceding chapter. When Ximenez returned to
Spain, the circumstance of the letter having been
opened was eagerly laid hold of by the nobles, who
denounced the act to the king as a public outrage,
and an attempt upon the rights and privileges of
his majesty.
But, not content with seeking the ruin of the car
dinal, they also wished to deprive him of the greater
part of his property, hoping that this would result
from his losing the king's favour. Knowing the
royal exchequer to be almost exhausted, and
Ferdinand ready to seize any pretext in the hope
of freeing himself from his obligations, they repre
sented to him that the cardinal could not demand
payment of the money which he had lent for the
conquest of Oran; for though they could not
positively deny the engagements to which the king
had pledged himself before the expedition, yet
they maintained that the cardinal had acquired so
much glory as well as booty in Africa, that he lost
all right to demand any other compensation. The
conditions to which the king had acceded were, that
he should either annex Oran to the archbishopric
of Toledo, or refund from the treasury the expense
incurred by Ximenez. Ferdinand seemed unwilling
to fulfil the contract. The cardinal, however, both
asserted his claim, and refuted the objections
urged against him. " As for the booty," he said,
" all that he had reserved for himself were a few
books and manuscripts, which he had bestowed
upon his university ; a gift which would tend rather
to the benefit of the country at large than to his
own profit."
Ximenez, finding that he gained no redress, wrote
a letter to the king, in which he reminded him of
his promise, and alleged in excuse for his appli
cation the demands of the Church upon the money

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 435
expended on the expedition. The king referred the
matter to his council, and proposed for their delibe
ration, whether it would be better to grant the juris
diction of Oran to the cardinal, or to reimburse him.
Some gave it as their opinion, that the first propo
sition was the best, because the maintenance of the
garrison of Oran would then belong to the arch
bishops of Toledo. But others objected to the offer,
because thereby an important position, the key of
the whole kingdom, would be placed at the discre
tion of individuals, — a measure at all times danger
ous, as the treason of Count Julian, assisted by
Archbishop Oppa, had proved. The king agreed
with this opinion, and accordingly decided on repay
ing the money, but with conditions exceedingly
hurtful to the feelings of the cardinal. A com
missioner was appointed to examine all his private
apartments, to see what he had reserved for himself
from the spoils of Oran. The soldiers, too, whom
Ximenez had levied for the expedition, were com
manded to show to the commissioner the carpets,
silks, and other articles distributed amongst them,
a fifth part of which was to be set apart for the king.
But Ximenez refunded to these poor men the amount
of what they had forfeited, and consoled them under
their trial. As for himself, being conscious of his
rights, he bore the indignity in silence, contenting
himself with merely producing his account-book.
About the same time, the king proposed to him, to
cede the archbishopric of Toledo to his natural son,
Alonso de Aragon, in exchange for the archbishopric
of Zaragoza. Don Alonso was a worldly prelate, a
skilful politician, and an intrepid warrior, exceed
ingly beloved by his father. Ximenez declined the
offer, with as much dignity as firmness : " Never
will I leave my spouse," he replied, " m exchange
for another; I would rather return to my former
2 f 2

436 THE LIFE OF
state, the poverty and solitude of which have always
been dear to me. I will not give up my see to any
one, except to the church and the poor." Here
the matter ended. Ximenez heard no more from
Eerdinand on the subject.*
In the year 1510, when Ximenez was in Alcala,
he received information of the death of the bishop
of Salamanca. No one appeared more worthy to
occupy the vacant see than Erancisco Buiz : but
every one knew in what horror the cardinal held all
intrigues for obtaining ecclesiastical dignities. This
time, however, Ximenez appeared really anxious
that his old and dear friend should obtain the
bishopric. He, therefore, commissioned one of his
domestics to have an interview with Eerdinand and
to solicit the dignity in favour of Buiz. But as
Ferdinand had previously nominated Erancisco Bo
badilla, son of the celebrated countess de Moja, who
was a particular friend of Isabella, he sent word to
Ximenez, that Buiz might, if he chose, succeed
Bobadilla in the bishopric of Ciudad-Bodrigo. He
did so. Some years after, on the death of the bishop
of Avila, Buiz was translated to that see : this was
done, however, without the consent of Ximenez,
who was opposed to bishops changing their sees.
Though at this period Ferdinand showed a certain
coldness towards the cardinal, yet all was forgotten
by him when his interests or the welfare of the king
dom were at stake. As he had espoused the cause
of Pope Julius II. against the king of France, he
applied to Ximenez for his co-operation, and desired
him to meet him at Seville. The Cardinal immedi
ately obeyed the summons, though it was in the
depth of winter (January, 1511). It was necessary
* This circumstance is related by Pulgar, in his life of the
cardinal. (See Flechier, " Histoire du Cardinal Ximenes," liv. iii.
p. 272.)— Trans.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 437
for him to pass through a small town in Castile,
called Torrijos, where lived a pious lady, named
Teresa Antiques. Ximenez had been her confessor
when he was a simple religious. She was very
anxious to receive and entertain him in her house,
on account of the great esteem she had for him, and
her desire to profit by his instructions and advice.
But knowing how particular Ximenez was with
regard to females, she caused a report to be spread
that she was obliged to leave home on account of
urgent business. In the mean time the cardinal
accepted her invitation, supposing that she had really
left the town ; but he was hardly a few hours in
the house before the lady returned, and requested
an audience of him. Ximenez, however, was so
angry with her, on discovering the ruse, that he
instantly left the house, without even attending to^
the usual rules of politeness, and took up his resi
dence in a neighbouring Franciscan monastery. The
next morning he departed at an early hour.*
In order to satisfy his piety he remained a few
days at Guadaloupe, a place celebrated for the num
ber of pilgrims resorting there in honour of our
Blessed Lady. Ximenez left behind him many proofs
of his munificence and veneration for the Mother of
God. Continuing his journey along roads that were
almost impassable, he arrived at the town of Eor
nillos, where he had formerly resided for some time
with Queen Johanna, after the death of her husband.
The inhabitants, who had preserved a grateful re
membrance of his kindness, showed him the greatest
marks of respect. On the way the cardinal lost a
great number of mules belonging to his retinue,
through their having eaten a poisonous plant which
grew in that part of the country. As he approached
* The account is taken from Gomez, lib. v.

438 THE LIFE OF
Seville, towards the end of February, 1511, he sent
word to his representative at court, Lopez Ayala,
that he should arrive the following evening. When
Ferdinand heard this, he went out several miles
with his court, to meet a man whom he loved not,
but of k whose advice and assistance he stood much
in need. The compliment, however, gave great
offence to the courtiers.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 439

CHAPTEB XXI.
THE CAEDINAL SUPP0ETS THE CAUSE OE POPE JULIUS II.
On the death of Pius III., Julius II. was elected
to succeed him, a pontiff who possessed both mili
tary and political talents of the highest order, which
threw into the shade all his predecessors. He was
an enemy of all nepotism; but, being more of a
secular than an ecclesiastical prince, he directed his
efforts, not to the aggrandisement of his family, but
to the extension of the temporal powerof theChurch.*
Above all, he was most anxious to reconquer the
territories which had been wrested from the states
of the Church, to force his vassals into obedience,
and to put an end to the depredations which his
enemies were continually making upon the inheri
tance of St. Peter. He was also the declared enemy
of Venice, which was then at the height of her
power, and mistress of almost all the seaports in the
pontifical states.
The first years of his reign were occupied in sub
duing the pride and insolence of the Baglionis,
Bentivoglios, and other intractable vassals. At last
an opportunity presented itself of humbling the
" Lion of St. Mark." The republic had recently-
gained a brilliant victory over the emperor Maxi
milian, and imposed upon him most humiliating
conditions. But this triumph was the subsequent
cause of all its misfortunes. The, king of France,
Louis XIL, viewed with a jealous eye the strength
* See Peter Martyr, ep. 577.

440 THE LIFE OF
and power of Venice increasing more and more
every day ; hence he began to fear for his states of
Milan, seeing they were near so dangerous a foe.
Under the frivolous pretext that his dignity had
been wounded, in the treaty concluded between the
republic and the emperor, he formed the celebrated
League of Cambray* with Maximilian, the pope,
and the king of Spain, with the sole object of
enfeebling Venice and depriving her of her posses
sions. This design was accomplished by the allies
during the years 1509 and 1510, when Julius II.
recovered the rich domains of which the republic
had despoiled the states of the Church.
But the political views of the pope did not rest
here. Though Venice was weakened, France, on the
other hand, was all-powerful in the south of Italy,
where she had possession of Milan : might she not,
therefore, become a dangerous enemy to the ponti
fical states ? Whatever may have been the motives
of his holiness, he separated himself from his former
allies, and took part with the Venetians against
Erance. The king of France was naturally exceed
ingly surprised and irritated at the sudden change
in the sovereign pontiff's politics, which thus
destroyed all his plans and designs with regard to
Italy. He immediately vowed vengeance, and even
resolved to overthrow the pope himself, if possible.
Two methods were devised for effecting this object ;
viz., the force of arms, and the convocation of a
council in opposition to the Holy See. The first
was very soon carried into execution, for in the sum
mer of 1510, while the French prelates were assem
bled at Tours, a French army seized upon Bologna.
About the same time the emperor Maximilian and
Louis XIL, in concert with several cardinals, at the
* December 10th, 1508.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 441
head of whom was the Spanish cardinal Bernardin
de Carvajal, convened a council at Pisa. There the
pope was accused of having disturbed the peace of
Europe, of having gained the tiara by simony, and
neglected, in spite of his solemn promise, to assem
ble a general council.
Surrounded by these difficulties, and confined to
his bed by an attack of fever, Julius II. wrote to
the king of Spain. His letter arrived at Seville
(May 18th, 1511), where Ferdinand and Ximenez
were then residing. The pontiff explained to his
majesty the deplorable state of affairs, especially
lamenting the conduct of the cardinals, almost all
of whom had abandoned the cause of the Church.
His holiness concluded by imploring the assistance
of Ferdinand against their common enemy, the
king of France.*
The king, as Flechier justly remarks, always con
sidered it an honour to protect the Holy See when
his own interest was concerned. He therefore
summoned a council of all his ministers in the
palace, at which also Ximenez was present, toge
ther with all the bishops then at court. The
subject was discussed with considerable care and
earnestness. The unanimous opinion was, " that it
would be folly to fight the enemies of the Christian
religion in Africa, when the head of the Catholic
Church was attacked in Bome.!" Ferdinand
resolved, accordingly, to send into Italy all the forces
at his disposal ; while, at the same time, he deprived
cardinal Carvajal of his bishopric by the express
desire of the pope.
Ximenez was the principal person that induced
Ferdinand to adopt this resolution. To Julius he
* Elechier gives the letter at greater length, liv. iii. p. 284.—
— Trans.
X Peter Martyr, ep. 468.

442 THE LIFE OF
. had been indebted for his dignity of cardinal, and
the university of Alcala for numerous privileges.
Eor these and many other reasons Ximenez loved his
holiness, and admired his unbending and energetic
character. But this was not all. The cardinal
wrote a letter to the pontiff to encourage his holi
ness to persevere in his efforts, sending him at the
same time a considerable sum of money for the
wants of the Church.
Ferdinand now began in earnest to prepare him
self for carrying on the war against France. He
summoned, for this object, the cortes to meet him in
Burgos : Ximenez, also, who had returned to his
diocese from Seville was invited to attend; but
fearing the heats of summer, and not having quite
recovered the fatigue of his journey to Seville, he
begged to be excused till the end of August. He
then hastened to Burgos. Hardly had the cortes
.commenced its deliberations, when the pope's nuncio
arrived with the information, that an alliance had
been concluded between Julius II. and Venice.
Ferdinand also joined the alliance, and published
the bull for the convocation of the fifth general
council of Lateran. The proceedings of the schis-
matical meeting at Pisa are well known. Louis XII.
easily gained over the Emperor Maximilian to his
cause, both of whom were anxious to have the pope
deposed. Besides seven refractory cardinals, twenty
bishops (chiefly French) assisted at the opening,
which took place November 1st, 1511. But the
clergy of Pisa refused to take any part in the pro
ceedings, and even refused to lend the prelates the
chalices and vestments necessary for saying mass.
The pope, too, threatened to excommunicate the
inhabitants if they gave any support to the schis
matics. The assembled prelates themselves were
seized with a sudden panic ; and fearing to fall into

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 443
the hands of the pope, they soon removed from
Pisa to Milan, in order to be under the protection
of Erance. Here they continued their sessions,
amidst the contempt and derision of the people;
and. in the eighth and ninth sessions, had the
audacity to declare the pope "deposed." But Julius,
on the other hand, lost no time in convoking a
general council to meet in the Lateran palace at
Easter (1512), at which he invited all the princes of
Christendom to attend, and gave thus the death
blow to the schismatical assembly.*
Such was the state of affairs when the pope's
legate arrived in Spain. Gomez, unfortunately,
does not give us any details connected with the
subsequent events. We are therefore obliged to
depend upon the account given us by Peter Martyr,
who was then in Burgos at the court of Ferdinand.
Ferreras has also inserted in his "History," the
chronicle of a contemporary ecclesiastic named
Bernaldez,! who gives some interesting , details
relating to the publication of the bulls for the
council. The pope had named as his legate in
Spain one of the judges of the rota, named Casa-
dorus, who arrived at Burgos at the beginning of
November (1512). By the king's desire, the bull
for the convocation of the council was published
with great solemnity in the cathedral on Sunday,
November 16th. After the gospel, in presence of
Ferdinand, of all the prelates, the grandees, and an
immense number of the faithful, the legate read
from the pulpit the pontifical bull in Latin ; then
* Peter Martyr, epp. 469, 470. See also Harduin, " Collect.
Coneil." t. ix. p. 1584.
t Andres Bernaldez was curate of a town near Seville, named
Los Palacios. He was a native of Fuente, in Leon, and died
about the year 1513. His " chronicle " is still in manuscript.—
Trans.

444 THE LIFE OF
he explained it in Spanish, and gave many reasons
to prove the necessity for calling the council, inviting
the king at the same time to send as many prelates
as possible to assist at it. The legate afterwards
adressed Ximenez and the other bishops, begging
them to be present in person at the council, if cir
cumstances permitted. He concluded his discourse
by exhorting the grandees, and the laity in general, to
defend, if necessary, by arms, the unity of the Church.
By the order of Ferdinand, Valerian de Villa-
quiran, bishop of Oviedo, ascended the pulpit after
the legate. Being an excellent popular speaker,
he addressed the people at considerable length, and
explained the meaning of the bull, enlarging also
upon the words of the legate. But suddenly
changing his style, he inveighed with great force
and earnestness against those cardinals who had
proved traitors to the sacred college and the Church.
He also denounced the king of France as the head
of the revolt, and as guilty of great wickedness in
having opposed the pope and seized upon Bologna,
&c. Ferdinand, moved by these burning words,
assured the legate that he would joyfully devote
all his power and resources to the defence of the
Church, and commission a certain number of pre
lates to assist at the council. The legate respectfully
thanked the king in the name of the pope. About
this time Ferdinand had the good fortune to gain
over to the cause of the pope and the council his
son-in-law, Henry VIIL of England. Even the
Emperor Maximilian himself was induced to de
tach himself from France and declare war against
that country ; while, to justify his conduct before
Europe, Ferdinand addressed a remarkable letter to
Ximenez, which is preserved by Gomez.*
* Lib. v. p. 138 ; ed. Compluti, 1569.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 445
The dissolution of the cortes and the commence
ment of the Italian campaign, allowed Ximenez an
opportunity for returning to Alcala to attend to the
affairs of his diocese and family.* On his return,
he found that Cabrera, archdeacon of his cathedral,
had, on account of his advanced age, obtained from
the Holy See powers to nominate, a co-adjutor.
But this proceeding being contrary to the statutes
of the chapter of his cathedral, he forbad the canons
to agree to the powers he had received. At the
same time, he wrote to the pope and the king,
entreating them to revoke the permission which
had been granted. He remained at Alcala till the
matter was satisfactorily adjusted.
His university now occupied his principal atten
tion. Eor its better regulation, he enforced the
observance of two decrees, which had lately been
promulgated by the council of Lateran. The first
required every master, besides instructing his pupils
in profane literature, to be exceedingly careful in
teaching them the duties of their religion and the
rules of ecclesiastical discipline ; also the Holy
Scriptures, the articles of faith, the forms of prayer,
the traditions of the Church, and the examples
of the saints. It particularly enjoined, that on
Sundays and holidays the students should dili
gently perform the exercises of devotion, hear mass,
attend a sermon, and read good books. The second
decree forbade all students in holy orders to spend
more than five years in the study of grammar,
logic, and philosophy. Bectors were not allowed
to permit them to remain longer in the college,
unless it was the intention of the students to apply
to canon law or theology.
In order to make the professors attached to their
* He married his niece, Joanna de Cisneros, to Alfonso de
Mendoza.

446 THE LIFE OF
office, Ximenez afforded them every comfort and
convenience, and built three country-houses for
their recreation during the vacations. In the
chapter on the university of Alcala, we have
already described the royal visit of Ferdinand to
that noble seat of learning, and the manner in
which he was received (anno 1514). Leo X. had
a very high esteem for the cardinal, whom he often
consulted by letter, as he was unable to attend the
council of Lateran ; while Ximenez, on his part,
endeavoured to enforce throughout his diocese all the
most important decrees. The project which Leo X.
had conceived (realized two centuries later by Gre
gory XIII.) of reforming the Julian Calendar, met
with a warm supporter in Ximenez, who often
declared that the Church would derive great benefit
by the alteration.
Though Ximenez was so devoted to Leo X. and
the Holy See, yet he opposed the introduction into
his diocese of the papal bull relating to the com
pletion of St. Peter's Church in Bome, which had
been commenced under the pontificate of Julius II.
Leo X., in order to be enabled to continue the
work, renewed the indulgences which had been
granted (1509) by his predecessor, to all those who
should contribute to the expenses of the pious
undertaking.* The bull was published in Spain by
the permission of Ferdinand. Ximenez, however,
though he commended the liberality of those who
devoted their property to the promotion of works
of piety, and especially to the erection of churches,
yet freely expressed his regret both to the pope and
the king, that the liberality of the faithful was
encouraged by means of " privileges."! In this
* Pallavicini, "Hist. Coneil. Trident."
t " Ximenius, ut erat prisea? religionis tenacissimus, laudabat
quidem eos, qui in templi Apostolici constructionem suas pecunias

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 447
relaxation of temporal punishments imposed upon
sinners, the austere prelate perceived a dangerous
custom introduced, which might tend to enervate
ecclesiastical discipline.
On another occasion, his zeal for the maintenance
of discipline placed him in opposition to Bome.
A canon of Avila had obtained a brief from
Bome, dispensing with his attendance at choir,
but allowing him at the same time the usual
remuneration " distributiones quotidianse." The
cardinal, fearing lest this dispensation might be
come a dangerous precedent for others, commanded
the canon to resign his privilege ; this he did in
obedience to the authority of Ximenez, as metro
politan. The cardinal also advised Ferdinand to
enact a law, that for the future all bulls which
came from Bome should be inspected, before their
publication, by the minister of state.* This advice
may be excused, though it cannot be justified, on
the ground, that at this period a great number of
dispensations were granted by the Holy See with
little or no difficulty.
largiebantur, sed privilegia ob id dari, contra vetustos Ecclesia?
ritus, numquam probare voluit ; et quid de hac re sentiret, ad
pontif. max. prudentissime scripsit, et regi Fernando in privatis
colloquiis, sine ullo fuco declaravit." (Gomez, lib. v. p. 143.) —
Trans. * This advice one would hardly have expected from Ximenez,
who was so devoted to the Holy See. But his object was no
doubt good— to prevent abuses. Gomez mentions the fact. —

448 THE LIFE OF

CHAPTEB XXII.
DEATH OE KING EEEDINAND.
Since the end of the year 1513 the health of Fer
dinand gradually gave way, and in November of the
following year, Peter Martyr predicted his speedy
end, unless he immediately abstained from two
things, — the continual connection with his wife and
the immoderate exercise of the chase, in which he
indulged now, during the most inclement weather,
even to a greater degree and with more passion than
in his early days.* Bestlessness of the mind con
stantly drove him from town to town in the northern
provinces of his realm ; and this man, formerly so
active in the conduct of state affairs, felt now a real
aversion to them. This made him and his council
lors wish more for the presence of the Cardinal.
But Ximenez showed little inclination to share the
restless life of the king in his old age, and desired,
as Gomez tells us, to reserve his remaining strength
for the probable speedy end of Ferdinand.! He
was, however, obliged to yield to the desire of the
king, when the latter convoked the Cortes of Castile
to Burgos for the purpose of obtaining subsidies for
the war, which, after the death of Louis XII. and
the succession of Francis I. to the throne, threat
ened to break out with France. At the same time
the queen was forced to depart for Calatayud, in
order to conduct the negotiations with the Cortes
of Aragon assembled there.
* Petrus Martyr, ep. 542. t Gomez, p. 1066.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 449
Whilst at Burgos, Ferdinand, during one night of
the month of July, was attacked by such a violent
fit of vomiting that, unable to call for aid, he was
nearly suffocated. Happily, a soldier on guard in
the anteroom heard the groaning, and hastened with
his comrades to the assistance of the king. They
raised him up, and, by rubbing him and sprinkling
water in his face, restored him to consciousness.
Ferdinand, believing his death near at hand, made
his will, appointing, in case of his decease, his second
nephew, Ferdinand, regent until the arrival of his
elder nephew Charles, and repaired for the better
preservation of his health to Aranda de Duero, a
quiet and secluded place.* Ximenez in this extre
mity could no longer refuse to comply with the
request of the king, and accordingly arrived at
Aranda in the month of August. Ferdinand, though
still very feeble, received him solemnly before the
town gates in his sedan-chair, showing him the
same honours which he had almost always accorded
him. Shortly after, at the end of the same month,
Ximenez accompanied the sovereign to Segovia,
whence Ferdinand suddenly started for Aragon,
because the states of that kingdom had shown
themselves intractable, and refused the subsidies.
Eerdinand, having already ordered the imprisonment
of their chancellor, Anton Augustin,! hastened to
Calatayud in the hope of suppressing the opposition
by his personal authority. During his absence from
Castile, the reins of government were intrusted to
* Ferreras wrongly gives the 27th July as the date of this
attack. Petrus Martyr mentions it already in his letter of the
18th of the same month. .
t Liberated by Ximenez in the following year, after his acces
sion to the regency. Gomez, p. 1068.
2 G

450 THE LIFE OF
Ximenez, who was to act in concert with the
members of the royal council.*
The king was deceived in his hopes : the states
adhered to their refusal, and were dissolved. Ferdi
nand, greatly annoyed, returned to Castile, in order
to reside at Madrid. Ximenez repaired again to
Alcala. But the king could find no rest at Madrid.
The ill-omened bell of Vellala, a village of Aragon,
is said to have at that time struck of its own accord,
thus prophesying the speedy death of the king. In
mortal anguish he was again driven from town to
town, and removed in the winter to the provinces of
the south, there to equip a powerful fleet against
Africa or Italy. At the end of November he arrived at
Plasencia, having on his way again indulged freely
in the pleasures of the chase. Here he received in
December the dean of Utrecht, Hadrian (afterwards
Pope Hadrian VI.), the preceptor of the Infant,
Charles, whom his illustrious pupil had sent there,
under the pretext of negotiating the marriage of
Charles with a French princess : in reality, however,
for the purpose of inquiring into the condition
of things in Spain, and of taking possession of the
realm as soon as Ferdinand had breathed his last.
Ferdinand, who divined his motives, endeavoured to
keep him away from court. He granted him, how
ever, an audience, and received him with all due
honour. But when Hadrian asked for a second
interview, the king exclaimed angrily — "Does the
spy want to see whether I am already dying ? Tell
him that I will not receive any one." Nevertheless,
on the representations of his ministers, he allowed
Hadrian to enter his chamber, and politely dismissed
him, saying that his health was at present too much
shaken to permit the discussion of state affairs, and
* Petrus Martyr, Ep. 552.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 451
that the dean might meanwhile repair to the monas
tery at Guadaloupe, where he would follow him
when better, and hold conference with him. The
king ordered him also a guard of honour, evidently
for no other purpose than to keep from Hadrian
persons with whom the king did not wish him to
confer.* At the same time Ferdinand again invited
Ximenez to Plasencia. But the cardinal had now
even stronger reasons than before for evading the
request, pointing out in particular that in the
absence of the king from Castile his own presence
was imperatively called for by the unsettled state of
that province. He pleaded, moreover, heavy rains,
and the consequent inundations, as obstacles to his
journey ; adding that in January he would be ready
to come to Talavera, the farthest limit of his diocese
towards Plasencia, there to receive the orders of the
king. In the same letter he took occasion to speak
of the conduct of Ferdinand towards Hadrian,
praised him for having received the ambassador
with so much honour, but blamed him for the
undisguised mistrust shown to that worthy man in
giving him a guard of honour which almost amounted
to imprisonment. In conclusion, he warned the
king, " for reasons explained before," but which have
not come to our knowledge, to extend his journey
farther south.! Ximenez also addressed a very
friendly letter to Hadrian, in which he congratulated
him on his arrival in Spain, and expressed his regret
at not yet having been able to make the personal
acquaintance of so virtuous and learned a man. It
was natural that the wise cardinal should endeavour
to win the favour of a man who had educated the
future sovereign and was deep in his confidence.
* Petrus Martyr, Ep. 561, 565. t Gomez, p. 1068.
2 G 2

452 THE LIFE OF
Ximenez here, as on many former occasions, had
the good sense to adopt a course dictated equally by
prudence and good breeding, for Hadrian deserved
indeed, in no slight degree, the praise and mark of
respect bestowed upon him by the cardinal.
Meanwhile Queen Germaine had returned to
Alcala from Aragon, to forget there, in the beautiful
regal palace, surrounded by merry companions, the
dulness of her stay at Calatayud. There Ximenez
conferred with her on the affairs of the state, the
health of the king, and his reasons for postponing
his journey to him.
Eresh news of a more alarming nature having
arrived, the queen hastened to her husband, pro
mising Ximenez to excuse him with the king for his
non-appearance. She travelled day and night, but,
in spite of her haste, found the king dying, incapable
of speaking with her.
In consequence of a prophecy made to the king
many years before, that Madrigal would be disas
trous to him, Ferdinand had always avoided this
town, situated in the vicinity of Avila, and the
birthplace of the celebrated theologian, Alphonse
Tostatus. Suddenly attacked by a severe illness
on his way to Guadaloupe, he was obliged to
be taken to the nearest village, which, as chance
would have it, bore nearly the same name as
the above-mentioned town. It was called Madri-
galejo, and became indeed the place of the king's
death. A visionary saint from Avila having shortly
before predicted him long life, he refused at first to
see Hadrian, who had hastened from Guadaloupe,
and even his pious confessor, the Franciscan Mati-
ensO. But his principal physicians and councillors
directed his attention to the danger in which his
life stood, and the violence of the evil itself reminded
him that his end was near : he therefore received

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 453
Hadrian with kindness, promising him a longer
audience if he recovered from his illness. After
this he remained for several hours in secret converse
with his confessor, and, at his advice, turned his
mind once more to the consideration of the affairs of
the state. Above all, he communicated now to the
councillors most in his confidence the contents of
his former will, according to which the temporary
regency of Castile and the grand-mastership of the
three knightly orders were assigned to the Infant
Eerdinand. By advice of his ministers this will was
annulled, as there were fears of its becoming a cause
of discord between the brothers, and as it would have
weakened the crown too much by severing from it the
grand-masterships. They contended that one grand
master was already sufficient to involve the king in
many unpleasant affairs, how much more a man who
united in his hands the highest dignity of the three
powerful knightly orders ?* The question who, in
the place of the Infant Ferdinand, was to become
regent of Castile until the arrival of Charles, pre
sented greater difficulties. The bitter hatred existing
between the grandees of the kingdom made the
choice of any of them for this office impossible.
When, in this emergency, Doctor Carvajal, a
learned jurist and councillor of the king, proposed
Ximenez, the king at first turned away with a dis
contented, air, saying that the cardinal was too
austere to be able to manage properly the different
characters as regent. The councillors were silent :
but after further reflection Ferdinand proceeded —
" If he were but a little more pliable, I could not
wish a better regent, as he would also be the best
man to re-establish discipline, order, and morality ;
and as you seem to persist in your vote for him, I
* As regent for Aragon he nominated bis natural son Ferdi
nand, the archbishop of Saragossa.

454 THE LIFE OF
will accede to your proposition, on account of his
virtues, and his love of justice. Not being the
descendant of a noble family, he will be able to con
duct the administration with more impartiality
than others ; besides his attachment for the royal
house, increased by many favours, especially from
Isabella, has always been most sincere and devoted."
The ministers thanked the king for this decision,
which was annexed to the will. He then received
the Holy Sacraments, clad in the Dominican cowl,
and before the break of the following day, the 23rd
January, 1516, breathed his last, in the sixty-fourth
year of his life, and the forty-first of his reign.
The news was at once conveyed to Hadrian who
was already on his way to pay another visit to the
king. On the same day the will was opened in the
presence of the ambassador, and a great number of
high personages, civil and ecclesiastical. A copy
was sent to Flanders, and Ximenez, by a letter from
the royal council, invited to take upon himself the
reins of Government, until the arrival of Charles.
Misled by the ill advice of his courtiers, particularly
Gonsalvo Guzman, the commander of the order of
Calatrava, and the Bishop of Astorga, Prince Fer
dinand attempted to take possession of the regency.
He sent a haughty message to the royal council,
ordering them to assemble at Guadaloupe, and to
await there his further orders. But the council
replied in a short and energetic letter that Charles
was master, not he ; * upon which he desisted from
his pretensions. The remains of the king were
taken to Granada by Peter Martyr and others, and
interred at the side of Isabella, in the town con
quered by them for Spain.
* The council having made use of the words of the Bible, " Non
habemus alium regem nisi Csesarem," these were afterwards consi
dered as a kind of prophecy of the future dignity of Charles.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 455

CHAPTEB XXIII.
XIMENEZ TAKES POSSESSION OF THE EEGENCY, AND EXEETS
HIMSELE IN EAVOUE OE CHAELES.
When Ximenez received the intelligence of the
decease of Ferdinand, and of his own nomination to
the regency, the recollection of his obligations towards
the royal house, together with the thought of the
frailty of all human greatness, so overcame him, that"
the man, usually so stern and austere, burst out into
tears. In order to provide for the necessities, and,
above all, for the tranquillity of the state, he at once
hastened to Guadaloupe, where the royal council had
met, paid the dowager-queen the honours due to her,
and assured himself of the person of the Infant Ferdi
nand. This young prince was acquainted with the
contents of the former will, by which he had been
nominated regent of Castile, and, misguided by his
advisers, endeavoured, as we have seen in the preced
ing chapter, to frustrate the subsequent arrangement
of his grandfather, to declare the nomination of the
cardinal an injustice, and possess himself of the reins
of the government. His first attempt had miscarried.
To forestall a repetition, and insure the tranquillity
of public order, Ximenez henceforth kept him under
his eye, without forgetting the respect due to his
royal origin.*
* Gomez, p. 1071. Vine. Gonzalez Arvao,"Elogio del Cardinal"
in the " Memorias de la Eeal Academia," tom. iv. p. 20. Here a
sketch is also given of the difficulties Ximenez had to contend
with on entering the regency. Lavergne (" Eevue des Deux
Mondes," tom. xxvi. pp. 542—544) blames Ximenez for having
secured Spain for the elder brother instead of the younger, or
rather for having done his duty.

456 THE LIFE OF
When the cardinal proceeded to take possession
of the regency, Dean Hadrian presented a document
previously signed by Charles, by virtue of which he,
the dean, in the event of the death of King Eer
dinand, was appointed regent of Castile in the
name of the hereditary prince. A quarrel was
unavoidable, but the jurists consulted on the ques
tion, decided in favour of Ximenez. They contended
that King Ferdinand was, by the will of Isabella,
and the consent of the Cortes, sole and legitimate
regent of Castile until Charles had attained his
twentieth year. Consequently, every arrangement
made by him during his lifetime had the force of
law, and was binding, whilst Prince Charles, who
during the life of his grandfather had been invested
with no authority to govern, could not transfer or
cede this to any one.
Ximenez, desirous of settling the dispute amicably,
proposed to his rival to conduct the affairs and sign
the decrees conjointly, until Charles himself, having
by the death of Ferdinand become absolute master
of his will, should decide which of the two compe
titors he selected as regent during his absence.
Even before a reply had arrived from Flanders,
Ximenez saved for Charles and the crown the grand-
mastership of the order of San Iago di Compostella.
Ferdinand and Isabella had, as we know, by the
consent of the Pope, succeeded in uniting with the
crown the grand-mastership of the three great
knightly orders of Spain, in the person of the king.
During the lifetime of the latter the Spanish nobles
endeavoured to wrest this again from the crown, and
the "Great Captain" is said to have entertained
hopes of becoming grand-master of San Iago after
the death of Eerdinand. But Gonzalvo died before
the king ; and Pedro Portocarrero, brother of the
duke of Escolano, obtained from Bome the promise

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 457
of this dignity. The death of Ferdinand seemed to
offer a favourable opportunity for his being elected
by the commanders of the order, and then main
taining himself in his position by force of arms.
His arrangements were already made, and several
districts secretly excited to rise, when. Ximenez
received intelligence of the conspiracy, and in con
cert with Hadrian sent Villafagne, one of the four
criminal judges, with full powers, to the disturbed
provinces. Simultaneously he placed a body of
troops ready for marching, in order to suppress the
whole undertaking, if need be, byforce. Portocarrero,
however, perceiving the energetic measures of the
cardinal, thought it wiser at once to submit, and
relinquish his pretensions ; whilst the commanders
in all haste returned to their districts, and never
attempted again to meet without the consent of
the cardinal.
This matter terminated, the necessity was felt of
transferring the seat of the regency and the council
from Guadaloupe to a more suitable place. Ximenez
selected Madrid, as being more central, and not far
from his own possessions. By this, he explained to
the royal council, he would always be enabled easily
to raise a sufficient force to suppress any insurrec
tionary movement, whilst in other places his power
was likely to be neutralized by the grandees who
owned property in the neighbourhood. Thus Madrid
became, through Ximenez, the seat of government,
and, as the sovereigns confirmed his choice, since
Philip II. the capital of the kingdom.*
Whilst these events were taking place in Spain,
the envoys despatched by Ximenez and the royal
council, brought Charles at Brussels the intelligence
* Lavergne, who finds fault with Ximenez almost in everything
he has done, blames him also for his choice of Madrid as capital.

458 THE LIFE OF
of the death of Ferdinand, and the quarrel about
the regency. The Flemish advisers of the young
prince, more especially his former instructor, the
Duke William of Croy, lord of Chievres, his chan
cellor Jean Sauvage, lords de la Chaux, Amerstorf,
Lanoi, and others, were ill-disposed towards Ximenez.
They saw, with displeasure, at the head of affairs in
Spain, a man who was likely to become a powerful
barrier against their culpable designs of using this
state for the enrichment of their own finances.
Nevertheless Charles, perceiving, doubtless, that a
foreigner like Hadrian would be odious to the
Spaniards, and for other reasons which will become
apparent hereafter, returned in very flattering terms
a decided answer in favour of the cardinal. In his
letter to the royal council, he expressed his great
grief at the death of his grandfather, who had loved
him so dearly, and guided him so faithfully and
devotedly. He proceeds to say that his sole con
solation for this loss, but this only a partial one,
could be the cardinal, whom Ferdinand had appointed
to reign temporarily as regent of Castile ; a man the
fame of whose consummate wisdom, experience, and
eminent virtues had reached even Flanders. In con
clusion, he confirms to its full extent the authority
given to Ximenez, desiring Hadrian to be considered
only as his ambasssador.*
At the same time, he addressed letters to his
brother Ferdinand, to the dowager-queen Germaine,
to Ximenez, the grandees and prelates, acquainting
them of his intention to come to Spain in the course
of the following summer, and exhorting them tb
obey Ximenez and the royal council as they would

* Prescott, who seems to have known this letter only from the
manuscript annals of Carvajal, might have found it also printed
in Eobles, p. 181, whom he often quotes.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 459
himself.* The letter directed to Ximenez was
couched in the following terms :
" Most Beverend Father in Christ, Cardinal of
Spain, Archbishop of Toledo, Primate of Spain,
Grand-chancellor of Castile, our most esteemed and
dearly-beloved friend ! Most Beverend Sir :
" We have received the news of the decease of his
Boyal Highness, the most powerful Catholic king our
lord, whom God will receive in his glory. It has
caused us great grief, because Christendom in general
has lost in him an illustrious defender, and our king
doms in particular are thereby deprived of a wise ad
ministrator and good king. This loss is particularly
painful to us, who are fully aware of the great benefit
and advantages we could have derived from his kind
advice and vast experience. But as God has so or
dained it, we must submit to his decrees and his will.
In the will of our grandfather we have everywhere
recognized his good and holy intentions, and the
thought that for their sake God will be merciful to
him, is a great consolation to us. The most excellent
clause we hare found in the testament is that by
which you, Most Beverend Sir, are during our ab
sence invested with the government of the kingdom
and the administration of justice. It was the best
the late king could do, for he thereby insured the
peace and tranquillity of our states. Indeed, Most
Beverend Sir, if this had not been done already, we
could, considering your integrity, wisdom, and zeal
for God and ourselves, not have selected for this
office a man who would, give greater satisfaction to
our conscience, and in whose hands the weal of our
kingdoms could be safer. We therefore have written
to several prelates and lords, as well as to our prin
cipal towns, requesting and enjoining them to obey
* Petrus Martyr, Ep. 569. Gomez, p. 1073.

460 THE LIFE OF
you, and make others obey you, and to execute your
orders as well as those of the royal council.
" We now beseech you most earnestly to under
take the administration of justice, and to apply
yourself to the preservation of peace amongst our
subjects, until we ourselves, if it be God's will, soon
shall come in proper person to console and rule
them. We further request you to write us con
stantly, and acquaint us of all that may happen,
giving us, at the same time, your advice, which we
shall receive as that of a father, not only from
gratitude for the eminent services you have rendered
to King Philip, our much-esteemed lord and father,
but also from our warm friendship for you and our
confidence in your excellence. Most Beverend
Father in Christ, Cardinal of Spain, our very dear
friend, may God have you constantly in his holy
keeping ! Brussels, the 14th February, 1516.
I, the Prince.*
At the end of the letter addressed to the royal
council, the prince intimated that he had intrusted
a secret commission of the highest importance to
his ambassador, Hadrian, on which he wished them
to deliberate without delay, and give their opinion
as soon as possible. Pope Leo X. and the Emperor
Maximilian, in their letters of condolence and con
gratulation, had already addressed him by the title of
King of Spain, and Charles himself, spurred by his
Flemish courtiers, greatly desired to obtain this title,
although, during the lifetime of his mother, he
could lay claim only to that of Prince Begent in
Castile and Aragon.' To insure the success of his
wishes he had prudently signed his letters " El Prin
cipe," and charged Hadrian to lay them before the
* Sandoval, " Historia de Carlos V.," lib. ii. Elechier, liv. iv.
p. 357.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 461
nobles of Castile. His letter to Ximenez, the esteem
he professed for him, and the quickness with which
he confirmed his nomination, owed much to the
same cause, as Charles knew well that the powerful
cardinal was sufficient to insure the success, or cause
the defeat, of his projects. But Ximenez and the
councillors earnestly implored the prince to desist
from his plan, as he could not gain any increase of
real power by it, and would only thereby give to the
discontented nobles of Castile occasion for com
plaining of the infringement of the laws of the
country, and an apparent reason for civil dissensions.
Their letter was sent off to Elanders in March of the
year 1516, but could not shake the resolution of
Charles. He wrote back to Ximenez and the coun
cil, saying, the pope, the emperor,* and the cardinal
having already given him the title, it would be in
compatible with his honour to relinquish it, and he
confidently hoped they would obtain its recognition
from the nobles of Castile. He, moreover, requested
thecardinal to have him proclaimed King of Castile,if
necessary, even without the concurrence of the coun
cil and the grandees. Ximenez, conceiving that he
could no longer disobey the express orders of the
prince, in conjunction with Hadrian assembled, in
the royal palace at Madrid, the royal council, the
nobles and bishops then present in that town. The
meeting was attended by the grand-admiral, the
duke of Alba, the duke of Escalona, the count of De,
the archbishop of Granada, Antonio de Bojas, the
bishops of Burgos and Siguenza, Francis Buyz de
Avila, and other personages of less distinction.!
Ximenez notified to them the will of the prince ; but,
undecided what reply to give, they called upon Dr.
* " Csesaris est reges creare," says Peter Martyr, Ep. 572.
t Lavergne wrongly asserts that Ximenez convoked the States.
(" Eevue des Deux Mondes," xxvi. 545.)

462 THE LIFE OF
Carvajal, one of the most learned members of the
royal council, to give them his opinion on the
subject. Carvajal, in a long and detailed speech,
represented to them that the royal council had at
first advised the prince to desist from his intention,
but having, at the instigation of the two great heads
of Christendom, the pope and the emperor, already
accepted the title of king, Charles could not now
retrace his steps with honour. He added, even if
Charles had the intention of doing so, the duty of
the Oastilians was to oppose it, in order to prevent
their sovereign from being considered rash and in
constant. The kingdom could, in his opinion, only
benefit by Charles being invested with the full
dignity of a king, and by being no longer, even in
appearance, dependent upon his mother, who was
incapable of conducting the affairs ; for the greater
his authority, the prompter also the obedience of his
subjects. He cited, examples from Spanish history,
showing that not only sons, but even brothers and
cousins, had been appointed regents and kings con
jointly with the legitimate sovereigns. Lastly, he
concluded, Charles did not intend to submit his
proceedings to the investigation and approval of his
subjects, but simply demanded their recognition of
and congratulation on his elevation. In confirma
tion of what he had said, Carvajal read to them a
letter of Charles, couched in imperative terms. The
grandees were silent for a considerable ' time, evi
dently perplexed by the speech, but, partly from
interested motives, unwilling to agree with its
purport. Seeing their minds wavering, Ximenez,
together with the bishops and several of the nobles,
declared themselves for Prince Charles, whilst the
grand-admiral,the duke of Alba, and others, defended
the opposite opinion, and denied that the examples
adduced by Carvajal proved the validity of the

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 463
case. The duke of Escalona returned an evasive
answer, saying, that as Charles, according to the
words of Carvajal, did not seek their advice, he
would not press his upon him, and therefore abstain
from declaring himself. Under these circumstances
it was to be feared that the meeting would be dis
solved without any result- Ximenez, with knitted
brow and raised voice, then addressed them in the
following manner : — " The matter under considera
tion is indeed one in which your advice is neither
asked nor required, for the prince is not dependent
upon that of his subjects ; but having your interest
at heart, I called you hither to enable you to win
the good graces of the king, by respectfully acceding
to his wishes, and congratulating him. As you have
not understood this, I will this very day order
Charles to be proclaimed king in Madrid as an
example to the other towns." With these words,
which taste pretty strongly of absolutism, he dis
missed the meeting. Immediately after, he sent for
the prefect of Madrid, Pedro Correa, to give him
the necessary orders for the solemn proclamation
of Charles, which was celebrated with all pomp at
Madrid, on the last day of the same month. The
nobility, seeing further resistance was unavailing,
joined in the universal joy at the accession of the
new king. On the succeeding day Ximenez wrote
to the magistrates of the towns, and to all the
grandees, summoning them also to acknowledge the
royal title of Charles, declaring at the same time
that in all public documents the name of Queen
Johanna was to precede that of her son.
The severity of the Cardinal was so much dreaded
that every one obeyed promptly and without oppo
sition. But Toledo surpassed all the other towns
by the zeal and splendour with which the ceremony
of homage to the new king was celebrated. The

]

464 THE LIFE OF
Aragonians, however, over whom the archbishop of
Saragossa was regent, stoutly refused to acknow
ledge Prince Charles as king, until their- Cortes
had deliberated on the question whether the title
could be acceded to him during the lifetime of
his mother ; and imitated the example of the
Castilians only after the arrival of Charles in
Spain, at the diet of Saragossa.*
* Petrus Martyr, Epp. 568, 572, 590, 603, 605, 617, 618, 624.
Eobles, p. 183. Gomez, p. 1077, is mistaken when he asserts
that Charles obtained in Aragon the title of king only after the
death of his mother (1555).

cardinal ximenez. 465

CHAPTEB XXIV-
XIMENEZ' SOLICITUDE EOB THE PEACE, OKDEB, AND SECUEITY
OE THE STATE.
Ximenez had scarcely entered upon the duties of
the regency, when he was called to repress numerous
attempts against public order. The first and almost
the most serious one was made by Pedro Giron, eldest
son of the count of Urena. We have seen before how
this bold and energetic nobleman was exiled from
Spain by Ferdinand, together with his ward and
brother-in-law, the young duke of Medina Sidonia,
who owned large possessions in the south of Spain.
Soon after their return to the country, in the year
1513, the young duke died without issue. Giron
forcibly took .possession of his estates, on the plea
that the inheritance belonged to his wife, a sister of
the deceased. Alvar, half-brother of the duke, pro
tested against this, and became possessor of the
whole property by a feudal sentence of Ferdinand.
As long as Ferdinand lived, Giron yielded to force ;
but the regency appeared to him a favourable mo
ment for the recovery of these rich domains. On the
news of King Ferdinand's death, he immediately
invaded the duchy of Sidonia, with open force, and
besieged San Lucia, a strongly-fortified place on the
sea, and the key of the whole duchy. He justified
his conduct, by alleging that the old Duke of Medina
Sidonia had, after the death of his first wife, mar
ried her sister without a proper dispensation ; con
sequently only the children by the first marriage
were entitled to inherit him, but not those by the
2 H

466 THE LIFE OF
second marriage. Duke Henry and Mencia, Giron's
wife, were the only issue of the marriage ; hence,
after Henry's death, the latter, and not Alvar, his
half-brother by the second marriage, was entitled to
the inheritance. The sentence of Eerdinand, he main
tained, was not only unjust but also partial, Alvar
having married Anne of Aragon, daughter of the
archbishop of Saragossa and grandchild of the king.
Ponce, duke of Arcos and Cadiz, and Gomez Salis,
commander of the order of St. Jago, repulsed the
first attack of Giron on the duchy, and communicated
these events to the cardinal and the Council of
Castile. Ximenez immediately ordered the inhabi
tants of Seville and Cordova and the surrounding
country to aid against Giron, declared the latter
guilty of high treason, and sent an able general,
Anton Eonseca, at the head of a considerable force,
to Andalusia, to quell the revolt. At the same time
he despatched Cornejo, one of the four criminal
judges, to institute the necessary proceedings against
the rebels. Giron, terrified by these preparations,
dismissed his army, and, through the intercession of
his father and the archbishop of Seville, obtained
pardon. But the ambitious count could not rest
long. Perceiving the great dissatisfaction which the
question of the royal title had provoked amongst the
nobility, he renewed his secret intrigues, and, backed
by his uncle, the grand-constable of Castile, endea
voured to form the nobles into a league sufficiently
formidable to set the cardinal openly at defiance.
In his boldness, he ventured into Madrid, there to
continue his canvass, as it were under the eyes of
Ximenez, and to consult with his partisans; and
carried his audacity even so far as to send a message
to the cardinal to inform him that he had come for
the purpose of conferring with his friends. Ximenez
contented himself with replying that he hoped his

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 467
affairs would end well, but kept a watchful eye on
the movements of the nobility.
A considerable number of the nobles were, for
some reason or other, hostilely inclined towards
Ximenez. Several were won over by Giron's repre
sentations that prudence advised opposition to the
cardinal, for Charles would set but little value
on the allegiance of those who so readily obeyed his
vicar. _ Others, amongst them the grand-constable,
had different motives. Knowing that it was the
intention of Ximenez to reunite with the crown all
briefs and revenues to which no sufficient legal title
could be shown, they resolved to resist the man
who threatened to dispossess them of their property.
The grand-constable, in particular, exerted himself
to the utmost in uniting all the hostile grandees for
the overthrow of the cardinal. He directed his
special care to win for the cause the Count Pimental
of Benevente, the Duke Cueva of Albuquerque, the
Duke Cerda of Medina Cceli, the bishop of Siguenza,
and the duke of Infantado. These he addressed,
representing to them that they ought no longer to
tolerate the rule of a monk of base extraction over
the nobility of Spain ; that it was not for him to
command princes, but to obey them ; that the will of
Eerdinand had certainly intrusted the regency to
Ximenez, but that their fear of their late king, who
had treated them so cruelly, should now cease. For
his part, he added, he was resolved no longer to obey
Ximenez, unless he could produce the most absolute
powers signed by the hand of Charles himself. These
words raised the indignation of the nobles against
the cardinal to the highest pitch. The duke of
Infantado alone appeared more prudent than his
friends. He, in his turn, represented to them that
none had greater cause for being discontent with
Ximenez than he himself, inasmuch as the cardinal
2 H 2

468 THE LIFE OF
had prevented the marriage of his niece with the
house of Infantado, and was now desirous of depriv
ing him of his possessions. Nevertheless he did not
concur in their views, being well aware of the great
power and still greater obstinacy of the cardinal, and
considering a political rising a very hazardous and
dangerous undertaking; if, however, they could
devise some other means to guard their authority
and break the power and pride of the monk, they
might rely, this he swore on his honour, upon his
hearty co-operation. These words having somewhat
cooled the ardour of the other grandees, it was ulti
mately decided formally to accuse the cardinal before
the king, and to send Don Alvar Gomez, a well-
informed and sensible man, son-in-law of the duke
of Infantado, to Flanders, to demand the dismissal
of Ximenez.
The cardinal received intelligence of all these
machinations and plans, but was nothing daunted.
To some of his friends, who expressed their alarm, he
laconically replied — " These men have only words,
not money to raise a revolt." At the same time he
gave the conspirators to understand that it would
be for their own interest to abstain from causing
disturbances, as otherwise they would soon learn
who was the stronger. Frightened by this lan
guage, almost every one of them tried to clear
himself in the eyes of the cardinal, even the duke
of Infantado and the grand-constable assuring him
by letter and through the medium of friends, of
their submission and respect. It is related that, at
the instigation of the grand-constable, several gran
dees had previously waited on the cardinal to request
the presentation of the documents upon which he
held the regency. Ximenez invited them for the
following day, when, taking them to the window,
and showing them his soldiers and artillery, he
said — " Behold the powers by which I govern Cas-

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 469
tile, by the will of the king, my lord and master."
But Gomez was unable to authenticate this anec
dote, and reports it only as a tradition.
The grandees, notwithstanding, persisted in their
former resolution, and sent several ambassadors to
Brussels to accuse the cardinal. Ximenez, for his
part, sent Diego Lopez to procure more extended
power for him, and place him in a position to sup
press more effectually any attempt at rising on the
part of the nobles.
Without waiting for the return of his ambassador
he now set vigorously to work to introduce a new
system in the recruiting of the army with the object
of securing the peace of the kingdom against every
contingency. Peter Martyr informs us that Xime
nez had always taken great interest and pleasure in
discussions on war and armaments.* In one of his
familiar conversations with Ferdinand, the king had
intimated that armies recruited from different
countries offered more danger than security to a
state, and that a kind of standing militia would be
infinitely preferable to the system then pursued.
He argued that citizens fighting for their own home
would be more faithful and brave, while their better
education would be a pledge for their better conduct
and greater mildness to the enemy. Eerdinand had,
to the confession of Ximenez, once drawn up the
plan for such a military organization, but been pre
vented by illness and other occupations from carrying
it into effect. Ximenez now bethought himself of
putting this great and important plan into execution,
for which purpose he had already (in April, 1516)
demanded from Charles the fullest powers for the
administration of the kingdom in all its branches :
but he was too impatient to wait for their arrival.
After a long conference with the royal senate, and
* Petrus Martyr, ep. 573 : " Bellicis colloquiis et apparatibus
gaudet."

470 THE LIFE OF
an experienced warrior, he issued a proclamation to
all the towns and cities in Castile, promising impor
tant privileges to the inhabitants, and in particular
to the citizens who inscribed their names in the
lists of troops about to be levied. They were to be
exempt from lodging the king and his retinue, as
well as from all taxes, socages, and other charges.
In return they were to serve without pay, the officers
and musicians only receiving a remuneration. The
proclamation at first met with universal approbation.
In a very short time not fewer than 30,000 citizens
had voluntarily enlisted, who were daily drilled
before their fellow-townsmen, thereby inducing a
great number of young men to follow their example.
Ximenez was highly pleased at this success. Foreign
princes looked with envy and suspicion upon this
new institution, capable of making Spain so power
ful, while the anger with which it filled the king of
Erance was one of the greatest proofs of its utility.
The cardinal of Guise, a relative of Charles, who
visited Madrid in June of the year 1516, avowedly
for the purpose of paying his addresses to Ximenez,
but it is supposed on a secret mission of the Empe
ror Maximilian to observe affairs in Spain, thanked
him in the name of Christendom for a work which
would more effectually protect Spain against the
attacks of the infidels.
Opposition, however, was not wanting, especially
on the part of those who, either for gain or pleasure,
delight in disturbing the public peace. They endea
voured by every means in their power to cast asper
sion and contempt on the new scheme, representing
it as a dangerous innovation, calculated to ruin the
citizens by taking them away from their employ
ments. The nobility, moreover, perceived in the
arming of the citizens an encroachment upon their
privileges, and an attempt to deprive them of their

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 471
political influence. Hence, the introduction of the
new system found powerful opposition in Leon,
Burgos, Salamanca, Medina del Campo, Arevalo,
Madrigal, Olmedo, and Valladolid.* In the latter
town the excitement was so great that the inhabi
tants imprisoned the envoy of the cardinal, one
Topia from Segovia, declared Ximenez an oppressor
of liberty, and fortified the town in all haste to be
prepared for resistance in case of need. One of the
principal instigators of the revolt was Antonio de
Bojas, archbishop of Granada and president of the
royal council, a man who secretly worked against
the cardinal, and is even said to have incited the
deputies of Valladolid against the " tyrant." The
grand-admiral, the bishop of Astorga, and other
grandees who owned possessions in the neighbour
hood of Valladolid, were also implicated in the
revolt; and, partly from interest, partly from revenge,
encouraged the citizens in their opposition to
Ximenez. Although the number of towns which
defied the cardinal was comparatively small, it was
to be feared that their example would work in
juriously upon the rest. Ximenez endeavoured
therefore to gain Valladolid by promises and kind
remonstrances. But the inhabitants rejected his
proposals ; replying haughtily that he might say and
do what he liked ; they knew well how to defend
themselves and their liberties until the arrival of
Charles. Ximenez, hesitating to adopt rigorous
measures against the town without the consent of
Charles, meanwhile contented himself with collect-
* Peter Martyr shared the universal dissatisfaction. Ep. 575.
As usual, Lavergne blames the cardinal for these reforms. Ac
cording to his opinion, Ximenez had, in introducing them, only
the intention of humbling the nobles. His leading idea was,
therefore not the regeneration of the commons, but the advance
ment of despotism.— " Eevue des Deux Mondes," tom. xxvi. p. 545.

472 THE LIFE OF
ing, under another pretext, more troops in its
neighbourhood, at the same time urging Diego
Lopez, his agent at Brussels, to obtain from Charles
as quickly as possible express powers for the reduc
tion of the rebellious cities and grandees. More
over, to counteract the false reports which several
nobles had sent to Charles and the duke of Chievres,
he addressed a letter to Charles himself, in which
he explained the utility of the system, and asked for
the transmission of arms and ammunition from
Flanders. Ximenez gained his point. Charles sent
the powers ; and in a special letter summoned the
rebellious towns to render prompt obedience to
Ximenez, the depository of his authority. They all
obeyed, even Valladolid not excepted. After their
resistance was broken, Ximenez showed every kind
ness and indulgence : to Valladolid he prudently
granted the privilege which best secured the future
obedience of the town. The grand- admiral and the
count of Benevente, having succeeded in introducing
many of their partisans into the municipality of
Valladolid, Ximenez, in order to counterbalance
their influence, permitted the citizens to elect two
procurators, with the power of veto in the sittings
of the municipality, similar to the ancient tribunes.
With regard to the military organziation introduced
by him, it has served as the model for the standing
armies : it is not for us to decide whether the model
is better than the imitation.*
Simultaneously with these changes in the army,
Ximenez effected important improvements in the
maritime power of Castile. He added twenty
trireme galleys to it, and equipped the entire
fleet to resist the attacks of the Moors and pirates,
the most famous of whom, Barbarossa, then ra-
* Gomez, pp. 1081 — 1084. Mariana, p. 3. Arvao, in the
" Memorias," tom. iv. pp. 22.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 473
vaged the coasts of the Mediterranean, carrying
terror in every direction. The usefulness of these
arrangements soon became evident. In July, 1516,
a number of Spanish vessels encountered five
Turkish ones of considerable size, near Alicante,
attacked them, and, after great slaughter, sank
two, while the remaining three were towed in tri
umph into the harbour of Alicante. This success,
and the congratulations which he received from
Leo X., encouraged him to continue his exertions
to strengthen the navy. He accordingly, in the
following year, ordered the restoration of the dock
yards near Seville, which long neglect had rendered
almost useless, hereby providing the means of
permanently supplying Castile with a sufficient
number of vessels ready for sea.*
Events at the other extremity of Spain now
equally claimed his attention. Shortly after the
death of Eerdinand, the young king of France,
Erancis I., began to raise an army, the destination of
which was at first not known. It became, however,
soon apparent. Jean d'Albret, the exiled king of
Navarre, thought the moment favourable for the
recovery of his dominions ; considering this an easy
matter whilst the reins of government were in the
hands of a monk. The faction of the Agramonts
had declared for his cause,! and many Navarrese
fled across the Pyrenees to enlist in the army which
he formed in all haste. On the receipt of the
ntelligence of his march against Navarre, in con
junction with a French army, Ximenez, in concert
with the royal council, appointed the duke of Najara,
a man experienced in arms and owner of con
siderable property in Navarre, governor of this
* Gomez, p. 1084. Miniana, p. 3.
t That of the Beaumonts sided with Castile.— Petrus Martyr,
ep. 570.

474 THE LIFE OF
province, in the stead of the actual viceroy, who was
considered no match for the emergency. The grand-
constable, the old enemy of Ximenez, was so em
bittered by this choice, that he threw every possible
obstacle in the way of the duke, nearly enabling
Jean d'Albret thereby to regain Navarre. But the
Colonel Eerdinand Villalba, after encountering ter
rible fatigues, boldly attacked the enemy in the
gorges of the Pyrenees, totally defeated him, and
made a great number of superior officers, belonging
to the first families of Navarre, prisoners. Amongst
them, in particular, the Marshal Pedro of Navarre,
Diego Velez, the favourite of Albret, the lords of
Ga"rri and Gambra, and many others, all of whom
Ximenez ordered to be confined in the castle of
Atienza, and carefully guarded. King d'Albret,
having now lost all hope of reconquering Navarre,
retired under heavy losses across the Pyrenees into
his principality of B6arn, where he and his wife
died shortly after. Villalba was treated with great
respect by Ximenez, and ever after consulted by him
on the military affairs of Navarre. The consequenee
was that Ximenez ordered many of the fortresses of
the province to be rased, as he could neither afford
to garrison them sufficiently with Castilian troops,
nor dared leave them in the hands of the Navarrese,
who still remained attached to the house of their
former king. These measures highly exasperated
the Navarrese, who shed bitter tears at the sight of
the demolition of the walls, and the dismantling of
the castles. But Ximenez swerved not from his
resolution, he only exerted himself in expediting the
necessary though painful work.* The enemies of
the cardinal of course found in these measures fresh
* Villalba soon after died; it is supposed, poisoned by the
Navarrese, because he advised the rasing of their fortresses. —
Gomez, p. 1088.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 475
occasion for complaints and accusations, and were
naturally supported by the enraged Navarrese. One
of their chief accusations consisted in reproaching
the cardinal with having profaned religion by the
destruction of a convent of the Franciscans and the
church belonging to it. But the Castilians univer
sally approved of the steps taken by him, to which
Spain in subsequent wars owed much of the preser
vation of Navarre.*
The war of Navarre was hardly ended, when fresh
complications arose in another quarter. A courier
of the king of Portugal, destined for France, having,
through his own imprudence, drawn suspicion on
himself, had been taken prisoner by the governor of
Salces, then a Castilian fortress : despatches written
in cipher were found on him, revealing the nego
tiation of a marriage and alliance between France
and Portugal to the detriment of Castile. These the
governor forwarded at once to the government at
Madrid. In the absence of Ximenez, who had gone
to Alcala to superintend the building of the univer
sity, the letters were opened by Hadrian, who still
took part in the affairs of the government. Fright
ened by their dangerous contents, and perceiving
their importance, he immediately sent the courier to
Alcala, with orders to deliver the despatches to
Ximenez, without loss of time, and even to have him
awakened in the night if necessary. Ximenez read
them indeed at midnight, and replied to the mes
senger : " Tell Hadrian that he may rest in peace, I
undertake to face the danger." He forthwith
acquainted Charles with these secret intrigues, and
gave orders to his ambassador at Lisbon to watch
carefully the steps of the king of Portugal.!
* Gomez, pp. 1086-1088. Petrus Martyr, epp. 569, 570, 571.
Miniana, p. 3.
t Gomez, p. 1089.

476 THE LIFE OF
Meanwhile the affairs of Navarre claimed once
more the attention of the cardinal. Eerdinand had
confided the government of Pampeluna, the capital
of this country, to an Aragonian of the name of
Ferrara, whom Ximenez considered unfit for this
important post, partly from his not being a Cas
tilian, partly from his excessive severity. Ximenez
resolved therefore to replace him by a Castilian of
tried fidelity, who would win the affection of the
people by kindness and benevolence. Charles gave
his consent, but the choice of the cardinal is not
known, Gomez having already endeavoured in vain
to learn the name of the person on whom it had
fallen.* But an affair of still greater annoyance awaited
the cardinal. For many years the supreme council
of Navarre had been equally divided between the
two rival factions of the Beaumonts and Agramonts.
The nomination of the president had given rise to
constant quarrels. To whichever of these families
he belonged, he was sure to be the object of the
fiercest opposition on the part of the other faction.
D'Albret, and after him Ferdinand the Catholic,
to obviate these constantly -recurring quarrels, had
introduced the practice of appointing a foreigner to
this dignity. The Navarrese now exerted themselves
to re-establish the former institution, and unknown
to Ximenez, had, probably by a bribe, won over to
their cause the duke of Chievres and other coun
cillors of the court of Charles. They entertained
already sanguine hopes for the success of their
plans, when Ximenez became acquainted with their
intrigues, and frustrated them by representing to
Charles the danger of such an innovation.!
At the same time, the pope demanded of Ximenez
* Gomez, p. 1089. f Ibid.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 477
to reinstate Cardinal d' Albert, brother of the former
king of Navarre, in his bishopric of Pampeluna,
from which he had been ejected. Ximenez con
sulted the duke of Najara, then still viceroy of
Navarre, on the matter, and on his representations
that it was dangerous to provide so powerful a
political adversary with influence and money for
fresh revolts, refused to grant the request of Leo.*
The tranquillity of Navarre was thus preserved,
affording Ximenez leisure to turn his mind to the
consideration of other very important matters.
In Malaga a revolt had broken out against the
jurisdiction of the grand-admiral. By the ancient
laws of Spain, the grand-admiral not only held the
command of the naval powers, but was also intrusted
with the supervision of the coast, and the jurisdiction
over all the persons belonging to the fleet, official
and private, whose disputes he had to settle. Special
judges had accordingly been appointed in all the sea
and mercantile places. But this institution, though
it may have worked well in the beginning, had in
the course of time, engendered numberless abuses.
Thus, if the town alguazils had taken up one of those
rogues and idlers with which seaports abound, he
disputed the competency of the ordinary courts to
try him, and demanded to be transferred to that of
the grand-admiral, on the plea of being a discharged
sailor, or something similar. The soldiers, who were
stationed at the coast for its defence, acted in a like
manner. If brought before the royal courts, they
insisted upon belonging to that of the admiral, or
vice versa, according to which of them offered the
greatest chance of escape. Hence a deplorable delay
in the procedure, and what is still more pernicious,
the impossibility of quickly punishing offences against
* Gomez, p. 1089. Elechier, liv. iv. p. 372.

478 THE LIFE OF
order and the police ; or the impunity of. criminals
who escaped through these quarrels about the com
petency of the courts.
By these means,the tribunals of the admiralty had,
for a long time, become exceedingly odious to the
inhabitants of the coast. Having in vain solicited
their suppression of Eerdinand, they now, after his
death, endeavoured to right themselves, as they
called it. The inhabitants of Malaga rose in open
rebellion, effaced all the outward emblems of the
jurisdiction of the admiral, expelled his officers, and
refused him obedience. Ximenez, on learning these
disorders, exhorted them in a pastoral letter, to
return to their allegiance, pointed out to them the
course they were to pursue to obtain redress against
the admiral, and assured them, that as long as he
lived, justice would not be influenced by the autho
rity of any grandee, however noble he might be ;
this letter produced but little effect. Incited by
several hot-headed persons, and even by Flemish
nobles, they rejected the authority of the cardinal-
regent, appealed to King Charles himself, armed
the whole town, and mounted as many pieces of
artillery as they could obtain on the ramparts, in
order to resist all attacks of the cardinal. Xime
nez, on hearing this, immediately despatched Don
Antonio Cueva, with .6,000 infantry and 400 horse,
against the rebellious town, choosing soldiers from
the recently-organized militia for the expedition,
and thereby testing, for the first time, the merits of
the new military system. At the same time, he
summoned the inhabitants to surrender, threatening
them, in case of refusal, to regard them guilty of
high treason. The army moved in forced marches
towards the south. When arrived within two days'
march from Malaga, the inhabitants began to
tremble, and to open their eyes to the impending

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 479
danger. They accordingly deputed two of their
chief magistrates to Cueva, to assure him of their
willingness to lay their complaints against the
grand-admiral before the cardinal, and to accept
his decision. Cueva hastened to convey the news
to Madrid ; and soon received orders to spare the
city, and punish only the principal ringleaders.
Ximenez sent an account of the whole affair to
Charles, acquainting him that Malaga had returned
to order without the shedding of blood, and would
have done so sooner, had the rebels not been encou
raged in their proceedings by letters from Elanders,
which he enclosed. He gave, by these, fresh proofs
to his majesty, of how little the real wants and
necessities of Spain were understood and cared for
in Elanders, and how necessary it was, therefore,
to guard the regent against these influences and
intrigues ; his authority being so closely allied to
the king's that it could neither rise nor fall without
increasing or injuring the other.*
Another revolt at Arevalo terminated in an
equally happy manner. King Ferdinand had be
queathed a yearly income of 30,000 gold florins to
his wife Germaine, to be derived from the revenues
of the kingdom of Naples. But as the dowager-
queen intended to remain in Castile, Ximenez pro
posed to exchange the dowry for the Castilian towns
and villages of Arevalo, Almedo, Madrigal, and S.
Maria de Nieve, considering this arrangement, to
which both Germaine and King Charles gave their
consent, at once more honourable and safe. Arevalo
formerly belonged to the widow of John II. of Cas
tile, the mother of Isabella, whose grand-master of
the household, Count Gutierre Velasquez of Cuellar,
had been appointed prefect of that town. His son
* Gomez, p. 1090. Elechier, liv. iv. pp. 372—376. Miniana, p. 3.

480 THE LIFE OF
had retained this office after the death of the
princess, but feared now to lose it through the
intended exchange. At the instigation of his wife,
a bitter enemy of Germaine, after having been her
intimate friend, he determined to maintain himself
in the possession of Arevalo. Ximenez, who greatly
esteemed this otherwise very worthy man, endea
voured, by friendly letters and exhortations to
dissuade him from his undertaking, and induced even
Charles to address a very kind and gracious letter to
him. But the grand-admiral, who hated the queen,1
and liked the cardinal but little, having, together
with several other grandees, offered their assistance,
Cuellar and the inhabitants of the town were easily
encouraged to persist in their hostile intentions.
When Ximenez perceived the fruitlessness of further
efforts to bring about an amicable arrangement, he
sent, in the summer of 1517, one of the higher
judges, Cornejo, with an armed force against the
rebellious town. His instructions were, once more
to offer pardon and mercy to the inhabitants and
the count, and to threaten them in case of continued
resistance, with confiscation of their property, with
branding, and all the pains of high treason. As in
this extremity, neither the grand-admiral nor any
of the other grandees sent the promised assistance,
Cuellar, seeing himself abandoned, dismissed his
troops, and sent his submission in to Cornejo. The
city gates were thrown open, the commissary of the
cardinal entered the town, and occupied the citadel.
Ximenez forthwith interested himself, like a friend,
in behalf of the count, interceded with Charles for
his pardon, and at his decease, which happened
shortly after, recommended his family to the mercy
of the sovereign, and his eldest son to the succession
of the offices and possessions of his father. As
regards the admiral, Ximenez requested Charles to

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 481
reprimand him severely for his conduct, as otherwise
the example of so high a personage and relative of
the royal family might have a dangerous influence
over the rest of the nobility.*
The submission of Arevalo accomplished, the car
dinal refused to deliver this and the other fortified
town, Olmedo, to Queen Germaine. A Spanish
proverb says : "Arevalo and Olmedo, afterwards the
whole of Spain." Ximenez remembering this adage,
and knowing the queen to have sided with the
Infante Ferdinand, and participated in the plans
to raise him to the crown of Castile in place of
his brother Charles, feared to see these important
fortresses in the hands of a woman who, little
inclined towards the king, could give courage and
help to the discontented party to rise in open rebel
lion. In vain did Germaine complain, in vain
attempt to take possession of Olmedo by force ; in
vain were her threats to leave Spain and return to
her native country. Ximenez, provided with full
power from Charles, remained inexorable. She was
forced to content herself with Madrigal until the
arrival of the young king, and obtained possession
of these towns only when the presence of Charles
dispelled all fears of pretensions to the throne.!
About the same time another royal widow, Johanna,
the mother of Charles V., occupied the care and
solicitude of the cardinal. Her father, Eerdinand,
as we have observed before, had brought her to the
castle of Tordesillas, a pleasant and healthy retreat,
but her mind, constantly occupied with the death of
her late husband, found there no relief. She
obstinately refused to exchange her dark and un-
* Gomez, pp. 1091, 1092. Miniana, p. 4. Elechier, liv. iv.
p. 376— 379. , „,,. ,. .
f Gomez, p. 1092 et seq. Miniana, p. 4. Elechier, liv. iv.
pp. 379, 380.
FP 2 I

482 THE LIFE OF
clean room for a lighter and better apartment, or
leave it to enjoy the fresh air. In the like manner
she dispensed with a bed, rejected during winter the
warmer clothing provided for her, and often passed
two or three days without taking either food or
drink. Ximenez, being of opinion that her major-
domo, Luis Ferrier, a man advanced in years and
of a serious disposition, was incapable of exercising
the necessary influence over the unfortunate queen,
still less to exhilarate her and dispell the clouds
which hovered over her mind, removed Ferrier from
his office, and appointed in his stead Fernando
Ducas, surnamed Strata, a prudent and cheerful
man. The choice turned out a happy one ; Ducas, by
kindness and artifice, gained such an ascendancy
over the queen, that she not only consented to have
her room cleaned and to sleep on a bed, but
attended also at the public offices of the church.
This produced so visible an improvement in her
mental and bodily condition, that Charles took
occasion to express his gratitude to Ximenez in the
warmest terms.*
Old Ferrier was not the onlv one whom Ximenez
v
removed. Many other useless or unjust public
functionaries were dismissed or punished by him.
Thus, shortly after his father, young Ferrier, prefect
of Toledo, was deposed and replaced by Porto
carrero, count of Palma. A severer punishment
awaited several of his subordinates, who, taking
advantage of his careless administration, had been
guilty of gross malpractices. The commissary of
the regent ordered them to be led through the
streets of the town by a herald proclaiming their
misdeeds and the executioner flogging them with
rods.! * Gomez, p. 1093. Elechier, liv. iv. p. 382.
t Gomez, p. 1094.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 483
Arovia, the prefect of Zorita, a knight of the
order of Calatrava, who had committed violence on
the wives and daughters of his subjects, escaped
similar or severer punishment by flight. Ximenez
placed in his stead an honest man, Sancho Cabrero,
and wrote to Charles to hang the fugitive if he
should find his way to Flanders.* He further dis
missed the secretary of the grand-council of the
Inquisition, Calcena, and a judge of the same
tribunal, d'Aguirre : the latter, however, only be
cause he was a layman, and Ximenez would not
suffer any but priests to be members of the grand-
council of the Holy Offiee.!
All this, as well as the many proofs of his wisdom
and power, tended to raise the authority of the
cardinal. At the end of the first year of his
administration his authority had increased so much
that even those grandees who had been most op
posed to him, recognized the necessity of submitting
to him and seeking his friendship. The duke of
Infantado, the grand-constable, and the duke of
Alba, were the only ones who continued their
resistance, but they feared Ximenez too much to
show it in more than words, or to disobey his
orders. On the other hand, Ximenez had, by a wise
distribution of the public offices and dignities to
able members of high families, succeeded in at
taching to himself a large portion of the nobility,
often winning the good will of the whole kindred by
showing honour to one single man. J
Order at last being restored, Ximenez directed
his attention to the reformation of abuses, and the
introduction of useful institutions. To guard the
kingdom against disturbances from within and
without, he ordered the three strategically most
* Gomez, p. 1094. t Ibid. X Ibid- PP- 1094» 1095-
2 I 2

484 THE LIFE OF
important towns of Castile — Medina del Campo,
Alcala, and Malaga — to be supplied with the neces
sary material for war, especially with cannons of
large calibre. But, according to the testimony of
Gomez, he lived only to see the armament of the
first of these towns completed. The accusation of
his having intended during his regency to issue coin
bearing the effigy of St. Francis, and having aban
doned the plan only on the representation of the
royal council, requires confirmation.*
Another intention of the cardinal, and one of
much greater importance, was frustrated by his
death : that of having a list drawn up of all the
revenues of the crown, as well as a description and
statistical tables of the kingdom. Only portions of
this useful work were completed, and it is to be
regretted that it was left unfinished. He was more
fortunate in the execution of a similar plan with
reference to the three military orders. By the desire
and in the name of Charles, who was their grand
master, Ximenez ordered an exact list and account
to be prepared of their revenues, institutions, fi
nances, laws, and administration. The commanders
resisted, at first, but by the able management of
Ximenez, were soon brought back to obedience,
without violence having been necessary. The
result of the investigation was the discovery that
these orders had annually wronged the royal
treasury to a considerable extent, and, besides that,
the order of Calatrava was in possession of two
towns belonging to the king. Ximenez abolished
these abuses. On the other hand, he returned
several privileges to the orders, of which they had
been unlawfully and unjustly deprived by Ferdi-
* Gomez, pp. 1094, 1095. Elechier, liv. iv. p. 384.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 485
nand, and at their request dismissed several officers
who had been forced upon them. One of these,
the treasurer Ciaconio, King Charles reinstated in
his former office, in spite of all the representations
of Ximenez.*
At about the same time another measure of con
siderable delicacy drew upon Ximenez the hatred
of a great number of persons. The wars of Ferdi
nand had not only emptied the royal treasury, but
burdened it largely with debts. Nevertheless the
court at Brussels was constantly sending for fresh
supplies of money, ostensibly for the equipping of
the fleet which was to convey Charles to Spain.
But it was openly said that Chievres and Sauvage
retained considerable sums for themselves, and
purposely protracted the departure of the king, in
order to be able to ask for further remittances from
Spain.! In this financial embarrassment Ximenez,
probably by the orders of Charles, cancelled a great
many salaries paid to different noblemen and cour
tiers without their doing any actual services for
them. To show his impartiality he commenced
with his own friends, such. as the heirs of the great
captain. Gomez supposes this and similar matters
to have occasioned the complaints of the cardinal
that he was burdened with the most odious com
missions from Flanders, and passed in Spain as the
evil spirit of Charles, who had originated and ad
vised them.t This supposition is strengthened by
the fact that Ximenez for a long time vainly endea-
* Gomez, pp. 1095, 1096. Elechier, liv. iv. p. 385, 386.
t On the cupidity and avarice of these two first judges ot
Charles, see Petrus Martyr, epp. 576, 577, 582, 594, 614. They
protracted the king's journey, partly because they thought as
foreigners, they would in Spain be less able to govern the country
than from Brussels.— Petrus Martyr, ep. 580.
J Gomez, p. 1097. Elechier, liv. iv. p. 386.

486 THE LIFE OF
voured to prevail upon the king to continue the
pension of the learned Peter Martyr.*
At the same time Ximenez proposed to the king
a new method of levying taxes, cheaper and safer
than the one before in use. He also boldly and
frankly remonstrated with Charles for his lavish-
ness with the public money, telling him that he
had, during the four months of his being king,
given away more money than had his grandparents,
the Catholic kings, during the forty years of their
reign. If Charles was desirous of exercising libe
rality, that noble virtue of kings, he should rather
bestow it upon true and faithful servants and
friends than upon those whose services were null,
and whose fidelity was doubtful. In his opinion
three things were essential to consolidate the power
of a king — uniform justice to high and low, gene
rosity towards deserving warriors, and carefulness to
keep the finances in good order.!
These internal reforms of Ximenez were inter
rupted by fresh armaments. In consequence of the
conquest of Oran, Algiers had, as we have seen
before, acknowledged the supremacy of Spain, and
consented to pay a yearly tribute. Shortly after,
the young and daring pirate, Horac Barbarossa,
from Mitylene, in the island of Lesbos, began to
make his name terrible in the Mediterranean and
on its coasts. He had hardly reached his twentieth
year when he already commanded a piratical fleet
of forty galleys. As early as 1515, when Ferdi
nand was still alive, he attempted to take Bugia, a
fortress in Africa which was then in the hands of the
Spaniards. Though a cannon-ball had carried away
* Petrus Martyr, ep. 581. Peter Martyr says nothing of
Ximenez having been the originator of the cancelling of these
salaries. t Gomez, p. 1098. Flechier, liv. iv. p. 389.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 487
his left arm in the first attack, he returned to the
assault, and having gained possession of the smaller
citadel of Bugia, put the whole Christian garrison
of the same to death. On the 25th of November of
the same year he attacked the principal fortress,
but failed in the attempt, and retired.* He was
more successful in his exertions to excite the Moors
in Africa to shake off the Spanish yoke. He roused
the fanaticism of their holy tribe, the Morabites, by
representing to them that it was a crime and a
shame for a Mussulman to pay tribute to a Chris
tian. The consequence was, that the king of Algiers,
Selim Beni Timi, asked his assistance to enable
him to withdraw his allegiance from Spain and
refuse to pay the tribute. Barbarossa responded
to the call, but treacherously murdered his friend
in a bath, seized the throne, refused the tribute,
and not only menaced the neighbouring fortified
towns of the Spaniards, but also those of the
Moorish princes allied to Spain.! He threatened
Tunis, took the king prisoner and put him to
death. The heir to the throne fled to Spain to im
plore the assistance of Ximenez against the robber.
The cardinal immediately sent, at the end of Sep
tember, 1516, eight thousand men and the requisite
vessels to Algiers to regain the place and punish
the pirate. Eerdinand Andrada, to whom the com
mand was first offered, refused it, on the ground that
the army contained too many in whom no reliance
could be placed. The cardinal then fixed upon
Diego Vera, a general of artillery, a choice which
from the beginning was regarded as hazardous by
many, and amongst them also by Peter Martyr, who
calls him "magis loquax et jactabundus quam
strenuus" (ep. 574).
* Petrus Martyr, ep. 571.
t Ibid. ep. 574. Gomez, p. 1099. Elechier, liv. iv. p. 390.

488 THE LIFE OF
Early in October the fleet landed on the coast of
Algiers, and found the town vigorously defended
and skilfully fortified. In order to be enabled to
attack it from all sides, Vera, in opposition to the
advice of his officers, divided his army into four
bodies, thus weakening his strength considerably.
The officers, obeying reluctantly, showed little
zeal, and Vera himself committed many other blun
ders. The expedition having miserably failed, he
was forced to return to Spain, covered with shame,
where he became an object of ridicule to all the
children, and lampoons were made on him, in which
he was taunted with having been unable with his
two arms to overcome the one-armed Barbarossa.
The sad intelligence reached Ximenez at the end of
October, at an hour when, according to his usual
wont, he was seated in the midst of a number of
theologians, discussing theological matters. After
having perused the letters, he calmly said to those
around him : " Our army has been defeated and
partly destroyed. There is, however, one consola
tion in it : Spain is thereby ridden of a great many
idle and bad characters." He then resumed the
discussion, admired by all for his coolness and self-
possession. His enemies failed not to take advantage
of this reverse, representing to Charles that the
cardinal only was to be blamed for the disaster.
Ximenez defended himself against these accusations
in a special letter, in which he stated the number of
Christians slain to be one thousand. He seems also
to have acquainted Leo X. of the event, for this
Pontiff expressed to him, through Cardinal Bembo,
his regret at the calamity, urging him at the
same time to prepare another attack against Algiers,
and assuring him of his willingness to exhort the
Christian princes to a war against the Turks. The
cardinal, however, died before a second expedition

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 489
against Barbarossa could be carried out. The latter
met his death in the year 1518, in a war with
Spain and the king of Tremesen, by the stone-throw
of a Spanish ensign.*
Shortly after these events, Ximenez, in union with
the royal council, issued an edict against the Genoese
merchants in Spain, ordering them, under pain of
confiscation of their property, to leave the kingdom
by a given time. This severe measure was occa
sioned by the following circumstance : — A valiant
mariner, John del Bio, native of Toledo, impa
tient at the inactivity to which peace condemned
him, secretly carried on piracy on his own account, and
had a short time previous to the sailing of the fleet
destined for Algeria, done considerable damage to the
Genoese. These resolved to revenge themselves at
the first opportunity. Accordingly they waited for
him in the Spanish harbour of Carthagena, with three
war-gallions, and three merchant vessels which were
taking in wool. Del Bio arrived with his gallion,
but in company and under the protection of Don Be-
renguel of Omus,who returned richly laden with spoils
from a successful expedition against the African
pirates. Berenguel having refused to comply with the
just demand of the Genoese to deliver Del Bio over to
them, they took the matter into their own hands,
opened fire on the vessel of the pirate and sank it. En
raged at this, Berenguel attacked the Genoese in his
turn, firing on them not only from his own ships, but
also from the heavy guns of the port. The slaughter
was great on both sides. After an obstinate resistance
the Genoese were forced to retire, not without first
having destroyed the principal houses and towers
by a well-directed cannonade, and caused such havoc
in the town that the inhabitants lamented and com-
* Gomez, pp. 1099, 1100. Petrus Martyr, ep. 621. Elechier,
liv. iv. pp. 391—394.

490 THE LIFE OF
plained, saying the Turks could hardly have carried
devastation further. The indignation against the
Genoese was universal. Ximenez shared it, as
is proved by his severe and cruel edict. On
the other hand, he was highly and justly irritated
against Berenguel, whom he immediately dismissed
from his command of the fleet. But Berenguel
found friends at the court of Flanders who inter
ested themselves in his behalf and obtained his
reinstallation in his former dignity, much to the
annoyance of the cardinal. We must add, that he
shortly after retrieved his offence to a certain extent
by his success in a naval engagement, in which he
captured four three-oared galleys from the Turks.*
The Genoese soon felt the disastrous effects of the
edict upon their commerce. They consequently
sent an embassy to Elanders to excuse themselves
with the king, and assure him of the deep regret,
which the occurrence had caused to the republic,
contending, however, that the chief blame rested
not with them, but with Berenguel. They further
stated, to satisfy the Spanish crown, the senate had
pronounced sentence of death against the captains
of the three war-gallions, and condemned the infe
rior officers to other severe punishments. These
sentences would have been carried out, had not
providence forestalled them by all but utterly de
stroying the vessels in a storm near Nice. Charles
pardoned the Genoese, and promised to revoke the
edict of the cardinal. But Ximenez remonstrated
and gave reasons why the sequestration of their
property should continue, assuring Charles of
having in the interval received intelligence of an
alliance between Genoa and France, the purport of
which was nothing less than to wrest from Spain
* Gomez, pp. 1100, 1101. Petrus Martyr, ep. 573, 576.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 491
her possessions in Italy. As long as such an alli
ance existed, the property could not be restored, in
order to be able, in case of a rupture, to fight the
Genoese with their own money. The Genoese, how
ever, soon removed these suspicions, and, with the
consent of Ximenez himself, entered again into the
possession of their property.*
The solicitude of Ximenez was not merely con
fined to Castile, but embraced all the dominions of
his king, whose interest he had constantly at heart.
The following is an instance : — The dtfke of Najara,
viceroy of Navarre, informed the cardinal that he
had received orders from King Charles to send the
cavalry under his command to Italy, and place them
at the disposal of the emperor, Maximilian, then
engaged in the siege of Brescia. France had lately
gained considerable ground in Italy; the war of
Maximilian against this power was therefore as
much in the interest of his grandson as in his own.
Convinced that it was his duty not to withhold his
advice in so grave an affair ,Ximenez despatched in all
haste a courier to Charles, urging him to induce his
grandfather to abstain from continuing the siege of
Brescia, a place which nature and art had made
almost impregnable, and persuade him to lay siege
to Milan instead, as the fall of the capital would
necessarily draw after it that of Brescia and the
rest of Lombardy. .If the king of Erance attacked
Naples, he, for his part, would, with Charles's con
sent, make a diversion into Erance, and order his
soldiers to march direct upon Paris. As regards
the Neapolitan nobles, who were living at the court
of Brussels, Charles would do well to forbid his
courtiers to treat them with insolence as heretofore,
and to settle their affairs as quickly as possible,
* Gomez, pp. 1102, 1103. Petrus Martyr, ep. 585. Flechier,
liv. iv. pp. 394—399.

492 THE LIFE OF
that they might not be affronted, but become at
tached and remain faithful to their allegiance in
case of war. Above all, he advised Charles no longer
to withold the pay due to the Spanish troops sta
tioned in Naples; it would be better to postpone the
payments to his household than those to the soldiers.
In order easier to suppress the movement by which
Italy was agitated, Charles should endeavour to
gain the goodwill of the pope. Although Leo X.
professed the greatest friendship, his political inten
tions could not implicitly be trusted, the less so
because only recently he had sanctioned in France
the levying of the tax for the holy war, whilst it was
evident that the plans of the king were not directed
against the Turks, but against Germany and Spain.
For this reason the pope should be kept a little in
fear. He himself (Ximenez) had, a short time ago,
acted in this spirit, by addressing a letter to Leo in
which he had candidly spoken his mind, and invited
him to more friendly dispositions towards Spain.
It was therefore of the greatest importance that
Charles should be particularly careful in the choice
of his ambassador to Bome, and select onlv such
a man as was likely easily to obtain considerable
influence with the diplomatic body at the court of
Bome. This admonition was the more needed as
Charles, on the advice of his friends in Flanders,
had, in the person of Don Pedro Urreo, appointed
an adjunct to Hieronymus Vict, till then his only
ambassador at Bome, and these two men, instead of
working in concert for the interest of their master,
constantly opposed each other, and paralyzed their
actions. Equally important, continued Ximenez,
was the choice of the papal nuncio, upon whose
reports to the pope depended much of the ami
cable relation of the two courts, the most violent
quarrels and agitations having resulted from the

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 493
incapacity or arrogance of a nuncio. According to
recent information, the pope had destined Lawrence
Pucci, a nephew of the cardinal of the same name,
as nuncio for Castile : Charles should endeavour
to prevent this choice, as the young prelate was
frivolous and the uncle proud and of" insatiable
avarice.* The pope sent, indeed, not Pucci, but
the cardinal Aegidius of Viterbo, general of the
Augustins, but not until after the death of Ximenez,
in the spring of 1518.!
During these events, Ximenez exerted himself
strenuously in behalf of his former opponent, the
Cardinal Garvajal. This prelate had been the chief
of the league of the cardinals against Pope Julius 1 1.,
and had in consequence been excommunicated.
Yielding to the desire of this pope, King Ferdinand,
as we have seen before, had deprived Caravajal of
his bishopric of Siguenza, and given it to Prince
Frederick of Portugal. After the death of Julius,
Caravajal, having become reconciled to Leo X., and
been reinstated into his dignity of cardinal,! soli
cited the restitution of his bishopric of Siguenza,
backed by Ximenez in his request. But difficulties
arose which prevented the settlement of the question.
The partisans of Caravajal, and those of Bishop Fre
derick came even to blows, and the affair was
arranged only after the death of the bishop of Pla
sencia, whose seat was given to Caravajal as indem
nification for that of Siguenza. §
Ximenez rendered a similar service to Hadrian,
in the summer of 1516, by proposing him to Charles
for the vacant bishopric of Tortona, and the place of
grand-inquisitor for Aragon. Hadrian obtained
* Gomez, p. 1104. Elechier, liv. iv. pp. 399—401.
t Petrus Martyr, ep. 616, 621.
t Eaynaldus, ad. ann. 1513, n. 47. #
§ Gomez, pp. 1104, 1105. Flechier, liv. iv. p. 402.

494 THE LIFE OF
these two high offices, but nevertheless continued to
reside in Castile, and remain in his former relations
to this kingdom.* Ximenez procured also for Mota,
the celebrated preacher and secretary to Charles,
the bishopric of Badajoz, the former occupant of
which, Manrique, received that of Cordova instead.!
* Gomez, p. 1107. Miniana, lib. i. c. i. p. 4.
t Gomez, p. 1107. Petrus Martyr, ep. 576.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 495

CHAPTEB XXV.
SOLICITUDE OE XIMINEZ E0B AMERICA.*
The new world had, shortly after its discovery,
been the object of the pious zeal of our cardinal.
He tlid not neglect it when he became regent.
About the time when Christopher Columbus made
his first voyage of discovery, and on the 12th of
October, 1492, saluted the land so long wished
for, Ximenez was first called from the solitude
of his cloister to the brilliant court of Isabella.
Born in one and the same year, one and the same
event determined the career of these two great men.
Full of joy at the conquest of Granada, Isabella
granted to the intrepid mariner the vessels which he
had solicited for so many years, appointed her
former confessor, the virtuous Talavera, to the new
archiepiscopal see of Granada, and summoned Xi
menez in his place to the court. During the time
that the pious Eranciscan guided the conscience
of the queen, Columbus returned from his first
voyage on the 15th March, 1493, full of the glorious
news of his discoveries, and bringing proofs of them
to his masters. The sight of the indigenes, whom
he had brought with him, increased the desire, so
natural in Christian princes, of communicating the
light of the gospel to those infidels. Ferdinand
and Isabella resolved, in consequence, to have the
young heathens educated to become apostles of their
nation. They themselves, together with the here
ditary prince, Juan, stood sponsors to them, and sent
* The former biographers of the cardinal have almost entirely
omitted mentioning his activity in this respect.

496 THE LIFE OF
them to Seville to receive the necessary instruction
for their future office.* But, like Pope Gregory the
great, who could not patiently await the moment
when the Anglo-Saxon youths whom he had bought
would become fit to be sent back to their native
country as missionaries, so the Spanish monarchs
could not wait, but at once organized a mission for
the new Indies, the members of which set sail with
Columbus for the New World in September of the
same year.!
A Papal brief had placed Bernard Boil, abbot of
the celebrated Benedictine monastery, Montserrat,
in Catalonia, J at the head of the mission, and under
his guidance, the Eranciscan, Juan Perez of Mar-
chera, is said to have built the first Christian chapel
in Hispaniola.§ The assertion is false that Bartho
lomew Las Casas, then still a layman, and student
of nineteen years of age, afterwards priest, and the
warmest defender of the liberties of the Indians,
accompanied Columbus and his own father to the
New World. ||
* Herrera, " Historia de las Indias Occidentales," Madrid,
1730 ; decada i. lib. ii. c. v. p. 42.
t Benzon (" Historia India? Oecidentalis," 1586, p. 35) narrates
that Columbus took four baptized Indians back with him to
America. But as he arrived in Spain in March, 1493, and re
turned to the New World in September of the same year, these
four can hardly have been sufficiently educated to act as mis
sionaries, but only as interpreters for the missionaries.
X According to Eaynaldi (" Contin. Annalium Baronii," ad. ann.
1493, n. 24) Boil was a Eranciscan. But Herrera, who is the
greatest authority for the early history of America, declares him
to have been a Benedictine (decas i. lib. ii. c. v. p. 42). Nor does
"Wadding, the historian of the Eranciscan order, claim him as a
member of his fraternity ; he only refutes those who seek in Boil
the first patriarch of India, and the real apostle of the new
world. (Annales Minorum, tom. xv. p. 28 et seq.) Boil, indeed,
effected but little. The papal brief for him and his companions is
to be found in Eaynaldus. § Wadding, tom. xv. p. 18, n. 2.
|| Llorente, in his edition of Las Casas's works (p. ii.), asserts

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 497
The proofs of Ximenez' participation in this first
mission to America are wanting, but we have the
testimony of Gomez, that, eight years after, at his
instigation, a new effort was made to christianize
the transatlantic world, the mission of Boil and
his companions having produced but little results.
^ Columbus was in the right path when he advised
his priests to learn the language of the indigenes.*
Several caciques, as, for instance, Guarinoer, showed
inclination to embrace the Christian religion ; but
the firm rooting and propagation of the gospel was
prevented, partly by the vices and the cruelty of the
Spaniards, partly by the incapacity of the first mis
sionaries.! We know nothing of the fruits of their
exertions, except that Father Boman Pane, of the
order of the Hermits of St. Jerome, together with
John Borgonon, a Franciscan, had for a short period
won over the above cacique and his subjects. The
cruelties of the Spaniards, however, as well as the
representations of the other Indians, soon provoked
this tribe to renounce the newly-adopted faith. This
was the only glorious achievement of the whole mis
sion. On the other hand, we know that Father Boil
unjustly took part against Columbus, that he belonged
to the party of the malcontents, complained bitterly
of the hardships of his position, and especially of a
famine which they had to endure, and returned in
1494, with several of his companions, to Spain, there
to swell the number of the enemies of the great
admiral.J
that he accompanied Columbus only in his third voyage in the
year 1498. Prescott has committed a double error with refer
ence to him. In vol. i. he despatches him to America as early as
1493, and as an ecclesiastic ; and in vol. ii. be places his first voyage
in the year 1498 or 1502.
* Herrera, decas i. lib. iii. c. iv. p. 70. t Ibid.
X Idem, decas i. lib. ii. c. xii. p. 53 ; c. xvi. p. 59 ; c. xviii.
p. 62.
2 K

498 THE LIFE OF
In the year 1496, Columbus returned to Spain to
defend himself against the accusations of his enemies.
He was successful, but committed the grave fault of
taking, for want of better colonists, a number of con
victed criminals with him to America,* who soon
turned the new world into a hell, and furnished the
opponents of Columbus with numerous pretexts for
complaints. Affairs grew worse through the oppo
sition and rebellion of Francis Boldan, supreme
judge of the New World. But the admiral himself
completed the disorder, by the introduction of the
repartimientos or distributions,! according to which
the indigenes were portioned off to the Spaniards'
like so many cattle. The Indians were thereby
exposed to numberless tortures, and filled with the
most intense hatred for their conquerors and
oppressors. Ferdinand, and even Isabella, the
great friend of Columbus, then conceived doubts,
which may easily be excused, as to the fitness of
the great mariner for the government and adminis
tration of their new possessions. J This unfavourable
opinion was nourished by Juan Bodriguez Eonseca,
for several years president of the Council for India. §
It increased, and reached its height, when, in June
of the year 1500, two vessels arrived from Ame
rica freighted with three hundred Indians, whom
Columbus had given as slaves to ancient partisans
of Boldan, who had before returned to Spain. " By
what right," asked the indignant queen, " dares
Columbus thus treat my subjects ? " ||
In consequence of this injudicious act, the Spanish
monarchs sent Francis de Bobadilla, a knight of the
* Herrera, decas i. lib. iii. c. ii. p. 66.
t Idem, decas i. lib. iii. c. xvi. p. 93 et seq.
X Irving, Columbus, book xiii. c. i.
§ Herrera, decas i. lib. iii. c. xv. p. 91. Irving, book v. c. viii.
|| Herrera, decas i. lib. iv. c. xvii. p. 109. Irving, book xiii. c. i.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 499
order of Calatrava, as perquisidor to Hispaniola, with
full powers to inspect the administration of Colum
bus, and, in case of his being found guilty, to take
upon himself the reins of the government of the
colony. Documents left in blank, but signed by the
monarchs, were to enable him at once, there and
then, to execute under royal authority any and every
disposition he deemed necessary. Ferdinand and
Isabella had arrived at this decision as early as the
spring of 1499, but it was not carried into effect
until July of the following year, because more fa
vourable news was still expected from Hispaniola.
Precisely about this period — that is, when this
resolution was first taken, and ultimately executed —
the monarchs resided in the southern provinces of
the kingdom, sometimes at Granada, sometimes at
Seville, for the purpose of organizing the administra
tion of thenewly-conquered kingdom, and suppressing
the rebellions which had broken out there. Ximenez
was also there, occupied with the conversion of the
Moors. He had an interview with the sovereigns
at Seville, in which, Gomez tells us, he proposed,
amongst other matters, another Christian mission
to the New World.* Gomez doubtless here alludes
to the journey of the archbishop to Seville, of which
we have before spoken at page 69, undertaken in
the beginning of the year 1500, to reassure Ferdi
nand and Isabella about the revolt in the Albaycim,
and justify himself and his proceedings. At the
instigation of Ximenez, Gomez continues, a number
of excellent monks from different monasteries of
Spain were then sent to Hispaniola, amongst them
also Francis Buyz, the well-known friend and com
mensal of the archbishop, John Tressiera, and John
Bobled.! But although there can be no doubt about
* Gomez, p. 962, 27. t Idem, p. 962, 36.
2K2

500 THE LIFE OF
a mission having, by the advice of Ximenez, been
despatched to America in the commencement of the
sixteenth century, his ancient biographer is not
correct as to the date, and furnishes himself the
proofs of his error. A few lines after telling the
above facts, he informs us that, his health failing,
Buyz, at the end of six months, was compelled to
return home, and made his voyage ~back in the same
fleet which conveyed Bobadilla as prisoner.* This
happened in the summer of the year 1502; therefore,
if Buyz had sailed with Bobadilla, he would in
reality have stayed two years in the New World,
and not a few months only.
The dates of Gomez are easily rectified if we
consult the profane history of the New World of the
next two or three years. Bobadilla landed on His
paniola on the 23rd August, 1500,! and immediately
treated Columbus as a criminal, sending him to
Spain in irons, " for fear," as Columbus's son and
biographer ironically observes, " he might by some
miracle be enabled to swim back to Hispaniola." |
Thus degraded, treated like a criminal, on the 25th
November, 1500, the man whose monument is the
discovery of a new world, arrived in Spain. Indig
nant at such ill-treatment, the monarchs released him
without delay, decreeing shortly after the revocation
of Bobadilla, who had so shamefully abused the autho
rity confided to him. Nicolas Ovando, knight of the
order of Calatrava, was in his stead appointed gover
nor of the Indies, and sailed on the 13th February,
1502. In July of the same year he sent Bobadilla
as prisoner back to Spain. § But a violent storm
* Gomez, p. 962, 43.
t Herrera, decas i. lib. iv. c. viii. p. 110. Navarette, Eelation
des Quatre Voyages entrepris par Ch. Colomb (Paris, 1828),
tom. iii. p. 57.
X Fernan Colon, Historia del Almirante, c. 86.
§ Herrera, decas i. lib. v. c. i. p. 123 ; c. ii. p. 126.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 501
destroyed nearly the entire fleet : Bobadilla found
his grave in the waves ; and a few vessels only, one
of them bearing Buyz, were fortunate enough to
reach the Spanish coast.
Thus it is clear that the six months of which
Gomez speaks are correct, if we assume Buyz to
have started with Ovando in Eebruary, 1502, and
returned in the summer of the same year with the
shipwrecked fleet. This assumption is strengthened
by the account of Herrera, who records that ten
Franciscan friars, under the guidance of Eather
Alonso del Espinar, embarked for the New World
with Ovando.*
The sincerity of Ferdinand, and particularly that
of Isabella, to christianize the New World, is beyond
doubt, and best shown by their exhortations to
Ovando : to proclaim the liberty of all the Indians, to
rule them justly, and to be zealous in the propaga
tion of the holy Catholic faith ; but, above all,
carefully to avoid ill-treating the Indians, so as not
to retard or prevent their conversion.!
It is hardly necessary to add that Wadding, the
great chronicler of the Franciscan order, correctly
places the above mission in the year 1502.$ It
may, however, not be unimportant to investigate the
cause which has given rise to the mistake committed
by Gomez. He knew that the Franciscan, John
Tressiera, accompanied Bobadilla to America ;§ and
this fact in all probability led him to assert that
the other missionaries embarked at the same time,
whilst in reality they followed him two years after.
* Herrera, decas i. lib. v. c. i. p. 123. Irving, book xvi. eh. iii.
Together with Bobadilla, six other missionaries embarked for the
New World. — Irving, book xiii. c. i.
f Herrera, decas i. lib. iv. c. ii. p. 117; c. xii. p. 118.
X Wadding, Annales, tom. xv. p. 247, n. 3.
§ Ibid. p. 229, n. 2 ; p. 248, n. 4. Herrera, decas i. lib. iv.
c. is. p. 113.

502 THE LIFE OF
From the year 1502 to his nomination as regent,
ancient chronicles are silent about any further par
ticipation of Ximenez in the christianizing of the
New World.
True to the instructions received from Isabella,
Ovando at first abolished the repartimientos, and de
clared the Indians free. But when he saw that
their natural dislike to work could not even be
overcome by money, that they remained equally
averse to the Christian religion, and that the utter
ruin of the Spanish colonies was thereby threat
ened,* Ovando introduced on his own responsibility
another species of repartimientos, which he called
" hirings." By these the Indians were for a specified
time, and against a stipulated sum, forced to work
the mines and till the soil for the Spaniards. Ovando
succeeded in obtaining for his measure the consent
of Isabella, this great patron of the Indians, not
without receiving from her fresh and excellent in
structions for the conversion of the savages.! The
severity, however, by which his administration, in
other respects wise and praiseworthy, is darkened,
prevented the spreading of the gospel.
The cruelties perpetrated by Christians in the New
World were carefully concealed from Isabella. When,
shortly before her death, she heard of them, she gave
in the last days of her life touching proofs of her
solicitude for the unfortunate victims, and on her
deathbed forced the promise from her husband to
recall Ovando, — a promise which was but tardily
executed by Ferdinand. She, moreover, introduced
a clause in her testament, by which she admonishes
her successors to hasten the baptism and civilization
of the poor Indians, to treat them with the greatest
* Herrera, decas i. lib. iv. c. xi. p. 140.
t Idem, decas i. lib. v. c. xi. p. 140 ; c. xii. p. 143.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 503
humanity, and repair the injustice done to their
persons and property.*
In spite of these exhortations, the lot of the indi
genes became worse after the death of the queen,
under the administration of Diego, a son of Colum
bus, and more particularly that of Albuquerque.
The avarice of the Spaniards rose to such a pitch
that the cacique Hatuey believed, not without
reason, that gold was the real god of the Christians.
It was in vain, under these circumstances, to build
Christian churches, and erect episcopal sees in
America. The Indians conceived such a hatred
against the religion of their oppressors, that the
same cacique Hatuey declared he would rather not
go to heaven if Spaniards were there.
In these calamitous times there arose Christian
priests, foremost amongst them Las Casas! and the
missionaries of the Dominican order, to defend the
liberty and inalienable rights of the poor Indians.
They preached from the pulpit, and spoke in the
confessional in their favour. As early as 1511
Montesino, one of the most gifted preachers of the
Dominicans in America, preached a sermon in the
cathedral of St. Domingo, in the presence of the
governor Diego Columbus, the principal public
functionaries, and nobles of all kinds, in which he
thundered against the ill-treatment of the Indians,
in the most impassioned tones of popular eloquence.
The auditors, fearing the dangers of a reform which
would be prejudicial to their interests, demanded of
his superiors the punishment of the audacious
monk who had dared to speak against the royal
ordinance. But the vicar of the Dominicans, a
firm and enlightened man, rejected their unrea
sonable demands, declaring: "What the father
* Prescott, vol. ii.
t He had accompanied Ovando to America in the year 1502.

504 THE LIFE OF
has said is unanimously embraced by the whole
convent; he has in his sermon said nothing incom
patible with the service of God or the king." The
order being threatened with expulsion if Montesino
did not retract, the latter appeared willing to do
so. On the following Sunday the church was over
flowed ; but when the father, to the universal
astonishment of his audience, not only repeated his
assertions, but strengthened them by fresh proofs,
the functionaries became enraged, and carried, their
complaints direct to the king. Nevertheless, the Do
minicans persevered in their zeal, obstinately refusing
absolution and the sacraments to every one who
owned an Indian as a slave. The Franciscans,
Father Espinosa at their head, pursued a less rigorous
practice. Envoys were, by both parties, sent to
Spain, to plead their cause with the king. Monte
sino, who was one of them, made a favourable
impression upon the king. But, unwilling to
decide without a previous thorough investigation
of the affair, Ferdinand appointed a committee
composed of a considerable number of statesmen
and theologians, who, taking the last will of Isabella
for their basis, declared the Indians free, and
entitled to all the rights which nature has given
to man.*
This declaration did not stop the repartimientos.
The king contented himself with commanding, in
the1 year 1512, a better treatment of the Indians,
and restricting real slavery to the anthropophagous
Caribs.! In the following year he favoured the
Spaniards still more, by proclaiming that, according
to the matured opinion of the learned, and in virtue
of the bull of Alexander VI., which made him
possessor of the New World, the repartimientos
* Herrara, decas i. lib. viii. c. xi. pp. 221, 222 ; c. xii. p. 123.
t Idem, decas i. lib. viii. c. xii. p. 124.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 505
were quite in accordance with divine and human
rights. Every one might therefore, without scruples
of conscience, be owner of Indians, as the king and
his council would bear all responsibility. The
Dominicans he admonished to show in future more
moderation.* This edict induced Las Casas to return to Spain
in the year 1515, where he pleaded the cause of the
Indians with so much warmth that Eerdinand pro
mised to remedy the evil. But death prevented the
execution of his resolution. Las Casas prepared
to go to Elanders, there to renew his exertions with
the new king Charles, when Ximenez, now become
regent of Castile, kept him back by promising to
look personally into the matter.!
The cardinal gave several audiences to Las Casas,
in presence of Hadrian, the dean of Louvain, of the
minister and licentiate Zapata, the doctors Car
vajal and Palacios Bubios, and of Francis Buyz,
who had been raised to the episcopal see of Avila.
After having made himself acquainted with the
laws which the affair of Father Montesino had called
into existence, he charged the zealous missionary, in
conjunction with Dr. Palacios Bubios, to consider
the best mode of governing the Indians. Their
reports determined him to the following resolution,
which struck the ministers of the late king with
terror. According to his opinion, it was not in the
province of statesmen to decide upon this question,
but of priests, who, invested with full powers, could
investigate the matter in Hispaniola. Neither the
Eranciscans nor the Dominicans appearing to him
sufficiently unbiassed and unprejudiced for an
impartial inquiry, he addressed himself to the
General of the Jeronimites, requesting him to select
* Herrera, decas i. lib. ix. c. xiv. p. 255.
t Idem, decas ii. lib. i. c. xi. p. 16 ; lib. u. c. m. pp. 26, 27.

506 THE LIFE OF
several members of his order, to send them with
royal authority to America. The general, who
resided in the monastery of St. Bartholomew of
Lupina, immediately called together all the priors
of the province of Castile to a private chapter, in
which, agreeably to the desire of the cardinal, twelve
of the most worthy members of the order were
selected. Four priors were sent to Madrid to
acquaint the cardinal of what had been done.
Ximenez received them one Sunday afternoon, in
the monastery of St. Jerome, in the presence of
Hadrian, Zapata, Carvajal, Bubios, and the bishop
of Avila. Las Casas, present on the occasion, was
charged to repair to the general of the Jeronimites
and invite him to select from the chosen twelve,
three monks of his order whom he considered fittest
for the mission. The choice fell on Father Bernardin
of Manzanedo, on Ludwig of Figueroa, prior of La
Mejorada at Olmedo, and on the prior of the
Jeronimite monastery at Seville.*
Ximenez remained steadfast in his resolution, in
spite of the insinuations of almost all the Spaniards
who had returned from the New World and were
then living at the court. They accused Las Casas
of having grossly exaggerated his accounts of the
condition of the New World, and of often having
committed imprudent actions by his impetuous zeal.
If his plans were a'dopted, the civilization and con
version of the Indians would become an impossibility;
these could only be achieved by forcing the barbarous
and indolent indigenes to work and associate with
the Christians.!
Ximenez now ordered the instructions to be
drawn up, which his monastic commissaries were to
take with them to the New World. Immediately
* Herrera, decas ii. lib. ii. c. iii. p. 27. Gomez, 1085.
t Herrera, ibid.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 507
after their arrival, and before proceeding to other
matters, they should liberate all the Indians whose
masters were not resident in America. They should
assemble the Spanish colonists, and declare to them
that evil reports of their conduct were the sole
cause of their arrival in the New World ; and should,
if necessary on oath, question them on the real state
of the country. They should, at the same time, not
neglect to obtain privately the fullest information,
and think of the best means of remedying the
abuses. The fathers should call the principal caciques to a
meeting, and declare to them, in the name of Queen
Isabella and her son Charles, that they were free
subjects of their majesties, that any injustice which
had been done to them would be repaired, and that
they should communicate this to the other caciques
and to their own subjects to deliberate with them
about the measures to be taken for the improvement
of their condition, which was a matter of great con
cern to their majesties. In order that the Indians
might believe them, these meetings should be attended
by several monks who already possessed the confi
dence of the savages and spoke their language.*
The other chapters of the instructions charged the
three fathers to send monks of the country to the
different islands of the New World, to investigate
their condition, and obtain the fullest information as
to the treatment to which the Indians had hitherto
been subjected. It would be advisable to build
villages for the Indians in the four islands in which
mines existed, as the work would be less irk
some to them if they lived nearer the place of their
occupation. Each of these villages should consist
of three hundred families, as many houses, a church,
* Herrera, decas ii. lib. ii. c. iv. p. 28.

508 THE LIFE OF
a larger habitation for the cacique, and an hospital ;
and the choice of the place be left to the cacique and
his Indians.
Such tribes of the Indians as were too far removed
from the mines should be collected in villages
built on their native soil, be taught agriculture and
the breeding of cattle, and in return pay a certain
tribute to the king.
To each village sufficient territory should be al
lotted, and this divided in such a manner that each of
the citizens received one portion, the cacique four,
the remainder to serve as thrashing-place and pas
ture ground. No Indian could be forced to join the
community. If the subjects of one cacique were
insufficient to fill a village, several tribes were to be
united, each cacique retaining his authority over
his own subjects, the lesser caciques as heretofore
being subordinate to the greater ones. Each village
to be governed by the principal cacique in conjunc
tion with the priest of the community and the
royal administrator. The latter to have the super
intendence of several villages and his post to be
filled by none other but a Castilian. If a cacique had
no male issue, and a Castilian married the hereditary
daughter, the latter to be cacique after the death of
his father-in-law. In concert with the priest, the
caciques to be permitted to punish their subjects, but
their power not to extend beyond the sentence of
flogging. Graver cases to be brought before the
ordinary royal courts, which punished also the
caciques if they failed in doing their duty.*
The fathers should exhort the administrators of
the districts to visit, from time to time, the villages
of which the inspection was confided to them, to
be watchful that the Indians lived orderly with
* Herrara, decas ii. lib. ii. c. iv. pp. 28, 29.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 509
their families in their habitations, and were indus
trious in the mines as well as in the field.
The Indians were, however, in no wise to be op
pressed, and the administrators to be sworn not to
burden them with too much work. The latter
might, in the execution of their functions, be accom
panied by three or four armed Castilians ; but only
such weapons to be given to the Indians as were
required for hunting. The administrators and
priests of the villages of the Indians should endea
vour to accustom the savages to wear dresses, to
sleep in beds, to retain their furniture and working
tools, to wean them from eating squatted on the
ground, &c, to exhort them to content themselves
with one wife and not to abandon her, also to recom
mend chastity to the women, or to threaten them
with flogging in case of adultery.
The administrators were to receive an adequate
remuneration for their services, one half of which
was defrayed by the king, the other half by the re
spective villages ; they should be married, to prevent
abuses, and keep a book in which the names of the
caciques and their Indians were to be inscribed, as
also the greater or lesser industry with which they
performed their work.
One regular or secular priest to be appointed for
every village, whose duty would be to instruct the
Indians in the Christian faith, to teach each indivi
dual according to his faculties, to preach to them,
to administer the sacraments, to accustom them to
hear mass, and there to keep the women apart from
the men ; to admonish them to pay their tithes, and
bring their firstlings as offerings for the Church and
her servants. These ecclesiastics were to say mass for
the Indians every Sunday and festival, as also several
times during the week. For this they were to
receive, in addition to casual offerings and presents,

510 THE LIFE OP
a portion of the tithes, but nothing for confessions,
marriages, interments, or the administration of the
sacraments in general. On the evenings of the
Sundays and festivals the Indians should be called
together by the bell to receive instruction in the
catechism, and light penances should be imposed on
such as were absent. For the inferior service of the
Church, a sacristan was to be appointed in every
village, whose duty would be, besides, to teach the
children to read, taking particular care gradually to
accustom the Indians to the Spanish language. The
hospital, which was to be erected in the centre of each
village, to be supported by the inhabitants, and to
admit the sick, the aged who could no longer work,
and orphans. Every poor person to receive daily one
pound of meat from the common slaughter-house.
All the male inhabitants of a village between the
years of twenty and fifty should, one third at a time,
work in turns at the mines, and be relieved every
three months, according to the directions of the
cacique. The women to be exempt from these occu
pations, unless they offered themselves of their own
free will or by order of their husbands. The places
of master-miners and inspectors could only be given
to Indians. Until these had accustomed themselves
to the breeding of cattle and poultry, a number of
mares, cows, sows, hens, &c, should, be kept for
the benefit of the whole community, as also a
common slaughter-house erected.
The gold ore should remain with the Indian
master-miners until the time of melting, which was
to take place every two months, in presence of the
principal cacique and the administrator. The pro
ducts to be divided into three equal portions — one
for the king, and two for the Indians. From the
latter were to be deducted the costs of the imple
ments and cattle, as well as the expenses connected

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 511
with the construction of the villages. The rest to
be equally distributed amongst all the families, the
caciques receiving six, the master-miners two por
tions. Each Indian to defray from his portion, the
expense of his tools for mining operations.
Besides these Indians, twelve Castilian master-
miners should be appointed to search for gold mines,
which, if found, were to be given over to the Indians
for working.
The Castilians should respect the liberty of the
Indians in general, but be permitted to make slaves
of the anthropophagous Caribs. Whoever, under
this pretext, dared to oppress the peaceful Indians,
was to be punished with death, and any one ill-
treating them to be brought for punishment before
the court, which admitted even the depositions of
the Indians themselves.
These instructions were, however, in no way
binding for the Jeronimite commissaries. Ximenez
gave them full powers, in each individual case, to
modify or otherwise alter them, according to their
best judgment and circumstances. He did this the
more readily, as he really had the civilization of the
New World" at heart.*
Foreseeing the possibility of the Jeronimites being,
after due inquiry, compelled to sanction the con
tinuance of the repartimientos, the cardinal provided
them with the necessary instructions. They should,
in this case, adopt the laws of the year 1512, but
modify their rigour in the following points : the
women and children should not be forced to work,
the Indians not be burdened with heavy loads, nor
exchanged ; their time for work be diminished, and
they allowed three hours' rest every day. They
should receive daily rations of meat, and their pay
be increased. Whoever treated an Indian as a slave
* Herrera, decas ii. lib. ii. c. v. pp. 29—31.

512 THE LIFE OF
who was not given him by the repartimientos should
be punished. One-third only of the working popula
tion should be employed at a time, and the adminis
trators take an oath not to overwork the Indians. It
should be the duty of the administrators during the
whole year to visit the villages, and their particular
endeavour to find out whether any Indians were fit to
be emancipated, and able to live without supervision
as free subjects of the king ; care should be taken to
promote this object as much as possible. Lastly,
a well-informed and conscientious man should be
appointed to defend the cause of the Indians at
court ; and Spanish workmen sent to the island, to
hasten the construction of the buildings.*
The despatches for the Jeronimites completed,
Ximenez appointed Las Casas protector of all the
Indians, with a yearly salary of 100 pesos, and
directed him to join the three monks, in order to
assist them by his experience, and give them further
instructions. At the same time, he nominated the
licentiate Alonso Zuazo, a distinguished and very
honest jurist of Valladolid, criminal judge, to accom
pany the commission, and investigate the adminis
tration hitherto practised in the country. The
ministers Zapata and Carvajal refused at first to
sign the very extensive powers conceded to this
man; but Ximenez, in his quality of regent, ordering
them peremptorily to do so, they ultimately affixed
their signatures ; not, however, without reserving
the right of acquainting King Charles, at his arrival,
of their refusal, and the force employed by the car
dinal. The commission then prepared to depart ;
but the prior of Seville being unable to join his
companions, Alphonso, the prior of St. John of
Ortega, at Burgos, was chosen in his stead ; and
* Herrera, decas ii. lib. ii. c. vi. pp. 31, 32.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 513
Father Ludwig of Figueroa, appointed the head of
the commission.
Meanwhile, fourteen Franciscans, pious and
learned men, had arrived in Spain from Picardy,
to join the American mission. Amongst them was
a brother of the king of Scotland, an old grey
headed man, who was greatly revered for his vir
tues ; and at their head, Father Bemigius, who
had once been a missionary in the New World.
Ximenez showed great kindness to these monks,
members of the same Order to which he belonged,
and provided for their passage to Hispaniola.
By the hands of his commissaries, Ximenez for
warded several despatches to the royal functionaries
in America, by which he ordered a correct statement
to be prepared of the revenues which the royal fiscus
had derived from America, until the death of Fer
dinand ; as, according to the will of Isabella, one
half of these belonged to Ferdinand, the other half
to the crown of Castile. The cardinal also took
occasion earnestly to remind the governors and
judges of the necessity of treating the Indians with
humanity, and of continuing the zeal for their
conversion. At the same time, he forbade them
to send out any ships for fresh discoveries, &c,
without an ecclesiastic who could watch over the
strict observance of his orders and regulations.
A third edict of still greater importance was at
this period issued by the cardinal-regent. Negro
slaves had repeatedly been sold to America, and
been employed there in the colonies. They were
in special demand, and well paid for, on account of
theix aptitude and strength for work, one negro
being calculated to do the work of four Indians.
Shortly before the departure of the Jeronimites,
proposals were made to Ximenez to permit the trade
2 L

514 THE LIFE OF
in negro slaves, particular stress being laid upon
the advantage which the royal exchequer could
derive from an impost laid upon this trade. It is
not known from whom these proposals emanated,
but there is nothing to justify our charging Las
Casas with them ; although, it is a well-known fact
that this patron of the Indians in the interest of
his favourites ultimately carried this point with
Charles V* Ximenez not only stanchly resisted
all insinuations, but published an edict forbidding
all and every importation of negro slaves.!
Everything having at last been arranged, the
Jeronimites and their companions set sail for the
New World on the 15th November, 1516. Zuazo,
who was not ready yet, and Las Casas, were left
behind ; the latter on the alleged ground that the
ship was already too full to accommodate him pro
perly. The real motive, however, was the desire
of the Jeronimites not to arrive in America in
company of a man who was, already, bitterly hated
by the colonists, as by appearing to share his
sentiments, they would, from the very beginning,
lose much of their influence. The Jeronimites
landed in Hispaniola on the 20th December, 1516,
and Las Casas, who had sailed in a second vessel,
thirteen days after them.J They fixed their resi
dence in the monastery of the Franciscans, much
astonished, says Gomez, at perceiving ripe grapes
and figs in the gardens, and finding the air so hot
that they perspired, in the middle of the night, whilst
* Las Casas began only in the year 1517 to advocate the
introduction of negroes, after a great number of them had already
been imported there.
t Herrera, decas ii. lib. ii. c. viii. p. 34. It is doubtful whether
Ximenez refused the importation of negro slaves from humanity
or for political reasons. Irving is of opinion that his clear
political mind foresaw the future revolts of the negroes.
X Gomez, p. 1085.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 515
singing their matins, as plentifully as during the
dog days in Spain.*
The fathers, after having handed their powers to
the astonished royal functionaries, began at once to
inquire into the condition of the island, the treat
ment of the Indians, and all the other points indi
cated to them by Las Casas, showing much tact and
prudence in their proceedings.! They interrogated
the judges about the administrators, conversed with
a great number of indigenes and ecclesiastics, con
sulted Las Casas at every step, and abolished the
repartimientos of persons not living in America,
those present being permitted to retain theirs under
the condition of treating the Indians kindly. These
concessions were intended to allay the excitement
produced amongst the Spanish colonists by the zeal
of Las Casas. They considered it necessary to pro
ceed slowly and gradually with an affair so grave as
the emancipation of the Indians. Their sudden and
complete delivery threatened not only greatly to
injure the interests of the colonists, but to endanger
altogether the colonization and civilization of the
New: World, and to stop the propagation of Chris
tianity. Las Casas, for his part, was highly exasperated
by these concessions, having imagined the Jeroni
mites would, on their arrival in Hispaniola, entirely
suppress the repartimientos. He grew so passionate
in his zeal, that he even threatened the fathers, and
retired every night into a monastery of the Domini
cans to place his life in security against the hatred
of the Spaniards. The Jeronimites, knowing the
purity of his intentions, did not resent his violence,
* Herrera, decas ii. lib. ii. c. xii. pp. 40, 41.
+ The Indians showed so little understanding, that several
ecclesiastics were of opinion that they were not real men and
objected, therefore, to the blessed sacrament being given to them.
2 L 2

516 THE LIFE OF
but used every effort to improve the condition of
the Indians, to shield them from oppression, and
convert them to the Christian faith.
Zuazo, arriving soon after from Spain, commenced
at once an inquiry into the conduct of the royal
functionaries, and decided a great number of suits,
both civil and criminal, with great despatch and
equity, to the complete satisfaction of the fathers.
The latter verified the accounts, ordered the con
struction of buildings, and introduced numerous
very praiseworthy arrangements and regulations.*
Hispaniola possessed already the two bishoprics
of St. Domingo and Concepcion de la Vega in
Hispaniola, which had recently been established.
The former was confided to the learned Alessandro
Geraldino, a Boman, who had before been tutor at
the court of Castile. Ximenez, in his office of grand-
inquisitor, appointed these two bishops inquisitors
for these islands ; thus introducing the Holy Office
into the New World.
But the Inquisition became formidable to the
Indians only under Charles V., who, however, in
the year 1538, exempted them from the jurisdiction
of this institution, and confined it to the heretical
Europeans.! The colonies were soon thrown again into violent
agitation, by Las Casas accusing the royal judges of
Hispaniola of being the authors and accomplices of
the horrible massacres of the Indians, and of nume
rous barbarities committed towards them.
Desirous of leaving the decision to the king him
self, and his ministers, the fathers tried to prevent
these accusations from being inquired into in
America. Las Casas, thereupon, and suspecting
besides that his last letters to the cardinal had
* Herrera, decas ii. lib. ii. c. xv. p. 44.
t Ibid. c. xvi. p. 46. Llorente, tom. ii. pp. 195, 196.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 517
been intercepted at Seville, determined once more
to return to Spain.* He sailed from America in
May, 1517, and immediately on his arrival repaired
to Aranda, where the court then resided ; but the
cardinal was too ill to communicate with him.
Las Casas therefore departed to Valladolid, to await
the arrival of Charles V. Meanwhile the Jeroni
mites had, on their part, despatched their colleague,
Bernardin de Manzanado, to Spain, to give an
account of their proceedings in India.!
Whilst Las Casas awaited the king at Valladolid,
Ximenez died, on the 8th November, 1517. He had
to negotiate now with the chancellor of Charles,
Jean Sauvage, the Duke of Chievres, his tutor, and
La Chaux,J his grand chamberlain, who all three,
from their jealousy of Ximenez, were well disposed
to censure the former administration of America,
and the commission of the Jeronimites. The latter
were recalled, and Bodrigo de Figueroa appointed
supreme' judge in the place of Zuazo. But the new
administration recognized the impossibility of sud
denly emancipating the Indians from compulsory
work. This became feasible only after they had
adopted the proposal formerly rejected by Ximenez,
and now made by Las Casas, of importing into
America a sufficient number of negro slaves from
Africa. §
As the history of the New World ceases here to
touch the biography of our cardinal, we turn to
another subject— the history of the last year of his
life.
* Herrera, decas ii. lib. ii. c. xv. p. 45.
t Ibid. c. xvi. p. 46. X Ibld- P- 47-
§ Gomez, p. 1086.

518 THE LIFE OF

CHAPTEB XXVI.
THE LAST YEAtt OE THE OAEDINAL's LIEE — HIS DEATH.
The civil disturbances, of which we have spoken
in a preceding chapter, continued during the last
year of the cardinal's life, and even till the arrival
of Charles in Spain. But after the sketch we have
given of them in connection with other occurrences,
it remains for us only to relate the events which
took place in the year 1517.
The prolonged absence of Charles had caused
great discontent in Spain, which, fanned by Erench
misrepresentations, soon broke forth in loud com
plaints and reproaches. The king, it was said, had
not the wish to come to Spain ; would, if on board a
vessel to convey him thither, disembark again under
the pretext of being unable to endure the sea-sick
ness, &c* Ximenez had great difficulty in quieting
these false rumours. To appease them, Seigneur de
la Chaux was sent to Spain, who, after having been
a favourite of Philip, filled now the office of cham
berlain to Charles, and was distinguished for his
skill in political negotiations.! Peter Martyr has a
less favourable opinion of him : he describes him
indeed as a man of wit and ability, but fitter to
enliven a company than to apply himself to serious
work ; one who could offer but little consolation to
Spain. X
Urged by the enemies of Ximenez, Hadrian had
complained to the king that his authority was in
sufficient to counterbalance that of the cardinal, who
* Gomez, p. 1108. t Ibid. J Petrus Martyr, ep. 581.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 519
would admit no colleague into the regency. In
order to support him, La Chaux was sent to Castile,
and the grandees already rejoiced at the success
of their intrigues against Ximenez. The latter,
although well aware of the purport of the mission,
prepared great festivities for the arrival of the royal
envoy, and received him with all the honours usually
accorded only to royalty. La Chaux had scarcely
entered Madrid, and Ximenez paid his addresses to
him in person, when the grandees began to incite
him against the cardinal. Ximenez feigned igno
rance of all these machinations, but consulted La
Chaux rarely and only in very urgent cases on state
affairs, and then he invariably consigned to him
the place after Hadrian. One day Hadrian and La
Chaux thought they had found a favourable oppor
tunity for conquering for themselves the first places
in the triumvirate. They hastened to affix their
signatures first, to a number of newly-drawn-up
decrees, leaving only sufficient room for the cardinal
to sign his name after theirs. When the papers
were brought to Ximenez, he, without saying a word,
ordered fresh copies to be made out, signed these by
himself only, and issued them. Henceforth neither
Hadrian nor La Chaux was ever asked again to sign
a decree : they ventured not to resist, but contented
themselves with complaining to the king, and
asking for further assistance. Charles sent a third
ambassador, in the person of Baron Amerstorf, who
remained, however, as much a cipher in matters of
business as his colleagues. The complaints con
tinued, and the king, annoyed by these constant
accusations, at last reproved the opponents of
Ximenez, and confirmed him in the exclusive
administration of the regency.*
* Gomez, p. 1109. Eobles, p. 186 et seq. Flechier, liv. v.
p. 414—418. Prescott, vol. ii.

520 THE LIFE OF
This gave a moment's respite to the cardinal, but
the intrigues soon revived. In order effectually to
break his power, his Flemish and Spanish enemies
advised Charles to appoint, as his colleague, a man
of greater distinction, proposing as such, Count
Ludwig of the Palatinate, a relative of the king.
Ximenez energetically protested against such an
arrangement. He declared to the king " That the
nomination of a co-regent would inevitably be
attended by quarrels and discord : the reins of the
government should either be left exclusively to
himself or taken altogether out of his hands ; he
would greatly prefer a successor to a colleague. The
age of the king, he continued, rendered the regency
unnecessary, the avarice and cupidity of his coun
cillors paralyzed his actions, and the continual dis
turbances threatened destruction to Spain. He was
weary of the struggle, and would much rather retire
to his diocese, there to await, as in a secure haven,
the tempest which threatened to break over the king
dom. If the king protracted his arrival much longer,
he could see but one safeguard against the impend
ing dangers, — that of investing him with the power
of appointing all the judges and civil functionaries,
whilst Charles retained the nominations of the
bishops and military, the distribution of mercy and
favours. Charles and his Flemish ministers were
loth to accede to these demands. But fearing lest
they should lose a man of whom they stood so much
in need, they praised his conduct, and accepted his
conditions, not without the secret hope of displacing
him and indemnifying themselves, after their arrival
in Spain. Ximenez thanked the king as if the
powers given to him had been granted heartily and
with the best will.*
* Gomez, p. 1110. Flechier, liv. v. p. 418—420.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 521
Meanwhile the Emperor Maximilian, who pos
sessed great influence over his grandson Charles,
and already strove to secure for him the German
crown, had departed for Flanders. He held seve
ral conferences with Charles at Vilvorda, near Brus
sels, in which he urged him to accelerate his voyage
to Spain. Ximenez being wrongly informed about
the purport of these meetings, and supposing Maxi
milian opposed to the departure of Charles, with the
intention of visiting Spain himself, wrote a letter to
Chievres, in which, with great ability, he demon
strated by numerous examples from history, the
dangers of such a course.*
When, in spite of the representations of Maxi
milian, Charles still hesitated to go to Spain, but
demanded fresh supplies of money from Ximenez,
and Chievres and Sauvage openly continued their
shameful traffic in public offices, the discontent
in Castile broke out afresh. Important towns, such
as Burgos, Leon, Valladolid, and others, openly de
clared that the kingdom would go to ruin if prompt
remedies were not applied. The movement of the
towns was with difficulty kept within the limits of
the law. But the citizens were ultimately prevailed
upon to send a deputation to Ximenez and the
royal council, in order to state to them the deplorable
condition of the country, and demand the convoca
tion of the general cortes. Their request was not
unreasonable. Ximenez, however, dreading the effects
of a violent agitation of the country in the absence of
the king, replied that he could not accede to their
demands until it had been established that the king
had really postponed his voyage to Spain for a con
siderable period. At the same time he wrote to
Charles, acquainting him with these occurrences, and
* Gomez, p. 1111. Petrus Martyr, ep. 582. Flechier, liv. v.
p. 421.

522 THE LIFE OF
urging him so to arrange his departure, as to arrive
in the country before the meeting of the states could
take place. Gomez has preserved a Latin translation,
made by him, of one of Ximenez' letters of this period,
in which the cardinal strongly urges the king to
appoint only men of ability and merit as councillors
and other officials, and to hasten his departure for
Spain.* Charles, who received the letter kindly,
* Gomez, pp. 1111, 1112. The editors of the " Documents
Inedits " have reprinted this letter in the Latin translation of
Gomez, in the collection of the " Papiers d'Etat du Cardinal de
Granvelle " (tom. i. p. 85 — 88), as if it had never been published
before. The letter runs as follows : —
" Ximenius gubernator et senatus regius Carolo regi salutem.
Pro antiqua et fideli observantia, qua erga majores parentesque
tuos et nunc demum erga teipsum obuoxii sumus, ut fidos minis
tros, optimos cives et consiliarios incorruptos decet, tuis reipub-
licse commodis, ad quam suscipiendam, tot regni haeredibus parvo
temporis intervallo extinctis, Dei nutu voeatus es, necessario
prospicere cogimur ; teque ipsum continuo admonere ea, qua?
reipublicse convenire visa sunt. Ita nos enim culpa vacabimus et
crimine neglectse reipublicae, aut potius proditss, liberati erimus.
Magni principes et suscipiendi reges tamdiu a Deo potestatem, et
ab hominibus reverentiam consequi merentur, quamdiu justo et
recto imperio populos eorum fidei commissos regunt. Id autem
ab ipsis fieri nullo meliori argumento intelligi potest, quam si ad
tantam molem sustinendam adjutores et socios quam spectatis-
simos et idoneos elegerint. Neque enim unus aliquis, quantum-
libet praaclaris dotibus et virtutibus excelluerit, rebus tam diversis
abeundis par esse potest. Nam nihil aliud priscos illos centimanos
esse existimamus, nisi reges consideratos et sapientes, qui per
egregios et probos ministros, a?que ac per seipsos regna sibi
commissa tuerentur. Sed fabulosa ista relinquamus ; majorum
tuorum res gestas, cseteris exemplis prsetermissis, intueamur.
Enricus tertius, atavus tuus, qui propter assiduas in setate
florenti imbecillitates Valetudinarius cognominatus est, cum se
viribus corporis destitutum regio muneri imparem videret, pru-
dentissimo consilio usus, viros, Uteris et moribus et religione
prsestantes ad se accersitos, magno semper in pretio habuit, eisque
comitibus et consiliorum participibus adeo rempublicam pacatam
et optime institutam tenuit, ut magno ejus merito successoribus
optimi principis exemplum sit habitus. Contra, Enrico quarto,
tuo majori avunculo, omnia dura et infausta contigerunt, quoniam
eos rerum gerendarum suasores per summam socordiam apud se

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 523
would certainly have yielded to the desire of the
Spaniards, had not his egotistical and avaricious
Elemish advisers exercised too great an influence over
retinuit, qui nullo bominum pudore, nulla Dei immortalis reve-
rentia, omnia sursum ac deorsum miseentes, gravissima mala
reipublicae intulerunt. Sed quid in aliis commemorandis immo-
ramur ? Annon avi tui, Catholici reges, satis magno documento
esse possunt ? Quibus id unum ante omnia curse fuit, muneribus
publicis viros egregios, quicumque tandem ii essent, praeficere.
TJnde, propriis ministris et aula? familiaribus prsetermissis, qui suo
voluti jure haec importune solent extorquere, ignotos homines nee
sibi unquam visos, quod essent meritis suis commendati et publica
opinione celebres, prseter omnem expectationem ad res magnas
vocarunt. Nemo, illis regnantibus, ambitus est convictus; nemo
lege Julia de repetundis condemnatus ; quod, proh dolor !
miserrimo hoc tempore frequens esse magnopere dolemus. Fuit
etiam illorum regum hoc praeclarum institutum, raro cuiquam
summa concedere, nisi per inferiores gradus devolutus, specimen
suae probitatis et virtutis exhibuisset ; ut pro cujusque facultate
et ingenio hasc aut ilia munera deferrentur. Qua nimirum ratione
factum est, ut omnia suis numeris quadrantia, concentum quemdam
reipublicae constituerent, qualem numquam ad id tempus vide-
ramus. His igitur artibus et consiliis, ut de cseteris taceamus,
rempublicam aliorum principum negligentia collapsam, et sicariis
hommibus atque tirannicis violentiis vehementer afHictam, sus-
cipientes, tibi hisce difficultatibus liberam tradiderunt. Proinde
cum Deus optimus maximus, sub cujus tutela reges estis, id tibi
ingenium et judicium dederit, earn prudentiam in juvenilibus
annis largitus sit, denique singularibus virtutibus majestem tuam
exornaverit, quales bomini principi necessariae sunt, sequum est
ut quaa diximus animadvertas, et quantum ponderis habent,
consideres. Invenies enim gravissimam cladem et ingentem
perniciem, si haec contempseris, reipublicae imminere ; contra, si
base egeris, maximam quandam felicitatem promitti. Ees universal
a principiis suis pendent, et errores in principio solent minimo
labore emendari, ut facile in viam rectam redire possimus. Sero
remedium parari a sapientibus dicitur, dum mala vires diutinas
sumpserunt. Quare tuis pedibus Hispania universa supples
provoluta, ut ejus commodis prospicias, ut bominum corruptorum
cupiditates reprimas, ut gliscentia vitia cobibeas, ut tuorum reg-
norum tranquillitati consulas, te votis omnibus et precibus orat et
obtestatur. Id autem facile fiet, si Hispaniam, amplissimam et
nobilissimam regionem suorumque principum obsequio devotis-
simam, secundum leges patrias et antiqua majorum mstituta
gubernari et vivere concesseris. Vale.

524 THE LIFE OF
him. The people, seeing themselves again deluded,
broke forth in fresh murmurs, and pressed Ximenez
and the royal council more earnestly than ever to
convoke the cortes. To refuse would have been both
unjust and impolitic. It was then the month of
January, 1517. Ximenez fixed the meeting of the
cortes for the following September, hoping Charles
would by that time have arrived in Spain. The
clamour of the nation was appeased. Ximenez now
besieged the king with such pressing letters, begging
him no longer to delay his voyage, that Charles at
length determined, in the autumn of 1517, to embark
on board of one of the vessels which Ximenez had
despatched from Castile to convey him to Spain.*
In the interim the enemies of the cardinal had
not been idle. Amongst other things, they had
circulated the report that the energy employed by
the cardinal in the suppression of the popular move
ments, had sprung only from his desire of showing
to the king that there was no necessity for hur
rying himself, and that he had acted in this in
concert with Chievres.! Others published pasquils
against him, Chievres, and Buy Blaz, in which the
latter was represented as the Davus of the whole
comedy. Ximenez took little heed of these things ;
nevertheless, he saw himself forced to do so, on the
protests of Hadrian and La Chaux. The culprits were
prosecuted, but the inquiry against them conducted
so carelessly that they came off unharmed. $
A matter of greater importance, and much more
harassing to Ximenez, was the constant opposition
* Gomez, p. 1113. Flechier, liv. v. p. 424.
t How much Ximenez, on the contrary, desired the speedy
arrival of Charles, wei learn by Peter Martyr, letter 598, in which
he says : " Eegis adventum affectu avidissimo desiderare videtur.
Sentit, sine rege non rite posse corda Hispanorum moderari
ac regi."
X Gomez, p. 1113. Flechier, liv. v. p. 426.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 525
and persevering hatred of the dukes of Alba and
Infantado, and of the Count Giron of Urena. The
Duke of Infantado, as we have seen before, was
already embittered against Ximenez, on account
of his having prevented a marriage of his nephew
with a niece of the cardinal. His irritation was
increased by the quarrel about the seigniory
over Velena, near Guadalaxara. This little town
had formerly belonged to the elder brother of the
duke, but in due legal form, been sold to the count
of Coruna. Already, during the lifetime of Ferdi
nand, the duke had demanded the restitution of
this possession, on the ground that it was inalien
able from the property of the family. But although
a favourite of Ferdinand, he had not been able to
accomplish his design. When Ximenez became
regent, the duke insisted upon the judgment in
this case being deferred until the arrival of Charles,
as the cardinal was related to the count of Coruna.
Charles granted him a privilege to this effect, but
revoked it on the representations of Ximenez. The
judgment of the court of Valladolid was averse to
the duke. Exasperated at this, he revenged him
self on Ximenez in a manner equally mean and
illegal. The vicar-general of the archbishop of
Alcala, having sent a fiscal to Guadalaxara, in order
to institute an inquiry about a crime committed
there, the duke ordered the fiscal to be imprisoned,
under the pretext of his having infringed on the
rights of his brother Bernardin Mendoza, the arch
deacon of Guadalaxara ; and not content with this,
ordered him to be beaten, and threatened to hang
him if he dared to come again. Ximenez received
intelligence of this outrage at Madrid. Before re
sorting to forcible measures, he caused the report to
be circulated that the duke could, for this double
crime against the civil and ecclesiastical authorities,

526 THE LIFE OF
be dispossessed of his duchy ; hoping thereby to" in
timidate him. But instead of suing for peace, the
duke sent his chaplain Peter to Madrid, to insult the
cardinal. Having obtained an audience of Ximenez,
the chaplain, after the usual ceremony of throwing
himself at the feet of the cardinal, began to hurl
against him a torrent of threats and invectives.
Ximenez listened composedly until he had finished,
then asked him if he had anything more to say. On
receiving a negative reply, he advised him to return
to his master, who no doubt repented already of
this hasty step. His prediction proved true. The
duke quarrelled already with his friends, for not
having prevented his folly, and when the chaplain
returned, reproached him bitterly. The grand-
constable, on learning these events, endeavoured to
bring about a reconciliation between the duke and
the cardinal. A personal interview was arranged
to take place in Euencarral, a village near Madrid.
The duke, accompanied by the grand-constable,
had hardly entered the room in which the car
dinal awaited them, when he flew into a passion.
Ximenez calmly and earnestly represented to him
that he could punish him in his double capacity
of regent and grand-inquisitor, but that he bore him
no ill-will, and had given before, special proofs of his
esteem for him by nominating him patron of the
university of Alcala. Such language could not fail
to disarm the duke — the reconciliation was accom
plished. Whilst still seated together in conversation,
the clatter of arms was heard before the house.
The two nobles feared they had been entrapped, and
that the arrest of the duke was intended. It turned
out, however, that John Spinosa, a captain of the
guard, having heard of the cardinal's secret journey
to Euencarral, had considered it his duty to follow
him with his company, as the usual escort of honour.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 527
Ximenez rebuked him kindly for his over-zeal, and
the two noblemen, re-assured for their safety, parted
amicably from the cardinal, who returned at once to
Madrid.* The affairs of the proud and daring Count Giron of
TJrena caused still greater convulsions in the king
dom. Ximenez, who had undertaken to arrange
the disputes between the nobles, wished also to settle
the celebrated case of the seigniory of Villadefredes,
a town near Valladolid, which was in possession of
Giron, but claimed by Gutierre Quijada. The court
of Valladolid, having inquired into the matter, pro
nounced judgment in favour of Quijada. But when
the commissaries arrived, to take possession of the
estate, Giron and his younger son Boderick assailed
and miserably beat them with sticks, and drove them
away. Several young friends of Boderick, belonging
to the first families of the kingdom, such as Bernardin,
the son of the grand-constable, and Ferdinand, a son
of the grand-admiral, had joined in the affray. The
excitement and indignation at this violation of the
royal authority was universal. The bishop of
Malaga, president of the court of Valladolid, a man
otherwise calm and moderate, at once assembled a
considerable force to send to Villadefredes, and
punish the offenders. Seeing the danger which
threatened his son and his friends, the grand-con
stable hastened to Villadefredes, and persuaded the
young nobles to quit the town, before the arrival
of the royal troops. They followed his advice ; on
which the bishop of Malaga, praising the grand?
constable for his intercession, dismissed his troops.
When Ximenez was informed of these occurrences,
he ordered a criminal inquiry for high treason to be
instituted against Giron and his confederates ; and
* Gomez, pp. 1115, 1116. Elechier, liv. v. pp. 429-434.

528 THE LIFE OF
sent the supreme judge, Sarmento, at the head of
a detachment of soldiers, to Villadefredes, to punish
the inhabitants for their participation in this act of
violence. Beduced to this extremity, Giron and his
friends roused the surrounding country to open rebel
lion against Ximenez. They forcibly took possession
of the contested town, caring little for the proclama
tions of the cardinal, which declared them traitors ;
nor for the laws against rebels, which he had had
posted up everywhere. The relatives of the parties
implicated in the revolt were greatly frightened. A
meeting of the grandees took place at Portillo^ to
consult about the best means to avert the impending
danger. They resolved to have recourse to supplica
tion, and accordingly drew up a very humble petition,
in which they begged Ximenez for mercy for their
children and kinsmen. Simultaneously with this
they despatched a letter to King Charles, in which
they complained that the excessive rigour of the car
dinal had thrown the whole of Castile into disorder.
Giron, in particular, accused the royal judges of
partiality, trying to demonstrate, at the same time,
that he had once before been treated unjustly in the
quarrel about the duchy of Medina Sidonia. Having
been informed of these intrigues by the bishop of
Malaga, Ximenez hastened, in concert with the royal
council, to send an exact and faithful account of the
facts to Elanders. He assured Charles that he was
not moved by any personal hatred towards Giron,
and that it was folly to accuse a court of partiality,
or rather conspiracy, against him, which had always
enjoyed so high a reputation for its justice and
equity. But it could not be wondered at that a
man so turbulent and quarrelsome as the count
hated those who kept a watchful eye on his unlawful
deeds, and resisted them energetically. In conclu
sion, he begged Charles not to prevent the execution

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 529
of the sentence of the court by an exemption of the
count, but to respect the laws of the country, whose
guardian and vindicator he had been appointed by
Heaven. In spite of the humble petition mentioned above,
a considerable portion of the nobles persevered in
their armed opposition to the cardinal. Several of
them, foremost amongst them the restless bishop
of Zamora, collected troops, and incited whole pro
vinces to rebellion. The grand-constable played a
double part by openly exhorting the people to order
and obedience, but secretly aiding the revolt, and
fanning the excitement. Ximenez intercepted one
of his letters, which seriously incriminated him ; he
did, however, not make use of it for the destruction
of his enemy. The duke of Alva too, otherwise a
stanch adherent of the royal house, had already
resolved to levy an army and place himself at the
head of the armed insurgents, when he was deterred
from this dangerous proceeding by the advice of his
friend Cueva. The young friends of Giron, who were
shut up in Villadefredes, pushed their defiance of the
cardinal so far, as to drag an effigy of him, dressed
up in pontifical attire, through the streets of the
town. They were, however, soon compelled to
surrender, fled, and left the town in the hands of
Sarmento, who had conducted the siege. Sarmento,
master of the place, sentenced the town, for its par
ticipation in the revolt and in the ill-treatment of the
royal functionaries, according to ancient laws, to be
rased to the ground, the land to be torn up with the
plough, and strewn with salt, as a sign that the spot
was condemned to eternal solitude. The sentence was
executed ; the town was given to the flames, and
the most guilty of the inhabitants chastised with
rods Giron, his son Boderick, and his accomplices,
were declared guilty of high treason. The severity
2 M

530 THE LIFE OF
and rigour of this measure was blamed by many,
and even by such nobles as were on good terms with
Ximenez. But the fate of the unfortunate town
struck such terror into the hearts of the discon
tented,* that an attempt of Pedro Giron, the
eldest son of the rebellious count, to raise troops
against the cardinal in Andalusia, miscarried. And
when King Charles approved of everything Ximenez
had done, and, moreover, declared Giron guilty of
high treason if he did not deliver himself up to
justice by a certain time, the authority of the
cardinal, as well as the respect for the law and the
royal power, increased considerably. Villadefredes
thus became the tomb of a great portion of the au
thority and independence of the Spanish aristocracy.
There remained only the submission of Giron,
which was effected through the mediation of the
duke of Escalona and Francis Buyz. The proud
count humbled himself before Ximenez, surrendered
himself to the law, and begged for mercy, which the
king, at the intercession of Ximenez, granted him.
Nevertheless Giron continued to vent his sarcasms
upon the cardinal whenever an opportunity offered.
One day, when going to pay him a visit, he asked
his servant if King Ximenez was at home. Every
one will perceive in these words an allusion to the
despotism of the cardinal, but for the Spaniard
they had a deeper meaning. Tradition enume
rates amongst the early kings of Spain a fabulous
one of the name of Ximenez, and it had become
customary to say of anything rough and uncouth,
or contrary to the manners of the day, that " it
belonged to the times of King Ximenez."!
Whilst these occurrences took place, Leo X.
* " Erigere cristas posthac nullus audebit," says Peter Martyr,
ep. 591.
t Gomez, pp. 1117—1120. Petrus Martyr, epp. 584, 591.
Flechier, liv. v. pp. 434—441.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 531
created thirty-one new cardinals ; amongst them
also Hadrian, who still took part in the administra
tion of the kingdom, in conjunction with Ximenez.
The latter thought this a propitious moment for
the removal of Hadrian, and solicited Charles either
to recall him to Flanders, or to send him to Bome
as ambassador, or to his bishopric of Tortosa,
pleading as ground that in his new dignity he was
likely to become an obstacle to the unity of the
government. But his representations were not
listened to, and Hadrian remained at Madrid.*
The affair with Giron was hardly settled when
Ximenez saw himself entangled in another quarrel
with the ducal house of Alva, about the priorate
of Consuegro, which belonged to the order of St.
John of Jerusalem, and was one of the most lucra
tive places in Spain. The former possessor of this
dignity had resigned in favour of his nephew,
Antonio Zuniga, who had been confirmed in it
by King Philip and Pope Julius II. But when
Ferdinand, after the death of Philip, ascended
the throne, desirous of rewarding the duke of
Alva for his services and fidelity to him, he
installed his third son, Diego, in the priorate still
held by Antonio Zuniga. To save appearances,
and justify this glaring violation of the law, the
grand-master of the order declared that Zuniga
possessed the priory illegally, having received it
only from the pope, and not from him, the head of
the order. Zuniga had to relinquish -his post in
favour of Diego Alva, whom the grand-master duly.
nominated prior of Consuegro in the year 1512.
Antonio Zuniga complained in vain to the pope :
* Gomez p 1120. Flechier, liv. v. p. 441. The simultaneous
creation of so many cardinals was severely censured It was
believed that the Pope had taken money for several of the hats.
Petrus Martyr, ep. 596.
2 m 2

532 THE LIFE OF
he could get no redress, and fled to Flanders for
the purpose of inducing Charles to inforce the deci
sion of his father as soon as he had the power of
doing so. Immediately after the death of Ferdinand,
Zuniga renewed his suit about the priory. He
brought it before the court of Bome, where young
Alva also tried to defend his rights. The court
decided in favour of Zuniga, who returned to Spain,
armed with the papal decree, and the following
letter of Charles : —
" Charles, king of Spain, to Franciscus, cardinal
of Toledo, our beloved friend : What you have re
ported to us concerning the priorate of St. John of
Jerusalem has in every respect met with our appro
bation. But the importance of the case, as well as
the high rank of the contending parties, demand
first to exhaust all means for an amicable settlement
of the dispute before we resort to more stringent
measures. We have therefore, in our mildness, con
sidered it best to take possession of the priory with
all its castles, towns, and revenues, and to keep it in
our own hands until we are enabled to give a final
decision. You will endeavour to induce the rivals
to obey. They are to select us as umpire, and send
us, without delay, a legally-authenticated document
to that purport. We, for our part, shall keep their
interest as much as possible in view : if they obey,
they will render us an agreeable service ; but if they
refuse, we give them fifteen days for consideration,
after the lapse of which you will take possession of
the priory in our name, and place faithful governors
in the castles and towns. If Alva and Diego intend
in no wise to yield, we exhort you and command
the royal council to execute in virtue of our royal
authority, and without regard to any one, the papal
decree which Zuniga has brought from Bome. Eare-
well. — Brussels, the 15th January, 1517."

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 533
Zuniga and his brother, the duke of Bejar,
brought this letter to the cardinal, and, together
with several other grandees, assured him of their
aid and assistance against Alva, if he should require
it. Alva, for his part, declared that he would de
fend his rights to the last, not against the king, but
against the cardinal, the enemy of his family. A
violent fever, which confined Ximenez at this time
to Madrid and to his bed, increased his boldness.
He incited his numerous relatives and other mem
bers of the higher aristocracy to opposition. Both
parties contending for the priory prepared for strife.
Francis Buyz, during the illness of the cardinal,
added three hundred men to the body-guard of the
latter, which he kept constantly under arms to pre
vent either of the parties from taking possession of
Madrid. When Ximenez had somewhat recovered,
he ordered the two chiefs, Zuniga and Alva, to ap
pear before him and exhorted them to peace, until,
his health being re-established, he would be able
to settle their quarrel. During this time public
prayers were read in all the churches of Madrid,
and the whole of Castile, for the recovery of the
cardinal, on whose life the future tranquillity of the
kingdom seemed to depend.
Alva now sought, by perverted representations of
the facts of the case, to determine the young king to
a different decision ; but Ximenez solicited Charles
by letter to adhere to his former resolution, as the
word of a king should be firm and unalterable.
Meanwhile the royal senate had taken up the
matter. Several members of it, amongst them even
Hadrian and La Chaux, favoured the cause of Alva.
They raised objections to the royal decree, and hesi
tated to execute it until Ximenez, having partly
recovered his health, re-established unity m the
senate, and induced the members forthwith to carry

534- THE LIFE OF
put the royal commands. Alva then addressed him
self to the dowager queen, Germaine, with whom he
was a great favourite. Through her influence even
the kings of Erance and England interceded for him
with Charles and the duke of Chievres. Charles
had begun to waver, when Ximenez, by a letter to
Chievres, strengthened him again in his first reso
lution. At the same time he endeavoured to per
suade Alva to accept the king as arbiter : but
all amicable representations and peaceful remon
strances proving unavailing, Ximenez ultimately
ordered the general, Eerdinand d'Andrada, to take
possession of the priory by force of arms, in
the name of the king. Hadrian and La Chaux,
frightened by the possibility of a civil war, begged
the cardinal to postpone the settlement of the
question until the arrival of Charles. Anton Eon
seca too, one of the ablest nobles, but a friend of
Alva, remonstrated with Ximenez, pointing out the
probability of a great revolt and a universal rising
of the discontented : but Ximenez remained sted-
fast. " Be composed, Eonseca," he said, " and not
alarmed at the result. I will so arrange matters
that everything shall end well." He forthwith
ordered a thousand horse and five hundred foot to
march to Consuegro, where Diego had intrenched
himself, and besides levied a considerable number
of soldiers in his own dominions to be able to
strengthen his army in case of need. Before at
tacking Diego, and laying siege to the fortress, he
summoned him once more to surrender it, as well
as the other possessions of the priory, to Charles,
and accept the king as arbiter : on his repeated
refusal to do so, the place was invested. Alva
sent a body of troops, consisting of a thousand
foot and a detachment of horse, to the assistance of
his son; but they were routed by the army of

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 535
Ximenez, and lost their treasure-chest and provi
sions. Hereupon Alva once more went to Madrid
to settle the matter amicably through the interces
sion of Germaine and Hadrian. Ximenez' condition
was, the unconditional surrender of the priory to
the king, in return for which he promised pardon
for his late acts. Diego Alva submitted, and
Anton of Cordova was appointed temporary ad
ministrator of the disputed possessions. But after
the death of Ximenez, Diego obtained again pos
session of the priory. The quarrel which ensued in
consequence between him and Zuniga was not even
settled by the division of the property between them,
and terminated only on the death of the latter.*
The dispute about the county of Bibadeo in
Galicia, was of less importance, but equally dis
agreeable to Ximenez. The estates were not
Considerable in extent, but situate in a yery fertile
and pleasant country, and desirable on account of
several privileges connected therewith. Count
Villandrado, the former owner, had, by virtue of a
papal dispensation, been divorced from two wives,
both marriages having remained without issue. By
his third marriage with Leonora, a lady belonging
to a Moorish family of rank, he had a son, Boderick,
who, as his sole descendant, inherited the possessions
of his father. The collateral relations, however, de
clared Boderick a bastard ; and the strong-minded
and influential Dona Maria IJlloa, countess of Sali-
nus, in particular, laid claim to the inheritance.
Ximenez viewed the matter in a different light : his
opinions were based on the canon law, according
to which he declared Boderick the lawful heir to
the disputed property. UUoa, however, achieved
what Alva could not accomplish m his quarrel with
* Gomez, pp. 1121-1124. Eobles, pp. 189-193. Flechier,
liv. iv. pp- 442—448.

536- THE LIFE OF
Zuniga: she obtained a decree of Charles which
upset the decision of the cardinal and adjudicated
the county of Bibadeo to the son of Maria Ulloa.
Ximenez' remonstrances were unavailing, though he
pointed out to Charles the pernicious effect which
the perversion of justice, and injustice done to
orphans, would produce. His representations were
not listened to. As sole consolation,' he received the
reply that the king had finally determined to repair
to Spain, and that the cardinal should make the
necessary arrangements.* Ximenez sent in conse
quence a well-equipped fleet to Flanders to fetch
the king, garrisoned the best and healthiest har
bours of the north of Spain, provided them with
everything requisite for a magnificent reception of
Charles and his suite, and fixed his own residence
farther north, at Aranda, to be nearer the king at
his landing.! But before departing for Aranda he
settled another very important affair, that about
the ecclesiastical tithes.
After leaving Madrid, Ximenez first visited his
own cathedral, Toledo, to make fresh arrange
ments for the diocese, and inspect the monasteries
founded by him. This opportunity was chosen by
the wily prefect of Toledo, Portocarrero, surnamed
the Fox, to obtain surreptitiously from the cardinal
a favourable decision in the dispute between Toledo
and Burgos about the precedence in the Cortes.
But Ximenez refused his artfully-veiled request,
and left him no hope of ultimately gaining his
point. $
The question of ecclesiastical tithes caused the
cardinal considerable trouble. With the consent of
the fifth Lateran council, § Leo X. had imposed a
* Gomez, pp. 1124 et seq.
t Idem, 1125. Flechier, liv. iv. p. 448.
X Gomez, pp. 1113 et seq. § Harduin, tom. ix. p. 1851.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 537
tithe on ecclesiastical property to guard the coast of
Italy against the irruptions of the Turkish emperor,
Selim. When the news arrived that the Pope
intended to introduce this measure in Spain, many
of the clergy were highly exasperated. They con
tended that this tax was contrary to the ecclesias
tical immunities and decisions granted by ancient
synods, and the more unjust as the princes upon
whom the protection of Christendom devolved had
neither fitted out a fleet nor enlisted an army for
the purpose. The clergy of Aragon, in a provincial
synod presided over by the archbishop of Saragossa,
who was at the same time regent of this kingdom,
agreed to refuse the payment of the tithe. They
solicited Ximenez to use his influence at Bome for
the protection of the interests of the Spanish clergy.*
The cardinal, equally unwiUing to introduce the
tithe in Castile, readily consented, but advised the
Aragonians to dissolve the synod and abstain from
further opposition to Bome, in order to facilitate his
negotiations with the Pope and Charles. He forth
with communicated to the king his opinion that
the clergy of Castile should likewise investigate the
admissibility of the demands of the pope, but their
meeting could, according to ancient custom, take
place only at the residence of the royal court. On
the other hand, Ximenez offered the pope, through
his agent at Bome, Arteaga, not only the tithes of
his own diocese, but aU his revenues, the sacred
vessels, and the treasure of the church, if the welfare
of Christendom should require these sacrifices, and
the Pope in reality be willing to institute a crusade
against the Turks. He could, however, not lend
his assistance to a taxation of the Spanish clergy
for other than these purposes, and foresaw the
* His primacy extended over the whole of Spain.

538 THE LIFE OF
impossibility of surmounting their aversion to such
an impost. Simultaneously, he ordered his agent
to give him an exact report of the decisions of the
Lateran council concerning the tithes. The car
dinals, Lawrence Pucci and Julian of Medicis (after
wards Clement VII.), who possessed the greatest
confidence of the Pope, replied in the name of his
Holiness, that the Pope would, by virtue of the
Lateran decrees, impose a universal ecclesiastical
tithe only in the last extremity. He had, hitherto,
not done so, and if his nuncio in Spain had announced
such a tax, he had done so prematurely, without
instructions from Bome. On the arrival of this
communication, Ximenez dismissed the clergy who
had assembled at Madrid, and already decided on
supplicating the Pope for the suppression of the
tithe, or in case of denial to refuse payment. Peter
Martyr, who assisted this synod, informs us that
Ximenez had given in his adhesion to these decisions
and promised his assistance. But the fears of the
clergy were now allayed, as Leo levied the tithe, for
the present, only in the papal states. Fresh quar
rels arose after the death of the cardinal, when Leo
granted the Spanish tithes to the emperor Charles,
to enable him to equip a fleet against the Turks.
The clergy of the country refused to pay ; the pope
threatened excommunication and interdict, and laid
the whole country under the latter, but finding it
of no avail, he annulled it after four months, on the
solicitation of Charles himself. The tithe was not
paid.* In August, 1517, Ximenez, accompanied by the
court and Prince Eerdinand, travelled to Aranda de
Duero, near Burgos ; intending to fix his residence
in the Franciscan monastery, Aguilera, which was
* Gomez, p. 1114. Petrus Martyr, epp. 596, 606, 642. Miniana,
lib. i. c. v. p. 13.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 539
situated in a pleasant and healthy neighbourhood.
Hadrian and Amerstorff were also in his suite, but
not La Chaux, who took a different road to meet the
king. On his way Ximenez visited Torrelaguna,
the place of his birth, which he left on the 11th
August, 1517. On the following day he arrived at
Bozeguillas, a place in a mountainous part of the
country. Here an attempt is said to have been made
to poison him. The suspicion is strengthened by
the circumstance, that, on the same day, a masked
rider called to the provincial of the Eranciscans,
Marquina, and several monks who were passing him
on their way to Ximenez, " If you are going to the
cardinal, hasten yourselves, and warn him not to eat
of the large trout — it is poisoned. If you come too
late, urge him to prepare for death, for he wiU not
be able to overcome the poison." Marquina, imme
diately after his arrival, related to the cardinal what
had happened, but the latter would not credit the
warning. " If I really am poisoned," he said, "it
is by a letter received from Flanders a few days ago,
the sand of which has considerably affected my
eyes ; yet even this I do not believe." Moreover,
Francis Carillo, who served Ximenez at Bozeguillas,
and, as customary, tasted first of every meal, fell
seriously ill. Some supposed the poison to have
been sent from Elanders, others suspected Baracaldo,
the secretary of the cardinal, but the friends of the
cardinal declared him entirely innocent of the crime
and he enjoyed the confidence and intimacy of
Ximenez until the death of the latter. There are,
besides, strong doubts on the subject. Even well-
informed writers such as Peter Martyr and Cara
vajal, who were near the cardinal at the time, say
not a word about it.*
* Gomez, p. 1125. Petrus Martyr, ep. 598. Flechier, liv. v.
p. 449.

540 THE LIFE OF
Shortly after the arrival of Ximenez at Aranda, a
revolutionary movement took place at Valladolid.
It was rumoured that Charles was not coming, that
Ximenez had spread the report of his departure
only in order to be better able to send Prince
Ferdinand to Elanders, and to govern Spain him
self. Order was, however, soon restored by the
publication of the real facts of the case.*
Ximenez had occasion to show at Aranda how
little iUness had impaired his courage and energy.
We know that Prince Ferdinand, who was born and
educated in Spain, enjoyed more popularity with
the Spaniards than Charles, who was a thorough
stranger to them. Incited by the courtiers surround
ing him, Ferdinand constantly coveted the Spanish
throne. His instructor, Pedro Nunez de Guzman,
grand-commander of the order of Calatrava, and
his tutor Osorio, bishop of Astorga, in particular,
exerted themselves in winning the favour of the
people for the prince, to the detriment of Charles.
Ximenez, who for this reason disliked them much,
wished to remove them from the prince, and repeat
edly urged on the king the necessity of this measure.
Charles yielded at last : on the 7th September, 1517,
shortly before his departure, he wrote a letter to the
cardinal, in which he ordered him to pension off the
two tutors of his brother, as well as his chamberlain,
Gonsalvo Guzman, and gave him powers to proceed
with the rest of the household of Ferdinand accord
ing as he thought proper. In a second letter to
Eerdinand! himself, Charles acquainted his brother
with these instructions. Both letters, together with
* Gomez, p. 1126.
t These two letters of Charles's are to be found, in the Spanish
original, together with a French translation, in the collection of
the " Documents Inedits," amongst the " Papiers d'Etat du
Cardinal Granvelle," tom. i. pp. 89—105.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 541
a third to Hadrian, were addressed under cover to
Ximenez, and intended to be read first by him, that
he might make the necessary arrangements before the
delivery. Ximenez being then in the monastery, the
packet was opened by Hadrian, who forthwith for
warded tothe prince the letter destined for him. Thus
Eerdinand received intelligence of the orders of the
king before Ximenez, and the latter was prevented
from carrying them into effect without eclat. Nunez
and Osorio incited the prince, advising him to oppose
the cardinal. On the foUowing day, Ferdinand, with
a well-studied speech, went to the monastery Agui
lera, reproached the cardinal bitterly, complained
that his truest and most faithful friends should
without reason be torn from his side, and begged
Ximenez, by the memory of Eerdinand and Isabella,
to spare him this disgrace. Deeply moved by the
grief of the youthful prince, Ximenez spoke to him
in the kindest terms, praised him for his attachment
to his friends, but represented to him " that his own
brother and king should occupy the first place in his
heart, and be dearer to him than any of his friends,
and that it would be neither wise nor just to disobey
his commands. Such resistance would be pernicious,
not onlv to himself, but also to the friends whom he
wished* to guard." The prince was deaf to these
remonstrances; he replied, "Formerly you often
gave me proofs of your affection, but now that I need
it most, withdraw it from me ; if you are resolved
to ruin me and my friends, I wiU myself seek for
means to save us." Irritated by this stubbornness,
Ximenez answered, " You may do what you like,
but I swear by the head of Charles, to-morrow by
sunset his orders, which you should be the first to
obey, shall be executed." Ferdinand left the cardi
nal with premature Spanish grandezza, and returned
to Aranda. Ximenez, for his part, intrusted the

542 THE LIFE OF
supervision of the town and the prince to the two
colonels of his body-guard, Canabillas and Spinosa,
who posted guards everywhere to prevent Ferdi
nand's escape. The prince uttered violent threats
against the cardinal, and handed a document to
his friends and servants, who saw the necessity of
yielding, by which he pledged himself to recall
them as soon as he was free, and to reward them for
their fidelity towards him. He summoned, besides
the papal nuncio, several bishops, and all the royal
councillors, to his presence, declaring to them that
he obeyed the commands of the king, but begged
them to acquaint his brother with the ill-treatment to
which he had been subjected ; which they promised
to do. Ximenez, on the other hand, requested
Hadrian to send Nunez and Osorio to him, that he
might open to them his plans, and appease their
irritation. They appeared before him : after a long
conference they promised to obey, and begged the
cardinal to intercede in their behalf for an indemni
fication. Before sunset, as Ximenez had declared, the
orders of the king were carried out, and the marquis
of Aguilar appointed major-domo to Ferdinand, who
soon gained the sincere affection of the prince. In
all, thirty-three servants of the prince were dismissed
and replaced by others. The measure, though hard,
found universal approbation with the wisest and
most experienced men of the nation, who considered
it necessary for the future peace of the country.*
Meanwhile, Ximenez, confined to the monastery
of Aguilera, suffered severely from dysentery and
suppuration of the ears. The rumour having spread
of his death being near, and of his having retired
from public affairs Pedro Giron again took up arms
to reconquer the duchy of Medina Sidonia, the Moors
* Gomez, pp. 1126—1129. Petrus Martyr, ep. 600. Flechier,
liv. v. pp. 450—467.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 543
returned to their ravages of the coast of Spain, and
the Turks threatened to lay siege to Oran. But
his usual spirit and energy had not deserted the
cardinal. He immediately despatched Count Luna,
prefect of Seville, with a large army against Giron,
who, perceiving that Ximenez was still alive, has
tened to disarm, while his father, mindful of the fall
of ViUadefredes, humbly petitioned the cardinal to
pardon his son. If Charles had followed the advice
of Ximenez, Giron would not have escaped this time,
but been severely punished as an example to others.
The inroads of the Moors were successfully repulsed,
and the garrison of Oran, and in particular the
governor of this town, Eerdinand Comario, were
exhorted bravely to defend themselves behind the
ramparts until the arrival of reinforcements. They
were, however, not required ; for the Numidians
themselves drove back the Turks.*
While these events took place, Charles, after having
concluded a treaty of peace with Erance at Noyon, at
last embarked from Elanders on the 7th September,
1517, in spite of the warnings of his courtiers, who
feared the dangers of navigation during this season.
Towards the middle of the same month,! after _ a
'tempestuous voyage, Charles landed near Tazonas, in
the province of Asturia, where he was not expected,
and repaired at once to the neighbouring town of
Villaviciosa, accompanied by his sister Eleonora, and
numerous Spanish and Flemish nobles; Chievres
and Sauvage were of the number, and La Chaux,
too, appeared again in the suite of the king.$ The
* Gomez, pp. 1129 et seq. Flechier, liv. v p. 469.
f Gomez p. 1130, gives the 27th September as the date of
Charles's arrival. This is wrong, for be was then already several
days at Villaviciosa, as is proved by a letter directed on that day
to Ximenez, which is still preserved, and quoted by us m a
^Srlefvfrote to Ximenez, in his letter from Middleburg:

544 THE LIFE OF
inhabitants of the coast were greatly alarmed at the
sight of an unknown fleet. Fearing a secret invasion
of the French, they sent their wives and children to
the mountains, and posted themselves, armed with
arrows and other weapons, on the hills near the sea,
to prevent, if possible, the landing of the supposed
enemy. On seeing this, Charles ordered the admiral
to exclaim, "Spain, Spain, the king is coming!"
and his arms, the lion of Leon and the castle of
Castile, to be hoisted. The Asturians, upon this,
evinced the greatest enthusiasm, saluted the king
on their knees, and accompanied him to Villaviciosa,
frantic with joy. The grand-constable, who owned
large property in this part of the country, upon being
apprised of the arrival of Charles "distributed great
quantities of corn to the poor of the neighbourhood,
supplied the villages with aU kinds of provisions,
and hastened himself, with a retinue of four hundred
of his kinsmen and retainers on horseback, to Villa
viciosa to pay homage to the king. But he and his
followers soon retired, as the country was too poor
to provide aU the necessaries for so large a court.
For this reason, also, the other grandees were for
bidden to render their homage to the king during
his residence in this part of the country.*
The news of the arrival of the king appears to
have worked beneficially upon the health of Ximenez.
On the 4th of October, the feast of St Francis, he
celebrated mass in the monastery of Aguilera, and
dined in the refectory together with the monks.
Charles was highly delighted at this, and, to the
great disgust of his Elemish courtiers, frequently
expressed to them the great obligations he was
" La Chaux will bring me your despatches to the harbour where
I land."— Flechier, liv. v. p. 461.
* Gomez, p. 1130. Petrus Martyr, epp. 597, 599, 601.
Flechier, liv. v. pp. 469—471.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 545
under to the illustrious man. They dreaded an
interview between Charles and Ximenez, fearing
lest the latter might gain too powerful an influence
over the young prince, and therefore employed
every possible artifice to prevent such an interview.
Acting upon the intelligence which they daily re
ceived from two physicians, touching the condition
of the cardinal, and the probable duration of his
life, they retarded the king's progress to Castile, in
the hope of the cardinal dying in the mean time.
Ximenez, though weak and infirm, wrote several
letters to the king containing advice as to how his
majesty should deport himself in Spain, how receive
this or the other grandee, what care he should take
to retain the royal possessions in Africa, &c. Charles
received these letters with much pleasure, apparently
willing to be guided by the directions contained
therein.* A letter of Charles addressed to Ximenez,
from the Spanish coast, bearing date the 27th Sep
tember, 1517, is still preserved, which clearly shows
the solicitude which the cardinal retained for the
weal of the state, even in this last stage of his life.
The king acknowledges therein the receipt of his
letter of the 23rd of the same month, and informs
him that he has listened attentively to the communi
cations he had intrusted to his agent, Don Lopez de
Ayala. He expresses his regret at the bad state of
his health, thanks him cordiaUy for the zeal and
prudence displayed in the affair with Prince Eerdi
nand, and acquaints him of his intention to proceed
with his attendants to Santander, where the cardinal
had made every arrangement for his reception, beg
ging him at the same time to remain with Eerdinand
and the royal council at his present residence, until
he could appoint a place for an interview with him.
* Gomez, p. 1181. Eobles, p. 198. Flechier, liv. v. pp. 471,
472. _
2 N

546 THE LIFE OF
Charles concluded this letter with expressions of
displeasure at the conduct of Giron, and of hopes
that Ximenez would be able effectually to settle
this matter, and continue to acquaint him of any
future occurrence of importance.*
The Elemish ministers, in order to carry out
safely their plans of frustrating an interview, per
suaded the king to visit Aragon before entering
Castile to receive the homage of the people. Xi
menez opposed these designs, exhorting the king
to send his brother to Germany to the Emperor
Maximilian, but to arrange this in such a manner
that it would be evident this was done in the
prince's own interest. This could best be done by
ceding to Ferdinand part, if not the whole, of his
hereditary provinces there, since Providence had
already given Charles such ample and vast domi
nions.! This advice, backed by Chievres, was ulti
mately followed by Charles. He gave Austria, and
afterwards Bohemia and Hungary to his brother,
After the cardinal's death, when the revolt of the
States broke out, Charles was principally indebted
to this wise measure for the preservation of Spain.
Ximenez still continued to stay in the monastery
of Aguilera. Convinced of the approach of his
death, he was anxious to renew, and correct the will
which he had previously made by the permission of
the pope, J and revised before his departure from
Aranda. The principal heir to his vast property was the
university of Alcala, founded by him. Large
* Documents Inedits, 1. c. pp. 105 — 109.
t Gomez, p. 1131. Flechier, liv. v. pp. 472, 473.
X According to ancient canon law the Church inherited, after
the death of a priest, everything he had acquired by his office.
"Whoever wished to dispose of his property obtained when a priest,
required the permission of the pope to do so.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 547
legacies were left besides to the monasteries, hos
pitals, and other establishments, which he had
erected, and considerable sums destined for the
endowment of poor young women, the ransom of
prisoners, the embellishment of churches, and the
foundation of anniversaries and masses for the
dead. We have already seen how, by a special
clause in the will, all those were indemnified who
had suffered losses in the expedition against Oran.
Francis Buyz, bishop of Avila, the faithful com
panion of his life, was named his chief executor, and
also intrusted with the care of his interment, as
well as the publication of the Complutensian
Polyglot.* During these preparations for death, the cardinal
often repeated, that he was particularly grateful
to God for enabling him to say, that he had never
wilfully or knowingly wronged any one, but always
administered justice without being biassed by
friendship or hatred.!
Antonio de Bojas, archbishop of Granada, pre
sident of the royal council, and constant enemy of
Ximenez, tried to take advantage of the debility of
the cardinal to pay his respects to the king in
conjunction with the senate, but without Ximenez.
The latter, who anticipated his desire, had obtained
from Charles two documents, which forbade the
archbishop and the senate to leave the cardinal.
The archbishop having, nevertheless, departed with
several members of the senate, Ximenez induced
Charles to despatch couriers to order them to return
to the cardinal, and beg his pardon. $
His treatment of the grandees was quite different.
* The will is reprinted in Quintanilla, " Archetypo," pp. 36-
TctctTlSl- P1eebier,liv.v.p.473.
\ Gomez! p. H32. Flechier, liv. v. p. 474.
2i N a

548 THE LIFE OF
The grand-admiral Iiad politely offered to accompany
him, if it should be his intention to go and meet the
king, asking, as a particular favour, to be aUowed to
form one of his suite. Ximenez thanked him for
this honour, but recommended him to proceed to
Charles, with a large retinue of his own, that the
Flemish might see the difference between Flemish
and Spanish noblemen. The same advice he gave
to other grandees who had equally offered to accom
pany him.*
Winter being near at hand, Ximenez quitted the
monastery of Aguilera on the 17th October. Care
fully wrapped in furs, and accompanied by the
prince and the senate, he departed for Boa, a place
situated between Valladolid and Segovia, to enable
him with greater facility to reach whichever of
these towns the king should visit first. Ximenez
had before advised Charles to repair to Valladolid ;
but a contagious malady having broken out there, he
requested him now, on the 22nd October, to change
it for Segovia. At the same time, he endeavoured
to persuade him to postpone the convocation of the
cortes for a while, as the agitation of the people
had not entirely subsided, and might find vent in
that assembly. This advice was unfortunately not
attended to. Disturbances broke out in the king
dom which caused great annoyance and uneasiness
to Charles, and convinced him too late of his
imprudence. A deputation from Toledo arrived at Boa with
the object of inducing Ximenez to persuade the
king to select that ancient capital of Spain for the
first convocation of the Cortes. Ximenez supported
their petition in vain. The influence of the Flemish
ministers, who preferred a town less central
* Gomez, p. 1132. Fleshier, liv. v. p. 474.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 549
than Toledo, prevailed, and Valladolid was chosen
mstead.* Before departing for this town, Charles wished
to pay a visit to his mother at Tordesillas. He
publicly notified this resolution to Ferdinand, to
Ximenez, and all the grandees, declaring that "he
had come to Spain to comfort his mother and would
in every way be guided by her in the government
of the kingdom." Ximenez highly praised him for
his filial love, but did not approve of this wordy
and evidently hypocritical declaration, saying that
" it showed less love for his mother than fear a
certain party might gain influence over her, and
thereby oppose him." " Kings," he added, "should
do many things without talking about them."!
Preparations were now being made at VaUadolid
for the reception of the king and his suite, at the
approaching meeting of the cortes. The care of
finding suitable residences was intrusted by Charles
to four Elemish officers. Ximenez intended to fix
his with the lawyer Bernardin, whose house seemed
to be situated in a particularly healthy neighbour
hood. The four commissioners, however, refused
to let him have it, and in order to baffle him more
effectually, destined it for the Queen Germaine.
Alba was the instigator of these intrigues. Ximenez
ultimately gained his point, but his servants were
quartered in a neighbouring village, — a slight which
would never have been offered him by Ferdinand,
IsabeUa, or Philip. Yet he was too proud to show
his annoyance and pain at such ignoble treatment.
Still greater insults were reserved for him. At the
suggestion, it is said, of Motta, the bishop of
Badajoz, a favourite of Chievres, Charles had the
ingratitude to write to Ximenez that as it was now
# Gomez, p. 1133.
f Ibid. Flechier, liv. v. p. 477.

550 THE LIFE OF
his intention to set out for Tordesillas* there to
pay his respects to his mother, he wished greatly to
meet the cardinal at Mojados, and receive his advice
on the government of the kingdom and the private
affairs of the royal house. This done, he would no
longer deprive him of the quietude so necessary to
him, and relieve him of his burdensome duties.
God alone could worthily recompense him for all
his labours for the good of Spain ; he, for his part,
would, as long as he lived, retain for him the
respect and affection a son owed to his father.
These words contained in reality, not only the dis
missal of the cardinal from the regency, but also from
all other participation in the conduct of public affairs.
Many writers assert that this cruel letter accelerated
his death. But Francis Buyz assures us that this
testimony of the ingratitude of" princes never reached
the cardinal. Too ill to bear the shock, it was only
communicated to the royal senate. Hadrian also
acquainted the king, that, considering the condition
of Ximenez, the letter could not be delivered to
him.! At the approach of his death, Ximenez, with
Christian fortitude, spoke to his servants, who had
been summoned to his presence, of the instability of
all earthly things, and the infinite mercies of God.
Then embracing, with pious affection, a crucifix
which he held in his hands, he asked God for the
remission of his sins, and invoked the intercession
of all the saints, particularly that of the Blessed
Virgin, St. Michael, the Apostles Peter and Paul,
St. James, the patron of Spain, St. Francis of Assisi,
SS. Eugene and Ildephonse, the first two bishops
* Petrus Martyr, who relates this visit in his 602nd letter,
says " that the sigbt of her children, Charles and Eleanor, gave
great joy to Johanna."
t Gomez, p. 1133. Flechier, liv. v. pp. 479, 480.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 551

of Toledo. All those surrounding him burst into
tears. He then received the holy Viaticum and
extreme unction. A few hours before, he dictated
a letter to Charles, in which he recommended to him
his university of Alcala, and the monasteries he had
founded, but was unable to sign it. Petrus Lerma,
Antonio Bodrigo, and Balbas recited the prayer
for the dying, when he calmly expired, exclaiming
the words of David, " In te, Domine, speravi," on
the 8th November 1517, in the eighty-second year
of his life, and the twenty-second of his episcopacy.*
His death occurred on a Sunday. A herald
having proclaimed the sad news, all the inhabitants
of Boa and the surrounding country hastened to
kiss the cardinal's hands, whilst he was lying in
state. The corpse was embalmed, and temporarily
transferred to the church at Boa, until, according
to the orders of the deceased, it could be removed
to Alcala. A few days after, it was conveyed thither.
The journey was commenced under a deluge of rain,
which rendered the removal as dangerous as that
of the remains of Queen Isabella to Granada. On
the second day the funeral procession arrived at
Torrelaguna, the birthplace of Ximenez. Here the
grief of the population was excessive. The body
was conveyed, amidst the blaze of innumerable
torches, to the monastery of St. Mary, founded by
him, and a funeral service celebrated there. On
the third day the procession reached Alcala. In
the gate leading towards Burgos the university had
erected a mortuary chapel. All the students and
professors of the university together with their rector
Michael Cerrasco, all the religious of the city, the
corporation, the bishops, the grandees, the abbot and
chapter of the collegiate church of SS. Justus and
* Gomez, p. 1184. Flechier, liv. v. p. 480. Eobles, p. 201,

552 THE LIFE OF
Pastor, and an immense concourse of people, met
the body before the town. It was then placed in
the mortuary chapel, where the matins for the dead
were chanted.
A discussion arose between the university and the
chapter of San Justo respecting the place of inter
ment. The dispute was ultimately settled by the
bishop of Avila declaring that Ximenez himself had
expressly notified his wish to be buried in the college
of San Ildefonso, upon which the canons withdrew
their opposition.
Ximenez had ordered in his will that his funeral
should be as simple and unostentatious as possible ;
but Francis Buyz departed from these instructions,
arranged a befitting ceremony, and permitted Sirvelo,
a learned and eloquent doctor, to preach the pane
gyric of the deceased, in which allusions were not
wanting tp the dangers which threatened Spain,
through the Elemish courtiers.
The remains of the illustrious deceased arrived
at Alcala on the 15th November, the feast of
St. Eugene, who is considered to have been the
first archbishop of Toledo.* In celebration of the
event, the university decreed that a funeral service
should annuaUy be held on this day, and a panegyric
of Ximenez be preached.
A monument of marble was erected over his tomb,
on which, besides other ornaments by eminent artists,
a portrait of the cardinal in his pontifical robes was
sculptured. The front side was covered by the fol
lowing hexastich by the young Vergara, selected
* This is Eugene the elder, a disciple of St. Denis of Paris,
who lived in the third century. Spanish tradition asserts that he
founded the bishopric of Toledo. His body was, under Philip II.,
conveyed from St. Denis to Spain. He is not to be confounded
with the Archbishop Eugene, of Toledo, who died in the year 657.
Gomez, p. 1155.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 553
from a number of inscriptions sent in for that
purpose. " Condideram musis Franciscus grande lyceum,
Condor in exiguo nunc ego sarcopbago.
Prsetextam junxi sacco, galeamque galero,
Erater, Dux, Praesul, Cardineusque pater.
Quiu virtute mea junctum est diadema cucullo,
Cum mihi regnanti paruit Hesperia."
Fifty-eight years after the foundation of the uni
versity, the then rector, Alphonse Mendoza, under
whose auspices Gomez wrote his biography of our
cardinal, ordered the monument to be surrounded
by a magnificent enclosure of bronze, on which
were represented the principal events of the life of
Ximenez.* Ximenez was tall and thin, but firmly and strongly
built ; his face long, his nose aquiline, his nostrils
wide, his forehead high and wrinkled ; his eyes of
middle size, deep set, piercing, but frequently dimmed
by moisture ; his teeth closely set, the two eye-teeth
somewhat prominent, which gained him the nick
name of " the elephant ; " his lips thick, but well
formed ; his voice firm and agreeable. On opening
his tomb in 1545, his skull was found to be without
seam, whence arose probably his violent headaches,
which often bordered on melancholy. He always,
even in anger, spoke to the point, but in as few
words as possible, and never without previous reflec
tion. He gave more than he promised, and jested
but rarely with his friends. According to the custom
of the times, he kept a dwarf, whose jokes he relished,
and whom he recommended at his death to the college
of St Ildephonse at Alcala. He devoted a great
deal of his time to study, entered frequently into
scientific discussions with learned men, and was
fond of attending the disputations of the students.!
* Gomez, p. 1135. t Ibid. p. 1136.

554 THE LIFE OF
As regards his personal virtues and brilliant
talents for government, they need not further be
extolled. His zeal in prayer and aU devotional
exercises, his extraordinary charity, his severity
towards himself, the unimpeachable purity and
chastity of his manners, as well as his prudence,
love of justice, undaunted courage, and, above all,
his extreme firmness, have constantly come under
notice in the preceding pages. Gomez observes
justly : " The news of his death produced a deep
sensation and sorrow in the minds of all good men
and patriots. The discontented rejoiced to be rid
of a man who was the terror of all miscreants and
sinners.* Former political adversaries of the cardinal
such as the duke of Alva, candidly acknowledged,
now that passion was at an end, that Ximenez
was one of the most remarkable men, a truly old
Spanish, heroic character."!
His virtues were so well recognized by Spain, that
efforts were made for his canonization. In the years
1650 and 1655, Philip IV. corresponded with the
Holy See on the subject, while, at the same time,
Quintanilla, a Franciscan friar, to prove the great
virtues of the cardinal, composed his " Archetypo
de Virtudes," a work which has been repeatedly
quoted by us. The negotiations with Bome remained
without result ; nevertheless, in many parts of the
peninsula, Ximenez is honoured as a saint. His
name occurs in seven martyrologies of the Spanish
church, and on the celebration of the anniversaries
founded by him, prayers were offered only for the
dead in general. The special ones were left out, the
cardinal being supposed already to be amongst the
blessed in Heaven. $
* Gomez, p. 1136. t Ibid.
X The documents relating to this are reprinted in " Quin
tanilla," in the Appendix.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 555
The archbishop of Saragossa, Alphonse of Aragon,
expected to succeed Ximenez in his dignity of primate
of Spain. He had long coveted this dignity, and even
before the actual death of the cardinal, taken steps
to secure it for himself. But to the great scandal of
the Spaniards, Chievres procured it for his young
nephew, William of Croy, who died, however, a few
years afterwards, in 1521.*
We cannot part from Ximenez, without drawing
a parallel between him and another great man with
whom he has often been compared — the Cardinal
Bichelieu. * Petrus Martyr, p. 602.

556 THE LIFE OF

CHAPTEB XXVII.
XIMENEZ AND EICHELIEU.
The similarity between these great statesmen has
repeatedly been pointed out by former historians,
and in the beginning of the last century furnished
the subject for a special work in a hundred chapters,
by the Abbe Bichard.* We confine ourselves here
to the most important and remarkable points in the
lives of the two cardinals, and will endeavour to show
the similarity or difference of their destinies, political
principles, and moral character.
Both, scions of noble but poor houses, attained
high ecclesiastical and civil dignities, became bishops
and cardinals of the Boman Church, and powerful
ministers, who exercised an extraordinary influence
on the destinies of their countries. The family of
Ximenez, being obscure and unknown, entitled its
son to no aspirations for a position in the world for
dignities and. offices ; whilst the descendant of the
ancient and illustrious house of Bichelieu, gifted by
nature, could easily obtain them. Although Fran
cois de Plessis, lord of Bichelieu, and other domains
in Poitou, knight of the Order of the Holy Ghost,
&c.., had died poor, the name of an illustrious family
supported his sons. Alphonse, the elder, obtained
the bishopric of Lucon, an appanage to the family.
Armand Jean, the younger, born at Paris, on the
5th September, 1585, was destined for the army,
* " Parallele du Cardinal Ximenez, Premier Ministre d'Espagne,
et du Cardinal de Eichelieu, Premier Ministre de France. Par
M. l'Abbe Eichard." Eotterdam, 1705. Several times reprinted.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 557
and received in consequence a secular education
and instruction in chivalrous exercises. Alphonse,
having suddenly resolved to become a Carthusian,
Jean Armand quitted the army, and, with all the
energy of his character, studied theology to be able
to replace his brother in the bishopric of Lucon.
King Henry IV. nominated him to it, and Pope
Paul V. confirmed the appointment, after Bichelieu,
by a Avell-sustained disputation, had gained the
degree of Doctor of Theology. In 1606 or 1607,
when 21 or 22 years old, he was consecrated at
Bome.* Thus Bichelieu sought and obtained in his
youth a high ecclesiastical dignity, which Ximenez
attained only in riper age. Bichelieu owed his ele
vation to his pedigree, Ximenez solely to his merits.
Both travelled to Bome when still young — the one,
in spite of his youth, to receive a bishopric; the other,
like a poor pilgrim, unable to win even the smallest
benefice. Bichelieu, in order to obtain the dispensa
tion of the Holy Father, is said to have stated his
age to be more than it really was, and confessed
this ruse to the pope, and begged his forgiveness,
only after having been confirmed in his dignity. If
this be a fact, it is a spot on Bichelieu's character,
of which Ximenez would never have rendered him
self guilty for all the riches of the world.!
The return of the two to their native countries,
is marked by a strong contrast. The young,
vigorous, talented, zealous, and undoubtedly very
able Bishop Bichelieu, was received with every pos
sible mark of honour and solemnity ; Ximenez was
imprisoned by his bishop, for aspiring to the place
of archpriest of Uzeda. J And yet he was destined
to become as great and powerful as Bichelieu !
* Auberv " Histoire du Cardinal Eichelieu," pp. 5— 9. Eichard,
„n i_6 Eaumer, " Geschichte Europa's," vol. iv. p. 58.
PPf R^ard, p. 6.' J Ibid. pp. 7, 8.

558 THE LIFE OF
After his liberation, Ximenez was appointed vicar-
general of Siguenza, and began to make a name for
himself. But he quitted his diocese to take leave
of the world in a Franciscan monastery of very
severe discipline. Bichelieu, too, quitted his diocese
after a few years, but for quite a different purpose,
to enter the great theatre of the world, and play a
distinguished part at court.*
Mary of Medici, the imperious widow of
Henry IV., conducted at this time the reins of
government for her son, who, although only four
teen years old, had been declared of age. The
Bishop of Lucon, having gained the favour of the
omnipotent Marshal d' An ere, was nominated her
almoner and shortly after, in November 1516, Se
cretary of War and Eoreign affairs. Like Ximenez,
who was recommended to Queen Isabella by the
grand-cardinal Mendoza, Bichelieu was proposed
to the dowager Queen Mary by the Marshal
d'Ancre. Isabella made Ximenez her confessor,
and adviser even in political affairs ; the Queen
of France, Bichelieu her almoner and influential
member of the council of state.! But whilst
Ximenez all his life long showed the greatest
attachment and respect for Isabella, Bichelieu
and Mary became in later years the bitterest
enemies, so much so, indeed, that Bichelieu
was the cause of her banishment and poverty,
and gave her just reason for charging him with
the foulest ingratitude. J To the justification of
Bichelieu be it said, that the blame of this enmity
* Eicbard, p. 9.
t Ibid. pp. 12 — 17. Aubery, pp. 10 — 12. Eichelieu is gene
rally considered to have been appointed almoner to the dowager-
queen ; but Daniel, in bis " Histoire de France," quotes the
document of his nomination, which proves that he held this post
to the young wife of Louis XIII.
X Eaumer, pp. 99, 109, 126.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 559
rests not with him, but with the queen, who had
nearly ruined the kingdom by her intrigues, and
forced him to proceed against her in the manner in
which he did. He remained faithful to her cause
as long as possible, longer even than his own
interests permitted, endeavouring in every possible
way to bring her back to the right path.
Whilst Ximenez, from the moment of his nomi
nation as confessor of Isabella until his death,
never suffered a reverse in power or honours, the
path of Bichelieu was soon beset with dangers.
Luynes, a favourite of the king, gradually under
mined the influence which Mary and the Marshal
d'Ancre possessed with the latter. He succeeded
even in inducing the king to countenance the
murder of the marshal (1617), and to proclaim
the banishment of the queen from the court.* The
king and Luynes wished to retain Bichelieu in the
council of state, but he preferred following Mary
to Blois, where he exerted himself in making her
relations to the court as smooth as possible. His
intentions being suspected, he received orders to
return to his diocese, the administration of which
he conducted again with much zeal and success.
He led a simple and exemplary life, introduced
reforms in ecclesiastical affairs, converted many
Huguenots, and wrote for this purpose several
theological works which were much admired at
the time. His influence being still considered
too dangerous, even at Lucon,* he was, in the
passion week of the year 1618, banished to Avignon;
one year later, however, recalled to effect a recon
ciliation between Mary and the king, and sent
to Angouleme, where the former resided. His
mission succeeded. Mary returned to court, and
* Aubery, pp. 12—86. Eichard, p. 20.

560 THE LIFE OF
in return for this service procured him a cardinal's
hat in the year 1622.* In the like manner, Fer
dinand the Catholic showed his gratitude to
Ximenez who had been the means of his return to
Castile as regent.
Shortly after having been created cardinal,
Bichelieu endeavoured to get the reins of govern
ment into his hands. He showed in this so much
eagerness, that the angry king exclaimed : " This
man would like to be admitted to my council,
but I cannot make up my mind to allow this, after
what he has done against me." In spite of this
reluctance, the cardinal succeeded, in the year 1624,
in becoming minister in the place of Vieuville, and
soon exercised by far the greatest influence in the
cabinet of the king. In the year 1629 he became
prime minister, which position he retained until his
death.! In opposition to this striving after in
fluence and this hunting after honours, Ximenez,
as we know, rejected the dignity of archbishop and
that of grand-chancellor, and could only be prevailed
upon to accept them by the express commands of
the king and the pope. Like Bichelieu, he remained
in the possession of his power to the end of his
days. Both had great opposition to contend against.
King Ferdinand endeavoured to induce Ximenez to
resign in favour of the archbishop of Saragossa.
He refused. The grandees exhausted every means
to overthrow him after the death of Ferdinand, but
in vain. Nevertheless, Ximenez, through the ascetic
turn of his character, was willing at any time to
return to the solitude of the Franciscan monastery.
Bichelieu had to fight much harder battles with his
opponents. His fall was several times, and parti
cularly in the year 1630, imminent. He repeatedly
* Aubery, pp. 16 — 21. Eichard, p. 61.
t Aubery, pp. 24, 25. Eaumer, p. 59.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 561
solicited his dismissal, when the affairs of the state
rendered the grant of his request impossible. Hence
we have no hesitation in alleging that it was never
seriously meant, and that the withdrawal from his
power would have cost him a thousand times more
self-restraint than it would to the cardinal of Spain.
Ximenez pardoned those who endeavoured to over
throw him, and never revenged himself for personal
injuries. Bichelieu, on the other hand, ordered
his enemies to be executed, and took the life of
almost every one who had opposed, threatened, or
plotted against him. Thus, Count Chalais, Marshal
Marillac, Duke Montmorency, De Thou, Cinqmars,
and others were executed by his orders.* He has
been justly censured for this, and forms, indeed, in
this respect, a strong contrast to Ximenez. But
circumstances attenuate his proceedings. All these
rebels were the instruments of members of the royal
house : the dowager-queen Maria, the brother of the
king, the Duke Gaston of Orleans, who exerted
themselves not only to overthrow the minister
Bichelieu, but also the whole state, together with
the king. Bichelieu was, therefore, justified in
identifying his interests with those of the kingdom.
Leniency towards the rebels would probably have
ruined both.
The latter days of the two cardinals show equally
strong marks of resemblance. When Ximenez died,
the power of Spain attained its greatest develop
ment under Charles V. Bichelieu left France more
powerful than she had ever been, full of confidence
in the Dauphin (Louis XIV.), who was destined to
raise her to the pinnacle of her greatness. In
the like manner in which Ximenez was retained
by Ferdinand and Charles, less from affection
* Eaumer, pp. 81, 100, 111, 113, 132, 138. Eichard, pp. 102
-1M- J 2 O

562 THE LIFE OF
than from necessity, so Bichelieu was retained by
Louis XIII., who had long become reserved in his
manner towards the cardinal, and even jealous of
his power.* The prudent, but feeble king saw too
well the impossibility of doing without him. The
treatment of the two by their respective sovereigns
was, however, widely different. Louis accorded to
his minister outwardly every mark of respect and
esteem, and visited him repeatedly during his last
illness ; so that Bichelieu may be said, almost lite
rally, to have died in the arms of his sovereign.
Charles, on the contrary, carefully avoided every
interview with Ximenez, wounded his feelings, and,
even whilst he was lying on his deathbed, signed
the warrant for his dismissal, the reading of which
the cardinal, however, was spared.!
Ximenez and Bichelieu both died like good
Christians, provided with the holy sacrament, re
signed to the will of God, and forgiving their
enemies. "I have," said Bichelieu, shortly before
his death, "never had other enemies than those of
the state and my master." These words may be
taken almost literally. His last prayer — -"In
manus tuas, Domine, commendo spiritum meum"
— is similar to that of Ximenez : "In te, Domine,
speravi." Like Ximenez, who, in his last moments,
protested that he had never willingly wronged any
one, but treated all with justice, so Bichelieu ex
claimed : "I pray God, from the bottom of my
heart, to condemn me, if, during my administration,
* One evening the king, accompanied by Eichelieu, was going
to another room in the castle. On arriving at the door, Eichelieu
made room for the king,. but the latter exclaimed, angrily, " Go
on, go on ; you know you are master ! " Whereupon the cardinal
took a wax candle from one of the pages in attendance, and carried
it before the king, saying, " Sire, I can only precede your majesty
when performing the duties of one of your humblest servants."
! Eichard, pp. 156—158, 164—168.]

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 563
I have ever had any other object in view than the
interest of religion and the state.*
The truth of Ximenez' words was fully recognized
and publicly confirmed at his death by the universal
grief of the whole nation, even his former political
adversaries testifying to his virtues in the most
eulogistic terms ; only the enemies of Spain in
wardly rejoiced at his decease. Not so Bichelieu,
whose death was sincerely mourned by but a few.
The nation in general received the intelligence with
loud acclamations of joy ; bonfires were lighted, and
balls were given.!
Ximenez was universally beloved; Bichelieu feared
by all. Hence the ingratitude of his contemporaries.
Posterity only has awarded him more justice.
Bichelieu died on the 4th December, 1642, in his
fifty-eighth year, or at the age when Ximenez just
started on his important career. Both were at the
head of the government for nearly an equal length
of time ; Ximenez twenty-two, Bichelieu eighteen
years. $
The similarity which marks their destinies is
also observable in their political principles and
sentiments. Both were eminent in the conduct of [affairs by
the combination of two qualities rarely united in
statesmen : talent and industry, and an activity as
indefatigable as their genius was great. "Beal
statesmen," said Bichelieu, very justly, "are not
those who, chained to their desks, catch at the
smallest flies. Such mass of writing serves only to
* Eichard, p. 168. Joly, "Histoire du Ministere du Cardinal
Eichelieu " (1816, Paris), tom. ii. p. 217. Eaumer, p. l^^
t The cranium of Ximenez was found to be without suture
whence probably arose his frequent headaches; whilst that ot
Eielieu showed twelve small aperture^ which led to the belief
that be never suffered from headache. Eichard, p. 169.
2 o 2

564 THE LIFE OF
deaden genius, and to incapacitate the mind for the
conception of great thoughts." To these two quali
ties both cardinals united a third, equally necessary
and important : an unshakable firmness in the
execution of their commands, which were only
issued after mature reflection. Ximenez has given
proofs of his firmness in the revolt of the Albaycim,
and in many other instances, and shown that his
courage was greatest in the time of danger. Biche
lieu is reported to have once said of himself: "I
am timid by nature, and never venture upon an
undertaking without previous repeated reflection;
but my resolution taken, I act boldly, press onwards
to my aim, overthrow every obstacle, mow every
thing down, and cover the whole with my cardinal's
mantle."* In his famous political testament he
declares courage and intrepidity to be two of the
most essential qualities of a statesman.
Both cardinals exercised a most extraordinary
influence on the affairs and history of their countries,
with this difference, however, that Ximenez served
sovereigns who were themselves masters of the
art of governing, and ruled the state with a firm
hand, whereas Bichelieu, who served a virtuous
and prudent, though weak king, could apply himself
to the administration of the kingdom more inde
pendently than Ximenez.
Bichelieu may be said, for eighteen years, to
have been absolute ruler of France. He was
minister only by name, similar to Charles Martel
and the Pepin s in the Merovingian era. Ximenez,
on the contrary, was under Ferdinand and Isabella
really only a minister, and his power, even during
the year and a half of his regency, more restricted
than that of his French colleague. Backed by the
* Eaumer, p. 71.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 565
royal name, Bichelieu could act more independently
than the regent of Castile, whose actions were
paralysed by the intrigues at the court of Brussels.
To prove this, it suffices to recall that Ximenez
had never, even when regent, the power of ap
pointing officials, and particularly bishops, whilst in
Erance no place of importance, either ecclesiastical
or civil, no bishopric or military command, was
given away by any but Bichelieu.* Besides, France,
when Bichelieu took the reins of government, was
in a much less flourishing condition than Spain
at the time of Ximenez' accession to power. Hence
the reforms introduced by the former appear much
more striking than those of the latter. Bichelieu
was the only great politician of his time.! The
generation of Ximenez had to divide its admiration
between several illustrious ministers and cardinals,
for instance, in Erance the great cardinal and
minister d' Amboise ; in Spain the famous Grand-
cardinal Mendoza ; not to forget the able Cardinal
Wolsey, and the acute Granvella ; all men of the
first rank, and his rivals on the field of glory.
But this difference belongs more to the times
and to circumstances, than to the men. Both
applied one and the same fundamental maxim
to the internal administration of their countries :
aggrandisement of the royal power, by the weak
ening of the nobles, and the suppression of their
independence, to which Bichelieu, more than
Ximenez, added another— the humiliation of the
Parliaments. Both ministers succeeded in raising
* Eaumer pp 162, 194, 209. It must be owned that Eichelieu
gave the bishoprics to very efficient men.— Aubery, pp 599-602
f Even Olivarez, the prime mmister of Spam, at the time ot
Eichelieu, acknowledged this, saying: "The king of France has
the ablest minister which Christendom has possessed for the last
thousand years." His successor, Mazarin, rivalled him in sagacity,
but not in elevation of thought.

566 THE LIFE OF
the royal power to a height unknown before ; both
suppressed and punished every disturbance of the
peace by the nobles, and shielded the people from
their oppression and violence. But Ximenez was
more a friend of the people ; Bichelieu, more a man
of the court : Ximenez universally beloved ; Biche
lieu hated by a great part of the nation. It was
said of him, that he had done everything for the
king, nothing for the people.*
At first sight, a striking contrast is to be found
in their external politics. Ximenez strove to
raise the Spanish Austrian power ; Bichelieu, on
the contrary, endeavoured to weaken, and, if pos
sible, to break it altogether. Yet this conflict in
their actions emanated from a common principle :
the wish to raise their country to the first rank
amongst the powers of Europe. Both succeeded
in this, only their measures for attaining it
differed frequently. Both cared for the mainte
nance of justice, introduced reforms in the finances,
lessened the number of the officials, and kept a
sharp control over them, abolished unnecessary
salaries, watched over the interests of the colonies,
promoted those of trade and commerce, strengthened
the navy, &c. But whilst Ximenez knew no other
justice than that of the ordinary courts, Bichelieu
frequently appointed, for political offences, special
commissions dependent from the court. Abuses
as revolting and immoral as the traffic in places,
which Ximenez would not have tolerated for one
hour, were permitted by Bichelieu if he considered
them to the interest of the state. Scrupling
little in the choice of his means, as long as
they tended to further his object, he more than
once subordinated his conscience to state reasons,
* Eichard, p. 87. Eaumer, pp. 60, 61, 63, 70, 71, 141.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 567
and blamed statesmen who were more conscientious
and had a greater regard for morals.* It is un
deniable, and can be proved by numerous examples,
that he went too far in this, and often pursued
dishonourable and antichristian politics, in the in
terest of France, the effects of which are still felt
by Germany.
It was Bichelieu who, in order to humiliate
Austria, and break the power of Germany, called the
king of Sweden, Gustavus Adolphus, into the empire,
and, after the death of the " Goth," continued to add
fuel to the religious war ; it was he who excited and
assisted the rebellious Puritans against the king of
England, the Catalonians in their revolt against the
king of Spain ; who tried to detach Maximilian of
Bavaria from the cause of religion and the country,
and constantly sought his own selfish interest in the
misfortunes of others. Ximenez knew nothing of
such artifices ; his honest, upright nature revolted
against tliem.
The rigour used by Ximenez in the christianizing of
the Moors, and his activity as grand-inquisitor, have
frequently been compared to the measures adopted
by Bichelieu against the Huguenots. Bichelieu, it
is true, destroyed their political influence, "their
state in the state," but left their religious freedom
not only untouched, but protected and defended it.
His co-religionists have, for this reason, reproached
him with lukewarmness for his own Church. In his
capacity of statesman he considered it advisable not
to encroach upon the religious liberties of the Hugue
nots but as bishop he converted many by peaceful
missions.! After they had themselves violated the
treaties, Bichelieu had as much right to attack their
* Eaumer, pp. 63, 64, 66, 72, 88, 130. Eichard, pp. 124,
15X Sard, p. 36. Aubery, pp. 37-40, 603-606.

568 THE LIFE OF
liberties as Ximenez had in his proceedings against
the Moors ; yet he reasoned differently from the
Spaniard, and did not vindicate for the state the right
of governing consciences. " As statesman I do not
attack the religious opinions of the Huguenots,"
said he, " but their disobedience." * Nevertheless,
his conduct against them furnishes a parallel with
Ximenez. Both placed themselves at the head of
an army ; Ximenez to conquer Oran, Bichelieu to
conduct the siege of La Bochelle, with marvellous
firmness and ability. But whilst Ximenez led his
soldiers, mounted on a mule, and attired in pontifical
robes, Bichelieu appeared on a war-horse, clad in
armour, with a sword at his side and pistols in his
belt.! Like Isabella, he had the morality of his
soldiers at heart, and instituted a mission of the
Jesuits in the army.! The taking of La Bochelle
procured him the gratitude of his sovereign; Ximenez
obtained from Eerdinand but little thanks for his
conquest of Oran.§
Ximenez and Bichelieu had each a friend, their
adviser and instrument in their private and political
affairs. We have often spoken of Francis Buyz in
the preceding pages. Father Joseph,. a Capuchin,
occupied a similar position with Bichelieu, only his
influence was greater, as he had a greater aptitude
for politics, and often surpassed his master and
friend in prudence and courage. Descended from
the illustrious family of the Le Clerc du Tremblai,
son of a president of the parliament of Paris, god
child of the brother of the king (Henry III.), a man
of talent and erudition, he suddenly, already on the
* Eaumer, pp. 80, 90.
t Aubery, pp. 63—74, 81—84. Eichard, pp. 73, 74, 83.
Eaumer, p. 94.
X Aubery, p. 597. § Eichard, p. 78.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 569
high-road to honours, turned Capuchin and a zealous
missionary amon gst the Huguenots . He soon became
provincial of his order, and, having gained the esteem
of both the pope and the king, was intrusted by
the latter with several important political missions.
Through his exertions, Bichelieu was called back to
the court, from his exile at Avignon, and the two
lived henceforth in the most intimate friendship,
inhabiting the same palace, and seeming like two
souls in one body. After Bichelieu, Joseph was the
most powerful man of his time in France, so that, in
this respect, he far outstripped the friend of Ximenez.
Buyz was, by the intercession of Ximenez, nominated
bishop. Joseph repeatedly rejected this dignity, and
died, before Bichelieu, in the year 1638, when he
was about to receive the cardinal's hat.*
Convinced that no state could flourish without the
cultivation of the sciences, Ximenez and Bichelieu
became powerful protectors of the same. Ximenez
founded the university of Alcala, Bichelieu the
French Academy, and, besides, reopened the Sor
bonne. Like Ximenez, he ordered the publication
of many excellent works, collected numerous very
valuable manuscripts, particularly in the Oriental
languages, and took a delight in conversing with
learned men. But, unlike Ximenez, he also
esteemed and patronized the belles lettres and the
drama.! Whilst his own writings, theological and
historical, secure for him the place above Ximenez,
the latter surpassed him by the fame of having called
into existence so stupendous and beneficial a work as
the "Complutensian Polyglot." Bichelieu seems
to have felt this, by the anxiety he showed to take
part in the publication of the " Paris Polyglot,"
* See the article " Joseph," in Moreri Dictionnaire.
f Flechier, liv. v. p. 525. Eichard, pp. 15, 51, 131, 187.

570 THE LIFE OF
then in course of progress. But the editor, Le Jay,
jealous to secure the glory of this undertaking
entirely for liimself, rejected all his overtures.*
The preceding will doubtless have suggested
already that, with reference to personal character,
the comparison will not turn out to the advantage
of Bichelieu. The anti-christian politics which he
pursued in the temporary interest of France, as
well "" as his severity against his political adver
saries, place him, in point of morality, much below
Ximenez. But our political parallel has now
reached a point in which few statesmen, nay, men
in general, can vie with our cardinal — that of his
extraordinary personal virtues.
In a comparison with other diplomatists, Biche
lieu would, even in this respect, carry off the palm
over many. He was zealous in the performance of
his devotional and pious duties ; took the sacrament
every Sunday ; sang the holy mass himself — at least
on festivals ; recited the daily prayers, and begged
the pope to dispense him from them, and prescribe
him shorter ones, when his multifarious duties would
no longer permit him to say them ; conversed fre
quently on religious topics ; showed always a sincere
repentance of his sins ; and often closeted a preacher
with him, to listen to a discourse specially made for .
him only.! But with all this, Bichelieu never
attained the heroic piety of Ximenez, whose whole
nature was more deeply pervaded by a real Christian
spirit, and filled with a more ardent faith. Com
pared to Ximenez, he is, in this respect, like a
respectable man of the world vis-a-vis a man who,
by his ascetic exercises, has become almost a saint.
As regards the allegations of his enemies, concerning
* Eichard, p. 49. On the learning of Eichelieu, and his
patronage of the sciences, see Aubery, pp. 606 — 611.
t Aubery, pp. 595—598.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 571
his questionable relations to his niece, the duchess
of Aiguillon, they seem to us to be utterly un
founded. Ximenez and Bichelieu were both charitable, and
spent, in particular, large sums for the ransoming of
Christian prisoners.* The charity of the Spaniard,
however, is at once on a more colossal scale, and
nobler, by his renouncing and abstaining from all
the enjoyments of life.
Both were faithful friends, and careful, indulgent
masters. Yet the affection of Bichelieu was more
worldly. He procured offices and dignities for his
favourites, with the view of increasing his friends,
and through them his influence. Ximenez, on the
contrary, procured his friends very few places ; and
never, like Bichelieu, promoted them to the detri
ment of, or by doing injustice to others.!
Both showed zeal and attachment for their
relations. But whilst the' family of Ximenez was
never more than well to do, his niece only marrying
into a higher family, Bichelieu obtained for his the
ducal title, considerable property, and high offices,
and married all his nieces to members of the first
houses.J The difference between Ximenez and Bichelieu
is also shown in their wills. § Ximenez bequeathed
the bulk of his fortune to his beloved university ;
Bichelieu left his to his relatives. The other heirs
of Ximenez were the poor, the hospitals, and the
monasteries; that of Bichelieu, the man of the world,
was the king, to whom he bequeathed his palace,
afterwards the Palais Boyal, his carriages, and his
chapel. Ximenez made, in his will, numerous
* Aubery, pp. 611—612, 626. Eichard, p. 52.
t Aubery! pp. 592-594. Eichard, pp. 81, 87, 151, 183, 198.
+ Eichard, p. 88.
§ That of Eichelieu is to be found in Aubery, pp. 619—626.

572 THE LIFE OF
arrangements for the salvation of his soul, Bichelieu
left his famous political testament, full of excellent
advice for the administration of the kingdom.
Both have been the object of many pasquils, and
of much blame and calumny from their adversaries.
Ximenez disdained such attacks, and proceeded
against the perpetrators only when compelled to do
so by others, and then with great leniency. Biche
lieu never pardoned an injury or offence. The maxim
that the lion should not care for the barking of
little dogs, was recognized by him in theory, and
a painting, conveying this idea, hung up in his
castle of Bichelieu ; in practice, however, he could
never raise himself to this height, but persecuted
the pasquillants with the utmost rigour, even into
foreign countries.*
We seek also in vain in Bichelieu for the straight
forwardness, the truthfulness and honesty, which
distinguished Ximenez, and at times showed itself
in rather a rough and awkward manner. Bichelieu
was always the polished courtier, who liked as much
to address pleasant words and flatteries to others
as he was pleased to hear them himself. After all
this, Ximenez undoubtedly carries the palm, in
reference to personal excellence. Abbe" Bichard,
in spite of his patriotism, justly acknowledges this
in his work ; and Bobertson, in his history of Charles,
observes rightly, that in the whole history of the
world Ximenez is the only prime minister who was
revered by his contemporaries as a saint, and to
whom the people he ruled ascribed the power of
working miracles.! The modern Spanish acade-
* Eaumer, pp, 66, 140. Eichard, pp. 15, 186.
t Leonce de Lavergne also draws a kind of comparison between
the two cardinals, and gives the palm to Eichelieu. But his
comparison is very prejudiced and one-sided, as indeed is the
entire essay. Eevue des Deux Mondes, tom. xxvi. p. 554.

CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 573
mician Arnao, in adopting these words of the
English historian, adds, " Ximenez knew how to
unite in his person the virtues of the most pious
monk, of the most zealous bishop, and the most
accomplished statesman."* " Spain," he continues,
" passed, under him, through the most prosperous
and happy phase of her history : would that another
Ximenez were born to her in the nineteenth
century! "! We heartily join in his wish, adding
only, that not Spain alone, but other countries too,
may after so many centuries of errors and disastrous
experiments, recognize that true religion is the only
sound basis for the real happiness of nations.
* Memorias, tom. iv. p. 2. t Ibid. pp. 13, 23.

APPENDIX.

The following interesting account of the trans
lation of the remains of Cardinal Ximenez is taken
from a pamphlet* on the subject, kindly sent to me
from Madrid, by his excellency the Marques de
Morante. The ceremony took place at Alcala de Henares,
on the 27th of April, 1857, with the greatest pomp,
solemnity, and devotion. But before we describe
the particulars of an event which does such honour
to all those concerned in it, and especially to the
queen and her ministers, it will be necessary to
mention the different translations which were made
of the cardinal's venerable remains.
Ximenez, in his will, expressed his desire to be
interred in the chapel belonging to the college of
San Ildefonso, at Alcala. Accordingly, after his
death in 1517, his remains were conveyed there
from Boa, and interred in the said chapel with
great solemnity. Here they remained for the space
of eighty years,— viz. from 1517 to 1597. But as
the vault was found to be very damp, the remains
were taken up in 1597, by order of the king, and
* The following is the Spanish title of the pamphlet : " Eelacion
de la Solemne Ceremonia celebrada para 1% Inhumacion de los
Eestos Mortales del Cardenal, Don Fray Francisco Ximenez de
Cisneros, en su sepulcro de la Iglesia Magistral de Alcala de
Henares' el dia 27 de Avril de 1857. Escrita por Don Eoman
Goicoerrotea." Madrid, 1857.

576 APPENDIX.
placed in a reliquary* on the gospel side, next to
the high altar in the church of San Ildefonso,
where the relics of the saints belonging to the
college were usually preserved. In this reliquary
the remains were kept for a period of forty-seven
years, when, in 1664, they were removed to a niche
on the gospel side, near the steps of the altar : the
niche had an iron grating before it, which formed
a part of the sepulchre of San Diego. There they
continued for twenty-four years. But in the year
1668, as the veneration of the faithful towards the
remains of the cardinal, whom all considered to be
a saint, was daily becoming more intense, it was
considered prudent to remove them to the original
spot, where the body had first been interred. His
translation was accordingly made. There they
continued for nine years. But in 1677 the members
of the university, fearful lest the bones of their
illustrious founder might be injured, if not destroyed,
by the dampness of the vault (in spite of every
precaution which had been taken), resolved privately
to remove them, and place them in a niche on the
right of the high altar, in the church of San Ilde
fonso. This translation was effected under the
direction of Padre Quintanilla. The bones, and part
of the skull, were carefully wrapped in silk and cloth-
of-gold. All the particulars of this private trans
lation, together with an accurate account of the
state and number of the bones, were inscribed in
the archives of the university, signed by the rector,
Dr. Canal, Padre Quintanilla, and his brother, Eray
P. de Quintanilla. In the niche was also placed
another shorter document, containing the principal
particulars. The niche was then entirely closed up.
In this niche the remains continued till the year
* The Spanish word is "Alacena," or "Armario," which
signifies a recess in the wall, with folding doors.

APPENDIX. 577
1778, when they were seen by el Senor Dr. Luque,
Don Orozco y Bojas, and Don Juan Jose Barrios.
They took a copy of the acts of the translation
made in 1677. But from the year 1778 to 1850,
it seems that all traces of the cardinal's remains
had been lost : owing, no doubt, to the confusion
of the times, and perhaps to the carelessness or
indifference of those in authority, the documents
had disappeared. But what was still more deplo
rable, the government had allowed the magnificent
college of San Ildefonso to fall into decay, the uni
versity of Alcala having been translated to Madrid.
The chapel which contained the remains of Ximenez
was daily becoming a complete ruin, the whole of
the building having been sold to an individual
named Quinto, who, heedless of the associations
connected with the college, began to pull down the
famous towers, in which were hung the bells cast
from the cannon taken at the siege of Oran. This
act of barbarism was too much for the inhabitants
of Alcala to endure. With a spirit and enthusiasm
deserving of the greatest praise, they repurchased
from Quinto their beloved college of San Ildefonso,
at a cost of 90,000 reals.*
In the chapel of this college had been erected a
magnificent monument to Ximenez, in the year
1520. But in 1845 the government, considering
the damp situation in which the monument was
placed, and that the chapel was falling into ruins,
appeared inclined to remove the whole of the mau
soleum to the monastery of St. Jerome (San Ger6-
nimo) in Madrid. Workmen had actually begun to
take down the grating which enclosed the monument,
# Amounting, in English money, to about 900 guineas. Quinto
purchased the college from the government for 700 guineas !
That any Spanish government could have allowed such a thing,
seems incredible.
2 p

578 APPENDIX.
when the inhabitants of Alcala, anxious to preserve
amongst them such an interesting memorial of
Ximenez, petitioned the government to allow them
to remove the monument to the Iglesia Magistral,*
which they promised to do at their own expense.
Their request was fortunately granted, but not till
the year 1850, when a royal decree was signed by
her majesty to remove the said monument. The
inhabitants were filled with joy, on beholding their
ardent wishes at last realized. A commission was
accordingly formed, to collect subscriptions for
repairing the monument and placing it in the church.
Everything succeeded so admirably, and such a
spirit of enthusiasm and generosity prevailed, that
the first stone was laid on the twenty-first of Octo
ber, 1850, in presence of the archbishop of Toledo,
his eminence Cardinal Bonel y Orbe, and a nume
rous assembly of the clergy and civil authorities
belonging to Alcala, and the neighbourhood.
But when the tomb came to be examined, the
remains of Ximenez could not be found, though the
constant tradition in Alcala was, that they were
beneath the spot, or behind the high altar in the
church of San Ildefonso. In vain, however, was
a diligent search made for them. In the mean
time, the restoration of the tomb continued with
unabated activity. But of what use would it be
without the remains of Ximenez? In this critical
juncture, Providence unexpectedly came to the
assistance of the searchers. A document was found
amongst some old papers in the town, which proved
to be a copy of the translation of the remains made
in the year 1677. This document indicated the exact
spot where they were to be found, in the church of
San Ildefonso. ,The news of this important dis-
* Called also the Church de San Justo y Pastor. It formed a
part of the university.

APPENDIX. 579
covery filled all the inhabitants with unbounded
delight. The authorities hastened to the spot. The
cavity was soon discovered, and the chest also, con
taining the bones of the illustrious cardinal, enclosed
in which was a parchment, testifying that the chest
contained the remains of Ximenez.* An exami
nation of their authenticity having been made, all
doubts were removed from the minds of the most
sceptical. Nothing now remained to be done except
the translation of the remains to the new mausoleum,
which was completed in the beginning of June, 1851.
Through various causes, however, the solemn
ceremony did not take place till April 27th, 1857.
That day will ever be memorable in Alcala. The
minister of state at that time was Bamon Maria
Narvaez, who proposed to the queen, that the trans
lation of the remains of Ximenez should be made
at the expense of the crown. Her majesty most
willingly complied with the request of her prime
minister, and, by a royal decree, ordered a sum of
60,000 reals! to be placed at the disposal of the
commission engaged in restoring the tomb. Prefixed
to the royal decree was an eloquent tribute to the
worth and memory of Ximenez.
On the morning of the 27th of April, Alcala was
a scene of the greatest animation and enthusiasm.
Nearly all the ministers of her majesty's govern
ment were to be seen in the palace of his excellency
el Marques de Morante, to whom too much praise
cannot be given for his hospitality, and the lively
* The following is the inscription : —

»Ha?c sunt ossa S. N. Em. D. Fundatoris, ne amplms putres-
cerent, hue translata, postquam juridice ab Episcopis Arcadias et
Cesarse, p  pect : : : : sunt.
" B?e Lesaca Anno 1677.
X Amounting to 600 guineas.

580 APPENDIX.
interest he took in everything connected with the
ceremony. The evening before they had arrived
from Madrid, together with the canons belonging to
the metropolitan cathedral of Toledo, and the chap
lains of the Mozarabic rite, belonging to the said
cathedral. A few days previous, came also the re
presentatives of the chapter of Siguenza, of the clergy
and civil authorities of Torrelaguna, and of other
places. An immense number of persons of distinction
arrived on different days ; consisting of dukes, mar
quises, rectors of colleges and universities, military
men, professors in the universities of Madrid and
Salamanca, senators, literary notabilities, &c. ; in
deed, all classes and ranks were represented on this
solemn occasion.
The procession, having been formed at the palace
of the Marques de Morante, passed through the
principal streets of Alcala, accompanied by a military
band to the Iglesia Magistral, where the cardinal's
remains were deposited some days before. Troops
of soldiers and the civil guard lined the streets, to
preserve order. On arriving at the gates of the
church, the authorities were received by the civil
governor of the province, and conducted to their
appointed seats in the choir, while the rest of the
procession occupied various places in the body of the
church, which was beautifully adorned with tapestry
and festoons. Over one of the principal doors of the
presbytery hung the glorious standard of Ximenez,
which was carried before him at the siege of Oran ;
whilst in the choir were seen his breviary, pastoral
staff, and the keys of Oran. The whole spectacle
was most imposing and exciting ; an immense
multitude of people filled the naves of the beautiful
Gothic church.
After a solemn pontifical mass, which was cele
brated by his grace the patriarch of the Indies, a

APPENDIX. 581
magnificent panegyric was pronounced on Ximenez
by one of her majesty's chaplains, Doctor D. Ber
nardo Bodrigo. The usual prayers for the dead
being chanted, the urn containing the remains of
the cardinal was placed in a small hearse, and
carried by four canons in procession round the
church, attended by the clergy and civil authorities.
Having arrived at the tomb, the urn, which was
enclosed in a coffin of lead, and another one of
wood, was deposited in the crypt prepared for it.
And so ended a funeral ceremony in honour of
Spain's most illustrious prelate, Cardinal Ximenez.
Every one, throughout the country, was delighted
on hearing that such a tribute was paid to the
memory of one whose deeds will never be forgotten
in the annals of the Spanish Church.
LAUS DEO SEMPER.

COX AND WYMAN, FBINTEES, GKEAT QUEEN STREET, LONDON.

3 9002 04446