h,^ ''i'-'i'i'iiilliliM ' : i ^',•^'MiR M^^''-' YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY THE LIBRARY OF THE DIVINITY SCHOOL COMPOSITION OF THE HEXATEUCH Two vols. uto. 36s. net. THE HEXATEUCH ACCOEDING TO THE REVISED VERSION. Arranged in its Constituent Documents by Members of the Society of Historical Theology, Oxford. •.Edited, imfh Introdwcticm, Notes, Marginal References, and Synoptical Tables, by J. ESTLIN CARPENTER, M.A. Lond., . and G. KAKF&SS-BATTSESBY, M.A. Oxon. LONGMANS, UEEEN, & CO. LONDON, NEW TOKK AND BOMBAY. THE COMPOSITION OF THE HEXATEUCH AN INTRODUCTION WITH SELECT LISTS OF WORDS AND PHRASES BY J. ESTLIN CARPENTER, M.A. AND AN APPENDIX ON LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS GEORGE HARFORD, M.A. LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON NEW YORK 8s BOMBAY 1902 The Introduction to the Hexateuch and the Documentary Lists of Words contained in this volume were origincdly prepared to precede the arrangement of the text undertaken by a Com mittee of the Society of Historical Theology at Oxford, and issued under the title ' The Hexa teuch according to the Revised Version,' a vols. , 4to. 1900. PREFACE The Introduction to the Hexateuch and the Documentary Lists of Words contained in this, volume were originally prepared to precede the arrangement of the text undertaken by a Committee of the Society of Historical Theology at Oxford ". They are now republished with some additions, chiefly referring to the historical and critical work of the last four years (such as the note pp 165-9 on the hypothesis of singular and plural documents in Deut). A number of the longer notes dealing with questions of author ship, sources, and successive editorial combinations, which were originally inserted for convenience in the writer's analytical com mentary on the text, have been now transferred to their proper sections in the following pages (see, for examples, the notes on Deut 1^-4*° and 5-11 pp 155-8, on the elements of Deut 12-26 pp 158-60, on Ex 20^^-23 pp 206-g, on the Sinai-Horeb sections in JE pp 210-5, on the Ten Words pp 223-6, and the different strata in P pp 285-96). In the same way, the introduction to Joshua, originally printed in vol ii, now stands as chap XVII at the close of the whole inquiry. Besides the analytical table of contents at the beginning, an index of the principal topics for the use of students has been placed at the end, together with a corre sponding list of the chief biblical passages ''. In addition to the acknowledgments contained in the preface to the original work, the writer must renew the expression of his indebtedness to the Eev Prof T K Cheyne DD, D Litt, who con tributed chap XV on ' Criticism and Archaeology,' and now allows it to be republished, and to his colleague in the editorial labours of the first enterprise, the Eev Q Harford MA, who has in like manner kindly permitted the reproduction of the important Tables " The Hexateuch according to the Remsed Version, 2 vola, 1900. This is some times quoted under the title 'the Analysis,' or Hex ii. The results are displayed below. Appendix C, pp 509-21. An account of the origin of the work is given in the extracts following this preface. ^ A separate index to the Tables of Laws and Institutions will be found at p 506. vi PREFACE of Laws [Hex i) in which the contents of the several codes are displayed for the comparative study of the growth of religious legislation. J. E. C. OxFOKD, Aug 20, 1902. Extracts from the Preface to the Original Work {October 26, 1899). 'These volumes are intended to place before English readers the principal results of modern inquiry into the composition of the first six books of the Old Testament. ' The work was first executed by a small Committee appointed by the Society of Historical Theology, Oxford, 1891 ". The original members were G Harford-Battersby MA ^ J E Carpenter MA'', E I Fripp BA"*, C G Montefiore BA \ and W B Selbie MA/, with the Rev Prof T K Cheyne for consultative reference in special matters. On the removal of Mr Selbie from Oxford, his place was taken by G- Buchanan Gray MA ", and the Committee was further reinforced by the co-operation of Prof W H Bennett MA ". ' The preparation of the Analysis occupied about three years ; the results were very carefully revised during another year ; and Messrs Carpenter and Harford-Battersby were then requested to prepare the work for the press. ... In the final product it was found necessary to divide the labour. For the arrangement of the text and the substance of the notes the Editors share a joint responsibility. In a few cases they have departed from the results previously registered*, further study having led to modifications of view. The probability that such changes might be made to a limited extent was of course anticipated by the Committee. " A Committee of the Taylerian Society had already sketched out the plan during the previous year, and made some experiments towards a suitable form for displaying the materials when analysed. '" Now G Harford; author of tlie articles 'Exodus,' 'Leviticus,' and ' Numbers' in Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible. " Editor of Ewald's History of Israel, vols iii-v ; joint editor with Prof T W Ehys Davids of the Digha Nikdya and Sumangala Vilasini ; author of The First Three Gospels. '^ Author of The Composition of the Book of Genesis, 1892. * Joint editor of The Jewish Quarterly Review, aud author of the Hibbert Lectures on The Religion of the Ancient Hebrews, 1892. / Then Tutor in Mansfield College, Oxford. " Author of Studies in Hebrew Proper Names, 1896, and of the forthcoming volume on ' Numbers ' in the International Critical Commentary. ^ Author of the volumes on ' Jeremiah ' (ii) and ' Chronicles ' in the Expositor's Bible, A Primer of the Bible, 1897, editor of ' Joshua ' in Haupt's Sacred Books of the Old Testament, and joint author of A Biblical Introduction, 1899. i This remark affects especially some portions of the distribution of J and E in the Joseph-cycle Gen 40-45, and in the Joshua narratives Josh 2-10. PREFACE vii The Introduction in vol i, with the exception of chap XV most kindly contributed by Prof Cheyne, was written by Mr Carpenter, on the basis of a detailed abstract flrst approved by the rest of the Analysts. . . . The notes, word-lists, and marginal references have been prepared by the same hand, Mr Harford-Battersby having placed at his colleague's disposal his flrst drafts of lists for J and E, and of notes on Leviticus and the laws in the early chapters of Numbers. Mr Harford-Battersby has compiled the Tables of Laws and Institutions, and the Synopsis of Narratives. The whole has been read either in MS or in proof by Mr G Buchanan Gray, to whom the Editors are indebted for many useful suggestions. 'This recital renders it unnecessary further to point out that the responsibility of the Society in which the work took its rise is limited to the appointment of the original Committee, while the Committee in its turn must be understood rather to sanction the method of presentation and the general distribution than to guarantee the allotment of each separate half-verse. ' The text employed is that of the Revised Version. For the permission to use this the Committee express their sincerest gratitude to the Delegates of the University Press. The Editors have occasionally availed themselves of the liberty further conceded to them of introducing marginal renderings into the text, or reducing different renderings of the same Hebrew to uniformity, in cases bearing on the documentary partition. One important instance may be mentioned here. It is part of the case for the composite origin of the Pentateuch that the divine name rendered "the Loed " is used freely in one document from the beginning of human history, while in two others it is supposed to have been flrst revealed to Moses. It is well known, however, that the title " the LoKD " is derived from a substitute for the four sacred letters of the ancient Hebrew text THWH. This name, according to the best modern scholarship ", should be pronounced Yahweh or Yahwe, vrith the accent on the second syllable. The use of this name has been kindly sanctioned for this edition by the guardians of the Revised Version. . . . ' The Editors have of course reared their own structure on the labours of their predecessors in this fleld. It would have been easy to have loaded the notes with additional references, from the pioneer work of Colenso and Kalisch more than thirty years ago to the latest monographs of critical research. The standard treatises of Kuenen^, Wellhausen '-', " It is enough here to refer to the article ' Jehovah ' in the Encyd Brit [ep Enc Bibl iii 3320-3] ; to the article entitled ' Recent Theories on the Origin and Nature of the Tetragrammaton ' by Prof Driver in Studia Biblica i 1885 ; or to the earlier essay by the late Mr E Martineau appended to the second volume of the English edition of Ewald's History qf Israel. 6 The Religion of Israel (Dutch 1869-70, English 1874) ; The Hexateuch (vol 1 of the second edition of the Historisch-critisch Ondersoek, English translation by Eev P H Wieksteed, 1866). , 00 n n , " Composition des Hexateuch (in Skizsen ii : second edition Camp' 1889) ; Prole gomena to the History of Israel, 1885 ; Israelitische und Mdische Geschichte, 1894. viii PREFACE and Dillmann ", have been freely used. To the elaborate Einleitung in den Hexateuch, published in 1893 by Dr H Holzinger, both the Committee at large, and the Editors especially, have been greatly indebted. His copious collections of critical opinions, and his admirable summaries of the characteristics of the several documents, have been of especial aid to the writer of the Introduction in this volume.' " In the Kursgefasstes Handbuch, based on the prior eommentaiy of Knobel. Genesis is cited in the English translation, Ex-Lev in the later edition of Ryssel. CONTENTS INTRODUCTION Chapter I. Criticism and the Old Testament 1 The Criticism of the Hexateuch part of a wider inquiry into the literature of Israel . a Thehoois of PsaZms, Proverbs, Isaiah, Daniel j8 Application of general me thods of literary investiga tion 2 Differences in earlier treatment of historical records a Asser's Life of Alfred : the Saxon Chronicle . 0 Early English Laws PAGB 7BiidcQiist and Brahmanioal sacred Hterattixes . . lo S The Diatessaron of Tatian . 12 c The Books of Chronicles . .18 3 Degrees of probability in critical results 21 a In the field of art . . .22 j8 Various grounds for deter mining literary dates . . 22 4 The Pentateuch a composite work 25 a The course of the inquiry . 25 0 Analogy with the growth of a cathedral . . . .26 Chapter II. The Claim to Contemporary Authorship 1 Allusions to the record of events or laws 28 a Exodus 28 jS Numbers . . . .29 7 Deuteronomy . . . . 29 5 Joshua . . . . .30 € Eeferences to poetical collec- •'"' tions 30 f Resulting inference . . 30 2 Growth of the oonoeption of Mosaic legislation . . .3: a Indications in prophetic literature . . . .31 (3 Allusions in Kings and Chronicles . . . .32 7 The Synagogue and the Church . . . .33 Chapter III. Signs of post-Mosaic Date 1 Early speculations concerning Moses and Ezra . . .34 2 The Spanish Eabbis . . .35 3 CatholicB and Eeformers in the sixteenth century . . .36 Chapter IV. Signs of Diversity of Documents Criticism in . the Seventeenth Century 38 a Hobbes 38 0 de la Peyrfere . . .38 7 Spinoza 39 d Simon 41 c Le Clerc . . . .42 The search for a clue . . .44 a Incongruities of dates . . 45 /3 Duplicate narratives . . 46 7 Bepetitions of Laws . . 49 5 Inconsistencies within the same narrative . . .51 CONTENTS Chapter V. The Clue to the Documents 1 Astruc's Conjectures 2 Evidence of Ex 62-8 . 3 The Eevelations of El Shaddai and the use of the name Yahweh a Other Unks between Ex 6^-8 Gen 17 and 35"""'^ PAGE• S3 54 S555 PAGE 0 Antecedents of Gen 17 . .56 7 DisooveryofaioJ^fiAoiTi narra tive in Genesis employing the name Elohim . . 57 4 Inferences concerning the con tents of this document . . 59 Chapter VI. The Composition of G-enesis-Numbees 1 Significance of duplicates when the toVcUioth sections are re moved 61 a Discovery of a second narra tive in Genesis employing the name Elohim . . 61 0 Eesemblances between this narrative and the Yahvrist . 62 63 2 Application of analytical methods to Ex-Num .... a Continuation of the toVdhoth document in the Priestly Code 63 0 The Yahwist and Elohist as national historians . . 6$ 7 Deuteronomy . . .67 Chapter VII. The Documentary Theories 1 Eichhom and 'the higher criticism' . . . .69 2 Hgen distinguishes between E^ and E2 in Genesis . . .71 3 ImpossibiUty of separating Genesis and the middle books . . 72 a Geddes ascribes the Penta teuch and Joshua to Solo mon's reign . . . .72 0 The ' fragment-hypothesis,' J S Vater . . . .73 4 De Wette's Contributions to the Introduction to the Old Testa ment 74 a Distinction between the literary and the historical problem . . . -74 0 Deuteronomy the product of the seventh century . . 75 5 ThecompositionofthePe4tateuch according to Ewald . . 77 Chapter VIII. The Justification of the Partition The different criteria available i The Argument from Religious In- stitutions 1 Sacrifice a The pre-Mosaio usage : the persons 0 The place 7 Classes of sacrifice 2 Eepresentations of the Mosaic Sanctuary 3 The Ten Words and the Ark 4 The Ministry at the Sanctuary 5 The Calendar of Feasts 6 Arrangements for the relief the poor . 7 Manumission of slaves ii The Argument from Religious Ideas .... 1 Conceptions of religious History and the Mosaic age 2 Presentations of Divine mani festation a To the patriarchs . 0 To Moses and Israel 3 Different, aspects of the Divine being ¦of 90 91 92 939595 96 iii The Argument from La/nguage and Style loi 1 Contrasts of matter andtermino- logy suggest inquiry . . 102 3 Eesulting indications of diver sity of source . . . .103 o Different terms employed for the same thing . . .103 0 Differences in gramraatical forms and constructions . 104 7 Variations in religious phrase ology 106 6 Is Gen 23 a translation from a Babylonian document ? . 106 € Promises of posterity to the patriarchs .... 107 ^ Two Hsts of the feasts in Moses' last year . . . 109 rj Parallel laws for asylum in ease of accidental honucide no iv The Development Hypothesis . 112 1 The Uterary and the historic chronology of the documents 112 2 Relation of Dexiteronomy and the Priestly Code . . . 1 13 3 Progress of the modern view since 1S33 . . . .114 CONTENTS Chapter IX. The Order of the Documents The Antecedents of Deuteronomy . 117 1 Dependence on JE's narrative . 117 a. The Horeb Scenes. . .118 0 The wanderings and the Trans-jordanic conquest . 119 7 No clear proof of D's ac quaintance with P . .120 2 D's legislative scheme excludes the Sinaitic code . . .121 o Parallels to Deuteronomio laws . ... . .121 0 Modifications of laws in Ex 21-23 ..... 124 7 The principle of the unity of the sanctuary . . . 126 3 PriorityofD compared with the Levitical arrangements . . 127 a The Priesthood . . .127 0 The Priestly dues . 7 The Calendar of Feasts : the Jubile .... Note " Deut 14 and Lev 11 ii The Testimony of History 1 Religious usage of Israel after the settlement in Canaan a PluraHty of sacred places 0 No trace of Levitical institU' tions .... 2 The Erection of the Temple a Continuation of the local sanctuaries . 0 Indications iu J E, Amos and Hosea . 3 Isaiah and Micah : reforms ascribed to Hezekiah PAGE 129 130 131 132132133 134 138 138 139 140 Chapter X. Deuteronomy 1 Indications connecting Deutero nomy with the seventh cen tury 142 2 Parallels with the language of Jeremiah . . . .146 a Their abundance . . . 146 0 Their significance . . 151 3 The first definite recognition of Deuteronomy. . . .152 a The discovery of a 'law-book* in Josiah's eighteenth year . . . . _ . 152 jS The consequent reformation foundedupon Deuteronomio demands . . . .152 4 Was Josiah's law-book identical with D ? . . . .153 a Variety of its constituent elements . . . .154 Note " Authorship of 1-4 5-1 1 12-26 . . • ¦ 155 0 Probability that even the Code in 12-26 is a growth . 157 Note " Elements of 12-26 . 158 7 Peculiarities of distribution and amalgamation . . 162 Note ^ Singidar and plural passages in D . . . 165 5 The originalbook of Deuteronomy 166 a Possible limits of Josiah's law-book .... 169 Note b Subsequent Uterary history 171 0 Reasons for placing its com position not long before 621 172 Chapter XL The Origins of J 1 General summary of its contents 175 2 Modes of historic and religious representation . . . 176 a Revelation and attributes of Yahweh .... 176 0 Motives and conceptions of early prophecy . . .178 7 Interest in the patriarchs, their localities and worship 179 g Significance ofthe Mosaic age i8o Note "Ex 78-111" . . . iSi Note <^ Ex 34I-3T . . .182 3 Method and spirit of J's narration 185 a Sources in oral tradition ; varied characteristics of reflection and poetry . . 185 0 Places, names, sacred objects and usages . . . _ . 186 7 Large view of human affairs 187 4 Place of its composition . . 188 a Rise of stories at local sanctu aries 188 0 Connexion of J with Judah . 190 5 Diversity of its contents . . 192 a The systematization of tribal traditions . . ¦ .192 0 Reduction to writing be tween 850 and 750 B c . . 193 6 J represents a school rather than a single author . . . 195 o Additions to the early history of mankind. , . . 196 0 Asecondarystoryin Abram's hfe . . . . 197 7 Hortatory expansions . . 197 S Extensions in the style of J begotten by the union of J and E . . . .198 € Enlargementsof brief collec tions of law. . . . 198 CONTENTS Chapter XII. Characteristics and Origins of B 1 Comparison with the scope and contents of J . . . . 200 2 Divergences amid general re semblance .... 202 a View ofthe progress of Reve lation .... 203 0 Methods of Divine com munication. . . . 203 7 The great personalities ofthe national story . . . 20,15 5 The patriarchal cultus . . 206 6 The Mosaic institutions . 206 Note <» The Book of the Covenant .... 206 PAGE Note ^ The Sinai-Horeb sec tions in J and B . .210 3 Characteristics of narration . 215 4 Ascription of E to Ephraim . 216 5 Growth of E 218 a General indications of date under the monarchy . . 218 0 Opposite views ofthe priority of J or E . . . . 219 Note '^ Was E acquainted with J? . . . .221 7 Probable reduction to writ ing before 750 bo . .221 S Elements of various date . 222 Note <* The Ten Words . . 223 Chapter XIII. The Peiestly Code 1 Its significance as the ground work of the Pentateuch . 228 2 Stages of its history and legisla tion 230 a View of primeval history compared with J . . 230 0 The patriarchal age . .231 7 Theory of religious progres sion ..... 233 S The adoption of Israel by Yahweh to be his people . 234 e P's definite Hterary method . 235 3 Advanced ritual and hierarchical organization compared with D 237 a Ezekiel's view of the cultus of regenerated Israel . . 237 jS Future division of the Levite priests into two orders . 23S 7 Other indications that Eze kiel did not know the Priestly Law . . . 241 S Ezekiel's Temple and the Levitical Dwelling . . 242 e Conceptions of the Ideal Future realized in P . . 245 4 Signs of the late date of the Priestly Code .... 245 a Unrecognized in Kings, but employed by Chronicles . 246 0 Parallels to the theological ideas of P in Ezekiel . . 247 7 Literary affinities of P with Ezekiel and his successors . 249 S The argument from proper names 251 c Possible dependence on cunei form data .... 252 First Traces of the Levitical Law 255 a Unacknowledged by Haggai, Zechariah, or Malachi . 255 0 Parallelsof phraseologyamid divergences of practice . 256 6 The age of Ezra and Nehemiah . 257 a The Promulgation ofthe Law 257 0 The celebration of Booths according to P . . . 259 7 Was Ezra's law-book limited toP? 259 S Did the Covenant of Neh jo30-39 precede or follow the promulgation of the Law ? . 263 7 Was Ezra's law-book complete ? . 265 a The Priestly Code contains various smaller collections . 265 j8 Its groundwork, Ps . . 266 Note 1 The ' Dwelling ' in P 266 7 Successive groups inserted into it . . . . . 26S 8 The Holiness-legislation, "B^ . 269 a Characteristics of Lev 17-26 . 269 0 Its composite character . 271 7 Traces of the Holiness-legis lation elsewhere . . .272 S Elements of various age . 274 € Parallels with Ezekiel . .277 f Lev268"*5probablylaterthan Ezekiel .... 280 9 Priestly Teaching, P* . . . 284 a Groups of torah independent of the wanderings . . 284 0 Anterior to the Dwelling and the Aaronio Priesthood . 286 10 Secondary additions, P* . . 288 a Supplemental narratives and laws 28S 0 Grounds for recognition in greater freedom of style . 297 11 Place and Time of the compila tion of P . . . . 298 a Probability that P" and P' were united with Ps^ before Ezra's mission . . . 298 0 Post-Ezran additions . . 300 CONTENTS Chapter XIV. Unclassified Documents 1 Gen 14 302 a Belongs neither to J nor P . 302 0 Peculiarities of style pointing to late date .... 302 7 Significance of cuneiform evidence .... 303 2 The Blessing of Jacob, Gen 492-2'' 305 PAGE 3 The Song of Moses, Ex is^-'s . 307 4 The Song of Moses, Deut ^2^-^^ , 308 a Eelation to prophecies of the captivity . . . . 308 0 Parallels of language . .310 5 The Blessing of Moses, Dent 332-29 312 Chapter XV. Criticism and Archaeology (contributed by Eev Prof T K Cheyne DD, D Litt) 1 Need of more carefully tested Assyriological evidence . 2 Narratives of the Creation of the world and man a Babylonian culture in Pales tine .... 0 The narrative in Gen 1-2*" 3 The Story ofthe Deluge 315 . 3>6 3163.6 3'7 4 Periods of Israelitish interest in Babylonian myths . . . 31S 5 Personal names in P . . .319 6 Gen 14 320 a Controversy and criticism . 320 /3 The Babylonian Inscriptions 321 7 The name Cbedorlaomer . 322 7 The Exodus 323 8 Modifications of older traditions 324 Chapter XVI. The Union op the Documents 1 The fusion of J and E . . .327 a Editorial activity in the patriarchal narratives . 327 0 Traditions and laws of the Mosaic age .... 329 7 Employment of JE by D . 330 2 Incorporation of D in JE . . 33s a Traces of BA in Gen-Ex . 336 0 Elements of E preserved in D 337 7 Wide range of time-Umit . 338 3 Combination of JED with P . 340 a The Scribes at Jerusalem . 340 0 Illustrations ofthe conserva tive method of Kp . . 340 7 Transpositions and efforts at harmonizing . . . 342 S Different process in the com pilation of Joshua . . 343 t Amalgamation of JEDP probably completed by 400 BO 345 Chapter XVII. The Book op Joshua Relation to the preceding books . 347 1 Indications of diversity of authorship .... 348 1 Duplicate accounts ofthe same events 348 2 Incompatibilities within the same narrative . . . 349 2 Continuation of previous docu ments 350 3 The Conquest of Canaan accord ing to JE . . . .351 I Can J and E be distinguished? 351 a Signs of the general scope of J 352 0 ProbabDity that the J sec tions are of various dates 353 2 Characteristics of E . . 355 3 The union of J and E . .357 4 The Deuteronomio revision of JE . . . -359 I Addition of homiletio and other passages . . . 3^ 2 Expansion ofthe earhernarra- tives , . . . 36' 3 Supplemental character of B.'i's work . a Deuteronomio additions not all of the same age 0 Theyimplythehistoricand hortatory settings of D 7 Phraseological indications d Approximations to the language of P . 5 Character and Place of P 1 Not adopted as the literajy groundwork of Joshua 2 Secondary character of much of its materials . 3 Eelation to other documents : priority of JE . ^ a Is P earUer or later than. 0 Indications of EP'srevision ofB" . . 7 Supposed signs of K^ on KP 373 Note^Steuemagelon Joshua 376 6 Continuous process of redac tion 377 ¦ 36s 36s 367 367 368 369369 371 • 372 372 373 CONTENTS AND ABBREVIATIONS TABULAR APPENDICES A. Select Lists of Words and Phrases PAGE Introductory Note . . • .381 I. The Prophetic Narrators, JE . 384 ¦¦1-93 ^94-119 '1=120-237 II. The Deuteronomic School, D . 399 III. The Priestly Law and History Book, P . . . .408 pgt!i_i9i P11X92-220 B. Laws and Institutions ^1-16 Introductory Note .... 426 la-o The Family . . . - 429 2a-k Persons and Ajiimals . .431 3a-l Property 433 4a-w Judgement and Rule . . 435 5a-k Idolatry and Superstition . 438 6a-n Clean and Unclean . . 440 7a-z Sacrifices .... 443 8a-i Sacred Dues . . . -451 9a-k Sacred Seasons . lOa-e Sacred Places lla-q Sacred Persons Note on Tables 12 to 16 . 12 The Sanctuary in P . 13a-g« Conspectus of Codes 14a-l The Codes compared 15a-g Statistics of usage . 16a-ta Contents and Index 4.'i4 460 463 468 469 471 496 ¦ 501 504 C. Analysis and Synopsis of the Hexateuch Genesis .509 Exodus 514 Leviticus ...... S'8 Numbers 5^8 Deuteronomy 520 Joshua £22 General Index Index to the Principal Biblical Passages 524 533 ABBEEVIATIONS 1 Abbreviated Titles of Books often cited COT, Schrader's Cuneiform Inscriptions and the Old Testament, DB, Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible. DB^, Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, vol i, 2nd ed. Enc Bibl, Encyclopaedia Biblica. ICC, International Critical Commentary. JQB, Jewish Qimrt^rly Review. LOT^, Driver's Introduction to the Literature of the OT, 6th ed. NDJ, Dillmann on Num-Deutr-Josh in Kuregef Hdbuch (1886). NKZ, Neue Kirchliche Zeitschrift. OTJCfl, W. Robertson Smith, The Old Testament in the Jewish Church, 2nd ed. PSBA, Proceedings ofthe Society for Biblical Archaeology. BBR, Bevue de I'Histoire des Religions. MS, Budde, Die Siicher Richter und Samuel (1890). BV, Revised Version. SBOT, bacred Books ofthe Old Testament, edited by Prof Paul Haupt. ZATW, Zeitschrift fiir AlttestamentUche Wissenschaft. ZDMG, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Mot genl&ndischen Gesellschaft. It has not been thought necessary to supply any complete list of the modern hterature upon the Hexateuch. The references in the following work will, it is ABBREVIATIONS xv hoped, enable the reader to identify the authorities cited without difficulty. In a few cases the views of scholars have been mentioned without direct quotation. A short list of the least obvious of these is here appended. Baudissin, Die Geschichte des Alttest Priestertums (1889), and Einleitung in das AT (1901). Giesebrecht, Jeremia, in the Handkommentar (1894). Kautzsch, Die Heilige Schrift des Alien Testamentes (1894). Kautzsch and Sooin, Die Genesis mit dusserer Unterscheidung der Quellenschriften (2nd ed 1891). Meisner, Der Dekalog, TeU i (1893). Montet (F.), Le Deuteronome et la Question de VHexateuque (1891). Oettli, Deut and Josh in the Kurzgefasster Kommentar (1893). Strack, Gen-Num. in the Kurzgefasster Kommentar (1894). Wildeboer, Die Litteratur des Alten Testaments [German Translation] (1895). 2 General Abbreviations and Signs J, the Yahwist document (p 66). E, the Elohist document (p 66). JE, the combined document formed from these two sotirces, D, the main Deuteronotuic documents (p 6y). J3 (J2) Es (E2) D", secondary elements in J E D (pp 196 222 154). P, the Priestly Law and History (p 65). Ps, the ' Grundschrift ' or groundwork of P (p 268). P"", the Holiness-legislation incorporated ih Pe (p 268). P', earher and independent groups of Priestly Teaching incorporated in Ps (p 268). P', secondary extensions of Ps (p 269). BJ", the editorial hands which united and revised J aud E. BA, the editorial hands which united and revised JE and D. RP, the editorial hands which united and revised JED and P. jB D p before thick figures (as ¦'^27) refer to the documentary word-lists. T, iZFtext. M,iJF margin. * after references indicates all occurrences in the Hexateuch. •|- all occurrences in the Old Testament. II introduces a paraUel from another context. § means ' in part, for details see analysis oi full text.' • {or • ¦) after a verse numeral e g 2*- {or 8. .) means ' and foUowing verse {or verses).' * b c ^Q after numerals (e g 2a 4b) niark successive portions of verses (without reference to the Hebrew punctuation); " after chapter and verse numerals refers to a note on the passage in the Analysis {Hex ii). al = alibi. Cp = compare. Ct = contrast. ( ) enclosing a figure after the name of a book show the number of occurrences in that book, eg Ezek (17), seventeen times in Ezekiel. 5, the Meissoretic Hebrew text, @, the Greek text (edited by H B Swete) : (5)*" &c, the codices : ©' is occasion ally employed to denote the Luoian recension edited by Lagarde. S, the Latin version of Jerome : 1, the Old Latin. @, the Syriac text ofthe Peshitta. Sam, the Samaritan Pentateuch. %, the Targum of Onkelos. THE COMPOSITION OF THE HEXATEUCH INTRODUCTION CHAPTER I criticism and the old testament The five ' books of Moses * which stand at the beginning of the Old Testament were known in the early Church as the Penta teuch ". In the belief that the book of Joshua can be proved to be their literary sequel, the name Hexateuch has been extended by analogy to the entire collection. The justification of this belief is one of the objects of this Introduction. It depends on the application of critical methods to a group of documents which were formerly accepted on the basis of a great ecclesiastical tradition as the work of Moses. 1. The criticism of the Hexateuch is only, however, a part of a wider inquiry into the literature of ancient Israel. (n) Beside the books of sacred law stand others associated in like manner with illustrious names which, when carefully examined, reveal manifold indications of composition under other circum stances and at different dates. Thus the majority of the Psalms are ascribed by their traditional titles to David, as the splendid representative of lyrical devotion. But there are many reasons for regarding these titles as of much later origin than the poems to which they are attached. Some of these poems, again, refer to circumstances which did not exist in David's day ; the Temple stands upon the holy hill ; the ruined walls of Jerusalem are to be rebuilt ; the prisoners in captivity shall be restored. Moreover the poet sometimes uses words or grammatical forms inconsistent with residence in Judah a thousand years b c ; or he betrays acquaintance with religious ideas of later prophecy psychologically " In Greek, ij JJevTarevxos, sc 0i0\os (Orig in loann xiii 26) ; Latin, Penta- teuclius, sc liber (Tert adv Marc i 10). 'fi B 2 CRITICISM AND THE OLD TESTAMENT [I § la incongruous with those historically attributed to the successor of Saul ". As David is the heroic centre of song, so is Solomon the picturesque exponent of wisdom. But the book of Proverbs no less than the Psalter is found to be composed out of separate collections ; the same sayings are sometimes repeated in different groups ; many show an advanced stage of literary art and even of philosophical reflexion ; while others are obviously unsuitable to the position and habits of the magnificent but self-indulgent king. The satirical comments on royal misgovernment in Ecclesiastes are still less appropriate to him ; nor can it be understood how he should have used an occasional Persian word or a Greek phrase, or have habitually employed a vocabulary full of expressions un known to Biblical Hebrew but familiar in the later Aramaic and the language of the Jewish Mishnah (in the second century of our era). Again, the prophecies grouped under the name of Isaiah are soon perceived to stand in no regular chronological succession. Some of them can be connected with contemporary events attested by the witness of the Assyrian monuments. Some of them bear the stamp of the prophet's exalted spirit, though the year of their composition may still be uncertain. But others are conceived in another scene — the plains of Babylonia, and respond to another religious atmosphere — the deep depression produced by the fall of Jerusalem and the decay of hope till the conquests of Cyrus re-quickened the expectation of return. And yet others seem to belong neither to the eighth century nor to the sixth ; they hint at the dangers and diificulties of a period later still, as Jerusalem struggles against the enemies which jealously watch its revival, or the dim clash of forces is heard when mighty empires totter and fall, and judgement goes forth over all the earth. Within the book of Isaiah, if some modern scholars read it aright, are gathered the voices of prophecy from the age of Tiglath Pileser and Sennacherib to the vast enterprises of Alexander the Great*. Or yet once more, the story of Daniel can no longer be regarded as written by an eye-witness of its scenes. Its representations of the court of Belshazzar, of the fall of Babylon, of the reign of Darius the Mede, cannot be reconciled with the evidence of con- " Cp the implications of i Sam 26^^ a Sam ai^. ¦ with tl^e advanced con ceptions of Pss 51 and 139. ^ The date of Isaiah 24-27 is still under discussion. Dr Driver, LOT^, places it in the Persian age ; Kuenen, Smend, and recently Prof Cheyne, Introd to Isaiah and Haupt's SBOT, assign the group to the fourth century e c ; and Dubm {Hdkomm, 189a) and Marti {Hd-Comm, 1900) find elements later still. I § 10-] RISE OF HISTORICAL CRITICISM 3 temporary inscriptions". Its language is in parts the Aramaic Qf Palestine ; in other cases it freely employs Persian words before Gyrus and his troops have appeared upon the field ; and it names Greek musical instruments in Nebuchadrezzar's orchestra. One of these Greek terms, symphonia, is used by Polybius in special connexion with the festivities of Antiochus Epiphanes '' ; and if words like census, centurion, legion, in the New Testament bear testimony to the presence of the Eomans in Palestine, the book of Daniel by similar reasoning must be placed in the Greek age. Moreover, the author is well acquainted with the events of the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes (176-164 bc); he describes his campaigns against Egypt and his persecution of the Jews ; he has in view the desecration of the Temple and its purification three years later (December, 165 bc). The analogy of interpretation thus renders it in the highest degree probable that the book was closely connected with the terrible national suffering which called forth the heroic efforts of the Maecabean leaders. (/3) The method by which such results as these have been obtained is not peculiar to the study of the Old Testament. It simply consists in applying to the literature of Israel the principles of criticism which have long since been acknowledged as valid in other fields. When the Eenaissance awoke the slumbering mind of Europe to the knowledge- of the treasures of the classic; past, the efforts of scholars were at first chiefly concerned with the forin rather than with the matter of ancient literature. Theji. came the laborious endeavours, the minute and massive learning, of Joseph Scaliger and Isaac Casaubon, who sought to reconstruct the chronological framework of antiquity and fill its picture of life with familiar detail. But it was only two hundred years ago that Bentley's famous Dissertation on the Epistles of Phalaris ° laid the real foundatioii of a new criticism, which tested the claims of traditional authorship by strict reasoning, and supplied the first illustrious example of learning and insight concentrated on literary and historical research **. By that time the seventeenth- century criticism of the Pentateuch had already made important advances ; but the contrast between the guesses of Spinoza or the " Cp Sayce Higher Criticism and the Monuments 526. ^ Cp Driver LOT^ 502. " First sketched in 1697, and appended to the second edition of Wotton's Reflections on Ancient and Modem Learning, revised and enlarged in 1698, and published separately, 1699. ^ Cp Jebb Bentley ('English Men of Letters') 83. B 2 4 CRITICISM AND THE OLD TESTAMENT LI 5'W gropings of Father Simon and the science of Bentley is obvious (cp chap IV § 1/3). Bentley's contemporary, Le Clerc, approached much nearer to the English scholar's conception both of the aim and the method of inquiry (cp chap IV § If) ; he did not, however, possess the same large grasp of his subject-matter, and his attempt failed permanently to persuade even himself". Yet another century passed before Wolf proposed (in 1795) to break up the unity of the Iliad into a cycle of lays collected under Pisistratus, almost immediately after a Scotch Roman Catholic, Dr Geddes, had resolved the Pentateuch and Joshua (1792) into a compilation out of written documents and oral traditions effected under the monarchy between Solomon and Hezekiah (cp chap VII § 3n). The labours of Wolf prepared the way for Niebuhr, just as the investigations of Niebuhr on early Roman history sent Ewald to reconstruct the patriarchal age of Israel. The whole field of literature has thus been opened up by the toil of successive generations of scholars ; and no branch of it can escape from critical inquiry, though diversity of materials and opportunity may prevent the results from attaining more than varying degrees of certainty. If it be desired to arrange the dialogues of Plato or the plays of Shakespeare in the chronological order of their pro duction, the result must depend on the skilful combination of a variety of different lines of evidence : where indications of a positive historical character are lacking, considerations of style or rhythm, of the internal development of ideas, or the suitability of particular conceptions to successive phases of thought and experience, may be legitimately advanced. And if these compo sitions may be thus compared and examined, if the genuine may be sifted from the spurious, if tests of authorship may be for mulated and canons of judgement established, it is plain that the methods which are valid for the writings of Plato may be no less applicable to those of Paul. The Revised Version still retains (in spite of the Manuscripts) the superscription of the Textus Receptus ' The Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Hebrews.' Yet already the Alexandrian fathers perceived the peculiarities which led Luther to ascribe it to ApoUos. The difficulties of investigating the composition of a series of books like those attributed to Moses may be greater, but they must be approached and overcome — if they can be overcome at all — along similar lines. On the modern <» A closer parallel to Bentley's work might be found in De Wette's masterly Beitrage (1806-7) "p chap VII § 4. I § 2a] RISE OF HISTORICAL CRITICISM 5 hypothesis that the Pentateuch is a collection of documents repre senting successive periods in the national life of Israel, the critic who attempts to disentangle them and reconstruct their contents and sequence, must proceed with the same caution as the geologist who would explain the phenomena of a particular district. The student of the earth's crust discovers that its rocks may be sorted into groups. He examines the arrangement of the strata ; he measures their incline ; he learns to interpret peculiarities of position, when he finds them broken or contorted ; he traces the extent of a ' fault ' ; he collects the characteristic fossils ; he can even identify the wandering blocks carried by icebergs through ocean-currents, and deposited hundreds of miles away from the parent rock. He thus arrives at a provisional reconstruction of the history of the area which he has examined. Particular inci dents such as volcanic intrusion, or submergence beneath the sea, or the extension of the great ice sheet, are all referred to their proper places in the geologic series, though none of them can be assigned to given dates in absolute time within tens of thousands of years. Not dissimilar is the aim of the historical student. His results may not attain the same certainty, but his method of investigation will be analogous. He, too, must classify his materials ; he must examine their indications of mutual depen dence or the reverse ; he must study their forms and discover, if possible, the causes which have impressed their special character on different parts of the record. If external indications seem deficient, he must seek for the clue to their internal sequence, until, having established their true succession, he can adjust them appropriately to the historical development to which they belong. It may, indeed, happen (witness the case of India) that there is little other clue to that historical development but the documents themselves under investigation. The embarrassments of the student are multiplied, but neither his object nor his procedure is substantially changed. His primary duty must always be to collect and compare the facts ; and the most satisfactory hypo thesis will be that which most fully and clearly accounts first for the most important, and secondly for the largest number. 2. In such an inquiry the student is confronted at once with very different conceptions of the significance of documents and the value and treatment of historical records. (a) When Archbishop Parker edited Asser's Life of Alfred (1574), he did not hesitate to incorporate into it passages from 6 CRITICISM AND THE OLD TESTAMENT [1 § 2a the so-called Annals of Asser. These annals were no doubt believed to have proceeded from the same author; Parker's amalgamation «f materials thus seemingly enabled the original writer to enrich his story out •of his own collections. But a little examination discloses the fact that the Annals were only com piled towards the end of the twelfth century", and contained extracts from many sources, including a life of St Edmund by Abbo, who wrote at least fourscore years after Asser's death. In republishing Parker's text in 1603, Camden took a further step. Without the faintest hint that he was making any addi tion, with no attempt to justify himself by manuscript authority, he inserted into th« work for the first time the celebrated passage ascribing to Alfred the foundation of the University of Oxford. If such was the practice of the scholars of three hundred years ago in the light of the revival of letters, it is not surprising that ¦earlier documents should show continuous signs of growth by similar processes of accretion. The Saxon Chronicle first emerges into light under Alfred's direction. It is founded originally on the Bishops' Roll in Winchester *, a series of meagre and irregular .annals in the Latin tongue, concerned chiefly with local events from the days of the preaching of Birinus. It is enlarged under the influence of Swithun ; it receives fresh entries describing the coming of the fathers ; it is brought into relation with the national history. Then Alfred takes it up ; he resolves that it shall be made accessible to the unlearned, and written in the English tongue ; with the translation fresh materials are grouped, drawn from the narrative of Bede ; the story is carried back to the Incarnation; and the growth of the English people is thus brought into relation with the central event of history. It is at once the product, and also in its turn the promoter, of the growing national consciousness. Copies are deposited in different monasteries, and there the work of continuation proceeds. Some are interested in the work ; in some it is neglected. Various hands carry on the story; special events are noted here in Kent, and there in Mercia or Northumbria ; there are local peculiarities of orthography, or differences in chronological arrangement ; one copy possesses additions distinctive of Canterbury, another of Abingdon, a third of Peterborough "'. Florence of Worcester in " Hardy Deseriptive Catalogue of Materials i 557. " Cp Green Cmiquest of England 165. " Cp Hardy Descriptive Catalogue i 650-660. I § 2a] TREATMENT OF ANCIENT DOCUMENTS 7 his turn founds himself on the Chronicle together with the work of Irish Marian, whose history began with the creation of the world, and fuses the two together into a compound narrative, in which it is difficult to say how much is really his own. The results of this method of composition are thus described by Sir Thomas Hardy [Descriptive Catalogue iii p xl):— Monastic chronicles were seldom the production of a single hand, as in the case of Malmesbury and of Beda. They grew up from period to period ; each age added fresh material, and every house iu which they were copied supplied ft-esh local information, until the tributary streams often grew more important than the original current. The motives and objects ofthe mediaeval chronicler were different from those of the modern historian. He did not consider himself tied by those restrictions to which the latter implicitly submits. The monastic annalist was at one time a traascriber, at another time an abridger, at another an original author . . . He epitomized or curtailed or adopted the works of his predecessors in the same path without alteration and without acknowledgement just as best suited his own purpose or that of his monastery. He did not work for himself but at the command of others. His own profit and his own vanity were not concerned in the result. It was enough if he pleased his superior. So with no feeling of individual aggran dizement or responsibility, he adopted what he thought good or worth pre serving, at the same time adding and interpolating accordingto his individual knowledge, taste, or opportunities. And as he acted towards others, so others in succession acted towards him. Thus it was that a monastery chronicle grew like a monastic house, by the labour of different hands and different times. But of the head that planned it, of the hands that executed it, or of the exact proportion contributed by each, no satisfactory record was preserved. The individual was lost in the community. Not dissimilar, it may be conjectured, with due allowance for different religious and political conditions, was the progress of historiography in Israel, out of which emerged the anonymous books of Judges, Samuel, and Kings. And not dissimilar, it will be argued hereafter, was the growth of the original narratives which were the earliest to assume written form in recounting the ancient traditions from the immigration of Abraham to the conquest under Joshua, and (in one case at least) connected the vicissitudes of the Twelve Tribes with the general course of human history from the day when earth and sky were made ". « An interesting example of the method of compilation may be found in the Historia Romana of Paul the Deacon, composed at the request of the Duchess Adelperga (probably after 774 a d). It is founded on the Historia Romana of Eutropius which closes in 364 a d. The text of Eutropius (which continued to circulate separately) is enriched by Paul with numerous addi tions from Orosius, Jerome, and later writers (including the chronicle of Bede), the history being carried down to the death of Totila, 552 a d. Three hundred years later another writer, Landolf the Wise, worked upon the composite narrative of Paul. He inserted fresh passages from other sources ; by dividing two books he extended Paul's sixteen into eighteen, and added eight more of his own, bringing the history down to 813 a d (see F H Black- 8 CRITICISM AND THE OLD TESTAMENT \l%20 (8) The collections of early English laws are also not without some interesting instances of processes which will be hereafter traced more fully in connexion with the formation of the Penta- teuchal codes. That the 'dooms' or 'judgements' sanctioned by the kings of Kent or Wessex should show marked affinities with each other, is of course to be expected. They spring out of the same social conditions ; they are directed against the same offences ; they employ a common terminology for the redress of wrong ; they aim at enforcing the same standard of right, and seek to impress parallel if not identical moral conceptions. The mode in which a new group was founded upon its predecessors may be illustrated by the language of Alfred " : — In many synod-books they wrote, at one place one doom, at another another. I, then, Alfred, king, gathered these together, and commanded many of those to be written which our forefathers held, those which to me seemed good ; and many of those which seemed to me not good I rejected them, by the counsel of my ' witan,' and in other wise commanded them to be holden ; for I durst not venture to set down in writing much of my own, for it was unknown to me what of it would please those who should come after us. But those things which I met with, either of the days of Ine my kinsman, or of Offa king of the Mercians, or of .^thelbryght, who first among tlie English race received baptism, those which seemed to me the Tightest, those I have here gathered together, and rejected the others. The curious reader may trace through these laws an increasing complexity, as the simpler rules of an older day are applied with various modifications to fresh cases. ' Alfred's Dooms,' howevei-, burne Daniell's art ' Paulus Diaconus ' in Smith and Wace Diet of Christ Biogr). The Historia Miscella of Landolf may now be studied in the splendid edition of the Rerum Italicarum Scriptores in course of publication under the general direction of Prof Giosu6 Carducci, in which the text of Eutropius is printed in different type, the additions of Landolf are marked with inverted commas, and the other sources are noted in the margin. A brilliant illustration of critical insight is afforded by the remarkable discoveries of M Paul Sabatier in the course of his researches into the materials for the life of S Francis of Assisi. The study of the narrative of the 'Three Companions' (1246) con vinced him that important sections of this work had been suppressed, and that behind it probably lay an older narrative' by one of them. Brother Leo. Portions of this material he believed himself able to trace in a composite work first printed at Venice in 1504 under the title Speculum Vitae S Francisci et sociorum ejus. On removing from this collection chapters from the well- known Fioretti, extracts from Bonaventura, passages from the writings of S Francis, and other mixed matter, there remained a document in 118 chap ters homogeneous in style and singularly fresh in its presentment of the saint, which M Sabatier employed as one of his chief sources. Subsequent investigation brought to light an actual MS of this work, in which 116 of these chapters duly occurred (in a total of 124), under the name of the Specu lum Perfectionis, the date of its composition being carried back to 1227 (S Francis having died Oct 3, 1226). See the whole story in the preface to M Sabatier's edition of the Speculum, Paris, 1898. These additional examples were first adduced by the Rev P H Wieksteed, in the Inquirer, Jan a6, 190 1. " Thorpe Ancient Laws and Institutes of England i 59. I § 2,8] TREATMENT OF ANCIENT DOCUMENTS begin with a recital of the Ten Commandments, followed by the substance of the First Legislation in Exodus 20-23. The freedom with which these are treated is highly significant. Thus the first commandment appears in the form ' Love thou not other strange gods above me.' The second is ignored altogether, until a corre sponding utterance enters at the close, in the tenth place, * Make thou not to thyself golden or silver gods ". ' If this rearrangement was permissible in dealing with the Ten Commandments, it is easily intelligible that the succeeding laws should be reproduced in a form more suitable to English society in the tenth century. A single passage will suffice for illustration : — Ex 22^8~23^ ^8 Thou shalt not revile God '', nor curse a ruler of thy people. ^^ Thou shalt not delay to offer of the abundance of thy fruits, and of thy liquors. The firstborn of thy sons shalt thou give unto me. ^^ Likewise shalt thou do with thine oxen, and with thy sheep : seven days it shall be with its dam ; on the eighth day thou shalt give it me. "' And ye shall be holy men unto me : therefore ye shall not eat any flesh that is torn of beasts in the field ; ye shall oast it to the dogs. 23^ Thou shalt not take up a false report : put not thine hand with the wicked to be an unrighteous witness. '' Thou shalt not follow a multitude to do evil ; neither shalt thou speak in a cause to turn aside after a multi tude to wrest judgement : ' Neither shalt thou favour a poor man in his cause. * If thou meet thine enemy's ox or his ass going astray, thou shalt surely bring it back to him again. ° If thou see the ass of him that hateth thee lying under his burden, and wouldest forbear to help him, thou shalt surely help with him. « Thou shalt not wrest the judge ment of thy poor in his cause. '' Keep thee far from a false matter ; and the innocent and righteous slay thou not : for I will not justify the wicked. Alfred's Dooms Revile thou not thy Lord God ; nor curse thou the Lord of the people. Thy tithes, and thy first fruits of moving and growing things, render thou to God. All the flesh that wild beasts leave, eat ye not that, but give it to the dogs. To the word of a lying man reck thou not to hearken, nor allow thou of his judgements ; nor say thou any witness after him. Turn thou not thyself to the foolish counsel and unjust desire of the people, in their speech and cry, against thine own reason, and accord ing to the teaching of the most un wise ; neither allow thou of them. If the stray cattle of another man come to thy hand, though it be thy foe, make it known to him. Judge thou very evenly : judge thou not one doom to the rich, another to the poor ; nor one to thy friend, another to thy foe, judge thou. Shun thou ever leasings. A just and innocent man, him slay thou never. ' These are the dooms,' continues the king, ' which the Almighty o Cp Ex zo'^ ' gods of silver, or gods of gold, ye shall not make unto you.' *> II Or, the judges ; AV ' the gods.' ID CRITICISM AND THE OLD TESTAMENT [I § 2^ God himself spake unto Moses and commanded him to keep.' He then briefly narrates the founding of Christianity, and cites the apostolic letter Acts 15^^"^', with an interesting addition of his own : — It seemed good to the Holy Ghost and to us that we should set no burtheh upon you above that which it was needful for you to bear : now that is that ye forbear from worshipping idols, and from tasting blood or things strangled, and from fornications : and that which ye will that other men do not unto you, do ye not that to other men ". From this one doom a man may remember that he judge every one righteously : he need heed no other doom-book. Let him remember that he adjudge to no man that which he would not that he should adjudge to him, if he sought judgement against him. So natural was it for new law-giving to combine and supplement the old ; so easily did hortatory expansion add a comment to the text. (y) A glance into the history of India, mother of so many religions and home of such colossal literary products, reveals many interesting analogies to the processes which have been already illustrated from our own country. The great aggregai tions of the sacred books of Buddhism in India, China, or Tibet, are full of curious instances of the treatment of a common tradi tion under different influences of religious conception. But their textual relations are at present too little known to furnish any secure parallels on the ground of the sacred law. The story of the Buddha's early life may, however, be followed through a series of compositions by unknown authors, in which the later have obviously used the materials of their predecessors, expand ing and transforming the original elements so as to exalt the person and deeds of the Teacher. Thus the Maha-Vagga of the Vinaya-Piiaka, or rules for the Order, according to the Southern (and oldest) Canon, opens with a description of the events imme diately following the attainment of Buddhahood by Gotama, after the great crisis which secured for him supreme enlightenment. It doubtless embodies very ancient tradition, and it forms the basis of a similar narrative embodied in one of the discourses of the Long Collection in the Sutta-Pi^aka ', where it is preceded by an ideal biography beginning with the miraculous Birth. Much " In this negative form the Golden Rule is already attached to the Apostolic Decree as early as the Western Text of Acts 15^'. Cp Harnack Sitsungsberichte der Konigl Preuss Akad der Wissenschaften su Berlin (Philos-Histor CJasse), March 2, 1899, quoted by Selbie Expository Times x 395 and xi 528. '' The Mahdpadana Sutta, in the Digha-Nikaya, vol ii, edited by T W Khys Davids and J Estlin Carpenter, igoa. I § 27] TREATMENT OF SACRED DOCUMENTS 11 of this is in its turn reproduced in the post-canonical Introduction to the Jataka-book ", a comparison of the texts showing how the older story has been worked up by a later hand. And so the sacred legend is propagated, and Burma, China, Tibet, must each re-tell the wondrous tale, often incorporating the forms of antique speech in the midst of materials of much later type. The Brahmanical literature, also, exhibits signs of filiation in another field, and the researches of a century of scholars have overthrown many a cherished tradition of authorship. It is now known that the ancient Vedic lore was propagated in various centres through out India, where groups of students attached themselves to a particular Veda, and began the long labours — carried on with so much passionate persistence — on which the immense structures of later Brahmanical science were based. In these schools the text was recited and transmitted from generation to generation ; around it gathered the needful instruction in grammar, in ritual, and the other great divisions of learning ; and here were for mulated the early codes of moral duties, and the rules for the administration of justice and the conduct of kings. Some of these codes still survive, designated by famous names in the past, the oldest, by general consent, being that of Gautama, connected with the Sama Veda ''. Among these two may be specially noticed here. In the ' Institutes of Vishwu ° ' tradition sees a book of sacred law (chaps 2-97) revealed by Vishwu to the goddess of the eaVth (chap i), But a careful examination brings other facts to light. The laws, when compared with parallel texts of undoubted antiquity, bear the stamp of ancient composition in one of the schools of the Black Yajur Veda. But they have been recast by an adherent of Vishnu, who has added an opening and a final discourse, and inserted groups of verses — perhaps whole chapters — in different parts of the book. Such additions may be dis tinguished by various criteria, by peculiarities of metre, by their partial recurrence in other works, by references to philosophical systems known to be of late growth, and in one case by the introduction of the week of the Greeks and Eomans, which can hardly (it is believed) have been recognized in India before the third or fourth century A d. Most famous of all, perhaps, in « Cp the translation by Prof T W Rhys Davids, Buddhist Birth-Stories S3- • ¦ ! for the events after the attainment of Buddhahood, ep Vinaya-Pitaka (ed Oldenberg) i p 3- ¦ , with Jataka (ed FausboU) i p 8o- • . * Cp Biihler SBE ii p liv. e SBE vii, with Prof Jolly's introduction. 12 CRITICISM AND THE OLD TESTAMENT [I § 2y Hindu literature, is the great law-book of Manu. The native orthodoxy ascribed to it an enormous antiquity and a supernatural authority. For it professed to be derived from Manu, the first man, eponymous ancestor of the human race, who had himself been instructed in sacred truth by the Creator. He begins to impart his knowledge to the great sages, until the task is handed on to one of his ten sons, who transmits the revelation which he has received from his sire. Such a work (it was supposed) must at least have emerged from the most distant past, and at the out set of modern Sanskrit study Sir Wm Jones believed himself able to fix its date about the year 1280 b c. But recent investigation has destroyed the confident conviction of its early origin. Its metrical form, and other peculiarities, long ago suggested to Prof Max Mtiller the probability that it was the successor of a prior work in prose, which had been recast and versified. In the general revision of traditional views effected by European scholarship, the period of Manu has changed by leaps and bounds. Sir M Monier-Wmiams thought it possible at one time to detain it at about 500 b c ". Prof Cowell and Mr Wheeler carried it down to the centuries immediately preceding or foUov^ing our era ; Prof Biihler argued that it certainly existed before 200 ad', while Dr Burnell proposed the fourth century, and Prof Max Miiller was prepared to see it assigned to a date even later still. The change is of much significance for the social history of India. The supposition that the complicated system of caste divisions, the elaborate philosophy, the highly developed ritual, implied in this code, existed in a remote antiquity, and belonged to an era not far removed from that of the Exodus, made it difficult to bring them within historic view at all. Long before there was any thing that could be properly called historical evidence of the actual condition of India, it was supposed to have reached advanced heights of speculative thought, of ceremonial religion, or of class organization. If Manu had been contemporary with Moses, no coherent picture of the evolution of Indian faiths would have been possible. (5) The instances just cited are concerned rather with the general use of ancient consecrated material in new and later " Indian Wisdom' 215 ; aud the more guarded language of Bdigious Thought and Life in India 51. '> SBE XXV p cxvii. Cp Jolly Recht und Sitte 16 (in Biihler's Grundriss der I A Philologie). I § 28] TREATMENT OF SACRED DOCUMENTS 13 forms than with the actual welding of two or more sources into a single whole. But this process also may be traced in a remark able instance in the early Christian Church". The Diatessaron of Tatian, the pupil of Justin the Martyr in Rome in the middle of the second century, was long conjectured to be a harmony of the Gospels. It was known that after Justin's death Tatian left Rome and returned to the East. The Diatessaron which bore his name speedily became popular in the Syrian Churches, and was even regarded in the fourth century as the standard form in which the Church at Edessa had preserved the Gospel '- In the fifth century it was publicly used in more than two hundred churches, and was known by the name of the 'Composite' Gospel, in contrast with the ' Separate ' or ' Distinct.' For purposes of church service it was ultimately replaced by the canonical Gospels, but it was still copied for centuries ; commentaries were written upon it ; and an Arabic reproduction appeared soon after 1000 a d, which continued in circulation for another 300 years. The publi cation in 1876 of a Latin translation of a commentary by Ephraem the Syrian preserved in Armenian awoke the interest of Western scholars : twelve years later Father Ciasca issued the text of an Arabic version (Rome, 1888) founded on two MSS, one of which had been brought to the Vatican about 1719, while the other only reached Rome from Egypt in 1886. The materials of the Harmony obviously fall asunder into two groups, the First Three Gospels, and the Fourth. Of the latter nearly the whole has been preserved " ; of the rest, about one-third has been sacrificed. The omissions are due partly to the existence of a large amount of common matter, though in any incident related by all the Evangelists the significant details are carefully collected from each, partly to doctrinal or other reasons (as in the case of the genealogies of Matthew and Luke) which cannot be precisely determined. While the causes are for the present purpose imma terial, the fact is signiflcant. The purpose of combining the whole was not inconsistent with the rejection of some of the parts. As the Diatessaron opens and closes with passages from « Prof G F Moore first called attention to this parallel in his article entitled ' Tatian's Diatessaron and the analysis of the Pentateuch,' Journal of Biblical Literature (1890) aoi-215. ,..„.. ,1 i Doctrine of Addai, transl Phillips, p34 ; Did ofChnst Biogriv 7960. " Prof Moore reckons 847 verses out of 880, or over 96 per cent ; to Matthew he assigns 821 out of 1071, or 76.5 per cent ; to Mark 340 out of 678, or a frac tion over 50 per cent ; to Luke 761 out of 1151, or 66.a per cent. Joum ofBiU Ut (1890) 203. H CRITICISM AND THE OLD TESTAMENT [I § 28 the Fourth Gospel, and the succession of the Johannine feasts is fairly maintained ", John may be said in a general sense to com stitute its literary base. But this is not inconsistent with the most startling transpositions. That the cleansing of the Temple should be transferred to the final visit to Jerusalem is due to the desire to bring the nari-ative into accordance with the Synoptic testimony ; but that the conversation with the Samaritan woman John 44-45 a should be detached from its connexion (chap 6) and inserted after the return from Phenicia Mark 781-37 (chap 21) is a singular instance of violent dislocation. In the non-Johannine sections each Gospel in turn seems to take the temporary lead, in accordance with the apparent fullness of detail characteristic of special passages ''. Thus the method of the Harmonist is con stantly varying, and he perpetually adapts his materials to fresh combinations. Sometimes parallel passages are reproduced in sequence, by simple aggregation ; thus the Sermon on the Mount Mt 5-7 receives into itself not only corresponding passages from Luke's version of the great discourse (eg Mt 5**~*^ Lk 6^'^^~^^ Mt s^'f-)) but also numerous cognate sayings gathered elsewhere from Mark and Luke. The junctions are sometimes effected by a Gospel phrase (eg Jn 4«-54 jf^ ^u jit ^is-ie jn ^hap &^-^^), or by some slight modification in which a subject is omitted or supplied, or by fresh particles of connexion which occasionally only emphasize the incompatibility of the sequence. Thus the narrative of the arrival of the Magi at Bethlehem Mt 2^--, of the flight into Egypt, and the massacre of the Innocents, is introduced by the harmless-looking words ' and after that " ' in place of the date ' Now when Jesus was born in Bethlehem ' &c. The reason is plain: the passage follows Luke 2^"^", which concludes with the return of Joseph and Mary with the babe ' to Galilee, to Nazareth their city.' The Harmonist thus satisfied himself with an arrangement that was obviously incongruous **. It is a singular instance (as Prof Moore remarks) of the conscientiousness with " John 2^''' is omitted, and 2sb-25 jg placed between Luke •j^^'-^o and 10^"",, chap 15. * E g Matthew with Luke and Mark woven in, chap 11 ; Mk with Ml and Lk inserted, chap 7^-24 ; Lk with incorporation of Mt aud Mk, chap 6*»-=*. So in the compound narrative of JE in the Hexateuch, now J aud now B seems to provide the base : cp the predominance of J in the Abraham story Gen 12-25, and of E in the Egyptian scenes of Joseph's life Gen 40- • . " Cp in Genesis the expression ' after these things ' -"'gs. ^ Similar incongruities may be found in the Pentateuch, cp notes ou Gen 25^1 Ex i62 181 12. , f ". I §28] TREATMENT OF SACRED DOCUMENTS 15 which the sources were reproduced, that the extract from Luke 21-39 -yyag jjp^ terminated at 38^ go as to avoid the contradiction involved in the sequence of ^^ and Mt 2^- •". The general aspect of the product resulting from these methods may be realized by a couple of instances, one representing the treatment of narrative, the other the amalgamation of discourse * : — Matthew 3'' Then eame Jesus from Galilee to the Jordan to John, to be baptized of him. Mark Luke g23a ^nd Jesus was ibout thirty years old, and it was sup posed that he was the son of Joseph. John i^' And John saw Jesus coming unto him, and said, This is the Lamb of God, that taketh on itself the burden of the sins of the world. '" This is he concern ing whom I said. There cometh after me a man who was before me, because he was before me. '^ And I knew him not ; but that he should be made manifest to Israel , for this cause came I to baptize with water. 1* And John was hindering him and saying, I have need of being baptized by thee, and comest thou to me? '^ Jesus answered him and said. Suffer this now : thus it is our duty to fulfil all righteousness. Then he suffered him. „, , , , ^i* And when all the people were bap tized, Jesus also was baptized. » Cp notes on Ex 34'- • and Deut lo'. • . b The translation is that of the Rev Hope W Hogg, BD {Ante-Nicene Christian Library, 1897) ; cp J Hamlyn Hill, BD, The Earliest Life of Christ, &c, 1894. i6 CRITICISM AND THE OLD TESTAMENT [I § 25 Matthew 1'" And immedi ately he went up out of the water and heaven opened to him. " And lo, a voice from heaven, saying. This is my beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased. 41*1 to be tried of the devil ; ''" And he fasted forty days and forty nights. Mark i^' And im mediately the Spirit took him out into the wilder ^'^ and he was with the beasts. Duke 22" And the Holy Spirit descended upon him in the similitude of the body of a dove. 4^" And Jesus re turned from the Jordan, filled with the Holy Spirit. ^ And he ate no thing in those days, and at the end of them he hungered. John i'^ And John bare witness and said, I beheld the Spirit descendfrom heaven like a dove; aud it abode upon him. '' But I knew him not ; but he that sent me to baptize with water, he said unto me. Upon whomso ever thou shalt be hold the Spirit de scending and light ing upon him, the same is he that bap- tizeth with the Holy Spirit. "And I have seen and borne wit ness that this is the Son of God. I § 28] TREATMENT OF SACRED DOCUMENTS 17 7' Judge not, that ye be not judged : Mark 4^*" See to it what ye hear : with what measure ye measure it shall be measured to you ; and ye shall be given more. "^ 1 say unto those that hear. He that hath shall be given unto, aud he that hath not, that which he regards as his shall be taken from him. Luke 6^'"' Condemn not, that ye be not con demned : forgive, and it shall be for given you : release, and ye shall be re leased : '* give, that ye may be given unto : with good measure, abundant, full, shall they thrust into your bosoms. With what measure ye measure it shall be measured to you. '' And he spake unto them a parable. Can a blind man, &c. John ' Give not that which is holy unto the dogs, neither cast your pearls before the swine, lest they trample them with their feet, and re turn and wound you. 11'' And he saith unto them. Who of you that hath a friend, &e. In such a product the problem of discovering and reconstructing the materials would be much harder than that presented by the Pentateuch. The sections from the Fourth Gospel could indeed be eliminated without difficulty. But the resolution of the remainder could only for the most part be tentative'', though it might be certain that the narratives of the infancy, for example, were from different sources, or that the aggregation of parallel ". As is also the case with single Gospels like Matthew or Luke, which have the character of compilations from antecedent materials. C i8 CRITICISM AND THE OLD TESTAMENT [I § 28 clauses in the Sermon on the Mount, chap 9^^~^^, pointed to a ' conflation ' of independent texts. The evidence for the com position of the Pentateuch may be unhesitatingly pronounced to be far more decisive, though it must of course vary in clearness from passage to passage. The Pentateuch, which modern criti cism resolves into four principal documents, is in fact the Diatessaron of the Old Testament. (f) Finally it may be pointed out that the Old Testament itself contains a conspicuous instance of the free treatment of earlier sources. The books of Chronicles are generally recognized as the product of the Greek age". They relate the story of the Davidic monarchy under the influence of the religious faith and usage of a later time. Advanced Levitical piety is here reflected back over the events of preceding centuries, and the conduct of princes is conformed to the standards of a period long subse quent to their own. The proof of this is found in the comparison of the representations of the Chronicler with the books of Samuel and Kings. These books formed his chief source for the history of Judah '', and his method of dealing with them is highly significant. From the death of Saul onward his narrative is based upon his predecessors, though these documents are not always treated in the same manner. Sometimes the statements of the older books are simply transferred to his own pages, and entire passages are reproduced verbatim. In other cases important modifications or additions indicate the presence of wholly fresh material. Whether this was derived from other works, or was supplied by the Chronicler himself, need not be now investigated ; the characteristics of the process remain unaffected. Among the most remarkable incidents of David's reign is the description of the removal of the ark to Zion under Levitical protection, which is followed by the institution of a musical service of praise. The account of the ceremonial will be more fittingly considered elsewhere " ; the festival closed with a solemn psalm I Chron i6'-^^ to which the people joyously responded Amen. Even if this be regarded with Reuss as a later insertion'*, its composition is not less significant ; it is compiled from Pss " Driver iOI* 518. (in favour of a date subsequent to Bc 300 rather than before) : W Robertson Smith OTJG^ 140 : Cheyne Jewish Religious Life after the Exile xvi, about 250 EC, cp 213 : W H Bennett Expositor's Bible (Chronicles) 4, 'between bc 300 and bo 250.' * Cp Driver LOT' 527, where a list of other works cited by the Chronicler will be found. « Cp chap IX ii § 1. ^ Qesch der Heil Schr des A Ts 588. I §2.] TREATMENT OF SACRED DOCUMENTS 19 1 051-15 96 X061-*''. The correspondence between Solomon and Hiram is largely expanded, cp 2 Chron 23-" with i Kings 5^"^ In Solomon's prayer at the dedication of the Temple a different close is substituted, derived from Ps 132^. The mode in which the old and the new are woven together may be illustrated from the reign of Amaziah, thus : — 2 Kings 14 ^ He was twenty and five years old when he began to reign ; and he reigned twenty and nine years in Jerusalem : and his mother's name was Jehoaddin of Jerusalem. ' And he did that which was right in the eyes of Yahweh, yet not like David his father : he did according to all that Joash his father had done. . . . ' And it came to pass, as soon as the kingdom was established in his hand, that he slew his servants which had slain the king his father : ^ but the children of the murderers he put not to death : according to that which is written in the book of the law of Moses, as Yahweh commanded, say ing, 'The fathers shall not be put to death for the children, nor the children be put to death for the fathers ; but every man shall die for his own sin. ' He slew of Edom in the Valley of Salt ten thousand, and took Sela by war, and called the name of it Joktheel, unto this day. ^ Then Amaziah sent messengers to Jehoash, the son of Jehoahaz son of Jehu, king of Israel, saying. Come, let us look one another in the face. ' And Jehoash the king of Israel sent to Amaziah king of Judah, saying. The thistle that was in Lebanon sent to the cedar that was in Lebanon, saying. Give thy daughter to my son to wife : and there passed by a wild beast that was in Lebanon, and trode down the thistle. '" Thou hast in deed smitten Edom, and thine heart hath lifted thee up : glory thereof, and abide at home ; for why shouldest thou meddle to thy hurt, that thou shouldest fall, even thou, and Judah with thee ? '' But Amaziah would not hear. So Jehoash king of Israel went up ; and he and Amaziah king of Judah looked one another in the face at Beth-shemesh, which be- longeth to Judah. " And Judah was put to the worse before Israel ; and they fled every man to his tent. 2 Chron 25 ^ Amaziah was twenty and five years old when he began to reign ; and he reigned twenty and nine years iu Jerusalem : and his mother's name was Jehoaddan of Jerusalem. * And he did that which was right in the eyes of Yahweh, but not with a perfect heart. ' Now it came to pass, when the kingdom was estab lished unto him, that he slew his servants which had killed the king his father. * But he put not their children to death, but did according to that which is written in the law in the book of Moses, as Yahweh commanded, saying. The fathers shall not die for the children, neither shall the children die for the fathers ; but every man shall die for his own sin. . . . "And Amaziah took courage, and led forth his people, and went to the Valley of Salt, and smote of the children of Seir ten thousand. " Then Amaziah king of Judah took advice, and sent to Joash, the son of Jehoahaz the son of Jehu, king of Israel, saying. Come, let us look one another in the face. '* And Joash king of Israel sent to Amaziah king of Judah, saying. The thistle that was in Lebanon sent to the cedar that was in Lebanon, saying. Give thy daughter to my son to wife : and there passed by a wild beast that was in Lebanon, and trode down the thistle. ^' Thou sayest, Lo, thou hast smitten Edom ; and thine heart lifteth thee up to boast : abide now at home ; why shouldest thou meddle to thy hurt, that thou shouldest fall, even thou, and Judah with thee ? ^"'^ But Amaziah would not hear ; ... ''^ So Joash king of Israel went up ; and he and Amaziah king of Judah looked one another in the face at Beth-shemesh, which belongeth to Judah. '^ And Judah was put to the worse before Israel ; and they fled evei-y man to his tent. C 2 20 CRITICISM AND THE OLD TESTAMENT [I § 2t Here 2 Kings 14* is omitted by the Chronicler as altogether incongruous with his view of Judah's religion; new materials are inserted i*"i^ designed to prepare the way for the explanation of the victorious Amaziah's subsequent defeat, the secret of which is thus revealed : — 2 Kings 14 " But Amaziah would not hear. So Jehoash king of Israel went up, &c. 2 Chron 25 2° But Amaziah would not hear ; for it was of God, that he might deliver them into the hand of their enemies, because they had sought after the gods of Edom. ^'^ So Joash king of Israel went up, &o. The source' of the statement concerning Amaziah's Edomite idolatries 2 Chron 25!*-!^ is unknown; but in other instances it can hardly be doubted that the Chronicler simply ascribes to a king of noted piety the conduct which the situation seems to him to demand. Thus he reproduces in 2 Chron 291- the opening of the account of Hezekiah's reign in 2 Kings i8^-. But immediately after, stimulated by the reference to his reforming zeal in the older narrative, he starts on a highly independent course, and describes a solemn purification of the Temple 3-36^ according to the developed ritual of his own time. The pro ceedings extend through the first month of the first year, beyond the date assigned in the Levitical law for the celebration of the Passover. This is accordingly postponed to the second month 30^,, and proclamation is made from Beer-sheba to Dan summoning all Israel to Jerusalem^. The king's message ^~^ implies that the Assyrian deportation is already past, and his authority in the northern districts is uncontested, though Samaria was not captured till Hezekiah's sixth year 2 Kings 18', and Hoshea was still on the throne. The feast is kept with great joy, in a style unknown since the days of Solomon ^^- Concerning this celebration the older authority is entirely silent. The author of Kings has his own view of the first proper observance of the' Passover ; it did not occur till more than a hundred years later in connexion with the reforms in the eighteenth year of Josiah 2 Kings 23^1-23 : — ^' And the king commanded all the people, saying, Keep the passover unto Yahweh your God, as it is written iu this book of the covenant. 22 Surely there was not kept such a passover from the days of the judges that judged Israel, nor in all the days ofthe kings of Israel, nor of the kings of Judah ; ^^ but in the eighteenth year of king Joaiah was this passover kept to Yahweh ia Jerusalem. I § 3] TREATMENT OF SACRED DOCUMENTS 21 Of this ceremony, also, the Chronicler has his own account 2 Chron 35^ ~i^, in curious disproportion to the narrative which immediately precedes. A king so devout as Josiah could hardly have waited tUl his eighteenth year to purge his realm of its idolatries. According to 2 Chron 34*"'', therefore, the reformation is placed in the twelfth year, the narrative in ^"^ being founded (with considerable modifications) on 2 Kings 23*''i*2o_ rjij^^ discovery of the book of the law is then related 2 Chron 34^- • , on the basis of the account in 2 Kings 22^- ¦ with numerous additions ; the king's distress, the deputation to Huldah, the prophetess's reply, the great convocation in the Temple, and the national covenant, all follow in due course. But these important events lead to nothing. The extract in 2 Chron 3415-32 -which reproduces 2 Kings 22^-23^ suddenly comes to a close, and a vague general statement ^^ replaces the detail of Josiah's measures 2 Kings 23*"^", which the Chronicler has already anticipated. That these exercises of pious imagination were not inconsistent with the deepest moral feeling, is plain from the entire tenor of the book. Rather were they the vehicle through which his faith expressed itself. Like the painter who depicted the penitent thief on the way to Calvary receiving from a monk the last consolations of the Church, he uttered in the only symbols which he knew the depth of his attachment to the established institu tions of religion, and the strength of his trust in the righteousness of his God. 3. The processes by which ancient documents have assumed their present form are necessarily matters of inference. The earlier materials are superseded when they have been embodied in completer works; they are discarded and survive no more. In the endeavour to trace the growth of any great collection pi poetry, history, or law, the student must be content to advance step by step. The methods of experimental demonstration are not at his command. His results depend on a number of con siderations, the value of which will be differently estimated by different minds. Such arguments may suffice to establish certain negative conclusions : but the effort to attain positive results is continually baffled by the circumstance that this kind of reasoning can only reach varying degrees of certainty. Yet, on the other hand, when a number of probabilities converge on a common conclusion, their strength in combination is much 22 CRITICISM AND THE OLD TESTAMENT [I § 3 greater than would at first sight appear from the simple enumera tion of them side by side ". (a) The judgements of the art-student, for example, are con tinually based upon this cumulative effect. By what criteria can a statue or picture be correctly referred to a particular sculptor or painter? External evidence may be altogether de ficient, or only partially secure. The trained critic, who is conversant with the works of the founders and principal masters of each school, has learned to discriminate between their genuine productions and those of their pupils and imitators. He may, perhaps, seem to the bystander to rely on a general impression; but he has himself arrived at this result by a number of different considerations which a practised judgement can sum up rapidly. He examines the choice of a subject,- whether it be classical, sacred, or romantic. He contemplates the general design, the motives of the composition. He compares the peculiarities of form and expression, the pose of a figure, the shape of a face, the treatment of a hand or of an ear, the folds of a drapery, till he can perhaps assign them to successive periods in the career of a specific artist, under the varying influences of different great masters. Fresh evidence may be drawn from the scale and liarmonies of colour, from the values of light and shade, from the adjustment of the perspective, or from the characteristics of the landscape with its arrangements of mountains, or trees, or sky. Beneath the surface-work of the unskilful restorer, he will try to frame some estimate of underlying peculiarities of method or technique. -And he may sometimes become convinced that the hand of more than one artist is to be traced in the same picture through inequalities of execution or incongruities of style. It may be difficult, or indeed impossible, to say precisely where the touch of the master ceases and that of the pupil begins, yet there may be a practical certainty of judgement that the work is composite and must be assigned to a special school. (a) The inquiry into the age and constituents of documents of unknown authorship reaches its conclusions, in like manner, along many different lines of evidence ; and the strength of the result depends on the number of independent circumstances "^ This is easily shown mathematically. If on each of several (say 3) independent grounds, it is only slightly probable (say 4 chances to 3) that a particular statement is true, the total chances in its favour will be 64 to 27 : while high probability on one ground will overbalance lesser degrees of improbability on the other two. I § 3^] THE EVIDENCES OF DATE 23 which point in the same direction, (i) The most satisfactory kind of external testimony is to be found in quotations in works of known date. But even this must be received with caution, for (i) the quotation or allusion may itself be suspected as an addition", while (2) in the case of a work which there is reason to regard as composite, the citation of an earlier portion does not guarantee the existence of the whole. Because Deut 24I8 is quoted in 2 Kings 14^ as an extract from the 'law of Moses,' it is not safe to infer that that title then included the entire Pentateuch. Again (ii) a document may contain a reference to the institutions of a particular age, or may employ a name whose origin is otherwise known. Thus it was early seen that the reference to the monarchy in Gen 3631 .^^^g incompatible with Mosaic authorship (cp chap III § 3) : while the statement that Abram pursued the invading kings as far as Dan Gen 14I*, at once places the existing form of the narrative (whatever may have been its antecedents) after the Danite migration Judg 18^*, unless the desperate hypothesis be invoked that there was an earlier and independent place of the same name. How far ancient sayings in prophetic form can be employed as witnesses to the events which they foretell, must depend largely on the general estimate which may be formed concerning the narrative in which they occur. The modern scholar finds in the well-known prophecy that the descendants of Aeneas are to rule over the Trojans'", a probable indication of interpolation due to local interests, and pointing to the existence of an Aenead dynasty in the Troad". When Isaac announces on the one hand the lordship of Israel over Edom, and on the other Edom's successful revolt Gen 27^^ *", may it not be affirmed on similar literary grounds that the character of the language has been determined by later political events ? Another line of argument (iii) may be founded on incongruities within the same narrative. Are its representations of fact consistent with each other ? Does it offer throughout the same view of religious history, of the progress of revelation ? Or is it marked by differences of general conception and varieties of leading idea ? Again, does it portray the events and institutions of a given period harmoniously, and, ' if not, what is the cause of the discrepancy? It wiU be seen ' On I Sam a^'"' and its omission by ®, cp Driver Notes on Sam 26, and below chap XIII § 4a. ' iZ XX 307-8. " Cp Munro Encycl Brit xii 119". 24 CRITICISM AND THE OLD TESTAMENT [I § 3^ from the following exposition that the modern theory of the Pentateuch has been slowly forced on successive generations of scholars by the diversity of its statements on the one hand concerning the divine dealings with the ancestors of Israel and the progenitors of the human race, and on the other concerning the regulations for worship established through the agency of Moses. If such diversity can be proved to exist, the several elements cannot all be of one date, and it may be possible to establish some order of succession among them. But (iv) it may reasonably be expected that materials of different ages, drawn from separate sources, will be marked by their own characteristics of style or expression. Peculiar turns of phrase, due to the vivacity of oral narrative, or significant of legal precision, or repeated by the impassioned earnestness of the preacher, may be found to coincide with different groups of narrative or law already distinguished from each other by in compatibilities of content. The recurrence of these peculiarities becomes in its turn a warning ; and each additional instance, in accordance with the general law of probabilities, brings far more than its own individual weight. Moreover their effect is again heightened if there is reason to believe that they can be in any way connected with other forces of thought and Hfe. The journalist who should lightly talk of 'the tendency not ourselves ' or of ' sweetness and light ' might safely be placed with Matthew Arnold in the second half of the Victorian age ". The teacher who dwelt on ' the silences ' and ' the eternities ' could not have taught before Carlyle. A cause must be found for the different philosophical vocabulary of Coleridge compared with that of Hume. The devotional utterance of Watts and Doddridge is couched in a different idiom from that of Newman and Faber. In the same way if one group of chapters which there is independent reason to assign to the seventh century, shows marked affinities of expression with Jeremiah, and another group with Ezekiel, it may be possible to explain the resemblances on the hypothesis of the indebtedness of the prophets, but the student must also consider the probability that they may be due to the influences of separate religious schools''. Lastly (v) the combination of independent documents will give rise, » The derivation of the second phrase from Swift really strengthens the argument ; it had no currency till the modern Essayist brought it into vogue. 5 Cp chap X § 2(8 and chap XIII § 8f. I§4a] THE EVIDENCES OF DATE 25 it may be anticipated, to occasional irregularities of junction, to editorial attempts at harmonizing conflicting statements, to the suppression of material from one source in favour of the account of another. Sometimes the preservation of a passage at a later stage in the story may enable the critic to conjecture the contents of an earlier and missing section, and even to assign a reason for its removal. The value of such suggestions must be greater or less according to the number and concurrence of the several lines of evidence which lead to them. The attempt to reconstruct the original contents of the different documents now traceable in a single whole, must necessarily be beset by manifold degrees of uncertainty. It may, however, be affirmed that though the close intermingling of various materials in some parts of the Hexateuch makes the task of criticism more difficult, yet the practical efficacy of the available criteria reduces the area of passages about which grave doubt remains within narrow limits, and confines them to details which are relatively unim portant. And the nature of the subject-matter compared with that of isolated psalms or prophecies is usually more favourable to definiteness of critical decision. 4. In the following pages it is sought to present to the English reader a general view of the grounds for believing that the Pentateuch is a composite work, compiled from materials of very various ages. (q) The investigation starts from the references in the books themselves to the origin of the materials which they contain (chap II). The mode in which the existence of elements of post-Mosaic date was early recognized is briefly indicated (chap III), and the progress of inquiry into the signs of plurality of author ship is traced through the criticism of the seventeenth century (chap IV). On the clue supplied by Astruc's famous Conjectures (1753) the usage of the divine names between Gen i and Ex 6? is then examined (chap V) ; and evidence of diversity of source is obtained from the conflicting statements of the narrative itself. The recognition of this fact leads to the provisional determination of the number of the constituent documents (chap VI), and a sketch of the principal critical theories concerning their relations (chap VII). At this point the inquiry is widened to embrace a larger range of circumstances, such as the indications of disagreement in the representations of the institutions of the Mosaic age, of contrast in religious ideas, or of peculiarities in 26 CRITICISM AND THE OLD TESTAMENT [I § 4a modes of expression ; and it is shown that the laws and narratives tend to sort themselves into groups marked by similarity of historic view and by internal coherence of thought and language (chap VIII). The hypothesis which best seems to suit the facts is that the Pentateuch has been compiled out of three main sources, (i) a book of priestly law preceded by a short narrative introduction cast chiefly into genealogical form, P, (2) a book of national histoiy, itself composite, deeply marked by prophetic ideas, wrought out of two strands respectively designated J and E, and (3) the Deuteronomic code D. On a consideration of their order of succession, it becomes highly probable that D holds the middle place between JE and P (chap IX). An examination of the laws and discourses of Deuteronomy establishes a connexion between them and the seventh century ; the reformation of Josiah, 621 B c, being the immediate result of the discovery and publication of the ' book of the law ' (chap X). For J and E the origins are sought in the preceding period under the monarchies of Judah and Ephraim (chaps XI, XII) ; while the steps which led to the promulgation of the priestly legislation under Ezra and Nehe miah are traced in chap XIII, and the principal groups of material now aggregated in P are compared and distinguished. These general results are then set side by side with the facts established by archaeological research (chap XV, contributed by Prof Cheyne) ; a sketch is finally offered (chap XVI) of the processes by which the Pentateuch may be supposed to have reached its present form ; and the inquiry concludes with the demonstration that the documents of 'the Law' are continued in the book of Joshua (chap XVII). {0) In this attempt to discriminate the constituents of the Five Books, as in the analysis which follows, the main results depend on the convergence of numerous lines of evidence. It appears no longer possible to resist the conclusion that different documents have been used. But though there may be practical certainty that a particular narrative may not be throughout homogeneous, the attempt to assign its different parts to specific sources can often only reach results of shifting probability, according to the variety and the value of the available criteria. It is inevitable that the indications should not always be equally numerous, or possess equal strength. But that does not disprove the legitimacy of the method, or cast doubts upon the general conclusion. The structure of the Pentateuch may be compared to the fabric of I § 4^] 777.5: EVIDENCES OF DATE 27 a great cathedral, whose external history is only imperfectly recorded. The origins of the church which first stood upon its site may be irrecoverably lost, though fragments of its stones may stiU be lodged in the foundation walls. The plan of the building may have been again and again enlarged ; the transepts may now stand where once the west front was erected ; the nave may have been converted from Norman to Perpendicular or may be a wholly fresh construction. Under successive bishops portions may have been pulled down and rebuilt ; the style changed with the century ; yet here a Norman arch remains contiguous with a piece of Early English, or the ancient vaulting has been pre served unharmed. Chapels have been added, windows enlarged, chantries inserted, and by perpetual small adaptations the new has been combined (though not always harmonized) with the old. It may happen that the cathedral archives or the chronicles of the adjacent abbey have preserved some mention of the com pletion of a tower, or the dedication of an altar. Yet the real story is inscribed upon the venerable walls. By the comparison of the parts among themselves, and with other edifices of known date, it becomes possible first to relate them to each other, and then to establish their probable order in time within tolerably exact limits. The mind that planned and the hands that executed the chief features of the design may have passed away, to remain for ever obscure ; but we may still know who were their con temporaries, and under what influences they wrought the soaring arch or lifted pinnacle and spire towards heaven. Not dissimilar in method is the process which seeks to trace in the growth of the Pentateuch through succeeding centuries the rise of the sanctuary of Israel's faith and life. And just as the devotion of many generations remains unaffected by the discovery that the history of the church-fabric may have been misread in a less discerning age, so if the venerable work here considered be now seen to embrace the main courses of the development of the religion of Israel, it still stands with unimpaired grandeur as the stately introduction to the great series of sacred writings which find their climax in the New Testament. CHAPTER II THE CLAIM TO CONTEMPORARY AUTHOESHIP The investigation into the origins of the books of Moses and Joshua naturally begins with the inquiry whether they raise any claim themselves to have been composed by the authors whose names have been attached to them. This question can only be settled by a brief review of the evidence. 1. The books of Genesis and Leviticus make no allusion to the reduction of their narratives or laws to writing. But in other parts of the Hexateuch occasional references may be observed. (a) Thus in Ex 17I* Moses is instructed to record the divine intention to efface Amalek : — And Yahweh said unto Moses, Write this for a memorial in a book, and rehearse it in the ears of Joshua : that I will utterly blot out the remembrance of Amalek from under heaven ". According to 24* 'Moses wrote all the words of Yahweh,' and the document was the foundation of a solemn covenant of obedience. What was 'this book of the covenant'? Ewald [Hist i 74^) identified the words with the Decalogue. But the majority of recent critics, in view of the fact that in 3 the ' words of Yahweh ' are combined with ' the judgements,' identify the Covenant-book (according to the present arrangement of the text) with the entire section 2o22~23^^, the 'judgements' entering at 21I. The problem is complicated (as will be seen from the notes on the passage in Hex ii) by a reference to a second set of covenant ' words ' in 342T:_ And Yahweh said unto Moses, Write thou these words : for after the tenor of these words I have made a covenant with thee and with Israel. The statement in the sequel ^^ is, however, obscure : ' And he » Interpreters differ as to the scope of the record. If the marginal rendering 'for' be adopted (iu place of 'that'), the command 'write this ' will not refer to the subsequent declaration of Yahweh's purpose, but to the Amalekite attack *, with its savage cruelty to the weak and weary in the rear Deut 25i'-'8, which is assigned as the reason why Amalek's remembrance should be erased. Baentsch Hdkomm i6a supposes the writer to have intended the double reference. II § la-7] REFERENCES TO WRITING 29 wrote upon the tables the words of the covenant, the ten words.' Who was the actual writer, Moses, or Yahweh, who in 34I had himself promised to reinscribe on the new tables the words which he had engraven on the first? The probable answer to this question will be found in chap XI § 28 : at present it need only be noted that if the writer be identified with Moses, the narrative does not claim more for him than the record of the sacred ' words.' (0) The book of Numbers only attributes to Moses a list of the' stages of the Israelite march 33^. It is doubtful whether the actual survey of the wanderings ^~*^ is to be identified with this list. Apart from peculiarities in its form, the context suggests that the supposed Mosaic document was employed by the author, who used it as his source, but did not profess to reproduce it verhatim. (y) The affirmations of Deuteronomy are more explicit. Two accounts are given in 3i'-'-i3 and ^*~^^ of the writing of 'this law,' which is then committed to the custody of the Levites : — 31 ' And Moses wrote this law, and delivered it unto the priests the sons of Levi, which bare the ark of the covenant of Yahweh, and unto all the elders of Israel. 31 ^* And it came to pass, when Moses had made an end of writing the words of this law in a book, until they were finished, ^^ that Moses commanded the Levites, which bare the ark of the covenant of Yahweh, saying, ^* Take this book of the law, &c. What, then, is included in the expressions 'this law,' 'this book of the law ' ? It is plain from other passages, such as i^ 4^, that it is limited to the law communicated in the land of Moab. The law is described as consisting of 'statutes and judgements' 5^; and appears formally to begin in 12I : — These are the statutes and the judgements, which ye shall observe to do in the land which Yahweh, the God of thy fathers, hath given thee to possess it, all the days that ye live upon the earth. We are not concerned now with the fact that the law appears to have existed as a book before it was written 28^8 " 2920 ^t 30I0 : it is sufficient to observe that its announcement is still in the future in 4^, and it cannot therefore include more than the discourses and commands comprised in 5-30". In addition to « Whether it even contained so much is discussed elsewhere. Cp chap X §§ 4-5. 30 CLAIM TO CONTEMPORARY AUTHORSHIP [II §17 'this law,' 31^2 further attributes to Moses the composition of the Song in 321-^3. The Blessing recorded in 33 is not said to have been written by him. (8) Finally in Josh 24^^ it is said that 'Joshua wrote these words in the book of the law of God.' There is some difficulty in determining the precise application of this statement. It is commonly limited to the discourse in 24^"^' (so Briggs Higher Criticism 11 ; Dillmann proposes also to include 23). But Kuenen points out that the reference is rather to the terms of the cove nant ^^ The record in the law-book was concerned with the contents of the ' statute and ordinance ' then first imposed ". In no case, however, is there any warrant for extending the phrase to cover the existing book of Joshua. (f) Apart, however, from the allusions to Mosaic writing, there are occasional indications of other sources. The antique poetic fragments in the early stories of Genesis are not expressly derived from any lyric collection. But in Num 21I* a few lines of verse are preserved which are attributed in our present text to 'the book of the wars of Yahweh.' No other citation from this book occurs in the Old Testament. The passage is undoubtedly obscure', but it is a reasonable supposition that the poem was derived from a book bearing the name of 'The Wars of Yahweh.' The analogy of other works suggests that this was a collection of poems of various ages celebrating the heroic enterprises of Israel in fighting the battles of Yahweh Judges 4I* 5* n ^^ &c i Sam 18^'' 25^* : and the view of the Davidic campaigns in this light 2 Sam 8^ 1* 7^ renders the early monarchy a probable date for such an anthology ". A similar work is cited in Josh iqI^- under the name of the Book of Jashar. To this book also belongs the lament of David over Saul and Jonathan 2 Sam ii*- • , and perhaps the ancient version of Solomon's words at the dedication of the Temple'' i Kings 81^-. A corresponding period is thus reached for the two quotations. (f) So far, then, as written sources are specified for the Hexa- " For further detail see notes in loc. Holzinger Hd-Comm agrees in re garding the words as a late editorial addition. * In the Academy for Oct 22, 1892, Prof Sayce proposed to correct the text thus, ' Wherefore it is said in a book, The wars of Yahweh were at Zahabh in Suphah.' <= Meyer and Stade propose to place it in the ninth century. ^ So first Wellhausen. The suggestion is adopted with confidence by W Robertson Smith OTJC^ 124, 435. Cp Cheyne Origin of Psalter 212 ; Driver LOT' 192. II§2a] REFERENCES TO WRITING 31 teuch, it would seem that they were of various dates. No doubt, as the tradition of the Synagogue shows in a later age, a pre sumption arose in after generations that laws which were said to have been revealed to Moses were also put in writing by him. On the other hand, the implications in the passages which ex pressly refer to Mosaic composition are imfavourable to the view that the Five Books were reduced to their present form by him. 2. The indications of subsequent literature suggest that Moses was only gradually connected by tradition with the production of a continuous body of legislation. (o) To Hosea he was the prophet by whom Yahweh brought Israel up out of Egypt 121^. Micah groups him with Aaron and Miriam 6* ; Jeremiah associates him with Samuel 15I. Even to the author of Is. 6311- • Moses is the heroic leader under divine guidance to whom Israel owed its liberty rather than its laws. Malachi is the first of the prophets to refer to a Mosaic code 4*. For the pre-exilian seers there was no fixed and definite 'law,' recorded in precise and authoritative form. The term denoted originally a ' teaching ' or pronouncement. This ' teaching ' was in ancient times in the charge of the priestly tribe of Levi Deut 331" ; and their deliverances at the sanctuary constituted a body of instruction which might have many different themes, and rest on varying antecedents. Thus it had a judicial significance, when appeals were heard and decisions were given 17^^^; in this aspect torah bore the character of a 'judgement.' Or it might be con cerned with ritual or ceremonial practice, as was contemplated by Ezekiel 44^^ ; while Haggai (2II ' ask the priests for a torah ') shows that even after the exUe this duty still remained with the priests. But it might also have purely moral and religious aspects, as when Isaiah equates the term with the prophetic word 1 10 52*^ and employs it to denote the substance of his teaching. That written torah existed in the eighth century is certainly implied in the language of Hosea 81^ : — Though I write for him my law in ten thousand precepts, they are counted as a strange thing. But the 'teaching' which Yahweh thus continues to indite, is plainly no fixed or completed ' law ' : it is the sum of revelation which is perpetually receiving fresh additions". " It has been argued from Jer i"-. • that Jeremiah, though himself a priest, was unacquainted with any recognized body of ritual torah claiming Mosaic origin or authority. On the prophetic use of the term, cp Driver Joel and Amos 230. 32 CLAIM TO CONTEMPORARY AUTHORSHIP 111^20 (/3) The books of Judges and Samuel contain no references to Mosaic 'teaching'; but the editors of Kings undoubtedly have a definite standard of religious law which plainly includes the Deuteronomic Code. When the dying David conveys his final counsels to his successor, his political advice is introduced by a brief exhortation i Kings 23 : — Keep the charge of Yahweh thy God, to walk in his ways, to keep his statutes, and his commandments, and his judgements, and his testimonies, according to that which is written in the law of Moses, that thou mayest prosper in all that thou doest. The colouring of the language at once points to the book of Deuteronomy ", and this identification is strengthened by 2 Kings 14^:- But the children of the murderers he put not to death : according to that which is written in the book of the law of Moses, as Yahweh commanded, saying. The fathers shall not be put to death for the children, nor the children be put to death for the fathers ; but every man shall die for his own sin. where the writer obviously cites Deut 241^ : — The fathers shall not be put to death for the children, neither shall the children be put to death for the fathers: every man shall be put to death for his own sin. Further evidence might easily be accumulated', but the proof that the 'book of the law' to which the compilers refer else where 2 Kings 22^ really consisted of Deuteronomy °, will be best exhibited at a future stage of the argument (cp chap X § 3(3). The second version of the history of the monarchy, however, in Chronicles, with its continuation in the books of Ezra and Nehemiah, rests apparently upon a different basis. They contain repeated allusions to the ' law of Yahweh,' the ' law of God,' but also to ' the law (or book) of Moses ' 2 Chron 231^ 301^ 35^^ Ezr 3^ gis .j6 j^gjj 3i_ These passages imply an acquaintance not only with Deuteronomy (as in 2 Chron 25* Neh 13I) but also with the main requirements of the Levitical ritual. Delitzsch has, indeed, expressed his belief* that 'nowhere in the canonical literature of " Cp '^ ' be strong ' Deut 31'' Josh i^- ' ^' "106 : ' ' walk in his ways' "ast ' keep ' &c "83°, ' statutes, commandments ' &c "104% ' prosper ' Deut 29' Josh i''- : * 'with all their heart and with alltheh- soul' "59. * Cp Eyle Canon ofthe Old Testament 53. " In its earliest and simplest form, cp chap X § 4. ^ Genesis 13. Stade Gesch des Volkes Israel i 15 (op Matthes Theol Tijdschr, Jan 1902, p 50) supposes that iu Ezr g}". Ezra cites Pentateuchal command ments as given by God through his servants the prophets. The language of 1' shows afiBnities both with Deut and Lev. But the reference is general, not specific, and can hardly be pressed beyond a recognition of the fact n§27] THE MOSAIC TRADITION 33 the Old Testament do the terms "the law," "the book of the law," "the law of Moses," cover the Pentateuch in its present form.' Reasons will be offered hereafter for believing that to be true of Ezr 6" 76 Neh 8I (cp chap XIII § 6). But in view of the use which the Chronicler makes not only of the Levitical insti tutions but also of the genealogical forms of Genesis, it can hardly be doubted that the 'book of the law of Moses' which served for him as the norm of Israel's worship, comprised the united documents much as we have them now ". In the Greek age, then, to which the Chronicles must be assigned *, the Mosaic tradition may be regarded as fully formed. But it must be borne in mind that the earliest testimony to Moses as the author of the Pentateiich..isJthus found to date a thousand years after the Exodus °. (y) The Jewish people naturally maintained and propagated this view. In Moses it found the teacher of a divine lore which could only have been derived from the wisdom of God himself ; and in his priority before the later civilization of Greece the champions of Judaism delighted to discover proof that their nation had thus supplied the most brilliant of the Mediterranean races with the primary truths of religion. The learning of Palestine and the philosophy of Egypt were in this matter entirely at one. The Rabbis in the schools, Josephus addressing the cultivated minds of the Empire, Philo wrestling at Alexandria with the problem of combining the highest forms of Hellenic thought with the ripest fruits of Hebrew faith, all started from the same fundamental assumption''. It passed by natural sequence into the Christian teaching. It is ascribed by the Evangelists to Jesus Christ. It appears in the records of apostolic preaching, as it also underlies the epistolary arguments of St Paul. It is the common theme of the Talmud and the Christian apologist ; and became the accepted basis of the entire conception of historical revelation aUke for the Synagogue and for the Church. that there was a prophetic teaching with which the written law was in admitted harmony. Cp Geissler Die literarischen Besiehungen der Esramemoiren insb sur Chronik und den Hexat Quellenschriften, 1899, p 16, and Siegfried Hdkomm 65. " The possibility of subsequent editorial additions is of course not excluded. ^ Cp Driver LOT" 518. " Adopting the common figure, about 1320 e c. <* The well-known passage in the Talmud, BabaBalhra fol 14'' (seeWiinsche Bab Talmud II ii 140, G A Marx Traditio Veterrima Rabbinontm, 1884), attributes the last eight verses of Deut, describing the death of Moses, to Joshua. But Josephus, Antt iv 8 48, and Philo, Life of Moses iii 39, both expressly explain how Moses anticipated the event by writing it himself. D CHAPTER III SIGNS OF POST-MOSAIC DATE The byways of both Jewish and Christian literature are not without traces of occasional departure from the customary view. In the absence of critical method the reasons for divergence might at first have no other basis than legend or doctrinal dislike ; until the attention of scholars was slowly and hesitatingly called to facts which appeared inconsistent with the received tradition, and the search was at length fairly begun for the true principles of literary and historical inquiry". 1. Before the first century of our era ran out, the apocryphal work known as the Fourth Book of Ezra '' related a strange story which showed how deep an impression had been made by the tradition of Ezra's literary labours. The law had been burned, and Ezra prayed for the gift of holy spirit that he might write anew all that had happened in the world since the beginning 2 Esdr 14^^- •. He was directed to take with him five men, and tlTey went forth into the field. There on the next day he heard a voice bidding him open his mouth, and drink what was given him. It was a draught like fire, so that his heart poured forth understanding and for forty days he dictated to his companions, who needed food only at night, till ninety-four books were com plete. These were divided into twenty-four, the former number of the Hebrew scriptures, with seventy new ones ; and Ezra was thus represented as the great restorer of a lost literature. The tale was not without its influence on later writers. Irenaeus represents a moderate form of it in ascribing to Ezra the inspired rearrangement of the words of earlier prophets and the re-establish ment of the Mosaic legislation ". Clement of Alexandria affirms that by the exercise of prophecy Ezra restored again the whole of the ancient Scriptures ^. Tertullian, arguing that Noah preserved through the Deluge the memory of the book of Enoch his great- " See the catena in Holzinger's Einleitung i § 6 p 25 ; Westphal Sources dw Pentateuque i. 6 Commonly ascribed to the reign of Domitian. • Adv Haer iii ar. <* Strom i 22. Ill §§ 1, 2] THE BEGINNINGS OF CRITICISM 35 grandfather, asserts that even if it had been destroyed by the violence of the flood he could have renewed it by the inspiration of the Spirit, as Ezra was generally admitted to have done in the case of the entire Jewish literature ". After two centuries more Jerome was equally willing to speak of Moses as the author of the Pentateuch or Ezra as its renewer *. This view did not of course affect the question of a Mosaic origin. But this was early called in question both within and without the Church. The Jewish sect of Nasa^aBa.Jwei:e--SaidJ3y, Jshn_of Damascus in the^ghth century to have asserted thatJheJEeniateuch-waaakGLfejLEasfii- The author of the Clementine homilies assumed that Moses had promulgated his teaching orally, and communicated the law to seventy elders. They in their turn departed from the founder's intention by reducing it to writing, but even their work had undergone so many vicissitudes of destruction and renewal, that the form in which the Church received it stood at many removes from the original injunctions of its first author ^. These casual speculations were plainly founded on grounds of doctrine or usage, and had no genuine critical base. The only contribution towards a real historic criticism which this age affords, is to be found in Jerome's identification of the law-book of Josiah with Deuteronomy''. 2. The first beginnings of criticism came from the Spanish Rabbis. The Mosaic convention was so deeply impressed on the life and thought of Israel, that it could only be questioned under a veil of the most cautious reserve. Nevertheless a certain Isaac, sometimes identified with Isaac ben Jasos (otherwise known as Jischaki) of Toledo, a d 982-1057, pointed out that Gen g6^i must be later than the foundation of the Hebrew monarchy, and pro posed to assign the chapter in its present form to the age of Jehoshaphat. Ibn Ezra (1088-1167) through whom alone Isaac's criticism reaches us, was himself prepared to proceed much further. To the words ' beyond Jordan ' in Deut ji he attached this mysterious commentary : ' and if thou understandest the mystery of the twelve ; and Moses wrote ; and the Canaanite was <" De Cult Fem 3. * ' Sive Moysen dicere volueris auctorem Pentateuchi, sive Esdram eiusdem instauratorem operis non recuse.' Adv Helvid (de Peipetua Virginitate B Mariae) 7. " De Haer ig. Cp Epiphan Adv Haer i 18, and Diet of Christ Biogr, ' Nasaraei.' <* Clem Hom iii 47. * Comm in Ezek i^ D 2 36 SIGNS OF POST-MOSAIC DATE [III § 2 then in the land ; in the mount of Yahweh it shall be provided ; also behold his bed was a bedstead of iron,— thou shalt discern the truth.' The riddles are most of them plain for all to read. Of the first, however, more than one solution is possible. The mystery or ' secret of the twelve ' seems most appropriately explained of the twelve verses of Deut 34 which describe the death of Moses. It has also been identified with the twelve curses which the Levites were to recite on Gerizim 271^-^^, or the twelve stones of which (said the Rabbis) the altar on Ebal was built 27*- Josh 830. j^^ ^jje whole law was to be written on these stones, it must have been far less copious than the present Penta teuch. The citation ' and Moses wrote,' derived from Deut 31', is apparently the statement of another person. The allusion to the Canaanite Gen 12^ is only intelligible when the Canaanites had ceased (as in Solomon's reign) to be a distinctive portion of the population. The proverb in 22I* was understood to refer to the 'mount of Yahweh' or Temple-mountain (cp Moriah ^), and again pointed to the age of Solomon at the earliest. Lastly the ' bedstead ' of Og Deut 3I1 is specified as an interesting relic of a vanished race ; but how is such a description consistent with the view that Moses is relating the victory of a few months (or weeks) before ? These passages, therefore, clearly proved the existence of post-Mosaic additions or expansions in the Five Books. 3. The hints of Ibn Ezra remained long unfruitful. No teacher of the Synagogue was found to venture further along his perilous path". But with the advent of the sixteenth century the new learning began to work upon men's minds. Already in 1520 Carlstadt published at Wittenberg an essay concerning the canonical scriptures, in which he observed that as the style of narration after the death of Moses remained unchanged, it was a defensible view that Moses was not the author of the Five Books. On the other hand the definite ascription of writing to Moses and " A word should perhaps be said of the learned Isaac Abravanel (Abarbanel) who died at Venice in 1509, after a life of romantic vicissitude which proved not inconsistent with copious literary production. He expounded the Pentateuch, but his most distinguished work was a commentary on the 'Prophetae Priores,' the books of Joshua, Judges, Samuel, and Kings. In the preface to Joshua he advocated a theory of the composition of the books out of collections of documents in which public scribes from time to time recorded important events. The theory of archivists was destined to gain some prominence afterwards, at the hands of Du Maes; and is expressly cited by Father Simon {Critical History of the OT, 1682) chap ii. Cp chap IV § 15. Ill § 3] CRITICISM IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 37 Joshua Deut 318- • Josh 24^6, and the story of the discovery of the law-book under Josiah 2 Kings 22, rendered it impossible to attribute them to Ezra. Their real author, therefore, remained obscure. Luther, who maintained a highly independent position towards the ecclesiastical tradition about scripture, asked what it mattered if Moses had not himself written the Pentateuch, and pointed, like R Isaac, to the allusion to the monarchy in Gen 3631. Catholic scholars, also, began to call attention to neglected facts. Andrew du Maes, a Flemish priest, published a commentary on Joshua in 1570 at Antwerp. He boldly regarded the book as part of a series of records extending through Judges, Samuel, and Kings, which were arranged out of previous materials by some man of piety and learning like Ezra or one of his contemporaries, under the guidance of the Holy Spirit. He cited the reference to the Book of Jashar Josh iqI^ as the mark of a later writer pro ducing ancient testimony in confirmation of what had been lost in dim antiquity. He pointed to the use of the name Dan inj^H aiidGeniji^ as evidence of composition long after the days of, Moses ancLJpshua ; and drew a similar conclusion with respect to the Pentateuch from Josh 141^ If Caleb's family gave the name Hebron to a city which was formerly called Kiriath-arba, then the references to Hebron in the previous books (e g Gen 13I' 23^ ^^ 35^'' 37^* Num 13^2) must be all post-Mosaic. The Jesuit theologians followed along the same lines. The Spanish Bento Pereira " ranged himself with Du Maes, quoting his words though not his name. A quarter of a century later another Fleming, Jacques Bonfrfere, argued that if Joshua made additions to the sacred law Josh 24^®, there could be no objection to the view that the Pentateuch had received insertions from a later hand. Such passages, like the reference to the Danite conquest in Josh 19*'', might have been appended by Samuel or Ezra. Nor were the Reformers of Holland less wUling to acknowledge post-Mosaic material than the members of the Society of Jesus. The learned Episcopius, who died at Leyden in 1643, expressed his belief that not only had the last six verses of Deuteronomy been added by Joshua or Eleazar, but a good many others also had been inserted here and there by Ezra (i e in Deut), as well as throughout the other books, examples being found in Num 12^ Gen 351^ 48^ aliague complura. " In commentaries published at Lyons, 1594-1600. f' Institut Theol III v i, Amsterdam, 1650. CHAPTER IV SIGNS OP DIVERSITY OF DOCUMENTS The theory of Du Maes, in assimilating the composition of the Pentateuch to that of the historical books which follow it in the Hebrew Canon, assumed its compilation out of numerous ante cedent documents. Nearly two centuries, however, were to elapse before the key to their separation was supplied by another student from the Low Countries. 1. In the latter half of this period the problem was attacked by numerous writers, representing widely different schools both in religion and philosophy. A brief sketch of their arguments will show what it was possible to accomplish while criticism was still feeling after a method, and had not yet discovered the right clue. (a) In the third part of the Leviathan xxxii (165 1), Hobbes put aside the title ' five books of Moses ' as of no weight in deciding the question of authorship. Who supposed that the Judges, or Ruth, or the kings of Israel and Judah, had written the books bearing their names ? ' In titles of books the subject is marked as often as the writer.' The evidences of post-Mosaic additions were ready to hand ; the familiar passages were quoted with incisive little comments: Gen 12^ 'must needs be the words of one that wrote when the Canaanite was not in the land, and con sequently not of Moses who died before he came into it': Num 21I* ' the writer citeth another more ancient book.' Still it might be concluded that ' Moses wrote all that he is said to have written ", as for example, the volume of the Law which is contained as it seemeth in the eleventh of Deuteronomy and following chapters to the twenty-seventh.' Hobbes here anticipates an important modern view in thus isolating the Deuteronomic Code from its envelope of historic recital and homiletic exhortation ; and he took another step in identifying it with the law ' which, having been lost, was long after found again by Hilkiah and sent to King Josiah 2 Kings 22*.' (/3) Five years after the publication of the Leviathan a little book " Pereira had already called attention to the passages in Ex 17 24 and Deut 31. IV § ia-7] CRITICISM IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY 39 appeared anonymously in London under the strange title Men tefore Adam. It was a translation of a Latin treatise called Prae- adamitae, founded on Rom 5^^^^*, which had been published in Paris in 1654, with a Systema Theologicum ex prae-adamitarum hypothesi. The author, Isaac de la Peyrfere, was a Calvinist, who had formed the view that the Pentateuch described the origin only of the Jewish people, the greater part of humanity being descended neither from Adam, nor from Noah. He was thus led into a literary inquiry concerning its compilation ; it was no autograph of Moses, it consisted of extracts and copies arranged by another. Fresh examples (beside those already so often cited) appear upon his pages ". Thus, the allusions to Jair Deut 3I* and to Og 3I1 belonged to later days. In Deut 2 he thought that he detected a reference to the Davidic conquest of Edom, celebrated in Ps 108. For proof that the materials of the narratives were composite, he pointed to the abruptness of the introduction of Lamech's song in Gen 4^^ without any previous explanation, and to the fragmentary character of the story of circumcision in Ex 42*-^^ The episode of Gen 20 was placed too late, for Sarah, when past ninety years of age, could hardly have been sought as a wife by Abimelech. A similar difficulty beset the similar incident in 26^- •, where Rebekah is represented as still beautiful and a possible object of desire, long after her sons were grown up. Other displacements occurred in Ex 18 (where an additional perplexity was noted in the appearance of Jethro with the wife and sons whom Moses had taken to Egypt 4.^% and in Deut 10, where the separation of Levi and the death of Aaron were attached to wrong dates and localities. In this obscurity and confusion, as if hot conflicted with cold and moist with dry, the only possible conclusion was that the different statements were derived from different documents. (y) The same result was reached by Spinoza in the Tractatus Theologico-politicus (1671 '', viii-ix), who devoted special attention to the chronological embarrassments. Starting from the passages already discerned by Ibn Ezra, he pointed out further that the writer of the Mosaic story not only continually spoke of Moses in the third person, but even testified to his exalted eminence, e g Num 12^ 14I* Deut 33^ (Moses was a ' divine man '). The stress " Book iv chap i. '' The passages here cited are derived from the English translation pubhshed in 1862. 4o SIGNS OF DIVERSITY OF DOCUMENTS [IV §17 laid on Mosaic writing" showed that he had composed a book containing commentaries on the law, but the book as it issued from the hand of Moses Was no longer extant. Spinoza was largely under the influence of the Ezra legend, and he identified the book promulgated by Ezra Neh 8^ with Deuteronomy, 'written fairly out, annotated, illustrated, and explained' by him. His general view is thus expounded: — I am, moreover, disposed to conclude that this was the first book written by Ezra of all that came from his hand, aud for this reason, that it contains the law of the country which is the most requisite to be known to the people ; and also because this book is not connected with the one which precedes it by any conjunction, as all the others are with their antecedents. . . . Having achieved this first work, the pui-pose of which was to make the knowledge of the laws accessible to the people, I believe' that Ezra thep set about the task of narrating the entire history of the Hebrew nation, from the creation of the world to the destruction of Jerusalem, in which large undertaking he inserted this book of Deuteronomy in its proper place. Ezra, indeed, did little but gather materials from earlier writers : 'but,' continues Spinoza, — these ancient documents having all perished, we have no resource but critically to study the histories that have come down to us, to scrutinize their order and connexion, the various repetitions in their course, and finally the discrepancies in the reckonings of the years, in order that we may form a judgement of what remains. Of these chronological difficulties Spinoza discusses two con spicuous examples. The first is that of the descendants of Judah and Tamar Gen 38, his conclusion being that Ezra reproduced it ' as he found it, without examining the matter very particularly, or making sure that it accurately fitted in with the other circum stances with which it was connected'.' The second is founded on the narrative of Jacob, his marriages, and his children Gen 29-34". The case is taken as a sample of the whole : — " Spinoza identified the words and judgements Ex 24* ^ with 20^^-23. ' The position of Gen 38 places its events after Joseph had been sold into Egypt, when he cannot have been younger than seventeen 37^. According to 41*' he was thirty when he stood before Pharaoh. The seven plenteous years follow immediately *^, aud two famine years have passed when he sends for Jacob 45'. Between Joseph's arrival in Egypt and the descent of Jacob and his family, there is thus an interval of about twenty-two years. Now in 38^ Judah marries Shua, and her children are Er, Onan, and Shelah. Er grows up and marries Tamar'. On his death Onan marries her; but when he also dies, she is not given to the surviving brother Shelah '"¦. The result is that she conceives by her father-in-law '^ ; her ehildi-en are Perez and Zerah ; and the sons of Perez, Hezron and Hamul, in the third generation from Judah, go down with Jacob 46'^. All this is crushed into the period of twenty-two years between 37'' and 45-46. " Spinoza's results seem to have been reached thus : — Jacob remained with Laban twenty years 31*^ His children were all born after his marriages, which took place after the first seven years of sei-vice so^"- , ie during the last thirteen years 29'^'*. Simeon and Levi, then, were IV §18] CRITICISM IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY 4! Dinah could scarcely have been seven when she was violated by Sheehem ; and Simeon and Levi, again, scarcely twelve and eleven when they ravaged a city and put all the inhabitants thereof to the sword. But there is here no occasion to pass the whole of the Pentateuch under review ; any one who observes that in these five books precept and narrative are jumbled together without order, that there is no regard to time, and that one and the same story is often met with again and again, and occasionally with very important differences iu the incidents, — whoever observes these things, I say, will certainly say that in the Pentateuch we have merely notes and collections to be examined at leisure, materials for history, rather than the digested history itself. (8) The drastic criticisms of Spinoza were not left without reply in the brilliant age of the great French Catholics. The task of vindicating the authority of Scripture against speculative philosophy, and the principle of ecclesiastical tradition against exclusive reliance on an imperfect documentary record, was attempted by Father Simon, of the Congregation of the Oratory, whose Critical History of the Old Testament was published in an English translation" immediately after its appearance on the Continent ^ Simon worked on the basis of his Catholic pre decessors, Du Maes, Pereira, and Bonfrfere. Much after the manner of Du Maes he framed a theory of the composition of the Pentateuch out of documents drawn up from time to time by recorders or keepers of public archives under the direction of Moses. He distinguished between the commandments divinely imparted to Moses himself, and the narratives in which they were set : — As to what passed every day in his own presence, it was not necessary that God should dictate it to him ; he had under him persons who put in writing all the considerable actions and had the care of preserving them to posterity. We need but cast our eyes upon the method that the Pentateuch is composed in, to be persuaded of this truth, and to see that some other than Moses has corrected the historical parts. This method could be carried back from the events of Moses' own time to the book of Genesis, which contained no reference to composition under supernatural dictation or by aid of the spirit of prophecy. The manner of the histories and genealogies was simple, ' as if Moses had taken them from some authentic books, or else had had a constant tradition.' Behind the books, as they have been received and propagated by the Church, there lay, therefore, a variety of documents which differed from each other scarcely twelve and eleven respectively at the Gilead interview 31'''. • , and the events of 33-34 are regarded as following continuously without a break. " London, 1682. * Nothing is here said of the importance of this book for general Old Testament study, eg its discussion of the text and the versions. It is considered only in connexion with the history of Pentateuchal investigation. 42 SIGNS OF DIVERSITY OF DOCUMENTS [IV§18 in style and contents, even when they appeared to deal with the same subject or event. Hence arose confusions of order, so that after the creation of man and woman in Gen i^^, ' the woman is supposed not to be made, and in the following chapter the manner how she was taken from Adam's side is described.' These confusions were especially manifest in the conflicting statements in the Deluge narrative concerning the length of the time that the waters remained upon the earth. Of 7i''-24 gimon shrewdly observed, ' It is probable that if only one author had composed this work, he would have explained himself in fewer words, especially in a history.' The difficulties involved in the dates" were further hypothetically relieved by an ingenious conjecture of the misplacement of the ' leaves or scrolls on which the books were writ.' But this could not account for the ' variety of the style.' Here Simon recognized ' a convincing argument that one and the same man was not the author. Sometimes we find a very curt style, and sometimes a very copious one, although the variety of the matter does not require it.' It is perhaps surprising that Simon should have seen so far, yet not seen further. One step more, however, was possible before the true clue was discovered. That step was taken by one of Simon's critics, the Dutch Le Clerc. (f) Three years after Simon's treatise appealed to the English public, a small volume of letters was issued at Amsterdam, bearing the elaborate title Sentimens de quelques Theologiens de Hollande sur I'Histoire critique du Vieux Testament composee par le P. Richard SimonK The real author, Jean le Clerc, revealed at the outset a new conception of the scope and aim of Old Testament study. He placed it in line with all historic inquiry; and demanded that the conditions under which any given work was produced, should be carefully examined. The investigator should seek to discover what was the author's purpose, what led him to write at all, to what opinions or events he might allude ". This " The death of Isaac, Simon pointed out, was put too soon in Gen ss'^' : Joseph had been sold into Egypt long before, yet that transaction was not related till 37. Jethro's visit, narrated iu Ex 18, ' seems not to be placed in the time wherein it was, forasmuch as Jethro seems not to have come till the second year after the finishing of the Tabernacle, as may be proved out of Deuteronomy.' b Amsterdam, 1685. " ' Faire I'Histoire d'un Livre n'est pas simplement dire quand et par qui il a 6t6 fait, quels Copistes I'ont transcrit, et quelles fautes ils ont commises en le transcrivant. II ne suffit pas de nous dire qui I'a traduit, et de nous faire remarquer les d^fauts de sa Version ; ni m6me de nous apprendre qui I'a comments, et ce qu'il y a de defectueux dans ces IV § i€] CRITICISM IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY 43 was the method which Eichhorn a hundred years later was to designate for the first time as ' the higher criticism.' Le Clerc accordingly set to work to ascertain what inferences might be drawn from the Pentateuch concerning the circumstances of its origin and authorship. From passages like Gen 2ii- lo^- • iii— ^ he concluded that the writer had himseK been in the countries which he described : ' God,' said he, ' was not concerned to reveal to Moses that the gold of that land was good.' Nineveh he con nected with Ninus, whom he placed by the aid of secular history in the age of Deborah. The use of the term 'Ur of the Chaldees " ' J J 28 31 ^^g founded by anticipation upon Chesed 22^^, the same country being otherwise called Paddan-aram: now none but writers who lived when the Israelites had some intercourse with the Chaldeans, or who had been in Chaldea, called it the land of the Chaldeans, e g Ezek i^ 11^*. To the usual passages indicating a post-Mosaic date Gen 12^ 131' 14I* 35^1 [cp Mic 4^ Neh 3I] 37I* 40!^ Ex 6^6 i636 [cp Josh 511-] Deut ii he added the important observation that the term naM ' prophet ' Gen 20'' was not in use till the time of Samuel, as was stated in i Sam 9^. The com position of the Pentateuch, therefore, must be carried down at least to the period of the monarchy. It was compiled from documents some of which might have been originally written before Moses, but fragments only had been preserved. These ancient books were not the work of public recorders; The discovery of the law under Josiah proved that such official registers could not have existed, for they would not have been suffered to fall into such decay. They were of private origin, and various date. To whom, then, did they owe their union? The conditions to be satisfied were that the author should have flourished after Samuel, and should have lived in Chaldea. Spinoza's resort to Ezra was out of the question, for the Samari tans would not have copied a law-book introduced by him. Le Clerc accordingly turned, at the close of his sixth letter *, to the narrative 2 Kings 17^^ of the priest who was dispatched from the captivity of the Ten Tribes to persuade the new settlers in their ancient land to abandon the false worship of Commentaires. II faut encore nous dgcouvrir, si cela se p'eut, dans quel dessein I'Auteur I'a compost, quelle occasion lui a fait prendre la plume, et h. quelles opinions, ou k quels 6v6nemens, il pent faire allusion dans cet Ouvrage, surtout lorsqu'il ne s'agit pas d'un livre qui contienne des reflexions g^nSrales ou des v^rit^z Sternelles, qui sent les m6mes dans toua les Slides, et parmi tons les peuples du monde,' p 6. « § Chasdim, as if plural of Chesed. ^ P isg- 44 SIGNS OF DIVERSITY OF DOCUMENTS [IV§ir many gods. The mission of this instructor culminated in the production of ' a history of the creation of the world by the One Only God.' This was not, indeed, written till after the eighteenth year of Josiah, for the law-book then discovered was adopted as an essential part of the work. Its incorporation apparently procured for the whole the sanction of the Temple-officers at Jerusalem ; and the letter concludes with a triumphant demon stration that this hypothesis fulfils all reasonable demands. 2. The criticism of the seventeenth century had thus made considerable advances. It had formulated the real aim of historical investigation in the field of literature, viz the deter mination of the circumstances, the purpose, the spirit, of any given document, and its relation to the time and the place in which the writer lived. But before it could really proceed to this task, a preliminary labour was required in the case of the Pentateuch, viz the determination of the actual contents, the literary limits and characteristics, of the constituent documents themselves. Some brilliant guesses had been made. Particular legislative groups had been isolated from their surrounding narratives, and pronounced Mosaic, in contrast with the adjacent histories or discourses. The Covenant-book in Ex 20^^-23, the Covenant-words in 34, the law code which stands at the core of Deuteronomy in 12-26, had been selected from the mass of adjoining material, which was referred in general terms to other writers. Biit no true critical method had yet been devised. Inquirers had been feeling after a clue, but had failed to find one. It was generally recognized that the Pentateuch contained numerous statements inconsistent in various ways with com position in the Mosaic age; but many of these might be very plausibly regarded as supplemental, they might be assigned to later editorial revision, yet leave the substantial integrity of the books unimpaired. There was, further, a general disposition to admit the compilation of the Pentateuch out of a number of documents, which were written by different hands, and under varying conditions. No one, however, appeared to have the least idea how to distinguish them. It was admitted that some were prior to Moses ; but by what marks these were to be recognized, there was no attempt to determine. This hypothesis was adopted (among other reasons) to explain the incompatibilities presented by the chronology : it had yet to be ascertained how far the schemes of numbers presented definite IV§2a] INCONGRUITIES OF DATES 45 affinities, and could be correlated together. It was further urged that this view alone could explain the phenomena of duplicate narratives, whether side by side, as in the contiguous accounts of the Creation Gen i and 2, or in combination, as in the story of the Flood. Criticism, so far, was negative. All that it could do was to prove that Moses did not write the Pentateuch as we have it. Along this line it may be said to have effectively prepared the way for completer demonstration. To the proofs already cited, a few more illustrative examples may be added, before the attention of the reader is invited to the next step towards positive results— the discovery by Astruc of a criterion for the partition of the documents in Genesis. (a) One of the strongest arguments in the hands of Spinoza and Simon alike was founded on the incongruities of the dates with the circumstances which they professed to set in proper time order. A characteristic instance is here presented in the words of Prof Driver " : — We all remember the scene Gen 27 in which Isaac in extreme old age blesses his sons ; we picture him as lying on his death-bed. Do we, however, all realize that according to the chronology of the book of Genesis he must have been thus lying on his death-bed for eighty years (cp 25'' 26'* 35^') ? Yet we can only diminish this period by extending proportionately the interval between Esau marrying his Hittite wives 26'* and Kebekah's suggestion to Isaac to send Jacob away, lest he should follow his brother's example 27*' ; which, from the nature of the case, will not admit of any but a slight extension. Keil, however, does so extend it, reducing the period of Isaac's final illness by forty-three years, and is conscious of no incongruity in supposing that Rebekah, thirty-seven years after Esau had taken his Hittite wives, should express her fear that Jacob, then aged seventy-seven, will do the same. The instances which roused the attention of the critics of the seventeenth century were all derived from the book of Genesis. But the narratives of the Mosaic age also exhibit perplexing^ chronological phenomena, though not quite of the same kind. For while some episodes are related with great fullness, sJUch^s- the dealings of Moses with Pharaoh Ex 5-11, or' the visit of Balaam to Balak Num 22-24, ^nd the Midianite war 31, in. other cases gaps occur at critical points in a manner incompatible with contemporary or nearly contemporary authgrship. Thus in Ex i^~^ the narrative passes without warning from the generation which witnessed the death of Joseph to that which saw the birth of Moses. A combination of the dates proves that this involves a silent leap over 280 years ''. A second and more " Contemporary Review Ivii 221. ' According to the well-known statement in Ex 12*" the sojourn of Israel 46 SIGNS OF DIVERSITY OF DOCUMENTS [IV§2o significant instance occurs in Num 20. The Israelites arrive at Kadesh in the first month 1, apparently of the third year, reckoning from the Exodus, the last previous date marking the departure from Sinai in the second month of the second year iqH. In 20^2 the march is resumed, and in consequence of the refusal of Edom to allow a passage through its territory, a long circuit is necessary. The first stage brings them to Mount Hor, where Aaron dies upon the summit. In the list of the encampments in 33^'' this incident is fixed in the fortieth year of the wander ings. Between 20I and ^^- • there is thus an interval of at least thirty-seven years (cp Deut 2I*, from Kadesh to the brook Zered thirty-eight years). Is it credible that the 'journals' of Moses found nothing worthy of record in this long period beyond a solitary instance of popular discontent, and a fruitless embassy to the king of Edom? Did an entire generation pass away, without any further trace than the bones of its ' fighting men ' upon the wilderness? Only at a later day could imaginative traditioji have rounded off the whole into a fixed form of forty years, and been content to leave the greater part a blank ". (j3) The foregoing difficulties are unfavourable to the hypothesis of contemporary authorship, but they throw no light on the composition of the narrative. The critics of the seventeenth in Egypt lasted 430 years (® and Sam, however, include in this figure the whole period from Abraham's migration). Moses was eighty at the Exodus Ex ^'', and Joseph about forty on the arrival of Jacob (cp Gen 41*', thirty when he predicted the seven years of plenty which seem to have begun immediately, thirty-nine when he sent for his father 45^'). Joseph died at the age of no. Deducting seventy years for Joseph in Egypt, and eighty years for Moses, there remains an interval of 280 years. How the genealogical lists can be adapted to this scheme, it is not necessary at present to inquire. " Por another solution of this difficulty cp Hex ii Num 20^". 'It is a commonplace of Biblical students,' says Prof Sayce, Early History of the Hebrews 142, 'that numbers are peculiarly liable to corruption, and that consequently little dependence can be placed on the numbers given in the text of the Old Testament. But the conclusion does not follow from the premiss. The later dates of Israelitish history are for the most part reliable, and it would be strange if the causes of corruption were fatal only to the dates of an earlier period.' ' The period of forty years,' he observes subse quently, p 146, ' which meets us again and again in the book of Judges, is simply the equivalent of an unknown length of time ; it denotes the want of materials, and the consequent ignorance of the writer.' Does this statement cease to be true when for ' Judges ' we read ' Numbers ' ? And if not, what becomes of the theory of contemporary authorship, especially in view of such a passage as Num 14^'? The evidence accumulated in Colenso's examination of the statistics of the Pentateuch {Pent part I), will be found to have a special bearing on the character of one of its constituent documents, and will be more conveniently considered at a later stage (cp chap XIII § 2*). IV § m DUPLICATE NARRATIVES 47 century, however, pointed to another order of phenomena, which plainly involved the plurality of the sources, whether oral or documentary, from which the narrative had been compiled. Repeated reference was made, for example, to the resemblance of the incidents in Gen i2i''-2<' 20 and 26^-11. In like manner a son is thrice promised to Abraham, in 15 17 18 ; and three allusions to laughter connect themselves with the name Isaac (literally, 'he laughs') 1717-19 x8^^- 21^. Twice is Hagar expelled from Abraham's tent i6*-i* 21^-21. The same cause is assigned on each occasion in the jealousy of Sarah. The crisis of suffering arrives in the same scene, near a well in the wilderness on the south. Deliverance follows by the intervention of an angel : and the heavenly promises contain similar announcements of greatness for Hagar's posterity, and similar references to the name of her son Ishmael : — Gen 16 ^"And the angel of Yahweh said unto her, I will greatly multiply thy seed, that it shall not be numbered for multitude. ^^And the angel of Yahweh said unto her. Behold, thou art with child, and shalt bear a son ; and thou shalt call his name Ishmael [God heareth], because Yahweh hath heard thy affliction. Gen 21 ^¦^And God heard the voice of the lad ; and the angel of God called to Hagar out of heaven, and said unto her. What aileth thee, Hagar ? fear not ; for God hath heard the voice of the lad where he is. i' Arise, lift up the lad, and hold him in thine hand ; for I will make him a great nation. Different accounts are given both of local and personal names. Twice is Beer-sheba derived from a covenant, in the one case between Abraham and Abimelech Gen 21^^-32^ j^ ^jie other between Isaac and the same king at Gerar some seventy years later 262°-33. Jacob bestows the designation Bethel [God's house] upon the ai).cient Luz on his flight to Haran 28^', and again on his return to Canaan 351^ Even his own name Israel is twice divinely conferred, first on the banks of the Jabbok, and again at Bethel : — Gen 32 2'' And he said unto him. What is thy name? And he said, Jacob. '''And he said. Thy name shall be called no more Jacob, but Israel : for thou hast striven with God and with men, and hast prevailed. Such instances might be easily explained prima facie on the assumption that Moses combined in Genesis different documents or traditions which had descended from the patriarchal age; and the first attempts to discover the composition of the book Gen 35 ^"And God said unto him. Thy name is Jacob : thy name shall not be called any more Jacob, but Israel shall be thy name : and he called his name Israel. 48 SIGNS OF DIVERSITY OF DOCUMENTS [IV 1 23 in the last century by Astruc and Eichhorn rested on that basis. But the assumption becomes insecure when it is observed that the narratives of the Mosaic age contain analogous duplicates. Thus the revelation of the divine name Yahweh to Moses ia recorded twice Ex 3!*- and 6^-. It is accompanied in each case by a promise to deliver the afflicted people 3'"^ and 6^-8. Mosea is twice solemnly charged to demand their liberation from Pharaoh 310-18 6II, he twice hesitates, and Aaron is twice appointed as his spokesman 410-1^ and 61^ ^"-7^ Only the sequels differ : on the first occasion the people believe, they bow their heads and worship 4*1 : on the second, they hearken not for anguish of spirit and for cruel bondage 6'. It might be argued, indeed, that these corresponding series were still successive ; that Moses on the first shock of disappointment at his fruitless attempts to befriend his people needed the en couragement of fresh assurance. But it is at least strange that the second colloquies with Deity should run precisely paraUel with the first and should contain no reference to them, so that the same fraternal aid is promised to Moses in his despondency without any consciousness that it has been already tried and found wanting. There is, however, no actual discrepancy in the record, such as may be observed elsewhere. The father-in-law of Moses is called Reuel in Ex 2I* ^1 lo^' ; but he is named Jethro in 3I 4I* 18I. Twice do quails appear in connexion with the daily manna Num 11*-^ ^i- • and Ex i6i^- Twice does Moses draw water from the rock, when the strife of Israel begets the name Meribah [strife] Ex 171—'' and Num 201—1^. The incon sistent locations of Aaron's death Num 33^* Deut 10^^ were noticed by Peyr^re (ante p 39), who also remarked the divergence between the accounts of the separation of Levi in Deut 10* and Num 3 and 8. It is somewhat curious that two of the most conspicuous instances of conflicting statements of fact in the record of the Mosaic institutions should have excited no comment in the seventeenth century — the construction of the ark and the place of the sanctuary. In Ex 25i''-- Moses, who is then upon the sacred mount, receives directions to prepare the ark. These are ultimately carried out by Bezaleel, after Moses has received the new tables during his second sojourn on the mount 371' ¦, and the tables are solemnly placed in it 40^". But in the recital of the great apostasy in Deut 9- Moses describes himself as commanded to make an ark before ascending for the renewal IV §27] DUPLICATE NARRATIVES 49 of the Ten Words iqI. He makes the ark himself 3, which is thus ready to shelter the reinscribed tables on his return from the interview with Yahweh : they are accordingly deposited in it at once, and there * they remain ". Where, however, was the ark preserved? In Ex 25-29 the ark is placed in the inner sanctuary of the sacred tent which is entitled Yahweh's Dwelling, though it is also known as the Tent of Meeting. This Dwelling is pitched in the middle of the camp.* Immediately around it, west, south, and north, are the Levites ; on the east are Moses, Aaron, and his sons Num 3*^ ; and the m^nbers of the sacred order are further guarded by the twelve tribes, three on a side 2. A corresponding arrangement on the march divides the- host into two groups of six tribes each ; between them is- carried the whole fabric of the Dwelling and its furniture, the ark being specially assigned to the Kohathites 2" 3^"-. But before the preparations for the Dwelling have begun Ex 35*- •, the Tent of Meeting has been instituted 33''- •. It is pitched outside the camp at a dis tance, and every one who wishfes to inquire there is obliged to quit the camp and go out to it. This is described as the usage of Moses already at the foot of the sacred mount. And the usage does not cease when the Dwelling is reared. The Tent of Meeting is still outside long after the camp order has been established Num n^^-so jgi^ j^ jg jjj harmony with this repre sentation of the isolation of the sanctuary that the ark does not travel in the midst of the tribes, but in front of them 10^*. What further differences these conceptions involve, will be seen hereafter. It is sufficient to affirm at present that they cannot both have proceeded from the same writer. If either is Mosaic, then the other is not. (7) Hardly less strikmg, at least when its historic significance is fuUy understood, is the evidence presented by the laws. A cursory examination is sufficient to show that the same theme is treated again and again in different forms. Apart from the regulations affecting the altar or the priesthood, which will require more careful examination hereafter, it may be observed that the legislation of the Pentateuch tends to fall into groups of laws, sometimes longer and sometimes shorter, bound together by certain harmonies of conception and language. Such groups " The words 'and there they be, as Yahweh commanded me' render the hypothesis of a temporary ark afterwards superseded by that of Bezaleel absolutely impossible. The writer of Deut lo^ could not also have written Ex 371- • and 40'"'. E 50 SIGNS OF DIVERSITY OF DOCUMENTS [IV §27 sometimes occur in tolerably close proximity, e g Ex 23 and 34 ; sometimes they are aggregated together into larger collections, as in the books of Leviticus and Deuteronomy. But the result is not favourable to the hypothesis of unity of authorship. Why, for example, should Moses only once lay on Israel the solemn command ' Thou shalt love Yahweh thy God with all thy heart and with aU thy soul and with all thy might,' and repeat three times over the prohibition 'Thou shalt not seethe a kid in its mother's milk ' Ex 231^ 34^* Deut 14^1 ? A reference to the table of Laws on such subjects as the worship of other gods (^ 5 a), idolatry (f 5 b), magic (IT 5 j), the sabbath (H 9 b), the stranger (f 2 a), will bring to light, firstly, the singular manner in which they are scattered through the whole complex mass of narrative and legislation, and, secondly, the important fact that they are not all homogeneous either in character, contents, or expression. A comparison of the brief festival cycle as instituted in Ex 231*- • (and its parallel in 341^- •) with Mie elaborate order in Lev 23 will at once raise doubts whether the two series were actually instituted in successive years : and these doubts will be confirmed when it is observed that the Deuteronomic list Deut 16 reverts to the first type and ignores the second. A parallel phenomenon may be observed in the laws affecting the slavery of Israelites. The First Code Ex 2ii-^ permits a Hebrew after six years' service to contract for life-long servitude, and places the ceremony of formal enslavement under religious sanction. Before Israel has left Sinai, however, in the next year, this arrangement is tacitly abrogated. In Lev 25^^— *2 it is laid down that no Israelite shall sell himself to another ; temporary slavery may, indeed, last tiU the jubile ; but the poor ' brother ' is entitled then to liberty for himself and his family *i (in Ex 21* the -wife and children remain in the possession of the master), on the express ground that their freedom was a divine gift and could not be alienated by slavery for life. That is the exalted view of the second year after the Exodus. But at the end of the wanderings, thirty-eight years later, Moses returns to his earlier scheme. In Deut 15^^- • the theory that every Israelite is Yahweh's bondman is quietly abandoned, and the process of voluntary enslavement in the seventh year is again legitimated. It cannot be said that the intervening law had been tried without success, for it was ex pressly designed Lev 25^ for the settlement in Canaan. Yet it is wholly ignored when Moses makes his final address, and an IV §28] DIVERSITIES OF LEGISLATION 51 arrangement entirely inconsistent with it is re-enforced. The conflict of principle is here as clear as the conflict of fact in the case of the position of the sacred tent or the construction of the ark. It will hereafter be suggested that the three laws belong to three different stages of religious and social order. At present it must suffice to observe that if the law of Exodus or Deuteronomy is Mosaic, then that of Leviticus is not, and vice versa. (8) There is a further class of cases which is perhaps the most suggestive of aU. It has been shown that in the narratives whether of the patriarchal or the Mosaic ages there are duplicate statements of fact which cannot be reconciled. It has also been argued that in the laws ascribed to Moses there are provisions which are founded on incompatible ideas and which lead to incongruous results. But it is further possible to prove that the same narrative contains dual items inconsistent with each other". A familiar instance had already attracted the notice of Simon. In the narrative of the Deluge Gen 7I2 it is stated that ' the rain was upon the earth forty days and forty nights ' : but in ^* it is affirmed that ' the waters prevailed upon the earth an hundred and fifty days.' What was the real duration before the flood began to abate? Another well-known difficulty arises in the same story. According to 61^- Noah is required by Elohim to take into the ark one pair of each kind of animal, irrespective of any differences in their size, class, or ceremonial value. But in 72. Yahweh directs him to divide the beasts into clean and unclean, taking seven pair of the former to one of the latter, the birds being treated in like manner. Which of these com mands was he to obey? Two versions of Joseph's enslavement lie side by side in Gen 37. In ^"^ ^^^ his brothers seU him to a caravan of Ishmaelites, who carry him to Egypt and sell him to Potiphar an officer of Pharaoh 39I, by whom he is afterwards imprisoned 39^°. But in 3728a Joseph is not sold at all ; he is kidnapped : ' and there passed by Midianites, merchant men, and they drew and lifted up Joseph out of the pit.' They, too, were on the way to Egypt, where they disposed of their prize to the captain of the guard ^®. In his service it falls to Joseph's duty to minister to the prisoners under his care 40* ; and to them the young slave bewails his hapless lot 1^, 'for indeed I was " A similar thesis might be also offered concerning certain passages of legislation, but the proof would be at present too complicated. E 2 52 SIGNS OF DIVERSITY OF DOCUMENTS [IV § 28 stolen away out of the land of the Hebrews.' These divergences are certainly not irreconcilable with a theory of Mosaic com pilation of the book of Genesis. They point, indeed, to diversities of source or tradition : but there is nothing in them which renders it impossible that the writer who amalgamated them might have been Moses. The argument, however, receives a new complexion when it is noticed that the same phenomenon recurs in the accounts of transactions in which Moses played the leading part. Thus in the narrative of the plagues it will be found that one set of stories places the Israelites in Goshen, where the wonders that are wrought in Egypt do not affect them Ex 8^^ gze . yfi^ji^ another locates them among the Egyptians and secures them miraculous exemption io^i-23 cp 78". Wlien the twelve spies are sent into Canaan Num 13 they explore the extreme length of the country ^i, reaching the northern pass known as 'the entering in of Hamath.' But the next verse ^^ represents them as starting afresh, they arrive at Hebron, and enter the valley of Eshcol, where they cut down a cluster of grapes which they then carry back to Moses at Kadesh in fulfilment of his previous instructions ^•'. The impressions with which they return are equally far apart. In ^'^ they report that the land flows with milk and honey: but in ^^ it is accused of devouring instead of sustaining its inhabitants. Finally, Caleb, according to one version, endeavours to persuade the people to make an immediate advance 138", and receives the promise that he and his seed shall possess the land which he had traversed 14^*: while another version associates with him Joshua the son of Nun 14^ ^^ ^^ and announces exemption to both from the doom imposed upon the murmurers". Once more, the rebellion of Korah, Dathan, and Abiram, in Num 16, issues in the strange result that their two hundred and fifty followers ^ are first engulfed in the midst of all their possessions ^2^ and then devoured by fire at the entrance of the Tent of Meeting ^^- The process by which this singular consequence has become possible is set forth in detaU in the Analysis Hex ii : its explanation, like the explanation of many similar difficulties, is found in the attempt to combine two independent stories. But could such a combination be the work of an eye-witness, himself the agent of a double fate ? " In this passage 13^ Caleb is stated to belong to the tribe of Judah. But in 32^^ and Josh 14' Caleb is not an Israelite at all, he is a descendant of the desert tribe of Kenaz, cp Gen 15^' 36^1 ^' *^ Josh 15''. CHAPTEE V the clue to the documents The examples which have been offered in the last chapter appear sufficient to prove the main thesis of the seventeenth- century criticism, viz the composition of the Pentateuch out of different documents. But they throw no light on the mode by which these documents may be distinguished ; still less do they enable us to conjecture their number, their character, their extent, or their mutual relations. For this end criticism had to take a further step. It is not a little significant that the original clue was discovered in the field of Genesis alone by an investigator who firmly believed that the Five Books were the work of Moses. 1. In 1753 Jean Astruc of Montpellier, physician by profession and Catholic by religion (his father had been a Huguenot pastor), published anonymously at Brussels the little book which con tained the key to the whole position. It was modestly entitled Conjectures sur les mimmres originaux dont il paroit que Moyse s'est servi pour composer le livre de la Genese. Observing that some portions of the book were distinguished by the use of the name Elohim, and others by that of Yahweh, he suggested that these were really drawn from different sources. They were in fact extracts from separate documents which he supposed Moses to have arranged in four parallel columns. These were subse quently amalgamated into one, the present confusion of the text being largely due to the negligence of the copyists. The main distribution fell under two heads, an Elohim narrative, A, and a Yahweh story, B, which ran through the entire book. The Elohim source consisted of 1-23 5 59-22 ;y6-io 19 22 a 31-19 ^i-io 12 16. 28. jjlO-26 1^3-27 20I— 1'^ 21^- ^^ 22l~l'' 23 2i;l— " Qol""^^ 31*^*^ 51-64 22I-3 25-33 33I-I6 35I-27 37 40-48 4929-33 50 Ex 1-2, To the Yahweh document he assigned 2*-4 6^'^ f-^ ""i^ 21 24 » 820-22 pll 13-16 18-29 jq II^-^ 27-32 13-13 I5-16 I7I-2 18-I928 20I8 21I 33. 22"~18 24 25l3~34 261-33 27-28* l''-22 29 3o2*-*3 31I-S " Whether from inadvertence, or as an indication of the uncertainty of the ascription, this verse appears in each of Astruc's documents. 54 THE CLUE TO THE DOCUMENTS [V § i 48-50 32*-24 221^-2" 38 39 49^"^^ There remained a small number of passages which did not seem homogeneous with either of the two main narratives, or with each other. According to the letters which he employed for their designation (pp 308-315), they stood thus: C f 23., D 3528., E 14, F ig-^^-^\ G 2220-24, H 2512-18, I 34, K 263*., 28«-9, L 36I-21 31-43^ M 3620-30. Most of these are concerned with events or tribes outside the main current of the patriarchal history. They were derived in Astruc's view from the Midianites among whom Moses sojourned, or the nomads of the desert whom he encountered in the wanderings. The modern analysis differs in many respects from Astruc's, which especially suffers from the limitations which he imposed upon it. He did not carry it beyond the first two chapters of Exodus, in which he found the continuation of his document A. As this passage related the early life of Moses, he ascribed it (together with the group to which it belonged) to Amram, Moses' father. Had he studied the composition of the succeeding books, he might have been able greatly to strengthen his fundamental hypothesis. But it is rather surprising that he should have effected so much, than that his instruments of partition should have been imperfect, and his results consequently incomplete. If Eichhorn afterwards covered a wider field of learning and became the true founder of Old Testament criticism in its broadest sense, the study of the Pentateuch owes most to Astruc. 2. The real key to the composition of the Pentateuch may be said to lie in Ex 62-*. The passages which are gradually found to be allied with it confront us in turn with all the complicated questions concerning the constituents of the Five Books. It opens with the solemn declaration of Elohim to Mosea : — '"' I am Yahweh : ' and I appeared unto Abraham, unto Isaac, and unto Jacob, as God Almighty [§ El Shaddai"], but by my name Yahweh I was not known to them. *And I have also established my covenant with them, to give them the land of Canaan, the land of their sojournings, wherein they sojourned. ^And moreover I have heard the groaning of the children of Israel, whom the Egyptians keep in bondage ; and I have remembered my covenant. Two facts of the utmost importance are here definitely asserted. In revealing himself as Yahweh, God affirms that he had not been known by that name to the forefathers of Israel ; but he had appeared to them as El Shaddai. On the basis of these words it would be reasonable to look for traces in Genesis of divine manifestations to the patriarchs under the title El Shaddai, and their discovery would afford a presumption that they belonged to V § 3a] THE REVELATIONS OF EL SHADDAI 55 the same document. On the other hand the occurrence of similar manifestations in the character of Yahweh would directly contra dict the express words of the text, and could not be ascribed to the same author. The distinction which Astruc adopted has thus the direct sanction of the Pentateuch itself, and its immediate application is simple and easy. Does the book of Genesis contain revelations of God to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob as El Shaddai ? To Abraham and Jacob, certainly: 'I am El Shaddai' Gen 17I and 35I1 ; but the corresponding announcement to Isaac is missing. Mingled with these, however, are other passages of a different nature, such as the diAdne utterance to Abram 15'^ ' I am Yahweh that brought thee out of Ur of the Chaldees ' ; or to Jacob 2813 ' I am Yahweh, the God of Abraham thy father, and the God of Isaac' Side by side with these stand many others describing the recognition of Yahweh by the patriarchs and their contemporaries. Between Bethel and Ai Abram ' buUded an altar unto Yahweh, and called upon the name of Yahweh ' 12^ cp 13* i^ 2i33. To the king of Sodom Abram declared that he had sworn ' to Yahweh ' to take none of the * goods ' recovered from the Mesopotamian invaders 1422. Sarai complained to her husband, ' Yahweh hath restrained me from bearing ' 16^. When the mysterious visitor rebukes her for her incredulity, he asks ' Is anything too hard for Yahweh ? ' 181*. Lot is warned by the men whom he has enter tained, 'Yahweh hath sent us to destroy' this place 1913. But it is not needful to accumulate further instances. The name is known beyond the confines of Canaan. The 'man ' in search of a bride for his master's son is welcomed with it at the city of Nahor by Laban, ' Come in, thou blessed of Yahweh ' 2431. And it is of such ancient use that it can be said of the family of Adam, 'then began men to call upon the name of Yahweh' 42^. But unless the writer of Ex 6^ contradicts himself, not one of these passages can have issued from his hand ". 3. An examination of the passages containing the three revela tions to Abraham, Jacob, and Moses, at once reveals a number of other important links connecting them together. (a) The record in Ex 6* refers to the ' establishment ' of a cove nant with them, the purpose of which is to give them the land of Canaan, further described as the ' land of their sojournings.' This covenant is first announced to Abraham : — " It does not, however, follow that he would never have employed the name in narrative. 56 THE CLUE TO THE DOCUMENTS [V § 3d Gen 17'' And I will establish my covenant between me and thee and thy seed after thee throughout their generations for an everlasting covenant, to be a God unto thee and to thy seed after thee. ^And I will give unto thee, and to thy seed after thee, the land of thy sojournings, all the land of Canaan, for an everlasting possession ; and I will be their God. The promise is then repeated to Jacob : — 35^'' The land which I gave unto Abraham and Isaac, to thee I will give it, and to thy seed after thee will I give the land. Around this main declaration cluster others, displajring marked resemblances. The revelation is in each case accompanied by a change in -the patriarch's name ; Abram becomes Abraham 17*, and Jacob Israel 35^0. Each is addressed as the sire of a race of kings : — 17^1' The Ifather of a multitude of nations have I made thee. ..."'' and I will make nations of thee, and kings shall come out of thee. SS"*" A nation and a company of nations shall be of thee, and kings shall come out of thy loins. Abraham is further assured that El Shaddai will ' multiply ' him, and make him 'exceeding fruitful' 172 ^, a similar destiny being also in store for Ishmael 1720 ; while Jacob receives the command ' be fruitful and multiply ' 35". The ' appearing ' ends in each case with the divine ascension, 'and God went up' 17^2 35I3, (3) The community of thought and language between these three passages is unmistakable; and 17 35'"-'® Ex 6^-* may be confidently assigned to a common source. This at once makes it probable that they are not isolated fragments. It is true that the document to which they belong has not been incorporated entire, for the promise to Isaac mentioned in both Gen 3512 and Ex 63 is not to be found. But the presumption is strong that these great scenes were linked by narratives which related the history of the patriarchs, and this is clearly established by the sequel in 6* which affirms that God has ' heard the groaning of the children of Israel, whom the Egyptians keep in bondage.' Between the bestowal of the name Israel and the announcement of the deliver ance of his posterity from servitude must lie some account of the patriarch's progeny, and of their migration from Canaan into Egypt. Similarly the relation of Gen 35'"-'* to 17 implies that the descent of Jacob from Abraham formed part of the same story ; and the allusions to Sarah and Ishmael in 17 indicate that a family histoiy lies behind. The immediate antecedents, indeed, are not far to seek. Abraham was then ninety-nine years old and Ishmael thirteen 17I 2*.. These dates cohere with the record of Ishmael's birth 161* when Abram was ' fourscore and six years V§37] THE REVELATIONS OF EL SHADDAI 57 old.' There, a new person is introduced upon the scene, Ishniael'a mother Hagar. She is the heroine of the previous story i6*-i*, where the use of the name Yahweh ^ " in actual speech forbids the ascription to the writer of 17 and Ex 62. But Gen i63 sup plies another date ' after Abram had dwelt ten years in the land of Canaan' (cp 'land of Canaan' 17*), and 3 obviously carries 1 with it, though 2 is inadmissible in consequence of Sarai's reference to Yahweh. When Abram received Hagar at Sarai's hand, he must have been eighty-five years old. Ten years before he had entered Canaan. Was his arrival chronicled by this writer? The cove nant in 15 is plainly not his record : it is made by Yahweh i3, and it announces a gift far wider in extent than the 'land of Canaan ' promised in 17. The acts of worship specified in 13* i^ and I2''' cannot likewise proceed from him. But in 12*^ ^ there is a description which tallies exactly with i63 : — '"^ And Abram was seventy and five years old when he departed out of Haran. 'And Abram took Sarai his wife, and Lot his brother's son, and all their substance that they had gathered, and the souls that they had gotten in Haran ; aud they went forth to go into the land of Canaan ; and into the land of Canaan they came. Ten years, therefore, before Abram took Hagar to wife he had brought Sarai into the land of Canaan from Haran. By a similar method we learn from ii3i that Abram was the son of Terah, who had himself started the great removal but had died upon the way, the 'generations if.ol'dhoth'') of Terah' being traced in ii^''--. Terah's pedigree is set forth, in its turn, in ' the generations of Shem' 1 1 10-2*. At this point the inquiry takes a wider range. The 'generations of Shem' are connected with 'the generations of the sons of Noah, Shem, Ham, and Japheth ' iqI : these point back to a similar heading for their father, 6^ 'these are the generations of Noah.' The descent of Noah from Adam ia exhibited in 5, entitled ' the book of the generations of Adam.' This opens with a plain reference to the creation of man in the likeness of Elohim i2'', male and female together : and the narra tive of the creative process concludes in 2*" with the corresponding formula 'these are the generations of the heaven and of the earth.' (7) A probability is thus created that there runs through the book of Genesis a document in which the name Yahweh was excluded from recognition by the patriarchs, while the name " For this peculiar formula cp ^n \ another word appears in 6' ^"^ 17'" ^^, cp ''76. 58 THE CLUE TO THE DOCUMENTS [V § 37 Elohim was employed freely (in Gen I-2*'' it occurs thirty-five times). The document was further divided into sections, entitled ' these are the generations of . . .' As the revelation of El Shaddai to Isaac has been dropped in amalgamation with other documents, so (it would seem likely) the ' generations of Abraham ' have been put aside ; but the titles for Ishmael 2512, Isaac 25", and Jacob 372»', have all been preserved. The task that next confronts the investigator is to determine, if he can, the contents of these sections. To the three leading passages already considered, in 17 35'~^^ Ex 62—^, the narrative of the Creation in Gen 1-2*" may with some confidence be added. These serve as a standard of inquiry, and supply us with numerous harmonies of thought and language. For example, when Isaac sends Jacob to find a wife in Paddan-aram, and invokes on him the blessing with which El Shaddai had blessed Abraham, it is plain that 283- depends on iy5-8 o_ Similarly, when Jacob recites to Joseph 483- the 'appear ing ' of El Shaddai to him at Luz, his words are a free repro duction of the declaration in 3511- *. Such instances of quotation are necessarily rare. But in other passages practical certitude is attained by the recurrence of characteristic phrases in such definite groups as to render it in the highest degree improbable that they are of diverse origin. Thus when Elohim announces the impending flood to Noah Gen 6i3. ¦ he promises i* to * establish hia covenant ' with him. The phrase is identical with that in 17'' 12, but differs from the making of the covenant by Yahweh 15I'. In preparation for the catastrophe Noah is commanded to take into the ark one pair of each species of living thing, male and female 6i^ (cp 12''). The classification 620 runs side by side with i2i 24-26 30^ as is indicated by the peculiar formula ' after its kind.' When the terrible year of destruction has passed, Elohim's blessing and covenant in 91—1^ combine the terminology of both I and 17. The command to Noah and his sons ^ 'be fruitful and multiply and replenish the earth ' is that addressed to the original humanity i23 : the ' moving things ' that are given for food as the green herb 3, recall the gift of i29 : as the waters had ' swarmed ' at the original creative word i20., so let the race of men which should start from Noah and his sons g'. The covenant is then ' established ' ^ in fulfilment of the divine promise 6I' : it is " Cp 'bless, make fruitful, and multiply' 17^ e " ao . ;). It will perhaps be admitted that a prima facie case has been established for the view that among the Five Books D may be tentatively regarded as a separate literary whole. Further inquiry will reveal that large portions of the book of Joshua exhibit the same significant marks. The whole structure of the Hexateuch, therefore, may be comprised under the symbol PJED. CHAPTER VII THE DOCUMENTARY THEOEIES In the foregoing sketch the results of more than a century of criticism have been provisionally expounded. Their fuller justi fication, and the inquiry into some of the many problems which they suggest, will perhaps best be introduced by an indication of the mode in which the distribution just described has been forced by the facts upon successive schools and generations of investi gators. Astruc's work reached much further than he knew. The questions that immediately arose out of it concerned (i) the number, the scope, and the characteristics of the constituent documents ; and (2) the determination of their mutual age and relations. 1. The first great step was taken by Johann Gottfried Eichhorn, of Gettingen ". In the first volume of his Introduction to the Old Testament (published in 1780) he adopted the general results of Astruc, on the basis of his own independent investigation. It is even possible to doubt whether he had ever seen the Conjectures ; there is some reason to believe that he knew the work of his pre decessor only by the comments which it evoked ''. Seven years later, however, in the preface to the second edition of his Intro duction, he formulated in brief the aim of what he was the first to designate ' the Higher Criticism ' : — I have been obliged to bestow the greatest amount of labour on a hitherto entirely unworked field, the investigation of the inner constitution {Beschaffenheit) of the separate books of the Old Testament by the aid of the Higher Criticism (a new name to no Humanist). He endeavoured accordingly, after giving a full account of the external resources of criticism in a history of the text and its versions, to ascertain the characteristics and composition of each work in the Hebrew Canon. From his justification of his treat- " Cp Cheyne Founders of Old Testament Criticism 13. >> So Westphal Les Sources du Pentateugu^ i 119. Eichhom himself says {Einleit^ ii 247) that he worked independently of Astruc that his own point of view might not be verriickt (deranged). After referring to J E W Jerusalem and J J Schultens, he adds, ' none of them all penetrated so deep into the matter as Astruc' 70 THE DOCUMENTARY THEORIES [VII§1 ment of Genesis, the compilation of which he ascribed to Moses, some sentences may still be quoted (ii 295 § 424) : — For the discovery of the inner constitution {Beschaffenheii) of the first book of Moses, party spirit will perhaps for a couple of decades snort at the Higher Criticism, instead of rewarding it with the thanks which are really due to it. For, first, the credibility of the book obviously gains by it. Did ever a historical inquirer go more religiously to work with his sources than the arranger of these ? He is so certain of the genuineness and truth of his documents that he gives them as they are. . . . The gain which history, interpretation, and criticism derive from this discovery is exceptionally great. The historian is no longer obliged to rely on one reporter in the history of the most distant past ; and in the duplicated narratives of the same event he is not obliged to force into harmony the unessential differences in accessory circumstances by artificial devices. He sees in such divergences the marks of independent origin, and finds in their agreement in the main important mutual confirmation. . . . The interpreter, when the Higher Criticism has separated his documents for him, need -no longer wrestle with difficulties which before were insoluble. He will no longer explain the second chapter of Genesis by the first, or the first by the second, and the world will cease to lay on Moses the burden of the sina of his younger expositors. Finally, when the Higher Criticism has dis tinguished between the writers, and characterized each of them by his general method, his diction, his favourite expressions and other peculiarities, her lower sister who occupies herself only with words'and spies out false readings, lays down her own rules and principles for determining the text, discovering glosses, and detecting interpolations and transpositions. The general result at which Eichhorn arrived was similar to that of Astruc. Both recognized an Elohist and a Yahwist document running through Genesis. Both also recognized the presence of occasional independent pieces which could not be assigned to either leading source. Such was the blessing of Jacob Gen 49^"^'', and such also the narrative of the invasion of the four kings 14, of which Eichhorn observed that its peculiar character, its glosses and explanations, and its unique divine names, all pointed to its separate origin at the hand of a writer who must have lived near the time of the occurrence (ii 262-3) ". By a careful analysis of the story of the Flood Eichhorn endeavoured to arrive at a clearer conception of the literary marks of each source. He drew up tables of their characteristic words and classified their expressions, so that he might have the means of recognizing them elsewhere. He rightly described his Elohist (in the Noah toVdhoth the modern P) as following a chronological method ; to J with less reason he attributed a special interest in cosmography. The ' higher criticism ' was thus fairly started ; but when applied to Exodus and Leviticus it did not get beyond the suggestion (ii 356) " Other insertions, according to Eichhorn, would be found in 2*-3, which Astruc had more correctly attributed to J, 33'*-34'^ and 36^"*', where again Astruc came nearer to the modem view. VII §2] EICHHORN AND ILGEN 71 that they had in part grown out of a collection of separate docu ments, many of them incomplete and fragmentary, yet all belong ing to the Mosaic age. These pieces he made no attempt to connect with each other, or with the sources of Genesis. It was to become apparent later on that either (i) the books from Exodus to Numbers must be regarded as continuous with Genesis, or (2) Genesis itself must be reduced to a similar coUeetion of fragments. 2. The stimulating work of Eichhorn soon called fresh students into the field. Before passing to the fuller development of Eichhorn's ' fragment-hypothesis,' it is due to the almost forgotten name of Karl David Ilgen" to call attention to his important contribution to the analysis of Genesis. The title of his book The Original Documents of the Temple Archives at Jerusalem in their Primitive Form (Halle, 1798) indicates the point of view from which he started. The history of Israel could not be properly studied till its sources had been rescued from the confusion, disorder, and mutUation which had befallen them. In the first volume, accordingly (no second was ever issued), Ilgen printed in separate sections the documents out of which he believed Genesis to have been composed. The result was highly interesting. In addition to the Yahwist J he fell upon the distinction already indicated (chap VI § In) between two Elohist writers within the same book ^. But he did not work it out in the same manner as his modern successors. Like Eichhom he founded his argument on the frequent presence of repetitions and doublets, on incongruities of fact and diversities of style, on variations in character and portrayal. But he was more rigid in the application of his criteria. His Ei and E2, therefore, by no means correspond to the P and E of current recognition. The story in 20 of Abraham and Abimelech, for example, now assigned to E, he ascribed to the author of i, and placed it in the toVdhoth group. In the artless repetitions in 22i"i3 he found traces of two hands, and he even applied this treatment to the narrative of the Creation in i-24a. Placing the toVdhoth formula 24* at the head of the section, he noted that the story was cast into an impossible succession of days; there were evenings and mornings before there was any sun. He therefore eliminated 1° ^ i3 19 23 31 gi. as " Cp Cheyne Founders of OT Criticism a6. '• Behind these writers lay the materials out of which their documents were composed, which were referred to numerous sources. 72 THE DOCUMENTARY THEORIES [VII § 2 the handiwork of E2. To E^ further, on the ground chiefly of the frequent occurrence of 6e6s in the Greek versions, he ascribed the second Creation story and its pendants in 24''-4, the statement in 4^^ having been remoulded by a later hand, and the divine names generally amalgamated or confused. This partition was carried to the end of ii, and the Yahwist was not allowed to make his entry tiU 12I. Ilgen's Ei and E2, therefore, are hardly to be recognized in the modern P and E ; and the eccentricities of his distribution involved his book in unmerited obscurity. The work abounded in shrewd and penetrating remarks, and was the first to point out that two narratives are blended in the stories of Joseph 40-48 which Astruc and Eichhorn (as far as 472'') had agreed in assigning to the Elohist alone ". When the existence of E2 was again demonstrated by Hupfeld, more than fifty years later, he made a generous acknowledgement of his indebtedness to his neglected predecessor. 3. The investigations of Ilgen were confined like those of Astruc to the book of Genesis. But it became more and more apparent that this limitation must be abandoned. The composi tion of Genesis could not be separated from that of the middle books. In these Eichhorn had recognized a collection of separate and discontinuous pieces, though he insisted that they all originated in the Mosaic age. This was a revival of the view of some of the seventeenth-century critics, and it was soon applied to the entire Pentateuch and Joshua. (a) The application was made in this country by a learned Roman Catholic priest, Dr Alexander Geddes ', who published in 1 792 the first volume of a new translation of the Scriptures with explanatory notes and critical remarks'"'. In an introductory chapter Dr Geddes laid down three propositions : ' (i) the Penta teuch in its present form was not written by Moses : (2) it was written in the land of Canaan and most probably at Jerusalem : (3) it could not be written before the reign of David, nor after that of Hezekiah:' and he suggested 'the long pacific reign of Solomon ' as the most suitable. But the date of the present form of the Pentateuch is one thing, and the antiquity of its " Ilgen divided the whole group 39-50 between his two Elohists. The last passage he allotted to J was 38. ' Cheyne Founders of OT Criticism 4. " A second volume appeared in 1797, but the enterprise was never completed, though a volume of Critical Remarks (Gen — Deut) was issued in 1800. VII §3/9] THE FRAGMENT-HYPOTHESIS 73 materials is another : and on this distinction Dr Geddes wrote as follows " : — But although I am inclined to believe that the Pentateuch was reduced into its present form in the reign of Solomon, I am fully persuaded that it was compiled from ancient documents some of which were coeval with Moses, and some even anterior to Moses. Whether all these were written records, or many of them only oral traditions, it would be rash to determine. It is my opinion that the Hebrews had no written documents before the days of Moses ; and that all their history prior to that period is derived from monumental indexes or traditional tales. Some remarkable tree under which a patriarch had resided ; some pillar which he had erected ; some heap which he had raised ; some ford which he had crossed ; some spot where he had encamped ; some field which he had purchased ; the tomb in which he had been laid — all these served as so many links to hand his story down to posterity, and corroborated the oral testimony transmitted from generation to generation in simple narratives or rustic songs. That the marvellous would sometimes creep into these we can easily conceive ; but still the essence, or at least the skeleton of history, was preserved. Whether Moses was the first collector, Geddes was willing to leave uncertain, though his own opinion leaned decidedly to the later date. He included the book of Joshua with the Pentateuch in his first volume because he 'conceived it to have been compiled by the same author.' But the volume which was to have con tained the justification of his view was never published. (0) The Biblical study of Great Britain at the beginning of this century did not contribute much to the development of research in Germany ; but the work of Geddes had the rare distinction of incorporation into an elaborate commentary on the Pentateuch by J S Vater, published at Halle (in three volumes) in the years 1802 and 1805. Vater carried out the 'fragment- hypothesis ' to its fullest extent, and regarded the Pentateuch as a huge aggregate of separate compositions varying naturally in length, but not capable of classification into groups or of union into single wholes. The strongest evidences for this were found in the obvious fact that small collections of laws have been thrown together, as was proved (for instance) by the closing formulae of Lev 7 26 27. Even Deuteronomy which presented ' most appear ance of unity ' did not escape his dissection. He pointed, with penetrating insight, to the different titles traceable in ii-4 445-49 and 12I : he insisted that 1-440 was not written by the author of 4*^-11 ; he declared that 12-26 was a piece by itself, subsequently united with the preceding discourses by Ii32; he even affirmed that within this collection duplicates might again be discovered, such as I2i3~i^ and 1220-2*^ while 31^"* ^"^2 formed a parallel to " Vol I p xix. 74 THE DOCUMENTARY THEORIES [VII § 33 2 J 14-23 24.. _ But iiig eye for superficial differences was much keener than his perception of their underlying unity. He had a brilliant vision for the discrepancies of the adjacent ; but he could not discern the affinities of the remote. He could concede that some pieces in the same book might belong to a common source; he could hardly admit it when they were found in separate books. It was possible to distinguish passages in Genesis marked by the use of Yahweh from those which only employed Elohim ; but this simple test could not prove identity of authorship on the basis of the occurrence of similar names ; and he apparently despaired of discovering other and more satisfactory criteria. It was much easier (as other malcontents have since found) to ridicule Astruc, Eichhorn, and Ilgen, for their different distributions of a difficult passage like Gen 30. Which division, he asked triumphantly, is right? for all three disagree (iii 726). The arrangement of the Pentateuch as a whole Vater was disposed to place rather later than Dr Geddes. The age of David or Solomon was no doubt appropriate for a legislative collection such as he conceived to lie at the basis of Deuteronomy. Lost for a time in obscurity, this was discovered under Josiah ; and the series of documents of history and law which had come into existence in the meantime, were gradually united with it towards the close of the monarchy. Not till the exile did the Pentateuch as a whole rise into view. 4. If the ponderous volumes of Vater had done nothing more than waken the interest of the young De Wette, they would not have been written in vain. In the year 1806 W M L De Wette, then only five-and-twenty years of age, published at Halle the first part of a remarkable little treatise which he modestly en titled Contributions to the Introduction to the Old Testament". With singular freshness and independence of judgement this masterly book opened up a new line of inquiry, and inaugurated the investigation of the religious institutions of the Pentateuch. (n) De Wette conceived of his problem as really twofold. As it had been stated by Astruc, Eichhorn, and the analytical school, it had a literary side. What were the materials of which the Pentateuch was composed ? Could they be arranged in continuous documents, or were they nothing but unconnected fragments? Or were they, as Eichhorn had asserted, continuous in Genesis, " Beitrage sur Einleitumg in das Alte Testament. The second part followed in 1807. Cp Cheyne Founders of.OT Criticism 31. VII § 4^] THE FRAGMENT-HYPOTHESIS 75 but afterwards separate and unrelated ? The answer of De Wette to these questions was somewhat cautious and reserved. On the one hand he accepted Vater's ' proof ' that all the books of the Pentateuch were composed of single independent and often contradictory documents (i 265). Not even Deuteronomy was an exception, though this book was undoubtedly distinguished by a greater uniformity of tone. It was possible, indeed, that each book had its own compiler ; but De Wette regarded the attempts of the critics to recover the constituents of the sources as inevit ably unsuccessful. There was no security that the compiler had not made large omissions. The materials for the analysis were insufficient. With regard to the divine names he asked (as Klostermann has done since) what guarantee there was that they had remained unimpaired by accidental corruption or intentional change: and he laid it down that they were not so much the distinctive property of different writers as the marks of different periods or religious schools (ii 29-30). Nevertheless De Wette did recognize a fundamental Elohist document in Genesis, con tinued in the middle books, which was concerned with the origin of the national religion and its ceremonial expression. He described it as the Epos of the Hebrew theocracy (ii 31). Into this document were from time to time inserted small collections of laws which had grown up independently, such as the Covenant- book in Ex 21-23, the ritual of sacrifice Lev 1-7, the groups which had been thrown together in 11 13-14 15, or the short code to which 26 formed an obvious close. Similarly it would seem, the Yahwist narratives in Genesis were successively incor porated in the Elohist groundwork, though De Wette did not formulate any clear view of the process. (^) The main strength of his work lay on the historical side. Putting aside the literary questions which had been raised con cerning Genesis, De Wette turned to the examination of the institutions implied or described in the Pentateuchal Codes. How far were these institutions, he asked in effect, consistent with each other, and how far did the history of Israel show evidence of their existence? Like another young student sixty years later, Graf, he opened his inquiry with an investigation of the differences between the books of Chronicles and Kings; which ended in the rejection of the former as evidence for the religious usages of Israel under the early monarchy. The real testimony was to be found in the unconscious witness supplied by the 76 THE DOCUMENTARY THEORIES [VII 5 4/8 indications of Judges, Samuel, and Kings. When these proved that the requirements of the Pentateuch were continually ignored or violated by the responsible leaders of the nation, did not such neglect or violation constitute good grounds for believing that the requirements in question had not yet been definitely imposed? For example, the cultus enjoined at the Dwelling (Ex. 25-30, and Leviticus passim) assumed that sacrifice could be offered only in one place. That also was the fundamental law of Deut 12. Yet the whole history after the age of Joshua was one continuous demonstration that this principle had in no way controlled the religious practice of the nation. The book of Judges showed that Mizpah, Bethel, and Shilo were all of them accredited sanctuaries. Samuel and the first kings had not been at all confined to a single altar. Mizpah, Bethel, Zuph (i Sam 9I2), Gilgal, Bethlehem, Nob, Hebron, Gibeon, each witnessed again and again the sacred acts which the law permitted on one spot alone. Even after the erection of the Temple this freedom was still maintained. The worship of the royal sanctuary was in fact a court function, and by no means superseded that of the ancient centres of hallowed tradition. So far indeed as the description of the Levitical Dwelling was concerned Ex 25- -, it could not be reconciled with that of the Tent of Meeting in 33'' • • ; and it was plainly modelled on the edifice in Jerusalem (ii 268). But with it was inseparably connected the Aaronic priesthood and the entire corpus of Levitical Jaw. That was, indeed, the product of a long development ; the history of the removal of the ark in 2 Sam 6 showed how free and even lawless (from the later point of view) were the pro ceedings of David (i 244). The Pentateuch, then, contained within itself indications of the successive development of legisla tion (i 265) ; and a comparison with history was the only satisfac tory basis for conjectures concerning the origins of its different codes. In laying down this principle De Wette flung out a number of brilliant suggestions which were then little more than clever and courageous guesses, but have since become widely accepted. In the narrative of the golden calf he saw the prophetic con demnation of the worship of the Ten Tribes. From Jer 721- • he inferred that there was then no body of ceremonial legislation claiming (like the Levitical) a Sinaitic origin and a Mosaic authority (i 184). This pregnant hint, however, he did not further pursue. He made no detailed comparison between successive strata which he recognized in the Pentateuch, (i) the Covenant- VII I 5] LITERARY AND HISTORICAL CRITICISM 77 book, (2) the institution of the Dwelling and its priesthood with the associated Levitical ritual, and (3) Deuteronomy. He did not investigate with any minuteness the question of priority between the last two ", though he plainly regarded the first as the earliest. But he did endeavour (and in the main successfully) to fix the age of Deuteronomy. In a striking chapter on the ' Relation of Deuteronomy to the preceding books of the Pentateuch' he argued that the law of the unity of the sanctuary in Deut 12 certainly referred to Jerusalem ; before the Temple there was no trace of a general national centre of religious worship. The book belonged therefore to the monarchy, and this was confirmed by its express sanction of the royal power 1714... To what reign, then, could it be assigned? In some passages like 14 2321. 24^ it presupposed other legislation behind it, but in 41^ 173 it forbade a worship prohibited in no other laws, which Manasseh was first recorded to have practised 2 Kings 21 3 ^, the cultus of the host of heaven. De Wette, then, assigned the book without hesitation to the seventh century, and by this result the majority of critics still to-day abide. 5. The work of De Wette was so far in advance of its time that it had all to be done over again two generations later. But the progress of investigation went slowly on. A succession of scholars discussed the literary problem with unwearied zeal. Various hypotheses were propounded as it became more and more clear that the facts were more complicated than had yet been realized. One great name stands out in the middle of the century as that of a master, for the pre-eminence of his genius, the immense extent of his labours, and (it must be added) the seeming arbitrariness of his judgements, Heinrich Ewald ^. In the History of Israel Ewald endeavoured to do for the Hebrew people what Niebuhr had done for Rome. He saw that historical construction was only possible when the literary materials on which it was based had been carefully classified, and their worth thoroughly sifted. He opened his narrative, accordingly, with a survey of the documents from which it was derived. The Pentateuch was resolved into a variety of literary groups, but " He seems to have considered Leviticus as the older on the ground that Lev s6 had been imitated in Deut 28; cp Lev 2619 Deut 28^', 26'^' Deut 2853-57^ 26" Deut 28^2 &c, i 272. ' Cp Cheyne Founders of OT Criticism 66. His first work. Die Composition der Genesis kritisch untersucht, appeared in 1823, and maintained the unity of Genesis in narrative, plan, and language. 78 THE DOCUMENTARY THEORIES [VII §5 he gave no clue to the method by which any given passage was referred to its source, or the age and characteristics of that source were discovered. His exposition was consequently somewhat oracular ; in the twenty years which elapsed between the first edition (1843) and the third (1864) it underwent some slight modifications ; its general features, however, remained the same, and in spite of occasional indistinctness in detail, his main con ception exercised a commanding influence over a whole generation of scholars. Earliest in date he recognized a few scanty traces of Mosaic works such as the Ten Words in their primitive form, fragments from a biography of Moses, and a Book of Covenants (the latter including, for instance, the two Beer-sheba incidents in Genesis, and the Covenant-book in Ex 212-23I'). None of these, however, were continuous. The remainder might be dis tributed into three groups. There was first the Book of Origins [toVdhoth), a treatise of universal history and priestly legislation, opening with the Creation in Gen i, and coincident with the modern P. This was the literary foundation of the whole, ex tending into Joshua, and was assigned to the age of Solomon. Secondly, Ewald recognized a series of prophetic narratives running through Genesis, Exodus, and Numbers. They were finaUy dis tributed among three different writers, who flourished in the eighth and ninth centuries, from the days of Elijah to the age preceding Amos. To these were assigned the documents already designated J and E (chap VI § 2^), one of the prophetic narrators being credited with portions of each. The oldest was an Ephraimite ; the other two belonged to Judah, and the last was supposed to have partially supplemented the work of his pre decessors and united the documents into a whole. Finally, the book of Deuteronomy, written in the reign of Manasseh, was attached to the preceding collection before the close of the seventh century, the final editor revising the whole. According to this scheme not only the literary but also the historical com position of the Pentateuch would be expressed in modem symbols by the foimula PJED. The arrangement brought into strong relief the distinction between the priestly and prophetic elements in the Pentateuch, but gave the priority to the former. It placed beyond doubt the existence of that ' epic of the theocracy ' which De Wette had recognized in the welter of Vater's fragments, and treated it as the groundwork of the whole. It conceived the prophetic narratives as in the main independent original sources, VII § 5] LITERARY AND HISTORICAL CRITICISM 79 not merely designed as ' supplements ' to the brief introduction to the Priestly Law. And it admitted that a hand in sympathy with Deuteronomy had put the finishing touches to the combined work. The view of the growth of Israel's religious institutions which resulted from the ascription of the sacerdotal organization in the Book of Origins to the age of Solomon, was naturally vridely different from that of De Wette, who regarded it as of much later date. Yet both asserted that Deuteronomy was the latest of the Pentateuchal Codes, and agreed in assigning it to the seventh century. CHAPTER VIII THE JUSTIFICATION OF THE PARTITION The modern form of the documentary theory of the Hexateuch really dates from Ewald's contemporary Hupfeld, whose treatise on the ' Sources of Genesis " ' finally proved the existence of the three independent narrators now designated P J and E. The details of his analysis have been frequently set aside by subse quent investigation ^ But his main results have stood the test of further inquiry. His view of the historical relations of the documents, which approximated to that of Ewald, has indeed been rejected in favour of a hypothesis which may be regarded as now established in the critical schools. His literary partition, however, dating just a century from Astruc's, stiU provides the clue to the distribution of the Pentateuch into its constituent parts. On what grounds does that partition rest? It is still sometimes represented as little more than a whim or caprice of learned industry, which found no better occupation than that of counting up the occurrences of words and grounded its analysis on a purely linguistic basis. This has been called the philological theory". It must, however, be remembered, as the foregoing sketch has endeavoured to indicate, that the hypothesis of different docu ments was only slowly evolved as a means of explaining the presence of multitudes of conflicting facts, which were incon sistent with unity of authorship. These facts remained at first isolated and disconnected. When they were compared, it was found that unexpected links of idea or phrase could be detected among them. The suggestion then naturally arose that they might be grouped around these criteria. Certain conceptions tended to recur in similarities of language, but not tiU the con ceptions were recognized as harmonious, were the affinities of expression observed. The * philological method ' is therefore not " Die Quellen der Genesis, Berlin, 1853. Cp Cheyne Founders of OT Criticism 149. ^ Thus he restored E^ (P) in Exodus after 6*-9 as follows, I2*'. "^ 12" 132° ig22 23a 27 igl i^l jgl^ gQl-lT gi-aglS 348-8 gg.gj 35_4o Lev 8 &c. " Sayce Early History of the Hebrews 105. VIII] THE AVAILABLE CRITERIA 8r the beginning but one of the results of the whole process. Doubtless, in its turn, it becomes an instrument for the analysis of passages which there is reason, on other grounds, to regard as composite. It may even in conspicuous cases, such as the rela tion of Deuteronomy to Num 26-36, serve at the outset to create a presumption in favour of difference of origin. But at the best it is only one among several criteria, which may not, indeed, be all capable of application to any given section, still less to any particular verse, but which are founded on an examination of the Pentateuch as a whole. These criteria are of various kinds. The Pentateuch contains a collection of laws and histories, which depict the origins of Israel's religious institutions. What are those institutions ? Are they consistently represented in the same forms? Do the regulations concerning them make the same assumptions and enjoin the same practice? Do the narratives which describe them always agree with the ordinances which have preceded ? If not, cannot the usages be classified, and the narratives which cohere with them be arranged in groups ? The different institutions of the Pentateuchal Codes thus supply the first criterion. Positive religious commands of course embody definite beliefs. These beliefs constantly determine the form in which special requirements are expressed or particular events are understood. The view of Israel's early history, offered by any writer, will largely depend upon his thought of Israel's God. The specific institutions of a later day bear a definite relation to the past. If the institutions are conceived differently, the past will be conceived differently also, and vice versa. A second criterion may therefore be found in the agreement or diversity of religious ideas. Diversity of religious ideas implies the exis tence, synchronously or in succession, of different schools of thought. Thus Jeremiah and Ezekiel belonged to the same period and were members of the same priesthood. They took similar views of the causes of the nationafruin in which they were both involved. But in spite of occasional community of thought and utterance, each has a devotional idiom of his own. When similar differences are discovered in the Pentateuch, when one set of laws and exhortations shows marked affinities with the language of Jeremiah, and another with the phraseology of Ezekiel, how is the fact to be explained ? Doubtless more than pne explanation is possible, but the historian is bound to inquire which is the most probable. These facts claim recognition as a 82 THE JUSTIFICATION OF THE PARTITION [VIII strongly as the parallel between the legal style of the record of Abraham's purchase of the cave of Machpelah Gen 23 and the contract tablets of ancient Babylonia ". Both have their basis in general correspondences of expression or in the specific usage of words. If the method be legitimate in the one case, it cannot be pronounced futile in the other. The resemblances of language, then, constitute a third branch of inquiry, first of all for docu mentary identification within the Pentateuch itself, and subse quently for historical comparison in the wider field of Hebrew literature. In the following section illustrations are offered of this threefold argument. In fixing its attention first on the Pentateuchal institutions, recent investigation owes most, of course, to the brilliant analysis of Wellhausen in the Prolegomena to the History of Israel^- i. The Argument from Religious Institutions 1. The central act of ancient Israelite worship consisted in sacrifice. Around this rite various questions gradually arose. By whom might it be offered ? In what places and under what forms ? The answers to these questions in the Pentateuch, direct or implied, are by no means identical. (a) The sketch of primaeval history in Gen 4 depicts sacrifice as the earliest form of religious homage. Cain and Abel both bring their offerings to Yahweh. When Noah and his family have left the ark, his first act is to build an altar to Yahweh 820. On Abram's arrival at Sheehem he offers his first sacrifice to Yahweh in the land of promise 12'^, and repeats his worship between Bethel and Ai *, a stage further south, cp 13*. At Hebron he dedicates another altar to Yahweh 13I3, and at Beer- sheba plants a sacred tree 2i33. There Isaac also rears an altar to Yahweh 262*, J therefore recognizes the patriarchal practice from the first days. Nor does B take any different view. His Abraham follows the usage of his counterpart in J, but with a more precious victim 22^ Jacob offers a sacrifice in the moun tain (Gilead) 31H On reaching Sheehem, he renews to El, the Elohim of Israel, the devotion which his grandfather had paid 3320 ; and at Bethel he builds an altar to the El of the sacred " Sayce Early History of the Hebrews 57 ; Expository Times Jan 1898. ^ Edinburgh, 1883. First published in Berlin, 1878, under the title History qflsraeL The significance of this work will be more fully indicated hereafter. villi I W] REGULATIONS FOR SACRIFICE 83 place 35'"'. Both J and B then freely attribute the right of sacrifice to the patriarchs, as heads of families. Nay even race is no limitation. Jethro takes a burnt offering for Elohim Ex 1812, and Aaron and the elders of Israel are invited to the hallowed meal. And when Moses prepares to solemnize the covenant between Yahweh and his people, he sends 'young men of the children of Israel, which offered burnt offerings, and sacrificed peace offerings of oxen unto Yahweh' 24^ Were there, then, no priests ? They are, indeed, named in 1922 24 (assigned in the analysis to J), as though their functions might be taken for granted *. But of their origin there is no hint. The view of P, however, is entirely different. In the toVdhoth book in Genesis the perfect Noah makes no thank offering when the peril of the Flood is past. Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, move through the land ; but they never commemorate, by the ritual of the altar, the ' place ' where El Shaddai appears. No sacrifice was legitimate which was not offered according to divine command. The cultus of P is not the spontaneous offering of man to his Maker, old as the human race. It is the express ordinance of God himself ; it must be performed by the persons whom he chooses and at the spot which he selects. Not till the Dwelling was reared was the place prepared Ex 4020 ; not tUl Aaron and his sons were con secrated could sacrifice properly begin Lev 8''--. (/3) The place, then, according to one conception, is as important as the persons. The patriarchs of J and B felt no reserve in this matter. Wherever Yahweh or Elohim appeared, the divine condescension evoked its natural response. And this view was embodied in the earliest legislative rule Ex 202* : — An altar of earth thou shalt make unto me, and shalt sacrifice thereon thy burnt oiferings, and thy peace offerings, thy sheep, and thine oxen : in every place where 1° cause my name to be remembered I will come unto thee and I will bless thee. The passage proceeds to sanction, as an alternative to the earth- altar, an altar of unhewn stone. Neither of these, it is plain, can be identified with the altar of the Dwelling, which is made of wood with bronze plates 271- ¦. The rule cannot possibly be " This passage is plainly connected with 28", and necessarily implies another Elohistic writer in Genesis besides P, when compared with 35'"''* So Hupfeld QueUen 38. ^ Cp 'Aaron the Levite,' ie priest 4^*. " ® and the Jerusalem Targum read 'thou shalt cause.' This reading is defended by Kuenen Rel of Isr ii 82, and has been supported by Geiger, Hitzig, Merx, and more recently by Bruston ; so also Holzinger Kurser Hand' Commentar. G 2 84 THE JUSTIFICA TION OF THE PARTITION [VIII i § \0 limited to the period preceding the construction of the Desert sanctuary, for it is announced as of universal application. It receives its historic interpretation only in connexion with the usage of Israel in Canaan as reflected alike in the patriarchal narratives and in the period following the settlement, and an interesting application of it is seen in Deut 27^, cp Josh 83i, But D lays down a very different principle. The Deuteronomic Code opens in 12 with the demand that all local sanctuaries shall be abolished, and sacrifice shall be restricted only to the single place which Yahweh shall choose 12^- : — ° Unto the place which Yahweh your God shall choose out of all your tribes to put his name there, even unto his habitation shall ye seek, and thither thou shalt come : ' and thither ye shall bring your burnt offerings, and your sacrifices, &c. The permission which is thus expressly granted in Ex 20^* is here withdrawn. The worshipper may only 'remember Yahweh's name' in a single spot. That which was legalized in Sinai is denounced in Moab * : — Ye shall not do after all the things that we do here this day, every man whatsoever i^ right in his owu eyes. The Deuteronomic law was understood to refer to Jerusalem (i Kings 810, -v^here @ adds, ' but I chose Jerusalem that my name should be there,' cp 2 Chron 6^ i Kings 844 48 ^^a^^ ^.^^ j^g reiteration in various forms throughout the Code shows what stress it was felt necessary to lay upon it, cp 142* 1520 i6^- &c. It is not a little surprising that the Deuteronomic formula concerning the place which Yahweh would choose to make his name ' dwell ' there (ptJ'), should make no allusion to the 'Dwelling' (pB'D) which had been already erected for that precise purposed In this Dwelling alone might sacrifice be offered. Throughout the manual of ritual Lev 1-7 which precedes the account of the dedi cation of Aaron and his sons, the possibility of sacrifice elsewhere than on the altar, at the entrance of the Tent of Meeting, is nowhere recognized. There is but one sanctuary and one altar. In a strange passage (which will become more intelligible subse quently) 17^-'^, the sacrifices which are offered ' in the open field' are treated as no better than offerings to satyrs. The illegitimacy of all cultus, save at the central sanctuary, no longer needq demonstration or enforcement, it is throyghout assumed. " Cp Driver Deut 140. * Ex 25' ' that I may dwell among them ' ; 29*' 'and I will dwell among the children of Israel.' Villi §2] REGULATIONS FOR SACRIFICE 85 (y) It may be added that the classes of sacrifice which these three sets of documents recognize are not entirely identical. When Cain brings his offering Gen 43, it is a minhah, i e a 'present' (cp 32I3.. 33I0 4311- ¦). Such gifts were conveyed to Deity upon the altar by fire, and hence were called burnt offer ings, 'olah. Besides the ' burnt offerings ' the law of the earthert altar Ex 2o24 recognizes also 'peace offerings,' and both these formed part of the covenant sacrifice by the ' young men ' 24^ In Deut 12O 1' the list is increased by the 'heave offering,' besides tithes and vows and freewill offerings and firstling dues (cji Ex 2228- 34I0 22j^ tjjQ term minhah being absent ". In P, how ever, the name reappears with a limited meaning, that of ' meal offering.' It forms only one of a long series fii8) which may be Summed up under the general term 'oblation' [qorldn). Not only is this word peculiar to the Levitical law in relation to the other Pentateuchal Codes, it occurs only twice in the rest of the whole literature of Israel (Ezek 202* 4o43). Moreover the Priestly list includes two kinds of offerings which find no place in D, the guilt offering and the sin offering. In view of the place which these occupy (especially the sin offering in the solemn ritual of Israel's most sacred day Lev 16), their total exclusion from the great recapitulation naturally awakens some surprise. 2. It has already been pointed out (chap IV § 2/3) that the books of Exodus and Numbers contain two incompatible representations of the sanctuary in the wilderness. In Ex 33''- • Num ii^*.. i24. . the Tent of Meeting is pitched outside the camp. The first of these passages assumes the existence of the Tent and describes the sacred usage connected with it : the others supply incidental con firmation by depicting incidents which happened at its door. With these conceptions Deut 3ii4- is in harmony. It is a singu lar circumstance that (in the present text) the first mention of the place of this Tent Ex 33''- • represents it as in actual use before it was made. It is a part of the sanctuary which is to be con structed 2721 28*3 294. •• 3oi^"' 31''; but its preparation is not begun till after the second sojourn of Moses on the mount 34, its erection being solemnly completed 40^-33^ Must it not be admitted that the two long corresponding sections 25-30 and 35-40 together with Num 2-3 present an account which is en tirely independent of the story in Ex 33'^- • and inconsistent with it ? It is true that P occasionally employs the designation ' Tent " Deut 18^ also mentions the ' fire offerings.' 86 THE JUSTIFICATION OF THE PARTITION [VIII i § 2 of Meeting ' which marks the references to the sanctuary outside the camp. But P also coins his own name for it, the ' Dwelling ' Ex 25*- (cp '54). The probable origin and religious meaning of this term will demand consideration hereafter (chap XIII § 3f) : at present it may suffice to remark that the employment of two titles where one alone is invariably used elsewhere, itself sug gests another hand. Various differences will be found to gather round the two accounts : attention will be speedily called to the widely separated views of the sacred ministry connected with it [infra § 4), and of the modes by which the divine presence was manifested at it [infra ii § 2/3). 3. The sacred Tent was doubtless designed as a shelter or abode for the ark, which was in its turn the receptacle for the stones bearing the Ten Words. Of these Ten Words there are, in the opinion of some recent investigators, two versions, which cannot by any means be harmonized. One version is cited in two closely corresponding though not identical forms Ex 20 and Deut 5. Another is apparently contained in Ex 34, where ^^ is understood by many interpreters " to identify the preceding commands as the Ten Words (cp note, chap XI § 28). Whatever view may be taken of this hypothesis, there can be no doubt that the account of the origin of the ark in Deut iqI- • is entirely incompatible with that in Ex 2510- • 37!- • (cp ante p 48). But what was the source of the Deuteronomic version ? It occurs as the sequel of a recital of the apostasy of the golden calf Ex 32. The dependence of Deut 912- • on Ex 32''- • will be illustrated hereafter : it is sufficient to point to their common continuation : — Ex 34 ^ And Yahweh said unto Moses, Hew thee two tables of stone like unto the fii:st : and I will write upon the tables the words that were on the first tables, which thou brakest. 2 And be ready by the morning, and come up in the morning unto mount Sinai, and present thyself there to me on the top of the mount. . . . *And he hewed two tables of stone like unto the first ; and Moses rose up early in the morning, and went up unto mount Sinai, as Yahweh had commanded him, and took in his hand two tables of stone. Deut 10 ^ At that time Yahweh said unto me. Hew thee two tables of stone like unto the first, and come up unto me into the mount, and make thee an ark of wood. " And I will write on the tables the words that were on the first tables which thou brakest, and thou shalt put them in the ark. 'So I made an ark of acacia wood, and hewed two tables of stone like unto the first, and went up into the mount, having the two tables in mine hand. " So Wellhausen, Stade, Cornill, Bacon, Holzinger Hd-Comm; cp Briggs Higher Criticism 189, Driver LOT' 39. Villi §4] INSTITUTIONS OF WORSHIP 87 Obviously the passage in Deut 10 is based upon Ex 34. But the second contains an important item which is absent from the first, the preparation of the ark in readiness to receive the hallowed stones. A study of the passages in which D reproduces the narrative of the previous books justifies the conclusion that D did not himself insert the reference to the ark, but found it in the sources which he employed. In other words, the narrative in Ex 341. . also once recorded the divine command and its fulfil ment by Moses. Why, then, should it have been eliminated? The answer is not far to seek. In the combination of 341- • with 25 and 37 the incongruity was too glaring. Just as it is probable that 33 once possessed an account of the preparation of the Tent of Meeting before the description of its use, which had to make way for the more elaborate delineation of the Dwelhng, so, with even greater confidence in view of Deut iqI- ¦ , it may be argued that Ex 341. • also provided an ark as well as stones. 4. Another important series of divergences is connected with the ministry at the sanctuary. To whom was this entrusted, and under what conditions? The Code which opens with the recognition of a plurality of altars Ex 20^-23 lays down no rules concerning their service. Nor do the Covenant-words of 34 assign the right of sacrifice to any special class of sacred persons. In the Tent of Meeting outside the camp 33" Joshua, an Ephraimite, minister of Moses, was appointed to its custody, and remained in it when Moses himself used to return to the camp. According to Deut 10^, after the death of Aaron at several stages from the sacred mount, the tribe of Levi was set apart to carry the ark (it is not stated who had borne it until then), and to stand before Yahweh to serve him. Within this tribe D recognizes no distinctions of rank. All Levites possess the priesthood, and have equal rights of ministry i8i~''. But in the service of the Dwelling fresh distinctions are intro duced. The priesthood is limited to Aaron and his house Ex 28. The sacred vestments are perpetually ordained for him and for his seed after him 2843, rjij^g priests in general are designated 'Aaron's sons' Lev i^ (cp '130); the responsibility for the holy office falls on them alone Num 18I ; theirs is the charge of sanctuary and altar ^ ; and any attempt at usurpation of this privilege will involve death ''. Of this terrible doom a conspicuous example is afforded in the fate of Korah and his two hundred and fifty followers 16. What remains, then, for the rest of the 88 THE JUSTIFICA TION OF THE PARTITION [VIII i § 4 tribe of Levi? The rights which according to the present arrangement of Deut lo were conceded at Jotbathah '•, had already according to Num 3 been refused at Sinai. The Levites are there assigned to Aaron to keep his charge "¦, but the priesthood is expressly reserved foi* Aaron and his sons lo^ and whoever infringes their privileges rushes on his owti fate. With the legal theory that the Levites represented the first-born males of the nation, and were accepted by Yahweh in satisfaction of his claim, we have at present no concern : it is enough to observe that the other codes in dealing with the redemption of first-borns (Laws Sab) make no allusion to it. But the influence of the Levitical conception in exalting the dignity of Aaron beside that of Moses is highly instructive. In one series of plague- stories, for example, Moses acts alone; in his own person he announces to the stubborn king Yahweh's intent ; the wonder follows, as Yahweh's will fulfils itself. Or, it may be, he stretches forth his hand with the ' rod of God,' and the threatened sign takes place. But in a third series (cp Ex 7*") Moses is not charged with executive power. He does but transmit the divine command to Aaron, who stretches out his rod, and the expected judgement is accomplished. When the thirsty people at Marah jnurmur against Moses Ex 15^- he cries to Yahweh ; but when the whole congregation of the children of Israel murmur against Moses and Aaron 16^ Moses calmly bids Aaron summon them before Yahweh'- In the first Meribah story 172^' the people strive with Moses; in the second Num 2o2"i3 they assemble against Moses and Aaron. Similarly, in D (which mentions no high-priest) Moses is instructed to charge Joshua Deut 32^, and the pair present themselves at the Tent of Meeting 3I-'*- 23, But in P the transfer of authority is only valid when it is effected before Eleazar the high-priest and the congregation Num 27i'-'' • 5 before the former that Eleazar may inquire for him by the judgement of Urim before Yahweh ; and before the latter that they may obey. Corresponding differences will be found in the book of Joshua, where, on the one part, Joshua acts on his own initiative, and on the other Eleazar 14I takes the lead. 5. The calendar of the annual feasts is repeated no less than four times. It is ordained in nearly paraUel terms in the two collections of Covenant-words Ex 23 and 34. It is enjoined with rich hortatory amplifications in Deut 16. It is elaborately expounded in Lev 23, where two new items of high significance villi §5] INSTITUTIONS OF WORSHIP 89 are added to the list. The cycle in the two groups of Covenant- words is plainly based upon the agricultural year. Whatever may be the precise import of the Feast of Unleavened Bread, it was probably connected with the earliest produce of the soil. The Feasts of Harvest and of Ingathering leave no doubt of their dependence on cornfield and vineyard. Such simple festivals took place all over the country at the times which local circum stance made fittest. They varied with the season year by year. The variation naturally fell within calculable limits, and allowed a sufficient margin for the vicissitudes of crops which might hot all ripen equally at one date. No place of celebration is specified ; it is only enjoined that every male shall ' see Yahweh's face' three times a year. The nearest sanctuary, therefore, was the natural scene, so that the householder could the more easily Combine the homage to his divine Lord with the family or vUlage merrymaking. In Deut 16, however, a striking modification is introduced. Not only is the Passover formally joined with the Feast of Unleavened Bread, but the domestic celebrations are peremptorily forbidden. The law of the unity of the sanctuary requires that the appropriate sacrifice shall be offered there and there alone ^~^. The same demand is made in the other cases also 11 1^ : and the Feast of ' Booths,' as the ingathering is now called, becomes a special season of rejoicing for the poor and dependent. In the Levitical Code new interests appear in the sacred year Lev 23 Num 28-29. In the first place, the number of the feasts is increased. The first day of the seventh month is a ' memorial of blowing of trumpets ' Lev 23^4 . and on the tenth of the same month is the Day of Atonement ^^, Concerning the place of celebration of the festivals the legislator assumes it to be needless to lay down rules. It is self-evident that there is but one altar where sacrifice can be offered. He is more interested about the time. The Deuteronomic Code had assigned the com bination of Unleavened Bread and Passover to the old ' ear-month,' Ablb, when the earliest corn ripened. The joint celebration is now Connected with the first month of the year", and the Passover is slain 'on the fourteenth day at even.' This is in obvious accordance with the instructions in Ex i22~o^ where the in junctions, though issued on a specific occasion, have the character of a perpetual ordinance 14. It is therefore worthy of note that the festal victim is a 'lamb' (or Md), whereas D permits the " On the significance of this calendar, cp chap XIII. 90 THE JUSTIFICATION OF THE PARTITION [VIII i § S Passover to be sacrificed 'of the flock and the herd' Deut i62: moreover the lamb is to be roasted Ex I23- , and it is expressly forbidden to boil it, the very mode which Deut i6' enjoins". The succeeding feasts in Lev 23 are all dated as rigidly as the Passover, and specific directions are given for the observance of 'Booths.' To this feast alone does the term hagg which the Covenant-words applied to all three Ex 23!* still adhere Lev 233' 4i_ It is to be celebrated for seven days, with an eighth day of solemn rest 3a^ of which D makes no mention. When these several series are set side by side, they naturally display signi ficant differences in phraseology. The Levitical 'set feasts' 'holy convocations' and 'solemn rest' have no parallels in the codes of Exodus or Deuteronomy. The prohibitions of ' servile work,' the reiteration that the ordinances are ' statutes for ever ' 14 21 31 41^ 4]^g threat to ' cut off from his people ' whoever does not join in the atontohent-fast ^^, reappear again and again in the Priestly Law, but no echoes of them are heard in D. The precepts of Sinai are couched in new forms in Moab. 6. Another interesting illustration of this divergence is to be noted in the social arrangements for the relief of the poor. The first series of Covenant-words Ex 2310- enforces on the land the principle of a sabbatical 'release.' Every seventh year it is to lie fallow, the vineyard and oliveyard being treated in like manner. The spontaneous produce was not to be collected by the owner ; it was to be reserved for the poor ; and anything which they might leave was abandoned to the ' beast of the field.' The Deuteronomic law is silent about the land. But it applies the same principle under the name of the- 'year of release' to debts 151- -. In the legislation of Exodus it does not appear clear whether the obser vance would be uniform over the whole country, or whether differing districts or even different holdings might foUow their own septennates. But D provides that ' Yahweh's release ' shall be publicly proclaimed 2, and it covers all cases, therefore, alike. Its precise scope, however, is difficult to determine. Did the creditor permanently forgo all claim upon the debtor, or did the ' release ' only suspend his rights for twelve months ? The legal and archaeological bearings of this question need not be here discussed. They are only of importance in so far as they concern the inquiry whether these two laws issued from the "• The word which RV translates ' roast ' in this passage is the same which is rendered 'sodden ' in Ex 12'. Cp Driver Deut 193. villi §7] SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS 91 same hand, or whether they do not represent two separate efforts to provide help for the suffering poor, corresponding to different stages of social development ". This argument may be reinforced by a consideration of a kindred law in Lev 25. Without employ ing the term 'release,' it is ordained that every seventh year the land shall ' keep sabbath to Yahweh ' ^. The poor, indeed, are not in the author's view. Attention appears to be concentrated on the value of the sabbatical observance. Contrary to the implied provision of Ex 23, the householder is himself to gather in the produce, and he and his labourers, bondmen and hired, may all enjoy it together. On the basis of this periodic rest, however, a further institution is established. After seven sabbaths of years the fiftieth shall be hallowed 10, and liberty shall be proclaimed throughout the land. Bondmen will regain their freedom, and land that has been sold shall go back to its ancient proprietors. The religious theory underlying this arrangement asserts 23 that the sole ownership is vested in Yahweh ; the land cannot there fore be perpetually alienated by the tenants whom he has placed upon it, for it is not theirs to sell. The connexion of this law in its present form with the Levitical calendar is indicated by the rule that the trumpet which announces the advent of the jubile, shall be sounded through the country on the Day of Atonement '. Is it not clear that the ' release ' of Deut 15 and the 'liberty' of Lev 25 lie in different planes, are founded on different social theories, and are animated by different religious conceptions ? 7. The jubile privileges were not limited to the recovery of land by its former occupants. The Hebrew slave on this occasion regained his freedom Lev 2540.. The bondmen and bondmaids of other nations remained in servitude, and could be bequeathed to the next generation 44—46 . y^^^ ^y^q person of the Israelite was not his own to sell ; like his land, it belonged to Yahweh who had himself emancipated his people from Egypt 42 j and it could not become the permanent possession of another. The incompatibility of this conception with the laws of Exodus and Deuteronomy which expressly sanctioned voluntary enslavement for life, has been already noticed (cp chap IV § 2y p 50). A smaller divergence between the modes of effecting the contract for family bondage may be now made clear. The Judgement-book Ex 21* ordains . " Cp Driver Deut 178. D further provides a triennial tithe I4'''- for the Levite, the stranger, the iatherless, and the widow. 92 THE JUSTIFICATION OF THE PARTITION [VIII i 5 1 that the master shall bring his slave ' to God ' ; there at the door of the sanctuary ", the centre of the administration of justice, the master shall bore his ear through with an awl, afiixing it momentarily to the door-post, so that under the authority of religion he becomes a slave ' for ever.' The corresponding law in Deut 15I2-I8 introduces some interesting modifications. It iS extended to women ; it lays emphatic stress on generous recog nition of the six years' forced labour ; and in conclusion it retains the symbolic action with the awl. But it omits all reference to ' God.' The door-post to which the slave is attached is that of the householder's own dwelUng. The public and official ceremony is converted into a private and domestic incident. The meaning of this change is not obscure. The law of Exodus belongs to the code which admits a plurality of sanctuaries : the Deuteronomic principles recognize but one. Important cere monies, like the annual festivals, are transferred (as has been shown in § 5 p 89) to the only centre of worship. There, too, must tithes be consumed 14^3. . ^ an express provision being inserted for those who lived too far off to take their tithes thither in kind. The case of the household slave, however, was not important enough to require the intervention of the supreme authorities in the capital, and the reference to justice and religion dropped. ii. The Argument from Religious Ideas The foregoing examples have been cited to show that the religious institutions of the Pentateuch are variously conceived in its several codes. The issues of these differences have been occasionally traced in the narratives related to the laws, whUe their roots have been in some cases discovered in their funda mental ideas of the relation of Israel to Yahweh. To further variations in these ideas it may now be worth while to invite attention. When they become mutually exclusive they cannot " So, following the older interpretation, Dillmann-Ryssel Exodus (1897) p 250. An increasing consensus of modern scholars, however, supposes that it was the house-god who protected the door-post and threshold. Charles, Hebrew Eschatology (1899) 22, assumes that it was the ancestral spirit : cp Schwally Leben nach dem Tod 38 ; Frei Die altisraelitische Totentrauer (1898) 74 ff ; Griineisen Der Ahnenkultus und die Ur-Religion Israels (1900) 179 ff ; Baentsch Hdkomm. Holzinger, Hd-Comm 82, agrees that the ceremony took place at the house-door, and- finds a heathen echo in Elohim, but does not attempt to identify it. On the other hand cp 22*. "s. VllliiSi] DIVERSITIES OF RELIGIOUS THEORY 93 proceed from a common source, while if they are mutually coherent a presumption of unity or connexion is established. 1. It has already been observed (chap V § 2 p 55) that more than one theory of religious history can be traced in the deUneations of the pre-Mosaic age. On the one hand the knowledge of Yahweh existed from primaeval times ; and sacrifice and prayer were continuous from generation to generation. On the other, the sacred name was first made known to Moses as the prelude and assurance of Israel's deliverance. This conception, in its turn, was capable of being worked out in two ways. It was consistent with views of revelation by angel or by dream, making specific places holy, where the remembrance of the divine appear ing might be cherished by the altar-rite. But it might also imply an earlier stage of religious development, when no cultus was offered because none had been ordained. These three represen tations may all be discerned in the patriarchal narratives of J B and P, and they can hardly be ascribed to a single mind. A number of other peculiarities follow in their train. The genealogical method of the toVdhoth sections is naturally un favourable to the delineation of character. The human race at its first appearance shares with the rest of creation the divine approval and blessing, and it is with surprise that we learn in the tenth step from Adam that the survey of Elohim now finds the earth corrupt Gen 61^. The cause of decline is nowhere indicated ; it does not come within the writer's plan to deal with it. The patriarchs pass across the stage, but no lights or shadows fall upon their way ; they are the types of an ideal perfection 6^ 17I, before the law had begotten the offences for which the sin offering could atone. To the author of the Eden story on the other hand, the first act of disobedience and its consequences are matters of absorbing interest. He records the rise of each new art, and notes the social dangers it involves, sketching in few but powerful strokes the significance of the inner life as the true sphere of moral action where 'evil imagination' does its deadly work. The patriarchal stories thus acquire a kind of dramatic significance, as the purpose of Yahweh, disclosed in the call of Abraham, moves steadily forward to its fulfilment, That purpose is expressed in the election of Israel to be the people of Yahweh, and occupy the land of Oanaan, This conception is, indeed, common to both narrators, J and P, But it is portrayed in different modes, as the study of the two covenants 94 THE JUSTIFICA TION OF THE PARTITION [VIII ii § i in Gen 15 and 17 will show. In the one case, the agreement is celebrated with ancient form ; the Covenant-victims are cut in twain, and after Abraham has watched beside them all day long, and the sun has set, a mysterious flame, symbol of Deity, passes between them 15I''. In 17, however, the covenant is 'established' simply by being announced. Such outward sign as it requires is performed on the human not on the divine side : it is the part of Abraham and his descendants to show in their own person the token of El Shaddai's demands. So impressive is this Covenant form of the toVdhoth writer, that he carries it back to the days of Noah, and presents by its aid the promise of Elohim that there should not be another flood 9^^. On the other hand, he does not employ it where it might have been confidently expected, to express the solemn relation instituted at Sinai. Two covenants are there described Ex 24 and 34 ; and the conditions of Israel's tenure of the land of promise are set forth in the 'Words' which are issued on occasion of them. But they do not quite coincide with each other, nor with the retrospect of Deuteronomy. For that book also is based upon the Covenant conception. There had been a covenant with the fathers 431 7I2 8i^ ; there was a covenant in Horeb; there was another in Moab. The covenant in Horeb consisted of the declaration of the Ten Words 52. • , so that the stones on which they are engraved receive the name ,of ' tables of the covenant ' g9 11 15^ and the ark in which the stones are deposited is called the 'ark of Yahweh's covenant' lo^. No other Covenant-words are recognized by D as given in Horeb 5^2 ^p 3i_ -q^\^ the statutes and judgements recited in the land of Moab form the basis of a second covenant 29I, made not only with the assembly that heard Moses' words 10—12^ but also with the distant posterity who were not there that day 1^, so that all generations might be knit by a common bond of obedience and trust. This conception is not present in the Priestly Law. Whether or not this law recorded the announcement of the Ten Words is not clear ; at any rate it does not relate the revelation at Sinai under the form of a covenant". When Moses descends from the mount he carries in his hand the 'tables of the testimony' Ex 3420. The ark is designated in advance 'the ark of the testimony' 2522, and after it has been constructed the 'testimony' is duly " The only allusion to a Sinaitic covenant concerns the sabbath Ex 31'' ; cp Lev 2^' Num 18^^ salt ; Lev 24' shewbread. Vinii§2a] DIVERSITIES OF RELIGIOUS THEORY 95 placed within it, and the sacred chest is brought into the Dwelling 40^0.^ which may even be entitled the 'Dwelling of the Testimony ' 3821 Num i^o 53 jqH. Nor is there any declara tion before Moses has solemnly appointed Joshua his successor Num 27 II Deut 31 analogous to the Deuteronomic scene". Alike, therefore, in its representations of the religious history of antiquity and of the Mosaic age, the Priestly Code differs profoundly from the other constituents of the Pentateuch. 2. As the religious facts of Israel's past were differently pre sented by different writers, so also were the manifestations of its God varyingly conceived. (a) The action of Yahweh in the early history of mankind according to J, was marked by definite human characteristics. The production of the first man is accomplished by forming or moulding him out of the clods of the ground, and blowing into his nostrils living breath. Yahweh walks in the garden at the cool of the day, shuts Noah into the ark, smells the sweet savour of his sacrifice, comes down to see the tower built towards the sky Gen 11*, and similarly proposes to visit Sodom and Gomorrah and ascertain by personal inspection whether the guilty cities are really as wicked as rumour alleges 1821. Similarly in the range of moral feeling he is apprehensive lest the man who has ' become as one of us ' should also gain the power to live for ever 3^2 . j^g ' repents ' 6^ that he has made man on the earth ; he condescends to expostulate with Sarah and prove himself in the right i8i4-. A more advanced stage appears to be indicated by the conception of the angel of Yahweh (or Elohim) who is the manifested presence of the Deity, identical with and yet differentiated from him. The angel appears to Hagar in the wilderness, but she knows that it is Yahweh who speaks i6i3. Two angels escort Lot out of Sodom, yet in some mysterious way one of them holds in his hand the power to overthrow or to deliver 1920. . Jacob beholds the angels of Elohim ascending and descending on the ladder, and he knows that he has been sleeping in the ' house of Elohim.' None of these representations appears in the ToVdhoth book. In the sublime story of the heavens and earth with which it opens, the creative utterance realizes itself; speech calls forth the external fact to match the inner thought : ' Elohim said, Let there be light, and light was.' Mankind arises, male and female " A minor reference is found to a covenant of priesthood given to Phinehas Num 25'2. . 96 THE JUSTIFICA TION OF THE PARTITION [VIII ii J 2a simultaneously i^'^ in obedience to the energizing word ; rightly* did the Psalmist seize on this mark of the divine activity, ' for he spake, and it was done.' Accordingly in his intercourse with men Elohim's part is commonly indicated only by his commands 6i3 315 gi 8 ^e_ jq'ot tiU the covenant is announced to Abram does Elohim 'appear' 17!°". But the form of his manifestation is carefully held in reserve. No flaming torch moving between the halves of slaughtered victims is needed to reveal him ; nor does he arrive attended by companions like himself ready to accept the patriarch's hospitality. Before his august presence Abram ' fell upon his face '' ' ; and when the interview was over, Elohim ' ascended ' 1722 cp 3513 ". The conception of P thus disengages itself from the peculiar anthropomorphisms which pervade the narrative of J, and to a less extent that of E, He nowhere repre sents God as ' trying ' or ' tempting ' man ; nor does man in his turn * tempt ' or ' try ' God. In modern language it may be said that his representation is more abstract, (/3) It is natural to look for parallel phenomena in the continua» tions of the documents through the Mosaic age, and they are certainly to be found. In the first revelation to Moses in Ex 3, Yahweh in the person of his angel appears in flame out of a bush; in the second, he does not 'appear' at all, he only speaks 6^ Plainly this latter utterance is not from the same hand as that which relates that Yahweh had already encountered Moses and sought to kill him 4^* ^, The Horeb-Sinai scenes are in the same manner marked by distinctive features. In one series Yahweh 'comes down' on to mount Sinai 191"^ i* ^o 23 -with fire and smoke ; in another Elohim ' comes ' to ' try ' or ' prove ' his people with thunders and lightnings and a thick cloud 19I0 20I8-20 J) combines the fire, the cloud, and the thick darkness 5^2^ though Horeb was ablaze 23. To P, however, filled with awe for the supreme majesty, the conception of actual flame is too concrete. The presence of Deity was indicated by his 'glory' Ex 24I0 ; and the * appearance of the glory ' resembled consuming fire to human sight i'', but what the transcendent reality was in " It is admitted ou all hands that ' Yahweh ' in this passage is contrary to the usage of P, and must be regarded as accidental error, o^: (more^ probably) editorial harmonizing. '¦ So afterwards do Moses and Aaron, cp ^67. " This is the counterpart in P of Yahweh's descent, cp '^19. ¦* A story which, according to Prof Sayce Early History of the Hebrews 165, ' belongs to the folk-lore of a people still iu crude barbarism.' VIIIii§25] DIVERSITIES OF RELIGIOUS THEORY 97 itself could not be told. It can hardly be supposed that the writer who thus symbolizes the divine advent, could just before have described the seventy elders as ' beholding Israel's God,' or as eating and drinking at his feet lo- . Nor could he have recorded the promise that Moses should see his ' back ' 33^3, or even related that Yahweh passed by before him 34^ Such language carries with it inevitable implications of some external (if not human) shape. Against this the Deuteronomic exhortations vehemently protest : ' ye heard the sound of words, but ye saw no form, only a sound ' 4I2 cp 1= 3o 524. Yet to Moses at least the form was displayed in super-prophetic privilege Num I2^~^: — * If there be a prophet among you, I Yahweh will make myself known unto him in a vision, I will speak with him in a dream. ^My servant Moses is not so ; he is faithful in all mine house : * with him will I speak mouth to mouth, even manifestly, and not in dark speeches ; and the form of Yahweh shall he behold ". The scene is outside the camp before the Tent of Meeting, at the entrance of which stands Yahweh in a pillar of cloud, addressing Aaron and Miriam. What is the pillar ? When the Israelites started on their march for liberty, it contained the person of their divine guide Yahweh, who went before to show the way, in a column that looked by day like cloud and by night like fire Ex 13^1. It had for its counterpart the angel of Elohim 141^ ^, who, on the desperate night of the Egyptian approach, fulfilled the same protecting function as the pillar, and stood between the camp of Israel and its foes. When the Tent of Meeting was pitched, whenever Moses entered it, the pillar descended, stood at the entrance, and spoke with him 33'- ¦ : — ^t' And all the people saw the pillar of cloud stand at the door of the tent : ... '1 And Yahweh spake unto Moses face to face, as a man speaketh unto his friend. So was it when Moses and the seventy elders were gathered around Num ii24; so was it when Moses took Joshua with him to receive the divine charge Deut 311*'. The Priestly Code, however, does not allude to the pillar, and its conception of Yahweh's intercourse with Moses is different. When Yahweh fulfils his promise to be God to Israel Ex 6', he does so by taking up his abode in the Dwelling which he charges Moses to construct * The Greek translators, in dread of anthropomorphism, render ' and the glory of the Lord shall he behold.' Jerome, with a different punctuation, ' not in dark speeches (riddles) and figures does he behold the Lord.' * Cp 23''°, H 98 THE JUSTIFICATION OF THE PARTITION [VIII ii § 20 for him. Within the Dwelling, the most holy place shelters the ark. Upon the ark stands the 'covering' bearing a cherub at each end with outspread wings. They are the supporters of Yahweh, who declares that there he will meet with Moses and will speak with him, issuing his commands to the children of Israel 25^^. Thither accordingly Moses used to repair, and there in the darkness and the silence he listened to the Voice Num 7*". Was there, then, no outward sign of Yahweh's nearness ? When the Dwelling is reared, when the first incense has been burned before the veil, when the first sacrifice has been offered on the altar in the court, Yahweh himself deigns to enter. The cloud covers the holy Tent, and the entire Dwelling is filled with his glory Ex 4o34. ^g lo^g as the sanctuary remains in one place, this cloud remains spread over it from day to day. At even it assumes 'as it were the appearance of fire until morning' Num 9!^. Its ascension is the signal for departure, and it must be understood to have accompanied the march, for its settlement ' determines the place of the next camp i''. Such was the character, according to P, of Yahweh's sacramental presence in Israel's midst. 3. When the manifestations of Deity thus vary, it is not sur prising that the modes of conceiving his being and character should vary also. In tracing the successive incidents of history the 'prophetic narrators,' to use Ewald's nomenclature, feel the hand of their God at every turn. The first pair are under Yahweh's immediate control. He sets his mark on Cain ; he pronounces his doom upon a guilty humanity; the origins of language are due to his interference ; Abram marches from the east by divine monition, and his servant relies on Yahweh his master's God for an omen in the choice of a bride. This relation is again and again presented in vivid forms of dramatic interven tion and appeal. It involves ethical demands, summed up as ' the way of Yahweh ' Gen 18^', or doing justice and right, the lofty attribute of Yahweh himself, conceived as ' judge of all the earth ' 25. The obedience of Abraham draws out a solemn oath from Yahweh 221''- to bestow blessings on his posterity; and Yahweh, as the God of Abraham and Isaac and Jacob, may be confidently reminded of his promises Gen 320^12^ or on the other hand may justly claim the trust of his people Ex ^^- • . Beside his faithfulness is presented his compassion 340"'' : — ' And Yahweh passed by before him, and proclaimed, Yahweh, Yahweh, VIIIii§3] ASPECTS OF THE DIVINE BEING 99 a God full of compassion and gracious, slow to anger, and plenteous in mercy and truth ; ' keeping mercy for thousands, forgiving iniquity and transgression and sin : and that will by no means clear the guilty ; visiting the iniquity of the fathers upon the children, and upon the children's children, upon the third and upon the fourth generation. In this there is, indeed, an element of the unforeseen ; ' I will be gracious to whom I will be gracious' 33I' ; but even in its repeated acts of disobedience Israel may implore his pardoning mercy, and its prayer is granted Num I4i''- • "• The counterpart of this is Yahweh's jealousy Ex 34I4 20^, which is at once excited when Israel offers -homage to another God. These conceptions are not unrepresented in D, but the reader is conscious of a different emphasis. In the Deuteronomic homilies the oath to the fathers is repeatedly brought to the remembrance of a later generation : Yahweh is ' the faithful God which keepeth covenant and mercy with them that love him and keep his commandments to a thou sand generations, and repayeth them that hate him to their face, to destroy them ' 7^ But a new stress is laid on his unity and his transcendence: 'he is God in heaven above and upon the earth beneath : there is none else ' 43^ : ' hear, O Israel : Yahweh our God, Yahweh is one ' 64 : the ' heaven of heavens ' is his iqI*, and he is ' God of gods and Lord of lords ' i''. It is only by an unfathomable mystery of grace that Israel is elected for the love of such a Being 7''- . In elder time, the worshipper might seek to contract with the object of his homage for ' bread to eat and raiment to put on ' Gen 28^0^ and his worship depended on the satisfaction of these demands. The relation is now inverted. Israel's continued possession of the land is contingent on pious obedience ; life and death are offered them, welfare or destruction, let them choose life and live. With a new thought of God, there fore, comes a new duty ; ' thou shalt love Yahweh thy God with aU thy heart and soul and might.' It will be observed that in the Deuteronomic discourses Moses continually speaks to Israel of 'thy God''.' The phrase is in reality a survival in prophetic speech from the days when it was possible to conceive Yahweh of Israel pitted against Chemosh of Ammon : ' wUt not thou possess that which Chemosh thy god giveth thee to possess?' inquires Jephthah Judg 11 24, 'so whomsoever Yahweh our God hath dispossessed from before us, them will we possess.' D " Cp the social conduct required among Israelites in consequence Ex 22", and connected laws 22^^-23'. '> Cp »i. H 2 loo THE JUSTIFICATION OF THE PARTITION [VIII ii 5 3 employs his formula over three hundred times in a single book. But in the main portions of the Priestly Code it occurs but rarely ". This is not simply a matter of accidental diction ; it points to a different religious attitude, further indicated in the solemn address ' God of the spirits of all flesh ' Num 16^2 2710, For P conceives of humanity as a whole. The first covenant with Noah is made with the entire race Gen 9^^- ; and this term, found outside P only in Deut 52^, echoes through the whole story from the Flood to Moses ''. Elohim then, as he is presented in the Priestly Code, is universal. Had not his spirit brooded in the darkness on the deep, and out of it brought forth the heavens and earth ? The brief toVdhoth sections scarcely allow of any delinea tion of his attributes. Natural causes account for the diversities of race and language ; and Abram's migration takes place with out a superhuman caU. But power and beneficence shine through the Creation: on Enoch and Noah who walked with God, the divine approval was signally bestowed : P alone describes one patriarch as already perfect, and in the name of El Shaddai demands perfection ©f another Gen 6' 17I. The Covenant- observance which wins for Yahweh elsewhere the epithet of 'faithful,' is here assumed as matter of course, and expressed in the phrase ' remembering the covenant ' ''135. One word suffices, in fact, to sum up the complex total of the manifold aspects of God's being : he is holy. A remarkable section of the Priestly Code enforces this conception with especial emphasis ", but it is not limited to a particular group of laws. The holiness of Yahweh is the central idea of the whole of the religious institu tions delineated by P, which have for their aim to produce or to preserve corresponding holiness in his worshippers. There were, indeed, various forms of this requirement. The First Code Ex 2231 had its own view of its application : — And ye shall be holy men unto me : therefore ye shall not eat any flesh that is torn of beasts in the field ; ye shall cast it to the dogs. On a similar ground D forbids personal mutilation in mourning for the dead 14!- , and the eating of anything that has died naturally 21 ; for Israel is already a dedicated people, hallowed by Yahweh's choice which has singled it out from all the other nations of the earth 7^- The whole Deuteronomic Code has for its real aim to set forth the conduct which alone could maintain " Cp '^vjQ". It is more frequent in P" 203'' ". ^ Cp ''ai'', 0 The ' Holiness-legislation,' cp chap XIII § 8. VIII iii] DIFFERENCES OF LANGUAGE loi Israel in this relation. That conduct is summarized by P in one single pregnant demand, founded on an equally pregnant reason Lev 192 'Ye shall be holy: for I Yahweh your God am holy.' The cultus, with its various grades of consecrated persons, Levite, priest, high-priest ; the sanctuary, with its holy vessels, its outer court, its holy place, and its most holy ; the sacrifices by which atonement was made for injuries to this supreme relation — all ministered to a common end, the maintenance of Yahweh's sacramental presence in Israel's midst unimpaired. The legis. lative codes thus reflect different aspects of God's being, as the histories illustrate varjdng modes of his action in the world. On this ground, also, therefore, as on that of matter of fact, the hypothesis of diversity of source is confirmed. iii. The Argument from Language and Style The discovery of incongruities in narrative and law was naturally followed by comparisons of language. In the account of the Deluge, for example, Eichhorn already observed that one set of expressions tended to recur where the name Elohim was employed, while another set presented themselves in connexion with Yahweh"- What light does such an argument throw on 0 The existence of different versions of the story of the Flood iu a combined narrative in Gen 6-9 is indicated first of all by the presence of mutually inconsistent details. These can be easily grouped in two series, by the recurrence of common ideas expressed in recurring phrases. Some of these can be most readily apprehended by exhibiting them in parallel columns, P (i) 61' Elohim commands Noah to take one pair of each kind of animal into the ark. J 7' Yahweh enjoins Noah to take seven pairs of clean beasts, and only one pair of the unclean. (In the record of the actual entry of the animals into the ark 7'- , the editor has combined J's distinction of clean and unclean with P's record of Noah's obedience to the divine instruction.) (a) " Elohim announces that he will ' bring the fiood.' (3) 7^^ ^' The fountains of the great deep are broken up, and the windows of heaven are opened, and the fiood comes. (4) No fixed duration is predicted for the flood by Elohim ; but the waters increase for 150 days^*, and a combination of the dates in ^^ 8'- "• makes it probable that the writer intended the flood and its conse quences to occupy 365 days, or a solar year (cp 5"^). (5) Elohim blesses Noah and his * Yahweh warns Noah that he will ' cause it to rain ' ™igs. 12 The catastrophe is brought about by forty days' rain. * 10 Seven days pass before the rain begins ; this lasts 40 days * ^'^ cp 8* ; and after two (or three) periods (cp 8'") of seven days each, the ground is apparently dry enough for Noah to leave the ark. Yahweh receives from Noah a 102 THE JUSTIFICATION OF THE PARTITION [VIII iii the documentary hypothesis ? To what extent can it be pressed in favour of the process of partition? 1. It is obvious that differences of matter will naturally be marked by differences of terminology. The account of the Dwelling, its furniture, its ritual, and its sacred officers in Ex 25-30 35-40 Lev 1-9 is of so highly specialized a kind that it is crowded with peculiar words. On these it would be un suitable to found a special theory of authorship. But by the side of the technicalities of construction and usage a brief survey speedily discovers other expressions which reappear elsewhere, offspring, and covenants with the race never again to destroy all flesh with a flood 9^"". sacrifice of each kind of clean beast and bird, and declares that he will not again smite every living thing 82(>-22_ These differences of substance are accompanied by corresponding differences in form and phrase. A full list of these may be seen in the margins of the Analysis : the following may be noted here. (i) Elohim throughout. (2) &¦¦'¦ All flesh ('¦21'') had rupted his way upon the earth. (3) 13 IT gii 16 destroy. (4) S" And I (P94>'), behold, bring the flood. (5)" AU flesh wherein is breath of life. (6) 1^ From under heaven. I do the (7) 1' Thou and thy sons . . . with thee (^176). (8)" Every living thing of all flesh, two of every sort. (9) 19 Male and female (^107"). (10) 20 Fowl after their kind (I'lS*) . (11) 20 Beasts after their kind (^18'). (la) 2° To keep them alive. (13)22 Thus did Noah ... so did he (^189). (14) 7ii- Fountains of the great deep broken up ; windows of heaven opened. (15) 18. 24 The waters prevailed, . . . prevailed exceedingly ('63). (16) 21 All flesh gave up the ghost (913 'sO- (17) 8'*°' The windows of heaven were stopped. (18)"' The waters decreased. (19) " The earth was dry. Yahweh throughout. 6^ Every imagination . . . was only ("189) evil continually. '¦7*23 blot out. 7* I will cause it to rain. * Every living thing that I have made. * From off the face of the ground ('40). 1 Thou and all thy house. ^ Of every clean beast seven and seven, and of the beasts that are not clean, two. 2 Man and his wife §. " Fowl of the air. 2 Every clean beast . . . and of the beasts that are not clean. ' To keep seed alive. ^ And Noah did according . . . 1' Bain upon the earth. "b The waters increased. ^'^ All in whose nostrils . . . died (mo). 8^" The rain was restrained. Sa The waters returned. !"> The face of the ground ('40) was dried (§ different, '35). The margins of the Analysis further show that passages which have no parallels in the other narrative abound in phrases elsewhere peculiar to J and P respectively. VIIIiii§2a] DIFFERENCES OF LANGUAGE 103 alike in legal connexions or in independent narrative. For example, the purpose of the whole is to provide for Yahweh a 'sanctuary' Ex 25^. This word occurs altogether in twelve other passages of the Levitical Code cp ''91. It is found also in a somewhat different application in Ex 15I'', and it is employed of a sacred place at Sheehem Josh 24^^. But it is not used in either the First Code or in D. It may be said, therefore, to be a favourite word of the Priestly Law. The 'sanctuary' constitutes a place for Yahweh to 'dwell' in, and is called the Dwelling. This term also D never names. Apart, however, from the title of the sanctuary, the word 'dwell' is repeatedly used to express the presence of Yahweh in the midst of his people Ex 294^- cp ''54^. It is not the common word in the Pentateuch for inhabiting a house or land, and is only found outside the Priestly Law in the poetical 'Blessing of Moses' Deut 33!^ 20 gyt J) £g curiously fond of it in a derived con jugation (Piel) in the formula 'the place which Yahweh shall choose to put [cause to dwell] his name there' cp "87, Why should the Dwelling which was already in their midst be so persistently ignored? The priestly vestments are ordained as a 'statute for ever' Ex 28*3 (like the oil for the lamp 2721) to Aaron and 'his seed after him.' The 'everlasting statute' (= 'perpetual statute' 29^, 'due for ever' 29^*) recurs elsewhere twenty -seven times in the Priestly Code : the same epithet being applied ''62 to the words 'covenant,' 'generations,' 'possession,' in the toVdhoth sections of Genesis, and to the terms 'possession,' ' priesthood,' and ' redemption ' in the Priestly Law. But neither the prophetic narrators, nor the First Code, nor D, ever thus employ it. The description of posterity by the phrase ' and his seed after him' '162 again finds its counterpart in the toVdhoth sections an,d the Priestly Law, and does not occur elsewhere. The examination of the formula ' throughout your generations ' 2721 2942 ''76'' (thirty-nine times) yields the same result. 2. The inquiry thus suggested brings many remarkable pheno mena to light. (a) It reveals in the first place that in passages which are based on different historical and religious assumptions, different words are used for the same thing. The toVdhoth sections in Genesis, for instance, as regularly call Hebron Kiriath-arba ""3 as they call God El Shaddai and Elohim in contrast with Yahweh: similarly they designate the Mesopotamian home of Jacob's 104 THE JUSTIFICATION OF THE PARTITION [VIII iii § 2a kindred Paddan-aram ^6 instead of 'Aram of the two rivers' Gen 24I0 Deut 23*, or the 'land of the children of the east' Gen 29I. Their continuation in the Priestly Code names the sacred mountain Sinai '7 ; to D the mountain of the first covenant is always Horeb "7". The organization of the chil dren of Israel around the Dwelling is founded on the tribes (niSD) which are divided into ' fathers' houses,' their chiefs being ' princes V and the whole constituting the 'congregation".' The Deuteronomic Code also recognizes the tribes, though it calls them by another name (MB*) : their chiefs are ' heads ' and ' elders ' 5^3; and the entire people forms an 'assembly^.' Where P describes the ' establishment ' of a covenant, in JED it is ' cut ' or 'given.' When P expresses 'possess' and 'possession' by the root 'ahae, D always prefers yarash. The ark and the tables of the 'testimony' in P become the ark and the tables of the 'covenant' in D. Again, while P and D describe Yahweh as bringing Israel out of Egypt (N''Sin), JE (twenty times) write 'bring up' (nbyn ¦^136). These peculiarities do not seem recon cilable with unity of authorship : and their force is increased when it is observed that in large numbers of other cases there is a preponderant use of particular expressions in one document even though they are not entirely wanting in another *; ((3) Another class of indications is found in the presence or absence of grammatical peculiarities, common turns of speech, and simple phrases of narrative and dialogue. Attention was long ago called to the fact that P employs only one form of the pronoun ' I ' f^it^, whUe J and E set a second by its side (''3JS)-''. On the other hand D habitually uses the latter form (fifty-six times) '. Whether these differences have any significance for the history of language, and so (by implication) for the date of the documents, may be for the present ignored ; that they are consistent with the hypothesis of uniformity of origin can hardly be maintained. Two forms of the word ' heart ' appear throughout the Pentateuch. In E both are employed indifferently: J and Ps always prefer " A similar distinction divides J (Sinai) and E (Horeb). *> Ct another term for 'prince' ¦'%9i. ° For the usage of these terms the reader is referred to the Tables of Words. ^ ' Assembly ' is also employed by P : but ' congregation ' never by D. * This is especially the case iu comparing the phraseology of J and E. / Cp Briggs Higher Criticism ofthe Hexateuch 71. " On the exceptions, 12'° and 29', see Driver Deut 150 and 321. ':m is also found in the Song of Moses sa'^i 39»''i:ii and in the brief extract from P 3a" "2. VIII iii §2^] DIFFERENCES OF LANGUAGE 105 the shorter 2b; D and T^ use the longer aais". Can this dis tribution be explained otherwise than by diversity of source? Again, for 'beget' P uses the form T-i^in while J employs li'\ The connexion of words or clauses by the repetition ' both . . . and ' (03 . . . CJ) occurs seventeen times in JE and but once in P ; while P sometimes effects a similar combination by other means '35: the particle DJ 'also' being used vnth overwhelming pre dominance in JB (a total of 141 occurrences compared with fifteen in P). For ' one ' and ' another ' J and E predominantly employ 'a man' and 'his neighbour' ^112^; P invariably uses ' a man ' and ' his brother ' '"184 cp •'^iiaa. The speaker's words are introduced in P (over 100 times) with the formula 'And (Elohim) spake unto (Noah) . . . saying.' This phrase never occurs in JE (though both use a corresponding expression 'said . . . saying' ^i%S^) and very rarely in D ^i&St'^ ; with it are associated two others exclusively the property of P, 'speak unto . . . saying,' and ' speak and say.' On the other hand the enclitic W, 'now,' 'I pray you,' is common in JB (102 times '^186), but in P occurs only twice Num 16* Josh 222^ (cp "h Gen 1713 23I3). The adverb ' now,' or ' and now ' (= ' therefore '), may be found eighty-six times in JE, twelve times in D, and but three in P •"187. J uses the polite periphrasis ' thy servant ' &c forty-four times; in P it is found in only two passages ex hibiting other peculiar phenomena '73. The curious reader may study in the Tables of Words the singular statistics concerning the use of the idiom 'and it came to pass' 'and it shall come to pass' (in various grammatical connexions), giving a total to JB of sixty-nine against eight in P '3 and "^127. Other significant particulars will be found in connexion with the words ' before ' (DHD '6 and Q1t23 '''132), 'but' (Tib ^^138), 'whether. . . or not' •"^229, ' wherefore ' "228. The prophetic narrators freely use two words for 'young man' (ni''' thirty times, IW forty-two times, "234, 235) : in P each occurs (in the same passage, regarded on independent grounds as secondary) only once. The touches which give so much life to the stories of JE, fixing the time of events to the morning, daybreak, sunrise, noon, heat of the day, high day, cool of the day, sunset, evening, night, may be counted by several score '^236 ; they are poorly represented by such a passage as Num 91^- ¦ • in P, where a general practice is described and all vividness of individualization is lost. " Briggs Higher Criticism 72. Deut, however, has :h in 4II 28°' 39* '', all of them passages which on independent grounds are regarded as secondary. io6 THE JUSTIFICATION OF THE PARTITION lYllliu^2y (y) In the foregoing illustrations attention has been invited to characteristics of common usage. It would be easy to cite lists of peculiar words occurring but once or twice. These, however, must be necessarily rare, and can hardly be expected to throw light on the relations or origins of the several documents. A special interest, however, attaches to the variations in rehgious phraseology. Such variations have already been pointed out in connexion with the divine names, and the institutions of the sanctuary. But they are not confined to these limits. In the toVdhoth record of the covenant of El Shaddai with Abraham, it is stated to be his purpose to 'be for a God' to him and to his seed Gen I7'^- >§. The phrase goes ringing on through P in the mouth of Yahweh ten times. But it is never so found elsewhere ^2,6. The same is true of the repeated declaration * I am Yahweh ' ''179 ", On the other hand D loves to describe Yahweh (in address to Israel) as 'thy God,' 'our God,' or 'God of thy fathers' "i: whUe JE designate him in various ways as ' God of heaven ' of Shem, of Abraham, &c '^120. The same narrators further use the prophetic style 'Thus saith Yahweh' (in communications with Pharaoh, &c) which P never employs, and for which D has no occasion ^^87. If P lays stress on the purpose that Israel or Egypt may 'know' the Deity who is dealing with them, JB emphasize the merit of 'believing,' and the guilt of mistrust •'"134. The closeness of the relation of Yahweh to those whom he has chosen to carry out his purposes is expressed in various ways. P announces that Elohim (after Ex 6^ Yahweh) wUl 'be for a God.' JB affirm (fifteen times before Ex 3) that Deity is ' with ' the patriarchs, and the phrase, often on the lips of Moses, is finally handed on by him to Joshua ¦^130. This is otherwise indicated during the wanderings by describing Yahweh as ' in the midst ' of Israel (a"lp3 '"58). The thought is likewise familiar to P, but he must needs use another word : in the Priestly Code Yahweh always dwells ' among ' his worshippers (lina '22). (8) The foregoing specimens are all of them examples of many occurrences, amounting sometimes to scores in number. Their effect is cumulative. For each fresh case, taken by itseK, some other explanation might conceivably be allowable. But for the aggregate, when the total phenomena are reckoned by hundreds (representing thousands of separate instances), only one explanation " Cp the associated ' know that I am Yahweh.' VIII iii §2e] DIFFERENCES OF LANGUAGE 107 seems to be possible. It may be well, however, to approach the question from another side, and examine the application of the general results above described in a few definite cases. For instance, it has been suggested that the record of Abraham's purchase of the cave of Machpelah Gen 23 reads like ' a translation into Hebrew from a Babylonian cuneiform document, the phrases and style being those of Babylonian texts and the Tel-el- Amarna tablets.' The particular expressions on which this view is based are not specified". Elsewhere', however, in more guarded language. Prof Sayce lays stress on the word ' shekel ' (i e weight), and the phrase 'weighed the silver' 231^, in proof of the affinity of this chapter with Babylonian usage. But the word 'weigh' in this connexion is not peculiar to Genesis ; it recurs frequently in Hebrew, and is used with 'silver' by quite late writers, eg Jer ¦^^. Ezra 8??- Job 281^ This style of argument would justify the inference that the narrative belongs to the age (say) of Ezra. But it is plain that if it is lawful to compare the phraseology of a passage in Genesis with a cuneiform tablet, it must be equally legitimate to collate it with other sections of the same book. A glance at the Table of Words belonging to P will at once reveal a number of expressions which recur continually in that great collection of narrative and law. The designations ' Kiriath-arba ' and ' land of Canaan ' ; the formulae of age and length of life 1 ; the introduction of Abraham as speaker 3 ; the personal pronoun ' I ' 4 ; the terms ' sojourner ' *, ' possession ' *, ' prince ' * ; the legal phrases ' even of all ' i", and ' were made sure ' ^'^ (¦§ ' stood ') ; the unusual 'I pray thee' i3 {^ cp 171*) ; all establish literary points of contact with other parts of the Pentateuch, themselves marked by many similar characteristics, and intertwined with further portions by fresh threads of agreement in matter of fact, in religious ideas, or in technical language. It is impossible in such a case to isolate a score of verses and pronounce them a ' transla tion' from a foreign tongue. The chapter stands or falls, not indeed with its context, but with other passages with which it is found to cohere both by substance and form. Some further illustration of this method may not be inappropriate. (f) Two separate announcements are made to Abraham of the birth of a son to Sarah Gen 17 and 18, the first on the part of El Shaddai 17^ the second by Yahweh 18^*- By the principle " Sayce Expository Times, Jan 1898, p 177. ' Early History ofthe Hebrews, 57-61. io8 THE JUSTIFICATION OF THE PARTITION [VIII iii § 2* of Ex 62- . it is at once clear that these narratives cannot be from the same hand. Each step reveals further evidence. The first is careful to announce the date of the occurrence, but omits to mention the scene : the second neglects the year in order to fix the time of day. In the one case, Abraham falls on his face in awe : in the other he runs to meet his visitors before he bows (as Jacob bowed before Esau Gen 333) to the ground. The presence of El Shaddai is revealed only by speech, and his final ascension. Yahweh, on the other hand, as one of three men, washes his feet and rests beneath the tree, and finally eats of the meal which the hospitality of a pastoral sheikh at once provides. It is worthy of note that the promise of this second story is couched in the utmost simplicity, ' Sarah thy wife shall have a son.' But the language of El Shaddai is much more copious : it contains not only the announcement that Sarah shall be mother of kings but the Covenant-promise of multitudinous posterity and the gift of the land. Yahweh had already made similar declarations : the following table shows how the language of the two groups is reiterated on various occasions through the Pentateuch: — Gen 17^ I [Elohim] will multiply thee, . . . ' and I will make thee exceeding fruitful. 2i> And as for Ishmael, I [Elohim] have heard thee : behold, I have blessed him, and will make him fruitful, and will multiply him ex ceedingly. 1.^'' And Elohim blessed them, say ing. Be fruitful, and multiply, and replenish the waters in the seas. ^' And Elohim blessed them : and Elohim said unto them. Be fruitful, and multiply, and replenish the earth. 8" (Aud Elohim spake saying) . . . that they may breed abundantly in the earth, and be firuitful, and multi ply upon the earth. 9I And Elohim blessed Noah and his sons, and said unto them. Be fruitful, and multiply, and replenish the earth. ' And you, be ye fruitful, and multiply. 28^ And El Shaddai bless thee, and make thee fmitful, aud multiply thee. 35I1 And Elohim said unto him, I am El Shaddai : be fruitful and multiply. 47'-''^ And they gat them possessions JE Gen 13!^ I [Yahweh] will make thy seed as the dust of the earth : so that if a man can number the dust of the earth, then shall thy seed also be numbered. 15^ Look now toward heaven, and tell the stars, if thou be able to tell them : and he [Yahweh] said unto him, So shall thy seed be. 161° Ajid the angel of Yahweh said unto her, I will greatly multi ply thy seed, that it shall not be numbered for multitude. 22I'. By myself have I sworn, saith Yahweh, . . . that in blessing I will bless thee, aud in multiplying I will multiply thy seed as the stars of the heaven, and as the sand which is upon the sea shore. 26' (And Yahweh said) ... I will establish the oath which I sware unto Abraham thy father ; * and I will multiply thy seed as the stars of heaven. ''* And Yahweh said . . . fear not, for I am with thee, and will bless thee, and multiply thy seed for my servant Abraham's sake. 28" (And Yahweh said) . . . and thy seed shall be as the dust of the earth. 32I2 And thou [Yahweh] saidst, I will surely do thee good, and make thy seed as the sand of the sea, which cannot be numbered for multitude. Ex 32I' Eemember Abraham, Isaac, and Israel, thy servants, to whom thou swarest by thine own self, and saidst unto them, I will multiply your seed as the stars of heaven. VIII iii §2f] DIFFERENCES OF LANGUAGE 109 therein, and were fruitful, and multi plied exceedingly. 48* (El Shaddai) blessed me, and s.aid unto me. Behold, I will make thee fruitful, aud multiply thee. Ex i^ And the children of Israel were fruitful, and increased abun dantly, and multiplied. Lev 26' And I will have respect unto you, and make you fruitful, and multiply you. The connexion of the passages in each of these two series is obvious at once. The Elohim group repeats with an unvarying combination the formula 'be fruitful and multiply,' to which is sometimes prefixed 'bless.' The Yahweh catena is less mono tonous in form ; it presents comparisons with the dust of the earth, the stars of heaven, and the sand of the sea shore. The members of each series are bound together by community of thought and expression, but differenced from their counterparts on the alternative religious base. Can they be harmonized within a common source? (t) The theory of Astruc and Eichhorn conciliated the partition of Genesis with the authorship, or at least the authority, of Moses, by supposing him to have compiled the book out of pre-existing documents. But it has been already observed that the records of his own life exhibit similar phenomena. The following instances are selected from its last months (cp the double charge to Joshua, chap VI § 2y p 67). In Num 28 29 Yahweh issues through Moses a solemn command to the children of Israel concerning the altar dues throughout the year. This law is addressed, not to the priesthood, nor to the wider Levitical order, but to the whole people. There is about it nothing secret or reserved. In its ritual language it follows the manual of sacrifice Lev 1-7. The catalogue of its annual feasts agrees with that announced in the second year of the Exodus in Lev 23. Shortly after, according to Pentateuchal chronology ", Moses recites to Israel the law of the second covenant. This also contains a calendar of feasts Deut 16. The material differences between these lists are the same as those already cited between Deut 16 and Lev 23 [ante i § 5 p 89) : the most prominent is the limitation of D to three celebrations, whereas P includes five. The variations in form are no less significant. The regular term in P for ' set feasts ' Num 28^ 293^ is never used by D, while P avoids the form ' appear before Yahweh ' (originally, " See chap VI § 27 p 67. no THE JUSTIFICATION OF THE PARTITION \yTa.\i\.\2^ 'see Yahweh's face' "203) Deut 16I8. The Priestly Code does not think it necessary to specify where the altar is on which the elaborate offerings are to be consumed : only a single passage alludes to the ' holy place ' Num 28''. D, on the other hand, lays the utmost emphasis on the duty of attendance at the 'place which Yahweh thy God shall choose ' 2 e. n 15. _ jj jg little concerned, however, to fix the times : ' ear-month ' suffices to determine the season for the Passover and Unleavened Bread ; seven weeks from the cutting of the first ripe ears lead to Weeks ; while Booths depends on the completion of threshing and vintage. But to P the months in numbered succession, and the days within them, must all be properly counted : nothing is elastic, all is fixed. The terminology of celebration is different : P requires ' holy convocations ' 28I* 25^ at the opening and close of Passover and Unleavened Bread (cp 26 29I '' 12), and abstinence from ' ser vile work': to D these expressions (which pervade the Priestly Code) are wholly unknown. Equally foreign to D are the ' sin offering,' 'atonement,' and 'afflicting of the soul,' prescribed by P 2822 29^, in this connexion as in so many others : while P never provides either for the historic ' remembrance ' Deut i63, or for the participation of the necessitous poor, after the customary exhortations of D (see parallels to i63 n i4 is it). Can it be sup posed that these two passages were addressed in succession to the same readers by the same writer after he had already received notice of approaching death? (^) One further instance is perhaps yet more significant. Under similar conditions to the foregoing, Moses is commanded to issue a law for the appointment of six cities of refuge, three on the east of Jordan and three in Canaan Num 35^~34. They are intended as places of resort in cases of accidental homicide to secure immunity from pursuit by the Goel until the manslayer ' stand before the congregation for judgement.' The conditions for determining whether the homicide was after all accidental or not, are carefully specified. If the case is decided against the man- slayer on adequate testimony 3"^ he is delivered over to death. If the verdict is in his favour, he is restored to the city of refuge, and must remain there till the death of the high priest. Then he is at liberty to go where he will. In Deut 191^13 the same theme is again treated, on a different basis and in a different form. The land which Israel is to occupy in future is to be divided into three parts 3, with a city in each. Hither the manslayer in any VIII iii §2,] DIFFERENCES OF LANGUAGE in one of the three divisions may flee. No tribunal is mentioned before which he may be cited to appear : but a trial is obviously implied, for in the event of his guilt being made clear, the elders of his city are charged with the duty of fetching him from his place of shelter and delivering him to the Goel. It is added parenthetically, that if Yahweh shall enlarge their border, they may assign three more cities for similar asylum. Why should the leader, already divinely warned that he must die, issue two such laws in a few weeks' interval? What causes could have inter vened to make such repetition necessary? And if they were repea,ted, why should the arrangements of the first be modified in the second ? The situation itself seems to create a presumption against the hypothesis of unitary authorship, and this is confirmed by the respective literary characteristics. The initial formula in Num 351" ' speak unto the children of Israel and say unto them,' frequent in P, is unknown to D. The opening statements characteristically differ: — Num 35 P 1" When ye pass over Jordan into the land of Canaan, n then ye shall appoint you cities to be cities of refuge for you ; that the manslayer which killeth any person unwittingly may flee thither. 1^ And the cities shall be unto you for refuge from the avenger ; that the manslayer die not, until he stand before the con gregation for judgement, i' And the cities which ye shall give shall be for you six cities \)f refuge. Deut 19 D 1 When Yahweh thy God shall cut off the nations, whose land Yahweh thy God giveth thee, and thou suc- ceedest them, and dwellest in their cities, and in their houses ; ^ thou shalt separate three cities for thee in the midst of thy land, which Yahweh thy God giveth thee to possess it. ' Thou shalt prepare thee the way, and divide the borders of thy land, which Yahweh thy God causeth thee to inherit, into three parts, that every manslayer may flee thither. The law in P, in accordance with the regular usage of the main Priestly Code, is addressed in the plural ; that of D, following its almost invariable practice, in the singular. P designates the future country of Israel as the land of Canaan (^4*) ; D never so names it, but describes it by numerous circumlocutions 1 2 3 io_ P promptly calls the cities ' cities of refuge,' a title which D persistently ignores. The terminology of P, 'person,' 'congrega tion,' 'high priest anointed with the holy oil,' 'stranger and sojourner,' 'statute of judgement ' 2^, 'throughout your genera tions,' 'in all your dwellings,' these have all vanished. For P's 'killeth any person" unwittingly,' D vsrites 'killeth his neighbour unawares, and hated him not in time past,' laying stress on the " Ct this use of i»D5 with that in D's phrase ' smite him mortally ' ' ". 112 THE JUSTIFICATION OF THE PARTITION [VIIIiii§2, hatred, * n. The conditions of guiltless homicide are stated in widely different terms Num 3522. and Deut 19^ ; and the charac teristic phrases at the close, each pointing to numerous recurring parallels elsewhere, are clearly based on independent modes of religious thought : — Num 35 P '' So ye shall not pollute the land wherein ye are : for blood, it pol- luteth the land : and no expiation can be made for the land for the blood that is shed therein, but by the blood of him that shed it. '* And thou shalt not defile the land which ye inhabit, in the midst of which I dwell : for I Yahweh dwell in the midst of the children of Israel. Deut 19 D 1° That innocent blood be not shed in the midst of thy land, which Yahweh thy God giveth thee for an inheritance, and so blood be upon thee. ... IS Thine eye shall not pity him, but thou shalt put away the innocent blood from Israel, that it may go well with thee. Could any legislator, anxious to use his last days for the utmost benefit of his people, devote himself to the preparation of two similar laws thus bound by numerous connecting links with two separate codes, issued on the same spot, yet marked by so many differences both in contents and form ? iv. The Development Hypothesis"' The foregoing argument has been directed to prove that the Pentateuch is a great collection of sacred laws and corresponding narratives. These laws and narratives fall on examination into separate groups, which may be discriminated by criteria of substantial fact, of historic assumptions, of religious ideas, and finally of language. Such groups are necessarily the product of different minds ; it may even be of different social and religious conditions. It becomes important then to inquire what are their mutual relations. Do they show any marks of interdependence ? How far can one be said to presuppose another ? Is it possible to connect them into a coherent scheme of historic development ? 1. The inquiry thus opened has a twofold aim. If the docu ments are by various writers, it may be assumed that they do not all belong to the same decade, and it is quite conceivable that they may be separated by centuries. When the analysis has been provisionally effected, the first step, therefore, is to discover the sequence in which the several groups of material arose. If a definite order can be established among them, so that they can " This title will be found applied and expounded by Dr Briggs Higher Criticism ix. VIIIiv§2] THE DEVELOPMENT HYPOTHESIS 113 be arranged in a series or progression, a clue to their relations is obtained as a working basis for further advance. For it is plain that the mere linear distribution of the elements is quite inde pendent of the actual literary chronology; it fixes nothing in positive time, it only exhibits a certain conception of the stages in the growth of the complex whole. The second step, therefore, is to ascertain the relation of such stages to the admitted facts of history. Is there any adequate evidence connecting any of the documents with particular events, or even with important periods, in the national life of Israel ? If a single book can be clearly associated with any specific incident, and its date assigned within reasonable limits, those which follow it in the Pentateuchal series cannot be placed before this date ; and those anterior to it cannot be set later. The older criticism did not clearly disengage this twofold problem. It assumed that the document which appeared to be the literary foundation first of the book of Genesis, and then of the entire Hexateuch, was the earliest in time. It was embarrassed by theories of supplementation, and sought for its chief basis in the connexions of the narratives rather than of the laws. Not until the various codes were carefully studied in their relations with each other, and with the circumstances of Israel's religious history, could a clearer view be reached. The establish ment of this method has been the work of the last thirty years. 2. It has already been mentioned that the sacred law as con ceived by Ewald and most of his contemporaries practically started with the Priestly Code in the age of Solomon. The great Book of Origins (P) containing the Levitical legislation was an early pro duct of the organization of the national worship in the Temple. It was followed by a group of documents, partly of Ephraimite and partly of Judean origin, marked by strong affinities with prophetic thought, descending through the tenth and ninth cen turies and perhaps touching the eighth. These corresponded with the modern JE. To these were added, lastly, the book of Deuteronomy, first published in the reign of Josiah. A number of distinguished scholars adopted this view of the succession, though with various modifications in detail. In this country it lay at the back of the early investigations of Bishop Colenso ; it gleamed through the lectures of Dean Stanley ; it was systematic ally expounded by Dr S Davidson ; while the publication of the translation of Ewald's great History of Israel displayed its historical significance in full to the English reader. In the land of its birth, I 114 THE JUSTIFICA TION OF THE PARTITION [VIII iv § 2 however, it was felt less and less possible to maintain so early a date for the Priestly Law, and first Noldeke and then Dillmann admitted that it contained later elements". The place of Deuteronomy, in the seventh century, remained practically un challenged ; nor did any critic wish to shift JE from the ninth and eighth centuries, whatever views might be cherished as to the relative antiquity of J and B. The controversy really settled around the Priestly Code : was it older or younger than Deuteronomy ? 3. The suggestion that D had been composed earlier than P, and afterwards inserted into it, was made, though in a somewhat grotesque form, by Spinoza. But it had no critical or historic basis, and remained unfruitful. De Wette, who placed D in the reign of Josiah, conjectured that the Levitical law came gradually into existence after the reign of Solomon, but he did not seriously investigate its constituents, or compare them with the law-book of Josiah. As early as 1833, however, Eeuss was elaborating in his lectures at Strassburg the thesis that much of the priestly legislation in the middle books was posterior to Deuteronomy. Two scholars, Vatke and George, working on wholly independent lines, arrived simultaneously in 1835 at the same result. They were in advance of their age, and were so bitterly opposed by the dominant school that no further progress was made in that direc tion for a quarter of a century. In 1861, however, Kuenen ventured to publish the view'' that the Priestly Law contained passages (such as Lev 16 17 Num 16 18 31) which could only be understood as further developments of the demands formulated in D. The decisive attack on the established critical tradition was made by Graf, a pupil of Beuss, in two essays published at the close of 1865 ". The study of the historical records, from the period of the Judges to the fall of the monarchy, convinced him that the Levitical Code was not in existence between the settle ment in Canaan and the capture of Jerusalem. That Code, how ever, was not all of one piece ; it contained earlier and later elements. The older were chiefly comprised in a group of chapters Lev 17-26 (since designated the Holiness-legislation P^), which Graf connected with the prophet Ezekiel. The younger " So, at the present day, Kittel History of the Hebrews i 132, Baudissin, Strack, and others. ' Historisch-Kritisch Onderzoek i, Leiden, 1861. ' Die GeschichUichen Biicher des Alten Testaments, Leipzig ; the work bore the date of 1866. Vllliv§3] THE DEVELOPMENT HYPOTHESIS 115 were incorporated by Ezra after the captivity. The views of Graf did not at once make way, and they were encumbered at the outset by a critical difficulty. He adhered to the early date of the toVdhoth sections in Genesis, and thus cut Ewald's Book of Origins in two. It was not long before the reviewers seized upon this inconsistency, which Kuenen also pointed out in private", and he subsequently accepted the correction, with the result that the toVdhoth sections, and the code to which they served as introduction, were assigned to a common date. Dr Kalisch in this country was at the same time reviving the views of George in his learned commentary on Leviticus '' ; and in Holland Kuenen adopted the main conceptions of Graf as the basis of his history of the ' Eeligion of Israel ".' From this time, the ' Grafians,' as they were sometimes contemptuously called, began slowly to increase in number **; and in 1876 their little band received the powerful support of Wellhausen, whose brilliant series of articles on the composition of the Hexateuch at once awoke the attention of Germany. These were followed in 1878 by the first volume of a History of Israel ", which con tained a searching examination of the entire tradition of the cultus, involving a comparison of the Pentateuchal Codes with the historical records. These two works, together with the elaborate treatise on the Hexateuch issued by Kuenen in 1885-'^, have formed the basis of all subsequent exposition for their school, while the great series of commentaries by Dillmann represent the modifications which have been found needful by the continuators of the current hypothesis of fifty years ago *. By his admirable lectures on The Old Testament in the Jewish Church, the late Prof W Eobertson Smith familiarized the results of Kuenen and Wellhausen for English readers : this view lay at the back of his profound researches into the origin of Semitic institutions, and by " Bishop Colenso still championed it in the last instalment of his Pentateuch part vii, though he finally acquiesced in the modern view. 6 Dr Kalisch had previously advocated the Mosaic authorship of Genesis and Exodus. LevHAeus, vol i, appeared in 1867. 0 Issued in Dutch, 1869-70, aud in English, 1874. ^ Bishop Colenso adopted the late date of the Levitical legislation in his Pentateuch part vi, 1872. ° Issued in English in 1885 under the title Prolegomena to the History of Israel. In 1894 this was succeeded by his Israelitische und Jiidische Geschichte. f As the first vol of a new edition of the Onderzoek. Au English translation by Mr P H Wieksteed appeared in 1886. ' Dillmann's position is still held iu the main by scholars like Kittel, Baudissin, and Strack. I 2 ii6 THE JUSTIFICATION OF THE PARTITION [Vllliv5 3 his influence it was adopted as the foundation for the general treatment of the Old Testament in the last edition of the En cyclopaedia Britannica. To it, also. Prof Driver has given his weighty support " : and his eminent American colleagues in the preparation of the new edition of the Hebrew Lexicon of Gesenius, Prof C H Briggs and Prof Francis Brown, have incorporated it into their work. A crowd of scholars in Germany, Holland, France, Great Britain, and the United States, are ranged side by side in its defence. No other critical hypothesis has won so large a variety of adhesions in so short a time. It may be safely said at present to command the field. On what grounds does it rest ? The answer is twofold, (i) on a comparison of the documents with each other, and (2) on a comparison of the documents with history. The first yields the order, JE, D, and P ; the second leads to the negative result that D was unknown before the seventh century, and P not in existence in its present form before the exile ; whUe positively it connects D with a promulgation of sacred law under Josiah in 622, and P with a similar promulga tion by Ezra, the date commonly assigned being 444 b c. " See his well-known Introduction to the Literature of the OT. With this book must be named Bishop Eyle's essay on The Canon ofthe OT. CHAPTER IX THE ORDER OP THE DOCUMENTS The reader who has followed the exposition in the foregoing section will not be surprised to find D chosen as a suitable basis for the twofold comparison just indicated. Its well defined place in the Pentateuch permits it to be easily isolated for literary purposes ; while its mingled contents of narrative and legislation secure for it numerous points of contact with the books which have preceded it. Further, its central ideas are simple ; their application to Israel's life is also simple ; and they furnish, there fore, a ready clue to the inquirer who interrogates history to ascertain the first traces of their recognition. i. The Antecedents of Deuteronomy The book of Deuteronomy opens with a recital of the events of the wanderings of Israel since their departure from Mount Horeb. It thus covers the narrative of Num 10II-36. But the exhorta tions which follow carry back the story to the Covenant of the Ten Words, and recall by many an allusion the wonders of the Exodus and of ancient time. The former days of the fathers are open to its survey, as well as the latest incidents of the wilder ness: and the inquiry into the precursors of D concerns itself accordingly on the one hand with the traditions, and on the other with the laws. 1. The most prominent reference in D to the ancestors of Israel deals with the divine promise of the land. This is always cited in the terms of JE. It is repeatedly described "107 as an oath in a form nowhere employed by P : — 1' Go in and possess the land which Yahweh sware unto your fathers, to Abraham, to Isaac, and to Jacob, to give unto them. A comparison with the passages enumerated in ^^217 at once establishes them as the source of D's allusion :— Deut ii" Yahweh your God hath multi plied you, and, behold, ye are this day as the stars of heaven for multi tude. Gen 22I* By myself have I sworn, saith Yahweh, ... 1^ that in multiplying I will multiply thy seed as the stars of heaven. ii8 THE ORDER OF THE DOCUMENTS [IXi§i Yahweh is thus to D pre-eminently the 'God of the fathers,' a title recalling his providential guidance in a manner familiar to JB (-"120) but avoided by P. In describing the descent of Israel into Egypt, however, D specifies the number seventy persons 10^^, which accords with P. The references to the increase of the people and to their sufferings 26^- • [Hex ii margin) seem to follow the narrative of JE, and we are thus brought to the period of Moses' own career. (a) The retrospect never touches the hour of his divine call ; nor does it specify the separate strokes of the wrath of Yahweh against Pharaoh. It frequently recalls the ' signs and wonders ' "lOi and the ' mighty hand ' °8o " : but when it introduces detail concerning the month of the deliverance 16I, it is the detail (ear- month) of J contrasted with that of P. The allusions to the overthrow of Pharaoh ii4 and to the manna 83 1^ are not decisive (though there is a critical presumption in favour of E, see mar ginal parallels and notes in loc). But on the march the references are clear ; Massah 6i^ 9^^ and the attack of Amalek 25i''~i' belong to B ''. At Horeb (E's name for the sacred mountain) it is the narrative of E which is mostly followed. The recital of the Ten Words contains a rnarked difference in the commentary on the fourth commandment (Deut. 51^ ct Ex 20II). The version in " The affinities of these expressions may be studied in the word-lists. For ' signs and wonders ' cp Ex 7' P ; ' stretched out arm ' 26' cp Ex 6' P ; 'haste' 16' cp Ex 12I1 P. Do these parallels require us to suppose that D derived them from P ? In an inquiry concerning literary and historical dependence, the evidence must be viewed in various lights. Until a definite result is reached on other grounds, linguistic parallels may be conceivably read both ways : if D may be founded on P, may it not also be argued that P may have caught up the expressions of D ? Or may they not both draw from a larger range of literary and religious tradition? Something vvill depend on context, or on frequency of usage. Thus P only uses ' signs and wonders ' once, but D six times : in P the words are associated Ex ^* with ' judgements,' which D never employs : the same word appears in Ex 6^ where P has ' stretched out arm and great judgements ' (once) in place of D's frequent ' mighty hand and stretched out arm.' Again, 'haste' Deut 16' occurs in connexion with a time-specification different from P's (see above). So 'hard service' Deut 26^ is found in Ex 6' P, but in another context. Cp ' create ' 4'^ and Gen ii '¦''. Above all the phrase 'be for a God' Deut 26" 29I' recalls the terminology of P. But a reference to ¦''26 suggests caution. In the two passages in D the words are associated with a counterpart 'be for a people.' These are found together in almost all the prophetic passages (where alone the phrase appears outside the Pentateuch), but only twice in P Ex S' and Lev 261^. The usage, therefore, points to derivation from the devotional language of a religious school, ratlier than to the adoption of a phrase from one document into another. ' In 815 water is brought out of the rock (smj) as in Ex 17^ E. In P's story Num 20" the rock is fete'. IX i § 10-] THE ANTECEDENTS OF DEUTERONOMY 119 Exodus is obviously related to Gen 1-24* P. Can it be supposed that D set aside the solemn appeal to the creative week crowned with divine rest, to introduce a historic reminiscence which had no practical connexion with the observance of the seventh day ? The representations of the terrified people Deut 523-27 expand those in Ex 2oi3" 20 jj . and the recital of the great apostasy Deut 9, and its sequel in the reinscription of the Ten Words iqI"^, runs a similar though not identical course with JB in Ex 32—34. It has already been pointed out that the account of the construction of the ark Deut ioi~^ is irreconcilable with that of P " (chap VIII i § 3). Nor are there any allusions to the chief features of P's narrative : the ' glory ' does not cover the mount, ¦and no Dwelling arises to receive the ' ark of the covenant ' into its holy place, and provide a throne for Yahweh in the centre of his people. (/3) Before leaving Horeb Moses appoints assistant judges i^~i3, his recital being strangely blended (see Hex ii margin) from passages in Ex and Num belonging to E, When the people quit the sacred mountain, the narrative of D still recognizes only the incidents of JE, such as are connected with the names of Taberah and Kibroth-hattaavah 9^^, the leprosy of Miriam 24', the march round Seir 2I, the passage through Edom 24~*, and the fiery serpents 8i^. The first step in the Trans-jordanic conquest is related 2^^^37 ju obvious dependence on JE, which does not seem originally to have included the defeat of Og and the capture of Bashan *- The mention of Balaam 234 and of Baal of Peor 43 shows the familiarity of D with the contents of JE up to the Jordan camp. The view which it takes of the ideal boundaries of Israel's land i^ ii24 coincides with JE in Gen 15I3, and not with the limits then so recently defined by P Num 34^~^2, Of P, indeed, there is no trace. The accounts of the death of Aaron 10' and the charge to Joshua 3ii4- ^3 now incorporated in D, cannot be reconciled with it. To the striking episodes of the second census, and (still more) the Midianite war, which have happened but yesterday, D makes no reference : and his account of the divine refusal to permit Moses to enter the promised land i3''. cp 323-26 (Joes not harmonize with the cause assigned by P " They agree, however, that the ark was made of acacia wood. !> On peculiar difficulties connected vyith 318-ao an 185. IX ii § la] THE TESTIMONY OF HISTORY 133 sanctuaries, and (2) the frequent performance of sacrifice by laymen. (a) Prior to the Jerusalem Temple there is no trace of any exclusively authorized sanctuary. The Mosaic Tent is fixed at Shiloh Josh 181, but there is even in Joshua's time a holy place at Sheehem " with its solemn stone and oak. in its enclosure 242*, where a national assembly is held, a covenant is made, and laws are issued. What relation this bore to the temple of the ' Baal of the League ' Judg 94 it is not necessary to conjecture. It is sufficient to point out that sacrifice might be offered in almost any spot, and for sacrifice an altar of some sort was indispensable. The country was covered with sacred places, many of them doubtless connected with the cultus of the Canaanite occupants **, at which the Israelites soon learned to worship. Such was the great ' high place ' at Gibeon i Kings 34,, one of a small group of Canaanite towns which retained their independence till after the monarchy had been established. Such, probably, was the Gilgal or Stone-circle near Jericho (there was a second in the neighbourhood of Bethel, and a third, is. named near Gerizim Deut 1130). Others were founded by the new settlers. Gideon built an altar at Ophrah Judg 6^^ and devoted a portion of the Midianite booty to. his sanctuary 82'. , The Danites plant them selves with the grandson of Moses for their priest in the far north iS^'- . The boy Samuel is dedicated to the service of the house of Yahweh at Shiloh. This is no wandering tent, it is a stationary temple i Sam i'. A later annotator has, indeed, attempted to identify it with the Levitical Dwelling, by inserting a clause 2^^'' referring to the women that did service at the door of the Tent of Meeting Ex 38^. But this passage is recognized as an addition by the fact that it is not contained in the original Greek text", and its testimony cannot therefore be accepted. In the Shiloh temple, Samuel, himself no Levite, still less priest, sleeps in the chamber of the ark i Sam 33 : and in after days he ministers at the high place in Eamah, his own home 912- •. Sacrifice is equally legitimate upon a rock Judg 6^0, or on an extemporized altar in the open field i Sam 6i4 1435. The per-, manent sanctuaries are not all, however, of equal importance. , " @ reads Shiloh in Josh 24I, and this reading is adopted by Gratz. '' Such were the three sun-sanctuaries (Beth-shemesh) Judg i" Josh 151° , 19'^; Beth-anath and Anathoth, deriving their names from the Mesopotamian Anath, and many more. Cp von Gall Al'israelitischs Kvltstditen, 1898. " Cp Driver Notes on the Text of Samuel p 26. 134 THE ORDER OF THE DOCUMENTS [IX ii § la Shiloh and the ark no doubt took the lead. But the overthrow of the temple there did not affect the local worships elsewhere. Bethel is an important place of pilgrimage io3. Nob emerges out of obscurity for a moment, and falls back into the gloom. Eamah must have been lifted into eminence by Samuel 7I'', but of any successor in his ministry at the 'high place' there is no record. Even after the removal of the ark to Zion, the right of sacrifice elsewhere is still open in the neighbourhood of Jerusalem. David offers the oxen on Araunah's threshing-floor 2 Sam 24^^ ; and when Adonijah prepared to claim the succession, be is supported by the priest Abiathar in a festive sacrifice at the ' Serpent Stone ' beside the ' Fuller's Well " ' i Kings i'' ^, a public act which could not have involved a flagrant violation of sacred law likely to prejudice his bid for the throne. But the first step towards a new order had been taken by David, and Zion naturally tended more and more to become a religious centre, .as Jerusalem focussed the civil life of the nation. [0) The Deuteronomic demand for a single sanctuary being thus unrecognized, it is not surprising to find Levitical principles ignored or defied with equal regularity and persistence. What ever may be the early history of the tribe of Levi, and no branch of the history of Israel is more obscure, it appears plain that religious usage in the age immediately following the settlement is entirely unconscious of the requirements of the Priestly Code. There is no trace of any exclusive sacred order. The chief authority is civil, not ecclesiastical : the ' congregation ' is dis solved and the ' high priest ' disappears : the people have no proper unity, they are scattered tribes, and the work of estab lishing a political and religious bond requires hundreds of years. AU through the main narrative of Judges 3-16 there is no mention of professional priests. Gideon and Manoah sacrifice 62*' 131'- after the fashion of the patriarchs of elder time. A wealthy Ephraimite who piously establishes a household sanctuary, instals one of his own sons as its priest 17*- Even the wandering Levite whom he engages on the small annual stipend of ten pieces of silver, a suit of clothes, and his board i", was not of Aaronic descent. At Shiloh the priesthood has become hereditary in Eli's family '', but a youth from another tribe is admitted into " Cp W Eobertson Smith Religion of the Semites 157. ^ The connexion of Eli with the house of Levi is nowhere affirmed in the oldest narratives, i Sam 227-36 having been ' recast by the narrator, and in IXiiiW] THE TESTIMONY OF HISTORY 135 the sanctuary, and in defiance of all Levitical prescription sleeps beside the ark. Others among the larger sanctuaries doubt less had permanent priesthoods. The numerous guild at Nob I Sam 22I3 seems to have been connected with the house of Eli 22I1 143. At Dan the sacred office was transmitted by descent from the grandson of Moses Judg 18^", just as afterwards at Jerusalem the Temple-guild was derived from Zadok. But though Levitical priestsmight be preferred, they appear to have been few in number and impoverished in condition, and their presence was certainly not required to legitimize a sacrifice. Samuel conducts it regularly at Eamah and frequently elsewhere, as at Mizpah, Bethlehem, and Gilgal, i Sam 7^- 912- iii^ 16^ ^ ; and Saul does the same 13' 143^ 151^ ^^ ; over the family sacrifice once a year at Bethlehem, Jesse or some other elder probably presided". No series of incidents brings into clearer light the habitual and unconscious violations of the order delineated in the Priestly Code than the story of the treatment of the ark. When it is sent back by its Philistine captors i Sam 612, the kine bring the cart in which it has been placed into the fields of Beth-shemesh, where the villagers are gathering the wheat-harvest. The cart stops beside a great stone ; the grateful reapers immediately extemporize a sacrifice ; the cart is chopped up to kindle the altar fire, and the kine are burned as an offering to Yahweh. When the sacrifice is over, the Levites appear and take down the ark from the cart already burned, and the men of Beth-shemesh repeat the rite. This singular incongruity is only explicable on the view that 1* is an editorial insertion after the manner of 2^^^, though in this case the Greek text does not betray it^ The sequel proves that the Levites could have had no share in the proceedings. Th© men of Beth-shemesh, afraid to retain the ark in their midst, propose its removal to Kiriath-jearim. There it is placed in the house of Abinadab, and the townsmen consecrate his son to guard it. The fact that the ark was thus permitted its new form coloured by the associations with which he was himself familiar,' Driver LOT' 174. Budde, SBOT, assigns the passage to BA. On the general question cp Nowack Hebr Archaol ii 91, and Benziuger Hebr Archaol 411. " A deviation of another kind may be seen in i Sam 2 12-17^ where the sons of Eli bring ruin on their house through exactions which the Law expressly defined as the 'priests' due' (§ = ' custom') ^ Deut 18^. In Lev 7'* the priest's share in the sacrifice is still further augmented {Laws 7'pdjl). The usage sanctioned by the time of D was an unjust usurpation before the monarchy. Cp Wellhausen Proleg to the Hist of Israel (1885) 154. ^ Budde ascribes it to a late priestly redactor. 136 THE ORDER OF THE DOCUMENTS [IX ii § \0 to remain for many years in lay custody, is one of the most singular circumstances in this singular age. Samuel shows no concern for it. The descendants of its former guardians, the priestly house at Nob, are indifferent to it. Saul is not interested in it ; and it is not tUl David is firmly established in Jerusalem that he prepares with great solemnity to transport it to Jerusalem 2 Sam 6. An unhappy disaster interrupted the procession, and, with an extraordinary violation of Levitical propriety, the ark was carried into the house of an alien, bearing the name of a foreign god, Obed-edom of Gath. Its final transfer was effected three months later, David himself assuming a priestly vestment i4, conducting the sacrifices i* and pronouncing the benediction in the name of Yahweh. The older narrative records no partici pation by priest or Levite in these proceedings. What share they ought to have taken according to the Pentateuchal standard may be inferred from the representation of the Chronicler in the spirit of pious observance of the Law i Chron 15, where Obed-edom is converted into a Levitical harper ^i. At the court of David, Abiathar, who alone had escaped from the massacre of the Ul-fated house of Eli at Nob, is associated with Zadok 2 Sam 81^". But this does not hinder David from appointing his own sons priests likewise i3, as weU as Ira of the Manassite clan Jair '' settled on the east of the Jordan 20^3, That Absalom should pay his vow at the ancient sanctuary of Hebron I5''~'*, and offer sacrifices there i^, that Solomon should sacrifice at the great Bamah at Gibeon i Kings 34, and before the ark at Jerusalem 1^, that he should nominate Zabud, Nathan's son, to be priest 4^, that he should himself consecrate the Temple court 362-64 and utter the blessing i4, is entirely in accordance with the usages of the time, though by no means in accordance with the sanctuary-ordinance of Deuteronomy or the clerical distinctions of the Priestly Code. The Levitical institutions, however, appear to be implied in the ceremonial at the dedication of the Temple I Kings 8i~^. But the same witness which has already proved the presence of interpolation in favour of the Levitical dwelling I Sam 2^^*!, comes forward again to testify that the specific references to the sacerdotal Law had no place in the original story. The Greek version represents an older text than the " (S reads Abiathar son of Ahimelech, and this correction is universally accepted. " ® reads Jattir, in Judah, i Sam 30'' Josh 15*'. IX ii § 10] THE TESTIMONY OF HISTORY 137 Hebrew which has descended to us from the Synagogue"; and a comparison of the two reveals that the Hebrew underwent late Levitical enrichment, carrying back the sacred order of the second Temple to honour the dedication of the first : — Hebrew 1 Then Solomon assembled the elders of Israel, and all the heads of the tribes, the princes of the fathers' houses of the children of Israel, unto king Solomon in Jeru salem, to bring up the ark of the covenant of Yahweh out of the city of David, which is Zion. ^ And all the men of Israel assembled them selves unto king Solomon at the feast, in the month Ethanim, which is the seventh month. ' And all the elders of Israel came, and the priests took up the ark. * And they brought up the ark of Yahweh, and the tent of meeting, and all the holy vessels that were in the tent ; even these did the priests and the Levites bring up. ° And king Solomon and all the congregation of Israel, that were assembled unto him, were with him before the ark, sacriiicing sheep and oxen, that could not be told nor numbered for multitude. Greek Then Solomon assembled the elders of Israel, to bring up the ark of the covenant of Yahweh out of the city of David which is Zion, in the month Ethanim. And the priests took up the ark and the tent of meeting and the holy vessels that were in the tent. And the king and all Israel were before the ark, sacrificing sheep and oxen that could not be numbered. It will be noted that some of the insertions (though not all) are dependent on the ideas and phraseology of P. Such are the 'princes' '131 of 'the fathers' houses' ""eS, the 'priests and the Levites ' as separate orders, and the ' congregation ' '45 ; the identification of Ethanim as the seventh month being another sign of later modes of reckoning ^ A comparison with the narrative in Chronicles here provides a suggestive clue. According to the statement of i Kings 83 the ark was carried by the priests, following ancient usage (cp Josh 33 6" 833). g^t 2 Chron 54 assigns this duty to the Levites, under the regulations of the " The original text was probably simpler still ; cp Wellhausen Einl in das ./ir (Bleek*, 1878) 235; Benziuger Hd-Comm (1899) 57; Kittel ifd/comm (1900) 70-72. '' Cp chap XIII § 45. The reference to the 'Tent of Meeting and the holy vessels ' ^ bears all the marks of being an earlier insertion. This no doubt designates the ' Dwelling' and its 'furniture' {^ = vessels). Ex 25'... But the Tent has never been mentioned before (since Josh 19^1) except in the intei-polated passage i Sam 3''^^'' which is wanting in @. Nothing ftirther is said of its deposition in the Temple (though that of the ark is minutely described) ; and a new set of vessels has already been prepared by the Tyrian artists. 138 THE ORDER OF THE DOCUMENTS [IXii§ii8 Priestly Code. Does it not seem as if P must have come into view between the compilation ofthe two records ofthe monarchy"? 2. The erection of the Temple at Jerusalem was not exclusively a religious act ; it had a political significance as well ; the splendour of the royal sanctuary was the symbol of the royal power, but it was not a substitute for the local altars hallowed by the piety of generations. The editor of the book of Kings, it is true, writing under the influence of Deuteronomic principles, does so regard it. In his view the establishment of a central cultus at Jerusalem invalidated all others. Before that time they might be excused ; after it, they could only be con demned (cp I Kings 3^-)- In Jerusalem alone did Yahweh set his name (i Kings 8I* @, 2 Chron 6") ; there only was worship legitimate. (a) But there is no sign that this was the opinion of Solomon's own time. The age did not lack prophets ; and the importance of the Temple must have given special prominence to Zadok, whom Solomon installed as his chief priest, and to the priestly guild which afterwards bore Zadok's name. Yet neither prophet nor priest is recorded to have made any protest against the ' high places.' In the long succession of kings who maintained the continuity of the Davidic house in Jerusalem, while the northern kingdom saw one line after another abruptly closed by murder and revolution, distinguished piety again and again secures the historian's commendation (Asa i Kings 1514, Jehoshaphat 2243, Joash 2 Kings 122., Amaziah 143-, Uzziah 153-, Jotham I534-). But a qualifying clause is added : ' Howbeit the high places were not taken away ; the people stUl sacrificed and burned incense in the high places.' It is plain, then, that there was no demand for their abolition, and the local worships were practised without objection. This was naturally the case, also, in the northern kingdom. At Dan was a priesthood which claimed descent from Moses, though they served Yahweh in the form of a golden bull. Bethel, haUowed in tradition by the theophanies to the patriarchs; a place of pilgrimage in Samuel's day, had been raised to the rank of a 'royal sanctuary' Amos 7I3 by Jeroboam. Sheehem and Gilgal in middle Canaan, and Beer-sheba in the far south, were also favourite places of religious resort for the worshippers of Israel. The prophetic guUds raise no cry for their suppression. " For a confirmation of this conclusion founded on the comparison of I Kings 8««. with a Chron 78-10, see chap XIII § 4a. IXii§25] THE TESTIMONY OF HISTORY 139 In the great struggle with the house of Omri, Elijah hurls all his force against the cultus of the Tyrian Baal, but he is content to leave the high places, their sacred pillars, and their images, unchallenged. On Carmel he rebuilds the fallen altar i Kings 1 830 ; and he witnesses without rebuke the un-Levitical pro ceedings of Elisha 1921, where the word 'slew' is, strictly, ' sacrificed.' [0) These conditions seem to be plainly reflected in the patri archal stories recited by J and E, and in the altar-law of the First Code Ex 2o24. The narratives of the altars commemorating the theophanies to the ancestors are unconsciously intended to account for the time-honoured repute and sanctity of places which after wards became important centres of cultus. Beer-sheba and Hebron in the south. Bethel and Sheehem among the central heights, Mizpah and Peniel on the east of Jordan, were thus incorporated into the traditions of the past ". The sacred stones, the trees, the wells, which a later prophetic age found heathenish, were unmistakably marked as hallowed by divine approval in the stage of thought and feeling out of which the narratives emerged. The aUusions of the prophet Hosea I23- 12 show that he was well acquainted with the stories of the Jacob cycle ; and the more general references of Amos point in like manner to the account of the wanderings presented in JE. His question concerning the cultus of the desert, ' Did ye bring unto me sacrifices and offerings in the wUderness forty years, O house of Israel ? ' 5^^, seems directly to exclude the complicated ritual of the Priestly Code. Had such a body of sacrificial statutes been recognized as in actual operation on the march, he could not have thus easUy assumed that it did not exist. Yet Amos prophesied in the sixth century from Sinai. The denunciations of the worship at the northern sanctuaries which break from Amos and Hosea, are not founded upon its illegality, but upon its unspiritual character. Neither because it is offered at the wrong place, nor on the ground of its performance by the wrong persons, do they condemn it. It is not affirmed that Yahweh cannot be found at Bethel, because he has set his name in Jerusalem ; nor are the sacrifices worthless because the Levitical distinctions are not observed. There is 'teaching' in plenty Hos 812, though it has been forgotten 4® ; but its object is not "¦ A parallel instance may be found in the legends which cluster around Glastonbury. Cp the sanctuary stories so frequently reported by Pausanias. I40 THE ORDER OF THE DOCUMENTS [IXii§2^ ceremonial but moral 6^ ; the ' knowledge of God ' which is its proper purpose, lies not in offerings but in judgement, righteous ness, and brotherly love. 3. In Jerusalem under the stimulus of prophetic thought Zion began to gain a new place in reUgious imagination. True, her priests were drunken and venal, yet the city which held the earthly counterpart to the heavenly sanctuary (Is 6i) rose higher and higher as the seat of Yahweh's decrees Amos i^". Here was the supreme court of appeal for the administration of justice which had been so intimately connected with religion from the earliest Mosaic days ; here was the centre of the priesthood whose recognized duty it was to give 'teaching.' So to Isaiah Zion is the seat of Yahweh's sovereignty' over Israel, the dwelling of the heavenly king 8i3. If the prophetic oracle which appears so curiously duplicated in Is 2^~^4 ^nd Mic 4'^~'3^ may still be regarded as ancient'', Yahweh's mountain was already destined to become the religious centre far the world ; thither would the nations resort for teaching, thence should Yahweh's word go forth among the peoples. But this future exaltation of the Temple hUl does not depend on its sole right to the cultus. It is even compatible in Micah 4* with the continuance of poly theism. Like their earlier contemporaries, Isaiah and Micah do not condemn the worship of their countrymen as illegal. It is worthless, it is true, but not because the plurality of altars is a defiance of the law ; the hands that offer it are ' full of blood,' and the images before which it is performed are fit only for the moles and bats. Accordingly the eighth-century prophecy does not seem to have formulated any call on the civU power for the destruction of the high places. A movement in that direction is, however, ascribed to Hezekiah 2 Kings i83~^. The statement is couched in the language of the Deuteronomic editor of the whole book, and belongs to a time when the roll of the kings was completed ^ In the retrospect of the exUe, in full " Cheyne, introduction to W E Smith's Prophets of Israel* xvi, proposes to strike out this verse. But cp Wellhausen Die Kleinen Propheten (1892) 67 ; G A Smith Twelve Prophets i (1896) 93 ; Nowack Die Kleinen Propheten (Hdkomm, 1897) 122. '' So Kuenen Onderzoek^ (1889) ; Duhm Jesaia (Hdkomm, 1892) 15 ; KSnig Einl (1893) 312 ; similarly Cornill*, Wildeboer, Driver LOT' 207, and Bertholet Die Stellung der Israeliten zu den Fremden 97-99 ; on the other hand cp Stade ZATW i 165 ff, iv 292 ; Wellhausen Skizsm v 139 (1892) ; Cheyne Introd to the Book of Isaiah (1895) 9, Isaiah in SBOT 18, and in Enc Bibl ii 2194 ; Nowack Die Kleinen Propheten (Hdkomm) 206 ; Marti Hd-Comm (igoo) 28 ; indetermi nate, G A Smith Twelve Prophets i 367. lXii§3] THE TESTIMONY OF HISTORY 141 view of the Deuteronomic principle enforcing the limitation of the cultus to one place, the reforming zeal of Hezekiah could only be conceived in one direction, — the overthrow of the agencies of idolatry, and the purgation of worship. He is said, therefore, not only to have shattered the brazen serpent which tradition connected with Moses (Num 2i3-), but also to have removed the high .places and broken the sacred pillars. What precise facts this general statement covers, cannot now be ascertained ". The date of the reform is unknown ; it has been even supposed (in spite of I Kings 18^2 n jg .^ff ^^ to have been the fruit of Isaiah's influence on Hezekiah after the retreat of Sennacherib". But it is plain from the records of Josiah's proceedings that Hezekiah could not have gone very far **. In the Temple precincts he did not disturb the altars on the roof of the upper chamber of Ahaz, intended probably for star-worship ; across the valley on the Mount of Olives the high places erected by Solomon for the foreign worships remained untouched 2 Kings 23' 2-. It is hardly likely, therefore, that there was any attempt at the general suppression of the local altars to Yahweh. The time for such a movement was not ripe ; it lacked an adequate impulse. When Josiah actually accomplished it in the next century, it has the air of a startling novelty. It does not appear that any prede cessor had really prepared the way. Up to the end of the eighth century, therefore, no clear trace of the special institutions of either D or P can be discovered. Usage, sanctioned by the leaders of the people, political and religious, continually conflicts with them. The language of prophecy shows no definite ac quaintance with their devotional phraseology ^ The inference inevitably follows : their demands were unrecognized because they had not yet been made. " The peculiar tenses in *" betray an interpolator's hand, cp Benziuger Hd-Comm (1899) ; Kittel Hdkomm (1900) ; G E Moore ' Deut ' in Enc Bibl i 1085. >> On this narrative op Cheyne Introd to Isaiah 226, and Driver LOT' 227. " So Stade Gesch des Volkes Israel i 608, cp Montefiore Hibb Led 163 ; Well hausen Isr und Jild Gesch 91. ^ Cp Kuenen Hex 200. ' On the affinities of D cp chap X § 2a, and of P chap XIII § 4y. CHAPTEE X DEUTERONOMY The foregoing summary of the earlier testimony of history concerning the different requirements of the Pentateuch indicates that the religious institutions of Israel up to the end of the eighth century were in general harmony with the ideas and ordinances of JE. The argument from silence is overwhelmingly strong against the public recognition, or even against the private exis tence, of important legislative collections such as D and P. Further evidence, however, is needed to account for the first appearance and the subsequent authority of these Codes. Such evidence is, happily, forthcoming. But before inquiring for it in the case of D, it may be well to ask whether the book itself contains any clues to the secret of its date. 1. The critics of the seventeenth century like Hobbes early made an attempt to distinguish between the central Law and the historical and hortatory setting. It was pointed out that the opening words which described Moses as addressing all Israel ' on the other side of Jordan ' implied a writer in Palestine. The time-language, also, was unfavourable to Mosaic authorship : the events of the preceding months were repeatedly described in terms implying distant retrospect, and their results were linked to the present by the formula ' unto this day.' Such remarks affect only the framework of the actual laws. But the laws themselves are devised to meet conditions distant by centuries from the Mosaic age " ; they prohibit practices which are first recorded under the influence of foreign cults when the religion of Israel was exposed to new dangers, and unexpected rivals im perilled the national homage to Yahweh. Thus not only do the general regulations of the book assume the settlementr of Israel after the conquest, — the boundaries of property fixed in ancient time 19I4, the life of the homestead with its local priest 'the Levite that is within thy gates,' the sacred festivals of the agri cultural year, — but specific laws are designed to regulate the politi- "^ Cp Deut 19I* : ' the law, in its present wording, presupposes the occu pation of Canaan by the Israelites,' Driver in loc. X§1] HISTORICAL CIRCUMSTANCES 143 cal and religious circumstances of a much later day. (i) The monarchy is described 1714. ¦ in terms which plainly recall the reign of Solomon, with its definite allusions to the royal horse- trade 1* (cp I Kings 10^3. Jg 3ji) and the royal harem. (ii) The prophetic order is strong and active, but its activity must be watched and its claims must be scrutinized. These conditions at once place the laws on prophecy far below its rise in the age of Samuel. They point to the confiiets revealed in the language of Isaiah and stUl more of Jeremiah, when the Temple was the scene of open struggle between rivals who each claimed to speak in the divine name. Two passages are concerned with this theme. The first 13^"^ at once rejects all prophecy inviting to the worship of other gods ; the second 1820-22 considers the case of the prophet who announces ' Thus saith Yahweh ' when Yahweh has not bidden him. It is not a little singular — and probably points to composition by more than one hand — that the criterion proposed in the second case has already been dis allowed in the first. The prophet of other gods may promise a sign or a wonder, and the promise may come to pass, but he deserves no credence. . For the prophet who speaks in Yahweh's name, however, there is no other test : ' if the thing follow not, that is the thing which Yahweh hath not spoken.' His doom is certain, ' that same prophet shall die.' It was the test which Jeremiah proposed to Hananiah Jer 28' 3, ' this year thou shalt die.' (iii) Beside the monarchy and prophecy the provision for appeals 173—13 assumes the existence of a supreme authority for hearing and deciding them. It is suggested in the analysis Hex ii that the difficulties in the description of the arrangement arise from the combination of two orders, one civil, deliver ing 'judgements,' the other religious, pronouncing torah. Two bodies appear to exist side by side, cp 19I' ; both are located in the capital ; but their precise mutual relations and the particulars of their jurisdiction are not defined. The law, however, which refers to them as already in action must be posterior to their establishment. Little indeed is known of the constitution of such tribunals: but the Chronicler ascribes to .Jehoshaphat in the ninth century a supreme judicial organization in which priests and Levites on the one hand, and the laity on the other, were both represented 2 Chron 193". (iv) The language of Deut 24- appears to contain an allusion to the independence of " Cp Dillmann, Driver, Steuernagel {Hdkomm, 1898) and Bertholet {Hd- 144 DEUTERONOMY [X § l Edom, which is part of the divine purpose. Some critics have seen in this passage a political reference to the events of the reign of Ahaz. Conquered by David 2 Sam 8i4, Elath at the head of the gulf of Ak^ah became an important port for Solomon's eastern trade i Kings 92^. His successors failed to hold it, but it was regained by Uzziah 2 Kings 14^^. With the help of Eezin, however, Edom threw off the suzerainty of Judah 2 Kings 16^ ® 2 Chron 281^ ; and after the fall of Eezin maintained its own liberties, like the little neighbouring kingdoms of Moab and Ammon, cp Jer 92^ 3521 273. This argument practically places the book in the seventh century. (v) Weightier evidence is found in the enforcement of the unity of the sanctuary. The fundamental law of Deut 12 requires the abolition of the high places. The word, indeed, is not employed ; but the meaning of the statute admits of no doubt. Couched in the dramatic form of a command issued by Moses before the conquest, it regards the local sanctuaries as Canaanite, and the usages of reUgion practised there as Canaanite also. That view was no doubt in many cases correct. Particular altars might be ascribed to Samuel or to Saul ; but the majority were the time-honoured foundations of generations older still. The worship celebrated there perpetuated the same sacred objects, image and pillar and tree-pole ; it was associated with some of the same rites ". At the same altar, it is quite possible, homage was offered alternatively to Yahweh or to the Baals Hos 23~i3. As the sequel shows, the high places that were destroyed were high places of Yahweh, and the priests who served them were priests of Yahweh, for whom the new Code provided equal rights at the Temple-altar (cp Is 36^ Deut i8^- 2 Kings 23'). But the proposal to suppress these local sanctuaries after the earher law had so long recognized them, could only arise when there was no longer any hope of reUeving them of their abuses and purging their worship of its corruption. Even the prophecy of the eighth century only caUed for their reform, it did not contemplate their extinction ''. The Comm, 1899) in loc ; Nowack Hebr Archaol i 323, Benziuger Hebr Archaol 330. The form of the Chronicler's statement is open to question, but many critics believe it to be founded in some important legal arrangement. In Deut 171^ the ' judge ' is probably the ' ruler ' or king. " The ritual language of Israel has many affinities with that of Phenicia, as is proved by inscriptions from Cyprus to Marseilles. * Save, indeed, this might be involved in the general ruin of the whole nation. On the language of Mic i^-7 cp G A Smith Twelve Prophets i 380. X§1] HISTORICAL CIRCUMSTANCES 145 code which starts with sweeping them entirely away must belong, therefore, to a stUl later age. (vi) Beside the altar it was common to erect a sacred pillar, or plant a hallowed tree-pole known as an Asherah ". Such pUlars were sometimes regarded as having antique sanctity. The pillar at Bethel was ascribed to Jacob himself Gen 281* ^a ; another famous pillar at Mizpah in Gilead was also attributed to him 3i4^; and so was the pillar near Bethlehem known as the pillar of Eachel's grave 35^°. The narratives which relate their origin conceived them as venerable objects of Israel's sacred past. To the precursors of D, however, they had already become intolerable. The Code includes an older law on the basis of a plurality of altars, forbidding their erection beside an altar of Yahweh 16^^. But it further enjoins the destruction of those already in existence i23, and thus severs itself altogether from the patriarchal traditions recited by JE. What interval of time was necessary to effect this change? Other forms of unhallowed worship are no less stringently for bidden, and carry with them a more specific date. Witchcraft and numerous arts of necromancy had been always secretly popular in Israel ; but the reign of Manasseh, the successor of Hezekiah (bc 686-641), is said to have witnessed a remarkable recrudescence of these practices on the part of the king himself. The statement of the historian may be compared with the prohibition in the law: — Deut 18 1° There shall not be found with thee any one that maketh his son or his daughter to pass through the fire, one that useth divination, one that praetiseth augury, or an enchanter, or a sorcerer, n or a charmer, or a con- suiter with a familiar spirit, or a wizard, or a necromancer. ' And he made his son to pass througli the fire, and practised augury, and used enchantments, and dealt with them that had familiar spirits, and with wizards. This is probably one of the numerous eases where the Deutero nomic phraseology has coloured the narrative of Kings. Such influence was only possible because the writers were not after all so far apart, and the compiler of Kings made Deuteronomy his base. But D, in its turn, was not unconcerned with the abomi nable rites fostered by Manasseh. His grandfather Ahaz had made his son to pass through the fire 2 Kings i63 ^ Manasseh, " On the Asherah cp Driver Deut 202 ; Moore in Enx Bibl 'Asherah.' '' Devoting him to Yahweh ; the ancient Semitic practice of child-sacrifice was revived in a period of great national need. Cp Benziuger Hd-Comm 170. 146 DEUTERONOMY [X § 1 however, was himself the first to introduce a new cultus to ' the host of heaven,' for which he built altars in the two Temple courts 2 Kings 21* ". It seized hold of the imagination of Jerusalem and became popular Jer 8^ 19I3. It is plain that it would not be legally forbidden centuries before it had arrived from Mesopo tamia ; and its severe treatment in D — the penalty of death by stoning is affixed to it 173-^ — is an indication of the indignation which it excited in the minds of the prophetic champions of Yahweh, who saw Manasseh desecrating the 'place which he had chosen to set his name there.' (vii) These considerations may further be reinforced by the general warnings of the danger of deportation abroad and of captivity in a foreign land ''. Some peculiar phenomena in 4 28-30 will be found discussed in the notes [Hex ii) ; it is sufficient to aUude to the familiarity of the writer with the characteristics of the invader and the most ghastly scenes of siege and famine. The description of 284^ plainly has the Mesopotamian tyrant in view, whether Assyrian Is 528 28", or Chaldean Jer 51^ (with Deut 28" cp ,Ter 5!''). And the portrayal of the hopeless weariness of exile 28^4-67 implies a background of real experience hardly conceivable at least before the fall of Samaria in 722 bc, and the forced march of its prisoners beyond the Tigris. The language of 2923 can already describe the expatriation of Israel as a present fact. 2. A number of considerations thus point to the seventh century, with the possibility that some of the hortatory dis courses may be even later still. This conclusion is further strengthened by the affinities of language discernible between D and the writings of Jeremiah. (a) A comparison of the tables of characteristic words at once reveals the striking differences between the religious expression of D and the other books of the Pentateuch. The nearest approach to its style is to be found in some parts of JB. It is reasonable to expect that the technical sections of the Priestly " This cultus seems to have been derived from Assyria, Kittel Hist of the Hebr ii 372, Benziuger on 2 Kings 21^ Hd Comm. In the retrospect of the idolatries of the Ten Tribes 2 Kings 171^ this worship is also attributed to them. But the statement about it is vague : its introduction is not referred, as in the case of Manasseh, to a particular period : it is nowhere mentioned by contemporary observers like Amos and Hosea : and it seems, therefore, to be included in a general condemnation (cp Judg 10') of all known idolatries. Cp Kuenen Hex 218. ' Cp Bertholet Hd-Comm xiii ' the background of the Deuteronomic legisla tion is eschatological. It is issued that the nation may escape the threatening judgement.' Cp irfra p 170''. X §2a] PARALLELS OF LANGUAGE 147 Code shall be marked by pecuHarities of terminology. But neither the narratives nor the exhortations of P (e g Lev 26) show any real approximation to the Deuteronomic counterparts ; they have their own strongly marked features, but they are not those of D ". The language of eighth-century prophecy, also, contains none of its recurring phrases '', and the long roll of Deuteronomic oratory finds no echoes amid the thunders of an Amos or an Isaiah ". But in the writings of Jeremiah, and to a less extent in those of his younger contemporary Ezekiel, as well as in the books of Judges and Kings, the presence of the Deuteronomic phraseology is strikingly apparent. As the evidence is best appreciated when it is exhibited in sequence to the reader's eye, a series of parallels is here transcribed ^ : — Deut id" the great God (El), the mighty, and the terrible. 7''i a great God and a terrible. 4'* by trials, by signs, and by won ders, and by war, and by a strong hand, and by a stretched out arm, and by great terrors. 51° by a strong hand and by » stretched out arm. 7" the great ti-ials which thine eyes saw, and the signs, and the won ders, and the strong hand, and the stretched out arm. 9^' by thy great power and by thy stretched out arm. ii^- his greatness, his strong hand, and his stretched out arm, and his signs, and his works. 26^ by a strong hand, and by a stretched out arm, and by great terribleness, and by signs, and by wonders. Jer 32I' the great, the mighty God [so Neh iB 932 Dan 9*]. 21" by a stretched out hand and by a strong arm, even in anger, and in fury, and in great wrath. 27' by my great power and by my stretched out arm. 32I7 by thy great power and by thy stretched out arm. [Ezek 2o"- by a strong hand, and by a stretched out arm, and by fury poured out. I Kings 8*2 II 2 Chron 6^ they shall hear of thy great name, and of thy strong hand, and of thy stretched out arm. 2 Kings 17'^ by great power and by a stretched out arm. Ps 1361^ by a strong hand and by a stretched out arm.] « Cp chap IX i § la p 118. * The passage in Deut zS." cited by Hommel, The Ancient Hebrew Tradition II, to prove that D was known to Hosea, does not seem conclusive. Hosea says 813 ' they shall return to Egypt ' : D says ' Yahweh shall bring thee into Egypt again with ships.' If one is a quotation from the other, why may not Hosea be the source, and D make the citation ? There is obviously no certainty of dependence either way. 'Proof in such a case is impossible. It is significant that according to the Massoretic text Hosea's view varied : 11^ 'he shall not return into the land of Egypt.' Does Hosea here correct D ? ° On Amos 2* cp Driver Joel and Amos 117 : Cornill and Nowack also reject the verse. '' Further lists will be found in Colenso Pent pt iii chap ii, pt vii appendix 149 ; Driver Deut xciii. l'2 148 DEUTERONOMY [X§ 2a Deut I'^he shall cause Israel to inherit it. 3^3 he shall cause them to inherit the land. 121" the land which Yahweh your God causeth you to inherit. 19' thy land, which Yahweh thy God causeth thee to inherit. 31'' thou shalt cause them to in herit it. [Josh t' thou shalt cause this people to inherit the land.] 41° that they may learn to fear me all the days that they live upon the earth. 5^" that they would fear me, and keep all my commandments all the days. 6'^ that thou mightest fear Yahweh thy God, ... all the days of thy life. 6^4 to fear Yahweh our God, for our good all the days. 14^' that thou mayest learn to fear Yahweh thy God all the days. 31I' and learn to fear Yahweh your God all the days that ye live. [Josh 4'* that they may fear Yah weh your God all the days, cp 4I*.] 81' if thou shalt forget Yahweh thy God, and go after other gods, and serve them, and worship them. iii^ lest ye turn aside, and serve other gods, and worship them. is'* Let us go after other gods and serve them. ' 13" Let us go and serve other gods. 17' hath gone and served other gods, and worshipped them. 281* to go after other gods to serve them. 29I' to go to serve the gods of those nations. '•'" went and served other gods, and worshipped them. 30" be drawn away, and worship other gods, and serve them. [Josh 23I* go and serve other gods, and worship them.] Jer 315° the land that I gave for an in heritance unto your fathers. 12I* the inheritance which I have caused my people Israel to inherit. 32'" that they may fear me all the days. [i Kings 8*" II 2 Chron 6si that they may fear thee all the days that they live in the land which thou gavest unto our fathers.] 420 brought you forth out of the iron furnace, out of Egypt. Ill" t]jey are gone after other gods to serve them. 131" which are gone after other gods to serve them, and to worship them. 16 1 Because your fathers have for saken me, saith Yahweh, and have gone after other gods, and have served them, and have worshipped them. 22" Because they forsook the cove nant of Yahweh their God, and wor shipped other gods, and served them. 25" go not after other gods to serve them, and to worship them, and pro voke me not to anger with the work of your hands. 3515 go not after other gods to serve them. [Judg 2!^ and went after other gods . . . and worshipped them. 1' going after other gods to serve them, and worship them. I Kings 9^ go and serve other gods, and worship them. ' laid hold on other gods, and wor shipped them, and served them. II 2 Chron. i^\] II* brought them forth out of the land of Egypt, out of the iron furnace. [i Kings 8'i which thou broughtest X§ 2a] PARALLELS OF LANGUAGE 149 Deut 30I5 See, I have set before thee this day life and good, and death and evil. 1" I have set before thee life and death. 28"' as Yahweh rejoiced over you to do you good. 30' Yahweh will again rejoice over thee for good. iqI' Circumcise the foreskin of your heart. 30' Yahweh thy God will circum cise thine heart. 4^" But if from thence ye shall seek Yahweh thy God, thou shalt find him, if thou shalt search after him with all thy heart and with all thy soul. 12' upon the high mountains, and upon the hills, and under every green tree. 12" 142s 166 11 262 the place which Yahweh thy God shall choose to cause his name to dwell there. iqI' Be no more stiffnecked (lit. make not your neck stiff). 13' because he hath spoken rebel lion against Yahweh your God. Jet forth out of Egypt, from the midst of the furnace of iron.] 218 Behold, I set before you the way of life and the way of death. 32*1 1 will rejoice over them to do them good. 4* Circumcise yourselves to Yah weh, and take away the foreskins of your heart. 9^* the house of Israel are uncir- cumcised in heart. [Lev 26*1 if then their uncircum- cised heart be humbled. Ezek 44' ' uncircumcised in heart.] 29I3 And ye shall seek me, and find me, when ye shall search for me with all your heart. 2^" upon every high hill and under every green tree. 3^ upon every high mountain and under every green tree. 3" under every green tree. 17^ by th« green trees upon the high hills. [Ezek 61' upon every high hill, in all the tops of the mountains, and under every green tree. 2 Kings 16* on the hills, and under every green tree. 171" upon every high hill, and under every green tree.] 7I2 my place which was in Shiloh, where I caused my name to dwell at the first. [Neh i^ the place which I have chosen to cause my name to dwell there.] ,j26 1^23 jgi6 made their neck stiff. [2 Kings 17I* Neh 9" ^^ made their neck stiff. 2 Chron 30* make not your neck stiff, 36" made his neck stiif, cp Prov 29I.] 28I" 2932 because thou hast spoken rebellion against Yahweh. 15° DEUTERONOMY [X§ 2o DeMt 29" walk in the stubbornness of mine heart. 261'- Yahweh hath avouched thee this day to be a peculiar people unto himself ... to make thee high above all nations which he hath made, in praise, and in name, and in glory. Jer 3" neither shall they walk any more after the stubbornness of their evil heart. 7^*' walked ... in the stubbornness of their evil heart. 9" have walked after the stubborn ness of their heart. 11' walked every one in the stub bornness of their evil heart. 131" walk in the stubbornness of their heai-t. 1 612 yg -vralk every one after the stubbornness of his evil heart. 1 812 .(yg .jyju ^alk after our own devices, and we will do every one after the stubbornness of his evil heart. 23" every one that walketh in the stubbornness of his heart. [Ps 8112 So I let them walk after the stubbornness of their heart. ] 13I1 that they might be unto me for a people, and for a name, and for a praise, and for a glory. These parallels, which might be extended stiU further, are in sufficient to prove identity of authorship", in view of other divergent phenomena. But they certainly indicate a relation of no common closeness. Of this some other passages may be reproduced in illustration: — Deut 28*" Yahweh shall bring a nation against thee from far, from the end of the earth, as the eagle flieth ; a nation whose tongue thou shalt not understand ; ^" a nation of fierce countenance, which shall not regard the person of the old, nor shew favour to the young : ^i and he shall eat the fruit of thy cattle, and the fruit of thy ground, until thou be destroyed : which also shall not leave thee corn, wine, or oil, the increase of thy kine, or the young of thy flock, until he have caused thee to perish. ^2 And he shall besiege thee in all thy gates, until thy high and fenced walls come down, wherein thou trustedst, throughout all thy land : and he shall besiege thee in Jer 51^ Lo, I will bring a nation upon you from far, 0 house of Israel, saith Yahweh : it is a mighty nation, it is an ancient nation, a nation whose language thou knowest not, neither understandest what they say. 1" Their quiver is an open sepulchre, they are all mighty men. 1'' And they shall eat up thine harvest, and thy bread, which thy sons and thy daughters should eat : they shall eat up thy flocks aud thine herds : they shall eat up thy vines and thy fig trees : they shall beat down thy fenced cities, wherein thou trustest, with the sword. " This view was maintained by Colenso, who cites altogether about 200 words and expressions. X§2j3] PARALLELS OF LANGUAGE 151 Deut all thy gates throughout all thy land, which Yahweh thy God hath given thee. 292* All the nations shall say. Wherefore hath Yahweh done thus unto this land ? what meaneth the heat of this great anger? 25 Then men shall say. Because they forsook the covenant of Yahweh, the God of their fathers, which he made with them when he brought them forth out of the land of Egypt ; 26 and went and served other gods, and worshipped them. Jer 22' And many nations shall pass by this city, and they shall say every man to his neighbour, Wherefore hath Yahweh done thus unto this great city ? " Then they shall answer. Because they forsook the covenant of Yahweh their God, and worshipped other gods, and served them. [0) What is the historic significance of these resemblances? They may be interpreted in two ways, connected though not identical. It is possible that Jeremiah was powerfuUy under the influence of the book of Deuteronomy considered as a literary whole ; that he had absorbed its spirit and also its language ; and that even if not consciously quoting it, he nevertheless instinctively reproduced its striking phrases. The references to the covenant in Jer iii~3 seem certainly best interpreted in connexion with the promulgation of Deuteronomy and the national agreement founded upon it by Josiah [infra § 3) ". On the other hand, if Jeremiah had thus identified himself with the actual book, it might have been expected that he would show more definite sympathy with its leading idea, the unity of the sanctuary, on which, however, he lays no stress at all. And it would be natural to look for other Deuteronomic expressions in his writings, which are not, however, to be found. It is further probable that the book of Deuteronomy is not all from the same hand. Even within its laws there are traces of the amalgama tion of different materials ; and its homilies exhibit stiU further signs of diversity [infra § 4). The book may thus be regarded as the product of a prophetic school whose members were bound together by common aims, and used a common vocabulary of religious thought and speech, yet still preserved their own individuality both of treatment and expression. These thinkers had sufficient cohesion, continuity, and literary force, to impress their view powerfully upon the national histories (Judges and Kings) as they had previously done upon the national religion by the medium of a new book of sacred law. Jeremiah stood in " Cp Cheyne Jeremiah (Pulpit Comm) i 293 ; Giesebrecht Jeremia (Hdkomm) 67. Dubm, Hd-Comm, ascribes i~'* to a post-exilian supplementer. 152 DEUTERONOMY [x § ^^ close fellowship with them, wbile his younger contemporary Ezekiel was in much less intimate relations. Jeremiah shared many of their ideas, though his own work was different from theirs, and his emphasis was consequently thrown upon fresh elements of prophetic teaching. If this be so, the explanation of the parallels of language is not to be sought so much in Jere miah's familiarity with the actual words of D, as in his sympathy with some of its dominant conceptions of Israel's duty and destiny, and his acquaintance with the leading members of the Deuteronomic school. 3. The circumstances presupposed in Deuteronomy and the peculiarities of its language aUke point to its composition in the seventh century. It is certain that it is in this age that it first comes definitely into view. (a) The story of the discovery of the law-book under Josiah is so well known that it need not be repeated in detail. In the eighteenth year of the king, usually identified with 621 ", some repairs were needed in the Temple (2 Kings 223- •), and the king's secretary Shaphan was sent to Hilkiah, the high priest, with directions concerning the required, funds. Hilkiah then placed in his hands a book of law which he had found in the sanctuary. Shaphan read it, and in his turn communicated it to the king. Deeply moved by its threats, the king sent a deputation to the prophetess Huldah, for the purpose of inquiring the wUl of Yahweh. The reply of the prophetess gave the divine sanction to the book, but expressly exempted the king from the doom on the unfaithful city ^ Josiah lost no time in convoking a national assembly in the Temple. City and country, priest and prophet, great and small, were all represented, and the law-book was solemnly read in the presence of the whole concourse. A formal covenant for its observance was made by the king, and the people ratified it with their assent. [0) What was this law-book ? It is expressly caUed a ' Cove nant-book ' 232. This could not be the whole Pentateuch, which nowhere bears that name, and is moreover too long to be publicly read aloud at one meeting. Nor can it be identified with the Covenant-book of Ex 243. "^ ", for this, so far as the Covenant-words '^ Baudissin Einl in die Biicher des ATs (1901) iii proposes 619. * The vvords (22i"~20) assigned to Huldah are the expression of the his torian's view of her counsel : they are themselves coloured, especially ", by the Deuteronomic language. « The view of Vatke, Bibl Theol 5042 (1835), cp chap VIII iv § 3 p 114. X§4] THE REFORMS 6F JOSIAH 153 can be traced, contains no threats resembling those specified in 2 Kings 221®"^", nor does it by any means account for the king's acts, such as the suppression of the local sanctuaries, and the celebration of the passover in a new style. The bibliotheca of the ancient Church, as Jerome was afterwards fondly called, had early identified it with Deuteronomy " ; Hobbes in the seven teenth century, and De Wette a hundred and fifty years later, repeated the same identification. The proof lies in the fact that the proceedings of Josiah correspond step by step with D's demands'". The covenant promise (in the language of the historian) pledged the king to ' keep Yahweh's commandments ' *82<', 'with all his heart and with all his soul' "59. The Temple was first purged of all idolatrous emblems. The vessels dedicated to the Baal and the Asherah and the heavenly host were carried out and burned. The Asherah itself was burned Deut I23 7^. The houses of the forbidden sodomites Deut 23I' within the Temple precincts were destroyed. The horses and chariots of the sun were removed, and the chariots burned. The altars for the worship of the heavenly host were overthrown Deut I23 41^ 173, and the Topheth where the grim fire-sacrifice of children had been performed, was desecrated Deut i23i 181". Alike in the city and country the high places and their altars were broken down, the sacred pillars were shattered, and the AshSrahs hewn in pieces Deut I23. Their priests were not indeed allowed to come up to the Temple altar, as Deut 18'' had provided ; but they received their maintenance in accordance with D's demands from the Temple dues. With the symbols of the idolatrous cults, witchcraft and necromancy were suppressed Deut iSH. And the whole reformation received its final sanction in a passover cele brated on the new principle of the unity of the place of sacrifice 2 Kings 23^1, a celebration such as had never been seen before, drawing the people together from town and hamlet throughout the land. Each stage of the movement thus bears upon it the impress of the Deuteronomic Code. \ 4. The previous inquiry has tended to establish the identity of Josiah's law-book with D, to show that such a law had been till then unrecognized, and to make it probable that it was first compUed in the seventh century. " Chap III § 1 p 35. b The narrative in 2 Kings 23 shows some traces of expansion by various additions, cp Stade Gesch i 649 and ZATW (1885) 292 ff; Klostermann Kurzgef Comm ; Benziuger Hd-Comm ; Kittel Hdkomm. 154 DEUTERONOMY [X § 4a (a) But it may be further asked whether it comprised the entire work as we possess it. The book is at present incorporated at its opening and its close into the general framework of the Priestly Code. Do the intervening contents constitute a homogeneous literary whole ? Even a casual inspection reveals many curious phenomena. The poems ascribed to Moses in 32 and 33 are whoUy unlike in style both to each other and to the exhortations which precede. After the initial title and the retrospect of the march from Horeb, a second title is inserted 4*5~48 with a sum mary of the historical situation. This is followed in its turn by a recital of the Horeb covenant, so that in 5 the speaker describes events which preceded the introductory discourse. The homUies in 6— II appear to suspend the announcement of the laws com municated to Moses at Horeb 531, the formal declaration of them being postponed tUl I2i' • . The nucleus of the entire book is found in the legislative sections 12-26 and the great exhortation 28 which is connected with it (cp 28I and 261"). But there are traces of more than one final oration " ; and the reduction of the book to writing and its deposition in the care of the Levites is recorded twice over 31'- • and 3I2*••^ As there are two titles and two introductory collections of discourse, so there seem also to be two conclusions. Are aU these different passages due to the same hand ? or do these duplications point to variety of origin ? The Uterary analysis of D opens up, highly interesting but pecu liarly intricate problems. The general conclusion which emerges out of manifold and complicated phenomena suggests that D Uke other great constituent documents of the Pentateuch presents numerous marks of growth. Unlike the collections designated J E and P it remains (apart from the Joshua sections, see chap XVII) undivided, and occupies a separate place of its own. " Cp 292. . with 28 and infra p 338". Details will be found in Hex ii notes on 27" 28 292 30. ^ In 2<-27 it seems hard to recognize ' a manifest sequel ' of ^i' (Driver Deui, 343), for 2* starts from the same point as '. According to " Moses has already written the law and handed it to the priests and elders, with direc tions for its public reading every seven years. But at the opening of 2* the words of the law are not yet completely recorded ; while on the completion of the book it is given to the Levites to be deposited beside the ark. Thus the sections are rather parallel than continuous. In each the reduction of the law to writing is recorded. In each the sacred book thus written is entrusted to the care of certain recognized authorities, though they are not the same in the two cases. The author of '"i^ could hardly have written 2*. .. If '~i3 formed one close to the original D, 2*. . must have formed another. It has been suggested that different editions may have received different intro ductions {infra p 155" (4) ). In a similar manner, the Code may also have received more than one form of conclusion. X§4a] EVIDENCES OF COMPILATION 155 That is due to the obvious fact that it throughout assumes a single historical situation. But this outward unity does not by any means exclude some amount at least of internal diversity. The phenomena which lead to the view that the homiUes in 5-1 1 may be assigned to the hands which prepared 12-26 (though not necessarily all prefixed at the same time), while the retrospect in 1 3-3 is with much probability referred to another edition of the book, are discussed below" ; and a summary of the Uterary history " At i' the writer opens the historical review assigned to Moses as the fitting introduction to the great Exposition. This terminates at 32' 4I-*, and reasons are offered in Hex ii for regarding the greater part of the discourse which follows, 4^"*", as transposed from another cycle. A number of ques tions concerning it immediately arise, e g (i) Is it complete ? (2) What are its sources ? (3) Was this its original form ? (4) Was it composed by the author of the Code? (i) The first question has been answered in the negative by some recent critics who propose (with Horst RHR xvi 35) to attach to its beginning the recital inserted at 9'- •, or (with Bacon Triple Trad 249) suggest that ioi~ii originally stood there, as portions of a still longer retrospect. Bacon's proposal {2Viple Trad 258) to detach iqI-h and place it before i". ¦, overlooks the fact that 926-2B -^yould then be broken off abruptly without any close ; iqI" would be obviously out of place ; while iqI would be unintelligible without some previous explanation to lead up to it and fix the occasion. It would be therefore necessary to suppose that the beginning of the retrospect was lost. The view of Horst RHR xvi 32 f over comes the immediate difSculty of separating ioi~ii from its context, by transporting the whole series of reminiscences to the opening of the intro ductory survey 1-3. This involves, however, other perplexities, for what preceded the story of the Golden Calf in its altered position ? The announce ment of the Ten Words would be the only possible prelude, and this is already described in 5. Is that also severed from its natural sequel ? The group of recollections is surely more in harmony with its surroundings where it stands. In spite of some misproportion in detail it forms a suitable arraignment against Israel which is fitting in its context. But there would be no appropriateness in opening the great address with such a series of charges, as though this was the chief issue of the wanderings. (2) The sources of the retrospect will be found in the narrative of JB now combined with P in Ex Num. The reference to a document itself composite suggests, however, a further inquiry. Did the writer employ J and E separately, or in union ? He appears to lean decidedly on E, for he uses the name Horeb for the sacred mountain i* 1^ ; he designates the population of the highlands of Canaan as Amorites i'' i". 27 a • he relates the institution of the judges- i". ¦ cp Ex i8i3- ., and the journey of the spies to Eshcol i2* cp Num 132'. But the allusions to J are no less clear, the oath to the patriarchs * cp Gen 151^, the mention of the fenced cities 1^' cp Num 132' (with the sons of the Anakim), the promise to Caleb i^^ cp Num 142* (Joshua not being included). Further, the description of Israel as like ' the stars of heaven for multitude ' ii" rests on the promise related by KJ" in Gen 22", showing that even if (with Dillm) we suppose D to have known E still as a separate document, he had also studied the combined form JB. But the diversities of detail, e g the omission in i^-is of aU reference to Jethro Ex 18" and the combina tion of passages from Num 1 1 , the popular initiative in the dispatch of the spies i22 (ct their dependence on Moses Num 132''), the discrepancy between a*"8 and Num 2o"~2i (though Driver, but not Dillm, supposes them to refer to different incidents), show that the traditional material was freely handled in the composition of the discourse. Those who accept the conjecture of Kuenen concerning the original place of the Book of Judgements, cp XII § 2c, 156 DEUTERONOMY [X § 4a of the whole work (as conceived by the present writer) will be found in § 5 p 171''. On some other questions, however, a further word must be said. may further surmise (with Bacon) that the whole idea of the retrospect, and the special affinities which may be traced with E, are due to the prior existence of a similar review prefixed to the older Code which stood where Deut ia-26 is now placed, at the end of the wanderings, on the eve of entry into the promised land. A striking analogy to such a farewell on the part 0^ Moses is found in the address of Joshua after the completion of the con quest Josh 24, unanimously ascribed to E (apart from the additions of B^)*. In that case, the survey iu Deut 1^-3 was prefixed to the Code in imitation of its predecessor, which it not unnaturally largely absorbed into itself. This suggestion offers a plausible reason for the occasional preponderance of E elements. (3) But from another side it has been suggested by Dillm NDJ 229 that the recital was not originally cast in the first person ; it was part of a larger narrative which has been converted into speech, the compiler finding it resemble too closely the story of JE in Num beside which it was placed before its union with P. The difference between the summary of events in 1-3 and the glowing exhortations of 41"*°, the oratorical inappro- priateness of the archaeological notes scattered through 2 and 3, and the curious relation between 3ii- • and 32*, are offered as grounds for this hypo thesis. It might further be supported by the undoubted specimens of similar conversion in 9'.- iqI-.. But the variation between 1-3 and 4!"*" can be explained on other considerations (see Hex ii 41"^) : the annotator's additions may be easily sifted out from 2 and 3 : and though the proposal provides an intelligible cause for the abrupt beginning of 31I • ., it is not necessary to resort to so elaborate a device (cp 31 1"). (4) Lastly, it cannot be affirmed with any confidence that the discourse proceeds from the author (or authors) of the Code. The hortatory element so conspicuous at least in 12-18 26 is almost absent here ; yet the mingling of historical retrospect with homiletic address in 5-1 r (more closely associated with the Code) shows that if the preacher could employ illustrations from the traditions, the narrator might have been expected in his turn (on the assumption of common authorship) to display a warmer religious glow. The discussion is a difficult one, and turns on delicate shades of difference in thought and expression. Among the most conspicuous phenomena are the following : — (i) Separate titles ii"^ and 4*5-49 are prefixed to the two groups of discourse 1^-3 (41"*°) and 5-11. It does not seem likely that the same author would have composed both. The existence of independent ^-efaces implies that the discourses were also independent, and originally stood as introductions to distinct editions of the Code (Cornill, Einleitung § 9 6, designates them as the historic and paraenetic elements of D, symbolized as C" and Dp). It is conceivable that the com piler of the Code might himself have prefixed one or the other to his collection of laws : it is less probable that he would have attached both of them. Now of the two, 5-11 is much closer both in spirit and form to the legislative core in 12-18 than 1^-3. (ii) A marked difference is believed to exist between the two introductions concerning the persons addressed. In i'5. the wanderings are represented as a punishment on the generation of the Exodus for their refusal to march up and take possession of the country at once ; and according to 2i*~i^ all the fighting men (and the contemporary women must be included) perished in the wilderness. But in 5' it is declared that the covenant at Horeb was not made with the dead, but with those then alive and listening, and the identity of the people in Moab with the bondmen in Egypt forty years before appears to be asserted in the most express terms 112-'' 'Your eyes have seen all the great work of Yahweh.' On the other hand the constant address to Israel as ' thou ' implies a moral * A somewhat similar retrospect may be found in i Sam 12 (E2, Budde) ; and another in Judg iii=-27 ^jye^ Moore). XI 4^] EVIDENCES OF COMPILATION 157 [0) Assuming that the elements of D are not entirely homo geneous, it is natural to ask in what relation they stand to the continuity in the nation which seems to many critics a sufficient explanation of the confusion of the generations, (iii) With this difference is associated another. According to 1-2 the wanderings are a punishment for a specific act of disobedience. In 82 they are a part of the divine discipline for proving whether Israel would obey or not ; they have, in other words, a far-reaching educational design. These two aspects may be capable of reconciliation, but they are at least presented with striking variations of emphasis, (iv) A diffi culty arises concerning the behaviour of Ammon. In 23^. the Ammonites are reproached for not having aided Israel with food and drink. But in 2'^ it is expressly stated that the Israelites never went near them. Wh'at opportunity had they, then, of showing their unfriendliness ? The author of 23' can hardly have written the historic survey in i'-3 (on the authenticity of 23!"^ cp 231"). (v) Some linguistic phenomena may also be named. The word ' possession ' (niBT) occurs in 2' ' 12 i* 320, but not in 5-26, though the corresponding verb is employed repeatedly; it reappears in D* in Josh ii" 12'. In i'' i*. 2' " (3') the name Amorite is applied to the inhabitants of the central highlands of Canaan without reference to the ' seven nations ' of 7I cp 20I''. The phrase ' at that time ' recurs ten times in 1-3 (three times in possibly cognate passages 92" loi '), elsewhere only in 5^ ; 'declare' i^ cp 27'*; 'fear not, neither be dismayed' I'l 20' 31^ Josh 8I 102^* ; ' contend' 2* ' i' 24* j 'this Jordan ' 327 312 Josh i2 n 422 cp Gen 321"* ; ' children of Esau which dwell in Seir ' a* ^ 22 29 (.j 237. On the other hand it may be argued that some of these expressions would not naturally be repeated, though it is surprising that ' besought ' 32', ' mighty acts ' 32*, ' was wroth ' ^', ' for your sakes ' ()»n') with pronom suff) ^', should not have occasion to appear again. But besides a large portion of the vocabulary of D tabulated in appendix A ii, there is a considerable amount of phraseology of less frequent use common to 1-3 and 5-26 (see the parallels in Hex ii to 1I2 i' i' 27—29 31 43 ^5 7 so 32'). The evidence will be differently estimated according to varieties of antecedent expectation. Those who have been convinced of the highly composite character of other portions of the great documentary collections, e g the Levitical legislation, will have less difficulty in admitting a similar possibility in the case of D. Driver, after full discussion {Deut Ixvii-lxxiii), decides in favour of unity of authorship : on the other side, Bertholet Hd- Comm s.^i, Moore Enc Bibl 'Deut' 1087. The discourses in 5-1 1 are here treated as substantially homogeneous. This does not exclude the possibility of occasional expansion by other hands, or of the incorporation of material from different sources. Nor does it imply that they were of necessity all composed in one series. But it indicates that they are marked by pervading unity of thought and style, and cannot be dissolved into any constituents distinguished by varieties of idea or expression. The recital of the Horeb covenant, here based on the Ten Words, leads to the first great sermon ou the sublime text 6* 'Yahweh our God, Yahweh is one.' A second follows 9I on the duty of humble obedience 10I2, illustrated by reference to the repeated acts in which Israel had provoked Yahweh, and concluding with threats against the apostates and promises for the faithful iii'~2S_ jj may be freely recognized that throughout these exhortations the writer has the actual code of laws imaginatively before him 5I 'i 61. 7I1. 8i &c. The commandments have indeed been already divinely enjoined 6" 24^ where the speaker does not seem to be alluding to their private communication to him self upon the mount s'l. The homilies may therefore be regarded as later than the main groups of the laws : but they are written in the same style, and from the same point of view, (i) The allusions to the circumstances of the Exodus and the wanderings seem all conceived in a common spirit cp 515 gsi. ,8 19 g26 ii2-4 268; the day of the assembly at Horeb 522 910 lo* 18I6 (cp Kuenen Hex § 7', on the resemblance between 181^20 and the hortatory intro duction) marks the same era of revelation in each group. The situation of 158 DEUTERONOMY [X § 4,8 law-book as it was found in the Temple. The question reaches further than might at first sight appear. There is no apparent appropriateness, so far as the programme of the Deuteronomic reforms is concerned, in the historical retrospect 1^-3. But neither is there, for example, in the laws which regulate bird's- nesting or parapets upon a roof 223~3. With what feeUngs could Josiah have listened to these details? If there is ground for beUeving that the historic and hortatory elements of D show traces of gradual accretion, may not the collection of the statutes 12-26 do so too ? It is plain that the contents of the Code, at least in its later portions, are very misceUaneous. It would be absurd to expect of an ancient document the strict logical order which a modern jurist might adopt as the basis of the codification of older laws. But the distribution of subjects in the principal legislative section 12-26 is very perplexing". Continuity of speaker and people is described in like terms : Israel is about to go over the Jordan to possess the land which Yahweh had sworn to their fathers to give them & 11' 11 121°. The time is specified continually as 'this day' 5I 9I 12* 15' &c. In both sections Israel is a peculiar people 7' 142 26I* cp Ex i^\, already consecrated by Yahweh's choice 7' 142 21 op gSi', a religious concep tion of great importance : in both sections this divine election imposes on Israel a relentless severity to idolaters, 'thine eye shall not pity' &c 71° 13^ 19IS 21 2512, If tjie preacher sometimes drops into the form of command e g •f II 12', 7I' II 12'°, the legislator in his turn enforces his statutes with exhor tations eg 1228 13I8 142 1^15 i620 (jp i,ji7 20 || 813. warning his hearers that the divine education begun in the wilderness 82 will be continued under new Circumstances 13'. (2) A large number of expressions will be found common to 5-1 1 and 12-26 which nowhere appear in 1-4, cp 2I' 9 i3» 20 23'"! ago 30 37" 41b 42b 43b 50 51 60 61 680 69" 76 95 105' ITS" cp ' say in thine heart ' 71'^ S" 9* 1 821, (from under heaven' 724 9I4 25!'. These coincidences of thought and phrase seem best explicable on the hypothesis of unity of authorship ; and the homilies of 5-1 1 may therefore be regarded as the production of the compiler of the main portion of the Code, prefixed by him at a later literary stage than the first collection of the laws, and connected with the traditional scheme by the title in 4*'.. It is not, however, necessary to suppose that they were all written at one time, or originally designed for their present order ; 5 in particular seems to stand apart as introductory, a kind of preface to 12-26 (so also Bertholet Hd-Comm xxi). On singular and plural elements see p 165°. " The essential elements of the Deuteronomic legislation are usually discovered in 12-26. This is the proper ' law' i^ : it bears its own title 12I : and to this the homilies in 5-1 1 continually point. It may be asked (i) does the Code present itself as a complete and homogeneous whole ? Or (2) does it show traces of the aggregation of dissimilar materials, or (3) exhibit signs of the combination or juxtaposition of different legal drafts embodying the same principles ? (i) The Code in its present form is bound together by a number of recurring phrases, ascribing its several parts to a common situation, the approaching entrance of Israel into the land given to their fathers eg 12I ^ 20 29 j^i j^ju jqs ^gi u 20" 21I 2320 24* 2515 !» 26I. Allusions to the Egyptian bondage cp 97, promises of long life and prosperity as the result of obedience 73, n6, and references to the place which Yahweh shall choose 87, further indicate a pervading unity of thought and style. Similarly the X§4P] EVIDENCES OF COMPILATION 159 arrangement is repeatedly broken ; allied elements are separated, and the disconnected joined. Even in the first great group 12-19 laws exhibit various common terms and formulae, such as ' abomination ' g, ' thine eye shall not pity' 43'', ' if there be found ' 49, ' and it be sin unto thee ' 102, ' the stranger, the fatherless and the widow ' 105, ' hear and fear ' 13" 17I' 192° 2i2'. But (2) the unity thus implied includes beneath it great diversity both of contents and expression. The first half of the Code deals with the fundamental theocratic obligations of the holy people, and the great civil and religious powers instituted for its guidance, judge, priest, king, and prophet 12-18. The second portion, however, especially 20-25, is of a very miscellaneous character. On the one hand it contains groups of regulations, such as those for the conduct of war 20 211". . 23'. •, which are highly elaborated : on the other, it inserts a brief solitary precept such as 22'° which forms but a single case in a whole list of similar prohibitions elsewhere ; or as in 251* enunciates a general prophetic principle in the midst of a set of specific rules for social justice. One series is distinguished by the regular appearance of the ' elders ' 19I2 212 i" 22I' 257 : another is concerned with humanity to animals 22I— * '• and kindness to slaves, debtors, and the poor 231^. i'. 24". i". . i*. i'. . ; a third deals with family difficulties and the relations of the sexes 2ii°-- 1*. • 22i'~29 24I-' 25^..; a fourth lays down rules of exclusion from the holy community 23I-S. These groups sometimes exhibit points of contact, as in the case of the ' elders ' who have their place in the family incidents as well as in more elaborate judicial arrangements ; or, again, in the exemption of the newly married from military service 24'. But it does not appear possible to discriminate them clearly from one another on grounds either of contents or form. The laws are cast in various types of command and prohibition (e g 2nd masc sing, positive 22I2, negative 22I 4 9-n . conditional 211" 22' 23' &o : 3rd masc sing or pi negative 231"-^ 24^ 1^, conditional 21' 1^ 22'' 22 2^7 ggi 6 ii) iphe technical terms and expressions do not seem restricted to special classes ; thus ' abomi nation' covers offences as fai" apart as idolatry and magic, unchastity, aud the use of false weights and measures. A literary analysis of these chapters, therefore, appears highly artificial and precarious, if not absolutely im possible. But it may be doubted whether the entire collection was really included in Josiah's law-book. The materials in 12-18 are on the whole closely connected with each other (see, however, 141") in spite of occasional . indications of doubling or misplacement. In 17I* 18' a formula enters which does not recur again until 26I. Is it possible that the paragraphs thus introduced were originally closer to each other ? The main contents of 19 (apart from 1* which is quite isolated) are not incongruous with the pre ceding group and touch it at many points op 19I 122', and parallels with 194 7 IS and 15-21. But such indications are rarer in 20-25. May it not be conjectured that in its earliest form the Code was considerably shorter, and only received into itself much of the material in .20-25 ^V later processes of incorporation which can no longer be traced in detail ?* (3) The probability that the Deuteronomic legislation contains elements from various sources is increased by the evidence of the coexistence of different forms of the same law side by side, and the occasional blending of separate regulations into one. Apart from signs of later redactional activity (cp 13'""^ 154-6 1716 18. 18I6 198. 17 2o2i^ 17. 2i2 « 2224), j^ appcais plain, for example, that the fundamental principle of the unity of the sanctuary is embodied in at least two different drafts. In outward form it falls at once into two sections 2-12 and i'~28 marked respectively by the prevailing use of the plural and the singular address. In these two divisions the fundamental * Staerk has attempted, Deut 111-119, to reconstruct the original Code : cp Bertholet Hd-Comm xix-xx. Such efforts are not without interest, but are too purely hypothetical to require special notice, still less to command general assent. l6o DEUTERONOMY [X § 4ff a passage occurs i4*~^i'' which by diversity of substance and style may be plausibly referred to a source quite different from the principle is repeated cp i'- and *-, i^- and "•. But further, each section contains its own repetitions. In 2-12 lie parallel commands °~7 and "¦ , and they are introduced by separate prefaces 2-4 and '~i°. Is it likely that the same author would thus reproduce himself ? Or if unity of authorship be conceded here, what reason can be alleged why the prohibition and command *¦ in the plural should be renewed i'- in the singular ? In 13-26 the plural is of rare occurrence [i3S^-5« J4I 4-211M1 j^ie jS'^ ig" 2o2-4 is 2224 23* 24'. 251^] : in some cases it may be accidental, in others it enters where there is independent reason for recognizing (or at least suspecting) an interpolating hand. The employment of the plural in an elaborate legislative passage like 122-12 has no parallel elsewhere in the Code (though frequent enough in the homilies) except in 14I *~2i^ and it suggests that the two main sections of 12 may be regarded as different drafts of the same law (cp further Hex ii 2681. The law directed against the worship of other gods in 13 has a counterpart in 172-7. The annual tithe 1422-27 applied to agricultural produce passes without recognition in 26, which provides liturgical treatment for the first- fruits of the ground 1-" cp 18*, and the triennial tithe '2-I6 gp 1428. Two tests of false prophecy are offered 131-° and i82''~22 ; but the criterion which is disallowed in 132 (the actual verification of a prediction) is made the basis of discrimination in 1822. Not only are there separate laws on the same subject which are not conceived quite in the same mould, but it is probable that varying details have been sometimes wrought into one combined text. In some cases the editorial process has apparently been limited to simple explanation or addition cp 15I-' and *~^ 171s- 19'- 1'' 2o2''-4 21I' 26* : in others, the harmonist's activity has welded diverse materials into completer union cp i6i~s 172-7 8-12 igi-^ It is probably to the derivation of the laws from various shorter collections that the occasional separation of precepts on related subjects is to be ascribed e g blemished animals 1521 and 17I, loans 15I-' 23!'., pledges 24* and 10— i', rectitude in the administration of justice 16" 24", the release of the newly married from military service 2o7 24^ On the other hand 23" and i', though conjoined, appear to treat the Temple- prostitute from different points of view (the forms of the prohibitions, also, vary, and ' the house of Yahweh thy God ' i' occurs nowhere else in Deut cp Ex 23I' II 342*). (4) If the Deuteronomic Code 1 2-26 may thus be regarded as bearing on its face signs of compilation from different sources, is it possible to determine their general character ? Many laws are plainly related to regulations in J E and V^ (cp the margins in Hex ii, and ante p 122) i e the Code includes materials from the collections of both Judah and Ephraim (cp infra chaps SI and XII). But many more have no parallel else where (cp p 122"). Some, like those dealing with a supreme court of appeal 17S-13, the monarchy i7"-2o^ prophecy i8''-22, are concerned with great historical institutions, and must be explained in connexion with their age. Others, as in the cases of seduction to idolatry 13, enforce under the form of law and penalty profound religious principles, or, like those dealing with behaviour in war 20 23^-1*, attempt to express certain ideas rather than to regulate actual practice. On the other hand, the ritual enjoined for the expiation of undiscovered murder 21I""' probably rests on very ancient usage ; and the group of laws dealing with the family and the sexes 211^21 22I'— 21 241"^ 25^—1'' must embody much antique custom. So doubtless do regulations like 2324. and 25* n.. The section on exclusion from 'Yahweh's assembly' 23I— 8 seems by its peculiar terminology (cp Num 16') to be drawn from some corpus of priestly law analogous to that which has supplied the materials of i4*~2o_ To a similar source may probably be assigned the laws which bear on different kinds of defilement 2122. 239-14 17. ^ ^^ ^^ payment of vows 2321. and leprosy 24'. On the question how far the older nucleus of law can occasionally be disengaged from the homiletic envelopment of the Deutero- pomic editors cp ante pp 122-4 and Table of Laws. X§4j3] EVIDENCES OF COMPILATION J6i adjacent laws in 13 and 15. SimUar phenomena may be observed in later portions of the Code 20-25. They indicate that the col lection has been formed out of various antecedent elements, which have been incorporated with more or less of hortatoiy expansion. The attempts hitherto made to resolve the laws into definite series of smaller groups have not appeared successful (see p 165'') ; but it is quite possible that such groups existed though they can no longer be reconstructed, and supplied the materials from which the present Code has been compUed. Traces of such groups may perhaps be found in common conceptions and recurring formulae (for illustrations see p 158" (2)) ; and other traces of prior or independent collections have been already dis cussed in considering the affinities of D with the First Code and with the HoUness-legislation in Lev 17-26 (chap IX i § 2a;8y pp 122-127) "• In some cases the method of D is clear enough. The old law is recast to suit the new conditions, and invested with a hortatory expansion suitable to the Deuteronomic spirit. A com parison of the ordinance on slavery in 15I2— is with Ex 21^"^ ^hows that 1^ 1^- are founded on the prior statute, while is-is is " Steuernagel, Deut (Hdkomm) xxvii, argues that as D makes no use of some ofthe 'judgements' in the Eirst Code cp ante p 124 {0), the 'Covenant-book' iu its present form cannot be reckoned as one of its sources, though D has undoubtedly employed some of its constituent materials. Driver, Deut iv-vii, supplies a table of parallels to D's laws arranged in the order of their occurrence in Deut 12-26. The following table shows how much of the First Code Ex 2022-23 (with parallels in 34) has passed into D, and in what forms it is there represented (passages marked in Hex ii as probable additions are here distinguished by italic figures ; cp Bertholet Deut Hd-Comm xiv). Ex I 34" 12-11 tI6 17 j23-25 ,16 17 !<20 21 21"21I'2l2' 22I' 22li 22* 2221« Slh 22 23 2i 222Sa S^ 2226 27 2229« 30 (jp 23^*» II 0419 20 26a 22^1 23I oo2 3 6-8 4 6 !9a 86 Deut I2I-2715I2-I8 I9I-IS 24' 1921 ,28 29 -21 22 27' Jgl-lS „2-5 .1718 24"23' 241"-261- 19 20 '15" I^aiaD I9I6-2I 16I' 20 2417a 24 1718 Ex 13] I 34' 34 14 23"23I' 23'23"-" -"11 34" 2318a II 3426a 2318b II 3426b ,19b II 3426b ,14-16 7711 ,.18 22 23 i5S'.241 231-23"23.23^46 II 2325b 26 23^733282q29 so 2331a 23''*ll34 3q55 34 IS IS 15 16 Deut 15'- 5'»cp''33 85 161-17 i63 16*'' 14210 7^cp "23'"' 7° 12' cp "33" ijiS— 15 .j23 ,^26 t24 cp"5a.,2b S i62 DEUTERONOMY [X§4^ constitute fresh additions. A similar treatment has been applied to the festival cycle in i6 ". (y) Other cases, however, present more difficulty. They are not obviously new, like the great laws of 12 and 13, which can hardly be treated as fresh versions of Ex 20^ or 22^°. They are not modifications of older usage caused by the adoption of a central principle hitherto unknown, like the law of asylum in 19!"!^. They may not be directly connected with it at all. If they deal, for instance, like the laws of the administration of justice, or the laws regulating the relations of the sexes or the rights and duties of family life, with some common subject, it would have been not unreasonable to expect that they should all be placed together. Yet they may occur in detached groups, separated from each other by unrelated material. Thus the proper practice of the judges is enforced in the following series, J6I8-20 j,y8-i3 igi6-2i 2^17, 25I-3 :— 16I' Judges and officers shalt thou make thee in all thy gates, which Yahweh thy God giveth thee, according to thy tribes : and they shall judge the people with righteous judgement, i' Thou shalt not wrest judgement j thou shalt not respect persons : neither shalt thou take a gift ; for a gift doth blind the eyes of the wise, and peivert the words of the righteous. 20 That which is altogether just shalt thou follow, that thou mayest live, and inherit the land which Yahweh thy God giveth thee. 17' If there arise a matter too hard for thee in judgement, between blood and blood, between plea and plea, and between stroke and stroke, being matters of controversy within thy gates : then shalt thou arise, and get, thee up unto the place which Yahweh thy God shall choose ; ' and thou shalt come unto the priests the Levites, and unto the judge that shall be in those days : and thou shalt inquire ; aud they shall shew thee the sentence of judgement : i" and thou shalt do according to the tenor of the sentence^ which they shall shew thee from that place which Yahweh shall choose ; and thou shalt observe to do according to all that they shall teach thee : 11 according to the tenor of the law which they shall teach thee, and accord ing to the judgement which they shall tell thee, thou shalt do : thou shalt not turn aside from the sentence which they shall shew thee, to the right hand, nor to the left. 12 And the man that doeth presumptuously, in not hearkening unto the priest that standeth to minister there before Yahweh thy God, or unto the judge, even that man shall die : and thou shalt put away the evil from Israel, i' And all the people shall hear, and fear, and do no more presumptuously. 191^ One witness shall not rise up against a man for an iniquity, or for any sin, in any sin that he sinneth : at the mouth of two witnesses, or at the mouth of three witnesses, shall a matter be established, i" If an un righteous witness rise up against any man to testify against him of wrong doing ; " then both the men, between whom the controversy is, shall stand before Yahweh, before the priests and the .judges which shall be in those days ; 1* and the judges shall make diligent inquisition : and, behold, if the « Special afSnities may be noted here with J in Ex 13'- •, concerning Mazzoth ; and again concerning ' weeks ' 1° in Ex 3422, contrasted with E's ' harvest ' Ex 23". See Deut 161" Rex ii. X§47] EVIDENCES OF COMPILATION 163 witness be a false witness, and hath testified falsely against his brother ; " then shall ye do unto him, as he had thought to do unto his brother : so shalt thou put away the evil from the midst of thee. 20 ^nd those which remain shall hear, and fear, and shall henceforth commit no more any such evil in the midst of thee. 21 And thine eye shall not pity ; life shaU go for life, eye for eye, tooth for tooth, hand for hand, foot for foot. 24I7 Thou shalt not wrest the judgement of the stranger, rmr of the father less ; nor take the widow's raiment to pledge : i^ but thou shalt remember that thou wast a bondman in Egypt, and Yahweh thy God redeemed thee thence : therefore I command thee to do this thing. 25I If there be a controversy between men, and they come unto judgement, and the judges judge them ; then they shall justify the righteous, and con demn the wicked ; 2 and it shall be, if the wicked man be worthy to be beaten, that the judge shall cause him to lie down, and to be beaten before his face, according to his wickedness, by number. ' Forty stripes he may give him, he shall not exceed : lest, if he should exceed, and beat him above these with many stripes, then thy brother should seem vile unto thee. The general affinities of this group are sufficiently marked to justify their consideration together. But their distribution is peculiar. The paragraphs in i6^^~^^ and 178-is appear closely connected in substance, yet they are interrupted by a law for bidding tree-poles and pillars, by another prohibiting the sacrifice of blemished animals, and a third denouncing the worship of other gods. Can such a collocation be regarded as natural, or at least as the work of a compiler grouping his materials round certain leading ideas ? A closer examination brings further facts to light. The nucleus of 16^^"^ is discernible in i', 'thou shalt not wrest judgement,' 'neither shalt thou take a gift. ..,' two precepts already enjoined in the First Code, Ex 23^ *- The re-enforcement of the spirit of judicial duties apparently suggests the prior provision of persons to discharge them ; and 1* with its Deuteronomic phrases 'in all thy gates,' 'which Yahweh thy God giveth thee,' may be ascribed to the compiler, together with the concluding exhortation in ^^ in the same well-known style. A new phenomenon attracts attention in I7*~i3. The analysis renders it probable that two laws concerning a supreme court of appeal have here been combined, one couched in the name of the ' judges,' the other in that of the ' Levitical priests,' as if they were independent drafts of the same regulation". " The arrangements in 17^12 seem to be the natural sequel of i6i'-2''. But the passage is probably not quite homogeneous, for the confused text of '"H appears due to the combination of different drafts of the same law. Already in ' @ has four pairs of terms instead of three (as if separate sources had contained two each). In ^n the repetitions are so numerous that they can only be explained on some hypothesis of amalgamation. Two authorities are named, (i) the Levitical priests and (2) the judge. Are these the same? Is ' the judge ' in ' 12 only a gloss upon ' the priest ' ? Or was there to be a civil tribunal by the side of the ecclesiastical ? And if so, what were to be H 2 164 DEUTERONOMY [X§47 Such an amalgamation at once points to other literary sources besides the older collection lying behind i6i^. Nor is it without example elsewhere in D (cp notes on 12, and the independent though unamalgamated laws in 13 and I7^~')i or even in the series now under consideration. It is perhaps to be traced, but it may be admitted much less clearly, in the next section on evidence jgi5-2i founded on 17^-12, where the margins indicate the horta toiy expansions, while the last phrases of ^i are based on the older legislation cp Ex 21^*, though they limit its scope. In 241^- the opening words ' thou shalt not wrest the judgement . . .' at once connect the passage wdth i6i^ : a specific case of especial danger is cited in language steeped in Deuteronomic phrases — the imperiUed persons are the usual group of suffering poor, 'the stranger, the fatherless and the widow,' and the reason for their just treatment is the favourite Deuteronomic plea that Israel likewise had once known the bitterness of oppression. The sequence of this law on 241*- is natural enough ; but the connexion is strangely interrupted by •'*- This has the air of a prophetic protest (cp Jer 3i2'- Ezek 18*) which it was desired to insert somewhere, but which was lodged at this point by accident. Einally the law which defines the maximum infliction of the bastinado 25!""^, may well have been derived from some older source. The opening clause in the third person contrasts with the more characteristic form of D in 17*. But in ^^ the their relations? On these topics cp Dillm and Driver in he, and Nowack Hebr Archaeol i 323. But it seems probable that the priests are elsewhere editorially associated with the secular functionaries cp 19I7 202. 21", and a similar union may perhaps be traced here. The doublets in i" and " may then be sorted thus : — II loi" And thou shalt observe to do according to all that they shall teach thee : H" according to the tenor of the teaching which they shall teach thee {B adds and according to the judgement which they shall tell thee) shalt thou do. 12 And the man that doeth presumptuously in not hearkening unto the priest that standeth to minister there before Yahweh thy God (B adds or unto the judge), even that man shall die. Here I is based on the 'judgement' of the civil judge, while II rests on the ' teaching ' or ' law ' (.§ torah) of the priests. These are set side by side in *", but in the sources behind the combination they were distinct. ® apparently endeavoured to simplify the diiSculty by omitting unto the priests the Levites and ^ (though Steuern suggests a possibility of confusion through the doubly ;?«) and curtailing n. Cp Staerk 14 and Steuern in loc. ^'' And they (so ® Sam cp 19I') shall inquire and they shall shew thee the sentence of judgement, 1"" and thou shalt do according to the tenor of the sentence which they shall shew thee from that place which Yahweh shall choose : n'' thou shalt not turn aside from the sentence which they shall shew thee, to the right hand nor to the left. X§47] EVIDENCES OF COMPILATION 165 hand of D is again to be discerned in the explanation of ^\ As the ' enemy ' of Ex 23* became a ' brother ' in Deut 22I, so the ' wicked man ' in 251- is presented as a ' brother ' in ^^. By such criteria it might be possible conjecturally to restore the possible antecedents of some of the laws in D for which there are no obvious precursors in the First Code, and which do not flow directly or indirectly from the doctrine of the unity of the place of sacrifice, and the duty of worshipping Yahweh alone ". But it appears beyond the limits of any critical instrument now available to sort these into groups, or determine their affinitieSj still less to carry such partition through the homilies and thus account for the production of the entire book*. " Cp the list, chap IX i § 2o p 122". * Various proposals have recently been made by different scholars to dis tribute the different portions of the book on the basis of the use of the singular or the plural iu the address to the nation (cp Steuernagel Der Rahmen des Deuteronomiums 1894, Die Entstehung des Deuteronomischen Gesetzes 1896, and Dos Deuteronomium (Hdkomm) 1898, reviewed by Bertholet Theol Literaturzeit 1899, No 17 pp 482-486 ; Staerk Das Deuteronomium 1894 ; Naumann Das Deuteronomium 1897 ; see Kosters Theol Tijdschr Sept 1896, and Addis Documents of the Hex ii, 1898, 10-19. (Results of an independent investigation were published by Prof Mitchell in the Journal of Bibl Idt; 1899 ; and the question has been further discussed in a paper read by Prof G A Smith to the Soc of Hist Theol, May, 1900, and kindly lent by him for the writer's use.) The divergence of their results is not in itself a proof of the inadequacy of the method. Of the various writers just named Steuernagel has carried the analysis through with the most thoroughness. The process through which he conceives D to have come to its present form is exceedingly complicated, and it is difficult to do justice to it in a brief notice. This complexity is not necessarily an argument against a critical theory, for it is justly observed by Addis {Hex ii 18) that simplicity is not always a recommendation. Starting with the homilies 5-1 1 and the Code 12-26, he endeavours to distinguish their sources thus. In 5-1 1 he finds two docu ments combined, one employing the singular pronoun in address to Israel (sing), the other plural (pi). Two collections of laws may also be discovered in 12-26 which belong respectively to the two bodies of introductory discourses sing and pi. Behind each of these lie numerous smaller groups;, pi being composed partly of fundamental cultus-law, together* with an ' elders ' collection, an ' abomination ' collection, and a collection of cases of war ; while sing is built up ou a prior basis of cultus-law, with family and humanitarian legislation, and materials from other independent sources. The fundamental cultus-laws are supposed to have existed in separate drafts from the reign of Hezekiah. They underwent a double redaction, by incorporation into sing about 690, and pi about 670. Sing and pi were then united about 650, the compiler prefixing the retrospect in 1-4*, and this product then underwent prolonged expansion at the hand of successive redactors and copyists, who are made responsible for continuous hortatory additions throughout the work amounting to nearly one-sixth of the whole. So elaborate a theory cannot admit of proof ; large portions of it must rest upon conjecture. That the Code in is-26 has been compiled from various sources, has been already indicated p 158''. But Steuernagel's distribution of them into two documents sing and pi seems very hazardous. It does not rise naturally out of the phenomena of the text. Of the actual plural passages in 13-26 p 160, Steuernagel allots only 2224 to pi ; 19I' is corrected to. sing ; and the rest are ascribed to the nameless copyists. The laws assigned i66 DEUTERONOMY [X § 5 5. The preceding suggestions perhaps suffice to make it pro bable that the compilation even of the legislative code in 12-26 to pi in 13-26 are now couched (with the exception of 2224) in the sing, so that the criterion appears to break down ; a redaction in favour of sing being invoked of which the text shows no assignable traces. Apart, however, from this particular theory, a few words may be said on the general question. (i) There are undoubtedly peculiar phenomena, both in the Code 12-26 and in the Homilies. Thus 144-21" is thrust in the pi between 14' and 21b in the sing, the sing being then continued without further interruption. But there is reason to think that the regulations about unclean foods are derived from a separate cycle of priestly torah cp p 131". More striking is the fact, without parallel in the rest of the Code, that the fundamental law of the unity of the sanctuary with which the whole collection opens 12, appears in two drafts 2-12 pi and "-2* sing (the sing clause in ^^ is omitted by @ ; !£ Sam @ ""'' ^ read ye shall come). No other substantial passages in the Laws now show pi use, its appearance being apparently due in many cases to a reviser's hand (see notes in Hex ii). More variation may be noticed in the Homilies. The introductoiy discourse 1^-4* is throughout couched in the pi, save in i2i 5i» 2' ' 1*. (where the parallel with 9I shows that Israel is the real person addressed) 24b-26 30b 37_ ^ similar phenomenon appears in the retrospect 9*-ioii (sing in 10"' is uncertain, and in i" may be due to attraction fi-om 12. ., @ has pi, though not Sam). In other passages, however, sing predominates, as in 6*-i° (pi ") 82-i9" 9I-711 ioi2-iii (mainly) ; ou the other hand ii2-s2 shows very peculiar mixed uses. Various questions are suggested by these groups of facts. Is the text always trustworthy ? For instance in 5-7 there are more than thirty variations in ® in person and number ; the first person changes into the second and the second into the first ; § sing appears as ® pi, and pi ^ turns into sing ®. Similar though less frequent variations occur in Sam. Some of these may be due to accident or convenience, as when RV renders ' redeemed you ' 7' for § 'redeemed thee,' or 'among you' 231° for § 'in thee' cp i'64. But others may represent real differences of text. Again, it is reasonable to suppose that the Homilies should exhibit a greater range of variation than the Laws. It has already been argued that 1^-4* is not from the same hand as the main portion of 5-1 1, and the discourses in the latter group need not all have been composed together. Moreover transitions of address are characteristic of the preacher's style, as the language of Jeremiah abundantly proves. What light is thrown on the possible composition of the historic and hortatory introductions to the Code by the contemporary phenomena of his style ? And how far can other tests be applied to discriminate any thing like sing and pi sources ? (ii) There can be little doubt that the present text is sometimes faulty, e g 12' quoted above, or 13^ ' Yahweh your God which brought you out ' where @ reads ' thy ' and ' thee ' as in 1° ^, and Sam agrees with @ but next to 'thee' adds 'you' I Again, in 2^ for 'deliver him into thy hand' ® reads 'our' as in, 3', probably correctly. The pi of Sam at the opening of 42^ is preferred by Mitchell to ^ sing. In 7^ where EV slips naturally into the pi ' redeemed you,' in spite of the omission of the pronoun by ® and the sing of Sam, the pi may be original, final mem having dropped through confusion with the first letter of the following word. Similarly in 97 where @ and Sam agree in reading 'ye went forth ' (op G A Smith). (iii) The usage of Jeremiah has been examined with great care by Prof Smith, who thus records his results : ' In the same age as D we find a writer who, in addressing Israel, usually employs the pi, but who changes to the sing either (i) because of a vivid personification of the people, or (2) because he makes a quotation in the sing from another author, or (3) for no such reason at all, and then sometimes within one sentence. Moreover, when quoting from D Jeremiah will some times alter its sing pronouns to pi to suit his own usual style. Or to put this otherwise in its bearing on D, Jeremiah's style shows us (i) that while a writer of the seventh century might usually employ one or other number X§5] EVIDENCES OF COMPILATION 167 was not effected at one time, nor perhaps by one person. The inclusion among the laws of the priestly teaching about forbidden of the pronoun, he did not do so with absolute consistency ; (2) that while the change from pi to sing sometimes means a change of author, or the employ ment by an author of another source, it does not always mean this ; and (3) that a compiler of various sources, or a writer using quotations from a pre vious document with the second pronoun in a different number from that which he usually employs in addressing Israel, may baffle our efforts to discrimi nate his quotation by harmonising its pronouns with his awn usual style.' (iv) The indications of the Code, apart from the two long pi passages named above, give little clue to any distribution of the Laws on this basis. The fact that the pi occurrences frequently have the air of breaking into sing passages suggests that they are due rather to a revising or interpolating hand than to a separate source. The laws of the First Code are reproduced again and again in D with modifications of sub.stance, but with no change of number, eg manumission and slavery Ex 21I-' Deut 1512-18; the calendar of the feasts Ex 231^1' and parallels in D ; administration of justice Ex 23I-' and parallels. But in Ex 2221'' 239b the annotator drops into the pi, while Deut 24I' 22 gtill has the sing. The compiler of the laws in 13-26, therefore, shows no tendency to vary the numbers in adapting older material. But in the Homilies there is much greater latitude. Thus in iii^2s^ which is cast almost wholly in the pi, two passages may be noted which occur elsewhere exclusively in the sing. Deut iji' Therefore shall ye lay up these my words in your heart and in your soul ; and ye shall bind them for a sign upon your hand, and they shall be for frontlets between your eyes. 1^ And ye shall teach them your children, talking of them, when thou sittest in thine house, and when thou walkest by the way, and when thou liest down, and when thou risest up. 20 And thou shalt write them upon the door posts of thine house, and upon thy gates : 21 that your days may be multiplied, and the days of your children, upon the land which the Lord sware unto your fathers to give them, as the days of the heavens above the earth. Here it is plain that the use of 6'"' in iii'-2i shows the same kind of freedom noted by Prof G A Smith in Jeremiah. It is conceivable that the same writer may thus have repeated himself ; but it seems more likely that the -variations are due to another hand. Similarly in the second case ii25, where the writer calls attention by the phrase ' as he hath spoken unto you ' to the fact that he is making a quotation : Deut 6' And these words, which I com mand thee this day, shall be upon thine heart : '' and thou shalt teach them diligently unto thy children, and shalt talk of them when thou sittest in thine house, and when thou walkest by the way, and when thou liest down, and when thou risest up. ^ And thou shalt bind them for a sign upon thine hand, and they shall be for frontlets between thine eyes. ' And thou shalt write them upon the door posts of thy house, and upon thy gates. Deut ij25 There shall no man be able to stand before you : the Lord your God shall put the fear of you and the dread of you upon all the land that ye shall tread upon, as he hath spoken unto you. Deut 72^ There shall no man be able to stand before thee. 225 This day will I begin to put the dread of thee and the fear of thee upon the peoples that are under the whole heaven, who shall hear the report of thee, and shall tremble, and be in anguish because of thee. i68 DEUTERONOMY txis foods I4*^^^a, or the regulations for admission into the assembly of Yahweh 231^*, points in the direction of editorial sympathy Here the use of 22^ in ii25 seems to make it certain that the application of the sing in the first passage is to Israel and not (as Prof G A Smith suggests) to Moses. (v) If sing and pi hands may be thus recognized in 12-26 and in the introductory discourses, are there any grounds of matter or of phraseology for attempting a definite distribution on this basis ? In the Code only two substantial passages offer sufficient basis for comparison, viz in 12 and 14. The second of these stands altogether apart from the rest of the legislation. In 122-12 pj^ however, various differences may be noted compared with i*~27 gjug . -i. < destroy ' las only in 11* pi ; '• = 7° Ex 34I2 pi (7^, however, interrupts the sing context) ; ' ' sacrifices,' not named else where in D, ct " sing ; ' ' which Yahweh thy God giveth thee,' @ ' our ' 'us,' Sam 'your' 'you' (the phrase with 'inheritance' always occurs else- ¦where in sing, 421 15* 191° aoi^ 21*' 24* 251° 26I), several phrases do not recur in D, 2 < upon the high mountains . . . tree,' * ' right in his own eyes,' ^ 'rest,' 1" 'in safety,' 1* ' choice vows.' The passage is too brief to base any satisfactory phraseological argument upon it. Within the limits of the Code, the following numbers in the table of D's words occur only iu sing, X^ 16 22= 29= 33« 49 5i'>='i sS'- The Homilies show a larger range of variation, partly due to the fact that the historic recitals (as above noted) are chiefly cast into the pi, and they contain therefore a somewhat different vocabulary. Reasons have been already offered for regarding the introductory retrospect 1^-4* as independent ofthe discourses in 5-11 p 156(4). The phraseological results may be thus tabulated according as they occur in sing or pi, but for them to be of much real significance a larger basis of comparison and a securer text is much to be desired. It is difficult now to determine how much may be due to original difference of source, and how much to accidental or intentional change in successive processes of revision. Sing 9 25 30 36 37' 38 4i'| 43'» 48 50 51' (except 12^2) eo'" 61 (?7*) 64 66 eg" 73' ct*" 76 ga'i"^ 97''' loa'*. PI 3 4 (in 92" for D'ps 'H read with ® and 921" p:» m) 5 6 18 45 88'' 94 no n3 (except 16'') 116'"'. In many cases the results must be accidental, thus 37" belongs to sing, 37* to pi ; 43'"' to sing, 43^ to pi. Only a very few seem to recur with sufficient frequency to rise to the dignity of real marks of style ; and these may conceivably have got fixed as hortatory phrases, so that they tend to recur in one number or the other according to a sort of homiletic tradition. This may be the explanation of the phrase ' Yahweh fighteth for you ' 45, or the appeal to remembrance 97. The most curious contrast lies in this respect between the two phrases ' whither thou art going in to possess it,' and ' whither ye are crossing over to possess it,' the first being always (save in 4^) used in sing, 7I III" 29 1229 2320 2821 63 go" (slightly different in 96 i89), and the second always in pi, 4M 6I 11* " (cp 422 26 ^jSi gjis 32*7 jggjj jii^^ j^ yi&-w of the fact, however, that 'cross over' is used in sing (though not in the precise phrase specified) in 9I 30I8, and ' go in ' is used iu the pi e g 4I 81 11' in a similar though not identical connexion, it seems hazardous to erect the two participial phrases into a stylistic distinction. (vi) The facts to be explained are thus intricate and conflicting, and the evidence for any hypothesis of distribution is meagre. But the indications seem to point to the following results : — (i) In the Code 12-26 apart from the plural draft in 122-12, the prohibition of mutilation for the dead 14I, and the list of unclean foods 144-2111, the laws are issued in sing, the pi passages having the aspect of additions to the text, like the editorial annotations in the First Code. This suggests that the pi passages are later, though in the pi laws themselves there is no clue to relative date. The piece of torah about forbidden foods, being probably dravyn from a different source, may have X§5o] EVIDENCES OF COMPILATION 169 with ritual ideas of which there is elsewhere little trace; but conjectures as to the time or mode of their adoption into D seem vain. Nevertheless, the question once more recurs whether Josiah's law-book contained the whole of D, and if not whether it is possible to indicate what it may have comprised, and when it was actually compiled. (a) No answers to such questions can possess more than different degrees of probabUity. The clues are scanty and the indications necessarily slight. One clue is found in the reformation carried out by Josiah, which aimed at the entire suppression of the homage offered to other gods and the expulsion of every form of idolatry. This purpose rendered it necessary to prohibit the cultus of Yahweh everywhere save at the one spot in which it might be rigidly controlled. The law-book, therefore, must have included the fundamental statutes of 12-13, ^n*! the numerous other regulations dependent on them, especially those affecting all religious duty (such as tithes 14^^- •> the three annual pil grimages lei"!'), and the functions of the three great theocratic powers, the judges and the king, the prophets, and the priests. been incorporated afterwards, but it may also have belonged to a separate and pre-existing cycle in which the pi use was habitual. (2) In the intro ductory discourses an independent distinction is drawn ante p 156 (4) between i°-4* and 5-1 1. In the first group the predominant use of pi seems naturally suggested by the dramatic address to the persons who have shared in the events described. In some cases the sing passages have the air of intrusions into pi text, e g 1I (mixed) 27 ; in another 2"' the pronoun is probably faulty ; i2i is perhaps a quotation from a prior source, and sing in 2' i^. 2411-25 may be due to similar derivation. The occurrences in the hortatory portions of 5-11 are more difficult to explain; but the an^alogy with Jeremiah's preaching is here more significant. The comments on the Ten Words in 5 follow the sing usage of the Words themselves, and thus correspond with the dominant practice of the Code. The retrospect 22-33 jg addi-essed, as in other cases, in the pi, the heads of tribes and elders being specified ^'. The two great homilies which follow 6*-8 and 9-11 show a very mixed usage. In some cases the pi seems due to editorial intrusion, as in 7^ || 12' Ex 34I'. Other passages show continuous blocks of sing or pi ; and in 11 two quota tions whose originals are sing appear wholly or partially in pi. It may be asserted, therefore, with strong probability that they are composite, the plural elements (where there is an actual difference of author) being the later (though this cannot be affirmed positively of the retrospect in 9^. .) ; but having regard to uncertainties of text, to the attraction of one use for the other in contiguous passages, to the evidences of revision elsewhere in D and in the previous JE, to the possible fixity of certain hortatory expressions, and to the variations natural to the preacher's style and the dramatic method of address, it does not seem possible to divide them into two separate documents, or to frame any theory of their growth. Similar remarks may be applied to the concluding chapters, where the indications of varied origin are pointed out on independent grounds in Hex ii. The attempt to ascribe the whole book to a fusion of singular and plural sources in the discourses and the laws cannot therefore be sustained. I70 DEUTERONOMY [X § 5o These criteria practically cover the main contents of 12-19". But they do not touch the misceUaneous congeries of laws in 20-25. In 26, however, the Josian D may be again clearly recognized, and a slight link connects it with the group already isolated. The condition stated in 26I is analogous to that in 17I* 18^ 19I, but it does not recur in 20-25. ^^ ^^i^ section be removed 26 would be brought into line with the series of paragraphs preceding it. To 26 was no doubt attached the original form of the Blessings and the Curses in 28, which now bear numerous marks of amplification ^. The Code and its final discourse must have been introduced by some title connecting it with Moses and specifying the circumstances of its promul gation. The title in 4*^- ° may have served as the opening ; and " In addition to passages already enumerated in p 158" (3), as showing signs of editorial redaction, different elements will be found combined in 14I— 21, where a piece of priestly torah concerning forbidden foods has been incorporated. See ante p 166 (i), and Hex ii in loc. ^ This great discourse seems to be the sequel of the exhortation in 26I6-19, and follows the Code in 12-261^ much as the brief address in Ex 2320. . is attached to the Book of Judgements, or Lev 26'-*^ to the Holiness-legislation. The nucleus of the first portion of it is found in two sets of blessings and curses '"^ and i^-is, with their appr9priate homiletic envelopes 1-1* and i6-45_ The rest seems to fall into two distinct sections, the first *7-67 comprising a warning against a foreign invader and a delineation of the horrors of a protracted siege, the second ^^-'^ having no special connexion with the preceding, but containing threats of diminution of the population by disease, aud of their ultimate dispersion by slavery in distant lands. Whether these passages were composed consecutively, or placed in their present collocation by their original author, has been sometimes doubted. The unity of the discourse has been maintained in substance by Kuenen and Driver. Dillm cautiously admits the possibility that it may have received additions, but thinks that their separation from the original nucleus is no longer possible. The phenomena which ipoint in this direction are of various kinds : (i) the same threats and warnings are again and again repeated, e g of disease 21. 27 '^ ", of defeat and captivity 25 s6. 6S. , of foreign bondage where the worship of Yahweh can no longer be practised ^' ^* : (2) some passages are marked by peculiarities of matter and form e g 25b 26 35 a ss . ^g) ^n unusual number of parallels with the language of Jeremiah may be noticed cp i" 2° 25. 29. 36. 48. 61-63 61 63 65. Reasous are offered {Hex ii in loc) for regarding 25b 26 35-37 41. ^g possible later insertions, and for treating *''-57 and 58-68 ag separate sections, though whether they really proceed from separate authors cannot be de termined. They are at any rate homiletic products of the same school as the homilies in 5-11 ; and they show marked affinities with the type of prophetic preaching presented in the writings of Jeremiah cp p 147. In *^- • the Chaldeans seem to be in view : but the concluding section does not contemplate a particular deportation by conquest, so much as a general expatriation by enslavement, Egypt being mentioned among the countries of their future servitude. In these aspects the discourse seems to precede 45-", though ^2 and 427, and ^' «4 and 428, are not without affinities. " The elaborate title in *5-49 appears to be ' the work of a writer who either (0) was not acquainted with 11-4*°, or (6) disregarded it' (Driver Deut 80). It has been already suggested that before the incorporation of D with JB the book may have existed in different forms ante p 156 (4) i, eg with a long introduction or a short one. Both introductions would be founded on the X§5a] EVIDENCES OF COMPILATION 171 the discourse in 5 may have recalled the covenant of Horeb to prepare the way for that of Moab". The homUies in 6-1 1 (or at least the first in 6-8) may have been prefixed by the authors of the Code to prepare for the great assembly convened by Josiah ; and the book would naturally have closed with a description of the making of the covenant in Moab which might have served as type for that in Jerusalem. To such a ceremony there is more than one aUusion, 27^ 29I 12—15^ but of the actual rite there is no word*. same prior material. In collecting the separate documents for final amalgamation, the two forms have been preserved by the editors side by side. On probable earlier elements in ** and expansions in ^5-49 gee notes in Hex ii. " So also Bertholet Hd-Comm xxi. * The subsequent literary history of the book may be summarized as follows (apart from occasional glosses due to still later scribal redac tions), (i) The nucleus of the whole book is to be found in the Code 12-26 ; when first produced this was probably considerably shorter p 158 ; its original title may possibly be preserved in 4^* (adopted, it may be, from an introduction to an earlier code) afterwards enriched by the addition iu ^^45-i9_ ^2^ To this Code were prefixed different hortatory introductions, which would seem to have been attached separately to different editions. Earliest, perhaps, is the original series of homilies now arranged in 5-1 1, which appear to have proceeded from the author of the main groups of law in 12-18 and 26. These had a didactic and religious aim. But a second introduction, consisting chiefly of historical retrospect, may be traced in ji" *- 4* : this may be assigned to a different hand, and has been augmented with a number of archaeological and other notes, especially in 2-3. (3) Similarly different forms of conclusion were appended to the main legislative core. The elements of these were twofold : (i) a parting address from Moses exhorting the people to obedience, and warning them against unfaithfulness ; and (ii) a record of the writing of the Code. Such a close seems to have been provided by the author (or authors) of the Code and the Homilies in 2615-1' followed by the original form of 28 (afterwards enlarged by expansion) 301-1", together with the account of the writing of the law and the provision for its septennial reading at the Feast of Booths 3i'-i'. A second narrative of the wi-iting of the law and its deposition beside the ark is found in 3124-29, where instructions are given for the summons of a great national assembly at which Moses may' deliver his solemn testimony. Re mains of this discourse may be traced in 27'- 45-40 goii-20 with a conclusion in 32*5-47. jfo definite connexion can be established between this closing group and the secondai-y introduction in 1-4^ though the narrative in 32S-28 seems to be resumed in 31I. . and finds its term in Moses' death in 34. Yet a third farewell address distinguished by marked peculiarities of style may be discerned in 292-2'. The Code and its envelopments, homiletic and narrative, hortatory or retrospective, must thus be regarded as the product of a long course of literary activity to which various members of a great religious school contributed, the affinities with the language and thought of Jeremiah being particularly numerous. (4) To this Deuteronomio group other additions were made from time to time, involving further dislocations. The Code and the Homilies seem to imply acquaintance with JE (chap XVI § I7), and in due time JE and D were amalgamated (cp chap XVI I 2). This appears to be the explanation of the insertion of a fragment from an itinerary of E in Deut lo^., of the expansion of E's instructions for the erection of the altar on Ebal 27I-8, of the introduction of the charge to Joshua 311*. 2', and the incorporation of the accounts of 172 DEUTERONOMY [X § 5^ (/3) If these conjectures be regarded as too hazardous, there still remains the problem concerning the date, if not the actual contents, of Josiah's law-book. The foregoing argument has proceeded on the assumption that the book was designed to serve as the basis of a movement corresponding to that which Josiah actually founded upon it. In that case, it is most natural to suppose that it was only compiled a comparatively short time before it was found in the Temple ". It belonged, that is to say, to the reign of Josiah ; and may be plausibly attributed to the party of reform who saw in the young king a promising agent of their hopes. Such promise could hardly have been discerned in a child who began to reign at the age of eight. He must have been some time on the throne before those around him could have felt confident of his readiness to use the opportunity if it were afforded him. These considerations receive some confirma tion from the remarkable parallels already noticed between the language of D and the phraseology of Jeremiah. The Deutero nomic Code is universally adinitted to be profoundly marked by the prophetic spirit. Had it originated in an earlier age, it is difficult to understand why the contemporary prophetic literature should have been completely unaffected by so powerful a school of religious thought. This is the real reason why the proposal to place it under Hezekiah '' appears unsatisfactory. It cannot be proved to have suggested Hezekiah's reforms " ; there are no traces of Isaiah's acquaintance with it ; Micah is equaUy clear of allusion to it. So many eminent critics have placed it in the reign of Manasseh that this cannot be called an improbable Moses' death in 34. Other insertions will be found in the liturgical curses 27I1-25, the Song of Moses and its preface 31I5-22 g2i-44 (which caused the dispersion of the second farewell discourse), and the Blessing of Moses 33, which appears to contain a nucleus due to E framed in a lyric setting of much later time (see chap XIV §§ 4 6). (5) Lastly, the extended JED was united with P (chap XVI § 3). This involved the addition of the date in i', the preparation for Moses' death 3248-52, and the final description of his departure in 34 (see notes in Hex ii). Latest of all 441-4S -y^as inserted in connexion with Josh 20. [On D elements in Josh and their relation to the constituents of Deut cp chap XVII § 4.] " On ' finding iu the Temple ' as a mode of publication in Egypt, ep Cheyne, Jeremiah, his Life and Times 84. The view announced by Dr Duff Old Test Theol ii (1900) p 491, ' It was written as an emendation of the Elohist's Moab Code with the hope of erecting Sheehem into the sole sanctuary and centre of all government,' is at present unsupported by his evidence, and has therefore received no notice in the text. l> So Delitzsch, Westphal, Oettli, KOnig, G A Smith, H L Strack ; cp p 146. " Reasons have been already offered for believing these to have been less extensive than the narrative of 2 Kings suggests cp chap IX ii § 3 p 140. X§5/3] ITS PROBABLE DATE 173 opinion ". It rests largely on the supposition that a book which was 'found' must have been previously lost. For such dis appearance some time is required before the era of discovery, and this interval might weU throw the origin of the book into a preceding generation. On the other hand this view is con fronted with the difficulty of explaining how such a work, once composed, should have passed out of sight. Of the causes which involved it in obscurity and neglect we are whoUy ignorant. A writer who so passionately advocated a particular series of reforms could scarcely have been indifferent to the prospect of their effectual realization ; and it is hard to conceive that he should have calmly acquiesced in the frustration of his design, and made no attempt to rescue the endangered work. But there is a further consideration of another kind. We are not without indications of the religious difficulties of the reign of Manasseh. It was a time of persecution and suffering, endured by some with a lowly patience Mic 7^"^, while it evoked from others the most vehement of protests. The homely but vigorous figure of 2 Kings 21I* expressively indicates the view of impend ing doom which seemed alone possible in the crisis of prophetic despair. It is true that the wrath of the Yahwist party may not have been concentrated in such white heat of passion during the whole fifty-five years of Manasseh's long reign. But Deuteronomy betrays neither agony nor resignation. It is a book of confident faith, of joyous exultation, of ardent assurance that Israel has stiU a future. Was this conviction possible in the midst of men who expected to see Jerusalem cleaned out like a dish in punish ment for its sins ? Does not the irrepressible hopefulness of the greater part of the Deuteronomic exhortations imply a revival of the consciousness of Yahweh's favour which can only be explained by the changed circumstances of the new reign ? It may be added that the ascription of the book to the age of Manasseh is less easy to harmonize with the literary conditions which point " This view is held by Dr Driver, and stated by him Deui xlix-liv with admirable insight into the religious history of the time. To his list of authorities for the respective dates the following may be added : for the last years of Hezekiah, or early in Manasseh's reign, from 690 to 650, Steuernagel Das Deuteronomium (1898) xii, the book being the result of a complicated literary process. Addis, Documents of the Hexateuch ii 9 (1898), suggests that the book may be the outcome of the reforms of Hezekiah, and thinks conjecture is free to move as it will between 701 and 621 b c. For Manasseh, Kautzsch Literature of the OT (1898) 65 ; Ryle Did of the Bible (ed Hastings), art 'Deut'; for Josiah, Staerk Das Deuteronomium (1894) 96 ff, Bertholet Hd-Comm 1899 ; Moore Enc Bibl 1086 avoids a decision. 174 DEUTERONOMY [X 5 50 to its gradual growth at the hands of a little group of men inter ested in enforcing its ideas, and from time to time enriching it with new discourses. Whether or not Hilkiah was in their secret it is impossible to determine. The narrative gives no hint of his own feeling about the contents of the book. Shaphan's duty was discharged when he had communicated it to the king. But Hilkiah took the lead in the deputation to Huldah, of which Shaphan also was a member ; and this step must hiave been taken with their concurrence, if not by their direct advice. Hilkiah, therefore, was favourable to the proposed reform ; but it seems hardly likely that he was concerned in the preparation of the book, or even privy to its composition and discoveiy. For it was provided, on behalf of the disestablished priests i8^~^, that they should come up to Jerusalem and have the right to serve at the Temple-altar. Such an arrangement was naturally distasteful to the metropolitan guild, and they succeeded in frustrating it 2 Kings 23^. Had HiUdah sanctioned the Deuteronomic pro posal beforehand, it is probable that he would have exerted his authority to give it effect. His apparent indifference to the position of the country priests in their vain effort to assert the rights which the new law conferred upon them, seems best explained upon the view that he had not been consulted about the plan. That the promoters of the Deuteronomic Code (whether before or after its publication) were in connexion with the priest hood, even if there were no priests actually among them ", may be inferred from their references to the priestly torah 24^ cp I4*-', and their assignment of supreme judicial duties to the sacred order I7^~ii- The importance conferred on the metropoUtan sanctuary is explicable from either the priestly or the prophetic side cp Am i^ Is 6I. Its definite enunciation of monotheism and its dependence on the Mosaic tradition set the book in Une with the prophetic schools ; and Deuteronomy, therefore, which is pervaded by a spirit of human sympathy, for which an Amos, an Isaiah, a Micah, had apparently not pleaded in vain, may be regarded as the first great effort of prophecy to reduce its demands to practical shape, and embody its ideals in a scheme of religious and social reform*. " Baudissin, Einl 114, conjectures that the author was a Levite in close rela tion with the circle to which Jeremiah belonged. ^ On the relation of D to J E and JE, see chap XVI § 1. The extensions of D iu Joshua are discussed in chap XVII § 4. CHAPTER XI THE ORIGINS OP J The book of Deuteronomy is essentially a book of law and not of history. The collection of J, on the other hand, forms a book of history and not of law. Its scope is to relate the origin of the people of Israel, and connect it with the purpose of Yahweh in human things. 1. With this aim it opens with the formation of the first man, and the woman who is made, after the animals, to match him. It is possible that it had previously Related the ' making ' of the earth and sky Gen 2*'', but no vestiges of such a narrative remain. After the expulsion of the pair from Eden, the early history of mankind is sketched in darkening colours, as the increased com mand of weapons gives freer range to human passions. The strange episode of the intercourse between the sons of Elohim and the daughters of men leads to the story of the Flood and the preservation of Noah and his family. Eeleased from the ark, Noah discovers the secret of husbandry and the culture of the vine. His descendants people the earth, and the writer appa rently presented a catalogue of nations grouped under the names of his three sons, portions of which are now incorporated in the similar distribution of P; An independent cause is next assigned for the great dispersion iii"', and the line of Abraham is then selected. One by one the collateral branches are dismissed from view ; Lot settles at Sodom, and becomes the ancestor of Moab and Ammon ; the mother of the unborn Ishmael passes out of sight to make way for Isaac ; the family of Nahor is enumerated to prepare for Isaac's union with Eebekah ; the descendants of Keturah complete the roll of Abraham's progeny ; and the story is then concentrated on Isaac alone. With his twin sons it again momentarily divides, but Esau returns on his way to Seir and is seen no more, whUe the twelve sons of Jacob enter the field. The sale of Joseph, first to the Ishmaelites, and then to an Egyptian master, transfers the interest to Egypt. His appoint ment as Pharaoh's minister of state, the arrival of his brothers to 176 THE ORIGINS OF J [XI § 1 buy corn, the tests to which they are subjected, and his final disclosure of himself, supply some of the most beautiful examples of J's art as narrator. The settlement of Jacob in Goshen foUows, and the recital passes from the record of his funeral and the sub sequent death of Joseph to the oppression, when Moses slays the Egyptian. His flight to Midian, his marriage and the birth of his son, are the prelude to his great commission to lead his countrymen into the land of their fathers. His return awakens his people's faith ; Pharaoh's resistance is at last subdued by the most terrible of the signs of Yahweh's power, and the IsraeUtes hastUy depart. The passage of the Eed Sea frees them from their pursuers, and they march without hostile interruption, though not without desert trials, to Sinai. There, at the sacred moun tain, Yahweh makes a covenant with Moses and Israel, and after an obscure episode of revolt severely punished with massacre by the Levites, the journey is again resumed. Spies are sent to explore the land, but the attempt to reach the promised country from the south is frustrated. After a long but indeterminate interval the resolve is taken to make the entry from the east. It involves the circuit of Edom and Moab and the conquest of Sihon and his kingdom. Lingering over the episode of Balaam, the story passes to the arrangements for the settlement of Reuben and Gad " and the death of Moses on the top of Pisgah. The leaderT ship is assumed by Joshua, who conducts the Israelites across the Jordan, captures Jericho and Ai, crushes the kings at Beth-horon and Merom, and prepares to distribute the land. From the account of the actual settlement of the Israelites only a few fragments remain ^ Such is the general scheme of J, which has been recited at length to serve as a subsequent basis of comparison with E and P. What light is thrown by its contents and characteristics on its probable origin? 2. It is natural first to inquire into its modes of religious and historic representation. Whatever clues it may supply to the place and time of its production must be found in its own treatment of the sacred past. (a) Foremost among the distinctive features of its conception of " Probably to be found at the basis of Num 32. ^ Eor the continuation of J in Judges, see Moore Judges, in Iniemat Comm, in Haupt's SBOT, and in Enc Bibl ; Budde Hd-Comm (1897) xii-xv ; Nowack Hdkomm (1900) xiii-xvi. Duff, OT Theol ii (1900), traces the contents of J as far as i Kings i and 2, and conjectures (p 278) that from 3 onwards some of the sources belong to the Yahwist school. XI 5 2a] CONCEPTIONS OF REVELATION 177 the pre-Mosaic ages is its' view of the primaeval character of the worship of Yahweh Gen 4**- This unbroken continuity of reve lation is assumed as the basis of the whole narrative". It is repeatedly emphasized in the titles appended to the divine name. He is the ' God of Shem ' 9^^, or the God of heaven who took Abraham from his father's house 24'' ; to Isaac he is the ' God of Abraham ' 26^* ; to Jacob the ' God of Abraham and the God of Isaac ' 281^ ; to the suffering Israelites the God of their fathers, ' the God of Abraham, of Isaac, and of Jacob ' Ex 31^. He is emphatically also the God of heaven and earth Gen 24^, and in like manner he is universal judge 18^^. But beside these exalted attributes stand other representations which ascribe to him various modes of human action. To some of these attention has already been invited (cp chap VIII U § 2a p 95): the repeated description of Yahweh as 'coming down' may be here specified. As he comes down to examine and then to frustrate the purpose of the tower 11^, or to investigate the guilt of Sodom 18^1, so does he also come down to deliver Israel from its bondage Ex 3^, and personally descend upon the sacred mount 19I1 1^ ^^ 34®. So, it would seem, it is J who describes the mysterious visitant with whom Jacob wrestles Gen 32^*"*, as it is also J who relates the struggle when Yahweh sought to kUl Moses Ex 4^^*-. It may indeed be difficult to believe that this latter story is told by the same narrator who relates the awful theophany on Sinai 34^. But the steps of transition, whether few or many, seem all to be made within the same group, and the differences find an explana tion when the extremes are viewed as earlier and later elements of the same great religious school. In some cases (cp chap VIII ii § 2^ p 96), however, Yahweh does not appear or act himself in the fullness of his heavenly personahty. He is represented by his angel, who calls to Hagar from the sky Gen 16''- •, precedes Abraham's servant to prosper his way 24' *", addresses Moses from the flaming bush Ex 3^, and confronts Balaam and his ass Num 22^2- •. The 'captain of Yahweh's host' who stands over against Joshua with drawn sword Josh 5-'^"^^ has probably a similar function to mediate between the older conception of Yahweh's direct presence and agency, and the later view of his " When Abraham enters the story, the use of the name Yahweh is usually limited to his descendants, though not invariably cp Gen 24^1 262* 39^ ^ In Hex ii the story is assigned to J, with the recognition, however, founded on 2° that E had a theophany at Peniel also. Of this Gunkel Hdkomm (1901) finds traces in 25» ^' 2» S2, N 178 THE ORIGINS OF J [XI § 2a higher spirituality and abode in heaven. To this same category belong the pUlar of cloud and fire in which Yahweh went before the Israelites as leader and guide Ex 1321, and the 'Presence' (or ' face ') whose sustaining companionship would give Moses rest 33^*-. ((3) These conceptions suffuse the whole series of narratives, and form a continuous setting for the events which they relate. By their aid the writer expounds the significance of human labour and suffering, and justifies the oriental conception of marital rule. He depicts the growth of evil which accompanies progress in the arts of life Gen 4 ; recognizes that the new humanity which will start from Noah will not share his righteousness, for evil imagina tion will beset it from its youth ; and throughout contrasts the chosen hero strenuously fulfilling a divine plan, Uke Abraham, Joseph, or Moses, with the opposite types of worldly self- indulgence, family jealousy, or national unbelief. To Abraham comes the word of promise, and he obeys in faith i2i- • 15^ ; and to him is announced aUke the gift of the land and of blessing such as shall make the famUies of the earth invoke his name 12^ 18I* 28I*. The divine oath 15^^ resounds through the whole story, which has (from one point of view) no other meaning than to justify Yahweh by giving it effect. This purpose can only be fulfilled by the training of a people to keep his way 18I' ; it is for this end that Yahweh has in the language of prophecy ' known ' Abraham, as Amos declared that he had 'known' Israel alone among the nations of the earth Am 3^. In such ' knowledge ' on the part of Yahweh lies the clue to Israel's destiny, and the distant vision of a ' great and mighty nation ' Uluminates the darkness and dangers of the course. The obscure connexions of remote events are continually found in the determinations of Yahweh's will ; the subjugation of the Canaanites is announced by Noah Gen 9^^; the wild future of Ishmael i6i2 — the sub mission of Edom 25^^ — the sovereignty over nations realized in one brief age of empire 27^^* — aU these are but distant glances at the mode in which Yahweh's intent works itself out for Israel's benefit. The constancy of this energy is expressed by saying that Yahweh was ' with ' the agents of his choice (Isaac 26^ ^ ^^, Jacob 281^, Joseph 39^ 21 23^ Moses Ex 4I2 cp ¦'"130) ; while in the case of Israel his presence takes a more intimate form, he condescends to dweU and act in its midst (3np3). The unbelieving people try his long-suffering with the scornful question ' Is Yahweh in our XI § 27] CONCEPTIONS OF REVELATION 179 midst or not?' Ex 17''. The severest threat of punishment is couched in the phrase ' I will not go up in thy midst ' 33^ ; when Moses pleads for his stiff-necked countrymen, he prays ' let the Lord go in our midst ' 34^ ; when he addresses them, it is to complain 'ye have rejected Yahweh which is in your midst' Num 11^" ; 'how long,' exclaims Yahweh, 'wUl they not believe in me for all the signs which I have wrought in their midst ' 14II (cp "58). In these characteristics of divine faithfulness contrasted again and again with the weariness, the mistrust, the open rebellion, of the Israelites, it is impossible not to recognize in the field of national tradition the profound influence of the motives and conceptions which appear elsewhere in the sphere of early prophecy. (y) In the treatment of the patriarchs the interest of J plays largely around the scenes of their life, their family relations, and the localities hallowed by their worship. It is not needful to catalogue the contents of its rich budget of stories, or to dwell on the skUl displayed unconsciously in the portrayal of character. But its conceptions of the early cultus cannot be ignored, for in them is partly to be sought the real clue to its origin. Thus Abram signalizes his entry into the country by building an altar at Sheehem close to the 'Teacher's oak' Gen 12^-, and another between Bethel and Ai 12^ cp 13*. In the south he sacrifices by the oaks of Mamre in Hebron 131^ cp 18I, and on the confines of the desert beside the well at Beer-sheba he plants a tamarisk and invokes his God 21^^. At Beer-sheba likewise Isaac buUds an altar 26^^ ; Jacob erects a pillar at Bethel which he hallows with a drink offering and anoints with oU 35I* ; and by another pillar he marks Rachel's grave on the way to Bethlehem 35^*'. No single spot is exclusively sacred ; the rites of the altar may be celebrated anywhere, especially in the scenes which Yahweh has marked by his appearing. The offering is the worshipper's ' present ' 4^ cp 32!^ 43I1, it may be of the fruitB of the ground, or of the firstlings of the fiock. It must be clean ; the unclean beast is unfit for sacred gifts ; and it is made over to Yahweh by fire. In this simple cultus there is no need of priest. Dimly in the background he may wait to receive those who 'go to inquire of Yahweh ' 25^^, for the management of the oracle was from of old his duty; but he is not named, and the soUtary reference leaves all detail obscure. Thus under the shade of venerated holy trees, or near the sacred wells, or by the con- N 2 i8o THE ORIGINS OF J [XI § 2y secrated pillars, is the patriarchs' worship practised. They themselves emerge from the antique gloom of tradition with forms moulded by generations of recital, as the tales concerning them had been told by the priests at ancient sanctuaries, or the warriors round the camp-fires, or the shepherds at the wells. They are full of incident and character; and they are firmly rooted in the soil. When the scene changes to Egypt, the sense of locality is less distinct, but it is still present. Israel is settled in Goshen ¦'^38, but he yearns to be buried in the grave he has dug in his own land ; and no story of his life has a deeper pathos than that of the splendid funeral train which escorts his mummy to Canaan in the fulfilment of his dying wish 5oi~ii ". (S) The interest of J in the Mosaic age, Uke his interest in the patriarchs, is national and historic rather than institutionaP. He does not seek in it the origins of his faith or of his worship. These have about them an immemorial antiquity : he knows of no time when men could not call upon the name of Yahweh Gen 4^^. But the deUverance from Egypt first made Israel feel itself a people, and the story of its liberation, like that of its long wandering and its final entry into the land of Yahweh's promise, has its own value for the demonstration of his power. The demand that is to be first raised by Moses and the elders Ex 3!*- • is Umited to permission to go three days' journey into the wilder ness. Whether Aaron was originaUy associated with Moses in J's narrative, there is some doubt. According to the view indicated in Hex ii, which has the support of Wellhausen, Jtilicher, CornUl, Baentsch, Holzinger", and even Kittel, the association of Aaron with Moses as his spokesman Ex 4i*""i8 is an afterthought "^ In the narrative of the plagues the successive '^ The account of his actual interment, however, is suppressed in favour of P's 50I2. gp jjjj, JJ_ * On the other hand, cp infra § 30 p 186. « Baentsch Hdkomm (1900) 31 ; Holzinger Hd-Comm (1900) 9. , ^ In "-18 it is not apparent in what way the anger of Yahweh expresses itself against the reluctance of Moses. It is believed, therefore, that this is really a later insertion to prepare for the introduction of Aaron, for whom a place had to be found in the story. The want of uniformity in his appear ances, the curious alternation between plural and singular verbs in the immediate context of his entry into the narrative (cp 8^ 12" 25 28 g27 i(,i6 i7b with 89 12b 29 gss io7. 18)^ and the fact that in the earliest extant account of the sanctuary he had no function, Joshua being the servitor of Moses in the Tent of Meeting Ex 33I1, render it probable that the passages narrating his activity are all secondary as compared with the original J. The description of Aaron as ' the Levite ' (in the sense of priest) on whom devolves the duty of proclaiming to the people the divine teaching, points in the same direc tion ; ct i82». . (cp Holzinger Hd-Comm 9) where Moses is himself the giver of XI § 28] REPRESENTATIONS OF THE MOSAIC AGE i8i punishments inflicted on the obdurate Pharaoh and his people are effected by the direct agency of Yahweh". Moses has only to announce them, and Yahweh does the rest, though the details of his method are occasionally mentioned, as when a strong west wind is employed to remove the locusts iqI', and a strong east wind blowing all night makes th& sea dry land 14^^''. It is characteristic of J's view of Israel's God that he describes him 14^^ as 'taking off' the chariot wheels of the Egyptians. The purport of the entice series of plagues is to prove the deity of Yahweh 7I'' cp 81"", to display his power 9^*"^^ and spread his teaching {torah). Cornill ascribes his appearance here, as well as in 27. 29. and the rest of the passages in 5-10 to Bf, cp Num ii". But this seems to overlook the parallel in 612 7I. which cannot be regarded as the source of 41'- •. The passage is therefore viewed as secondary in J but older than P. " The narrative of the wonders 7^-1 ii" is plainly composite. Various reasons unite to enforce this conclusion ; the analysis is foundted on two broad classes of evidence, (a) material differences of representation, and (/3) accom panying peculiarities of phraseology. (i) Scattered through the record occur short sections of which 78-is jg the type. They are based on the idea of ' showing a wonder ' 7'. Moses receives the divine command, and trans mits it to Aaron, who executes it with his rod : the magicians of Egypt then attempt to produce the same marvel, at first with success, but afterwards impotently : the heart of Pharaoh is strong, and he will not listen. These common marks unite the following passages 7*-" i2-2<''> 22 36-^ isk i6-b ^8-12. They are unconnected by any links of time ; they constitute a succession of displays of power increasing in force until the editorial close in rii". Their recurring phrases (see Hex ii margins), the peculiar relation of Moses and Aaron cp 7I., the prominence assigned to Aaron as the agent of the wonder with his rod cp Num 17', while elsewhere the wonder is wrought by Moses with his rod, justify the ascription of these passages to P. (a) The materials left after the elimination of P, again exhibit differences both of conception and language. Thus (i) J has already located the Israelites in the land of Goshen Gen 451" and they are accordingly represented as residing there Ex 822 g28 . they are consequently unaffected by the flies or the hail. On the other hand in io2i-23 they are living in the midst of the people in Egypt itself, and their immunity from the oppression of the darkness is secured by the appearance of light in their dwellings. This latter view of their intermingling with the Egyptians lies at the basis of the instructions in 321. and their sequel ii2., and the passages founded on it must be assigned to B. Again (ii) the agency by which the plagues are successively induced, varies on different occasions. In one series Moses simply announces to Pharaoh the divine intention, but in another he is directed to stretch out his hand that the visitation may follow, 922 10I2 21 (et 929 ss). The hand of Moses wields the rod 92' iqI' cp 22 720b^ apparently the rod of 4" expressly given to him for the purpose. The coincidence of (i) and (ii) in 1021-^2 secures all the rod-passages to E. It will be noticed that these contain no mention of Aaron ; Moses throughout appears alone ; moreover he does not predict, he performs ; no word is said to Pharaoh ; act after act follows without recorded speech. (3) The residue exhibits numerous indi cations of the handiwork of J. The Israelites inhabit the land of Goshen, and are occupied with flocks and herds 822 g26 j;o9 21 (.p gg^ ^^532 si ^^s 6b_ rphe reiterated demands addressed to Pharaoh for permission to depart that Israel may serve Yahweh 7I* 8I 2" gi is 10', cany^out the instruction of 3I', the interviews taking place in the palace (' go in' § 3I' 81 9I iqI, 'stand before' 820 9" ct 7I'). See further details in Hex ii. i82 THE ORIGINS OF J [XI § 28 name throughout the earth. The issue is not represented as an actual victory over the gods of Egypt, but it leaves Jethro in the profound conviction that Yahweh is greater than aU gods 18II. In the highly complicated narrative of the events at the sacred mountain 19-24 32-34, it is only possible to rescue fragments which may with more or less probabUity be ascribed to J, with out attempting to reconstruct his original story. The detaU of justification must be sought in Hex u. Any attempt at restora tion would start from the general anticipation that the Covenant- narratives of J and E ran here (as elsewhere) a fairly parallel course. All critics agree to find in 34 the substance of J's Covenant-words lo^^T^ ^^d with these may perhaps be associated the solemn meal in the divine presence 241^^ ^~i-^, which may be regarded as the equivalent to E's ceremony of ratification *~^. The reason for the separation of the sections which are thus supposed to be connected, is probably to be found in the combina tion of J with E. The harmonist sought to preserve as far as possible the materials of both documents. Each related a Covenant-ceremony, each contained a summary of the Covenant- words. The Covenant-ceremonies might be more or less incon gruously united, but there was no place for two versions of the 'words' side by side. One of them, therefore, must be either suppressed or postponed. For the latter alternative an opening was afforded by the prior insertion of E's narrative of the golden calf and the destruction of the tables. The renewal of the tables is employed by the compiler as the occasion for the introduction of J's recital of the Covenant-terms. Such is in brief the view of J's narrative which emerges from the resolution of the text of the combined documents ". The omissions rendered necessary in " The perplexing problems connected with the present form of the Sinai- Horeb story are briefly discussed below, chap XII § 2e ; but a few words may be said here on the evidence connecting the covenant in 34i''"2' with J. The opening and closing phrases embrace a series of commands regulating the worship of Yahweh, the feasts by which he is to be honoured, and the sacred dues which are to be paid. These show significant parallels with passages in Ex 22-23 which there is separate evidence for assigning to E, while they bear no resemblance to the more elaborate injunctions of D (cp Deut 16) and P (cp Lev 23). A presumption is thus established that they belong to J, and this is strengthened by other circumstances. There is a close relation between 34i'~2o ^nd 13* ' 12. which is the sequel of J's narrative of the Exodus. The introduction in 2. . places the scene upon Mount Sinai cp '76 ; the summons to the 'top of the mount' 2 resembles that in I92»; 'present thy self = Sj ' stand ' 3321 ; with = ' flocks and herds ' •'^33 cp 19I2. . This is, in fact, the next stage of J's account of. the great revelation at the sacred mountain. But it is at present connected with an independent narrative of the prepara tion of two new tables of stone on which Yahweh would re-inscribe the XI § 28] REPRESENTATIONS OF THE MOSAIC AGE 183 the union of the documents make it uncertain whether J origin ally narrated the construction of the sacred ark and the Tent in which it was preserved. The ark is mentioned Num lo^^, and appears (contrary to E's view of the sanctuary, chap XII § 2e) to have been habitually guarded in the centre of the camp Num 14**"- Conceming the priesthood, the representations are somewhat conflicting. In Ex 19^^ ^t priests are assumed, though nothing has been said of their appointment or their duties. Like the patriarchal cultus, it is perhaps supposed that they were always there. But in 32^^ (if it is correctly assigned to J) there is an express reference to the consecration of Levi as the priestly tribe. words formerly written on the original tables of the divine gift. At this point the narrative in Deut iqI-^ may be usefully compared. Exs4 1 And Yahweh said unto Moses, Hew thee two tables of stone like unto the first, and I will write upon the tables the words that were on the first tables which thou brakest *And he hewed two tables of stone like unto the flrst [and went up . . .] and took in his hand two tables of stone. 28b And he wrote upon the tables the words of the covenant, the ten words. Deut 10 lAt that time Yahweh said unto me. Hew thee two tables of stonO like unto the first, and come up unto me into the mount, and make thee an ark of wood. 2 And I will write on the tables the words that were on the first tables which thou brakest, and thou shalt put them in the ark. 'So I made an ark of acacia wood, and hewed two tables of stone like unto the first, and went up into the mount, having the two tables in mine hand. *¦ And he wrote on the tables, according to the first writing, the ten words. It is plain that the great theophany in Ex 34^-2'' cannot really be inserted in Deut 10 between ' and *. The introduction is found in 2-3 of which D takes no notice, and probably ran thus : ' And Yahweh said unto Moses, 2 Come up in the morning unto mount Sinai, and present thyself there to me on the top of the mount. ' And no man shall come up with thee, neither let any man be seen throughout all the mount ; neither let the flocks nor herds feed before that mount. *a^i='i And Moses rose up early in the morning and went up into mount Sinai, as Yahweh had commanded him. ^ And Yahweh came down in the cloud, and he [Moses] stood with him there, and called upon the name of Yahweh. 1° And he said, Behold I make a covenant.' (The intervening passage ^-^ is connected with ggiT-23^ and while it betrays the hand of the expander in '¦, it is full of J's phrases in *• , cp ^ ' made haste ' '43 ; ' bowed his head ' 'la'' ; ^ ' found grace ' '31* ; 'the Lord' 'se; ' in the midst of us' ''58). The result is to connect ' the covenant' in 34i''-2^ through 2 s 4iipba 6 ^jt}i j jn ig_ The covenant has no doubt been enriched by editorial supplements in i" n-i' i^. (cp parallels in Hex ii) ; i' appears to contain a quotation from 13'. The sequel of 2' cannot be traced, unless with Dillmann, Steuernagel Theol Stud und Krit (1899) 328, and others it be found in 24'-*. — Keasons will be given below (chap XII § 2e p 210!") for ascribing the alien matter in 341 2«« * 2* tg jj. " AV and EV fail to give the full force of the preposition, ' departed not out of the midst of the camp,' ^ = among ", cp •'^58. This may have beeu the origin of P's representation of the position of the Dwelling, cp chap IV § 20 p 49- 184 THE ORIGINS OF J [XI § 28 No further allusion presents itself, untU at the crossing of the Jordan the priests are charged with the transport of the ark of Yahweh. It is thus apparent that the questions of the sanctuary and its ministers were not of supreme or even prominent interest for J " : on the other hand he attached great importance to the Passover, and expounds its origin and significance with much detail I2^i- • i^^- • . The Covenant-terms include the prohibition of the worship of any other god, and the fabrication of any idol ; while the duty of attendance at the three yearly festivals and the payment of firstUng dues are enforced with much emphasis. These obligations are aU rooted in the soil, and imply the settle ment in Canaan. So, whatever bears on the possession of the land appeals at once to J's imagination. To him first belongs the phrase ' flowing with milk and honey ' '"34. He relates with characteristic vividness the scene on the return of the spies cp Num 13-14, dwells on the rich produce of the country, and depicts Caleb's urgency that they should go up at once. Again, moreover, he enforces the greatness of Yahweh's power 14!'^. Yet the manifestation of it is to be found not in his victorious might over a hostile king, but in his pardoning mercy towards his own disobedient people. In spite of the singular mixture of appeal implied in the attempt to persuade Yahweh on the ground of his sensitiveness to Egyptian criticism 141^"!^, the writer nowhere reaches a greater religious elevation than in i'^--. The episode is important on other grounds, for it contains the earliest state ment of the view that the generation which effected the settlement in Canaan was not the generation which had quitted Egypt. The period of the wanderings is not yet formulated as forty years ; but the germ of the idea is to be found in the declaration that the chUdren only shall occupy the land which the fathers have rejected 14^1. Towards this consummation the narrative presses rapidly forward, concerned with incidents of conquest, but in different to detaUs of legislation. No trace remains of any farewell by Moses ; be leaves no legacy of law to meet the changes from the desert to the city or the hamlet with its corn-fields and vineyards. He passes, and Joshua steps into the vacant command unsummoned, for there is no other leader. But his assumption of authority is not without warrant. The celestial visitant who bears in his hand the drawn sword of victory, bids Joshua put " It will be noted that in the story of Dathan and Abiram Num 16, the J element is concerned with a resistance to the secular leadership of Mosea. XI § 3a] CHARACTERISTICS OF NARRATIVE 185 off his shoes Josh 51^. The same act of homage had been imposed on Moses at the flaming bush Ex 3^ The scene is doubtless in the writer's mind invested with the same significance. Joshua receives the commission to complete his predecessor's work. The land has yet to be conquered, and Jericho holds the key of entry. Not till Israel is in possession will the oath to the fathers be fulfiUed. 3. To the foregoing indications of J's general view of Israel's history some remarks may be added on the method and spirit of his narration. (u) The sources of J are doubtless to be found partly in traditions often repeated, and transmitted orally for many generations as a kind of sacred deposit. Such traditions are gradually shaped into definite and well marked types by the accumulated experience of those who propagate them. Fresh touches are added, irrelevant matter is sifted out, and attention is concentrated on the central elements in each successive situation. They thus produce impressions of character such as no single writer, perhaps, could have achieved. The story-teUer's art is nowhere illustrated more strikingly in the Old Testament than in many of the scenes and personalities presented in J. That some of his narratives are intentionally didactic can hardly be questioned : the first man, the woman, the serpent, and Yahweh, all play their part in the Eden drama with a profound purpose underlying it : yet the simplicity of the story and the clearness of the characterization are unmarred. But there are others, like the account of the mission of Abraham's steward Gen 24, which have no such specific aim, and are unsurpassed in feUcitous presentation, because they are unconsciously pervaded by fine ideas. The dialogues especially are full of dignity and human feeUng ; the transitions in the scenes between Abraham and his visitors 18, or between Joseph and his brethren, are instinctively artistic ; for delicacy and pathos what can surpass the intercession of Judah, or the self-disclosure of Joseph ? The vivid touches that call up a whole picture, the time-references from daybreak through the heat to evening-cool and night, the incidents that circle round the desert wells, the constant sense of the place of cattle alike in the landscape and in Ufe, the tender consideration for the flock and herd (cp ^"18, 32, 33, 227, 236)— aU these belong to a time when the pastoral habit has not ceased, and the tales that belong to it are told from mouth to mouth. The breath of poetry i86 THE ORIGINS OF J [XI § 3a sweeps through them ; and though they are set in a historic frame which distinctly impUes a reflective effort to conceive the course of human things as a whole, they have not passed into the stage of learned arrangement ; they stiU possess the freshness of the elder time. The phraseology of J, especially in all that concerns the divine action, is direct, vigorous, and varied. It has its dis tinctive turns of speech, but it does not fall into set formulae ; it coins new phrases for new situations, frequently uses uncommon words, and possesses a wide range of vocabulary. J, moreover, loves to incorporate snatches of ancient song, the sayings — half proverb, half poem — in which long observation of national or tribal circumstances was condensed ; and with this spontaneous reproduction of antiquity it presents alike the moral and the immoral, the ideal piety of Abraham and the selfish craft of Jacob, in the naked simplicity of their primitive creation, before incident and character have been examined and sifted by the severer conceptions and higher standards of a more reflective age. [0) It is due to the conditions under which the document gradually took shape that J is concerned much more with places and names than with chronology. In his love of etymologies, indeed, he is not peculiar, but in his use of them he sometimes differs from the other writers. All three narratives J P E, for example, have a common play on the name Ishmael Gen 16I1 J ^20 21I'' ; and Isaac, similarly, suggests aUusion three times over 171' i8i2~i^ 21^. But these instances do not properly illustrate the method by which again and again the name is made to suggest some real feature in the person who bears it, as in the case of Jacob, or some illuminating incident which called it forth, as in the series of names given in 29 to Jacob's sons. Often, indeed, the story has apparently grown out of the name, as in the interpretations offered by both J and E of Beer-sheba 21 and 26, or the explanations of Beer-lahai-roi i6i^-, Marah Ex 15^^, and Kibroth-hattaavah Num 11^*. Other stories account for the origin and sanctity of particular hallowed objects or places, such as the sacred pUlars at Bethel and on Rachel's grave, the sanctuaries at Sheehem and Hebron, at Mizpah in Gilead, and at Penuel. A stiU further group is connected with the supposed significance of some rite or usage. The Wrestler touches Jacob's thigh so that he limps ; ' therefore the children of Israel eat not the sinew of the hip which is upon the hollow of the thigh, unto this day ' Gen 32^2. Through the mysterious purpose of Yahweh XI §37] CHARACTERISTICS OF NARRATIVE 187 who meets Moses on his way back to Egypt and seeks to kUl him Ex 424-26^ jjiay perhaps be discerned a reference to the first practice of cireumcision. Bacon has characterized stories of this class as ' aetiological ".' A similar instance may be seen in the connexion of the death of the first-born and the Passover i2'^i- • ; and another illustration still is supplied in the account of the massacre by the Levites ^^^^^ which obscurely results in the consecration of the tribe to Yahweh, as the blessing of the priesthood is bestowed upon them. The difference in spirit between these narratives and those of P will be noted subsequently (cp chap XIII § 2c p 235). [y) The interest of J in the early history of mankind has been already signalized. He explains the gloomy meaning of human toil and suffering. He concerns himself with the' development of the arts, cattle-breeding and agriculture, buUding, music, and metal-working. He gathers up the stories of remote antiquity concerning the origin of the giants of old time Gen 6i~*; he relates the Flood 6^-8 ; he ascribes husbandry and the culture of the vine to Noah g^°- -. He is the first to attempt a classifica tion of other nations ; he explains the diversities of language ; and he notes the movements of peoples, the rise of mighty cities, and the foundation of great empires (cp J in lo-ii). These ancient narratives have received the powerful impress of the religion of Yahweh, and the form in which they are presented by J accommodates them to Hebrew thought. How far they imply a process of collection or investigation on the author's part cannot of course be exactly determined. But it is probable that the mode in which they are grouped and correlated owes much to a systematic purpose, and in this aspect it is not altogether inappropriate to speak of the narratives prefixed to his account of the origins of Israel as the product of something analogous to modern research. But what is chiefly noticeable is the large view of human affairs which is thus indicated. Contrasted with the hostiUty to Canaanite idolatries manifested in D, the relations of the patriarchs to their neighbours in J are for the most part not unfriendly ^. And in the single story Gen 34 which points to conflict, the conclusion ^^ indicates no auspicious result for Israel, while the language of 49^"'^ is stiU more unfavourable. Beyond the limits of Israel the writer's judgements naturaUy " Triple Tradition of the Exodus 27 : he explains i""!^ in the same manner as a reference to the interpretative function of the priesthood. ^ On the other hand, cp the doom on Canaan in Gen g''- . . i88 THE ORIGINS OF J [XI § 37 vary. An odious origin is assigned to Moab and Ammon ; but the magnanimity of Esau is described with full recognition of his generous and chivalric temper. Traditions of intercourse with the east are still reflected in the pictures of the descendants of Nahor; whUe the connexions with remoter Arab tribes are twice specified, being mentioned both in the lineage of Joktan lo^*- • and in the descendants of Keturah z^^- •. J, therefore, does not hesitate to give to Joseph an Egyptian bride 41*^, or to provide Moses with a Midianite wife Ex 2^1-, whom P, however, repeatedly ignores ". Moreover, he takes a sympathetic attitude towards the religious institutions of other nations. The knowledge of Yahweh is not Umited to the chosen race ; homage is paid to him in the land of the two rivers ; the fame of Nimrod is sheltered under his name Gen 10' ; his benediction is invoked by Laban upon Abraham's servant 24^1. Rebekah inquires of him apparently at some local oracle 25^^ ; and Balaam becomes the organ of his spirit. No rigid line yet separates Israel as the instrument of Yahweh's purpose from the peoples round. 4. The inquiry into the origins of J encounters a very delicate problem in the attempt to determine the place of its composition. The data do not appear to be decisive, and each possibiUty finds eminent advocates. (a) The question largely depends for its solution on the view which may be formed concerning the source of the patriarchal narratives. That they have arisen out of traditions is conceded by aU^ But how did the traditions themselves arise? The answer which naturaUy suggests itself is that they were formed in the localities with which they are primarily concerned. A story concerning Bethel would not be framed in Hebron; nor an incident east of the Jordan be first told on the edge of the wUder ness in the south. The insight of Geddes pointed a hundred years ago to these connexions with particular places and objects (chap VII § 3a p 73) ; but when attention is directed to them, they are discovered to partake for the most part of a common character. They are found to be sacred places, and the stories associated with them have for their purpose either avowedly or impUeitly " She is not named, nor her sons, either in Ex 6 or Num 3, though Aaron's family is twice chronicled. The last passage, which is expressly entitled the toVdhoth of Aaron and Moses, stops abruptly with the enumeration of Aaron's four sons. ' Cp Gunkel Genesis (Hdkomm) 1901, and the translation of the Introduc tion to it by Prof W H Carruth, under the title The Legends of Genesis. Xl§4a] ITS LOCAL INTERESTS 189 to explain the mode by which they acquired this sanctity. The most striking instance of this may be found in the narratives grouped around Bethel cp Gen 28''-°~^\ But this is by no means a solitary case. At Sheehem 12'' in middle Canaan, among the oaks of Mamre at Hebron 13I8, at Beer-sheba 26^^, at Beer-lahai- roi in the south 16I*, at Penuel across the Jordan 3224-29 3i^ altars are reared or divine manifestations occur. These stories, therefore, are sanctuary-stories. They were doubtless current at the different sacred places where they had been so long recited, and whence they had passed out among the people at large. Ultimately they may perhaps be traced to the local priesthoods " ; and their collection into J may not unfairly perhaps be taken to imply that these sanctuaries were still places of repute when his narratives were first arranged. That many of them retained their popularity into the eighth century is abundantly evident from the references of Amos and Hosea ^ Now some of these sanctuaries belong to the central country in contrast to the south ; and even a southern sanctuary like Beer-sheba might retain a powerful attraction for the worshippers of the north, as the pUgrimages from Ephraim in the age of Jeroboam II sufficiently attest. Hebron, however, does not seem to have had any such connexion with middle Palestine. Again, while Abraham and Jacob are associated with both central and southern locaUties, Isaac is fixed exclusively in the Negeb 24^2 j j^e is described at Gerar and at Beer-sheba, but nothing attaches him to Hebron. Among the wives of Jacob, on the other hand, Rachel is the best beloved ; and her death and burial (marked by a sacred pillar) alone are mentioned. Round her son Joseph gathers the most striking group of stories ; and the tribes that spring from him belong to the middle and the east. Yet the chief actor next to Joseph in J's cycle is Judah 37^^ 43* 44^^ ^', who takes the lead instead of Reuben 3721 ^37_ ffjig singular tale concerning Judah in 38 has been differently interpreted : does it convey an unfavour able judgement ; or is it merely the product of a friendly interest such as a neighbour might not unnaturally show ; or can it be cited as the witness of a descendant to the character of the founder of his tribe ? At any rate in 49^°- • the function of sovereignty seems ascribed to Judah. Of the remoter figures " Cp chap IX ii § 2/3 p 139. ' Thus, Bethel Am 4* 5^ Hos 4I' 12*; Beer-sheba Am 5" 81*; Sheehem Hos 69 ; Gilead Hos 6' 12". 190 THE ORIGINS OF J [XI 5 4a little need be said. J associates Lot with Abraham and depicts his residence in Sodom ; after the overthrow of the cities of the plain he is the progenitor of Moab and Ammon, the Hebrew peoples beyond the Dead Sea. In the Mosaic age, Caleb, who settles at Hebron Josh 151*' • , is foremost in attempting to per suade Israel to go up and take possession of the land (cp J in Num 13-14) ; and yet later still, the language of one of Balaam's oracles Num 24I'' seems to look forward to the brilUant reign of David. [0) To neither of the principal divisions of later time — geo graphical or political — do the predominant interests of J decisively point ". Critical judgement has consequently been much divided, according to the importance attached to different items of evidence. Thirty years ago Schrader placed J in Ephraim, relying largely on the interest shown in Sheehem Gen 34, on the censure impUed in 38 on Judah, and on linguistic points of contact which he believed himself able to detect with E and with Hosea. A different distribution of difficult passages has, however, impaired the value of these last items ; and the indications of language are too slight to have any decisive weight. But the ascription of J to Ephraim received the powerful support of Reuss, Kuenen, and more recently Kautzsch. Kuenen*, while modifying some of Schrader's judgements, dwelt on the fact that Jacob-Israel was ' originally the personification of the .tribes which ranged them selves round Ephraim.' The chief localities, such as Bethel and Sheehem, belong to middle Canaan, and Transjordanic sanctuaries like Mahanaim" and Penuel have no relation to the South. Even Beer-sheba was a place of pUgrimage for northern Israel Amos 5^ 81*. For the southern kingdom a long catena of opinions might easUy be cited. Starting from Ewald this view might be traced through Dillmann on the one hand and Wellhausen and Stade on the other. It is maintained by a large consensus of scholars, among whom it is sufficient to mention as representatives of different lands Budde, CornUl, Kittel, Steuernagel, Baudissin and Gunkel, in Germany'', Driver in this country, and Bacon in " With this judgement Gunkel concurs : ' certainly it cannot be claimed that the two collections have any strong partisan tendency in favour of the North and South kingdoms respectively ' Legends of Gen 135. '¦ Hex 229-232. " Wellhausen, Gamp des Hex (1889) 45, gives reasons for thinking that J misunderstood the significance of the name. In the analysis {Hex ii) the passage Gen 32"^^^ is ascribed to BJ". "* Steuernagel AUgem Einl 281, Baudissin Einl 92, Gunkel Legends of Gen 135. XI § 4^] ITS LOCAL INTERESTS 191 America. The patriarchal legends of J open with the partnership of Abram and Lot (of whom E says nothing) ; they locate Abram in Hebron Gen 13I8 18I, and dwell at length on the overthrow of Sodom and Gomorrah; Isaac is connected with the land of the South 24*2 25I1*'; and even Jacob is placed in Hebron 37^*^ (cp analysis Hex ii) unless Kuenen's suspicion of the reading be allowed. The conquest of Hebron by Caleb is a prominent incident in the oldest record of the settlement of the tribes in J Judg ii" • • cp Josh 15^*"^^ (with note in Hex ii). Moreover in the story of Jacob's sons Judah Gen 372^ takes the place assigned by E to Reuben 22 29^ -while in the Egyptian scenes Judah is again prominent 43* * 44I* 1^ i^ The legend of Tamar 38 (as Kuenen freely admitted) shows a friendly interest in the fortunes of the tribe rather than 'bitter scorn' (Reuss). The presumptions thus created in favour of J are further strengthened by some general considerations. The grouping of the tribal legends, and the incorporation of the history of Israel's origins into an entire scheme of the story of the human race, implies the existence of a strong national feeling such as it was the work of the Davidic empire to create (cp infra § 5). The reminiscences of David's career and the story of the foundation of the kingdom, which express the sense of Israel's unity and its place in the divine purpose, must have first taken literary shape in Judah, within the range of the new capital at Jerusalem. It would seem natural that such a movement should caU forth further effort to portray the remoter past. When Kuenen affirms that J's literary merit and the freedom and robustness of his spirit suit Israel far better than Judah, it must be replied that we are too ignorant of the conditions to make such assertions with confidence". Nothing that we know of Judah entitles us to deny the possibility that the kingdom which could afterwards produce an Amos or an Isaiah was not capable at an earlier stage of organizing its ancient traditions with the freshness and vigour manifest in J*. This view is indeed strengthened on grounds of general probability by the fact that E is unanimously assigned to Ephraim. Is it likely, it may be asked, that two separate documentary collections would be made at no great distance of time in the same general locaUty, founded on different conceptions of the patriarchal history ? The two groups are in many ways allied, so as to be connected by aU " Cp also Holzinger Hex 163. b Kuenen and Kautzsch themselves assign J2 (see § 6) to Judah. 192 THE ORIGINS OF J [XI § ig critics with the same general influences of prophetic thought. But they are distinguished by widely divergent conceptions con cerning the period at which the personal name of Israel's God became known. Is not such divergence more easily interpreted as due to the existence of separate religious schools in the two kingdoms independently than as the product of iiTeconcUable views within the same area of traditions gathered from the same localities and deaUng with similar subject-matter? The pecuUari- ties of the case seem best met if it be supposed that while J may contain many legends of Ephraimitic origin, they were never theless wrought into shape and connected with others gathered from Judean sources by a southern hand. 5. For convenience of exposition J has hitherto been treated as at once a writing and a writer, A single person could have but a single date ; or at least he could belong only to a single period. But the question of the date of J has become, under the influence of modern inquiry, increasingly complex, as it has been recognized with more and more decision that its constituents cannot be regarded as uniformly of the same Uterary age. . (a) In its general aspects J has been designated as a book of national history. The endeavour to account for Israel's place in Canaan, his origin and ancestry, the mutual relations of his tribes, their wanderings and settlement, could hardly have arisen until the nation had acquired a firm hold of its possessions. Before-it could tell its own story, it must have established its unity and consoUdated its strength. The continuation of the narrative of the Mosaic age into the days of Joshua at once carries the date below Moses himself, and its reappearance at the opening of Judges" points lower still. The Uterary evidence for the con tinuation of J through the books of Judges and Samuel must be sought elsewhere ^- Its recognition of course practically involves one of two views : either an ancient document descending from a much earlier age was imitated and supplemented in successive centuries, at the hands of a distinct literary school, or the entire work only came into existence at a later time. General con siderations plead strongly for the latter. The conception of national unitj' which underlies the representations of Jacob and his twelve sons can scarcely have been formed in the midst of the " On Judg I see Moore Judges. 'i See especially Budde Richter und Samuel, whose main results have been widely accepted. Cp Driver LOT' 162 ff. XI § 50] ITS PROBABLE DATE 193 difficulties and disorganization which followed the settlement. Never once, in the age of the Judges, is there any combined movement among the scattered tribes. No leader ever succeeds in uniting them to act as a whole. After the great rising under Deborah and Barak, Judah is not even named in the triumph- song. Gideon only leads the central group. Jephthah has no influence save on the east of the Jordan ; Samson hardly ever quits the slopes on the south-west ". Not till the monarchy were the tribes really welded into one people ; and only then could the historians begin the systematic arrangement of the traditions into coherent form. Historical record naturally commences with what is nearer, and only slowly advances to the more remote, as reflexion constantly inquires after more distant causes, and at each step suggests the question ' what happened before ? ' Much of the materials of the books of Samuel concerning the reign of David must have come into existence in his own age or soon after. Their reduction to writing would gradually lead to the collection and organization of the traditions of an earlier time '', and the fluctuating mass would at length acquire greater con sistency by being cast into a series starting with the first man and presenting a continuous view of the history of the race "- [0) On general grounds it thus becomes probable that the book of national history designated J did not acquire written shape till " The mention of the Philistines in both J Gen26i 1*. . and E 21^2 suggests some curious problems. It appears to be established by the Egyptian monu ments that the Philistines did not settle in the cities of the Sheph^la until the reign of Rameses III (cp Sayce Higher Criticism 183, Patriarchal Palestine 164, 182, Early Israel {i8gg) 90 ; Maspero The Struggle ofthe Nations 4^0) at a date considerably later than the Exodus. The Israelites suffered severely from them until the reign of David. But in the book of Genesis the relations of Abraham and Isaac with them are friendly. How much time must be allowed after the PhiUstine oppression, before the remembrance of it could have been so far lost that a patriarch could be represented as enjoying the friendship of a Philistine king, or making a - covenant with him in the name of Yahweh Gen 262'. . ? * A careful distinction must of course be made between tho formation of legends and their literary record. Gunkel argues that no patriarchal legends originated after 1200 b. c. ; they were remodelled and received fresh applica tions under the early kings. Legends of Gen 137. " The progress of Greek historiography confirms this general view. The logographers with their schemes of genealogy and their systematic conception of the distribution of the Greeks in the shape of a pedigree of Hellen and his three sons, follow instead of preceding the recorders of nearer events. On the growth of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle cp ante p 6. At first extremely brief, it becomes fuller in the ninth century. Subsequently it is used as the basis of a new work by Marianus Scotus. Asser's Life of Alfred is incorporated into it. Then Florence of Worcester builds upon Marianus Scotus, and sets the whole in a frame of universal history, beginning with the Creation and embracing a survey of all nations ancient and modern. 194 THE ORIGINS OF J [XI § w the period of the monarchy. Its production must therefore be fixed in the interval between David and Solomon on the one hand and Josiah and the book of Deuteronomy on the other. Many other indications tend to confirm this general view, (i) In the first place the book is based on the idea that the name Yahweh is of primaeval antiquity and wide-spread use. But the names of the ancient story do not support this belief. In the Mosaic age names compounded with Yahweh are exceedingly rare : among the patriarchs they do not appear at all. Their names are com pounded with El, such as Israel ' may El strive,' Ishmael ' may El hear ".' Only with the time of David do names compounded with Yahweh begin to enter more freely ^ May it not be inferred that a construction of the world's history which regards this divine name as a universal possession of the human race from the first days cannot have been framed until the name had been for some time commonly employed in Israel ? This argument points definitely to an age not earlier than the monarchy "". (ii) The administration of Solomon is regarded by the historian as the period when the subjugation of the Canaanites was practically complete cp i Kings 92"- ; and to this condition there seems to be a reference in the curse pronounced on Canaan Gen g^. The traditional boundaries of the empire of Solomon i Kings 421 are those indicated in Gen 151^. Edom, on the other hand, reduced by David cp Gen 252^ Num 241'^', in the ninth century regains its freedom ; and so when Esau returns on his way into Seir Gen 33!^, he retires into a stately independence ^. To this age, Ukewise, does Brugsch on contemporary monumental grounds assign the origin of such names as Zaphenath-paneah and Poti- phera Gen 41*^ °, while Lagarde believes them to be still later, ascribing them to the time of Psammetichus I and Necho, 663- 595 B c-^. To the ninth century also, does the language of " Monumental evidence gives us also Jacob-El and Joseph-El, with the probability that Isaac and other similar forms have been truncated. Cp Gray Hebrew Proper Names 214. ^ Gray, ibid 259, reckons seventeen. * Cp KOnig Einleit in das AT (1893) 206. <* Edom revolted under Joram 2 Kings 82''.., was again conquered by Amaziah 14' i", but finaUy broke loose from Judah in the reign of Ahaz 16'. ' Brugsch Steininschrift und Bibelwart (1893) 83. / Lagarde Mittheilungen III 229. See on the other hand Sayce Academy, Jan 23, 1892, p 91, Early History of the Hebrews 84, and Expository Times x 173 (Jan 1899). For further discussion see Tomkins Life and Times of Joseph {i8gi) 50 ; Holzinger Genesis (in the Kurzer Hand-Commentar, 1898) 227 237 ; Dillmann Genesis ii 341 375 ; Lieblein PSBA (1898) 204-208. Gunkel asserts that ' the Xi§6] ADDITIONS AND EXPANSIONS 195 Josh 628 point, when Jericho was rebuilt in the days of Ahab I Kings 16''* (in) How far the references to the past in eighth-century prophecy rest definitely on present literary forms cannot be decided with certainty; the data are too few. Amos 21" already , specifies forty years as the period of the wanderings, a number which J does not name, though it is impUed in the doom pronounced on the generation that left Egypt Num 14. It must be recognized as possible that such aUusions as those con tained in Am 2^- Hos 12^- 12. gi" Mic 6*- might be founded on traditions still orally transmittied ": But the general religious ' development implied in the preaching of Amos and Hosea in Ephraim, of Isaiah and Micah in Judah, points to a well-estabUshed background of usage and phraseology which is best explained on the supposition of recorded narrative familiar to the people whom they addressed ; and this is supported by the side glance of Hosea at written laws 812. These phenomena converge on a date between 850 and 750 B c as the probable period of the first reduction of J's traditions into written form ''- 6. A further question, however, arises when the contents of J are examined. It has already been suggested that they cannot be regarded as altogether homogeneous. One passage only, the Covenant-words of Ex 3410-26 gp 28^ jg formally ascribed to a written source ^ The materials of the rest betray abundant diversity. There are snatches of antique song ; there are popular sayings about the ancient tribes and tales of their tribal sires ; there are dim allusions to the origins of religious customs and institutions ; and earlier stUl there are traces of literary depen dence (so we are assured) on actual cuneiform record ^. Contrast with these the lofty passages proclaiming the name and attributes of Yahweh, announcing his sovereignty over the world and the righteousness of his government of the earih. Obviously the materials out of which the narrative has been wrought, whether names which were frequently heard ' in the seventh century, ' had certainly been known in earlier times ' {Legends of Gen 139). ¦" Cp Driver LOT' 123. '' Steuernagel, AUgem Einl 280, suggests the ninth century, cp Gunkel Legends o.f Gen 142 and Duff OT Theol ii. Baudissin, Eini 92, inclines to the lower date. " These ' words,' however, are clearly post-Mosaic, as is shown by their injunction of the three feasts of the agricultural year adopted after the settlement, and the mention of the house of Yahweh 2*, an expression net elsewhere used ofthe Mosaic Tent (unless in Josh 62*? cp 2 Sam 122"), "* On Milcah and Iscah Gen ii2' cp Sayce Higher Criticism 160; otherwise Gunkel Gen (Hdkomm) 149. O 2 196 THE ORIGINS OF J [XI § 6 for the patriarchal or the Mosaic age, have not been all of one piece : they have sprung from different minds at different times. This was the truth which lay behind the fragment-hypothesis of the older criticism ; is it possible to restate it in more suitable form ? The detaUed proof inust be sought in the notes appended to the analysis Hex ii : a few general observations only are here offered. The investigations of Wellhausen, Budde", Bruston'", Kuenen, and subsequent scholars" have disclosed a number of significant phenomena. (a) In the early history of mankind as related by J Gen 2*'>-ii, there are various traces of incorporation or addition. Such perhaps is the description of the four rivers and their mysterious con nexion with the Garden of Eden 2i''~i* ; and such also the refer ence to the tree of life 2' 322 24<<. A. contrast, again, is discernible between some of the elements of 4 ; where Cain is presented ii> two quite different characters, the murderer doomed to wander an exile from Yahweh's face 3— ii5°, and the successful father of the inventors of the arts i''~2*. One line of descent is traced through his posterity; but a second, to which Noah belongs, is derived through Seth 2^.. How, moreover, is the progress of civUization to be explained after the Flood? Did Noah and his family possess -all the . crafts ? A study of the fragments of the table of the dispersion set forth in 10 by the side of the united peoples aU speaking one language in iii"^ again suggests a diversity of source, the story of Noah and iis deliverance being independent of that of Cain and his posterity. In this view the narrative of the Deluge has been added from an independent cycle, and did not form part of the series in the earliest J^ Whether th^ additions to the Eden story were also derived from the source which yielded Noah cannot be positively determined ; but it may be at least regarded as not improbable-''; and the secondary symbol J^ may denote them. " Die Bibl Urgeschichle (1883). * Les Deux Jehovistes (Montauban, 1885'). •= Cp Cornill Einleitung in das AT § 11 6-7, and the two works of Bacon. <^ See notes in Hex ii. A more elaborate analysis has been recently offered by Gunkel Gen (Hdkomm) 21-24. * Budde further conjectures that this cycle also started with a narrative of creation on which P afterwards based the story now found in Gen 1-2*". A genealogy in ten steps then led through Seth to Noah, of which he finds traces in 4^- 522 24 29 After the Flood a similar genealogy led in seven stages from Shem through Terah to Abraham. For these incorporations Budde suggests the reign of Ahaz. It is significant in this respect that there is no allusion to Noah in extant literature till the. exile Ezek 14" 20 Is 54', / Cornill, however, Einl § 11 7, denies it. Xl|e7] ADDITIONS AND EXPANSIONS ig? [0) The narratives of the patriarchal age occasionally indicate similar diversity of source. It can hardly be supposed, for example, that the story of Abram passing off Sarai as his sister at Pharaoh's court, and that of Isaac dealing similarly with Rebekah at Gerar, belonged originally to the same series of traditions. How, then, are such duplicates to be explained save as the Uterary product of earlier and later hands? In this case the second story seems the simpler. Isaac announces Rebekah as his sister Gen 26^, but her real relationship is discovered before any casual infringement of it has occurred i". The story of Abram exhibits everything upon a grander scale. The court is in no Uttle PhiUstine city ; it is that of the sovereign of the Nile. Sarai is the observed of princes 121^, and her entry into" the royal palace secures for Abram abundant wealth. No acci dental disclosure brings the truth to light ; strokes of super natural chastisement alight upon the throne whose occupant has unwittingly violated the rights 9f a guest i'. So dangerous a visitor must be courteously dismissed, and a royal escort con veys Abram with his wife and his possessions across the frontier 20. The heightened detail of this story, and the introduction of the direct intervention of Yahweh on Abram's behalf, were no doubt designed for the patriarch's honour; and they indicate a more refiective view of the whole transaction than the simple naturalism of 26'~ii ". Attention has been already directed to the probabiUty that the Mosaic story has received similar additions by the associa tion of Aaron beside Moses as his spokesman in Ex 412^1^ and kindred passages'". (>) A third group of enlargements wUl be found in the occa sional hortatory expansions of varying length which make their secondary character felt by delicate indications of disturbance in the text, such as lack of proper grammatical sequence, or variations in the Greek version, these latter presenting themselves with peculiar frequency when there is often reason upon other grounds to suspect intrusions into the original narrative. Illustrations of such insertions may be found in the repeated lists of Canaanite nations ", or in the reUgious declarations ascribed to Moses in his " It is shown in Hex ii that I2i"-i3i really interrupts the story of the immigration of Abram and Lot, cp Gunkel Hdkomm (1901) 154. * Cp ante p 180''. Different elements may be traced in the representation of the conquest in Joshua, cp chap XVII § 3 (i) 0. " Cp Ex 3*" Hex ii. Similar enumerations will be found in Ex 3I'' 13" 232^ 28 332 34" cp Deut 7I 20" Josh 31° 9I 11' 12'' 2411. 198 THE ORIGINS OF J [XI § 67 interviews with Pharaoh". Such expansions often appear in narratives where a cruder and more primitive style of represen tation passes suddenly into one of loftier thought, so that even without evidence of textual interruption, spiritual incongruity suggests the presence of a fresh hand. This is the probable explanation of passages like Gen i8i''~i3 22b-33a Ex 34''"'9 Num 14"". (S) The union of J and E seems to have begotten another series of extensions, which are, however, so far in the style of J's own thought that they may be included in a general survey of additions to his original cycle. Thus Gen 22i^~i^ is plainly dependent on the nairative of E which precedes, yet its solemn recitation of Yahweh's oath places it in connexion with J. Its language also recalls, though not without slight differences, the divine promises previously reported by J in 12^ and 13I*. A series of later references to the form or to the contents of this oath falls into the same group of editorial enlargements 26*''"^ 32''i>~i2 Ex 32^-1* (cp chap XVI § 1). (f) Finally the two brief collections of law in J, one connected with the Passover Ex 13*", the second founded' on the Covenant- words 34^"- •, both show marks of amplification bringing them into closer conformity with later style ^. But in these cases (as in the exhortation in ig^b"^) the peculiar paraUels with D point in the direction of a Deuteronomic redaction (cp chap XVI § 2a). It does not seem possible to determine' how far the various series « Cp Ex 7I' 81'" 22" gn-ie 29b. loib 2, These passages are probably to be re garded as hortatory expansions designed to emphasize the religious lesson of the great conflict. The grounds for this view are in no single case decisive, but they acquire strength by mutual support. In each passage there is a more or less definite disturbance of the context, most clearly visible, perhaps, in loi" 2j where Moses is sent to Pharaoh for the first time in the narrative without a message, while an explanation of the divine purpose is supplied instead in terms showing affinities with D (cp Hex ii and the rearrangement of the text in Sam). In 81° @ has a slightly different form of words, 'that thou mayest know that there is no other save Yahweh ' cp Is 451* 21 &<. ; similarly 22 ' that thou mayest know that I am Yahweh the Lord [©'¦ God] of all the earth.' The relation of these affirmations ofthe unqualified sovereignty of Yahweh to the history of Hebrew monotheism would involve inquiries which cannot be undertaken here : but it may be pointed out that the formula ' know that I am Yahweh ' 71'^ io2'' coincides with the frequent phrase of P, e g 7' cp i'i79''. Extremely rare elsewhere Deut 29' i Kings 20I' 2', unrepresented in the earlier prophetic literature, it suddenly becomes one of the catchwords of Ezekiel who employs it more than sixty times. Its occur rence in 7" is rendered more suspicious by the contrast of the pronoun directly following ('33« for ':«, but cp Driver Deut 321). '' Baudissin argues Einl 131 that 341*' depends on the imagery of Hosea, and 11-26 is not older than the second half of the eighth centuiy. Xl§6€] ADDITIONS AND EXPANSIONS 199 indicated in ^-S may really be ascribed to a common editorial hand. The language of many of these passages shows a gradual approximation to the school of D, whose striking phraseology can hardly have been a new and sudden creation. The roots of D's copious hortatory style may be sought not unnaturally in the religious vocabulary of its immediate predecessors, and many of the secondary elements of J and JE (if not all) may with great probability, therefore, be carried into the seventh century. Concerning the process of union more will be said hereafter (chap XVI). It may be sufficient to observe at present that other books, notably those of the eighth-century prophets^and pre-eminently the writings of Isaiah among these — are now generally acknowledged to have undergone at various seasons, early or late, similar editorial treatment, by the insertion of explanatory clauses, or of longer passages designed to fill up intervals and effect new connexions. The ancient collections were not rigidly closed. It was a pious work to adorn them with fresh material illustrative of the purposes or contributing to the honour of Yahweh. There is no record of the production of J analogous to that of the Deuteronomic Code ; but there is no reason to regard it, when it first became known, as limited to a single copy. It is quite possible that the collection may have existed in different forms in different places. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, for example, appears to have been continued by divers hands in divers monasteries. Up to the reign of Alfred the texts appear in tolerably close agreement ; after his time varia tions become more frequent and more material. It is even possible to infer from special circumstances in a particular MS, in what monastery it may have been prepared". In a similar manner the two great versions of the patriarchal story J and E can with great probabUity be ascribed to the two kingdoms of Judah and Ephraim. But each may have existed in more than one form ; and the peculiar phenomena of aggregation which they both display (though J presents them in larger measure) may be provisionaUy explained by the supposition that the documents, even before their union, had passed through various stages, so that J may be the issue of perhaps two centuries of literary growth (850-650 bo). " Cp chap I § 2a p 4. CHAPTER XII CHAKACTEKISTICS AND ORIGINS OF E Side by side with J in the combined narrative of JE runs the second document (cp chap VI § 1) designated E. In actual quantity it is much smaller, as in scope it is more contracted, than the parallel story with which it is so closely united. Moreover the two forms of the tradition exhibit so many common features of style and expression that their discrimination is often difficult ; much uncertainty must frequently attach to the partition ; and even where there can be no doubt that the narrative is composite, in consequence of the presence of conflicting detaU, the allotment of the several passages can only claim varying degrees of pro bability. In many cases, therefore, the analysis of E out of JE cannot attain the security with which P may be separated from the total product PJE. Yet it will be found on examination that this uncertainty only affects the items of less importance ; the main contents and character of the document can be determined with sufficient clearness. 1. The entry of E into the field of Israel's early history is apparently reserved till the age of Abraham. No clear trace of this source can be discovered before ". Had it contained a view of the world's history, similar to that of J, it is probable that some portions of it would still survive, as in other cases (e g the story of the plagues, or the passage of the Red Sea) where three sets of representations PJE can aU be detected. The critical schools are, therefore, almost unanimous in their conclusion that E made no attempt to connect the traditions of Israel with any survey of the progress of humanity or the distribution of the nations ^ Yet some beginning was necessary, and the language of Gen 2oi^ and Josh 242 seems to carry the story of Abraham back to the ancestral connexions in Mesopotamia before his " For Dillmann's view of possible B elements in Gen 4 see note on Gen 4I Hex ii. * Gunkel suggests. Legends of Gen 134, that the primeval story was regarded as too heathenish to deserve preservation. XII § 1] THE CONTENTS OF E 201 * wandering ' into Canaan. Once in the land which his descen dants were to occupy Gen 15^, the accotmt of his family relations proceeds side by side with that of J. In the story of Abraham and Sarah at the court of Gerar 20, of the expulsion of Hagar 2i*~2i^ of tiig covenant with Abimelech 2122-27 31-32^ 5; ^.yjjg parallel with J (cp the Synoptical Tables), while in the account of the intended sacrifice of Isaac a fresh element is contributed to the deUneation of Elohim's dealings mth the patriarch. Simi larly the rivalry of Esau and Jacob, the fiight of the latter and his vision at Bethel, foUow in both narratives ; and E relates at length the marriages of Jacob, and the incidents of his intercourse with Laban. After Jacob's return with his sons to the land of his youth, the interest of E is concentrated on Joseph, whose fortunes in Egypt are described with great fullness. The migration of Jacob in answer to Joseph's summons is divinely sanctioned, and he goes down to Egypt under Elohim's protection 462~^, where his last act is to predict the return ofhis descen dants to the land which he had conquered with sword and bow _^82o-22_ ijijjg dying Joseph exacts a promise from his people that they wUl carry up his mummy with them when they depart, and the narrative then passes to the oppression of the Israelites, the birth of Moses, the great commission entrusted to him to bring forth the'chUdren of Israel to serve Elohim at Horeb Ex 31^, and the solemn revelation of Elohim by the new name Yahweh 1^. In the delineation of Moses and his age, E takes again and again a highly independent course. But the main outlines of his story are naturally drawn on the same general plan as those of J. 1 The demand for Israel's liberation, the resistance of Pharaoh, thd consequent plagues, the final hour of escape, the dangers of pur suit, the triumph on the other side of the waters when the Egyptians are engulfed, all follow in rapid succession. The march to Horeb carries out the divine command, and there the Ten Words are solemnly proclaimed, and a covenant instituted on the basis of a series of ' words ' running closely parallel with those of J cp infra § 2e. With these 'words' a book of 'judge ments' is now combined, which has the appearance of having been inserted among them from some other place. After the Covenant-ceremony 24*"* Moses and Joshua ascend the mountain that Moses may receive the tables of stone i2-i5a^ and thence in 32 they descend to find the people dancing round the golden calf. The great apostasy led to the institution of the Tent of 202 CHARACTERISTICS AND ORIGINS OF E [XII § i Meeting 33'^"^^, the description of its construction having been apparently withdrawn in favour of the longer and more elaborate account of the LeAritical Dwelling 25-30 35-40. Two striking scenes at the Tent illustrate E's conception of the prophetic gift and the eminence of Moses Num ii24b-3o igi-is, whUe in the subsequent narratives of the mission of the spies, the revolt of Dathan and Abiram, and the request for permission to pass through Edom, E runs side by side with J. After the passage of the Arnon Num aiUl'^i* E, like J, relates the overthrow of Sihon, the visit of Balaam to Balak, and the Israelite worship of the Baal of Peor ; and the story of Moses' leadership concludes with the charge by Yahweh to Joshua at the sanctuary Deut 311*- 2^, the Blessing which Moses bestows upon the tribes 33, and the brief mention of his death and burial in the land of Moab 34'- . Joshua then institutes preparations for the passage of the Jordan ; Jericho is reconnoitred by spies, and after the solemn crossing of the river the city is attacked and falls. By the capture of Ai and the subsequent battle of Beth-horon Joshua secures the posses sion of middle Canaan; in the south he allots Hebron to Caleb the Kenizzite in the midst of the chUdren of Judah ; and after arranging for a distribution of the land among the tribes not yet settled, he finally takes a solemn leave of his people at Sheehem when they pledge themselves by covenant to the loyal service of Yahweh Josh 24. But the narrative did not stop there : it was continued, so it would seem probable, through the age which followed the settlement, into the early history of the monarchy". 2. The narrative whose chief contents have been thus enu merated, has not escaped repeated editorial handling, analogous to that already traced in J. In the successive combinations which it has sustained with other Pentateuchal documents, J D P, it has undergone transpositions and curtailments which place its original form beyond our reach. But these do not affect its spirit, nor disguise its style ; it may be impossible to determine the precise order of all its contents, but its chief affinities can stUl be securely traced. These place it unmistakably by the side of J, in contrast on the one hand with D, and on the other with P. Its patriarchal narratives deal with many of the same episodes '' and repeatedly use the same terminology as " On the presence of B in Judges and Samuel cp Moore Judges, and Budde Samuel (in Haupf s SBOT), and Richter und Samuel. ' It has beeu already noted p 191 that the group of legends in which Lot figures is unrepresented in B. XII §2/3] CONCEPTIONS OF REVELATION 203 J ". /Its Covenant-words run parallel with those of J, and its law of the plurality of altars Ex 2o2*. • differentiates it at once from the central conceptions of D and P*". But amid these general resemblances there are numerous and important divergences of detail, to some of which attention must be invjted. (a) To E, in the first place, belongs a peculiar and highly interesting view of the progress oj revelation- Three stages of reUgious development are clearly marked in his narrative. While J regards the progenitors of the race and the Mesopotamian kindred of Abraham as alike worshippers of Yahweh, E affirms that the forefathers of Israel 'beyond the river' were idolaters Josh 242. The wives of Jacob, accordingly, bring their ' strange gods ' with them Gen 35^~* among them being the household images which Rachel ' stole ' from her father to bear away with her to her distant home 31^^/ By what means Abraham had learned the higher truth, and become a ' prophet ' 20'', the existing narrative does not relate. But he is conscious that he acts under the will of Elohim 2oi3, who vouchsafes so manifestly to be ' with him ' that even the king of Gerar can recognize the divine aid in his life 2122. To Jacob, however, the vision of Elohim's angels makes known his presence in such wise that as he returns to the place of revelation he can no longer endure the homage offered by his family and their dependants to ' strange gods,' and the first act of religious reformation takes place when they are buried under the oak at Sheehem 35*. The revelation of Elohim is followed by that of Yahweh Ex 3I*, in whose name Moses is instructed to announce his mission to lead forth his people. In the subsequent narrative, therefore, this name is freely used by E as well as J, though there stUl remain passages marked by the preferential emplojnnent of the designation Elohim (eg 13I7— 19 i8i2- •) besides its repeated occurrence in phrases such as ' the angel of Elohim,' the ' mount of Elohim,' and even ' the rod of Elohim.' (;3) Corresponding to this ascending sequence is the change in the form and method of divine communication. The anthropo morphic character of the appearance and action of Deity in J is far less prominent in E. He relates no stories of personal conflict, such as that of the mysterious wrestler with Jacob °, or « Cp the Table of ^'^ Words 120-237. * Cp chap VIII i § 1/3 p 83. " Gunkel, however, finds an element of B in Gen 3225* 2a 29. 32^ gp ^fea; ii Gen 32"'^ i!04 CHARACTERISTICS AND ORIGINS OF E [XII § 20. the attempt of Yahweh to kill Moses in the inn upon the way to Egypt. He does not even describe the gracious visit to Abraham's tent, or the protecting presence which stood b^ the sleeping fugitive Gen 281^ on the way from Beer-sheba to Haran ; when Elohim comes it is in vision 15^, or in a dream by night ^o^ 312* 462 ". The prominence of the dream in E (cp -"lOi) is especially characteristic ; and marks in particular the story of Joseph alike in Canaan 37 and in Egypt 40 41. /But there are other revealing agencies. Though Elohim does not himself appear, save to the eye that is veUed in nightly sleep from out ward things, his ' angel ' can call out of heaven by day to the "(veeping Hagar 2ii^, or warn Abraham to do no harm to his son 22I1''. At other times this inanifestation of the divine personality is pluralized, as in the dream of Jacob at Bethel 2812 by which he recognizes the ' place ' as the ' house of Elohim ' 1^, and again at Mahanaim 322 where he identifies them as ' Elohim's host (Mahaneh).' In the Mosaic age the angel of Elohim marches in front of the host (or camp, >§ Mahaneh) of Israel Ex 141^, but withdraws to the rear in the shape of cloud and darkness to cheek the Egyptian advance 20. In thick darkness also does Elohim abide upon the mount, when thunder and lightning, trumpet-blast and smoke, reveal his presence 20I* 2i_ gut at the Tent of Meeting, when Moses has passed within, the cloudy pillar descends and stands at the entrance to speak with him 33'- ; it is the signal for worship, as Deity thus appears before his people. With Moses, indeed, his communion is of the closest kind. He speaks with him face to face, as one man to another 33^-'-; 'mouth to mouth' is their intercourse, so that Moses is privileged to behold his very form Num 12*. But this is reseived for Moses alone, in a task of exceptional labour and difficulty. Yet even in the future the gracious presence of Elohim will not be wholly withdrawn, His angel will accompany Israel to the place which he has prepared for them Ex 232" : and when they are established in the land of his gift, Elohim will be still at hand in the sanc tuary to preside over the functions of justice and solemnize the contract of master and slave 21^ 22^. Moreover the prophetic function, recognized in Abraham Gen 20'', prominent in Miriam Ex 1520, and conferred by the gift of the spirit on the seventy elders Num n 25-29^ constitutes the true goal of Israel's develop- " Cp Balaam Num 22'. * The name Yahweh here is doubtless an editorial preparation for i^ XII §27] CONCEPTIONS OF REVELATION 205 ment as a people. But it is not even confined to them : for Elohim can put his word into what mouth he pleases, and communicates as freely with Balaam in his distant home among the * mountains of the east ' 22^*, as with the agents of his choice ill Israel. [y) Highly interesting, in partial contrast with J, is E's view of the great personalities of the national story. Less vividness of dramatic movement, perhaps, marks the narratives of successive incident : yet the heroes of the past seem conceived in some respects on a grander scale, and anticipate the glories of Israel's future. Abraham is already a prophet Gen 20'' ; Jacob is the first conqueror with sword and bow 4822 . jq Joseph is the spirit of Elohim 41^^.. Moses rises above all his contemporaries, as the -recipient of revelation, the instrument through whom the cove nant of Yahweh is made wdth Israel Ex 24*, the tried and faithful servant who is superior to prophets and is the trusted guardian of Yahweh's house Num 12*- . His work is continued, though on a less exalted scale, by Joshua, his ' minister.' To him, and not to Aaron, is the care of the Tent of Meeting assigned Ex 33I1 ; from being keeper of the sanctuary he rises to the dignity of successor to Moses, designated for this high function by a divine charge Deut 31I* 23 ; as conqueror of Oanaan he summons the tribes to Sheehem Josh 24, and after making a covenant to ensure the loyalty of Israel to their God, he dies as 'ser vant of Yahweh,' and finds a sepulchre on his own estate in Ephraim. The scenes of blessing and farewell are again and ^ again invested by E with a special significance and solemnity ; he loves to depict the dying patriarch, Isaac or Jacob Gen 27 48, revealing the mysteries of the future, or Joseph foretelUng the divine visitation and yearning for burial in the land of his fathers 5025. The parting address of Moses has perhaps been removed to make way for the great group of orations now embraced in Deuteronomy (so Bacon, cp ante p 155" (2)); but the discourse assigned to Joshua in Josh 24 is a noble specimen of his stately ¦retrospect and hortatory eloquence. By such episodes is the icontinuous purpose of Deity for Israel brought into repeated prominence ; they partially take the place in E of the revelations related again and again in J promising abundance of posterity and the possession of the land. Once indeed to Abram is the announcement made of seed as the stars of heaven Gen 15^ ; and Jacob is to become a great .natipii 46*- ; but of the oath to the 2o6 CHARACTERISTICS AND ORIGINS OF E [XII § 2y fathers recorded , by J, on v^hich D dwells with such loving insistence, there is no mention. (8) The scene of Abraham's story seems to have lain for E in the south. He is located first at Gerar Gen 20I, and then at Beer-sheba 21^2 221^- In the wilderness of Beer-sheba Hagar wandered with Ishmael 21I* ; and thither Jacob, after his resi dence at Shalem and the purchase of a plot of ground in middle Canaan 33^*, migrated with his family and his fiocks, so that the summons to Egypt found him there 46^. But Hebron, which plays so important a part in J and P, is not named in any extant passage. As in J, so also in E the patriarchal cultus is freely recognized. Abraham builds an altar in the ' land of Moriah ' on 'one of the mountains' 222 ^. Jacob erects sacred piUars at Bethel 28I', in GUead 31*^, and at Shalem (if Wellhausen's correc tion be adopted) 3320 ; he builds an altar at Bethel 35^ '', and offers sacrifices at Beer-sheba 4611". The traditions thus explain the origin of the hallowed spots of later time, and place under patriarchal sanction some of the holy stones which a later stage of cultus-law was to repudiate. The story of Rachel's theft of her father's teraphim 31^^- •, and the plaintive question of Laban ^o 'Wherefore hast thou stolen my gods?' recall the episode of Micah's loss of his ephod and teraphim Judg 18, and his pitiful appeal to the roving Danites 2* 'Ye have taken away my gods which I made.' Both narratives belong to a mode of thought and worship in which the teraphim still played an important part. In a cultus thus elementary sacrifices are classed under two heads Ex 202* ' burnt offerings and peace offerings.' When Moses prepares to solemnize the covenant between Yahweh and Israel ' under the mount ' 24*- • at Horeb, he buUds an altar, erects twelve pillars ' according to the twelve tribes of Israel,' and appoints young men to perform the altar-rites. There is as yet no consecrated order : the representatives of the nation belong to no sacred caste : their sacrifices are naturally those which the Covenant-words have just enjoined. (e) These Covenant-words form the basis of the ' First Legisla tion' 2o22-23 in union with the 'Judgements' 211". They are " The older criticism treated 2022-23 as substantially one whole (with some interpolations and additions), and connected it with the record of the cove nant 24'"', so that it became known as the Book of the Covenant. But it has since been perceived that it not only contains various hortatory amplifica tions, but is in reality compiled from two different collections which have heen blended together. The proof of this is partly contained in the book XII 5 2e] MOSAIC INSTITUTIONS 207 preceded in the present arrangement of E by the Ten Words, which D afterwards selects as the basis of the Horeb-covenant itself, and partly in the narrative which follows. For (i) while the opening section 2o2'~26 jg concerned exclusively with instructions for the proper wor ship of Yahweh, at 21I a series of 'judgements' is introduced, in which various matters affecting the person or property of the Israelite are regulated on the basis of judicial decisions formulated and generalized into law. Other commands in their turn follow, which in no way result from civil or criminal processes before a judge, such as the rules for the observance of a seventh fallow year and a seventh day of rest 23i°~i2, or the festival cycle in 231*- . . The contents of these chapters, therefore, are not homogeneous. But (2) this diversity of character is recognized in 24', where Moses is said to recite to the people ' all the words of Yahweh and all the judgements.' This description implies that the preceding collection is made up of two parts, (a) a series of ^ divine ' Words,' and (/3) a group of judgements. Is there any clue to their separation ? From what sources are they derived, and how were they brought into their present union ? Wellhausen and Stade practically limit {0) to 21-22", where the ' case law ' is cast into a series of rules defining the proper course under the given circumstances introduced by 'if; Driver adds 2226a 26 23^.. , The remainder is then allotted to (a). But this remainder is itself found on investigation to consist of highly various materials. There is the hmnanitarian legislation for the protection ofthe stranger, the ethical insistence on the upright administration of justice, strangely mingled with regulations about firstfruits and sabbath (whether of days or years) and a calendar of annual feasts. It is readily seen that these are alike neither in style nor in substance. The conditional form of the strict ' judgement ' is reproduced in 23*. , but by its side are the participial clauses in which Dr Briggs finds the proper type of the ' statute ' 22!'. , and the commands and prohibitions 22I* 28 29 30 jn which the same critic recognizes the characteristics of the ' Word' {Higher Crit' 242 ff). It does not seem possible to base any distinction on these slender variations in expression. It is more apposite to notice that the moral and social legislation tends constantly to expand into the prophet's appeal rather than the lawgiver's command cp 222s. 27 agT, ^ and is thus strongly marked off from a specific group of regulations which do not embody the experience of life but are occupied with the requirements of worship. These laws are broken up in their present position, but they are readily seen to constitute a little collection by themselves. Different investi gators, such as Eothstein {Bundesbuch, 1888), Baentsch {Bundesbueh, 1892 and Hdkomm, 1900), and Bacon, approaching the problem by different methods, have substantially agreed in the view that the 'Words' are to be found in the cultus laws 2022-26 2229-31 231°"!', with the concluding exhortation iu 2g20-3S_ (Holzinger Hd-Comm (1900) prefers to designate the two elements as fas and jus, but he regards them as originally constituting one collection which has been transposed to its present situation from a quite different con nexion.) The Book of Judgements would naturally contain the available rules for the protection of life and property. With them would be suitably associated other provisions for the welfare of the community, such as the in fliction of the ban on those who were guilty of treason to the national God by worshipping an alien deity 222", or the prohibition of ribald speech whether against the earthly or the heavenly ruler 2228. The varied contents of Deut 12-26 under the title ' Statutes and Judgements ' show what diversified materials might thus be aggregated together. But the particular institutions of the cultus were not founded on custom and usage, whether formulated iu judicial decisions, or as yet implied only in the higher standards of religion. They were regarded as derived directly from the divine will, and owed their origin to a positive utterance. Accepting this distinction provisionally, it may be noted further that the ' Words ' 24* were recorded by Moses in a book : with solemn sacrifice and ceremony the people pledged themselves to obedi ence : and on the basis of these .' Words ' Yahweh entered into a covenant (7) 12 (8) 34 17 (9) 15 (ID) 13 (") ISO (12) 18b (13) 19« (14) 196 19 20i> 35b 2o8 CHARACTERISTICS AND ORIGINS OF E [XII § 2c Deut 5 cp imfra § 5 8 (ui). These lay down no law as to the place at which Yahweh may be worshipped, but the subsequent collec- with Israel 24^. But as soon as these prescriptions are examined by them selves, it is observed that the bulk of them reappear in another connexion in 34, where they are again described as ' Words' 2' and embodied in a covenant which Yahweh purposes to make with Israel 34i'- .. Let the following parallels be considered : — (i) 2o28 Prohibition of image worship .... 34" (2) 24-25 Kegulations for the construction of altars (3) 222' (jjft Qf firstborn sons to Yahweh ... 20b (4) '" Gift of firstborn animals to Yahweh . (5) '1 No meat torn by wild beasts to be eaten (6) 23i*~ii Observance of the seventh fallow year Observance of the seventh day of rest Observance of three annual feasts Feast of Unleavened Bread Harvest and Ingathering . TSo leavened bread to be used in sacrifice . No fat to be left till the morning Firstfruits to be given to Yahweh cp 222'" . 2611 No kid to be seethed in its mother's milk . 26b_ It is clear that the terms ofthe covenant proposed in 34!" are largely parallel with the ' Words ' on which the previous covenant has already been formally established. Eeasons have been already given chap XI § 2S p 182" for be lieving that its context belongs to 3 ; but as it cannot be supposed that J related the institution of the covenant twice over in slightly different terms, the previous ' Words ' and their acceptance by the people must be assigned to E. This conclusion is reinforced by other considerations, partly linguistic, as the margins {Hex ii) show, and partly derived from the analysis of 24. The harmonist of J and E, in fixing the present places of the two versions, has brought them into closer accord by modification and addition, so that the texts of the two documents have been moulded into completer correspond ence. This is especially clear in 231*—!'. Holzinger regards this series as transferred directly from 34. The general parallelism of the two narratives together with differences of phraseology, and the fact that the quotation in i' interrupts the grammatical connexion (see Hex ii), render this improbable ; but the harmonist's hand is certainly to be seen in " 1°", and possibly else where. This is the only case in which J and B agree in ascribing the pre paration of a documentary record to Moses ; and this agreement may be taken in evidence that J and E were both acquainted with some older written source. The distinction already emphasized between the ' Words ' and the ' Judgements ' (with the additional materials attached to them) makes it necessary to account for the incorporation of the latter collection at this point of the narrative. That they, too, are due to an Elohistic source may be inferred from their use of the name Elohim 21*1' 22^.11 @ 28^ and other linguistic marks (such as the designation nox for 'bondwoman' cp'^'gg, and the repeated use of the words tea '^107 and in in the sense of ' matter ' or ' cause ' ¦'^loS ; further material will be found iu the margins of Hex ii). It will be observed (i) that they are suitable rather for a settled and agri cultural people than for the life of the desert, and (2) that many of them are included, sometimes with important amendments, in Deuteronomy ante p 161", whose central body of legislation is described 12I under the double heading of * Statutes and Judgements.' Deut is emphatic in its statement that nothing was publicly enjoined at Horeb but the Ten Words 52231 fii. It was pointed out by Kuenen that the author no doubt had some reason in the materials which he employed for placing his great reproduction of the Mosaic Teaching at the end of the wanderings under the slopes of Pisgah. Now his chief source of sacred law (so far as Pentateuch permits us to trace jt) wa? the so-called Covenant-book. This, argued Kuenen, must once have XII § 2c] MOSAIC INSTITUTIONS 209 tion of Words opens with permission to erect an altar of earth or unhewn stones in every place where Yahweh causes his name to be remembered Ex 202*", a rule which recognizes the legitimacy of the traditional sanctuaries of old time. The Mosaic sanctuary, however, is of a different order. It is a tent, fit for the conditions of nomad life in the desert, pitched outside the camp 33''- •, bearing the name of the Tent of Meeting. The account of its construction has been apparently eliminated in favour of the more detailed account of P's Dwelling 25- •. It was no doubt intended to enshrine the ark, which in its turn held the sacred stones. The story of the ark likewise has disappeared ; but its original presence in E may be inferred both from the narrative of 34I, and from the summary in Deut 10* in close proximity to a fragment of E ^- (see Hex ii). The Tent of Meeting, however, when first instituted, needed the service of no sacred tribe. Its essential character was not that of a place of sacrifice, but of consultation, where the divine wUl might be ascertained. It was not even placed under the care of Aaron and his sons. An Ephraimite, Moses' minister, the young Joshua, was installed as its guardian ; and when Moses returned into the camp, Joshua remained within the Tent. Nevertheless B does apparently contain traces of an Aaronic priesthood in the statement that on Aaron's death at Moserahj stood in the position which Deut now occupies, at the close of Moses' life as the people prepared to quit the wilderness for the settled occupations of the land which was afterwards to bear their name. The partition of the Cove nant-book of the older criticism into two unequal parts, does not altogether invalidate Kuenen's suggestion. The ' Judgements ' constituted the earliest summary of the Mosaic Torah, and may possibly have belonged to a hortatory address now superseded by Deut. In the process of uniting JE with D, if the Judgement-book really did stand at the end, it became necessary to find another place for it, and it seemed most appropriately combined with the other brief collection of religious law in E, the Covenant-words at Horeb. The hand of a Deuteronomic reviser is probably to be seen in 2022. 3221. 24 239 13 23-23a 27 sib-s3_ ggg further below p 223*. Other suggestions perhaps deserve a passing mention. Thus Holzinger, Hex 179, proposes to connect it with Joshua's covenant at Sheehem Josh 242^. It might seem more natural to associate it with E's narrative of the institution of the Judges Ex 18, which represents Moses as already in possession of divine statutes and laws Ex 18I', which could be taught to the people 2". This narrative (see 12" Hex ii) is placed too soon ; in its original position among the later Horeb scenes it might well have been preceded by a collection of regulations for judicial pro- cedure, and the special warnings in 231"' '~' would have been particularly apposite. Is it unreasonable to find a trace of such an aiTangement in the language of Deut ii', which implies that the Mosaic teaching was not all postponed to the eve of the passage of the Jordan in the land of Moab ? (cp Moore Enc Bibl 1449). For attempts to arrange the Words and Judgements in Decalogues, Pentads, and Triplets, cp infi-a Harford-Battersby Appen dix B Laws § 13, Briggs Higher Criticism^ sio-232. " Cp chap VIII i § W p 83. 2IO CHARACTERISTICS AND ORIGINS OF E [XII § 2c Eleazar his son succeeded him in the priestly ofiice Deut lo*. Of the circumstances under which the tribe of Levi was dedicated to Yahweh's ministry no account seems to have been preserved from B. The narrative in Ex 322^-29 -vvhieh, in its present position, ascribes their consecration to their participation in the massacre following the worship of the golden calf, does not seem to be in its original setting, and is assigned in the analysis to J rather than E : while the aUusions in Deut 33*- do not appear to be explained by any form of the traditions now included in J E or P ; and if the poem be rightly attributed to E it may be inferred that that document connected Levi with incidents of which the record has been lost ". On the other hand, a very full . account of the institution of judges_on_a^ decimal organization- of the peopla_ia_4u:fiSfir3ffid_iiL^x_i^:?Z??. It is apparent from the data of the narrative that in the compilation of the several docu ments this episode has been placed too soon cp 12" Hex U, and it seems natural to connect with it in some way the collection of ' Judgements ' now inserted into the midst of the Covenant-words |2ii. • [cmte p 206" ad fm). Whether the Horeb-covenant was /supplemented in B by a Moab-covenant, according to the repre sentation of Deuteronomy, depends upon the estimate of the probabilities of transposition suggested by the study of Ex 20-24. The view offered in Hex ii does not find it necessary to resort to the bold hypothesis of Kuenen that the whole Covenant-book once occupied the place which Deuteronomy now holds as a corpus of Moabite legislation ^ Yet B was deeply impressed with the " Cp Driver Deut 399- . * The Sinai-Horeb sections in 19-24 32-3428 have long been recognized as among the most intricate and difficult portions of the combined docu ments. The present form of the narrative is the result of a succession of editorial processes, the steps of which can be very imperfectly traced. The elements of the problem can perhaps best be approached through the parallel account in Deut : the following table exhibits the corresponding passages in J E and D (irrespective of the activity of the redactor). 3 {Ex) Theophany at Sinai '19. E {Ex) Theophany at Mount (Horeb) ^19. The Ten Words 20I-". Approach of Moses alone 20I8-21. The Words of Yahweh the The Book of Judge ments 21-23', The Words of Yahweh (continued) a^"-^. D {Deut) The Covenant on Ho reb 52-5. The Ten Words 5'-2i. Approach of Moses alone 522-31. XII § 26] MOSAIC INSTITUTIONS 211 covenant-idea as the expression of the relation between Yahweh and Israel. He does not, it is true, carry it back like J to Abram ; at J {Ex) Summons to Aaron, &e 24I-2. Ascent of Moses, Aa ron, &c, to a sacred Feast 24 B {Ex) The Covenant of the Words of Yahweh 243-8. and Ascent of Moses Joshua 24i2-i'">. Moses in the Mount for forty days 24^'''. Gift ofthe Tables 3ii8b. The Golden Calf 32i-«. (JE) Warning of Yahweh and intercession of Moses 32''"i*. Descent of Moses and Joshua ; fracture of the Stones ; destruction of the Calf and expostula tion with Aaron 32i'^24_ Massacre by the Le vites and their appoint ment as the sacred tribe oa25— 29 Instructions to depart Intercession of Moses and refusal of Yahweh instructions to depart ; to go with Israel 33I-*. plague 323"'-3'. The people strip them selves of their ornaments. Usage of the Tent of Meeting 33°-ii. 33i' Colloquy with Yahweh 12-23_ Ascent of Mount Sinai 2. 4b 6 34 Yahweh passes by be fore Moses 34^'. Yahweh's Covenant 34I0-27. Preparation of the Stones and ascent of the sacred mountain 34I *"". Yahweh writes the Words of the Covenant (the Ten Words) 3428. D {Deut) Moses in the Mount for forty days 9'. Gift ofthe Tables gi".. Warning of Yahweh 912-14. Descent of Moses ; fracture of the Stones ; intercession of Moses, anger of Yahweh with Aaron, and destruction ofthe Calf 915-21 26-29. Preparation of the Stones and Ark, and ascent of Mount Sinai Toi-s. Yahweh writes the Ten Words, and the Stones are placed in the Ark IO*-'. Separation of the tribe of Levi to carry the Ark 108. The questions suggested by this table are manifold ; but (i) it may be well to start from the element common to J E and D, viz the solemn institution of a covenant at Sinai (Horeb) between Yahweh and Israel. Yet the terms of this covenant are not identical. In all three documents they are described as ' Words,' but the contents of the ' Words ' do not agree. There is a close approximation between the Covenant-words of J and E, but the Ten Words of D are obviously independent. (2) The representation of D is definite and F 2 SI2 CHARACTERISTICS AND ORIGINS OF E [XII § 2c least no oath to the fathers survives in his narrative. But the nation which has taken possession of the land through which their sires emphatic that the published legislation at Horeb was limited to the Ten Words. In Deut s'"- the people are dismissed to their tents, while Moses remains on the mount : ' but as for thee, stand thou here by me, and I will speak unto thee all the commandment, and the statutes, and the judgements, which thou shalt teach them, that they may do them in the land which I give them to possess it.' The new legislation which forms the substance of the Deuteronomic Code, is thus conceived to have been communicated to Moses at Horeb, but first promulgated to Israel on the eve of their passage over the Jordan to take possession of the land of Canaan. But (3) while the greater part of the Covenant-words of J and E reappear later on in D among the laws delivered in the land of Moab, E contains in addition the Ten Words which D selects as the basis of the Horeb-covenant, and a book of Judgements besides, which is also largely reproduced at the end of the wanderings in D. It was long ago noticed by Goethe that according to the present arrangement of 34i*-28 the second tables contained another version of the Ten Words, and recent criticism has widely adopted this view. But that was seen to carry with it the implication that it was derived from a different source ; and as soon as the Ten Words of 20 were definitely assigned to E, the Ten Words of 34 naturally fell to 3. Accordingly (to go no further back than i88o) Dillmann proposed to transfer 34ii~26 1^ ^jjg goene between Yahweh and Moses, Aaron, Nadab, and Abihu, and the seventy representative elders 24I-2 ; the feast upon the mount '-" then solemnized the ratification of the covenant. It is impossible here to review all the suggestions of reconstruction which have since been made, but two or three schemes require a brief exposition. (i) In his treatise on the Hexa teuch Kuenen dwelt with much force on the evidences of a Deuteronomic redaction of the Sinai-Horeb sections of JE ; and he pointed out that while D had used the Covenant-book of E (' Words ' + ' Judgemeats '), he made no reference to its delivery to Moses or its acceptance by the people, and further that there was also no room in D for the Covenant-words of J at Sinai. From this he inferred that neither E's Covenant-book nor J's Covenant- words formed part of JE's account of the events at Sinai. Seeking a more suitable place for them originally, and observing that the contents of both codes were designed for the settled life of Canaan, he suggested that they had originally occupied in JE the place now assumed by D itself, viz the ' field of Moab.' 'The promulgation of the Deuteronomic ' Statutes and Judgements ' is itself regarded as a second covenant ; it superseded both the Covenant-book and the Covenant-words ; and if these were to be preserved at all, it was needful to find for them some other occasion. It was the work of Rd to transfer, them to the Sinai-Horeb period ; and adapt them to the new setting. These were not, however, the only additions which the original narratives received. The Ten Words in 201"", and the fabrication of the Golden Calf, were incorporated into E, when it passed from Ephraim and was expanded in Judea. The nucleus of the Horeb Covenant-story was found in 241- °-ii which Kuenen ascribed to Ei ; the Covenant-book and the Covenant-sacrifice beneath the mount on which Moses died in Moab being fused together with the sacred Covenant-meal upon the Mount of God. Thus E's Horeb-scenes underwent successive enlargements in different ¦stages of its history, the latest of all being the great transposition of the Covenant-book from the end to the beginning 6f the wanderings. The redistribution of Kuenen has been enthusiastically adopted by Cornill and Kraetzschmar. (ii) A very different reconstruction has been presented by Bacon. Distinguishing the Covenant-book of the older criticism into a collection of 'Judgements' and a book of the 'Words of Yahweh,' he accepts Kuenen's theory of the displacement caused by union with D so far as concerns the 'Judgements': but this leaves the Covenant-words and x:eremony stUl at Jloreb, The main problem, then before him is to determine XII § 2c] MOSAIC INSTITUTIONS 213 had been led Josh 24^, finds in this form the appropriate mode of the original places of the two covenants in J and E. While, with Kuenen, he sends the ' Judgements ' of 21-23' forward to Moab, with Dillmann he draws the Covenant-words of J back to 24I. ^-n and regards them as J's version of the Ten Words. The Ten Words of 20I-21 are left in their place : but if they constituted the sole contents of the Horeb-covenant of B (cp Deut 5), what occasion can be found for further Words and their deliberate ratification ? These are viewed as a renewal of the covenant-relation which has been broken by the great apostasy. The brilliant combinations of Bacon assume many dislocations in the existing narrative, but do not involve such wholesale transpositions as the proposals of Kuenen ; they save much more for the original material of the Sinai-Horeb revelation both in J and E. The two documOnts, according to Bacon, must have run here, as elsewhere, a closely parallel course : and the general harmony of their contents may be exhibited as under : — E Yahweh (Elohim) appears on Ho reb I93"' 9r— 11» 14—17 19_ The Ten Words 20I-21 193K. .1 8i>-8. Ascent of Moses to receive the Tables 2412-" iss. The Golden Calf 32I-6. Moses descends with the Tables gjisb 2215'' 1^ and destroys the Calf 32"-2*. Intercession of Moses, who is in structed to lead the people away O2S0-34_ Mourning of the people and sur render of their ornaments 33* '. Yahweh appears on Sinai 1920-22 24 llb-13 26_ Ascent of Moses &c : Covenant- meal 24I. '-11. Preparation of the Stones, the Covenant- words 341-^'' i''-28''. [Rebellion of Israel.] Intercession with Yahweh 32'-!*''. Massacre by the Levites 332''''-2'. Chastisement by Yahweh, who commands Moses to depart 3235'' 331 3. Eenewed intercession of Moses (Numiii«''ii.".)33i2-2S. Second great manifestation of Yah weh, with pardoning mercy 34*-^'". [Construction of the Ark and Tent, and appointment of the Levites to carry the Ark.] VisitofHobabiSTio.. [Construction of the Ark and the Tent.] The Covenant renewed : the second Ten Words 2022-26 2310-16 2220-31 ^gis 24"' 19b 13 20-31 Visit of Jethro i8i-27'-. Usage of the Tent of Meeting 33"-"- Scenes at the Tent (i) the Seventy Elders Num 1 iiO- 24-30 (2) murmurs at Moses' wife Num 12I-16. [Departure from Horeb.] Departure from Sin^i Num 1022-3*''. Every reader of Bacon's elaborate exposition of this scheme (substantially adopted by Dr Duff OT Theol ii (1900) 176 ff 369 ff) must admire its boldness and skill. It does not altogether overcome the difficulty on which Kuenen has laid so much stress, viz the Deuteronomic affirmation that the Horeb- legislation was limited to the Ten Words. Too much weight, however, must not be attached to this assertion in view of the free adaptation which can constantly be traced in D's use of older materials. But not only does it emphasize (in the case of E) a Covenant-renewal which D ignores, it also ascribes to the Ten Words of B a Covenant-character of which the narrative says nothing, yet it altogether neglects them when the covenant is remade. Further, in identifying the Covenant-words of J with the Ten Words, it suggests by implication that those of B were of later date ; for if they were known to 3, why should E have substituted others for them ? This is not a difficulty to the critics who, like the numerous writers cited below § 58 (iii). 214 CHARACTERISTICS AND ORIGINS OF E [XII § 2c declaring its choice to serve Yahweh, and the retrospect of the regard the Ten Words of E as the product of the great prophetic movement of the eighth century, but it is an embarrassment to the view of their earlier origin. If the Ten Words in their simplest form are really of ancient use, it seems inconceivable that J should have produced a totally different code and called it by the same name. Apart from that designation (which may, after all, be a later and mistaken gloss) there is close concurrence between the terms of the two covenants in J and E, rendering it probable that in the original documents they occupied similar places. Substantial agreement, with variations in terminology and order, is the natural mark of a common antiquity. It is in the last resort conceivable, therefore, that J and B both contained the Ten Words and the Covenant-story : in the union of JE one delivery of the Ten Words was found sufficient ; and while E's version was retained, J's was set aside. The two covenants, however, did not resemble each other so closely as to be incompatible at a little distance, and both therefore were incorporated at different stages of the united narrative, under going further revision afterwards by B^. The covenant-idea rose into pro minence in refiexion on the past, and D, in embodying the materials of JE's ' Covenant- words ' in the legislation of Moab, may have transferred the con ception with the title to the utterance in the hearing of the people at the Mount of God. This view, however, seems less probable than that suggested below § 58 (iii). (iii) In the Theol Stud und Krit (1899) 319-350 Steuer nagel has offered an elaborate criticism the results of which may be here summarized. Allotting 3410-^^ to J, he finds its sequel in 248-8. J's Cove nant-words, therefore, originally stood between •'19 and 243-8, the record of the covenant-ceremony being followed by 33!" 12-23 g^2-4ii.^ 5-9 ^ju different order). E also had its narrative of the Horeb theophany ^19 which led to 20I8-21 24I. 9-16a 18b oil8 02I— 8 15* 16-20 21—24 ? 30-34n „„3b-6* _ _ _ qs'— H 34I *"'"' 28*. This analysis does not find in the original E either the Ten Words of 20I-", or the Covenant-book Ex 21-23, or even any Covenant-words parallel to J's in 3410-2''. But Steuernagel supposes that a collection of laws (21-23) existed independently, current in E circles though not yet embodied in E's narra tive. It was the work of the harmonizer BJ" who combined J and E to introduce this collection. That required the transposition of J's Covenant- w^ords to the renewal of the tables in 34, the product being further enriched by E'l who added T.g^^~^, the Ten Words ^qI-i', the opening and close of the Covenant-book 32^-1* 25-29 ? ggib sa^ revised 3410-26^ and inserted the identifi cation with 'the Ten Words' in 28. Baentsch {Hdkomm) agrees with Steuernagel in assigning the Ten Words 20I-" to B'', but he admits into the original E a group of Covenant-words now embodied in 2022-2383 and harmonized with J by the addition of parallels from J's series 34IO-2''. The Judgements were formerly connected with some later incident, but their original position cannot now be recovered. In 24, however, Baentsch finds no traces of J, both narratives being ascribed to different strata of E, and J does not enter until 33I''. The promulgation of J's Sinai-words is combined by BJ* with B's story of the renewal of the tables of stone, and the whole narrative shows traces of repeated editorial manipulation. Holzinger, on the other hand {Hd-Comm), thinks that E did contain the Ten Words 20I-1' in their present position between 19I0 and 20I3-21, and finds the proper sequel in 243-3, 1. 0-11 being ascribed to J, and the so-called Covenant -book 2o22-23 being transposed from another position (perhaps Josh 242^). With •119 241- 0-11 be connects 341-28 jjj jjg original form. To this was added afterwards a story of the apostasy, the remains of this being discovered with great acuteness in 32I-0 blended with traces of E's narrative ; this account further included the shattering of the tables, the burning of the calf (which must have been of wood overlaid with metal), the punishment of the people, the intercession of Moses, the command to lead the people away, and Moses' prayer for a guide. E's version also comj)rised the preparation of a molten calf, the destruction of the tables, and the massacre by the loyal tribe o{ XII § 3] MOSAIC INSTITUTIONS 215 settlement in Canaan concludes with the solemn covenant at Sheehem 242^ », 3. The narrative which has thus been briefly surveyed seems to have" been somewhat narrower in scope than J. It does not attempt to link the history of Israel into the wider history of the world. It is not concerned with the remoter affinities even of Israel's own kindred ; Ishmael and Esau are reckoned in the Une of descent from Abraham, but no others. Nevertheless the atti tude to non-Israelites is not unfriendly. Abiinelech of Gerar is divinely protected from the consequences of his unintentional violation of Abraham's marriage rights. Jethro celebrates a sacri fice to which Aaron and the elders of Israel are invited : Balaam receives prophetic words from Elohim. The language of E with respect to Deity does not run through so wide a range of variation as that of J : it is neither marked by the crudeness and simplicity of early imagination, nor does it glow with the spiritual fervour of more advanced and ethicized thought./ Passages there are, indeed, still marked by signs of antique use. Such, probably, is the explanation of the occasional employment of the plural with the divine name Elohim, as though the conception of Deity stUl wavered between unity and an undefined plurality of powers, Gen 20I* 31^^ '' 35'' Ex 22^ Josh 24I' °. The unique designation 'the Fear of Isaac ' Gen 31*2 sa jg also stamped with ancient awe; and to the same order of primitive sentiment belong the apparent identification of the sacred stone with the actual abode of the Num£n of Bethel 2822, the view of the pUlar at the Tent-door as so completely embodying the divine presence that it could be said Levi. It is announced that God will accompany the people no more, but in the institution of the sanctuary (even in 33''-ii Holzinger detects traces of more than one hand) an equivalent for his Presence is provided. — The cautious remark of Driver that ' more than one hypothesis may be framed which will account, at least apparently, for the facts demanding explanation' is thus amply justified. Later passages In Num and Josh make it certain that J was acquainted with the ark, and it is probable, therefore, that he provided some account of its construction, and of the sacred Tent in which it dwelt. The firm tradition connecting the ark and the tables of stone makes it further likely that J also related their origin and inscription. But no distribution of the surviving fragments can now do more than indicate possibilities ; certitude concerning the ancient contents of the sources and the processes by which they have been combined in their present sequence, is beyond the critic's reach. " On the B sections in Joshua, cp chap XVII § 3 (2). ' If the unifying words ' the God of their fathers ' be omitted with ® and some Hebrew MSS, the plural will imply that the Gods of Abraham and Nahor were not identical. Cp Hex ii note in loc. " Cp KOnig Einl 203, who also notes the parallels between Ex 32* 8 and !2i6 CHARACTERISTICS AND ORIGINS OF E [XII § 3 to speak Ex 33'", or the audience of the witnessing-stone at Sheehem Josh 242'', Yet the general effect of B's representation is distinctly less anthropomorphic than J's. In admitting into his written narrative the cruder expressions of antique tradition, he may well have placed a broader interpretation upon them, just as the phrase ' a sweet savour ' passes from J Gen 821 into the Levitical legislation ''158, and stUl finds a place in modern language of devotion. One expression, however, deserves notice in this connexion, according to which first Elohim and after wards Yahweh is described as ' trying,' proving, or tempting his people, cp •"'192. A conspicuous instance of this appears in Gen 22I, where the simple pathos of the recital, the restraint of Abraham and the artlessness of Isaac, show that B like J possesses in an eminent degree the capacity for narration, though the fragmentary character of many of his stories partially con ceals it. / In the Joseph cycle, however, it is well displayed ; while on the other hand the E elements in the plague-series lack the dramatic character which distinguishes J's colloquies between Moses and Pharaoh, and the recurring use of the rod on the part of Moses seems less direct and impressive than the immediate agency of Yahweh described by J^ The large amount of phraseo logical material common to J and B is illustrated in the Tables of Words ; it arises naturally fiom the fact that they constantly run side by side, describing the same persons and the same incidents in the same general way. B like J has his own etymo logical explanations ; he cherishes the detail of names ; he can call Abram's heir Eliezer Gen 152, and Eebekah 's nurse Deborah 35^ (in 24^^ J she is only ' her nurse '), and the Hebrew midwives Shiphrah and Puah Ex i^^ More conspicuously than in J is the chronological dependence of one event on another marked by the phrase ' after these things ' '^g^. / So E emphasizes the periods of Jacob's service Gen 31^* *i ; carefully reckons the famine years 45^ ; and specifies the ages of Joseph 50^2 26 ^nd Joshua Josh 24^^, cp 141". This exactitude leads him to enrich his narrative with literary references, as in the case of the Amalekite defeat Ex 17^*, or the Book of Yahweh's Wars Kum 21I*: he can quote the MoshHim Num 212'^, and beside the survey of the tribes attributed Iby J to Jacob he can set a counterpart in the mouth of Moses Deut 33. 4. By general consent among the critical schools, E is assigned " ' The pillar of cloud descended, stood . . . and spake.' f" Cp chap XI § 28 p i8i». XII § 4] ITS RISE IN EPHRAIM. 217 to the northern kingdom ". The interests which predominate in his narrative seem to be those of middle Canaan. There are Bethel and Sheehem with which the Jacob stories are so closely connected. The principal locaUty in the south, with which both Abraham and Jacob are associated, is Beer-sheba (op § 25), to which in the days of Amos the men of Israel still went on pUgrimage Am 5^ 81* ''. Of Hebron, which belonged peculiarly to Judah, no notice is taken, and B has no story of the Cities of the Plain, nor does Lot stand by Abram's side. Similarly in the story of Joseph the lead is attributed in E to Eeuben, whereas J assigns it un mistakably to Judah : while in the Mosaic age, Joshua who plays so many parts — minister of Moses, guardian of the sanctuary, leader in war, and legislator in peace — is an Ephraimite by descent, convokes the tribes in the hill country at Sheehem, and receives both inheritance and burial Josh 24^". The graves of the famous dead are, indeed, objects of special interest to E.i Under the great oak below Bethel lay Deborah Gen 35* ; the bones of Joseph at last find a resting-place at Sheehem 502^ Josh 24^2. Miriam is buried far in the wUderness at Kadesh Num 201**, Aaron at Moserah Deut 10^, Moses in Moab 34^, and Aaron's son Eleazar in the family estate on Phinehas' hill Josh 24^^. Several of these lay in the range of Ephraim, and the attention drawn to them confirms the general ascription of E to this locality. The tithes at Bethel Amos 4* seem to be explained in Gen 2822 ; and Hosea, who certainly knows some of the stories now embodied by J (cp Hos 12^-), was probably also acquainted with B. The Bethel allusion Hos 12* is hardly decisive (though it might seem to point to Gen 35^ °) ; but the rare term 'memorial ' ^ is probably founded on Ex ^^^'^. B, unlike J, calls Laban the ' Aramean ' Gen 3120 24 ; and Hosea 12I2 refers to Jacob's flight into the field of Aram, where his service for wife and flocks recalls E's language Gen 2920 s" 31*1. The whole conception of the Mosaic history in B is steeped in sympathy with the prophetic function ; and if Moses is differentiated from the prophets, it is only to set him above them : to Hosea also 12I* Moses is a prophet by whom Yahweh ' brought up ' ("136) Israel out of Egypt. The literary affinities of B are thus not out of " So, recently, Steuernagel Einl 282, Baudissin Einl 90, Gunkel Legends 135. ^ Cp Elijah's flight thither i Kings 198. " Read in Hos 12*'' ' spake with him.' <* Nowack {Hdkomm) proposes to strike out *^'' as post-Hosean, and 18. is similarly excised. 2i8 CHARACTERISTICS AND ORIGINS OF E [XII § 4 harmony with its assignation to Ephraim. If the descriptions of the tribes, in Deut 33 may be referred to B, the glowing picture of Joseph (which seems to have contributed some elements to Gen 49), apparently reflecting the prosperity of the northern monarchy under Jeroboam II, suppUes at once a double clue tq. its place and date (cp chap XIV §§ 2 5). 5. The materials of J were found to be of various ages, and it became a probable view that the document after its first reduc tion to writing had received successive enrichments. The growth of E may be regarded as not dissimilar. (a) It is no doubt true that the present mutilated condition of E through incorporation first with J and then with P renders it by no means easy to determine its original form and contents. But enough assuredly remains to justify the student in applying to its history the same general considerations already specified in the case of J. The patriarchal narratives of E are the product of simUar influences : they reflect the same national conceptions first organized under the powerful stimulus of the Davidic monarchy (cp chap XI § 5a). The twelve tribes ranged under Jacob, and the relations of Israel and Edom, represent in both documents the view that emerged under the political conditions of a later age, when the traditions of the past were wrought into systematic form. The parallel stories connected with eminent religious centres such as Bethel or Beer-sheba, no doubt had a common origin in sanctuary - lore ". Moreover they imply a similar attitude to the holy places of antiquity, and to the cultus-practices in sacrifice and festival. They have the same sacred year with its three feasts : and both give the sanction of the past to the sacred pillars which a later age was to denounce. Especially noteworthy is the emphasis in E on the ~ function of the prophet. Abraham is already presented in that capacity to Abimelech of Gerar Gen 20'', though an important note in i Sam 9^ assures us that the word first came into use in the days of Samuel. The date thus indicated confirms for E the view above expressed concerning the connexion of both J and E with the conditions of the monarchy''. The citation from the Book of the Wars of Yahweh Num 21I* and the Blessing of Moses Deut 33 point in the same direction (cp chap II § If). And if the reference to successful Edomite revolt Gen 27*" be correctly " On' the Philistines Gen 2182 cp ante p 193". ^ On E in Judg-Sam cp § 1 p 202". xn§5/J] ITS AGE AND GROWTH 219 ascribed to E, the passage receives its best explanation from the efforts of Edom to assert its independence, which culminated in the ninth century in the reign of Joram 2 Kings 822 ; Uzziah recovered Elath for a short time, but under Ahaz all was again lost. [0) The investigation of the age of B thus reaches a date not far from that already claimed for J, and the further question arises whether it is possible to determine more closely their mutual relations. Can a decisive priority be asserted for either? The opposite impressions of DUlmann and Kuenen in this matter raise at first a natural doubt whether this question can be defi nitely answered ". And if the two documents were homogeneous wholes this doubt might be difficult of solution. But the seeming contradictions are at least partially reconciled when it is recog nized that each contains elements of various dates, so that even if J were actually the first to acquire consecutive literary form, it might yet have continued to receive fresh incorporations after the composition of E. Thus it has been already argued (chap XI § 6/3 p 197) that J's story of Abram at the court of Pharaoh Gen i2i''~20 is of secondaiy origin compared with the simUar story of Isaac at Gerar 26''--. What is the relative place of E's narrative in 20? ¦ The scene is the same as in Isaac's case, the little court of Gerar. Abraham, Uke Isaac, aUeges on his wife's behalf 'she is my sister' 20^ 26', in fear of his life 20II 26'' (parallels of phrase may be noted in the words ' place ' and ' kill ' = ' slay ' •§). Abimelech's indignation expresses itself in almost identical questions 20!" 261". But the story of Abraham advances much further. Sarah is actually taken into Abimelech's court. The danger which is only possible in 26!" has been incurred by the king himself in 20. In vindication of his innocence he is supernaturaUy protected, and Elohim goes so far as to suggest that the prayers of Abraham may be efficacious in his behalf 20''. Does not all this heightened detail imply a more developed and so later form of the incident'? In J the beauty of Sarai is especiaUy emphasized, and the divine protection of Abram is still more signally manifested, in Egypt. At Gerar the intervention of Elohim only suspended for a time in Abimelech's harem the ordinary incidents of nature 20I''. The court of Pharaoh suffers severer strokes 12I'' inflicted directly by Yahweh. As with Sarai's beauty so with Abram's wealth ; the " Baudissin, Einl 95, is disposed to regard E as the older. b Cp Kuenen Hex 235. 220 CHARACTERISTICS AND ORIGINS OF E [Xll § 5^ enumeration in 121^ seems to advance on 20I* just as on 26I*, though the connexions are not quite the same. A sequence may thus be established in which the Eebekah-Abimeleeh story stands first ; next follows the Sarah- Abimelech narrative, and the Sarai- Pharaoh incident concludes the series". B wiU then occupy a middle place between J and J8. Other paraUels suggest but do not clearly determine a similar order. The fiight of Hagar in 16 and her subsequent wanderings seem to belong to a simpler story than the expulsion in 21. In the former Abram yields to Sarai's demand without a pang : in the, latter his grief is deep, and is only relieved by a divine promise of future greatness for the bondwoman's son. The provision for the hapless pair, the scene in the wilderness as the mother sits with eyes averted from the dying boy, are new elements ; and the angeUc intervention, though fixed in the narrative, enters it on a new plane. The angel does not himself find Hagar as in 16'' ; he caUs to her out of heaven 21I'' ; he does not walk the ground Uke a man (cp 18-19), he is only the impersonation of a voice from the sky. Similarly in the Bethel visions 28 J depicts Yahweh as himself standing beside the sleeper ; but in E Jacob does not behold the Deity who dwells above, he sees only the wondrous ladder on which Elohim's messengers go up and down. The conception is less simple ; between man and God are ranged a host of superhuman powers ; and in such interposition there seem plain marks of later thought ^ It must however be remembered that the Uterary record may not always follow the order of origin. Stories may have been told and retold for generations before they were reduced to writing ; and J's stories, even though recognized as being of an earlier type, may conceivably be posterior in their ultimate arrangement in consecutive form. But the same observation may be appUed also to the cruder elements already noted in E (§ 3 p 215) : they may be of ancient derivation yet retained without open rejection in later narrative. These considerations, however, have less bearing on the general scheme of the whole. And in this aspect the work which takes for granted the worship of Yahweh from the begin ning, implies a nalver conception of human things than the document which divides the history of Israel's reUgion into " Conclusions of this kind must be tentative ; a different estimate of other elements in the stories may lead to another result, cp Gunkel Hdkomm 203- 205, who adopts the order 12 20 26. '' Kuenen and others find further illustration in Gen sqI^- compared with "-"; and in 31I-18 and 3o28-*3 {Hex 235). XII §57] ITS AGE AND GROWTH 221 successive stages, and traces a progress culminating in the reve lation of Yahweh at Horeb". On the other hand, E seems to have sustained less hortatory amplification (though traces of it are not wanting, cp Ex 2323-33)^ and in narrative, at least, to be more nearly homogeneous than J *. [y) The general impression suggested by E is that of a period of considerable national prosperity. Abraham enters into a covenant on equal terms with Abimelech and the captain of his host. The blessing which Jacob wrests from Isaac emphasizes the 'fatness' of the earth and the abundance of corn and wine Gen 272^, The dreams of .loseph refiect the future sovereignty of his house 37^ : in the elaborate organization sketched in Ex 1821 the military as well as the judicial administration of the people is implied : and the descriptions of the tribes in the Blessing of Moses Deut 33 contain no more allusions to the catastrophe which practically wiped out Simeon and Levi Gen 49^"'^ : while the royal power of Ephraim seems fully recognized i^-. This poem may not, indeed, be an integral part of B ; but it is at least in general harmony with its main delineation. The Balaam songs imply the same delight in the number and the victorious prowess of Israel Num 23 ; and the conquests of Joshua also take for granted the " On general grounds J is thus regarded as antecedent to E. Does E, however, show any specific signs of acquaintance with J ? This might have heen expected if both documents took their rise in the same centres of Ephraimite interest. On the other hand, J's vocabulary contains a large number of distinctive phrases which do not tend to reappear in E. A com parison of the narratives of the plagues, for instance, will show how few ar? the points of contact, where priority and dependence might have left visible trace. In the same manner in the Sinai-Horeb scenes it does not seem possible to establish any usage of one by the other, the introduction into E of a quotation from J like that in Ex 23!° being no doubt due to the harmonist. The narrative of the conquest in Joshua is evidently of a later type than J's delineation of the settlement in Judges i ; but it wUl be argued in chap XVII § 3 (i) and (2) that there are elements in Joshua belonging to both of the great schools J and E, in which no definite time-relation can be detected. In legends like the patriarchal stories of Genesis, which constantly run parallel with each other, it is surprising how little contact is to be traced. Such phrases as * the men of the place ' ' should slay me for Rebekah ' Gen af, ^ what is this thou hast done unto us?' 10, cannot be paraded as the antecedents of ' the fear of God is not in this plcue ' ' they will slay me for my wife's sake' 20", 'what hast thou done unto us?''. There is nothing here to establish originality for one or the other ; the same tales retold in different places may easily contain similar colloquial expressions ; on the other hand the narratives of Hagar's distress in the wilderness i6*~i* 21O-21 nowhere touch. And the entire absence of some of the striking features of J, eg the primeval history of humanity, or the Lot and Sodom stories, which are wholly unrepresented in E, further supports the view that no literary J source was actually used by B, though both J and E may in one instance (Ex 24* 342') have both employed some older collection of sacred 'Words.' '' On secondary elements in E, however, see below S p 222. 222 CHARACTERISTICS AND ORIGINS OF E [XII § 57 secure possession of the land from north to south. In the fare' weU address of the Ephraimite hero the choice which is set before the people takes no notice of the Tyrian Baal, but lays stress on the temptations of Mesopotamian cults and the rites of Canaan Josh 241^. The struggle with the house of Ahab is over, and the revolutionary work of Jehu is complete : on the other hand, new influences from the land of Israel's ancestry are beginning to endanger their allegiance to Yahweh". The Gilead-covenant in like manner points to an age of peace between Israel and Aram ; the Syrian wars have ended, and Jacob and Laban can respect each other's boundaries Gen 3151— 63_ These conditions seem to be fulfilled in the first half of the eighth century bc during the long and prosperous reign of Jeroboam II *. If the reduction of E to writing be placed before 750 b 0, a written base is then provided for Hosea's allusions ". (S) The attempt to determine the age of B, however, soon encounters a difficulty analogous to that already presented by J. (i) The narratives of the patriarchal age do not indeed, like those of J, offer clear marks of diversity of date, so that secondary elements may be discerned within them. But after Ex 3 there are occasional passages where the divine name Elohim is still regularly employed, as in the E sections of Genesis, instead of Yahweh, e g Ex 1317-1^ 14I9 i8i2~27 jg3a 17 19 20I9-21 3ii8b^ and in the Balaam story Num 22^ 12 20 ss ^f. It seems most natural to explain such a pecuUarity by refer ence to a source marked by this usage "^ ; but if so, it must be admitted that the materials of which E is composed have not been uniformly reduced in the editorial process to a common type. (U) Again the Horeb-scenes in Ex 19-24 and 32-33 appear highly complex, and suggest numerous and embarrassing problems, which seem to require the hypothesis of different strata of literary deposit. Thus the First Legislation in 2022-23 eon- tains diverse elements, the Covenant-words and the coUection of Judgements. The Covenant-words appear to have undergone considerable manipulation to bring them into closer harmony with J (see Hex ii) ; but the whole group, and the ceremony founded upon them 24*- with its laymen at the altar and its <» Cp Amos 520. '' So steuernagel Einl 283, Gunkel Legends 142. " Unless with Nowack the integrity of the text be denied. ^ Steuernagel, Stud und Krit (1900) 341, thinks that in this difference there are clear traces of Ei and E2. XII §58] JTS AGE AND GROWTH 223 twelve pillars ct 232*, seem to belong to an early stage of cultus usage. The phrases of 21^ 22^ 'bring him to Elohim,' 'come near to Elohim' (and possibly also the language of 222*) are moulded on a primitive religious practice. It may be noticed also that the law of the theocratic dues assimUates the gift of male human first-borns to that of sheep and oxen 222^l> 30 without introducing the provisions conspicuous in J 34^"; it had not apparently been yet found necessary to formulate the equivalents for animals (like the ass) which could not be offered on the altar, nor to prescribe the redemption of children". In such relative crudeness and simpUcity it is natural to find evidence of great antiquity ^ Much of the material of the ' Judgements ' may in Uke manner depend on ancient custom. Both Words and Judge ments, it is true, rest upon agricultural rather than nomad life: but some of the regulations concerning personal injuries and property may be founded on tribal tradition derived from the remotest past. (in) On the other hand the literary analysis renders it probable that the Ten Words in Ex 20 were not included in the original E. It cannot be proved that Hos 42 is founded on them: it is admitted that the commentaries attached to them show the influence of the hortatory additions in which the schools of JB approximate to that of D ° : and an increasing body of critical opinion regards them as showing in their existing arrangement the influence of the seventh century'*, " Baudissin, EirU 131, infers that 3420 is a modification of 222o\ ^ Some critics have supposed that Gen 22 contains a protest against the sacrifice of the firstborn analogous to that of Mic 6', That the sacrifice of the first-born son was not unknown in the ninth century is plain from the action of the king of Moab 2 Kings 32^. Cp Ahaz 2 Kings 16'. 0 Cp Driver LOT' 35. , <* The 'Ten Words' as they are designated in Deut 10* cp Ex 3428 are almost unanimously assigned in the present redaction to B, though critical opinion is divided as to their place in his original narrative. A comparison with Deut 5 shows that i"2i was known to D substantially in one piece : 2-" cp Deut 5«-2i, 18 (19I6) cp Deut 522, " cp Deut 528-2^, while the use of the divine name Elohim 20I i'-2i points to the same Elohistic source already traced in 19. Two main questions arise concerning the literary history of the Words : (i) are they reproduced here in their original form, or have they received additions in the shape of explanations and commentaries ? (2) If they can be reduced to a simpler type, what relation does the series bear to any similar laws which may be traced elsewhere? (i) The facts that there are variations in the reasons assigned for the observance of the fourth commandment cp Ex 20II Deut 51^, and that the Deuteronomic version shows slight divergences in the treatment of the fifth and tenth, have been long recognized as affording good grounds for the belief that some of the com mandments have received hortatory expansion. The analogy of other laws points in the same direction {ante p 124) and it is now generally believed that the Words were primarily ' moulded in uniform shape,' and expressed 224 CHARACTERISTICS AND ORIGINS OF E [XII § 55 In the present state of the documents it does: not appear that their source, or the date of their incorporation in E, can be deter- in 'terse and simple form' (Driver LOT' p 34). Is it possible to recover this ancient type? Dr Briggs {Higher Criticism ofthe Hexateuch^ 181-7) has endeavoured to reconstruct it, finding the primitive form of ' Word ' in the direct prohibition ' Thou shalt not ..." The additions are, in this view, later than the actual Words, and may be ascribed with some confidence to other hands. This is made practically certain by their striking literary affinities, for they seem at various points to touch the phraseology of 3, of B, and of D respectively. Thus the introductory clause 2 contains two expressions strongly characteristic of D, ' Yahweh thy God ' and ' house of bondage,' pointing to an earlier form 'I am Yahweh which brought thee out of the land of Egypt,' ep Gen 15^ ' I am Yahweh which brought thee out of Ur of the Chaldees.' The additions to the second Word, as the margin Hex ii shows, cp ' heaven above ' &c ' bow down and serve ' ' Yahweh thy God,' tend in the same direction. But, on the other hand, the language of ^. shows striking parallels with J in 34' " cp ' Yahweh is a jealous God ' ' visiting the iniquity . , ' ' keeping mercy for thousands.' The phrase in the text, ' showing (doing) mercy,' is peculiar to JB, and nowhere occurs in P (though cp Deut 7') : on the other hand the allusions to ' hate ' and ' love ' seem to belong to the religious atmosphere of D, who alone in the Hex makes the love of God a motive of human action, though the expression (in a some what different sense) is probably one of great antiquity, cp Judg 581. The fourth commandment 8-M has been revised by Ep* ; but the influence of D can also be traced with much probability in the phrase ' Yahweh thy God,' in the enumeration of the members of the household, and in the description of ' thy stranger that is within thy gates,' when compared with the simpler language of E 2312, ' that thine ox and thine ass may have rest, and the sou of thy handmaid (§ = maidservant 201°), and the stranger.' Similarly the phrases in 12 recur repeatedly in D and in D only. It may be affirmed, then, with considerable probability, that the hortatory additions have been * In this verse it has been usual to recognize the hand of the harmonist. The parallel passage in Dent 5!^ bases the observance of the sabbath on the deliverance from Egypt. But in this historical association there is no link of inner thought such as that implied in the parallel between the rest enjoined on Israel and that practised by Deity himself. Had D's copy of the Decalogue contained this verse, it is hardly likely that he would have replaced its lofty suggestiveness by a less potent motive. In spite, therefore, of Budde's plea {Urgesch 495) that this verse is here original to B, it ia regarded as a secondary insertion. But from what source ? It has been commonly viewed as founded on Gen 2I-8. Many of the verbal details, it is true, are different : eg for ' the heavens and the earth and all their host,' we read ' the heavens and the earth, the sea and all that in them is ' : the words ' rest ' and ' sabbath-day ' are not those employed by P, who also does not connect the blessing on the day by ' therefore ' (a word used specially by J op •"^85). These differences are hardly sufficient in themselves to establish an independent source for this verse in a lost Creation-story by J2, though they may properly be employed in supporting other arguments. They may, however, be sufficiently explained by the influence of the context ; the triple division into sky, earth, and waters, is already recognized in * ; the verb ' to rest ' (m:) is found in the parallel in Deut 51* and may well have prompted the writer's choice ; 'sabbath-day' is already provided by * ; and the word ' therefore ' is used Ijy Ps in a similar connexion in i62'. 'That the secondary references to the Creation-narrative of P were not limited to the original phraseology is clear from the curious addition in 31I' which states that Yahweh ' was refreshed,' following the language of an earlier sabbath law 23I2 : while it may be said in general terms that some of the later portion* of P show much greater variety of style (cp chap XIII § lliS). XII §55] ITS AGE AND GROWTH 225 mined. But it has been usual to connect in the closest manner with the Ten Words the episode of the golden calf 32, which has themselves expanded in the spirit of the great Deuteronomic school (cp chap XVI § 2a), and that they were founded on earlier material derived from J and E, perhaps by the editor designated EJ'. Apart from n most critics admit that Ex presents an earlier form of the series than Deut, cp D's additions to Ex 201" 12, and D's modification of Ex 20" raising the wife to first importance, the term 'house' being no longer used in the collective sense, cp Driver Deut 86 and the commentaries of Steuernagel and Baentsch {Hdkomm), Bertholet and Holzinger {Hd-Comm). But (ii) behind the com mentaries lie the Words themselves. Had they a place in the original narrative of E ? In their present position they constitute a kind of intro duction to the legislation which follows, but they have little in common with it : the arrangement in D by which they are presented as the sole legislation of Horeb cp ante p 210*" (2) is much more impressive. Now the Words are reported by D as the basis of the covenant between Yahweh and Israel. It has been already shown that both J and B record such a covenant cp Ex 24 and 34 : but neither document founds it on these Ten Words, though each associates it with ' Words ' of Yahweh. (Holzinger, however, Hd-Comm, rejecting the division of the Covenant-book into Words + Judge ments, identifies the Words of 24* with the Ten Words : but his hypothesis labours under the difficulty, as he himself recognizes, that the Words were twice recorded, once by Moses for the people, and once on the tables giveh by Elohim to Moses 3ii8'> 34I 28 Deut 522 . ggg however further, above.) Further it may be noted that each of these collections shows parallels with some of the Ten Words. Thus with 20' cp J 34I* ' Thou shalt not bow down (§ as in 20*) to another god,' E 2220 forbidding sacrifice to another god under pain of ' devotion ' and E' 23I8 ' the name of other gods ye shall not cause to. be remembered' cp 202*" : with 20* cp J 34", 'thou shalt make thee no molten gods,' and E'' 2028 ' ye shall not make with me gods of silver, and gods of gold ye shall not make unto you ' ; with 20^ cp 2228 ; and with 208. , cp J 3421 ' Six days thou shalt labour, but on the seventh day thou shalt rest,' and E 23I2 ' Six days thou shalt do thy works, but on the seventh day thou shalt rest,' where in both cases ' rest ' in § means ' keep sabbath.' The existence of these several groups (which will be found closely parallel to each other) suggests that the Ten Words, the latter of which run a highly independent course, were not part of the original narrative of E (for why should E himself arrange these duplicates side by side ?) but were added from some other source. Some confirmation of this view is found in the consideration of the narrative 19I' 20I8— 21 compared with Deut 522. . _ It is clear from the Deuteronomic account that the people were supposed to have heard the actual words uttered by Yahweh 'with a great voice.' But it may be doubted if that was the conception of E. The people witness a storm of thunder and lightning, they hear a trumpet blast which they interpret as the divine utterance, but it does not appear that they are conscious of articulate address from Elohim. As the outward signs of the theophany become more majestic and terrible, they dread lest Deity should speak 1* and they should perish. The original account of E, therefore, probably contained no spoken ' Words ' from Elohim to the assembled people, but only the tradition of the awful Voice. Concerning the antiquity of the Words themselves, doubted by Colenso, Wellhausen, Kuenen, Stade, Bacon, Addis, Meisner, Steuernagel, Staerk, Kraetzschmar, Baudissin (who suggests Einl 124 that the Decalogue in Ex 20 may be due to D and replace an older one in E), and others, ep Driver {LOT' 33), Briggs {Higher Criticism^ 186"), Dillmann-Ryssel {Ex und Lev' 226), aud Wieksteed {Christian Reformer 1886 i 307). It is perhaps sufficient to observe here that (as noted above) E does not base the covenant on the so-called ' Ten Words,' but on the Words now combined with the judgements in the Covenant-book cp ante p 2o6<». D is the first to treat the 'Ten, Words as the sole foundation and contents of the 226 CHARACTERISTICS AND ORIGINS OF E [XII § 55 in its turn been regarded as a prophetic polemic against the worship at Bethel and at Dan ". In the announcement of a divine visitation 3*b some interpreters find an allusion to the overthrow of the kingdom of the Ten Tribes in 722 b c, and the whole story is then assigned to a Judean edition of E in the seventh century*. There is no doubt an awkwardness in the present collocation of the text by which (as Cornill points out) the departure of Israel to the promised land 323* — an advance to take possession of the gift to their sires — is represented as a part of Yahweh's penal doom. But reasons are alleged in Hex ii for regarding 30—34 ^s supple mental ; and the passage which follows 33^~* has undergone too much manipulation to permit of its serving as a secure foundation for any criticism concerning the writer's intention in describing the origin of the sanctuary. It may, however, be remarked that though the story of Moses' action impUes the inscribed stones, it does not necessarily imply the Ten Words of 20. The Covenant- words of J 34I'' contained the prohibition of images ; and according to one view these were supposed to have been written on the tables 3428. In what the record on E's tables consisted, the parrative (as we have it) is not clear, for both 24I2 and 321^ show traces of later treatment ". But it is possible that E's original view of the stones (like J's) may have been independent of the Ten Words of 20, for D is the first to assert definitely that these were actually written by Yahweh Deut 5^^- In that case the Horeb-covenant. The prominence thus assigned to them (together with the linguistic affinities on which Colenso and Meisner have dwelt with especial emphasis) adds weight to the conjecture that they took shape between the first collection of laws and narratives in 3 and B, and the later reproduction of ancient torah in D. Even Holzinger, who regards their fundamental commands as original in B, ascribes them to the second half of the eighth century, Hd-Comm Tj. Baentsch, Hdkomm 178, dwelling on their ethical spirit compared with the emphasis on cultus-law in the earlier Words, and finding no allusion to them in prophetic discourse before Jer 32I8, argues that the Ten Words cannot have been composed till the seventh century, and treats them as an effort to make prophetic ideas the basis of Israel's religious and moral life. But if this be so, there is no clue to the circumstances under which they were incorporated into B. On difficulties connected with the place of the Ten Words in Israel's religious and social history cp Addis Hex i 139 ; in Enc Bibl ' Decalogue ' he places them in the reign of Manasseh. Moore, Enc Bibl ' Exodus ' 1447, argues (as above) that the Decalogue belongs (with the story in Ex 32) to E2, and agrees that the original . Words resembled J's in 341°. . and are partly preserved in 231*- • . " In this story, as already mentioned p 210' (iii), Holzinger now traces the dual sources J and E. b So Kuenen, Cornill, and others. " Steuernagel has even argued that if the stones had been inscribed -after the fashion of a cylinder of closely written cuneiform script,"they might have held the whole Covenant-book, Stud und Krit (1899) 333. XII §55] ITS AGE AND GROWTH 227 supposed dependence of the narrative of the great apostasy on Ex 20* can hardly be enforced as an argument for the later date of E's share in 32. Moreover, it may be argued that the polemic against idolatry " is entirely in harmony with the prophetic atti tude of Amos and Hosea ; and though these pi^Dphets tio not cite the Ten Words, yet Hos 4^ 12^8, j^ta a,t least show some affinity with them. The possibilities in different directions offer sufficient warning against a too exclusive judgement. (iv) Clearer evidence of secondary character is perhaps to be found in Num 11- 12, where the prophetic activity of Moses is exalted in the highest degree. In the account of the Seventy Elders the spirit upon Moses suffices on its distribution 112^ to excite them all to prophecy : in 12 the jealousy of Aaron and Miriam is rebuked by the declaration of their brother's lofty dignity as Yahweh's servant with whom he speaks mouth to mouth ''•. The first of these narratives is certainly related to that of the institution of the judges in Ex 18 (cp Hex ii Num iii^") ; and appears to be the prophetic rather than the judicial version of the provision of aid for Moses' overtasked strength. But though Num iii^- 24b-3o and i22~i5 jj^ay y,^ plausibly regarded as late elements in B, they do not bear a specifically Judean character, and the time and place of their addition to the main document must be left uncer tain. The exa,mple of Hosea's own writings shows that the literary products of the northern kingdom passed easUy into the southern : but we do not know enough of the religious conditions to do more than affirm that B, like J, contains elements of various date, some of which may have been contributed to it after it had been adopted into the record of history and law preserved in Judah. ' " Cp Gen 35I-' Josh 24. Q 2 CHAPTER XIII THE PEIESTLY CODE The large extent and the complicated character of this great collection raise many problems. It -will be convenient first to consider its main features, and their relation to the other docu ments JED and to the history ; and at a subsequent stage to inquire how far it is itself homogeneous, or how far different elements can be traced within it. 1. To whatever period this document is assigned, it is unani mously regarded as the groundwork of the present Pentateuch. The elimination of its contents is for the most part rendered easy by its definite characteristics both in matter and form ; and the study of its relations to the other sources employed in Genesis makes it clear that P has been adopted as the basis of the entire compilation. The clue to its separation has been already indicated in the declaration of Ex 6'2. • concerning the appearances of El Shaddai to the patriarchs Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob (chap V § 2 p 54). In the search for the record of these revelations it became apparent that the basis of the book of Genesis was formed by a series of ten toVdhoth sections divided into two groups, five tracing the history of the world from the Creation to the posterity of Shem, and five concerned with the immediate circle to which the people of Israel belonged, Terah the father of Abraham Nahor and Haran, Ishmael and Isaac, Esau and Jacob. This series ends with the death and burial of Jacob Gen 4933 50I2. . The narrative then passes to the fortunes of his descendants in Egypt, their increase and their oppression by the Egyptians, and the divine observance of their sufferings. At this point Moses enters, and the name Yahweh is revealed to him, with the commission to announce to his people Yahweh's purpose of deliverance. As Moses has not previously been mentioned, either the account of his origin has been omitted by the compUer in favour of the record of JB, in Ex 2-5, or the writer assumed such a knowledge of him as might justify his introduction undescribed ". This " Cp the reference in Gen 192' to the well-known episode of the ' over throw ' of Sodom and Gomorrah. XIII§1] CONTENTS OF THE PRIESTLY CODE 229 seems the more likely as a later hand has apparently sought to supplement the deficiency by inserting some genealogical par ticulars in 620. The abstract treatment which marks P's early narratives is here conspicuous. There is no flaming bush, no sacred mount. The sequel of the story 7® implies that the revela tion took place in Egypt ; the demand which Moses is instructed to address to Pharaoh is conflned to simple permission to depart ; of the sacrifice in the wilderness J 3I*, or the service on the mountain E 3I2, not a word is said. The struggle with Pharaoh follows, and in preparation for the last great incident, the death of the first-born and the departure of the Israelites, the Passover Law is introduced 12. The narrative then relates the march through the waters in which the Egyptian pursuers are over whelmed, and brings the people to Sinai igi- , where the glory of Yahweh dwells on the mount, and Moses in answer to the divine summons ascends and enters into the cloud 241^- . The camp at Sinai is the scene at which the great theocratic institu tions of Israel are founded. The DweUing is first elaborately described, and then with equal elaboration constructed, 25-30 35-40. The Aaronic priesthood is established ; the ritual of sacrifice is ordained ; and a vast mass of legislation is issued enumerating the priestly duties and privileges in various con nexions, as well as defining the methods of maintaining the purity and holiness of the people. After a census of the tribes has been taken, the Levites are solemnly dedicated to the service of the sanctuary, and in the second month of the second year after the Exodus Num iqH the signal is given for departure. In accordance with JE the result of the mission of the spies evokes the discontent of the ' congregation,' and a doom of forty years of wandering falls on the rebellious people. During the fortieth year Aaron dies upon Mount Hor, and the chUdren of Israel encamp in the ' plains of Moab ' on the east of the Jordan opposite Jericho 22I. There a second census is taken ; Moses is com manded to ascend the mount of Abarim and die ; and he prepares for his departure by securing the appointment of Joshua as his successor. But the fulfilment of the divine intent is unexpectedly postponed. Not only is the whole of the book of Deuteronomy inserted at the close of the prophet's career, but a number of supplemental incidents and laws prolong Moses' last days, and display the aged leader as solicitous for every detaU to the end. To him are revealed the boundaries of the land which he has 230 THE PRIESTLY CODE [Xlll § 1 never seen ; he is instructed to prepare for its distribution ; to regulate the offerings at the feasts; to make arrangements for the provision of cities for the maintenance of the Levites and the refuge of the homicide ; and his last act is to settle the law for heiresses 36. The record of his death in Deut 34 brings the Pentateuch to a close. Yet, as might be expected from the language of Ex 6^, the document whose contents have been thus briefly sketched, did not end there. It is continued in the book of Joshua. But it no longer serves as the literary base of the story of the conquest and settlement in Canaan, as ithas previously served as the groundwork of Gen-Num. The significance of this fact for the process by which the books were finally compUed as WiP have them, wUl be discussed hereafter (chap XVI § 38) : it need only be noted now that in the union of P with JE and D in Joshua no formal close to its narrative has been preserved. 2. The aim and significance of P are revealed with sufficient clearness in the stages of its history and legislation, its main object being to present a systematic view of the origin and working of the great theocratic institutions of Israel. Some of the distinctive features of the execution of this design deserve special notice. (a) In commencing his narrative with the origin of humanity P foUows the path already traversed by J. His view of the primaeval history, however, is by no means the same. Instead of deriving the race from a single pair, he regards the original creation, male and female, as plural Gen i^^- . He knows no Eden, he relates no temptation, he does not seek to explain the stem conditions of human labour or suffering. The world, as Elohim beholds it, is 'very good.' The progress of mankind is traced in ten steps to Noah, under the genealogical form already employed by J, who was, however, content with seven. That common material has been employed may be inferred from the parallels in 4 and 5, Enoch being found in both Usts 4I'' 5^^~^*, while Methushael and Lamech 4I* are obviously represented by Methuselah and Lamech 521-28 «_ jjq details save those of age accompany these names. The interest which J shows in the development of social affairs is suppressed, though the actual line is extended, and the reader learns with surprise 6" that violence and corruption filled the earth. Through what causes the joy " A further connexion may be suspected between Cain and Cenan, Mehujael and Mahalalel, Irad {m) and.Jared (it). XIII § 20] CHARACTERISTICS OF REPRESENTATION 231 and gladness of creation had been overcast by this moral gloom is nowhere indicated. To those who can read between the lines a singular indication is afforded by a comparison of the numbers of the patriarchs' ages in the Massoretic and Samaritan texts". In the latter the ages of the patriarchs from Adam onwards regularly decline, and in view of the well-known connexion in Hebrew thought between excellence and length of days, a suspicion is at once aroused that the diminution of the duration of life implies. the growth of evil. The sixth patriarch, whose name Jared has been interpreted as ' descent,' i e decline or degenera tion*, begins a second group of five, whose varying fates imply different characters. Enoch and Noah both walked with God. The first is removed from this world by a divine act of assump tion ; the second is delivered from destruction to become the sire of a new race, and lives actually longer than Adam. The other three aU die in the year of the Flood. But the Flood is the punish ment of sin ; and by their participation in a common doom, the author delicately suggests that the wickedness which called it forth was no sudden growth, but extended back for generations """. The incidents of the Deluge are conceived upon a grander scale by P, who ascribes it to something more severe than continued rain: windows are opened in heaven, and the fountains of the great deep broken up 7II. At its close Noah offers no sacrifice, but Elohim ' establishes ' or ' sets up ' his covenant with him not to destroy the earth again by water, and puts his bow in the clouds as a sign. The share of P in the table of nations presented in 10 includes a wider range than J : and in its recognition of diversities of language as the natural result of the dispersion, it stands in the same contrast with the ancient story in iii~' as is afforded by J^ (cp XI § 6a p 196). [0) The delineation of the patriarchal age in P follows in out ward succession the stages of JB. There are the same 'fathers,' Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob ; and the nation is constituted out of the same twelve tribes. But the difference in spirit is very striking. Like J, so P slowly concentrates his view on the special line of Israel ; and first Ishmael, and then Esau, passes out of sight. But in JE these family incidents resulted from " See Dillmann's argument in favour of the Samaritan numbers. Genesis i 217-221 ; so Gunkel Gen (Hdkomm) 123. ^ For this explanation, and the interpretation to which it belongs, cp Budde Urgeschichle 100 ff. " Cp Addis Hexateuch ii 199. 232 THE PRIESTLY CODE [XIII § 25 confiiets of interest, from outbursts of feeling, from all the mingled play of character, which led Abram to acquiesce in Sarai's demand for Hagar's expulsion, or incited Bebekah and Jacob to outwit Esau. P is content to enumerate the twelve sons of Ishmael 2512. ¦, or to relate the migration of Esau 36^- on the simple ground that the possessions of the two brothers were too numerous for the same land to bear them. The 'fathers' have thus become ideal types, of whom nothing must be related that does not become the dignity of progenitors of a race which God wUl hereafter summon to be holy Uke himself. To Abraham is addressed the command to realize what Noah had already achieved, the walk with God, the perfect life 17I cp 6'. This abstract character is intensified by the singular absence of geo graphical detail. It is said of Abram that ' he dwelt in the land of Canaan ' 131^, almost as though he were its only inhabitant. The localities whose names J and E love to explain, the altars, the wells, the sacred trees and stones, are all ignored, no less than the theophanies which hallowed them. No angels ever mediate between God and man ; and the only indication of the personal presence of Deity is found in his ascension when the interview is at an end 17^^ 35^^- In the latter case tradition is too strong even for P, and he supplies an explanation of the place-name Bethel. One spot only is specified with repeated emphasis, Kiriath-arba (Hebron), and the adjacent grave at Machpelah which Abraham purchases first of aU for his dead wife 23. There Abraham himself is laid 25!" ; Isaac is buried at Kiriath-arba doubtless in the same sepulchre 35^'""^', and the mummy of Jacob is borne thither to its last resting-place 50I3. Save Ephron the Hittite, no person outside the charmed circle of the kinship of Israel is named. Even when Lot settles in the cities of the 'Circle,' the writer refrains from commenting on their character 1311-; and when the 'overthrow' is mentioned 192^, it is appa rently assumed that its cause is known. Again and again does the brevity of the narrative imply that the author relies on the previous acquaintance of his readers with the facts. The artifice in 5 by which the increase of corruption was indicated, would have been unintelUgible to one who was not already prepared for this feature in the story. In the record of Isaac's age at his marriage 2520, in the curt enumeration of Jacob's twelve sons 2^23-27^ in the abrupt introduction of Moses Ex 62, as well as in other cases, the writer seems to summarize episodes so familiar XIII §27] CHARACTERISTICS OF REPRESENTATION 233 as to need no further elaboration. If this impression be just, if (in other words) P writes for those who are already familiar with JE, the later origin of his narrative is confirmed. (y) Between his two predecessors, in his theory of reUgious history P approximates to E rather than J. True, he recognizes no idolatry among the patriarchs' kindred; but with B he post pones the revelation of the name Yahweh till the age of Mosesj True, also, he admits neither cultus nor prophecy in the ancient days. Noah may build no altar, Abraham offer no sacrifice, Jacob erect no sacred piUar. No offering is recorded till Aaron and his sons are ready Lev 8. Nevertheless, when the sanctuary is estabUshed, it bears the name famUiarized by E, and is called not only the 'Dwelling,' but also the Tent of Meeting. The priesthood, as in E, is connected with Levi"; and Aaron is succeeded by Eleazar, cp E in Deut lo^ Yet though P thus rigidly postpones all acts of worship till the appropriate place could be constructed and the right persons chosen for its per formance, he makes his own preparation step by step for the enforcement of the sacred law. Even the order of creation has its ritual significance. The heavenly bodies serve to mark the festal times Gen i'*; and after the production of the universe and its contents in six days, Elohim keeps sabbath on the seventh day and hallows it 22- . On Noah is laid the first ordinance con cerning fiesh-food. Primitive humanity was vegetarian i2' ; but the new race is to be carnivorous 93, subject, however, to the prohibition of eating the blood in which lay Ufe. Noah also receives the first social command authorizing capital punishment for homicide. A further advance is made with Abraham, when the covenant to give the land of Canaan to him and his seed is enforced by the sign of circumcision 17: whUe the future possession of the sacred soil is symbolized by the cave in which three generations of patriarchs are laid. Yet another step is taken when the Passover is instituted on the eve of the Exodus Ex i2i~"2('j and rules are added which define the conditions under which slaves and strangers shall be entitled to partake of it, the limits of the ' congregation ' (first mentioned in 3) being thus incidentaUy determined. A new conception ia here introduced, and the theocratic penalty which was formulated as cutting off a soul ' from his people ' Gen 17I*, is now expressed in the phrase 'that soul shall be cut off from the congregation of Israel' " So also, possibly, J, cp ante chap XI § 28 p 183 and chap XII § 2£ p 210, 234 THE PRIESTLY CODE [XIII § 27 Ex 12I'. It was, indeed, no new term ; in the popular tales about Samson it denoted a ' swarm ' of bees Judg 14* ; it served to describe the national assembly at Sheehem which made Jeroboam king i Kings 1220" ; but in P it possesses a peculiar and technical sense as the designation of the 'meeting' of Yahweh's people in whose midst he dwelt''. Bound this con ception does the Priestly legislation gather. (8) The religious progression thus indicated culminates in a twofold purpose. The primaeval revelation, bestowed on the whole human race, and sanctioned by the haUowing of the sabbath, fails to achieve its end. A second stage is marked by the covenant with Noah after the Flood has cleared the way for a new distribution. Amid the deterioration which again ensues the divine purpose selects Abram after he has reached Canaan; he is first enjoined to ' be perfect,' and then addressed as the progenitor of a line of kings 171^. This is the third stage in the writer's historic view ; he can already point forward to the occu pation of the land, the institution of the monarchy, and the establishment of the true religion ''. One further step will give these promises reality. When the Deity, known to Abraham, to Isaac, and to Jacob, as El Shaddai, reveals himself to Moses as Yahweh Ex 63. • , he first recites his covenant to * give them the land ' into which he subsequently promises to bring the children of Israel. To describe their permanent settlement where their fathers had been only sojourners, to explain the divine design and to relate its subsequent fulfilment, is the first and prominent aim of the writer. But he has also in view the solemn act of adoption by which Yahweh wiU take Israel to him as a people, and will be to them a God. The maintenance of this relation is the central idea of the entire Code. What rites and persons expressed it, what conduct it required, what character it sought to train — these questions find their answer in the Sinaitic law. In such a relation the people were throughout regarded as a religious rather than as a political community. Of its secular government not a word is said. The crown and the judiciary are never named. On the side of civil administration all is blank. But while there is no allusion to any aspect of Israel's life among the nations of the world (save in the impUcation Gen 17^ 35^^ " The passage in Hos 7I2 is probably corrupt. Cp the use of the same root in the ancient name of the sanctuary, ' Tent of Meeting,' with P's allusion Ex 29*8. D uses a quite different word, ' assembly ' "ao. XIII § 2€] CHARACTERISTICS OF REPRESENTATION 235 that the monarchy was a distinction and a blessing), its eaUing as a dedicated people is repeatedly emphasized. The most signal manifestation of Yahweh's favour is the institution of his Dwelling among them, by which the promise in Egypt is fulfiUed Ex 29**, and Yahweh becomes Israel's God. The construction of the sanctuary, the ranks of its officers, the laws of its service, its daUy or its annual ritual, these are all divinely ordained. They are not the product of the age-long homage of mankind, assuming new forms with fresh stages of human advance ; they are the realization of Yahweh's own ideas ; Moses can make nothing of which he has not first seen the pattern in the mount. Never theless these ideas when they are imparted to Moses, are for communication to Israel. The laws are issued to the entire nation. They are not reserved for a special sacred caste. In the details of rites and the particulars of ceremonies the people are invited to see the expression of their supreme religious privUege. For their sanctuary they make willing offerings: they witness the consecration of the priests : they sanction by their attendance the presentation of the Levites as the equivalent of their own first-born : and they are never without some share in the story until their inheritances are distributed under the superintendence of Eleazar and Joshua before Yahweh in Shiloh. From first to last P is designed not as a manual prepared for priests, but as a text-book of history and law for a whole people. (f) The execution of this design is marked by many peculiar features of style. The narratives of J and E seem to spring out of oral tradition ; they are full of dramatic variety ; in snatches of song and folk-tale they gather up the fragments of immemorial antiquity. But P is constructed on a definite Uterary method. The historical introduction is east into ten toVdhoth sections. The writer is not without graphic power or skiU in dialogue, as the subUme opening of Gen i or the description of the purchase of the cave of Machpelah 23 makes clear ; but he does not permit himself to linger over episodes such as those contained in 20 or 24 with an artless pleasure in the mere narration. Everything is subordinated to definite ends. Hence titles are' frequent and regular ep ""iSS ; every description is precise ; and when once the proper form of words has been selected, it is unfailingly repro duced on the next occasion"- Similarly the issue of a divine " Thus ep the use of the migration-formula Gen 12'' 311' 36' 46' ; or the Machpelah description Gen 23I' 258 498" 50I8. 236 THE PRIESTLY CODE [Xm § 2f command is constantly followed either by the recitation of its fulfilment in paraUel words (as in the creative utterances and acts of Gen i), or by an often repeated formula of execution, e g ' thus did Noah, according to aU that Elohim commanded him, so did he' ""iSg. 'Particularly noticeable,' says Prof Driver'*, 'is an otherwise uncommon form of expression, producing a pecuUar rhythm, by which a statement is first made in general terms, and then partly repeated, for the purpose of receiving closer limitation or definition''.' Especially significant is the love ofthe writer for fixed numerical conceptions which are often worked with simple artifice into his narrative. Thus the height of the ark is reckoned at 30 cubits Gen 61^ ; the waters rise 15 cubits above the "highest mountain-summits 7^" ; the ark, apparently half- submerged, rests on the peak of Ararat". In the patriarchal narratives the interests of place are subordinated to those of time, and the age of the hero at each main event is carefully noted (eg Gen 12*^ i63 is 17I it 25 &e)_ rpjjjg fondness for detaU gives rise, indeed, in the accounts of the Mosaic age to unexpected difficulties. The dimensions of the Dwelling have their own significance '', but they are too smaU to accommodate the Congre gation which is conceived on a totally different scale*. The growth of some of the tribes involves a rate of multiplication which the author evidently did not work out to its consequences in his own mind-'' ; and a comparison of the figures in the second census Num 26 with those of the first i shows that large excess in some cases is artificially balanced by decline in others, while yet others under precisely similar conditions maintain a stationary position ^. It was observed by Gutschmid and NSldeke * that the period from the Creation to the Exodus amounted to 2666 years, two-thirds of a round number of 100 generations of 40 years each. But this calculation rests on the present Massoretic text, and if " LOT' 130. !> Gen i27 61* 8= 9= 23" 492?i'-so Ex 12* 8 16" S5 352 11 is. ggi j^y 2522 Num 22 18I8 36I1. &c. "= Cp the forty days of the journey of the spies Num 148*, and the forty years of wandering. For another curious example in making up the tra ditional seventy who went down into Egypt see Hex ii Gen 468"*. "* Cp below § 3 c. ' Colenso Pentateuch i 31. / Thus Kurtz and Colenso {ibid 84) showed that the number of boys in every family must have been about forty rtwo, and they were from the same mother. Dan's male descendants in the fourth generation through his son Hushim amount to 62,700 Num 228 cp ibid 107. " Cp Naldeke Untersuchungen 117. * Ibid in. yill § 3a] EZEKIEL 237 the Samaritan numbers be preferred (cp § 2a p 231) as the more original, it only implies that in the later handUng a new systematic arrangement was introduced "". 3. Evidence has been already offered to show that P represents a more advanced stage of ritual organization and hierarchical order than D*. Nor is this conclusion impaired by a comparison of Lev II with Deut 14. Even if the regulations concerning clean and unclean animals in D were decidedly of a later type than those in the Levitical torah, no satisfactory inference could be drawn from this single case as to the relative ages of the two great collections. It would still be possible to regard the main principles of D as prior to those of P which had, in this particular instance, preserved an earUer rule. In reality, however, the comparison points to the opposite view (see aMe p 131"), and the general presumption already established is not invalidated. (a) Is there, then, any evidence to show by what steps the conceptions of D were carried forward into more fully developed forms " ? The testimony of a whole generation of scholarship finds a Unk of the utmost importance in the writings of Ezekiel. The Deuteronomio legislation was designed for a people whose election by Yahweh had made them ' holy ' Deut 7* ; it laid down the conduct which such a relation required; it described the joyous service which a dedicated nation could render to its heavenly Lord. But the poUtieal catastrophe which brought the monarchy of Judah to an end, might be regarded from one point of view as injuring if not destroying the force and closeness of this hallowed tie. In the language of Ezekiel; when Israel went into captivity and the nations around declared that Yahweh was impotent to save his own, his holy name was ' profaned ' Ezek 3620, and a fresh demonstration of his Deity was needed 23. This would be effected by the restoration of the scattered captives, their purification from their ancient sins, the gift of a new heart, and the bestowal of power through the spirit to walk in the statutes and judgements of Yahweh. So should they dwell in the land which he gave to their fathers; they should be his people, and he would be their God 362*^28^ Yox an Israel thus " Cp Dillmann Genesis i 221 ; Gunkel Gen (Hdkomm) 123. » Cp chap IX i § 3. " Baudissin, Einl (1901) 184 207, while pleading that P represents the views of an esoteric priestly school antecedent to D, supposes that Jeremiah denounces the sacerdotal legislation in 88, where he identifies the product of the scribes' ^ lying pen ' with such ordinances as are laid down in the ideal conceptions of the Dwelling and its ritual. 238 THE PRIESTLY CODE [XIII § 3a regenerated Ezekiel provides a scheme of religious life, in the shape of a description of the sanctuary and its worship designed to portray the service of the future 40-48. It opens with an elaborate account of a new Temple set on the sacred hill. The ' law of the house ' is expounded with much detail 40-43I2, and the prophet then announces the ordinances of the altar. These are followed in their turn by regulations for the priesthood and the appropriate sacrifices, and a scheme of cultus is thus displayed by which the people, once more consecrated, shaU be preserved from further temptation to unfaithfulness and shall secure the presence of Yahweh in their midst for ever. [0) When this scheme is examined, it is found to stand in very interesting and remarkable relations on the one hand with D and on the other with P. To the Israel of the future, living in the spirit, it is unnecessary to address warnings agmnst idolatry. The impassioned exhortations of Deuteronomy are reiterated no more. There are no longer any other sanctuaries in view but the Temple on the holy mount : the principle of the centraUzation of the worship of Israel is assumed. But this worship is still based essentiaUy on sacrifice, and the ritual of the altar acquires a pro minence which was not assigned to it in D. In demanding the abolition of the local shrines the Deuteronomic legislators had found it needful to make provision for the disestabUshed Levitical priests. They did so by stipulating that any Levite might come up to Jerusalem and claim the right to minister at the altar and share in its dues Deut i8''- . This arrangement was frustrated by the Temple-guild", but it is clear that D recognized no clerical distinctions, and conceded the same functions to all. Ezekiel, however, announces for the future a division of the sacred tribe into two orders, one of which shall minister to Yahweh and the other not. This partition is expressly grounded on their past conduct; and those who have been unfaithful suffer the penal deprivation of the privilege which they have hitherto enjoyed. Some of the menial duties of the Temple had been laid on uncir cumcised heathen who had been employed within the precincts of the sacred house, and allowed to officiate in its services Ezek 44'-. 'Ye have broken my covenant'',' cries the indignant prophet in the name of Yahweh, ' ye have set them as keepers of my charge " 2 Kings 238 cp Kuenen Gesammelte Abhandlungen 487. '' So (5J @ 8, Ewald, Wellhausen, Smend, Cornill, Bertholet, Kraetzschmar, Toy (Haupt's SBOT), &c, op Davidson Cambr Bible. XIII § 30] EZEKIEL 239 in my sanctuary".' The first requisite for the new worship, therefore, is the strict exclusion of all aUens, and the next is the vrithdrawal from the guUty Levites of the priestly functions which they had abused. They are to be confined henceforth to the inferior duties ; they must keep the gates, slay the victims, cook the sacrificial food, as the servants of the people who bring their offerings : but they may no longer approach Yahweh. 44I8 And they shall not come near unto me, to execute the office of priest unto me, nor to come near to any of my holy things, unto the things that are most holy : but they shall bear their shame, and their abominations which they have committed. For one group of Levitical priests, however, the sons of Zadok, a different lot is provided. They are exempted from the doom of exclusion pronounced upon the rest. As the reward of faithful ness they wUl retain the right to minister to Yahweh, and make the sacred offerings 44^^ duties involving access to the altar, admission to the actual sanctuary, and approach to the shew bread table 4122 : — 44I8 But the priests the Levites, the sons of Zadok, that kept the charge of my sanctuary when the children of Israel went astray from me, they shall come near to me to minister unto me ; and they shall stand before me to offer unto me the fat and the blood, saith the Lord Yahweh : 18 they shall enter into my sanctuary, and they shall come near to my table, to minister unto me, and they shall keep my charge. It is not necessary to inquire whether Ezekiel here correctly apportions the merit or the blame. The Levites who went far from Yahweh when Israel erred i"*, were the priests who had once served at the local sanctuaries. To these Ezekiel metes out a punishment which the Deuteronomic Code never contemplated : they are to be deprived of the rights which they had perverted to disloyal ends, and forbidden again to minister to the Deity whose service they had corrupted. They may still have a place in his house, but it is a place of degradation not of privUege. It is otherwise in the Priestly Code, where the choice of the tribe of Levi and its elevation to the sanctuary -duties are throughout regarded as the gracious election of Yahweh. Ezekiel is appa rently ignorant that any distinction in the sanctuary-duties had ever been made before ". He proposes it for the first time. Had " Amended text after (S), cp Smend, Cornill, Bertholet, Toy. b Cornill strikes out the words ' which went astray from me.' Smend, Bertholet, and Kraetzschmar refer them to the Levites, which Davidson also admits as possible cp 48". " Baudissin, Eird 187, argues that it is involved in 40*^- , where two classes 240 THE PRIESTLY CODE [Xlll § 3j3 it been of Mosaic origin and established through centuries of use, his words would have had no meaning, for he would have pro posed to punish the guilty Levites by depriving them of the right to exercise functions already forbidden under pain of death. The inference can by no means be avoided that Ezekiel, though a priest of the Temple, was unacquainted with the Levitical law ". of priests are named, the ' keepers of the charge of the house,' and the ' keepers of the charge of the altar.' Interpreters differ whether the ' house ' is to be understood in the wide sense of the whole Temple buildings (David son in Cambr Bible), or in the narrower application of the sanctuary where the shew-bread table stood (Bertholet Hd-Comm (1897), Kraetzschmar ifrftomm (1900)). Neither explanation is favourable to Baudissin's view, as the dis tinction between two groups of priests is in no sense identical with that between priests and Levites, the latter of whom are prohibited in P from performing priestly duties by capital penalties. No argument in favour of Ezekiel's acquaintance with P can be found in the fact that according to the first interpretation above cited he describes the persons to whom he elsewhere assigns the lower Levitical status 44I8. • 45^ as priests. If this interpretation is correct, the title is here applied in accordance with the antecedent usage of D, before the division of the sacred ordet is introduced in 44. Cp Enc Bibl ' Levite.' " Baudissin admits that the cultus-forms of S are more highly developed than those of D, but he explains D's lack of recognition Of them by the supposition that they represent ideals secretly cherished in a very small and select circle of the Jei-usalem priesthood, with which the authors of the Deuteronomic Code were really unacquainted {Einl 204), though the Deutero nomic treatment of unclean animals and leprosy was partially dependent ou the sacerdotal teaching, and P was accessible as a separate source to the homilists who prefixed 18-4*8 and 4**-ii to the Code. The chief ground for P's antecedence is found in the fact that the Priestly Code makes no provision like D for the disestablished priests of the local sanctuaries. This is explained by the assumption {l^inl 201) that, the Aafonic priesthood scattered throughout the land was not brought into competition with the Zadokite guild at Jerusalem, because they were in possession of their owu sacred places. But there is no trace in 'P of an Aaronic priesthood officiating anywhere else than at the central sanctuary.* And Ezekiel's account of the degradation of the clergy of the country shrines into the lower order of ' ministers to the house ' without priestly rights is so entirely opposed to P's conception of them as divinely chosen and solemnly consecrated to the service of the Sacred Tent, that Baudissin is compelled to declare the account of their dedication Num 8^22 ^n exilic or post-exilic addition {Einl 205). .Similarly the Day of Atonement Lev 16 cp infra p 241 is a subsequent (perhaps post-Ezran) institution {Einl 189), and a further group of passages falls with it into much later times. Prof A van Hoonacker {Le Sacerdoce Levitique, 1899) explains the ' apocalypse ' of Ezekiel by its purely ideal character, Existing institutions supplied the ' form ' of the organization, — the Temple- clergy divided into two great corporations with higher and lower functions ; it was the prophet's part to determine who should be entitled to the priestly rights of the altar, and who should be charged with the Levitical guardian ship of the Temple-gates. The ' matter ' of his scheme is derived from his judgements of conduct ; and the future distribution of duties will be based on a moral award for faithfulness or apostasy. There is doubtless much * The origin of the genealogical form by which all priests are reckoned in P as ' sons of Aaron ' cannot here be discussed ; it must suffice to say that history shows no trace of the name before the Priestly Code, Cp Kuenen Oesammelte Abhandl 466. XIII §37] ¦ EZEKIEL 241 (y) Other noteworthy facts point to- a simUar conclusion. The deviations of Ezekiel from the Mosaic rules long ago excited the surprise of the Eabbis. At the head of the priestly order stands ' the priest ' 451^ " ; he is not indeed designated ' high priest ' cp Lev 211" 2 Kings 22*, but he is the chief officer of the guild. No special vestments are ordained for him ; and the priestly attire described in Ezek 44i''- seems unrelated to the garments named in Ex 28'*''- *. ' The priest ' of Ezekiel is otdy primus inter pares ; he is not the symbol and embodiment of thfe consecration of the whole people, bearing over his brow the motto 'Holy unto Yahweh ' Ex 28^^. In the calendar of the festivals in Which he must officiate, a singular divergence is presented. Ezekiel ordains two annual ceremonies of atonement, one at the opening of the first month, the other six Inonths later, 45I3— 2oc_ ii^ each case a young bullock is offered for a sin offering. But P is satisfied with but one day, the tenth of the seventh month instead of the first. Lev 16. In the Levitical law the ceremonies of this day gather round them the most solemn meaning ; and the prescribed ritual is far more complicated. Ezekiel requires only olie buUock as a sin offering for all who have erred. P specifies the bullock as the sin offering for the high priest alone, and for the people two goats must be provided. The blood of Ezekiel's solitary victim is sprinkled on the Temple door-posts but is not taken inside : but in the Dwelling the blood was to be carried into the inmost shrine, and the ceremony of aspersion performed over the ' covering ' on the ark Lev i6i*. Such differences as these point to growing elaboration of ceremonial, and they may be traced in other cases also. Thus in Ezek 46^- and Num 28ii-- the following sacrifices are demanded at new moons i — Num 2 young bullocks. I ram. 7 lambs. I young bullock. I ram. 6 lambs. truth in the plea that Ezekiel had no intention to impose this distinction as a positive and practical regulation (p 197) ; but the ' ideal ' character of his arrangements does not explain the difficulty that they are designed to with draw from the ' Levites that went astray ' the privileges of the priestly office which they had before possessed 18. Cp Driver DevH 218-221 and the literature there cited, LOT' 139 ; Stade Gesch des Volkes Isr ii 52 ; Benziuger Hebr Arch 419 ; Enc Bibl ' Priest.' " Cp 2 Kings iii^ 16I1 Jer 21I 2928. '' The words ' linen ' and ' tires ' do not represent the same ^ as in Ex 28*8- • . The prohibition of wool " implies that it had been sometimes used. " The reading of @ in JJF" is now generally accepted. 242 THE PRIESTLY CODE [XIII §37 Ezek I ephah for the bullock. I ephah for the ram. ' for the lambs according as he is able.' I hin of oil to an ephah. Num ^ fine flour mingled with oil for each bullock. j't for the ram. tV for each lamb. I hin of wine for each bullock. 1^ for the ram. \ for each lamb. I he-goat for a sin-offering. These discrepancies can hardly be regarded as due to prophetic correction on the part of Ezekiel. They imply differences of usage, and it is natural to regard the simpler as the earUer. The Eabbis, indeed, were of another mind. Some proposed to remove the offending book from the Canon: others denied its authenticity and attributed it to the ' Men of the Great Synagogue ' : while after the fall of the Temple Eleazar ben Hananiah, belonging to the strictest Shammaitic school, was supposed, after expending 300 measures of oU in protracted vigils, to have succeeded in reconciling the two authorities. But no solution was perma nently satisfactory, and the Synagogue left the contradictions to be harmonized 'when Elijah shall come".' (S) Prominent among the institutions of P is the 'DweUing.' Like the new Temple of Ezekiel it has for its function to provide a place where Yahweh may reside in the midst of his people. To Ezekiel came the divine promise* : — 3728 And I will make a covenant of peace with them : an everlasting covenant shall it be with them : and I . . . will set my sanctuary among them for evermore. 27 ^nd my dwelling shall be with them ", and I will be to them for a God, and they shall be to me for a people. With a simUar aim is the Dwelling to be constructed : — Ex 258 And let them make me a sanctuary ; that I may dwell among them. . . . 29*8 And I will dwell among the children of Israel, and will be to them for a God (cp 6^ I will take you to me for a people, and I will be to you for a God). The actual sacred house of Ezekiel stands in a court one hundred cubits square, facing the east. Within the porch is the holy place, containing only a wooden table 41^2 ^i6 f^j. \^q shew bread : a door led into the holy of holies in the rear, a chamber twenty cubits square. The returning exiles wUl not occupy their ancient inheritances, they will divide the land by lot. Among the tribes the priests will have no possession 442^ : but two large " Cp Kalisch Levit ii 269 ; Derenbourg Hist 295. * Cp Cornill's text and the commentaries. " Or ' over them,' i e in the ideal sense, cp ' dove-like, sat'st brooding o'ei" the vast abyss.' XIII § 38] THE DWELLING ' Zi,Z tracts of land of equal area immediately adjoining the sanctuary are to be set apart for the priests and the Levites, not apparently for tillage and maintenance but to preserve the holiness of the Temple. Similar in general arrangement is the structure of the Levitical Dwelling. The camp is so pitched that it can always look to the east. The court, the holy place, and the holy of hoUes, correspond to grade above grade in sanctity. This was the plan also of Solomon's Temple ; and that there was a relation between them may be inferred from the fact that the lineal dimensions of the Dwelling in the desert were just half those of the House in Jerusalem". This relation may be illustrated in other ways. The shrine in the Temple contained two large cherubim made of olive wood, without spread wings which pro tected the ark i Kings 623—27 36. _ Such figures were unsuitable to a portable tent : in the DweUing they are accordingly represented as diminished in size, but of gold instead of wood, affixed to the ' covering ' laid upon the ark Ex 2513—22 !¦_ Cherubim likewise were carved upon the Temple walls : in the DweUing they are wrought into the hangings which line the sides. The great brazen altar in the Temple-court i Kings 8'* 9^^ is represented by an altar adapted to the travelling sanctuary. It is of no solid metal, but of wood overlaid with bronze Ex 271"^^ which, how ever, when heated, must soon have charred the acacia planks beneath". A great variety of considerations thus combine to affect the historical character of the Levitical Dwelling, which a long line of critics has challenged since the eighteenth century. The circumstances of the wanderings could not have been favour able to the production of such a structure, in the year following » Cp Ex 2615. . and i Kings 6" 20. ^ The only reference to this ' covering' outside P is found in i Chron 28II, cp i"47. ' The golden incense-altar in Ex sqI- ¦ seems to be a later addition (cp Hex ii). After the full close in 29*8-^6 the instructions for another altar in front of the veil i"!" have a supplemental look. The sections which follow appear to ghare the same character cp n i' 22 s4k ^^j^ jj Various considerations confirm this view, e g (i) the phrase ' the altar ' 27I implies that there was no other. This designation occurs not less than 100 times in P : but in the latest strata the distinction is marked in various ways cp 3028 318. 3330 Lev 4'' &c. (2) There is no mention of the incense altar in the ceremony of atonement described in Lev 16, and the reference in i" depends on the ritual there enjoined. (3) 'According to Lev 10 Num 16-, the priests offered incense, not on an altar, but on pans or censers' (Addis). (4) Sam places 3oi~i'' between 2688 and 86 ; but ® follows the order of .§. (5) The reference to the spices for the incense 258 which seems to presuppose 30^ is an editorial insertion 2s8>'. The Temple of Solomon probably had but one altar, like that of Ezekiel ; cp Stade ZATW iii 146 168 ; Benziuger Hebr Arch 401 ; Nowack Hebr Arch ii 40 ; Addis 'Altar' in Enx Bibl i 124 126. B 2 244 THE PRIESTLY CODE [XIII § 3« the Exodus. Even in Solomon's day, after centuries of more settled life, artists in metal could not be found in Israel, and it was necessary to seek them in Phenicia. The incompatibility of the delineation of B's Tent of Meeting outside the camp with P's DweUing in its centre" has been already displayed, p 49; and a similar incompatibUity exists between the earthen altar, reared where it might be needed Ex 202*, and the plated altar of acacia- wood carried on the shoulders of Levites from encampment to encampment. Tradition is almost entirely sUent : and its silence is only broken by uncertain and jarring tones. It is said indeed Josh 18I that the Levitical sanctuary was erected in ShUoh. But the Judges-book contains no reference to it (at ' the house of God in ShUoh' i83i). The allusion in i Sam 2^^^ is of very late origin''. When the ark is brought by David to Jerusalem 3 Sam 6, it is placed in a tent pitched for it i'^, but the Dwelling- place is ignored". Only in 2 Sam 7^ does the word occur in a passage which can hardly be correct as it stands, Klostermann and Budde proposing to read after i Chron 17^ ' from tent to tent, and from dwelUng to dwellingi' That the Levitical arrangements ascribed to the dedication of the Temple i Kings 8i- • were not part of the original text, has been already shown (chap IX ii § 1/3 p 137). Not tUl the days of the Chronicler, however, was it found necessary actually to account for the Levitical sanctuary. Then it is located at Gibeon i Chron 21^' 2 Chron i3~^, in spite of the frank recognition of the editors of i Kings 3^"* that Gibeon was only the seat of one of the high places which D had declared to be unlawful. The story of the Dwelling-place at Gibeon was thus unknown to the compUers of Kings : and it first enters the sacred tradition in the interval between Bangs and Chronicles. Its relations to the Temple of Solomon and to the holy House of Ezekiel are thus explained. Moses, like Ezekiel, was believed to have seen the pattern on the mount Ezek 40* Ex 25^ : and the DwelUng in the camp is the place where Yahweh's sacramental presence hallows his people. One of the sublimest passages in Hebrew prophecy Ezek 43^^^ describes the return of the glory of Yahweh from the east to occupy the sanctuary ('and the glory of Yahweh fiUed the house'). A simUar " A special word "]im "^22 is regularly used to describe the sacramental presence of Deity among his people. * Cp chap IX ii § la p 133. " The description iu 2 has probably been enlarged. XIII § 4] LATER THAN KINGS 245 manifestation had consecrated Solomon's Temple, when 'the glory of Yahweh fiUed the house of Yahweh' i Kings SH. Alone among the Hexateuehal documents does P describe the ' glory ' as the symbol of Yahweh's advent. When the sacred Tent was finished and the court reared up around it, ' the glory of Yahweh fiUed the Dwelling ' Ex 403*. . * (f) It is observed by Dillmann that P casts no prophetic glances into a Messianic future" ; but the remark is only true with,^ quali fications. The revelation of El Shaddai to Abraham announces the establishment of an ' everlasting covenant ' with Abraham and his posterity to be God unto them Gen I7'''. This phrase had acquired a peculiar significance, as it was used in later prophecy. It had once expressed the close relation in which Yahweh and Israel were knit together at Horeb Deut 26I'' cp Jer 723. But it came to sum up the faith and hope of the future Jer 3022 (-^yiiere @, however, omits it). The union which it denoted would usher in the great restoration Ezek 362* ; it would mark the presence of Yahweh's Dwelling among the exiles in the restoration 37^^ ; it would ensure the replenishing of Jerusalem with an abundant population Zeeh 8*. Hence its appearance in the scheme of P carries with it the impUcations of the ideal future. In Abraham's day that future is, indeed, remote. But it draws nearer and nearer. When Elohim declares himself to Moses to be Yahweh Ex €>?• ¦ , he promises by his new name to take Israel to him for a people, and to be to them a God ; and this promise is realized through the Dwelling at Sinai 29*^. According to P's conceptions, therefore, the type of Israel's holi ness for which prophets had yearned, was actually established in the past. The theocratic institutions are depicted, by an act of imaginative faith, as founded in the early history of the nation. But they are designed to serve as the rule of present practice. The blessings and graces of which they were the vehicle in elder time, will stream forth again on the people which Uves by their law. In other words, by dutiful obedience the * church-nation ' may enter at once into the religious communion with its God in which prophecy had discerned the purpose of its election and the goal of its history. Using the word ' Messianic ' in its widest sense, it may be said that for P the Messianic future has arrived^ and Israel is bidden to avail itself of its advent ''. 4. The conclusion suggested by the foregoing argument is " NDJ 653. b Cp Stade Gesch ii 142 ff; Holzinger Einleit 389. 246 THE PRIESTLY CODE [XIII § 4 supported by numerous indications which converge upon a common result. (a) It has been. already shown that some of the allusions to Levitical institutions in pre-exilian history are later additions to the text (i Sam 22b cp chap IX ii § la p 133 ; i Kings 8i"^ ibid § 1|3 p 137). In the account of the dedication of Solomon's Temple, the king's prayer betrays no acquaintance with the lan guage of P, whUe the Deuteronomic influence is everywhere apparent. The sacrifices include peace offerings on a colossal scale, the burnt offering and the meal offering i Kings 8*3. _ But one class is conspicuous by its omission, the sin offering, which, according to P's record, constituted the first sacrifice ever performed in the history of Israel Lev 8i*- cp 92.. Ezekiel after wards prescribed for the Temple of the future a seven-days' atone ment at the consecration of the altar 43i*~~27_ ^ coiTesponding ceremony is enjoined by P for the purification of the altar in the Dwelling Ex 293^ Lev 8. Had this ritual been already known in Solomon's day, it could not possibly have been ignored. The description of the dedication-feast supplies further evidence that the ordinances of P were not then in force. It coincided with the great autumn festival i Kings 8^ ^^ The paraUel narrative in Chronicles is here very suggestive : — I Kings 8 88 So Solomon held the feast at that time, and all Israel with him, a great congregation, from the enter ing in of Hamath unto the brook of Egypt, before Yahweh our God, seven days and seven days, even fourteen days. 86 On the eighth day he sent the people away, and they blessed the king, and went unto their tents joyful and glad of heart for all the goodness that Yahweh had shewed unto David his servant, and to Israel his people. 2 Chron 7 8 So Solomon held the feast at that time seven days, and all Israel with him, a very great congregation, from the entering in of Hamath unto the brook of Egypt. ' And on the eighth day they held a solemn assembly : for they kept the dedication of the altar seven days, and the feast seven days. 18 And on the three and twen tieth day of the seventh month he sent the people away unto their tents, joyful and glad of heart for the good ness that Yahweh had shewed unto David, and to Solomon, and to Israel his people. The statement in i Kings 8** that on the eighth day the people were dismissed is in obvious conflict both with ^*, which reckons the duration of the combined festival at fourteen days, and with 2 Chron 7', which fixes a 'solemn assembly' (M 'closing festival') on the eighth day. Chronicles follows the rule of the Levitical calendar, according to which Lev 233*^36 ^.Jjq autumn Feast of Booths began on the fifteenth of the seventh month, lasted seven XIII § i0] THEOLOGY AND PHRASEOLOGY 247 days, thus extending to the twenty-first, and concluded on the twenty-second with a ' holy convocation ' described as a ' solemn assembly ' : the people are accordingly dismissed on the twenty- third. But Chronicles recognizes an altar-dedication lasting seven days, and running synchronously with the seven days of the feast. The Levitical annotator of Kings has accordingly added to I Kings 8*^ the words 'and seven days,' but in spite of ®* he has regarded the two periods as successive, ' even fourteen days.' The omission of the words in @°8 confirms the belief that they did not belong to the original text, which is then consistent with itself and harmonious with Deut i6i^, where the autumn feast lasts only seven days. Once more, therefore, the evidence points to the appearance of the Levitical Law between the compilation of Kings and Chronicles (cp ante § 38 p 244, and chap IX U § 1/3 p 137). It is congruous with this result that Jeremiah should still recognize lay rights of sacrifice, at least in the person of the prince 3021 ", and that in 33^*"^^ (® omits i4-26j ^jje Deuteronomic view of the Levitical priesthood should be adopted as the rule for the future. The prophetic promise Is 6621 that some of the restored captives shall be admitted to the priesthood (' for priests for Levites') is variously understood according to the reading which is preferred. Are we, with @ BV and van Hoonacker, to understand ' priests and Levites ' as separate orders ; or with DiUmann and KSnig to treat 'for Levites' as an interpolation or modifying gloss ; or with Kuenen, Duhm, Cheyne, and Marti to read ' for Levite priests * ' ? Neither of the two latter sugges tions carries the passage beyond the range of D. (/3) The theological conceptions of P are in many respects characteristically divergent from those of J and E. It is gener ally recognized, for example, that his descriptions of the action of Deity are far less anthropomorphic. The method of creation needs no deUneation ; it suffices for Elohim to speak, and his word immediately realizes itself. Mankind are, indeed, made in his ' image ' Gen i^ ; and Elohim rests upon the seventh day 22. In the descriptions of his intercourse with the patriarchs some physical implications were inevitable. But they are reduced to " Stade, Smend, and Cornill all regard 30-31 as exilian or even later. But Kuenen accepts 30 as pre-Babylonian, and Giesebrecht allows that at least the nucleus of 3oi8~2i jg Jeremian. JDuhm, however, Hd-Comm (1901) 241, regards the passage as a vindication of the claims of the Maecabean priest-princes. Cp Baudissin Gesch des AT Priesterthums 246. '' Cp Cheyne Introd to Isaiah 377-379 ; Marti Hd-Comm (igoo). 248 THE PRIESTLY CODE [XIII §4,8 the lowest practicable amount : the divine commands are conveyed to Noah by speech 6i3 8i^ 9I. To Abraham and Jacob Elohim does, indeed, ' appear,' but the only allusion to his form is that contained in the close of the coUoquy by his ascension 17^^ 35I3. The language of JB according to which Yahweh ' repents ' ''20'', or his 'nostril grows hot' "233, or Moses 'strokes his face' [BV 'besought') Ex 321^, or the worshipper, visiting the sanctuary, 'sees his face' ^^203, is carefully avoided. Allusions to the divine wrath cannot, indeed, be suppressed, but the formula ' that there be no wrath ' (and kindred expressions) ^178, veils its source. For the nation in the wilderness the manifestation of Yahweh is effected by his 'glory' ''79. This 'dwells' upon Mount Sinai Ex 24I*, and fills the Dwelling when it is first reared 4o3*, where it is connected with E's older tradition of the cloud. But the cloud as conceived by P does not ' come down ' and stand at the Tent-door; still less does it speak. It covers the Dwelling, and ' dwells ' over it 4o3*. Num 91^- • , having the aspect of fire by night. It is a permanent symbol of Yahweh's presence, not its occasional manifestation. When the camp is to be broken up, it is ' made to ascend ' i'^ (the counterpart of Yahweh's descent '19) 'iSg, much as the ' glory ' was ' made to ascend ' Ezek 9*, in pre paration for its departure from the polluted Temple cp Ezek ii23. The actual nature of the 'glory' is nowhere defined, but its * appearance ' is pictured Uke fire, for P, like Ezekiel, refrains from identifying Yahweh with any physical element, and is satisfied with reserved comparisons". The word 'Ukeness' Gen i^^ 5I ^* is also of special frequency in Ezekiel (sixteen times), and Ezekiel further associates the mysterious forms which bear the holy Presence with a 'firmament' i^^- ^* cp '70. But though the communion of Deity with his people is thus freed as far as possible from the associations of human personaUty, it is always direct. No mediating agencies are employed ; no dream or vision brings guidance or warning ; no angel caUs from heaven or walks the earth. The conceptions of prophecy (as well as its declaratory formula ' thus saith Yahweh ' '%']) are absent. In the wilderness Yahweh addresses Moses by a voice from between the cherubim over the ark Ex 25^^ Num 7*', but no ' spirit ' is ever lifted off him to be distributed upon chosen elders Num iii' ^. A rather different doctrine of the ' spirit ' seems, indeed, to be " Thus, for the word ' appearance' cp Ex 24" Num q18 with Ezek i^ 18. i* 26-28 82 4 iqI 9. 408 438 &c. XIII § 47] THEOLOGY AND PHRASEOLOGY 249 contained in P. It is not specially named as the source of human life Gen 63, but on the other hand it broods in the beginning over the primaeval waters. Nor is it connected with prophetic power, though it is the medium of the gift of wisdom and understanding and knowledge for the artist to whom is entrusted the preparation of the Dwelling Ex 3531. Lastly it may be noted that if the toVdhoth sections do not describe the origin of evil and the entiy of sin and suffering, they are not indifferent to them, rather does the method of Gen 5 presuppose them, and 6i3 records their con sequences. In the patriarchal narratives the writer admits ^o stories unfavourable to the characters of his heroes; but the picture of life under the Law has its own lights and shadows of hoUness and sin. Here for the first time in sacred legislation, as in Ezekiel for the first time in prophecy, do we meet with the conceptions of the sin offering and of atonement f ii8fi 25). Here also, and here alone, are ceremonial offences divided into two classes, those that are committed 'unwittingly",' and those that are wrought consciously 'with a high hand' Num i52*~3i. Nowhere else is the great ritual of national atonement enforced Lev 16 '' ; and no other Old Testament writer recognizes the theocratic penalty by which an erring soul is ' cut off from his people ' '50. (y) A great literary and legal collection Uke P, which is dis tinguished by so many marks of independence both in history and institutions, may be expected to manifest peculiar characteristics in language and phraseology. An inspection of the table of its words and formulae shows that these peculiarities are twofold. They affect the narratives in comparison with JE, and the laws in comparison with D. Moreover in the latter case they are not exclusively due to differences of subject matter, as in the descriptions of special ritual acts ; they pervade the entire body of legislation, as an examination (for example) of the two calendars of the feasts Lev 23 and Deut 16 abundantly proves. It is no doubt true that much of the sacrificial terminology may be of high antiquity ". The instinct of established priesthoods is always in favour of perpetuating the ancient language endeared by traditional usage. It may be assumed, therefore, that the " Outside P only in Eccles 58 lo^ cp ^168. b With other passages in P depending on it. On the silence of D ep chap VIII i § 6 p 89. ' Cp Driver LOT' 156. 250 THE PRIESTLY CODE [XIII $47 phraseology of P was gradually formed on the basis of elements long current in the sacerdotal communities. But this process implies the continuous enrichment of the vocabulary by the introduction of fresh expressions. And from the Uterary side this process can be partially traced by comparing the characteristic turns of P with those of other portions of Hebrew literature which can be definitely dated. Stress has been already laid on the affinities of thought between P and Ezekiel. Such affinities carry with them many resemblances of language ; and these are not confined to parallels in ritual or ceremonial terms, they have a wide range through descriptive relations of many kinds". Under the hypothesis of a united Pentateuch in Ezekiel's day, how are these coincidences to be explained ? Can it be supposed that Ezekiel sifted out the vocabulary of a particular docmnent, and absorbed it into his own style, leaving the phraseology of other portions (such as D) unassimilated ? There are some other expressions which do not find place in his prophecies but appear jn hterature later stilP. The most natural explanation of such phenomena is that the style and usage of P were formed under influences common to Ezekiel and his successors ". Thus, for example, a peculiar expression for the number 'eleven''' recurs in P, which first enters Hebrew hterature in the days of Jeremiah and Ezekiel, and is found after the exUe in Zechariah and Chronicles. With this may be cited another fact of simUar significance. In P the months of the year are never cited by their names, but by their numbers ". The first legislation appa rently sets the beginning of the year in the autumn, after the Feast of Ingathering Ex 231^ 34^^-^. This reckoning stiU prevaUed in the days of Josiah, who celebrated the Passover in the eighteenth year of his reign 2 Kings 2323 cp 22* according to the new Deuteronomic principles, after the reformation had been accomplished. This would have been impossible had the calendar which placed the feast on the fifteenth of the first month been then in use ". D stUl employs the ancient name for the spring month, Abib (i e ' ear-month ') Deut 16I. Only three other names survive, Ziv I Kings 6I, Ethanim 82, Bui 6^^. In the books of Jeremiah " Thus illustrations may be found in the following numbers, ^^28 42 43 46 55 56'' 63 70 80 91 96 99 104 109 no US'" 138 139 14a 143 '45 153' '57 '58 164 ITQ'. ' Cp ^51 77 8a 93 155- « Cp Wellhausen Proleg 386-391. <* Cp i'57. ' Cp ^183. / Wellhausen Proleg 108 ; Benziuger Hebr Arch&ol 199. ^ It is here assumed that Josiah's regnal years were dated from the flrst new year after his accession. Cp Marti Enc Bibl ' Chronology' 781. XIII i 48] BABYLONIAN AFFINITIES 251 and Ezekiel, however, a new method of reference appears, by which the months are cited in their numerical order ", beginning no longer in the autumn but the spring. In the Persian age this usage is established Hagg ii 1* 2I i" Zeeh ii '' 7I ^ (where the new names, derived from Babylonia, are probably editorial additions*). The definite institution of the new year in the spring Ex 122 thus seems to depend on that form of Mesopotamian calendar which opened after the vernal equinox with the month Nisan, and the view which connects P with the priestly schools in Babylonia after the age of Ezekiel receives additional support ". (8) It has been already argued that the general distribution of the Pentateuch into its constituent documents rests on a number of converging lines of evidence which aU point to a common conclusion. The proof of the origin and date of any single document in the same manner rests on a variety of indications which aU demand consideration, and the most probable hypothesis is that which reconciles them most successfully. Thus, it is stated by Prof Sayce'', on cuneiform evidence, that the mention of Gomer Gen lo^- involves a later date than 680 b c. It would be unreasonable to assert that this single item fixed P not earUer than the seventh century, for it would be conceivable that the names of Gomer and his descendants had been inserted into an older document, as Prof Sayce suggests. But when this fact is taken into connexion with other circumstances, some more and others less prominent, it is found to fit appropriately into the general evidence above expounded. The same result is reached along a quite different line. It has been argued by Mr G B Gray ° that several of the names contained in P, especiaUy such forms as Ammishaddai, Zurishaddai, Shaddaiur, Pedahzur, are only arti ficial creations, which were never current in ordinary life at all. The systematic Ust of tribal princes and other enumerations do not represent the arrangements of the Mosaic age ; and whatever may have been the sources from which some of them were derived, others appear to have been provided to complete the " Thus Jer 39I. 41' Ezek i' 8' &c, and similarly the compiler of Kings 1 Kings 61 88 82 2 Kings 251 8 "". ' Cp Nowack in loc. For the Babylonian origin of the names afterwards regularly used among the Jews, see Schrader Cuneiflnscr and the OT ii 68-70. " On other indications, such as the use of ':x 'I,' and t'jih 'beget,' cp KOnig Einl in das AT 229. The counter-argument of Hommel, Ancient Hebrew Tradition and Expository Times ix 235, has been met in the Expository Times ix 286 430 474 by Prof KOnig. * Early History ofthe Hebrews 131 ; cp Gunkel Hdkomm (1901). 8 Studies in Hebrew Proper Names 190-211. 252 THE PRIESTLY CODE [XIII§4S numbers. Of the tWenty-nine names entirely peculiar to P; Mr Gray regards seventeen as probably post-exilic". (e) The general bearing of archaeological discovery on the theory of the composition of the Pentateuch is discussed by Prof Cheyne in chap XV ; but it may be worth whUe to point out here some items in which distinguished cuneiform scholars have seen signs of dependence on the part of P on Babylonian data. That the numbers in Genesis seemingly fit into certain large chronological schemes has been already indicated [ante § 2^ p 236). Following out various suggestions of system and adjustment, such as the apparent distribution of the period of the Flood over a solar year"*, Oppert has endeavoured to show that P's view of the pre-dUuvian and post-diluvian patriarchs is clearly based on certain broad divisions in early Chaldean mythic history". His combinations certainly have a curiously artificial air, and some of them depend on the numbers in the Massoretic text which (as already stated) some modem investigators belonging to different critical schools think less original than those of the Samaritan. But the precision of the coincidences between the two schemes suggests something more than accidental resemblance, at whatever date the corre spondences may have been introduced. Thus it is alleged that the Chaldean chronology assigned to the pre-human period 168 myriads of years. Now 168 is the number of hours in a week, and each hour of the creative week prefixed to the beginning of the history of mankind thus represents a myriad years. Between Adam and Noah the line of ten patriarchs is analogous to the ten prehistoric kings from Alorus to Xisuthrus (Hasisadra) under whom the Flood took place ^ ; and the total duration of the patriarchs' lives compared with the monarchs' reigns is in the proportion of one Biblical week to one Chaldean 'soss' of months ^ From the ¦* Studies in Hebrew Proper Names 210. See further, in reply to Hommel, Mr Gray's essay in the Expositor (1897) vi 173. ^ Cp Dillmann Genesis i 252. " ' Die Daten der Genesis,' in l(achrichten von der S^'dnigl Gesellsch der Wissen schaften su Gotiingen (1877) p 201. ¦* Cp Hommel PSBA xv (1892) 243-246 ; Cteyne Enc Bibl i art ' Cainites ' ; Gunkel Gen (Hdkomm) 121 ; Zimmern The Babylonia^ and the Hebrew Genesis (1901) 39-48. * The flgures are worked out thus. From Adam to the Flood 1,656 years = 72 X 23 years. Now 23 solar years (reckoning in 5 intercalary days) = 8,400 days or 1,200 weeks : hence 1,656 years = 86,400 weeks. The Chaldean period was 432,000 years = 72 x 6,000 : 5 years or 60 months was reckoned as one 'soss' of months: 6,000 years= 1,200 sosses of months : 432,000 years = 72 X 1,200 sosses of months, or = 86,400 Bosses of months, so that one Biblical week matches one soss of months. XIII § 46] BABYLONIAN AFFINITIES 253 Flood to the birth of Abraham P again reckons 'ten patriarchs, 292 years ; from the birth of Abraham to the death of Joseph, 361 years ", making a total of 653 years. The Chaldean chronology placed after the Flood a mythic cycle of 39,180 years, or 653 X 60, i e 653 sosses of years. Moreover, on astronomical grounds this cycle is divisible into two periods of 17,520 and 21,660 years respectively, or 292 x 60 and 361 x 60. The adherence of P to this scheme, in which the longer space had to be filled only by four patriarchs, and the shorter by ten, explains (in Oppert's view) why the patriarchs between Noah and Abraham beget sons at so early an age compared with their successors, and why Shem and Eber Uve on (as the Babbis said) to teach the little Jacob his letters. If Oppert's data be accepted ^ it may fairly be argued that the numerical relations which they imply are too precise to be explained out of independent versions of ancient tradition ; they involve actual acquaintance with the contents of cuneiform records. A similar conclusion has been founded on the peculiar term Icqpher ' pitch ' in Geh 6I* : it is the equivalent of the word Icupru in the Assyrian text". Items such as these may be con trasted with the existence in ancient Israelite literature of terms like the 'deep' i^, belonging to the general stock of mythological conceptions derived from Babylonia ¦*. Yet other features of P's narrative of the Creation appear to show closer kinship with Mesopotamian sources ; notably in the severance of the waters of the primaeval deep into two masses above and below, and the appointment of the heavenly bodies to mark the divisions of time ". Of the great antiquity of the Marduk Creation-story in Babylonia there can be no doubt. By what means, or at what " Cp Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob Gen 218 25''8'> 478 ; Joseph 41*8-48 ^gs g£,22 2»_ These dates are partly derived from JE, which has in some cases replaced P in the final compilation ; but their presence in P also may be inferred from 37'' and from the sequel. b They were criticized by Bertheau, Jahrb fiir Deutsche Theol xxiii (1878) 657-682, who supplied other examples of numerical artifice iu Gen 5 11. Cp Schrader Cuneiflnscr and the OT i 49. " ' Six sar of pitch {kupru) I smeared on the outside, three sar of asphalt on the inside,' Zimmern in Gunkel's Schopfung und Chaos 424. Cp Schrader COT i 48 ; Jensen Kosmol der Bab 374 1 62 ; Dillmann Gen i 270 ; Jastrow Mel of Bab and Ass (1898) 499. "* Cp Gunkel Schopfung und Chaos 114- . cp 169-. ' Hommel (1892) did not hesitate to speak of P as ' the Hebrew copyist.' Cp Jensen Kosmol 306 ; Jastrow Rel of Bab and Ass 451, 696 ; Driver in Authority and Archaeology (ed Hogarth, 1899) io-i8. For the text of the cuneiform fragments, cp Friedr Delitzsch Das Babylonische Weltschopfungsepos (Leipzig, 1896). HalSvy, Recherches Bibl (1895) i 49-52, while admitting the dependence of Gen 1-2*" on cuneiform material, ascribes it to the age of Solomon. Cp Hex ii Gen ii". 254 THE PRIESTLY CODE [Xlll § 4f period, did it become known to the people of Israel? In his recent commentary on Genesis Gunkel reaffirms his belief that the Israelites found the myth current in Canaan upon entering the country ". As early as i8oo b c, argues Jastrow '', the Hebrews or the ancestors of the Hebrews may be regarded as having become acquainted with the substantial elements of the Marduk epic. But between this first contact with Babylonian ideas and their systematic presentation in the orderly narrative of P purged of the cruder forms of Mesopotamian mythology, Ues an interval measurable only by centuries ". The place of P's Creation-scheme in this long theological evolution belongs properly to the history of Hebrew thought. It is clear from the literature of the exile and its succeeding generations that there was a larger outlook on the problems of the world and of humanity when devout contemplation was liberated from the immediate pressure of the social, political and reUgious needs of the monarchy. With this corresponded a greater freedom in poetic aUusion, and a heightened interest in mythologic imagination. Ezekiel is affected by his new environment. The prophet of the Captivity, the author of the great debate of Job (who keeps himself so carefully aloof from the theocratic ideas of Israel and its destiny), do not indeed show any specific signs of acquaintance with P "^ ; but they are con cerned with elements of antique thought belonging to the same cycle of mythic conceptions; and they, too, have brought the rude though venerable symbols of a dimly realized past into the service of a sublime and even impassioned monotheism". In a similar way, but with perhaps closer dependence on Baby lonian sources, P tells the story of the creation of the heavens and the earth. It is something stronger than conjecture which ascribes his narrative to the same period which witnessed the revival of primitive imagery of the dragon and the deep, and at the same time emphasized the significance of the sabbath A No more exalted interpretation could be given to it than by " Gen (Hdkomm, 1901) 114-119. Why should they not, however, have brought it with them ? ^ 'Hebrew and Babylonian Accounts of Creation ' JQR xiii (1901) 620. " There were no doubt other opportunities for the transmission of foreign ideas ; Tyrian artists were employed to decorate Solomon's Temple ; and Mesopotamian cults became fashionable at Jerusalem under Ahaz and Manasseh. ^ Is 54' contains the first allusion to Noah. ^ Cp Cheyne Enc Bibl ' Creation ' § § 19-23. / On the manner iu which eight creative acts are accommodated to six days cp Gen ii" Hex ii. XIII § 5o] BABYLONIAN AFFINITIES 255 depicting it as the divine rest after six days' work. In elevating it into a great cosmic event the writer lifts it out of the range of simple historic commemoration Deut 5I', and invests it with the ineffable dignity of the repose of God. This ceremonial idealism is the first step towards the scheme of pre-existing types which marked the later Judaism, and culminated in the doctrine that God looked into the Torah before proceeding to create the world ". 5. The inquiry into the origin and antecedents of P may be pursued from the days of Ezekiel and the Captivity into the age . of the Second Temple without discovering any definite traces of the Levitical Law. (a) When the gloom and suffering which descended on Judah 586 B 0 begin at last to clear away, and the voices of Haggai and Zechariah are heard in the first years of Darius summoning their countrymen to rebuild the sanctuary, there is still no proof that the usages of the Priestly Code were as yet estabUshed. The restoration of the Temple is to be the work of Zerubbabel Zeeh 4' ; the ideal future is at hand, Yahweh has returned to Jerusalem and wUl dwell in its midst ii^ 21"- 83. In the ' city of faithfuls ness' two powers will rule side by side, the priestly and the civil, represented by Joshua and Zerubbabel respectively '', united in harmonious action. But P has no secular head. Unlike the Deuteronomic Code which recognizes the monarchy, the Levitical Code is sUent on the political institutions of Israel. Ezekiel had contemplated a lay 'prince,' though he had rigorously curtaUed Jiis duties and privileges ; but though the term appears in P in connexion with tribal organization ''131, there is no reference to any permanent civil authority. May not this be due to the fact that the community in Jerusalem possessed no national inde"- pendence, and lived under a foreign rule? Other indications point to the conclusion that Levitical usage was not yet codified in the form in which it is now presented in P. Thus Haggai 2I1-13 suggests that the priests should be consulted for ' teaching ° ' concerning the conditions under which the contagion of hoUness or uncleanness was propagated. As in the days of the Deutero nomic Code, it was stiU their duty to give decisions in doubtful cases. Such utterances are stUl based on priestly tradition, not " Cp infra p 296" ad fin ; Taylor Pirq^ Aboth p 2. ' On Zeeh 6?-'^ cp G A Smith The Twelve Prophets ii 308 ; Driver LOT' 346. ' G A Smith The Twelve Prophets ii 245 ' ask of the priests a deliverance.' 256 THE PRIESTLY CODE [XIII § 5a on written law. The inquirer does not consult a book, but the living exponents of sacred custom cp Lev 5^" 9^® iqI"- Num 152* 29I3- Even yet later, in the days of Malachi ", this function remains to the priest Mal 2' ; his lips guard knowledge, from his mouth do men seek 'teaching,' instruction, or revelation; and the abuse of this right exposes the guilty to the severest con demnation 2^- . [0) It is no doubt true that the writings of Zechariah and Malachi show occasional points of linguistitj contact with the vocabulary of P '. But these are by no means decisive of ac quaintance with the existing Levitical law. Such affinities may be explained in various ways. It is evident from the book of Ezekiel that there was a considerable body of priestly usage in his day marked by its own terminology, and closely related to the sources from which much of the Priestly Code has been derived. There is no ground for surprise therefore that simUar resemblances of language should be discovered at Jerusalem. But these resemblances are insufficient to countervaU the evidence which the book of Malachi presents that P was not yet known as a rule of religious practice. For Malachi 4* identifies the law of Moses with the legislation in Horeb, the 'statutes and judgements ' summed up by D. The priests are ' sons of Levi ' 33, as though the right of altar-service still belonged (as in D) to the whole tribe cp 2*~*. The worshippers of Yahweh shall be his ' peculiar treasure ' 3I'' cp Ex 19^ Deut 7^ In harmony with the view that Malachi has not before him the codified demands of P, it may be noted that he employs the term minhah (which P uses in the restricted sense of meal offering) to cover the larger range of sacrificial victims ii"- ^^ ; while in i* the verbs 'offer' and 'present' do not correspond to P's technical phraseology. The reference to tithes and heave offerings 3* i" may seem to go beyond Deut I2ii- 14^^- • 26I2, where tithes were to be eaten in festive meals at Jerusalem. The heave offering was assigned by Ezekiel to the priests 443" : and in the covenant made under Nehemiah Neh io3*, the Levites are instructed to bring the tithe of the tithes up to the Temple treasury (>§=' storehouse' Mal 3!") for the use of the priests, the Priestly Law only recording the endowment of the tribe of Levi with the tithes, without specifying how or » On the date cp G A Smith The Twelve Prophets ii 335-338 ; Driver LOT' 357. Toy, Enc Bibl iii 2910, argues for 400-350 bo. » Thus Zeeh 2' i" 3' 6" 7" 8^ » Mal 2" 12 3". Xllliea] EZRA AND NEHEMIAH 257 where they should be paid Num i82i~24 ". The references of Malachi may thus belong to an intermediate stage of practice out of which the regulations of P finally emerged. A similar remark may be applied to the denunciation of the carelessness or greed which offered imperfect or unsound victims at the altar i*. It does not seem necessary to insist that this presupposes the prohibition of Lev 222''~25 b . there is no linguistic point of contact, and there must have been some priestly rules about animals which could be rejected as unfit. Not yet have we discovered unmisr takable indications of the existence of the Levitical Code. 6. The Priestly Law first enters clearly into the history of Israel under the combined leadership of Ezra and Nehemiah. The great Dutch scholar Kuenen was the earliest to recognize the importance of the narrative in Nehemiah's memoirs describ ing the promulgation of a book of sacred law ". The events which led to this decisive movement may be briefly summarized as follows : — (a) In the year 458 b c, according to the received chronology '', Ezra arrived in Jerusalem at the head of a caravan of laymen, priests, Levites, and Temple-servants. The expedition had started at the end of March or the beginning of April, and reached the holy city in August. They brought with them gifts for the Temple, and royal letters to the Persian governors west of the Euphrates, for the promotion of the service of the sanctuary. Ezra had not, however, been long in the capital before he was informed that the 'holy seed' had violated the sacred law by intermarriage with alien wives. The discovery caused him the utmost distress. The community was threatened with all the dangers which had brought down the chastisements of the past, and the severest measures were needed to save it from sinking " Neh 10'^ implies that the Levites' tithes were collected from city to city. According to Kosters' view of the priority of the covenant recited in Neh 10 before the promulgation of the law described in Neh 8, the ' ordinances ' which the signatories ' made for themselves ' '^ were not founded on the new code (which they preceded), but were based on usage to which it was thus proposed to give new and general force. See below § 65 p 263. '' On the other hand cp Kuenen Hex 181 ; Holzinger Einleit 428. ¦^ Cp Kuenen Religion of Israel ii 226. <* This date depends on Ezra ']''¦ . For the views of van Hoonacker and Kosters see p 264''. On the literary structure of Ezra-Nehemiah as a continua tion of Chronicles cp Driver LOT' 544 ; Ryle Ezra and Nehemiah (Cambr Bible) xxvi-xxix. A fresh and highly suggestive presentation of Ezra's activity has been offered by Prof Cheyne Jewish Religious Life after the Eodle (American Lectures) ii. Cp further Kosters and Cheyne Enc Bibl 'Ezra' and ' Ezra-Neh ' ; Bertholet .Esra und Neh (Hd-Comm, 1902). The statements in the text are based on the view generally received. 258 THE PRIESTLY CODE [XIII § ea hopelessly into pollution. A national assembly was convoked in December ; a commission was appointed, and the terrible inqui sition house by house began. -Three months were occupied by the investigation, and by the spring New Year 457 the lists of the guilty were complete. With the expulsion of the hapless women and their children Ezra lo'^'-- darkness and silence fall upon the scene. More than twelve years later, in December 445 "-, Nehemiah receives news at Shushan of the desolation of Jeru salem. In the spring of the foUowing year, 444 (or 445 Neh 2I), he obtains leave from the king to go to Jerusalem and rebuUd the walls. The narrative proceeds with breathless haste, recounting his arrival at Jerusalem, his midnight ride three days later to inspect the ruins, his summons to the priests and nobles to begin the work of reconstruction, and the triumphant conclusion of their labour in fifty-two days Neh 6i^. Meantime Ezra had taken advantage of Nehemiah's arrival to prepare for the measure which had probably been planned long before as the cause and object of his own journey. He was at least beUeved in a later age to have brought with him the law of his God in his hand '' : why did he take no immediate steps to make it known ? The question has received a twofold answer, founded on the circumstances of the time. The troubles which followed the expulsion of the foreign women involved Judah in serious difficulties with its neighbours, so that the attempts to produce a new code could meet with no success ; and Ezra may himself have needed opportunity for the further adaptation of his legal enactments to the conditions of the community in Palestine. The new zeal awakened by the energy of Nehemiah brought the favourable moment. On the old New Year's day, the first of the seventh month, immediately (it would seem) after the walls were completed, i e at the end of September 444, the people met in the great square before the water-gate Neh 81. A large wooden pulpit had been erected, and there from early morning till midday in the presence of Nehemiah, Ezra read to the assembly ", both men and women, out of the book of the " So Kuenen, Stade, and Driver ; 446, Wellhausen, Meyer, Bertheau- Eyssel, Eyle. ^ Ezr 7I* ; how far this document is based on a genuine royal commission cannot be exactly determined. It is commonly regarded as having an actual historic foundation ; but the language may be that of the compiler, "^ Neh 8^ : the rendering ' congregation ' suggests the technical term ^46 ; the word is, however, that used in D as well as P 1*20, ^24, and denotes here not so much a religious fellowship or community as an actual meeting ; in ' it is employed somewhat differently, being equated by apposition with ' those that had retm-ned ' &c. XIII §67] THE READING OF THE LAW 259 law. The meeting was renewed the following day, and pre parations were then made for the solemn observance of the Feast of Booths, which was duly kept for eight days with joyous celebration unknown since the time of Joshua the son of Nun Neh 813-18. (/3) What was the law-book which was thus promulgated ? The analogy of the great meeting with the national assembly in the eighteenth year of Josiah is unmistakable ; and naturally suggests that the law-book now promulgated stood in the same general relation to the age of Ezra as that which marked the Deutero nomic Code in the seventh century. Among the incidents of the reformation under Josiah was the celebration of a Passover on principles such as had been unknown in Israel during the whole period of its historic occupation of the country 2 Kings 2322 ; they were the principles defined in the ' book of the covenant ' Deut 16. That calendar also ordained the annual observance of the Feast of Booths for seven days without, however, fixing its date ; the harvest festival arrived at its natural place in the agricultural year. But the ' ordinance ' now promulgated placed the feast in the seventh month Neh 8I* and enjoined the preparation of booths out of branches and boughs 1^ which should be occupied for seven days, till the proceedings closed with a solemn assembly on the eighth 18. These requirements are found only in the Priestly Code. In Lev 233* the feast is assigned to the seventh month ; it is to last for seven days with a solemn assembly on the eighth 3^ ; and the worshipping people are to live in booths made' of ' branches of palm and boughs of thick trees, and willows of the brook ' *<'-*2_ rpjjg . ordinance ' belongs beyond question to P. It had been unobserved since Israel entered Canaan. But no reason for this neglect could be assigned, had this law been in the possession of the responsible leaders of the nation. It was not known to Solomon (cp ante § 4a p 246). In the age of Ezra it is an obvious novelty, and is enforced for the first time. The infer. ence seems to be inevitable that the legislation of which it is a part had never been promulgated before. And if it had not been pubUshed, and no clear trace can be found that it was privately known, does not the probability reach almost positive certainty that it had not been earlier made the basis of united action because in this form up to this age it did not exist? [y) But a further inquiry arises concerning the contents of Ezra's law-book. Was it Umited to P, or did it also include the other s 2 26o THE PRIESTLY CODE [XIII § e^y documents of our present Pentateuch, JB and D ? The parallel with the pubUcation of D certainly suggests that the new laws were not yet united with the old. Even the mere time occupied by the ceremonial reading — so that Lev 23 was reached on the second half- day — points to comparative brevity ; and to what purpose would have been the recital of the whole story (for example) of Joseph and his brethren ? Nevertheless, the answer to this question is not perhaps so simple as it has sometimes been regarded. It depends to some extent on the view which may be formed of the significance of the covenant recorded in Neh 10. The celebration of 'Booths' was followed by a solemn fast on the 24th of the month 91- • , when the seed of Israel purged themselves of their national guilt by confessing their sins, and pledged themselves to fulfil certain definite religious demands. These demands appear to be enumerated in 1030-39^ where the Chronicler introduces a document which has all the air of a direct extract from a con temporary source. The general phrases of 2* are probably due to an editorial preface", for if the signatories to the covenant had actually undertaken to observe all the commandments of Yahweh, it would have been needless to specify the detaUs that follow. These comprise a number of engagements affecting the social and religious life of Israel. Marriages with aliens will be no longer tolerated : sabbath trading wUl be suppressed : the seventh-year remission wUl be enforced : and a variety of arrangements con cerning the maintenance of the Temple-services and the payment of the priestly dues wUl be carefuUy observed. On what do these several undertakings rest? The language of ^^ cp 132' approxi mates to that of Deut 73- cp Ex 341^ : P does not formaUy prohibit intermarriage with foreigners, though it may be argued that various provisions (e g Num 33®^-^^ Lev 18* 2*. . 20^3 26^ practically exclude it even more absolutely than D itself, which allows marriage with captives in war 2ii''-. The refusal to hold sabbath markets is an application of the general rules for the sanctification of the sabbath (' Laws' 9ta), but finds no specific law on its behalf'': while " For ' enter into a curse ' cp Deut 291^ ; ' walk in God's law,' ' observe and do,' ' commandments, statutes, and judgements,' show afSnities with D. But the Chronicler was evidently well acquainted with Deuteronomy. The use of Elohim in preference to Yahweh (' God's law,' ' servant of God ') finds a parallel in the Chronicler's manner ; as he constantly describes the Temple as the ' house of Elohim, ' e g 3 Chron 3' 4II 1^ &c where the parallels in Kings read 'Yahweh.' *• The sabbath laws are concerned chiefly with the prevention of labour and the enforcement of rest, rather than with the prohibition of trade. XIII §67] THE COVENANT UNDER NEHEMIAH 261 the term ' holy day ' doubtless points to recognized festivals but is not actually employed by P". The promise to 'forgo the seventh year ' cites the language of Ex 23II (•§ = ' let lie fallow ') ; and the ' exaction of every debt ' rests on a technical expression in Deut 152. So far the evidence rather suggests a basis in JED than in P. In ^^, however, a poll-tax of the third of a shekel is adopted in terms akin to P's phraseology ; but with the peculiar difference that in Ex 3011^1* p fixes the contribution of every Israelite from the age of twenty at half a shekel '. The parallels of 33 with the Levitical arrangements are obvious " ; while the language of 3* has probably been supplemented editorially, as the law contains no definite prescriptions concerning the wood-supply, but only enjoins the maintenance of an ever-burning fire Lev 6i2- . The demand for first fruits of the ground 35 is emphasized in every legislative stage (cp 'Laws' 8c), though not even Num i8i''- specifies ' the first fruits of all fruit of aU manner of trees.' Firstlings in like manner 36 -were claimed for Yahweh in each code ('Laws' 8b); while the first fruits of the 'dough' 37 are enjoined as a heave offering Num 152". cp Ezek 44^", and the tithes of the ground, paid out of corn, wine, and oil 37 39^ ^re specified both in Deut 1423 and Num i82i--, the tithe of the tithes 33 being further ordained Num i828~28 Tithes of cattle, however, which are imposed in Lev 3^30-32^ ^^^ here ignored, though the Chronicler himself recognizes them 2 Chron 31^. It " In Lev 23 and Num 28-29 the ' holy convocations ' are enumerated. b This provision occurs in a series of supplemental sections in Ex 30 (see Hex ii), and its secondary character is further shown by the fact that it rests on the census (Num i) of which nothing has yet been said. The tax is devoted to the service of the sanctiiary, but it is not prescribed how often it is to be paid. In 2 Chron 24^. the tax is plainly understood as an annual contribution. This involves a discrepancy with Neh lo'^ of which different explanations have been offered. Thus Kuenen and Cornill (with whom Addis agrees) suppose that it represents a later stage of codiflcation than the agreement under Nehemiah (a similar discrepancy may be noticed in the age at which the Levites were to begin to serve Num 8^* and 4* ^^ '" cp I Chron 23" ") ; this section would therefore be a post-Ezran addition § 11/3. For other suggestions cp Ryle Ezr and Neh, in loc. Baentsch Ex (Hdkomm) and Bertholet Esr-Neh (Hd-Comm), while both recognizing the secondary nature of Ex 3oii~i°, find a doubtful way out through differences of value between the Persian and Palestinian shekels. " The ' continual ' meal offering was offered in the evening 2 Kings i6i° Ezr 9* (' oblation ' = § ' meal offering '), the ' continual ' burnt offering in the morning 2 Kings i6i^ This represents an earlier stage of practice than Ex 29'*"*!, cp Num 28'-^ Comparison of these passages is not favourable to the originality of Ex 29'*- • , for ' thou ' is not Moses as in ^ and *K Baentsch and Holzinger accordingly, like earlier critics (see Hex ii), agree in regarding the Tamidh in Ex 29'^~*i as a later editorial intrusion. It may be noted that the guilt offering is not specified. 262 THE PRIESTLY CODE [XIII § 67 would thus seem probable that if the covenant is to be regarded as having a basis in written law, that law must have included the several codes of JE, D, and P, in which case it would be most natural to suppose that the documents were no longer separate, but were already united into something resembling our present Pentateuch. This view is not inconsistent with a recent date for the Priestly Code : it only assumes that the editorial combination of the various materials had already taken place". The likelihood that this was accomplished so early is differently estimated by different critics. According to the received view of the chrono logy an interval of fourteen years elapsed between Ezra's arrival and the covenant under Nehemiah : and it is suggested that this period would have amply sufficed to effect the amalgamation. Or it is even conceivable that the literary process might have been conducted stiU earUer by the Babylonian scribes, and that the law-book which Ezra brought with him was actually complete. On the other hand, evidence wUl be offered hereafter to show that the Priestly Code itself contains earUer and later elements ; so that there is reason to regard it as a growth to which additions could still be made even after the time of Ezra (cp § 7). Moreover " Thus it is held by Wellhausen Isr und Jiid Gesch*' (1901) 180, as well as by Dillmann NDJ 671 ff. With them may be named Kyle Ezra and Neh (Cambr Bible) on Neh lo'i p 273, KOnig Einleit 241, Addis Hex i xciii and ii 189, and Baudissin Einl 194. On the other hand, the view adopted in the text has the support of Kuenen, Stade, Cornill, Holzinger, Wildeboer, Cheyne, Bennett, Kautzsch Literature of the OT 118, and others, among whom must now be counted Piepenbring Hist du Peuple IsraSl 559, SchUrer Gesch des JUd Volkes ' ii 306, Steuernagel AUgem Einl 277, G B Gray Enc Bibl ' Law Literature ' 2741, and Bertholet Esr-Neh (Hd-Comm) 69. Those who regard Ezra's law book as the whole Pentateuch support themselves chiefly on the terms of Nehemiah's covenant ; but they are by no means in accord as to the place and circumstances of the union of JED with P, KOnig supposing it to have been effected in Babylonia, and Wellhausen insisting that P must have been drawn up iu sight of the Temple Isr und Jild Gesch* 180 f. Wellhausen further lays great stress on the fact that what the Samaritans took over from the Jews was not the Priestly Code alone but the whole Pentateuch (on the probable date of the Samaritan schism see chap XVI § 3€). Ezra's work, therefore, iu his view, consisted in the combination of the documents sub stantially in their present form (apart from subsequent expansions) ; P, though it had its roots in Babylonia, was essentially the work of the priestly scribes of Jerusalem before his arrival. Had Ezra brought it with him from Babylon, he would have set- himself to introduce it at once. The problem is complicated by the place of Joshua in the scheme, cp chap XVI § 38 and XVII § 5. Putting this difficulty for the present aside, it seems only needful to observe (in addition to the general considerations offered above) that the effect of the promulgation of the Priestly Code would be far more impressive if it were published alone, than if it were only part of an amalgam of familiar documents. The attention of the people could be most easily concentrated on the new law, if it were offered them by itself, and they were not required to pick out the novelties as the reading proceeded. XtII§e8] THE COVENANT UNDER NEHEMIAH 263 it wiU appear that the task of redaction was by no means simple ; it probably advanced only by successive stages, and needed the labours of more than one single editorial hand (cp chap XVI). These considerations are unfavourable to the view that Ezra's law-book consisted of JEDP. But there is a further circumstance to be taken into account. Is it likely that P would have been combined with the earlier codes until it had obtained general recognition ? The Deuteronomic law was not enforced until the king with an assembly of the people had covenanted to observe it. It became the standard for the worship of the future by a solemn national act. May it not be conjectured that any fresh code could only become valid by a similar method of public adoption ? In face of the traditional authority possessed by D, can it be supposed that a private group of scribes would have ventured to associate with it a new law which had as yet received no popular sanction ? Does not the analogy of the two promulga tions under Josiah and Nehemiah lead to the inference that the law-book made known by Ezra was as fresh as that which was brought to light by Hilkiah ? And if so, how can it have included anything beyond the limits of P ? (8) This argument, however, faUs to explain the singular cir cumstance that Ezra's covenant appears to show dependence on mixed sources, JED as well as P. It may, however, be possible that it has been wrongly connected with the promulgation of the law. The document Neh io^'*~39 really falls into two parts. In 30. three great objects are secured, (i) the suppression of foreign marriages, (2) the prohibition of sabbath trade, and (3) the relief of distressed Israelites. The second portion consists of 'ordi nances '(•§ = ' commandments ') which the signatories ' made to stand ' (cp '141) upon themselves. They were, therefore, voluntary and self-imposed obUgations, which there was as yet no law to enforce ". It has accordingly been argued with great skill by the late Prof Kosters ', that the terms of the covenant reaUy preceded instead of following the pubUc acceptance of the Levitical law. The first three objects were entirely explained out of the circum-. " The phrase ' as it is written in the law ' '* '' may be regarded as an editorial addition. It will be noticed also that " breaks the grammatical continuity of ^ and '" : and in ", after specifying firstlings of cattle (' beasts '), the text adds ' the firstlings of our herds and of our flocks ' (two plurals unknown to the laws). '' Successor of Kuenen at Leiden ; see his essay Het Herstel van Israel in het Persische Tijdvak, Leiden (1894) 91-104. 264 THE PRIESTLY CODE [XIII §68 stances of the time. How could the condition of things described in Neh 1323-25 jj^ye arisen after the solemn engagement of 103" 9 Did not, on the other hand, the terms of io3" express Nehemiah's effort to terminate the situation which appeared so intolerable 13^^ ? Similarly, the resolve to abstain from sabbath trading io3i was the outcome and not the antecedent of the traffic in fruit and fish and other wares which Nehemiah so rigorously suppressed J2I6-21 «¦ cp Jer i7i^~27_ And, once again, the provisions about the treatment both of land and of debtors in the seventh year Neh io3ii> find a base in the measures which Nehemiah found necessary for the protection of the impoverished people who had been reduced to mortgaging their property, and even seUing their children into slavery 5^"-'*. This view impUes, no doubt, con siderable chronological disorder in the present arrangement of the documents. But of such dislocation there is sufficient evidence elsewhere in these books '', and the hypothesis of misplacement by the compiler cannot be considered arbitrary. Kosters would thus put is*-^^ before 9-10"; and 9-10 in its turn before 8. The covenant would thus represent the prior movement which made the subsequent promulgation possible. Its aim was to secure the formation of a strict community which might afterwards be ready to receive and adopt a new law. But that law would not be absolutely strange. It would be founded on usage and expressed in phraseology already sanctioned by the custom of generations. The ' ordinances,' therefore, would naturaUy run parallel to a con siderable extent with the code which was shortly after to be made known, since this code sought to embody and co-ordinate the religious practices on which the 'commandments' were based. The compiler then confused the narrative of the covenant and the account of the acceptance of the law, and blended the items of the one with the results of the other. This view seems sufficiently to explain the dependence of io^"~^^ on other sources besides P without resort to the assumption that the law-book of 8I" com prised the entire Pentateuch nearly in its present form, which has been already rejected as improbable \ " It may be noticed that his expostulation contains no reference either to specific law or to the covenant. b Cp Driver LOT' 547-8 on Ezra 4«-2'. " He regards i^^". ¦ as prior to 10^'. ^ In his treatise Die Entstehung des Judenthums (1896) 208-215, Meyer de fends Kuenen's hypothesis that the Ezran law-book consisted only of P while accepting the traditional order of the documents in Nehemiah. XIII § 7a] ITS VARIOUS CONSTITUENTS 265 7. The law-book of Ezra, then, may be regarded as limited to the Priestly Code. But a further question at once arises, was that code itself a complete and homogeneous whole ? The other great documents of the Pentateuch have disclosed indications that they were not each compUed at one date ; they contain materials of various ages, successively incorporated during a long literary process. Does P show any traces of a simUar growth ? (a) The answer to this inquiry cannot be doubtful. Apart from the historical introduction contained in Gen i-Ex 6, the pheno mena of the laws seem sufficiently clear. Thus a comparison of the account of the preparation of the sanctuary Ex_35--40 with the ideal description of it in gg^gS.reveals a number of peculiarities [imfra p 296) which appear only explicable on the hypothesis that the second section is a later elaboration of an earlier and simpler account of the execution of the divine commands. The directions for the consecration of Aaron and his sons 29 are not fulfilled untU Lev 8, where there are again traces of a secondary and dependent narrative. But in the interval, a short mallual_of| sacrifice has been interposed 1-7, itself exhibiting manifold marks of composite origin ". SimUar groups of law on specific subjects will be found embodied in Leviticus, such as the regulations con cerning clean and unclean be9at9j[ji leprosy 13-14, uncleanness of men and women 15, while other formulae seem to mark the termination of small codes i826.. 1937 223i~3S 23*3. 2422 25^® 26*^ Kosters' criticism further questions the present place of Ezra 7-10, and locates it between Neh 13*^^1 and 9-10. This involves the abandonment of the date in Ezra 7' • . According to this arrangement Ezra and his caravan did not reach Jerusalem till Nehemiah's second administration, soon after 432 B 0, and the publication of the Priestly Code was not separated by any long interval from the proceedings which followed Ezra's arrival. In this case the displacement of the date of the New Year's assembly is not neces sarily very great. Prof van Hoonacker (Louvain) has, however, proposed to place the mission of Ezra in the seventh year of Artaxerxes II, 398-7 ; but this suggestion has not met with any general support. Cp Driver LOT' 552. The treatment of the Ezran age by Kosters is wholly independent of his plea concerning the rebuilding of the Temple and the supposed restoration under Cyrus, the two subjects being entirely distinct. In his Esr-Neh (Hd-Comm, 1902) Bertholet reaches a result similar to that in the text by another method. On Ezra's arrival there is no governor in Jerusalem, but the walls have been rebuilt Ezr 9'. The situation implies that Nehemiah has returned to the Persian court. Ezra proceeds (about 430) to introduce the new Priestly Law, but Nehemiah is absent i Esdr 9*" and his name in Neh 8' is an addition. The covenant in 10 does not belong to the situation in 9, but to a later incident during Nehemiah's second visit, and properly follows 13'!. By this time JSD and P are already side by side, if not united, and together supply the items of the covenant. " Thus the opening locates the revelation of the laws in the Tent of Meeting ii ; at the close It is fixed on Mount Sinai 7^^ cp Baudissin Einl 141. Cp infra § 77. 266 THE PRIESTLY CODE [XIII § ?« 273*. These point clearly to the aggregation of shortercgUegMons, whichjnay^^^expected, therefore, to reveal occasional diversities of conception and language as the result of different processes of codification. Other indications may be discerned in Numbers. Apart from more delicate signs of expansion such as those which may be traced in the first census (see Hex ii notes to Num i), the curious repetitions involved in the choice and dedication of the tribe of Levi, e g 3^-4 and 18, are only explicable on the assump tion of the amalgamation ^"various materials. The story of Korah 16 will be found to contain two independent representations of Levitical claims ; while the group of laws and narratives in 28-36 bears numerous marks of secondary character. A presumption is thus established that P no less than JE and D is rather the product of a priestly school than of a single author. [0) It becomes, then, the critic's task to discover, if possible, the sources out of which P has been compiled, and the stages of its growth. The analysis of Genesis soon isolates the toVdhoth sections as a continuous narrative leading up to the great revela tion in Ex 62- ¦ . The commission to Moses creates the expectation that this narrative will be continued through the story of the deliverance from Egypt, the solemn institution of a special rela tion between Yahweh and Israel as God and people, and the fulfilment of the promises to the patriarchs by the settlement of their descendants in the land of Canaan. This anticipation is realized by the discovery of passages undoubtedly belonging to P describing the plagues, the Exodus, the march to Sinai, and the ordinance of the DweUing". Around this central conception P " The conception of the Dwelling and its furniture, together with the appointment of the Aaronic priesthood to minister in it, is universally recognized as the centre of P's representations of the Mosaic institutions. The whole section Ex 25-311^" is bound together by numerous links of thought and language, which serve in like manner to establish connexions with the rest of P's narrative and legislation (see Hex ii margins). Yet this passage plainly falls apart into two uneven divisions at 29*^- : the supple mental character of the series of paragraphs in 30-31" is discussed in Hex ii notes in loc. But the constitution of 25-29 also demands attention. Here likewise there appear occasional signs of later handiwork (see Hex ii on 27™ aS" *i 29''i 2'). But behind these lies the curious fact that in 25-27I' the sanctuary is always called the ' Dwelling ' ^54, While in 28-29 t^ii^ name is replaced by the older term ' Tent of Meeting ' cp 33^ (VIII i § 2, XII § 2e pp8s2o9). The title ' Dwelling' isof course freely used in the great repetition ^^ 35-40. but the main portions of the Priestly Law in Lev ignore it. In Lev 81" 17* its appearance is due to the harmonist: in 15^1 2611 it seems to denote not the visible fabric but the ideal presence of Yahweh with his people. Similarly the allusions to the court in Lev 6I* ^' may be regarded as .glosses. In the regulations for the annual atonement ceremony Lev 16 the name is avoided, though the Tent of Meeting is curiously said 1° te/ XIII §7/3] ITS VARIOUS CONSTITUENTS 267 then proceeds to group a number of connected institutions, con cerned with the priesthood Lev 9 ioi~^ 16, the calendar of sacred feasts 23, the appointment of the Levitical order and its duties Num 3, until the time arrives for the break-up of the camp and the resumption of the journey to the promised land. The, ' dwell ' with Israel in the midst of their uncleannesses, and the references to the Testimony, the ark, and the ' covering' agree with the description in Ex 25. The Dwelling becomes again prominent in the arrangements for the camp and its removal Num i*'. . 3-4 9-10 (cp 16. 31™ *7)_ The absence of the term from the Priestly Law proper, which is usually based on the older name 'Tent of Meeting,' is highly significant (in Lev 17*"^ ° 19^1 there is reason to suspect editorial redaction ; pi" employs 'sanctuary' Lev 19™ 20* 2j;i2 23 ^ff si^ but it jg doubtful whether in all these passages the word can be restricted to the meaning ' holy place ' cp ^91). This regular preference for different terms in different groups of passages, must have some cause, and suggests that the account of the Dwelling and its place in the centre of the camp has been substituted for an older delineation of the Tent of Meeting. Delicate indications of this may perhaps be found in the fact that Ex 29*^ represents the entrance of the Tent as the meeting-place between Yahweh and Moses ' to speak there unto thee ' cp 33'- , whereas in 25'^ the meeting- place is before the ark containing the Testimony, and Yahweh speaks from between the two cherubim on the covering above. This is indeed recognized in Lev 16'', yet the same passage neglects the fundamental distinction of Ex 26". and still calls the shrine of Yahweh's appearing the ' holy place.' It seems not impossible, therefore, that Ex 25-27I' with its connected sections elsewhere may have been elaborated on the basis of an older account of the Tent of Meeting which preceded the institution of the Aaronic priest hood. This can hardly have belonged to P", which afterwards ignores it, though the close in Ex 29*'"^' is not without affinities with that collection. [In the description of the Dwelling it may be noted that the tables bearing the Ten Words are designated as the ' Testimony ' I'lGi, and the ark which holds them is the ' ark of the Testimony ' instead of the ark of Yahweh or of the covenant. The term ' covenant,' however, appears in @ Ex 27^1 31'' 391^ (•& 39'°) cp Josh 4". Allowance must be made for accident or carelessness on the part of copyist or translator, especially in passages which on other grounds cannot be regarded as original ; but there remains some possibility of genuine variation which may be due to differences in the incorporation of materials of different dates.] But Ex 25-27I' still shows some further peculiarities. The form of 2S^''-'' is that of an exhortation to the people by Moses, ' ye shall take ' cp 35" (in ' for ' of them ' read ' of you '). This breaks the connexion of ^'' and ' according to our present §, though in * ® reads ' thou shalt make.' In * the pattern has yet to be shown to Moses, while in «> 36'° 27' the vision is apparently over. On the signification of the paraUel with Ezek 40* cp supra § 38 : the perfects in the subsequent passages may be fairly interpreted as futura exacta, 'when Moses has descended from the mountain he is to conform to what " will have been revealed" to him ' Kuenen Hex 74, cp Driver Tenses in Hebrew^ § 17, Ges-Kautzsch Hebr Gram (Collins and Cowley 1898) pp 324 328 cp 408. It does not seem necessary, therefore, to resort to hypotheses either (i) of displacement (as though much of the instructions now given to Moses ou the mount originally belonged to the period after his descent 34'"--)> or (2) of duplicate records, one of the vision and another of commands founded on the vision, cp Klostermann Neue Kirchliche Zeitschr (1897) 318. The general view indicated above finds unexpected support in Klostermann's elaborate essay, which contains many interesting textual suggestions. But his interpretation of Ex 33^- . as the account of a single incident 245, and his ascription of the sections on the Dwelling to the age of Solomon 383, do not seem in any way tenable. Cp Nowack Archaol ii 53. . , and Benziuger Archaol 395- • . 268 THE PRIESTLY CODE [XIII§7/S narrative reproduces with fresh representations some of the inci dents already related by JB, such as the mission of the twelve explorers 13 and the consequent refusal of the people to advance 14, or the clamour for water at Meribah 2oi~i3. The death of Aaron on Mount Hor and the investiture of Eleazar with his robes of office follow in the fortieth year, and the story then moves on rapidly without hint of opposition or conquest to the encampment by the Jordan in the plains of Moab 22I. There Moses is warned that he must shortly die 27^^- •, and Joshua is solemnly ordained as his successor. But the story is stUl incomplete. The gift of the land of the ancestral sojournings has yet to be fulfilled, and when the Jordan has been crossed, and the Passover celebrated in Gilgal as the first act of entry, the account of the settlement of the people and the distribution of the tribal inheritances realizes at last the divine design originally announced to Abraham, and repeated to Moses. The groundwork of P (indicated by the symbol PR) is thus a continuous narrative from the Creation to the establishment of the chosen nation in the abode providentially selected for it. In this respect it is analogous to J ; but it differs from its earlier prototype in the stress which it lays on the sacred institutions of Israel, and the minute detaU with which it describes the sanctuary, its holy persons, and its consecrated rites ; whUe other elements in the story, such as the incidents arising out of the family relations of the patriarchs, or the military operations of the conquest, are apparently kept in the background, if not wholly suppressed. (y) Into this framework have been from time to time inserted numerous groups of laws and narrative extensions, distinguishable by various marks, both in contents and form". They may be roughly classed in three groups, each probably composed of material of various dates. Oldest of these, undoubtedly, as regards some of its ultimate constituents, is the series of laws now known as the HoUness-legislation P^i, chiefly comprised in Lev 17-26. A second subsidiary collection may be traced in the priestly teaching [torah) P*, on subjects connected with sacrifice, " The first conspicuous instance is seen in Lev 1-7 which (as already observed) is itself highly composite. Broadly speaking it falls into two unequal divisions 1^-6^ and 6^-7", which show a certain parallelism of contents, but the order in the two sections is not identical, nor is their matter the same. The second group must be regarded as supplemental to the first: but even this is by no means homogeneous. For details see Hex ii, and cp Moore Enc Bibl ' Leviticus,' and Harford-Battersby in Hastings' DB ' Leviticus.' XIII § 8a] ITS T-ARIOUS CONSTITUENTS 269 clean and unclean, and occasional ritual and social usage,^ And to these must be added~armiscellaiieous seT^f secondai-yi enlargements, ranging over a wide variety of topics, genealogical expansions, legislative elaborations, Ulustrative narratives, which do not seem to belong to the original groundwork, and may be distinguished by various marks under the general Jiead of P^ On each of these groups a few words of further explanation may be desirable. 8. The peculiar phenomena of Lev 17-26 early attracted the attention of critics who accepted the general solution of the date of P put into their hands by Graf. That lamented scholar had, indeed, already discussed them ". But it Was reserved for Kloster mann in 1877 to attach to this section the special name of Holiness-legislation which has since become generally adopted ^ The exposition by Prof Driver might seem to make separate treatment of this group needless, but completeness appears to require that it should not be ignored. (a) Various distinctive features may be readily noted in Lev 17-26. The colophon in 26*" at once suggests that a collection of laws is there brought to a close, though the Sinaitic legislation is by no means complete. This conjecture is confirmed by the character of the preceding exhortation 2&~*^ ; it is analogous to the great discourse appended to the Deuteronomic Code in Deut 28, and to the little homily which concludes the First Legislation in E Ex 232o~33 g^t tiiig exhortation does not stand alone: it finds briefer parallels in other passages such as Lev i8^~^ 24-30 ig2— 4 36. 2o22-26 2231—33^ Thoso have a common resemblance to each other ; but they do not correspond to P's customary usage in the enunciation of laws. They are especially designed to emphasize the duty of the maintenance of holiness ; they con tinually refer to Yahweh's ' statutes and judgements ' ; they warn Israel with repeated urgency against defiling themselves with the i practices of the Canaanite nations ; and they dwell on the Deity of Yahweh who brought Israel out of the land of Egypt. These exhortations are naturally marked by their own characteristic phraseology (see Hex ii margins and ^192-220). Of especially fre- " Die Geschichtlichen Biicher des ATs 75-83. * See the most recent discussions in Baentsch Das Heiligkeits-Gesetz (1893) ; Paton 'The Original Form of Lev 17-19 ' Joum of Bibl Lit (1897) 31-37 ; Driver LOT' 47-59 145-152 ; Addis Documents of the Hexateuch ii 170-186 ; Moore Enc Bibl ' Leviticus ' 2782-92 ; Harford-Battersby in Hastings' DB ' Leviticus'; Baentsch Leo (Hdkomm, 1900) ; Bertholet iej; (Hd-Comm, igoi). 270 THE PRIESTLY CODE [XIIl§8ci quent recurrence is the reiteration of what has been termed ' the divine I ' in the formula ' I am Yahweh * (sometimes expanded by additional words or clauses) '203, this affirmation recurring no less than seventy-eight times in Ezekiel whUe it is found only once in Jeremiah (322' cp 24''). Moreover it evidently serves in some cases to mark off specific groups or series of laws, as in igi" 12 1* 1" 1', the contents of which are different both in substance and in form from the bulk of the Priestly Legislation. In other cases P'l employs words or phrases unused elsewhere in the Hexateuch ", or occasionally forms of words or expressions having analogies in JE or D but not current in P ''. These peculiarities clearly carry back the contents of the Holiness laws to Lev 18. But an examination of the previous chapter affords strong grounds for associating it with the group in 18-26. For 17 lays down rules concerning the place of sacrifice which are altogether superfluous after the institution of the Dwelling, and are apparently directed to a wholly different ceremonial condition (cp § 8S p 275). Now both the Covenant-words of E Ex 2o2*. • and the Moab legislation Deut 12- • open with a law concerning the place of sacrifice. In Lev 17, then, it seems natural to discern a similar beginning, and an examination of its literary characteristics at once discloses numerous affinities with the rest of this pecuUar coUection. It is probable that the original compUers were not acquainted with the Levitical Dwelling, the appearance of this term in 173 being most likely due to editorial redaction ; the holy place is elsewhere termed the 'sanctuary' 2ii^. The same point of view is not, in fact, consistently maintained. While some of the laws are pre faced by the formula ' When ye be come into the land ' e g 19^^ 23I" 252I', other phrases in the hortatory passages seem to imply that the Israelites are already estabUshed there, and the conquest and ejectment of the Canaanite peoples is complete cp i82*~28 2023. Accordingly there are no traces of the adaptation of the laws to the circumstances of the desert or the conditions of camp life ct 13*" 143 : while the social legislation plainly assumes the settled pursuit of agriculture 19': ^^-^^ 252b- •, on which also the calendar of the feasts is based 231"- • 39.., The priesthood is clearly in view, but it is doubtful if it was connected with the line of Aaron. The phenomena of 21 are somewhat complicated, and must be studied in the text. The superscription does not appear " Cp ^igS 202" 304 205 206 210 316 320. ' Thus cp ^199 201 213 315. XIII§8;8] THE HOLINESSLEGISLATION 271 properly to fit the contents, which are themselves hardly con tinuous and betray occasional editorial touches, though the extent of the redaction may be variously estimated. The general effect of the priestly regulations is certainly different, for instance, from that of Ex 29 Lev 9 in Ps. The ' high priest,' no doubt, stands out at the head of the entire order. But he is only the chief 'among his brethren' Lev 211"; the references to his unction and sacred robes do not necessarily carry with them the special Aaronic dignity of Ex 29 ''. The list of sacrifices is more limited than that of P ; the sin and guilt offering are never mentioned '' ; 'burnt offering' and 'sacrifice' Lev 17^- seem to sum up the remaining classes cp 221* 21 29 igS. In the regulations concerning the consumption of the ' holy things ' 22, no distinction is drawn corresponding to that in Num i83- • between the ' most holy things ' which may be eaten by priests alone i", and the ' holy things ' ^ 11 of which all clean members of the priestly families, male and female, may alike partake. The clause in Lev 2122 may therefore be eliminated as a harmonizing addition. [0) The indications just enumerated suffice to establish the probabiUty that Lev 17-26 comprises materials bound together by common ideas and phraseology representing an earlier stage of codification than Ps. But the analogy with D suggested by the opening law of sacrifice and the closing exhortation opens up further questions. From what antecedents was this legislation compiled ? Is it throughout self-consistent and homogeneous ? Are there any traces of similar legislation elsewhere, and to what date may the collection be referred ? A brief inspection suffices to prove that the contents have been brought together from divers sources. The feeling for order and connexion which marks the first half of the Deuteronomic Code (12-18) is far less prominent here, and the signs of the incorporation of various legislative items are clearer and more numerous. The miscella neous group in 19 contains an amalgam, apparently, of numerous smaller sets, exhibiting manifold repetition both within itself and in comparison with adjoining laws. Thus : — " The sole allusion to the Levites 25'^ is demonstrably a late addition : the endowment ofthe Levites with 48 cities Num 35!"' does not take place till the last year of the wanderings, and Leviticus falls in the first month of the second ; moreover, the Levites themselves have not yet been chosen, still less dedicated, to the sacred service. * On the insertion Lev 19^1. see note in loc. " The collection of laws in 19 is introduced and closed by brief exhorta,- tions showing affinities with 18^^ and 24-30. But the contents are not 272 THE PRIESTLY CODE [XIII§8)j 19"' Ye shall keep my sabbaths. '" Ye shall keep my sabbaths, and reverence my sanctuary : I am Yahweh. 26'' Ye shall keep my sabbaths, and reverence my sanctuary: I anj Yahweh. 19' Turn ye not unto things of nought, nor make to yourselves molten gods : I am Yahweh your God. 26I Ye shall make you no things of nought, neither shall ye rear you up a graven image, . . . for I am Yahweh your God. Similarly 23^^ reproduces ig'- ; whUe the prohibition of eating anything with blood 1926a has been already elaborately imposed in I7i''~i*. In like manner 2421 repeats 241^-. Some difference of usage has been noted between 19® and 2229. , whUe diversity of expression may certainly be observed between i8i^ and 2oi3 ; nor can it be supposed that the two lists of forbidden sexual relations i8*~23 and 2oi''~2i were drawn up by the same hand. They seem best explained as different redactions founded on similar bases. The Priestly Laws in 21-22 are apparently derived from another legislative cycle compared with the social regulations of 19 : whUe in 23-25 it becomes plain that the earlier materials of P^i have been wrought into the more rigid and elaborate forms of Pe and P' with large loss in the process. In the entire group, therefore, it is natural to recognize the product of continuous editorial activity working upon elements of various origin and date. (7) The characteristic phraseology of P** is not, however, exclu sively confined to Lev 17-26. It reappears in scattered passages throughout the Priestly Code, and thus raises the question whether any fragments of V^ are still extant in other connexions, and what may have been its original scope. Thus Driver* confined to a single topic, and their variety clearly points to diversity of source. Thus (i) some precepts are repeated "> and """, i*"" and s^'', i'" and S5a J (3) the peculiar term n'os ' neighbour ' n 1^ " alternates curiously with the common si i' i' 1^ ; (3) the ritual passage ^* does not seem to belong by subject to the rest of the religious moral and social legislation of the con text ; its incongruity with 7I6-1S makes it indeed improbable that it is an editorial insertion of the type of ^i- , but it may rather be taken as belonging to a group of cultus laws of which traces remain in 21-22 retouched by a later hand ; (4) the alternate predominance of the singular ' thou ' i^i' and the plural ' ye ' ^i'' and 2'"''' seems partly due to difference of origin. The materials may be to some extent of ancient date, as they have an^ogies with regulations in several codes where the same subjects have been treated ; thus (i) with the Ten Words '. H- ; (2) with the Book of Judgements (Ex 21-23) 15. ". ; further points of contact exist (3) with J * 9 20 29^ and (4) with D » i" IS 15 19 26 28 31 33 35 . ^hllo the phraseology often resembles that of Jer and Ezek (besides P" words) ' i' i^. i* ^o ^'. The signs of arrangement into groups are discussed by Briggs Higher Crit^ 245 ff, and more fully by Paton Orig Form of Lev 17-19 ; analogy has been found in *"' to the laws of the first table of the Decalogue ; and in ^"^o to those of the second. Cp infra ' Laws ' § 13f, » LOT' 151. XIII 5 87] THE HOLINESS-LEGISLATION ?73 ascribes to this document Ex 6^~^ iz^^- 3113-Wa Lev lo'ai"- 11** Num I5^''~*S while Addis" allows only Lev ii*3-*5 ^nd Num igST-*!^ Other scholars, again, like Wurster, Cornill, and Wildeboer, further propose to include within it a considerable group of Levitical laws more or less cognate in subject and style ^ Eeasons will be given hereafter for associating these and other legislative sections in a body of priestly teaching originally conceived independently of the main conceptions of Ps (cp § 9a/3 p 286), and occasionally exhibiting important analogies with PK But greater difficulty is presented by passages of narrative Uke Ex 6^~3 and 1212% The chief indication of P'l here would seem to be the formula 'lam Yahweh.' But this recurs elsewhere as in 29*" ; and with 12I2 it would be natural to associate the language of Num 3^2. 45 ^nd perhaps *i. Are all these to be regarded as relics of T^'i In that case it must have contained historical as well as legislative matter on an extensive scale. It must have related the commission to Moses, the death of the first-born, the establishment of the Dwelling, and the dedication of the Levites to Yahweh's service. Even if the latter passages be denied to P^i, the implications of Ex 6^~3 suggest that the document to which it belonged comprised an account of the Exodus, the great religious institutions, and the settlement ia the land promised to the forefathers. If so, it may naturally be asked why there are no further traces of so comprehensive a story 5 ¦what were the antecedents of the commission given to Moses ; how much more should we attempt imaginatively to reconstruct ? It does not appear necessary on general grounds to assume such a complete predecessor of the narrative of Ps. Some brief intro duction may have been needed to the opening law of sacrifice in Lev 17, analogous to that which must originaUy have preceded the corresponding opening of the Deuteronomic Code. But just as D belongs to a single situation, and did not relate the whole career of Moses, so it seems safer to confine P^i to a coUection of laws and exhortations in the wilderness independent of any lengthy historical recital, and the following passages only are assigned to it in the text outside Lev 17-26, viz Ex 3ii3-i*a j^um JO*. jcSSb-ll"^ " Hexateuch ii 178. * Thus Cornill attributes originally to "S^ Lev la igi""'^ iii^~^ 15 Num jll-Sl 62-8 ip. " Cp Moore Enc Bibl ' Leviticus.' 2787 § ,24. 274 THE PRIESTLY CODE [XIII 5 8! (8) The age of the Holiness-collection has been differently estimated according to the stress laid on its respective elements. A distinction immediately arises between the various materials of which it is composed, and the hortatory framework in which they are set. The former are obviously not all of one date. The repetitions and duplicates sufficiently prove diversity of source, and diversity of source involves variety of age. Some of the social regulations may be of very great antiquity. The lists of forbidden intercourse in Lev 18 and 20 find strange parallels in the ancient Penitentials, which represent the efforts of the Church " to control the passions of a period of rude violence not without its occasional analogies in the early history of Israel Again, Lev 19 contains laws which show occasional contact with the Judgement-book of E ; and there are similar indications of acquaintance with the usage of J ^ The conjecture, therefore, rises whether J could have originally contained any short legisla tive code similar to E's judgements, which might have served as one of the sources of P^i. P foUows J in the use of the designation Sinai instead of Horeb employed by ED : Aaron is significant in J as in the later P (cp the basis of Ex 612 71- in 4i<'~i^) : Nadab and Abihu are reckoned in his family in both 24I Lev loi. The ordinances of P admittedly rest on older usage : they are plainly compiled from manifold sources: it would not be surprising, therefore, that they should incorporate fragments of legislative material which might have been derived from the school of J. Further evidence of their antiquity is perhaps to be found in the traces of arrangement in series or groups of fives, winding up with the customary formula ' I am Yahweh ' cp 19^' H- 1^- 1^- 1''-. Other laws have counterparts in Deut 22 24- infra ^. They are enclosed in different formulae, but they point to derivation from common originals (cp chap IX i § 2a p 122). Is it possible to determine their relative age ? The evidence can rarely if ever be decisive, for even if there be clear marks in one or other of more primitive or " See the Penitential ascribed to Theodore in Thorpe Laws and Inst ii 9-22 ; Haddan and Stubbs Counoils iii 178. b Thus (i) with the Ten Words '• Ex 2012, s* Ex 2o«, * Ex 20*, " Ex 2o«, 12 Ex 2o7 : (2) with the Book of Judgements B 1= Ex 23', i* Ex 23'', '' Ex 22!", '* Ex 22^1 238 : (3) further points of contact exist with J * Ex 34", " Gen 47I*, 20 'bondmaid' "41, "'Ex 341=., and (4) with D 'Deut 24I9 i« Deut 2421, IS Deut 24" 15 Deut 25I', " Deut 2a' ", ^' Deut 1810, ^s Deut 14^, "" Deut 31", SI Deut 1811, s' Deut 231*, '^. Deut 25IS-15 : while the phraseology often resembles that of Jer and Ezek (besides B^ words) '' Ezek 4I*, " Ezek 18' 12 16^ 15 Jer 26 Ezek iS^ 331^, " Jer 9' Ezek 22', is Jer 3", ^ Ezek 4" ". XIII §88] THE HOLINESS-LEGISLATION 275 more comprehensive character, it might still be possible that the later coUection had (from some unexplained cause) employed the earlier type". Thus the opening law in Lev 17 concerning the slaughter of animals for sacrifice has obviously gone through successive stages on the way to its present form. It is apparently issued in the wUderness and adapted to the camp ^, but it is soon clear that it was really designed for the settled life of Israel : it speaks of the ' open field ' or country ^ (as contrasted with the city), and recognizes the aUens * who lived in Israel's midst. The references to the camp, therefore, must be regarded as editorial ^ The original purport of such a law appears to have been to secure to Yahweh the proper portion of sacrificial animals which might be killed for food. In the oldest usage the ordinary slaughter of one of the flock or the herd had its votive side ; the flesh might not be eaten unless the blood or life had been poured out before Yahweh °. That rule is modified in Deut 122"- • in the case of distance from the central sanctuary. It is ignored also in Lev 722. . J which implies that ox or sheep or goat may be freely eaten on condition of abstinence from the fat and the blood. But the Holiness-legislation emphatically requires that every Israelite who kills one of his domestic animals shall bring an offering from it to Yahweh. Under what conditions was this practicable ? On the one hand it is urged "* that sucji a rule was only ijutended to " So also Moore Enc Bibl ' Leviticus ' 2790 § 28, ' It is an unwarranted assumption that all the fragments of Israelite legislation which have been preserved lie in one serial development.' ' The ritual law in '"' really contains two parts '"'' and '., which have a common aim. '~'' in its present form lays down three rules: (i) no slaughter of domestic animals may take place without sacrifice ; (2) sacrifice may be offered only to Yahweh ; (3) and only at the central sanctuary. *• repeats (2) and (3). The whole is adjusted to the camp-scheme of legisla tion by KP, to whom the enunciation of the third principle seems due, B^ does not elsewhere speak of the Dwelling * in its technical sense, or refer to ' the entrance of the Tent of Meetihg.' The recurrence of this phrase in both laws °. and ' shows it to be editorial. The peculiar opening of ' ' and to them thou shalt say,' addressed to the laity cp 20^, suggests that the following passage has lost some of its original context. In *• the instructions are rather more developed compared with 2i>-7 j the law applies to non- Israelites as well as to the house of Israel ; the altar gifts include burnt offering as well as peace offering ^ In i°~w jt must be doubtful whether the prohibition of eating with blood cp 19^* is continuous with '"' or with '¦ . The reference to the strangers in 1° i' points to the same source as in '• ; in any case the editorial work in i""!^ is better assimilated than in '~^, and cannot be isolated with any certainty. " W Eobertson Smith OTJC? 249. ^ Baentsch Heiligkeits-Gesetz ii6; Hdkomm 389; Addis Hexateuch ii 337. Kalisch Lev ii 343, ' we are brought far into the Persian period, when the above command . . . was at least not quite impracticable, for at that time the Jews lived together in a comparatively small circle round Jerusalem.' T 2 5276 THE PRIESTLY CODE [XIII § 88 apply to a territory of limited extent, such as might be occupied by the settlers who should return from the captivity, and establish themselves in the neighbourhood of Jerusalem. If it be admitted as probable that Lev 26 belongs to the exile (cp § 8f p 284), this law would then rank among the later elements of P^i. But on the other hand, it may be argued that the law is appropriate rather to that stage of religious organization in which the numerous local Sanctuaries provided each worshipper with the opportunity of paying his sacrificial dues near his own home. In this view the ordinance of 17 belongs to the earlier circumstances recognized by E in Ex 2o2*-. It has then been accommodated by a later editor to the camp-form which is the base of Pe, but not elsewhere recognized in V^ ; and has taken up into itself the references to P's central sanctuary, the Tent of Meeting or Dwelling. This is the view adopted in Hex ii " : but it is by no means free from difficulties. The phraseology of 3-7 smell' si : 'enjoy her sabbaths' 3* « . 'confess' *": 'be humbled' " : * reject ' (with Yahweh as subject) ** — are none of them found in his writings. To these instances may be added the reiterated fix 'also' 16 24 28 39 40 41 42ab 44^ which Only occurs three times in the whole book of Ezekiel. These peculiarities appear sufficient "^ For the phrase 'walk among' (though not of Yahweh) cp Ezek 198 a8i*. b So already Graf in 1866, Gesch Biicher 81-83; ih 1874, Kayser Das Vorexilische Buch 176. " Cp margin in » ^ 18 is 36 37 « and ^''- ^. 2'. . 284 THE PRIESTLY CODE [XIII § 8f to establish independence of authorship, but it is hardly possible to infer the relative ages of the two writers from the mere study of these literary phenomena ; though the argument that if Lev 26 was known to Ezekiel, some of its many unusual phrases might have been expected to present themselves in some part of his copious writings, is not altogether without weight. The decision must, however, be founded rather on the consideration of the substance of the discourse, especially of the section 2T-45_, Does that seem more suitable to the approach of exUe, or to the hope that its close is near? Different estimates have been formed of its significance". On 3*... Kalisch remarked in 1872: 'Now the author no longer delineates the past but the woful present' DUlmann frankly recognizes the later character of 3*. 39 4o..^ \y^^ Conjectures that these passages are due to expansion at the hand of younger prophets in the course of the exile*. The general unity of style, however, is so weU maintained that this suggestion has met with little support": and it appears on the whole probable that the great exhortation must be placed rather after Ezekiel than before or during his age ^. 9. It has been already indicated (§ ly) that other elements beside the Holiness-legislation may be recognized in the general collec tion of P. Among these attention may be drawn to a group of laws only distantly connected with the main conceptions of P^; which appear to represent the priestly teaching on subjects pecuUarly under the control of the saCred order. f (a) Many of the religious institutions of Ps are attached to I specific incidents in his narrative. Thus the observance of the sabbath, the prohibition of the eating of blood, and circumcision, " See the opinions cited by Driver LOT' 149-50. * Cp Ex-Lev' 677. " But Moore, Enc Bibl ' Leviticus' 2787 § 23, marks especially ^*- 80-48 <*. as secondary additions. This ei^ables him to place the collection of the Holiness-laws by the redactor E." in the half-century before Ezekiel ibid 2791. He further lays stress on the absence of ' any marked resemblance to the priestly history and legislation ' when the harmonizing additions of Kp are Withdrawn. For the parallels with J E and D cp the margins in Hex ii. '^ So Wellhausen, Kuenen, Baentsch, Addis Hex ii 367, and Bertholet Hd-Comm 94 'in the first half of the exile.' Addis further proposes to place Lev 18-20 between 621 and 591 b c Hex ii 182. Baentsch, Heiligkeits-Gesetz 94, pointing to i82*. . 20^^- • , suggests a date shortly before the first deportation, about 600 BO. The second group 21-22 Baentsch assigns, ibid 113, to a date after Ezek 40-48 : while he ascribes 17 to an indeterminate place in the exile before P ibid 120, and the conclusion in 26 follows (at least in its present form) last of all ibid 127. Baudissin, Einl 147 192, also sets 26 in the exile. Bertholet, Hd-Comm xi and 73, demurs to some of Baentsch's results ; but finds eyidence of posteriority to Ezek in ig^^ (which Ezek could not have known 7I8) 2110-18 2313 and 26. . XIII § 9a] PRIESTLY TEACHING 285 are introduced at successive stages of the history of the race. Similarly the Passover is first celebrated on the night of the Exodus ; the preparation of the Dwelling and the dedication of Aaron and his sons embody the principles of the sanctuary and the priesthood ; on these depend the laws of sacerdotal duty and atonement alike for the consecrated order and the whole people Lev 10 and 16. In like manner the regulations for priests and Levites, the definition of their spheres of action, and the provision for their maintenance, follow the story of the rising of Korah Num 16-18". But in other cases a different method is adopted. The law of J^^sy, for example, is not called forth by the necessity of dealing with a particular sufferer : it is not designed; for the wUderness at all : it contemplates the life of the city and the ' open field ' Lev 14'' ^^, and has apparently been adapted to ) the situation in the desert by an occasional reference to the camp and the Tent of Meeting 3 s 11 23_ j^ ^jn y^^ observed that these TOgulations are occasionally summed up by the formula ' This is the toraJioi . . .' 13'^' 14^ 32 54 67_ Parallel phrases will be found in the UtFle manual of sacrifice 6^_ 1^^° 7} Hj and they occur in " The story of Korah, when the portions of the narrative of the revolt of Dathan and Abiram have been withdrawn, itself proves composite. i(i) The ' two hundred and fifty princes of the congregation ' 162 at whose head Korah stands, are not all Levites, for their description as ' called to the assembly ' implies that they had secular functions, and the explanation of the daughters of Zelophehad 278 (that their father was in no way involved in the insurrection) proves that the rising was not confined to the sacred order. The opposition described in 8 is based on the principle that all the congregation is holy, and consequently the religious authority assumed by Moses and Aaron, and vested by them in the tribe of Levi, is an invasion of the general rights. The reply of Moses affirms that Yahweh himself will show whom he has chosen to come near him ; and the sequel in 17 establishes the divine selection of the tribe of Levi as against the remaining eleven. But (2) Korah and his followers are addressed as Levites ', and charged with aspiring to the priesthood ; they have been already dedicated to the service of the Dwelling, and claim a practical equality with Aaron and his family o-u. The answer to this pretension is supplied in 86-40^ where the priesthood is strictly confined to the posterity of Aaron. — In 18 the regulations ?~^ by which the Levites are set apart for the service of the sanctuary seem to define their functions for the first time, and altogether ignore the arrange ments of 38-18 14. . 4 and 88-28, This is confirmed by 22, according to which the right of immediate approach to the sanctuary, formerly possessed by the whole people, is apparently for the first time withdrawn. The language lof 20 is further inconsistent with the subsequent assignment of the Levitical cities 35!-*, but agrees with that of Deut lo" i8i- . , while 24 actually quotes a prior provision for the Levites such as D indicates. The early character of this section is also indicated by the allusion to 'the altar''' ct Ex 30I. At this point, then, it would seem, the original history of religious institu tions introduced the principle of the separation of the Levites for the charge of the Tent (not here called the Dwelling). It may be noticed that the laws are addressed to Aaron 1. . 8. . 20 . g^ elsewhere only Lev 10' (ct Ley S^ i62 21I Num 628 82). Cp detaUs in flea; ii. 286 THE PRIESTLY CODE [XIII § oo connexion with other topics such as unclean food ii*^, personal impurity 12'' 15^2, marital suspicion Num 5^', the Nazirite vow 613 21^ defilement caused by death 19I*- In some cases there seems reason to believe that these laws are themselves compiled from antecedent materials (see infra, and notes on Lev 1 1 and Num 5 Hex ii). But in general they may be regarded as derived from a corpus of priestly teaching originally independent of the wander ings. That such 'teaching' was one of the special functions of the priesthood is well known. As early as the Blessing of Moses, Levi is endowed with two privileges, the service of the altar and the teaching of the people Deut 33'". On its judicial side this ' teaching ' had the character of decisions which might become the basis of law cp 17I1 ; while on its ritual side it was largely con cerned with the means of preserving ceremonial purity. Thus D already recognizes a priestly teaching about leprosy 24', which may be now incorporated in Ley 13-14! EZakiel reckons among the functions of the priesthood the 'teaching' of the difference between the holy and the common, the unclean and the clean Ezek 4423 cp Lev loi". It is in accordance with this method that he sums up the description of the ideal sanctuary with the corre sponding formula ' this is the torah of the house ' 431^- To such a source we may assign Lev 1-7 in its earlier form ", iqI"- 11-15 Num 5^-621 15I-31 19M-22 6_ (3) These 'teachings' like the Holiness-legislation s§emanteriof_ " On the numerous strata of legal deposit traceable in this collection see Hex ii, Harford-Battersby in Hastings' DB iii 'Leviticus,' and Moore .Enc Bitl 2778-9. b Just as the collection of laws of sacrifice in Lev 1-7 interrupts the sequence between the original account of the construction of the Dwelling and the dedication of Aaron and his sons, so does 11-15 interrupt the connexion of 16I with ioi~8. The laws of uncleanness and purification contain materials in part probably older than P', worked up in a later setting. In II two sources may be traced (i) ^""8 'O- with later supplements in 24-38^ concerning clean and unclean, whether in food or contact, (2) 0-28 41—1411 ^^ith perhaps *^) concerning abomination in eating, a group already showing traces of composite character. These series may be founded on earlier ordinances once comprised in Pi^ 20^8 (for details, and for affinities with J see Hex ii). In 122'' is a reference to legislation now contained in 15. The colophons in 14^* 1582 indicate that various materials have been com bined in these laws, some of the ritual practice eg 142-8" being doubtless very ancient. The procedure in case of marital jealousy Num 511"'! appears to be based upon different views of the incriminated woman. In one scheme it is proposed to ascertain whether she is innocent or guilty ; in the other her guilt needs no demonstration, but only draws down on her the priestly doom. Thus in 27. it is clear that there is a real alternative 'defiled' or 'clean,' and tho title in 29. is equally plain. But in 12 i8»o si both introduction and conclusion imply only guilt ; and the water is not a method of ordeal, but a mere instrument of the curse 21 23. _ The law. XIII §90] PRIESTLY TEACHING 287 to the theory of the Aaronic priesthood. The process of adapta' tion cannot, indeed, be always securely traced. But the peculiar phenomena noted in Lev 1-3, see i*" Hex ii, show that the text has probably passed through a series of minute alterations by which ' the priest ' was converted into ' Aaron's sons the priests,' or an equivalent phrase. These have not always been completely carried out, so that occasional traces of them remain. The laws of sacrifice 1-7 do not name the Dwelling ; they habitually employ the~designalign 'Tent oflMeeting.' But they are occa sionally brought up to the standard of its arrangements, as in the references to the veil and incense-altar 4*- , and the court 6i^. It is probable that materials of different dates have here been amalgamated, and that the various ' teachings ' may have been expanded or developed by successive hands. That they rest on anterior usage is both in itself likely, and may be further inferred from the peculiar phrase 'according to the ordinance' (>§ 'judgement') 5!" Num 15^' cp Lev gi^ Num 29'**, which suggests the existence of a recognized body of customs grounded on the settlement of disputed cases. As they are largely occupied with related topics a certain community of phraseology may be observed among them, which does not reappear elsewhere " : and notable parallels occur in comparison with P^. Thus in Lev 7I* the peculiar word ' abomination ' (blJB) is found otherwise in the Hexateuch only in Pli Lev i<^ cp Ezek 4I* Is 65*t. The language of Lev II**- is of a common type with hortatory passages in Pli; and further points of contact may be noticed in Lev 15^"' • cp 1920 22* Num 5I* ; 1531 ' dweUing ' in the ideal'sense cp 26I1 Num 19I3 ; Num 52 cp Lev 242 1928 ; Num 5' ' holy things of the chUdren of Israel' cp Lev 222. In Num 5'"* it may not be too bold to therefore, has been compiled from two sources not designed for precisely the same situation (cp Stade ZATW 1895 166-78, and Hex ii). The regulations for Nazirites Num 6I-21 are in harmony with Lev 1-7, and show affinities Of terminology with B^ {Hex ii). Num 15I-I8 seems supplemental to Lev 2 : 22-31 ig related to Lev 4 5I-18 cp Hex ii, and ' Laws ' infra 7s e. The inclusioh of i9i*-22 in this group, by its title, and as founded on ancient ideas, does not necessarily imply an early written form, as the collection of priestly torofh certainly comprised materials of various date. It seems independent of 19I-I8 (the ritual of the red heifer) and has no definite connexion with P«. Cp Moore Enc Bibl ' Num ' 3446. " Thus ynp Lev 22 512 1| Num 526f : Lev 4« cp 148 " 81 Num 1918 : Lev 4I8 ' err ' Num 1522*, ' be hid ' Lev 52-^ Num 5"* : Lev 420 26 31 35 i y^^ forgiven ' 510. . 1922 Num 1528-28 Nipht : Lev 628 'rinsed' 15I1* : Lev 13S8 ' shaven ' 14*. 218 Num 6' 18. : Lev 14'' 88 'open field' 178 Num 19I8* : Lev 15I8-1.8 S2 iggg^ of copulation ' 1920 22* Num 5"! : Lev 15*1 ' defile my dwelling ' cp Num 58 19" 35'* : Num 5^- cp Lev 6=. : Num 5I8 mara cp the form njiao Lev 1421 : N.,™ ,,-15 «« T«., ™7 . -NT-.n, ,„20 «« 13 T„„ ,.31 ^ " 388 THE PRIESTLY CODE [XIII § 9^8 ¦recognize a supplement to earlier Tegulations, and a connexion may be thus inferred between some parts of the HoUness-legis lation and the priestly teaching which was afterwards still further defined. But the greater portion of this group appears to belong to a stage prior to the form given by Pe to the sanctuary and the sacred order. 10. There remain a number of passages both in narrative and law which do not seem congruous with their context, and must be regarded, therefore, as secondary extensions. In this view, the groundwork of P has been enriched from time to time by additions conceived more or less in its spirit, after the manner iilready indicated in the older documents J and E (chap XI § 6 p 196 and chap XII § 58 p 222). (a) The historical introduction shows occasional signs of the incorporation of materials from other sources, as in the story of the massacre of the Shechemites Gen 34 ", the genealogy of Edom 36'', the list of Jacob's descendants 46^^270^ au(j ^jjg pedigrees " In 34 two narratives seem to be blended. In the first the chief actors are Sheehem on the one part n, and Simeon and Levi on the other 80 ; in the second Sheehem recedes behind his father Hamor * ' 18, and the whole of the sons of Jacob move together 18. The first story relates the violation of Dinah (her marriage) and the subsequent vengeance inflicted on Sheehem by her two brothers. 'The second describes Shechem's honourable love for her, the proposals made by his father, the counter-conditions of intertribal communion demanded by the sons of Jacob, the massacre of the men, the capture of the women, children, and cattle, and the plunder of the city. The linguistic affinities of the first story clearly connect it with J, and it is supposed to contain the account of a transaction obscurely indicated in 498-'. Equally clearly do various marks in the second story bring it within the scope of P cp 8 20 'spake . . . saying' ^185, 10 'get possessions' '127°, 18 'every .male ' ^107°, lo ' become oije people ' ^27, 28 ' substance ' ^78. But it is so different in kind from P's other narratives of the patriarchal age, e g 17 and Z3, as to make it highly improbable that it ever belonged to the toPdhoth- book. The description of the spoiling of the city 2^-20 strongly recalls that of the Midianites in Num 31, which is of a secondary character. But other features suggest the possibility that older material may lie at the basis of this account. Wellhausen, Cornill, Bacon, Holzinger, and Gunkel, all ascribe this to B. All these critics admit the handling of Rp. But on what was this practised ? Not on a combined JB story, for it can hardly be supposed that the editorial touches would have alighted only on B's share in the joint product. Bp's work seems to belong only to the second story, and is independent of J. If's materials, therefore, cannot have formed part of B, unless it be admitted that there remained some isolated documents of that collection not incorporated in JB. But of this where is the evidence ? * The recurring titles in 1 and ' at once point ,to the union of details from different sources. The names of Esau's wives in 1-8 cannot be harmonized with those in 268* 28' (' Zibeon the Hivite ' 'in ^ should read ' Horite ' cp ''o. .). In 0-10 frequent repetitions seem due to repeated revisions and insertions. The material in 20-80 is similarly composite, 20. being a brief equivalent of 20-28. The names in *<>-*' differ so widely from those in o-" that the •passage cannot be ascribed to the same hand. • This list appears to be of a secondary character. It possesses many of the XIII § 10a] SECONDARY ADDITIONS 289 in Ex 6i3""30 <^ cp ^g^, ^ rpjig narrative of the gift of manna in 16 betrays at once the hand of the compiler in its curious dis locations [^Hex ii), while the sabbatical arrangements seem to imply later developments. Occasional traces of addition may be discerned in the account of the Dwelling and its furniture 25-31. Thus the _incense-altar 3oi~i'' does_nflt_sgem_jto have been among its sacred objects, as conceived by the first narrator. The Samaritan Pentateuch, it is true, places this section between 26** and 36. But it is exposed to suspicion on two grounds. In the first place it is ignored in other connexions where it would have been natural to mention it had it been recognized among the contents of the sanctuary, e g Lev 16 cp Ex 301" and Lev 8 cp 4' ; while on the other hand it appears in passages whose secondary character is confirmed by independent evidence cp Num 331 4I1. Moreover, the contiguous matter in Ex 30II-31II suggests further presumptions of addition, for the omission by @ of the reference to the anointing oil and the incense-ingredients in 25^ makes it probable that these sections also did not belong to the original description. This description, further, seems to have limited the priestly unction to Aaron 20'^ 29^ gut another series of passages marks characteristic of P, but on the other hand it is by no means in entire accord with other data cp 21 with Num 2688. . . The variations in ® show to how late a date editorial manipulation continued. One of the difficulties was to fill up the traditional number of seventy persons 2' cp Deut 1022 *. The method of the table is not quite consistent. According to o-i' Dinah is not reckoned in the computation, but in i^"i8 Serah the daughter of Asher is counted. The reference in 1211 seems to exclude Er and Onan ; but the total thirty-three in i' is only reached by including them or else adding in Dinah and Jacob himself. If 12'' be the correction of an editor acquainted with 38, the latter solution is possible (Dillmann) ; but the statement in * 'which came into Egypt ' must not be taken too literally ; 20 includes Joseph's sons who were born in Egypt, and Er and Onan may be therefore counted loosely among the children of Israel. The general evidence points to a writer familiar with P, but also acquainted with other documents besides. " The intrusion of 18-2^ into Ex 6 is shown by the fact that Yahweh's answer to the question of Moses 1* is not delivered till 7^, where the way is prepared for it by a repetition of the dialogue 28-3o_ Only three tribes are catalogued, Eeuben, Simeon, and Levi, so that the list has a curiously truncated air. The first two have their brief counterparts in Gen 46°- . The treatment of Levi is much fuller, and is apparently designed to intro duce Aaron and Moses, of whose descent nothing has as yet been said. But the clumsy identifications in 2«. betray a later h3,nd. Had P originally any account of Moses before 62 ? * Strack has pointed out a curious instance of artificial arrangement. Leah's descendants number thirty-two without Dinah, while Bachel has fourteen. The numbers for the corresponding handmaids are halved, Zilpah having sixteen and Bilhah seven. See Genesis (in Kuregef Comm) 149. XT 290 THE PRIESTLY CODE [XIII§ioo extends it also to his sons, i e to ordinary priests 28*1 2921 3080 40I" Lev 73^ 83" 10' Num 33, several of these being associated with groups otherwise viewed as later in form. These extensions are thus marked by a general tendency towards the heightening of ritual and the elaboration of detail : they sometimes enforce earUer demands with increased stringency and precision; they apply principles to fresh cases, or they seek to harmonize differ ences, and modify old rules apparently to suit unforeseen circum stances. The directions for the double burnt offering, morning and evening Ex 2938-^1^ -^ere rejected by Kuenen " partly on the ground of their incompatibility with the arrangements of the covenant iu Neh io33. That difiiculty is reUeved if it may be supposed with Kosters (cp § 6S p 263) that that covenant actually preceded instead of following the promulgation of the law related in 8 : but there seem to be other reasons ante p 261° for regarding the passage as an editorial insertion. In Lev 4 the rite of the sin offering includes the sprinkling of the altar of incense in the holy place, and is thus dependent on the section in Ex 301-1". Lev 16 appears to combine a more general ritual for the nation with special regulations for the high priest's entrance into the ' holy place ' '' ; whUe another remarkable case of expansion on , " Hex 310. ' The history of Lev 16 suggests many problems, critical and archaeological. Is it a homogeneous whole (Kuenen and seemingly Driver-White who attempt no analysis in Haupt's SBOT), or, if not, what different elements can be distinguished within it ? And what is its place in the collection of P ? As usual, more than one view is possible. The repetitions in 8 and " imply that a special ceremony for the high priest has been combined with a general atonement for the sanctuary and the nation. Indications con firmatory of this view are found at the close, where 84i> records the fulfilment of the divine commands by Aaron on a single occasion, but 20-si 84n make the ceremony annual, and 82. apparently enjoins its performance by successive high priests after their consecration. These facts suggest that the ritual has acquired its present form by several stages. 'The original purpose apparently is to regulate the conditions under which the high priest (Aaron) may enter the Holy of Holies 2, where Yahweh's appearance 2'' is no common event, but only takes place on the most solemn occasion cp 9*". Two sets of regulations may be distinguished in what follows : (i) the ritual of the two goats * '-0 i8-28^ ^nd (2) the ritual of the bullock of the sin offering 3 6 ui4_ ^g') jjas been amalgamated with (i) by a series of small modifications traceable in 18 "•> 10 &c, and the special occasion for atonement is found by linking the new ceremony with the death of Aaron's two sons 1 loi"'. Which of these two is the earlier ? The view offered in Hex ii notes that (i) like Ps recognizes only one altar i' 2025^ ^nd the ritual does not transcend that of Ex 29 or Lev 9. (2) on the other hand ordains a sevenfold aspersion " " belonging elsewhere to P* (4' " SH" 14' " 27 51 Num i9*t) ; the phrase ' Aaron and his house ' (instead of ' sons ') is noteworthy ; and the ' assembly of Israel ' i"" (nowhere else in P) is also suspicious : (a) is therefore regarded as secondary. [In view of iqI it is probable that 12. may belong to (2) as the authorized incense-ceremony.] The combined XIII 1 10a] SECONDARY ADDITIONS 291 an older basis wUl be found in the arrangements for the Jubile in 25". Supplemental laws may be observed in the ordinance imposing tithes of animals in addition to the requirement of their first-born 27 ; ui the secondary Passover Num 9!"!* ; in the law of the drink offering 15!"^* apparently dependent on Lev 2 ; and the firstUng of dough Num 15^^"^^ ; while 8^3 modifies the age of Levitical service specified in 4*. Indications of another kind may be discerned in the repetitions which describe the execution of the divine commands. The accounts of the preparation of the ritual is prescribed for successive high priests 82. ; but the disappearance of all the Aaron phrases, the change of ' holy place ' into ' holy sanctuary,' and the reference to the ' priests ' and the ' people of the assembly ' 88^ all indicate another hand. Finally in 20-si 84ii the ceremony is made annual. On the significance of this passage in connexion with Neh 8-9 cp infra § llj3. — For another view cp Benziuger .E»m! Bibl 'Day of Atonement' 384, who gives 1-* ' 12- '*•> to Pe, places 28-34» next, and attributes » '-i» "-28 to a much later hand. This is substantially adopted by Baentsch Hdkomm, and by Bertholet Hd-Comm who further appropriately saves 28. for Pe. — On the connexion of the ceremony with Ezekiel's arrangements 45i'-''o, and the significance of the date on the tenth of the seventh month 20^ see the commentaries. On the rittial of the goat for Azazel cp Cheyne Enc Bibl ' Azazel,' and Benziuger in Hastings' DB ' Day of Atonement.' Apart from the general affinities of the cultus of P with ancient Semitic usage, special elements of heathen custom may be noted in Lev 14*^ Num 5"- • &c. Further literary detail will be found in Hex ii. " Three separate themes are embraced in 25 and their interweaving renders analysis difficult : (i) the sabbath year 2''-^ 12-22 ; ^2) the principle of redemption applied (a) to the land 26 and {0) to the persons of the Israelites 8B-40a 47. {^) the application of the Jubile alike to the sale and tenure of land, and the ownership of Israelite slaves. The regulations for the sabbath year are seen at once to belong to Pi>, but the allotment of the remaining passages is by no means easy cp Hex ii. Apart from the general probability that the series of laws has been again and again revised, the legislation respecting both land and slavery presents so many resemblances on the one hand to B^ and on the other to Pe or P" as to show that materials from both sources here lie side by side. The chief problem concerns the Jubile. The analysis adopted regards the Jubile in its present form as a sign of distinct and later authorship. The introduction of it 8-13 interrupts the account of the sabbatical year, and the institution is nowhere mentioned in writings earlier than Pe. Further, it depends on the annual Day of Atonement 0, which appears to be later than Ezra's law-book, infra § 11|3. But at the same time the context in which it first appears presents many affinities with pi" cp "", so as to render it possible that the idea of a period of seven sabbaths of years was an early development out of the original sabbath year, which was then adapted and expanded by the later religious jurists into the jubile system. The whole complex of laws would then have passed through three main stages: (i) the sabbath year of P^"; (2) the seven sabbaths of years of P"*' ; (3) the Jubile of Ps with its applica tions to the previous regulations of P'''^' concerning sale and purchase of land and slaves; the product, represented by B^^'', has received some additions 82-83 ©fa still later kind, the reference to the ' cities of the Levites ' depending on Num 351-*, itself secondai-y {infra p 293' cp 296). On the Jubile see the commentaries of Baentsch and Bertholet, Addis Hex ii and Driver- White in Haupt's SBOT, the archaeological treatises of Nowack and Benziuger, 'Jubile' in Enc Bibl, and Harford-Battersby in Hastings' DB 'Sabbatical and Jubile Years.' U 2 292 THE PRIESTLY CODE [Xlll§ioa Dwelling Ex 35-40 cp infra, and of the consecration of Aaron and his sons Lev 8, are both secondary to Ex 25-29. Various phenomena in Num 1-4 imply that the census in i, the camp- order in 2, and the Levitical arrangements in 3-4 owe their present form to this kind of expansion "- The monotonous repe titions of 7 and its chronological discords '' point to an adapter of late date, while the dedication of the Levites in 8 is a counterpart to the ceremony of Lev 8, and Num 9I5-23 geems a supplement to Ex 40. A secondary stratum in the Korah story in Num 16 has been recognized since Kuenen pointed out ° that Korah and his associates appeared in two capacities, on the one hand as laymen vindicating the rights of the whole congregation, and on the other as Levites protesting against priestly exclusiveness. The second census 26 presents even more decisive marks of later origin than the first ^, and carries with it the case of Zelophehad's " In Num I the enumeration of the tribes 20-44 follows a slightly different. order from that in ^i8 : the diffuseness and repetitions suggest later elabora tion ct 20 22 ^ith 3I8. 22 &e : the association of Aaron with Moses " is not in harmony with i"" (cp further detail in Hex ii) ; and the double close *^ ^ suggests combination of diverse materials. The curious amalgam, in 2 by which the divine directions for the order of the tribes in camp and on the march embody parenthetically the results of the census * ' 8 ^^ can hardly be original ; and the new order of the tribes giving Judah prominence differs widely from that in i*-"!' (but cp the explanation of Gr Buchanan Oray 'The Lists of the Twelve Tribes' Expositor March 1902). Phenomena cognate with those of 2 but in inverse order may be seen in 321—80. The enumeration of the Levitical clans is interrupted by successive instructions concerning their place in encampment and the parts of the sanctuary under their care ^'-^^ 29-32 ss-ss^ which seem to be fragments of a view of the grouping of the Levites round the Dwelling, now replaced by the ampler statement of 4. The second Levitical census in 4 carried out by Moses, Aaron, and the princes of Israel *', shows much amplification compared vfith the simpler operations of Moses alone 3I8. 4o-42_ This dependent character is confirmed by the mention of the golden altar n, and numerous small phraseological divergences from P« cp 41" Hex ii. ' The date in 1 lo attaches the ' dedication of the altar ' to Ex 402 ", so that chronologically 7 should precede ii. Yet the distribution of the gifts ^-0 implies the functions of the Levitical clans as detailed in 4, while the order of the tribes is that of the camp described in 2, and the arrange ments of 1-4 are consequently presupposed. Similarly 9!"^ falls before }.^, but is postponed to prepare for the secondary passage in 8-i4. " Theol Tijdschr jdi 139-162, Hex 95 334. Cp ante p 285". "* The opening appears to be much curtailed. In 8 it is not clear who are designated by ' with them ' ; the first words of * are lost ; so that the clause ' as Yahweh commanded Moses ' stands by itself, and the phrase ' and the children of Israel which came forth out of the land of Egypt' is left suspended at the beginning of the enumeration. This, however, does not cohere with the explanation in 8*. , These phenomena show that the incorporation of the passage has not been effected without mutilation. Ji. comparison vvith i points in the same direction, (i) The introductory formula seems to be of a secondary character cp l'". (a) The order of the XIII 5 10a] SECONDARY ADDITIONS 293 daughters 27I-11. At this point a strong presumption is raised that the original injunctions concerning the death of Moses, represented in the text l>y27^i*, were foUowed after 15-23 i^y the actual record of his deathA I'hatevent, hbweverTispostponed by the insertion of a miscellaneous group of laws and narratives, by no means altogether congruous with each other, or all specially adapted to the situation of the great leader. Their heterogeneous character, as well as numerous minute linguistic and textual indications, seem best explained on the supposition that_a_sgrie3 of additions was made at this point by later hands *. What stage tribes corresponds with that of i20. . . (itself secondary) save for the inversion of Manasseh and Ephraim. (3) The lists of tribal clans in the main agree with those in Gen 468. . P», though occasional divergences ¦ see Benjamin 8'..) show that fresh material might be utilized. (4) The document contains sundry annotations, additions, and explanations, after the manner of a later editor, though some of these seem to be supplemental insertions cp o-io n 58 68i)-6i (-jyiiere the connexion is very loose) 84. . (5) The introduction of the division of the land ^2-56 seems premature ; the name of the land, even, is not mentioned, much less its conquest, or even the passage of the Jordan, ct 3381. . 342. . ; moreover, according to 27I2. . Deut 32*0. . , Moses was not permitted to cross the Jordan and could not be the instrument of the distribution. (6) The phrase ' as Yahweh commanded Moses ' * is character istic of ps cp 189°, and the description of the plains of Moab '83 ^s 'by' the Jordan cp 3112 3348-60 35I 36IS suggests a diiferent hand from that of 22I. The view that the existing narrative belongs to P' does not exclude the conjecture that, like i, it may have been based on an earlier and simpler form. " On the immediate fulfilment of the divine commands, cp Noah Gen 6^2 ; Abraham 1728 ; Moses Ex 1228 ; Aaron Num 2o2'. . &o. ^ Thus the catalogue of sacrifices in 28-29 i^ ^ summary of the dues required for the service of the altar. Its terminology harmonizes in the main with that of Lev 1-7 ; and its annual order is modelled on that of Lev 23. But it seems to belong to the secondary materials of P, for (i) it occurs iu the midst of a group of other secondary passages ; (2) it is widely separated from other ritual detail, and had Pe contained any such list it would have been natural to look for it in connexion with the calendar in Lev 23 (why should the feasts be ordained in the first year of the wanderings, and the accom panying offerings only in the last ?) ; (3) it incorporates the new moon festivals 28II-I8 unrecognized in Lev 23 cp Num iqIO ; (4) it lays -unusual stress on the great autumn feast 2912-88^ though the ancient title is ignored ; (5) it contains some delicate phraseological variations, eg ' my food for my tire-offerings ' ' observe to offer ' 282, ' ordained in Mount Sinai ' 288, ' drink offering of strong drink ' 28', the drink offering (here very prominent) being unnamed in Lev 1-7 (cp Lev 23I8 i* 87)^ < day of the firstfruits ' 2820, 'accord ing unto their ordinance ' 29' 83 cp 18 21 24 27 So S7 g^ The law of vows here set forth is not connected directly with previous specific ordinances Lev 27 Num 6, but it regulates their general force. The style of the law, with its successive cases, indicates the advance of legal distinctions chaj racteristic of P', and with this the phraseological indications correspond. The formula ' heads of the tribes ' appears elsewhere only in the later Levitical additions in i Kings 81 (cp ®) and the parallel in 2 Chron 52. Other expressions like ' bind with a bond ' ' break his word ' ^, ' rash utterance ' ', are only found here ; while ' afflict the soul ' 18 is employed in a sense not quite harmonious with P's customary usage. The phrase ' bear her iniquity ' I8 (where Sam ® read ' his iniquity ') shows some affinity with 294 THE PRIESTLY CODE [Xm§iOa in the redaction of the Pentateuch was most suitable for such augmentations, cannot be determined. They may have been ren- P" cp '193 ; and it is possible that this law may have been amplified from a briefer and earlier form. Various reasons, both of matter and style, unmistakably indicate the secondary character of 31 apart from the question whether the author intended to lay down any permanent law for the dis tribution of booty in war (ct Deut I3i8- ¦ 20I* • •). (i) The vengeance to be inflicted on Midian is awkwardly placed after the instructions for Moses' death and the appointment of his successor 27I2-28 ; Joshua is ignored, and Phinehas apparently takes the command 8 : the reference in 2 may be due to E (Dillm), but it may also be a sign of the author's own adaptation to the previous narrative. (2) The Midianites are led by five kings *, among them being Zur, who, however, in 25I8 is only ' head of a fathers' house.' (3) The introduction of Eleazar as legislator ''i ¦ • , qualifying the commands of Moses, has no parallel in P. (4) The writer seems to have been acquainted with P's story in Gen 34 cp ^ o^ jjut he uses other terms, e g ' spoil ' " cp Gen 49*' Ex 15' Deut 13I8 al, ' both man and beast ' n. (5) The general phraseology shows a considerable freedom; thus 'go to meet' 18, 'thy servants' " (unknown to P), belong specially to J (do they imply an older basis in JB for the present narrative ?) : other expressions, e g lo 80 64^ have their nearest parallels in Chronicles ; a considerable number occur nowhere else, e g ' were delivered ' ', ' sent to the war ' ', ' were to the children of Israel for ... ' ", ' skilled in war ' 2', ' tribute ' 28, ' people of the war' 82, ' half 88 : and others, ' as Yahweh commanded Moses ' ' 'i 47^ < purify yourselves ' i'- 28, ' water of separation ' 28, are characteristic of P'. The general effect of the narrative as a type of religious behaviour is not without analogy to that of Abraham in Gen 1420. The narrative of the settlement of the tribes of Keuben and Gad (and the half tribe of Manasseh) 32I-88 presents many conflicting phenomena. There is consequently considerable diversity of critical opinion, and similar indeterminateness of result (for recent discussions cp Bacon, Addis, and Moore Enc Bibl ' Numbers '). The assignment of the East Jordan territories to Gad, Keuben, and half Manasseh, is recognized by P Num 34". and by D Deut 312-20, and it may be fairly assumed that their statements are based upon some earlier account. Such an account might naturally be sought in Num 32, where there are many marks of the style of J. But it becomes plain on closer examination that even the passages which display most affinity with J are in close (if not indissoluble) connexion with words otherwise peculiar to P cp *. 18. &c. In ''"i" the sequence of ' and " is inter rupted by a hortatory digression chiefly founded on passages in Num 14, and showing indications of acquaintance with both its elements J and P, together with touches from D. The signs of duality of source seem further confirmed by slight variations of detail. The order of the names Reuben and Gad changes in '^. The list of cities built by Gad and Eeuben 8*^88 does not quite accord with the enumeration in *, and neither, again, agrees with Josh 13"- • 2*. . . The gift which is conditional in 20. . 23. . ^ ig apparently made un reservedly in ''. Yet the phraseology of '' is not without characteristics of P in its latter clauses, while the unexpected occurrence of the Deuteronomio 1D21D ' tribe ' (instead of P's usual msD) has its counterpart in the narrative in Josh 22. On the whole, therefore, it seems impossible to separate the element of J from that of a writer in the school of P, and the narrative i" is accordingly ascribed to P», who may be supposed to have freely worked up earlier materials of J and P. Under these circumstances it does not seem needful to assign ¦'-" to a still later hand. The secondary and reflective character of the narrative is clear throughout, as (i) in the representation that the cities were built anew, implying their total previous destruction, whereas the older view described the Israelites as entering into cities which they had not builded Deut 610 ; (2) in the careful explanation " that the old idolatrous names were changed ; (3) in the religious character of the march ' before Yahweh' 20. . (cp 4) contrasted with the customary expression Xlll§i0a] SECONDARY ADDITIONS 295 dered easier by the incorporation of the Deuteronomic Code, which interposed a large collection of addresses and narrative ' before the children of Israel ' " Deut 3I8 Josh i" ; and (4) in the prominence given to Eleazar the priest 28, to whom (with Joshua and the heads of the fathers) the ultimate decision is referred. In the sequel however Josh I3i''- ¦ , Eleazar and Joshua claim no share in the Trans-jordanic settlement, which is regarded as the work of Moses alone cp ". The itinerary of the Israelites' march 331-^0 is admitted on all hands to belong to the group of P. But to what section of it ? The answer depends on the relation assumed between some of its heterogeneous materials. Thus the references to Marah and Elim 8- , to Kibroth-hattaavah and Hazeroth i'- , and the Canaanite *", are derived from J, while Kephidim 1* seems traceable to B. P may of course have had its own itinerary in which these stages may have been named ; but the stylistic correspondences with specific passages in JE are here unmistakable. Are these references to be treated as the additions of a later editor, or are they integral parts of the document as conceived by its compiler ? NOldeke's observation that the total number of forty stations was probably adjusted to the tradition of forty years of wandering, has inclined many critics to the belief that the series has not reached its present form through casual incorporation, but has been deliberately arranged. In that case it displays a usage of previous sources analogous to that already noted in 32, and must be assigned to the same group P^ Its place in the midst of similar documents, and its addition of fresh touches ('while the Egyptians were burying their firstborn ' *, and the age of Aaron 88^ to say nothing of the unknown names 18-8O), tend to confirm this conclusion, which is not impaired by the difficulty of reconciling some of the data e g n 31-33 36 ¦vyith other passages. As with 32, its dependence on 3 seems closer than on E. A hint of foundation on an earlier source may be preserved in 2. In 3380-88 two distinct subjects are combined, (i) the expulsion of the Canaanite inhabitants and the destruction of their idols and sanc tuaries 8ii>-58 85. ^ and (2) the distribution of the land by lot 84. The first group seems unrelated to Pe either in matter or style, though it is not without affinities with earlier documents, and in particular with B^. " ,3 apparently introduced from 26'* to prepare the way for 34. These considera tions point to the compilation of ^o-se by Ps out of older material as in previous instances. 34 The preparatory arrangements for the occupa tion of the land of Canaan are here continued, but they are of such a character as to render it doubtful whether they were included in the original P. The sketch of the boundaries in 1-18 specifies some places unmentioued in the suivey in Joshua, two of them being named elsewhere only by Ezekiel. Moreover it is not apparent why such a careful delimitation was necessary for the Western country while the East remains undefined ; nor is it clear how Moses should be familiar with localities which he had never seen. The appointment of tribal leaders to supervise the distribution seems to be imitated from the census in i (though with a different formula), but unlike other arrangements in P founded on a divine command, it does not seem to have been carried out. For instance, in 13 the exploring mission of twelve tribal representatives is prescribed, but the choice of the individuals to compose it is left to Moses, who immediately proceeds to their selection and dispatch. Here the official distributors are designated by Yahweh, but nothing is said of any consequent appointment by Moses ; their future escape from the vicissitudes of conquest is assumed, yet when the time for action arrives they seem to be merged in the general group of ' heads of fathers' houses ' cp Josh 14I 1981. Moreover JE supplies an entirely different picture, according to which at Joshua's instance seven tribes elect three deputies each to survey and divide the remaining territory Josh 18^... In view of these circumstances, and of the general character of the group of chapters following the announcement of Moses' death 2712-28, it seems likely that these two sections also may be of a secondary character, designed to trace 296 THE PRIESTLY CODE [XIII§iOa between the divine warning of Moses' death and its execution. In some cases, eg in Ex 35-40, there is evidence that the final redaction may even have been deferred till the third century before our era". back to Moses every possible provision for the settlement. The reference in Josh 142, however, unless it be a later editorial addition, indicates the presence in Pe of some grtieral instru'Otions attributed to Moses which may have been elaborated by P», as in the case of the first census. The repetitions in 1*. and the plural address to Moses in '¦''¦ (cp 5' 35^'') seem more in harmony with the manner of the expander ; and the designations in 1* 'children of the Keubenites ' and ' children of the Gadites ' are unique, though ' families of the Keubenites' occurs 26^. 35 Two provisions are embraced iu this chapter (i) the Levitical cities 2-8^ and (2) the cities of refuge 0-8*. Both obviously belong to P, but they must be assigned in their existing form to ps. The endowment of the Levites with forty-eight cities is not in harmony with the express declarations that the priestly tribe should have no inheritance among the children of Israel 1820 24 i,ut should be supported by sacrificial revenues, tithes, &c. Moreover ' presupposes the selection of the cities of refuge, and the connexion of ' with ' does not require a sug gestion of interpolation. Again, 1 repeats 3380 and 8 depends on 338*, while, further on, 10 reproduces 3381. The second set of laws presents some of the features previously noted in the compilations of P=. It shows the working up of different sets of materials cp Deut 19I-1*. Thus it refers to the ' high priest ' 28 28^ which does not appear to be one of Pe's terms cp Lev 21I0, and to the unction with the ' holy oil ' cp Ex 3028. In 20 it reaches a close cp 27I1 (where alone ' statute of judgement ' recurs). The passage that follows seems to embody additional references to the ancient doctrine of the ' ransom,' and to the conception of ' polluting the land ' which is expressed in different terms in ^' and 8*. In 8* the fresh verb (with the change to the sing) sug gests a source kindred to B^ in Lev r828 cp Lev 1581 Num 19I8. In ''^ it is doubtful whether ' the priest ' should not be the ' high priest,' so Sam @ ®. The same authorities in 88 unite in reading 'the land which ye inhabit' as in '*. 36 The principle which assured inheritance in land to daughters in the absence of a son, exposed the tribe to the danger that marriage might convey the heiress's property to another tribe. The law in 36 provides against this contingency, and is plainly dependent on 27I-11. It also presupposes * the Jubile of Lev 25I0. • . It therefore belongs to the same secondary group. The phraseology is not without marks of departure from the linguistic standards of P, cp 2 'my lord,' ' ' tribe' TDiiB (this single occurrence might be accidental but for similar indications elsewhere eg 3288 cp ^165), ' ' possess ' IDT cp 27*1 "88. " The criticism of this section was first undertaken in 1862 by Dr J Popper in his treatise Der Biblische Bericht iober die Stiftshiltte. His main results have been accepted by Kuenen, who has discussed them in his Hex pp 76-80 332. The chief points on which he lays stress are — (1) the incorporation in their proper order of the secondary sections in 30-31I1 : thus the altar of incense 2q1-io jg described after the ark, table, and lampstand, which stood within the Tent 3726-28 . and the laver 3oi''- is named after the altar of burnt offer ing 38' : this rearrangement implies a hand at least as late as the addition of 30-31I1 to 25-29. But (2) it can be shown to have been still more recent, for the account of the half-shekel tax and its purpose differs in 382*-8i from that in soU-i'. This conclusion (3) is confirmed by divergences of phraseology iu the Repetition ; thus 3610 12. 22 jjas nn« •;« nn« ' one to another,' for ::Tmn« 'i« mi'H 268 8. " cp Sam 26' &c. It is farther (4) supported by indica tions of diversity of authorship in 35-40 (with which Lev 8 = Ex 29 must be combined), eg 402^-82 anticipates the account of the consecration of the priests Lev 8, and their first sacrifice Lev 9 : and in sg'-'i the formula ' as Yahweh commanded Moses ' ^iSgc recurs seven times, though not previously XIII § 10/3] SECONDARY ADDITIONS 297 [0) The general evidence for the secondary character of these and other passages is thus of various kinds. It is gathered from Incongruities of fact and representation ; from the supplemental character of different ordinances ; from impUcations of mutual dependence, and irregularities of time-order. To these may be added a number of peculiarities in phrase and formula, some of which are tabulated below". In particular P' appears to show employed in 35-38. It is (5) in harmony with this general view of prolonged redactional activity that ® should display such marked peculiarities of dislocation, curtailment, or omission (see the Table in Hex ii). The text of the Kepetition could not have been definitely fixed. Moreover, the phe nomena of translation are unexpected : technical terms in the Kepetition are sometimes rendered by fresh words, and not by their counterparts in the preceding sections : why should such changes have been introduced if the same translator had been at work ? And if a new hand took up the task, was it not because new material called for incorporation in the Greek version ? Popper, therefore, boldly concluded that 35-40 did not assume its final form until after the preparation of @ had begun ; and this view was favoured by Kuenen, though it may be doubted how far the variations of rendering suffice to justify the conclusion (thus, parallel phenomena may be noted in Num 3-4). Apart, however, from this particular inference, the generally late character of 35-40 is further indicated (i) by the circumstance that the account of the breast-plate of judgement 39'-''i includes alike in ^ and @ the duplicate passage absent from (5) in 28I8-80, and (2) by the re markable parallel between the institution of the hew ritual order and the ancient cosmic order. The sevenfold ' as Yahweh commanded Moses ' 39I-8I cp 4oi'^82 niatches the sevenfold ' and it was so ' ' and God saw that it was good ' of Gen i ; the finished work is inspected by Moses 39*8 and draws forth his blessing cp Gen 181 28 2'. Such a parallel seems to belong to the age which witnessed the beginnings of Kabbinical speculation (cp Jos Antt iii 7 7, Philo Vit Mos iii 6 ff). " Among the formulae specially characteristic of P' may be noted the following : ' This is (Anah) who . . .' i88° : ' as Yahweh commanded Moses ' 189° : ' by the hand of . . .' and ' command by the hand of . . .' 180°* : ' take the sum,' ' heads of fathers ' 84°° : ' purify oneself 143''. Unusual expres sions, not occurring in Ps, may be of two kinds : they may arise out of the peculiar subject-matter of the narrative or law, as the words ' bond ' Num 3(j2-5 8 io-i4.|,^ I pash utterance ' 6 8.j.^ < lying in wait ' 3520 22.|. . or they may have a more general significance, as replacing common phrases, or perhaps involving combinations of familiar terms which are not discoverable else where (or only occasionally so) in such connexions. Thus cp §, ' cords ' Ex 35I8 3g40 Num g2ii 37 ^26 32* . i dond of Yahweh ' Ex 4088 Num io8*t : ' are poured out ' Lev 4^''\ : ' in perpetuity ' 25^8 so.j. . i gold as bondmen ' 25*2f : ' expressed by name ' Num i" i Chron 128I 16*1 2 Chron 28I6 31I9 Ezr 820f ; ' declared their pedigrees ' Num iiof : ' oversight ' 382 8s ^le gt 1620* : ' cover ing ' 48 i4f : ' table of shewbread ' 4'\ : ' for a moment ' 420f : ' covered wagons ' 78 cp Is 6620f : ' dedication ' Num 7" 84 88 gp pg 30 (title) 2 Chron 70 Ezr 618- Neh 12*7 Dan 32.t : ' water of expiation ' Num S't : ' service of Yahweh ' 8iit : ' sometimes ' 920. cp Neh s'f : ' this is the statute of the law ' Num 192 3i2if : 'speak right ' 27' 368 cp Ex io2o* : 'statute of judgement' Num 27I1 3520f : ' drink offering' 28^ : ' day of firstfruits ' 2828f : 'heads of the tribes' 30I cp i Kings 81 2 Chron 52f cp Num 3228 Josh 14I 21I : 'dis allow' Num 308 8 113270 PS3310 I4i8f : 'arm ye' Num 318331'' 20*; 'vengeance of Yahweh ' 318* Jer Ezekf : ' were delivered ' Num 3i8f : • prey ' 31I1. 26. 32 Is 49''*-t : 'service of the war ' Num 31"* : 'which went to the battle ' 3121 328 I Chron I97f : ' skilled in war' Num si^'f cp Jer 2' : ' tribute ' Num 312* 298 THE PRIESTLY CODE [XIII § iOj3 much greater freedom in the handling of older materials. Thus the vocabulary of narrative in P* seems very definitely marked ; the description of the Creation, the revelation of El Shaddai to Abraham, the purchase of the cave of Machpelah, Gen i 17 23, do not show any approximation to the usual style of JE. But in P' the older type of language is employed much more freely, as the margins of Num 31-32 sufficiently show, and in Gen 34 Wellhausen and CornUl believe that the basis of the story of P* was derived from E ". In a similar manner some of the legislation of P' may rest on older forms of P*". This seems to be clearly indicated in the manner in which the jubile law is superposed on that of the older sabbath year Lev 25 : and some curious Unguistic traces may be noted in Num 9^"^* 30 and 33^^- • . In abandoning the strict usage of P^, P' allows himself greater latitude of expression ; and he occasionally employs some of the characteristic words of D for which P' prefers other terms, cp ' tribe ' 32^^ 36^, and ' possess ' 27^^ 36* : parallel phenomena will be found in Josh 20 and 22. The linguistic evidence (with its occasional correspondences in later literature) thus distinctly confirms the view that these sections may be ascribed to a later and reproductive age of legal codification. 11. The analysis of the Priestly Code leads to the conclusion that it consists of smaller collections P" P' P' incorporated into one principal document P^ whose carefully arranged narrative ofiered numerous points at which insertions of various kinds could be introduced. But under what conditions did this fusion take place ? (a) The time and mode in which the various elements were combined, cannot of course be determined within any fixed limits. The secondary materials represented by P' are so plainly diverse in age (the description of the Dwelling Ex 35-40 being apparently the latest of all) that their addition to the great law-book may naturally be conceived rather as a literary process than as a specific editorial act. But the union of P" and P' with P* admits perhaps of somewhat clearer, though still largely conjectural, presentation. The Holiness-legislation is plainly connected, through its affinities to Ezekiel, with the priestly schools in Babylonia. To the same general origin may the laws embraced in the priestly teaching 87t : ' drawn out ' 3180 47 j chron 24't : ' people of the host ' Num 3i''''t - ' captains of thousands and of hundreds ' 31" i Chron 131! : Num 33*1 1| 35" : 34" 11 35^* : 36" ' my lord ' cp •'56. " So also Holzinger Hd-Comm and Gunkel Hdkomm. XllllUa] SECONDARY ADDITIONS 299 be ascribed. Numerous small points of contact link the two groups together, though it is plain that the present contents of P' are by no means all of the same date (e g in Lev 1-7). It may be surmised, then, that when P^ was drawn up, P"" and P' were embodied in it. The amalgamation was probably not due to the original author. It can hardly be supposed that the great designer of the Levitical Dwelling, with all its associated institutions, would have himself interpolated into his work a law originally so incongruous with it as that which regulates sacrifice in Lev 17 ; or again, that he would have sought to combine the flexible arrangements of the older calendar with the fixed order of months and days in 23. It is probable, therefore, that these related elements were introduced by other hands ". Not unnaturally did the critics who had so clearly recognized the diversity of materials in P, ascribe to Ezra the labour of unification, and suggest that it was that which engrossed him between the eventful years 458 and 444 B c *. But the confidence with which this view was once entertained, is moderated by other considerations. On the received view of the chronology the severe measures which Ezra sanctioned and carried through, must have roused against him bitter hostility. This lasted long and checked all further effort. He can take no further step until he has the support of Nehemiali. Is it likely that such a period of failure and defeat was occupied with the literary labours of codification? Does it not seem on the whole more probable that Ezra brought the new law-book with him from Babylonia, and that the promulgation followed without long delay ? The view of Kosters to which attention has been already invited [cmte § 68 p 263), shortens indefinitely the interval between Ezra's arrival and the great publication. The share which we may then ascribe to him and Nehemiah somewhat resembles the parts of Hilkiah and Josiah in connexion with D, save that the relative significance of the sacerdotal and the civil powers is reversed. The function of Ezra was not that of the subsequent editors of the Deuteronomic documents ; his duty was not to compUe but to proclaim ; the practical task devolved upon him of securing the acceptance of a code which he had received " Much must have been sacrificed in this process : the mutilated condition of the two calendars now fused in 23 implies that much else in P"" may have been set aside. But it is no more possible to restore its original contents than to determine those of the law-book read to Josiah and now enclosed in D. ' So Graf, in M.ers.'s Archiv i 476 ; Keuss Gesch der Heil Schr ATs § 377 p 462; Kuenen Rel of Isr ii 233 and Hex 304 ; Wurster ZATWiy 128. Cp ante § 60-7. 300 THE PRIESTLY CODE [XIII § Hi from others, and of which he probably no more knew the personal authors than HUkiah knew the original preachers of the Deuteronomic law ". [0) The inquiry as to the exact scope of the post-Ezran additions is inecessarUy unable to attain definite results. Different critical judgements may be passed on the regulation for the daily burnt offering, morning and evening Ex 29^^- • , according as the covenant of Neh 10 is supposed to follow or to precede the actual intro duction of the new code: but it is clear that the adoption of Kosters' arrangement does not obviate all difficulties. The textual phenomena render the passage suspicious ; and the supposition that this and other sections found their way into P between the covenant and the promulgation would imply an activity on the part of Ezra and his friends which can hardly under the circumstances be ascribed to them. It may, therefore, be plausibly regarded as of later date. An argument of another kind may be applied to Lev 16, where history supplies a precious test. The immediate consequence of the reading of the new code is the splendid celebration of Booths for eight days beginning on the fifteenth of the month Neh 8^*- •. But between the first and the fifteenth the calendar assigns the solemn Day of Atonement to the tenth Lev 23^^""*^. Why is no notice taken of this hallowed fast, imposed on the whole nation under the severest theocratic penalties? The 'argument from silence' impresses different critics differently. The significance of it, however, in this case seems heightened by the description of the fast-day and confession which followed on the twenty-fourth Neh g^- ¦ . Why should this have been needful? Why was no notice taken of the peculiar rites of the ' Day ' (as it came afterwards to be called by dis tinction), which would have rendered such national humiliation superfiuous? There seems good reason, therefore, on the basis of the received order, to question the inclusion of Lev 16 in Ezra's law-book, at least in the form which constitutes it an annual celebration '. It is possible that (as Wurster has argued) the present rite has been converted into an annual ceremony " So also Holzinger Einl 453, on the basis of the traditional chronology. On the other hand, Steuernagel, AUgem Einl 278, argues from Ezr 7I2 that Ezra was himself the author (or rather the ' collector ') of the law which he was to introduce, and combined Ps and B^ in Babylonia before 458 bo. ' So Zunz ZDMG xxvii 682 ; Kalisch Leo ii 272 ; Reuss Bible i 260. Ben ziuger, Enc Bibl ' Day of Atonement ' 384, finds its origin in a precept for a yearly fast-day with sabbatic rest, now contained in 20-84 j go also Moore pp cit 2782. On the other hand cp Kuenen .£fex 312. XIII § 11/3] SECONDARY ADDITIONS 301 by later modifications, the original ordinance with its narrower application having been contained at the outset in P cp ornte p 290'. Or it may be that in the misplaced order of the documents in the books of Ezra and Nehemiah, the narrative in Neh 9 belonged really to the events in Ezra 10, and had no relation to the reading of the Law. Kuenen's plea that there was a difference between the enthusiastic celebration of an ancient popular festival and the immediate acceptance of a whoUy new ceremony, would then have considerable weight. But on the whole it seems easiest to suppose that Lev 16 as it stands now is of later date, and to' accept the inevitable inference that passages which rest upon it, such as Ex 30^"^ Lev 23^^"^^ 25'- •, are of still more recent origin, and did not enter the Priestly Code till after Ezra's promulgation. Other sections in P° are probably yet younger ; but the question of their ¦ incorporation may perhaps be more suitably discussed in examining the general, process of the reduc tion of the whole Pentateuch into one continuous collection (cp chap XVI). The share of P in Joshua is considered in chap XVII § 5. CHAPTER XIV UNCLASSIFIED DOCUMENTS Beside the main collections, JE, D, P, into which the Hexa teuch may be resolved, there remain a few passages, chiefly poetical, which seem to be of independent origin. 1. Gen 14 is admitted on every hand to show many peculiarities. These are seen alike in the subject-matter — the invasion of the Mesopotamian kings, Abram's victorious pursuit, and his interview with Melchizedek — and in the details of phrase and name. [n) To neither of the two documents traceable in Genesis up to this point can it be assigned with any probability: not (i) to P, for it is not in his manner (in spite of some terms cited below), and, in admitting the use of the name Yahweh by Abram ^^, it violates P's fundamental canon of the progress of revelation Ex 6^ (cp chap XIII § 1) ; nor (2) to J, for the picture which it gives of Abram and his surroundings does not agree with J's habitual representations. In J Abram lives among the Canaanites 12^ 13'^, here he is called a Hebrew and is leagued with Amorites ; Mamre, in 13^^ 18^ apparently a place, is here a chieftain (cp Eshcol 'grape-cluster' Num 13^^): and whereas in J Abram is a wealthy sheikh who moves through the country on terms of independent amity with his neighbours, here he displays military resources and capacity which enable him to overwhelm a league of kings. The margins, however, show affinities of style with both J and P. To the latter, in particular, belong the terms ' goods ' "¦ ^^ 21 -155^ ' born in his house ' " cp if^- 23 27 Lev 22"*, and ' persons ' 21 ''146 ; and the force of these connexions is hardly weakened by Dillmann's observations that ' goods ' appears again outside P under the hand of R in Gen 15^*, that 'born in his house ' is an editorial gloss, whUe the designation ' persons ' was hardly to be avoided. These phenomena would point to a writer acquainted with the Unguistic usage of both J and P. (3) The narrative is further distinguished by a large number of names occurring nowhere else in the Hexateuch, or even in the Old Testament. Besides those of the Mesopotamian kings and of XIV§la-7] GENESIS 14 303 the five tributaries in the Jordan valley, with Aner and Melchi zedek, a whole map of localities is unrolled here for the only time, Bela % the vale of Siddim 3, Ham «, Shaveh ^ ", El-paran % En- mishpat '', Hobah ^^, King's Vale 1^. In the critical impossibility of attributing the narrative to J or P, Dillmann and Kittel fall back on E (cp chap XII § 1). The justification appears hardly adequate. The league with the three Amorites ^^ (cp the Amorite in E "96) is compared with the covenant in 21^2 between Abraham and Abimelech ; on the strength of Hos 11^ the names Admah and Zeboiim ^ are assigned to the Ephraimitic source ; while a similar origin in E is asserted for the archaeological detail in ^• to which such curious parallels are found in Deut 2^*' ^^ 22 These indications are scarcely conclusive. E's Abram is a prophet Gen 20^ not a general, and Dillmann is further obliged to admit a continuous editorial manipulation by B culminating in the insertion not only of ' Yahweh ' 22, but of the whole Melchizedek episode by a Judean editor, perhaps BA. Konig, with clearer perception of the individual character of the narrative, attributes it " like Eichhorn a century ago, Ewald in the last generation, and Driver to-day '' to a special source ; but he fixes its origin in the Book of the Wars of Yahweh Num 21^*, P's 'goods' being intro duced by an editor. Kuenen, WeUhausen, CornUl, Budde, Bacon, WUdeboer, BaU, Holzinger, and Gunkel on the other hand, having regard to the Unguistic indications already cited, as well as to the difficulties in the story itself (first emphasized by Noldeke ", who dated it about 800 b c), refer it to a writer later than P, and group it with the Midrash literature of later Judaism "*. [y) Eecent cuneiform investigation has thrown much light on the names of the Mesopotamian kings, and on the general rela tions of Syria to the Eastern empire. But nothing has as yet been discovered which gives any support to the story of Chedor- laomer's overlordship, or to that of an expedition terminating in the total rout of himself and aU his allies " \ On the results of " Einleitung (1893) 182. b j^QfS ^s. " Untersuchungen (1869) 156-72. ^ Holzinger Hd-Comm (1898) 147 ' a very late and learned construction ' ' if any story from E lay at the basis of it, it has disappeared and left nothing behind but the indefinite impression that it might have been there ' Gunkel Hdkomm (1901) 263 ' a legend from the age of Judaism,' ' showing like other books of this later period (Esther Daniel Judith) an interest in the history of the great world-powers.' « RV speaks of the ' slaughter of Cbedorlaomer and the kings that were with him.' The rendering is doubtful, for ^ (' smite ') may only mean their complete overthrow without involving their actual death. @ translates by 304 UNCLASSIFIED DOCUMENTS [Xrv § ly archaeological research, cp Meyer Gesch des Alterthums (1884) i 166, Sayce Higher Criticism i6i--. Patriarchal Palestine 64- •, Early History ofthe Hebrews 24-30, Maspero Struggle ofthe Nations 47-, Driver Guardian, March 11 and April 8, 1896, Hommel Ancient Hebrew Tradition v. Church Times, March 18, 1898, Driver in Authority and Archaeology ed Hogarth 1899, Tiele and Kosters Enc Bibl ' Cbedorlaomer ' 1899 ; and below, chap XV (contributed by Prof Cheyne, where a reference will be found to King's recent edition of the letters of Khammurabi). The narrative as it stands cannot possibly be coeval with the events which it describes, for it employs names to which subsequent narratives assign a much later origin. The Amalekites ' are specified in 36^2 among the descendants of Esau. Dan 14I* points to a date posterior to the Danite conquest narrated in Judg 18^^. There are also grave chronological embarrassments affecting the contemporaneousness of Abraham with the Mesopotamian kings. These princes are placed by the monumental evidence in the twenty-third century nc", and the Exodus is dated in the thirteenth*. Between Abraham and Moses there is thus an interval of a thousand years. Yet according to the testimony of Gen 15^®, though this is not free from difficulties on other grounds, the return of Israel to Canaan was to take place in the fourth generation from Abraham, and with this the genealogies of the Mosaic age are in substantial accord. Prof Hommel, indeed, proposes to reduce the gap by placing Khammurabi (Amraphel) " about 1900 b c. Apart from the question whether this result oan be harmonized with the view just named, it must be pointed out that it is only gained by striking out a whole dynasty of kings named on the tablets as * entirely apocryphal.' This process of elimination may be Kon^ which represents equivalent § in .Tosh io28, where the massacre of the Canaanites is certainly implied by the following clause ; and the same word is naturally employed by the author of Hebrews 7I, where RV again renders ' slaughter.' Prom the point of view of the cuneiform records and their supposed confirmation of the Hebrew narrative, the question is not without significance, for Prof Sayce infers from the Mesopotamian texts that the kings survived to make war on each other nearer home {Early History 27). In Num 31^- twelve thousand Israelites (a vastly greater number than Abram's little force) with Phinehas the priest slay (nn) the five Midianite kings together with every male : the women and children are captured, the maidens alone numbering 32,000 88. Apparently no Israelite is lost on either occasion. Are these the contemporaiy records of real fighting ? " Higher Criticism 165 ; Early History 12 ; other views in Ancient Hebr Trad 121. * Early' History 151, 1277 bc. " This identification, however, cannot be regarded as certain ; it is, for instance, rejected by Tiele and Kosters Fno Bibl 733. XIV §2] GENESIS 14 305 justifiable on other grounds, but it cannot be overlooked that it is offered as an alternative to hypotheses concerning which Prof Hommel observes that ' the acceptance of any one of them would be merely bringing grist to the miU of the modern critics of the Pentateuch ".' At present, therefore, it can only be affirmed that the author of 14 employed names and perhaps other materials ultimately derived from ancient cuneiform texts'- It is possible that he was himself acquainted with them ; but he may only have worked up hints or suggestions not immediately dependent on cuneiform sources. Prof A A Bevan has remarked" that * in the East fragments of historic tradition may be trans mitted from age to age and from nation to nation in a great variety of ways ; and it is particularly important to observe that historical romances are much more Ukely to be transmitted than genuine historical narratives.' Nothing has yet refuted the suggestion of Meyer'' and Tiele* that a Hebrew author may have UtUized a tra dition first learned in Babylon to glorify the great ancestor of Israel. In that case we may suppose that the numerous explana tory notes are not the product of later editorial activity, but are part of the writer's own method. The names of the kings of Sodom and Gomorrah were understood by the Eabbis to be derived from the Hebrew nouns ' evil ' and ' wickedness '•'' : and it is a curious circumstance that the number of Abraham's 'trained men' 1* corresponds to the sum of the numerical values of the letters of the name Eliezer 15^. Is this an instance of the cypher known as Gematria ^ ? 2. The 'Blessing of Jacob' in Gen 49^"^' can hardly be regarded as a single composition. The inequalities in style, and the different treatment of the tribes, first suggested to Eenan that it had arisen out of a collection of proverbial or poetical sayings*. These appear to be founded on different incidents, and to belong to " Aruient Hebrew Tradition 133. f" Cp Driver Authority and Archaeology 45 ' the evidence that the campaign described in this chapter was historical is for the present confined to that which is supplied by the Biblical narrative itself.' " Critical Review vii 411. ¦* Gesch des Alterthums i 166. • Bab-Assyr Gesch (1886) 123. / So still by Tiele and Kosters, who are further inclined to interpret Bela as ' perdition ' ; Holzinger thinks the royal names beyond control through uncertainties of text ; Gunkel remarks that the namelessness of the fifth shows that the four preceding are not mere inventions. ' Wellhausen Comp (1889) 310-311. ft Hist Gen des Langues Semitiques (1858) 120. Cp Kuenen Hex 240. For Gimkel's view see below. 3o6 UNCLASSIFIED DOCUMENTS [XIV 5 2 various dates, though the author of the poem has given to them a certain unity by the process of fusing them together. Thus in *~' the recollection of some ancient act of violence by Simeon and Levi (the latter being as yet no dedicated tribe) is clearly pre served : and the doom pronounced upon them may go back to the early days of the settlement cp 34^"- On the other hand the monarchy of Judah seems to be implied in ^''. Dillmann, indeed, with whom K6m'g and WUdeboer substantially agree, ascribes the whole poem to the age of the Judges ; Eeuss thinks the conditions appropriate to the rise of David against Saul ; Driver discerns a refiexion of the social circumstances under the Judges, Samuel, and David ". Kautzsch ' notes the divergence between the language concerning Levi '', too early for the monarchy, and the ascription to Judah of an eminence before unknown. The problem is further complicated by the reference to Joseph. On the one hand he has been seriously wounded ^^ j on the other, his wealth and prosperity are described in glowing terms ^^•. But the originality of this passage is open to doubt ; it may be a har- monistic insertion from Deut ss^^"-'^ ". In that case the apparent allusion to the northern kingdom ^® falls away. Yet there remains the recognition of his power ^^ impaired but not destroyed by hostile attack. This finds a widely received explanation in the Syrian wars of the ninth century, before the victories of Jero boam II"*. The poem may have really grown out of a smaller nucleus describing the fortunes of some of the most prominent of the tribes. In its present form it expresses that fuller national consciousness which first emerged under the Davidic monarchy, and is reflected in the systematized scheme of the patriarchal traditions''. Eeuben, Simeon, Levi, Judah (cp 2f^^~^^), sons of Leah, stand first ; while Joseph and Benjamin, offspring of Eachel and the latest born, wind up the list. The compUer thus stands on the basis of J's original order, and may be supposed to repre sent the southern view. But he is not to be identified with J, for the alternations of Jacob and Israel ^ and ^* are hardly in his manner-'', and the poem seems to stand apart by its rugged styk from his general narrative '. » LOT' 19. b Literature ofthe OT 15-16. " Cp Hex ii, and Fripp ZATW (1891) 262-6. ^ So Wellhausen, Kuenen ; Stade {Gesch Isr i 150) suggests the reign of Ahab. Cornill, Ball {PSBA xvii 179-180), Holzinger {Hd-Comm 263), accept this general date. ' Cp chap XI § 5a p 193. / Cp Holzinger Hd-Comm 264 : the text of 2*'> is doubtful. ' Gunkel, Hdkomm 431, protests that the view of Kuenen and Holzinger is XIV §3] EXODUS 15 307 8. The ' Song of Moses ' in Ex 15^"^* is obviously a poem of a very different class. It does not show any close relation to either of the documents in which the passage of the Eed Sea is described, J E P in 14 ". On the contrary, it seems to stand at a distance from the triumph which it commemorates. It is not marked by any personal or local allusions. Contrast the vivid touches of the ' Song of Deborah ' Judg 5, or the lament of David over Saul and Jonathan 2 Sam i. All early poetry, fresh from the scene and the event, is full of concrete detail. The poet of Judges 5 leaves the fate of Sisera in no doubt : but in Ex 15*- it is uncertain whether or not Pharaoh perished with his host. Moreover, such definite references as there are, point to a much later age. They describe the jJangs of Philistia, the amazement of Edom, the panic of Canaan ^*- . But this excitement and terror are not caused by the overthrow of the Egyptian troops: they arise from the victorious march of Israel under its divine leader into his 'holy habitation' ^3. jn other words,. the poet looks back on the settlement in Canaan as already accomplished. Nor is this all, for the language of ^^ has been often supposed to refer to the Temple. The first clause may, indeed, describe the whole land rather than the sacred House ; and the second may be regarded with Wellhausen '' as a later and limiting addition " ; but even in this case the evidence of ^3 would stUl be decisive of post-Mosaic origin. Some echoes of ^- are to be heard ih Is 12^ ^ but the late character of this composition is no guarantee of an early date for the phrases which it seems to reproduce. The general affinities of the poem both literary and religious (cp the parallels in Hex ii) seem to class it with the psalms of a subse quent age**; and the emphatic assertion of Yahweh's eternal a ' mechanical explanation ' after the favourite fashion of the modern school of literary critics. He pleads that the poem was originally conceived as a unity at a very early date, and transmitted in various recensions, the Joseph verses, for example, being derived from Ephraim. In process of time it took up fresh material and transmuted the old to fit new situations. But not even 22-26 requires a date below the Judges, and i" precedes the division of the monarchy.— Cp Moore Enc Bibl 1677 ' nothing points to a date earlier than the establishment of the Davidic kingdom ' ; 'the poem as a whole makes the impression of a work of one conception, though it is not free from glosses, and perhaps longer interpolations.' » Cp, however, ' host ' 15* with P in 14* " 28 . . pursue ' 15' with P in 14* «. * Prolegomena 22". " The word ' place ' occurs elsewhere only in i Kings 8" 89 « 49^ of y^j,, weh's heavenly dwelling-place. << Thus with 11 cp Ps 868 sgS .j^is. . and with the general character of the poem Pss 78 105 106 114. Baudissin's remark, Einl g6, that such resemblances X 2 3o8 UNCLASSIFIED DOCUMENTS [XIV § 3 sovereignty with which it concludes implies an advanced stage of the doctrine of the divine Kingship such as had found fresh expression during and after the exUe". The prophets of the captivity deeply felt the parallel between the deliverance under Cyrus and the escape from the Egyptian servitude ; and their own hope of return and of the restoration of their sanctuary may have generated the language of 13-17_ rphe evidence is rather general than specific: the place of the poem will be judged rather in connexion with a wide view of Israel's religious and literary development than on the more definite ground of particular historic allusion ^ 4. The ' Song ' in Deut 32 is attached like the code to the name of Moses, but it is plainly not by the author either of the laws or of the homiUes of D. The introduction in 31I6-22 jg shown in the analysis to be derived from another school ; and the language of the poem has scarcely any points of contact with the distinctive Deuteronomic phraseology. The retrospect in '^"^^ carries it below the period of conquest and settlement : the description of Israel's idolatries 15-22 implies a historical reflexion analogous to that now found in the framework of the Book of Judges. Chastisement, however, is at hand, nay it has already overtaken the unsteadfast children ; and the poet desires that his people may stiU have wisdom to understand the discipline by which they are being tried ^'. The historical situation is not defined by any clear local or secular allusions : but the ' foolish nation ' ^"^ (i e the ungodly conquerors) can hardly be the Syrians in the time of Elisha (Dillmann, Westphal, Oettli), nor even the Assyrians attacking Samaria (Ewald, Kamphausen, Eeuss), for the religious atmosphere of the poem is not that of the ninth century, or even of the eighth, and the most striking literary paraUels occur in writings of a much later date. (a) Thus the theological characteristics and phraseology seem may be due to imitation of an older model by later psalmists might be true for literary parallels in description ; it is less likely to be true for resem blances arising out of the devotional language belonging to a common religious attitude. " Mic 4' is probably part of a later addition (so Stade, Cornill, Wellhausen, Nowack ; ' another hand, of what date we cannot tell,' G A Smith). * Cp Cheyne Origin ofthe Psalter 31^. So, practically, Moore Enc BM 'Exodus' 1450 ' probably inserted by BJ» or a later editor.' Holzinger Hd-Comm 45 ' probably added in the last stage of the editorial redaction, in any case not till after the exile.' Baentsch, Hdkomm 129, thinks Josh 2"* 2* founded on I6b lea^ and places the Song consequently before the Deuteronomic recension of Josh in the exile. He inclines to the conjecture that it was written for a celebration of the Passover, though he admits that proof is lacking. XIV § 4a] DEUTERONOMY 32 309 to belong to the movement led by Jeremiah, which culminated in the later prophecies of the Babylonian age. (i) The emphatic assertion of monotheism in ^^ resembles the affirmations of 4^^ ^^ in substance, whUe the phrase ' I even I am he ' recalls the style of Is 41* 43" " 46* 4812 (for the repetition ' I, I ' cp 43" ^s 5112), (2) Prominent among the titles of Deity is the name ' Eock ' * ^^ 18 30. 37*^ so that the God of Israel is contrasted with the God of Israel's foes as 'our Eock' with 'their Eock.' This usage (not quite identical with that in Is 17^" 30^^) is seen in Hab i^^ Is 44*, and in poems like i Sam 2^ Ps 18^^ *^ 19" &c. (3) Another title 'Eloah ^^ ^' (now accepted as an artificially formed singular from the older plural Elohim, cp Ges-Brown Hebr Lexicon ??5<) also appears in. Ps 18^^ and in writings of the Jeremian age or later Hab i^^ 3^ Is 44^ Ps 50^^ &c (forty-one times in Job). (4) To these must be added 'Elyon, 'Most High' * cp Gen 14^*- ¦ Num 24^^ The name does not belong to the prophetic theology before the exile cp Is 14^* and, as used in the later Psalms, seems to carry with it the implication of exalted sovereignty over the various ranks of the angelic hosts, e g Ps 97^. If the reading of @ in ^ 'according to the number of the angels of God [ie "sons of El " for " sons of Israel "] ' be adopted (with Kuenen, Cheyne, Cornill, Stade, Schultz OT Theol i 227), the writer's view of the divine election of Israel is compatible with the providential allot ment of the other nations to patron angels cp 4^^ (5) The Concern attributed to Yahweh for ' the provocation of the enemy ' who would misinterpret his dealings with Israel ^*- , is analogous to the ' pity for his holy name ' which Ezekiel ascribes to him ^620-23 . aud the punishment of his adversaries is conceived in the fierce style of later prophecy e g Ezek 39 Is 34 63^"^ "'. (6) Israel, on the other hand, is to be righted (for the judgement ^^ cp I Sam 2"), for Yahweh will ' repent himself of his servants ' 3". The use of this term (cp *^) deserves attention. In pre-exilian prophecy it is limited to the prophetic order Am 3'' Jer 7^^ 25* 26= 29I3 35" 44* Ezek 38" cp Is 44^6 \ Only later does it come to include the holy people Is 54" 651^ is 5514^ a,nd in that sense it is frequent ia the Psalter 34^2 69^6 792 10 ggso goia le j^^u 28 105^^. (7) The language of the opening of the poem ^- , and the stress repeatedly laid on 'understanding ' ^ 28.^ point to the view " For the ' vengeance ' of God '^ cp Lev 2628 Num 312. Mic 518 Jer ii2o 20I2 46" 50" " 51" =° Ezek 248 25"-" Is 348 35* 478 59" 6i2 63* Ps sS". 'Avenge ' Is i'^* &c, cp Driver Deut 374. i> But note 3 Kings 9'. 3IO UNCLASSIFIED DOCUMENTS [XIV § 4a of religion as ' wisdom ' represented pre-eminently in Prov 1-9, and several rare words find parallels in the Wisdom literature pp 5 6 20 24 ' (8) The appeal to the nations with which the poem concludes, implies a universalism hardly possible until the exUe, when it first received lyric utterance in prophecy, as in Is 421""'^ cp Ps 47^ 67 &c. These iUustrations justify Cornill's brief description of the poem as a ' compendium of the prophetic theology.' And that theology must be already at a relatively advanced stage, for the chastisement of the enemy announced in *i-*3 could only be invoked when Israel's cup of suffering was full (cp Is 13-14^* beside the parallels already cited). In other words, the poem cannot be dated before the captivity ". [0) With this result the parallels of language are in entire accord. The argument founded on coincidences of phrase and similarities of expression may be often read in two ways when it cannot be certain to which side priority belongs. But in this case the significance of the correspondences of phrase lies in the proof which they afford that the poem belongs by its verbal affinities to the schools of Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and their successors, rather than to the eighth century. The evidence is of course cumulative. Wlien Yahweh is said to have ' made ' Israel ^, or Israel to have forgotten Yahweh ^^, it cannot be definitely affirmed that these passages bear any direct relation to Hos 8^* either of antecedence or sequence : but when Is 45^^ employs the two terms ' make ' and ' establish ' cp *, there is an additional probabUity of phraseological suggestion, which is increased in the case of ^^ cp Is 58^*, ' days of old ' and ' generations ' "^ Is 63^^ cp 58^^ 61* (the same terms of the future instead of the past Is 13^" 34^'' 60'* Jer 50^^). The Song no doubt shows a strong literary indi viduality, for it contains an unusual proportion of words foimd nowhere else (cp Driver Deut 348 and Hex U margin) ; but it also employs a considerable number of words and phrases more or less frequent in the last days of the monarchy and onwards, but not before. Among these may be noted the following in the order of their occurrence: — (i) 'strange god' ^^ Mal 2^^ Ps 8i't; (2) ' lambs, rams, and goats ' ^* (in combination) Jer 51*** Ezek 27^' 39I8 Is 348t ; (3) ' moved him to jealousy ' ^^ ^1, i Kings 14^^ Ps 78^8^ ' with strange ones ' (applied to foreign gods) Jer 2^^ 3'' " Kuenen, indeed, proposed 630-600 b c, but this seems hardly to provide occasion for the chastisement from which Israel is already suffering. Cornill, Steuernagel, and Bertholet, accordingly place it towards the close of the exile : so Moore Enc Bibl 1089 ' an exilic or post-exilic date.' XlV§4i3] DEUTERONOMY 2,12 3" Is 43I2 Ps 4420 8in ; (4) 'abominations' " (pi) Deut 18^ 12 20^^ Lev i826. 29 Jer 7" 16" 4422 i Kings 142* 2 Kings 16* 2i2 " Ezek [38] Prov 6^^ 26^ Chron Ezr t ; (5) ' provoked him to anger ' " Deut 425 9I8 3i23 Jer fK S" 11" 256- 2,^^^- *2 448 » Ezek 8" i626 Judg 2^2 1-2 Kings [17] Is 65^ Ps 78^8 io629 Chron cp Hos i2"t ; (6) 'dreaded' " = 'be horribly afraid' Jer 2^2 Ezek 27^* 3310^. . (^) . vanities' 21 (pi) Jer 8" lo^ 14^2 i Kings x6^^ 26 jon 2^ Ps 31H ; (8) ' a fire is kindled ' 22 Jer 15I* cp if Is 50" 642t ; (9) ' done ' 27 i^ys of the divine action Ex 15" Num 232* Hab i« Is 2612 41* 43I3 Ps 713 31W 44I 6823 74I2 Prov 16* Job 22^7 3329 3623t ; (10) 'sold' 30 (figuratively) Ezek 30^2 Judg 2^* 38 42 s lo^ I Sam 12' Ps 44^2^. ; (n) ' day of their calamity' '^^ Jer 18" 4621 Obad 1^ Ps 18^^ Prov 27I0 Job 2i3»t cp ' time of their calamity ' Ezek 35^ ('calamity' only in these books) ; (12) 'shut up or left at large' 38 i Kings 141" 2121 2 Kings 98 142^+ ; (13) 'lift up my hand ' *» Ezek 2o5. is 23 28 42 ^(p ^n ^^u Ex 6^ Num 1430 P Ps io628t ; (14) ' as I live ' *» Jer 222* 4613 Zeph 2^ Ezek 5" &c [17] Is 49I8 Num 1421 J8 28 pf. (i^) 'avenge the blood' « 2 Kings 9^ cp Ps qgi^^i. Other peculiarities of phraseology may also be noted, such as 'doctrine' 2 Is 292* Prov i^ 42 7^1 9^ 1621 23 Job ii*t ; ' ascribe ye to Yahweh ' = 'give' Ps 2g^- o^- (i Chron i628.)t ; 'perverse' « 2 Sam 222^ (uPs i826) Ps loi* Prov ^^ 8* „2o J ^20 225 286t (cp Prov 42* 6^2 io9 28") ; ' bought thee ' ^ cp Ex 15^^, or in the meaning ' formed thee ' Gen 14^^ 22 pg 13^13 Prov 822 ; ' increase of the field ' ^^ Lam d^-\ cp Ezek 3630 ; ' Jeshurun ' ^^ 33^ 28 jg ^^ . < demons ' ^'^ Ps xofP'^ ; ' give birth' or ' travail ' (of God) ^8 cp Ps 902 Prov 82*- , and (with a different word) Is 42" ; 'froward ' 2" Prov 2^2 1* 6^* 8^3 10". i628 so 2333t . ' foundations of the mountains ' 22 Ps iS't ; ' devoured ' 2* = ' eaten' Prov 4" 9= 23^ ^ pg i^i^f; 'with burning heat' 2* Hab35 Ps 76^ 78*8 Cant 8° Job ^\ ; ' things that are to come upon them' 36 cp Is lo" Job 38 152* Esth 3" S^^t cp Driver Dmt 374. These affinities of thought and language seem, on the whole, to point to the origin of the Song in the age which possessed the prophfiticjyocabulary of Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the editors ofjthe Books of Kings". It probably issued from the same general school of lyric composition which produced the Song of Hannah and Ps 18 ; but whether it was originally written in the person " Driver, Deut 378, thinks that Is 4311"!' shows acquaintance with Deut 328'. Such literary dependence can hardly be demonstrated ; but the parallels at least point to common modes of thought and expression, cp ' servants ' " ante § 4" C6). 3i:a UNCLASSIFIED DOCUMENTS [XIV§4fl of Moses, or only assigned to him later, cannot be clearly deter mined. As the poem contains no allusions to Moses himself, the latter hypothesis seems the more suitable ". 5. The ' Blessing of Moses ' in Deut 33 forms a counterpart to the ' Blessing of Jacob ' in Gen 49, with which some verses are closely connected cp ^^-le 22^ The order of enumeration, how ever, is different, and the circumstances implied are by no means the same. Eeuben is nearly extinguished ® ; Simeon has disapj peared altogether ; Judah is apparently separated from his people and praying for reunion '^ ; Levi is no longer denounced for its share in a cruel crime, but exalted as the priestly tribe ; and Yahweh has taken up his dwelling in the Temple at Jerusalem in the territory of Benjamin ^2. The enthusiastic description of Joseph 13-17 ajjd the extension of the territory of Gad 20^ com bined with the isolation of Judah, have led most critics to seek the origin of the poem in the Northern Kingdom*. With this inference the references to the mountain-sanctuary of Zebulon and Issachar ^^ are also in harmony. The general character of the sayings in ^~^^ is less abrupt and rugged than that of Gen 49, * The Song is now incorporated in the final discourses of D by means of an introduction 3ii8~22. Xa long as the Song was assigned to an early date, it was usually supposed to have been inserted in E or JB before the com position of D (so Addis Hex i 188). If, however, it is ascribed to a later age, it must either (i) have been added to JB before its union with D, or (2) have been attached to D, or (3) have been embodied in the combined document JBD. The peculiar position of I8-22 in the midst of a passage ascribed to E "¦ 28 (see Hex ii) makes (i) or (3) more probable than (2). Driver, accepting Kuenen's date about 630 b c, inclines to the first alternative Deut 347. If the later date above suggested be adopted, then it maybe inferred that the poem was added to JED. Some slight linguistic indications confirm this view : (i) the language shows little or nothing that is distinctively Deuteronomic, for even the formulae in 20 may be found elsewhere ; (ii) it abounds in expressions characteristic of JB not found in D, such as ^' ' behold ' followed by the ptcp of the future, ' sleep with thy fathers ' Gen 4788*, ' strange gods ' Gen 352 * Josh 242" 28 . 17 < anger ' ¦'^233'', ' among us ' ^^sS &c ; but (iii) it also contains other phrases which point in the direction of the Holiness-legisla tion and the school of Ezekiel, eg I8 20 'break my covenant' ^46", " 20 'turn to other gods ' Lev 19* 'i 208 ct "113, aud perhaps i« ' go a whoring after ' Ex 34I8 Lev 17' 208. Num 15'°*. The phrases which describe Yahweh i' as ' for saking ' Israel, or ' hiding his face ' from them, seem also to be commoner on the whole in exilian literature ; 'forsake ' cp 31' 8 Jer 12'' Ezek 8I2 9' Is 41" 42I8 49I* 54^ (on the other hand Gen 28i») ; ' hide my face ' 322" Jer 33" Ezek 3928. 29 Is 548 647 (but also Is 8" Mic 3*). * An ancient Rabbinical conjecture has, however, been recently adopted by some scholars, according to which the prayer in ''", ' hear ' sow, really re ferred to Simeon JWD\» cp Gen 2988, who stands next to Levi iu 49°. So, among others. Bacon Triple Tradition 271 ; op Driver Deut 397. Bacon then emends Deut 33"", aud inserts it in " where it is referred with its new con text to Judah. By this device the poem is placed in the Southern Kingdom and ascribed to J. Contra, Moore Enc Bibl 1090. XIV § 5] DEUTERONOMY 33 3^3 and they have more the air of a continuous composition than of being ooUected from the popular speech of different ages and localities. A more definite religious atmosphere pervades the Whole, and the references to the cultus ^o w and to the blessing or the judgements of Yahweh " 12 13 21 23 24 impart to the series a clearer sense of unity. Accepting the ascription to Ephraim, the Blessing has been attributed to a period ' shortly after the rupture under Jeroboam I' (Schrader, DUlmann, Westphal j Driver Deut 387) ; or to the first part of the prosperous reign of Jeroboam II, with which the references to Levi in ^- would seem more in accord (Graf, Kuenen, Stade, Baudissin, CornUl, WUde boer, Ball in PSBA 1896 April 137, Steuernagel, Bertholet, Moore) ". Under this aspect it has been usually treated as origi nally incorporated into the northern version of the traditions, E, the phrase ' before his death ' also recurring Gen 27'' 50^^ ; on the other hand the designation ' Moses the man of God ' occurs else where only in later passages Josh 14^ Ps 9o""°t, so that its occurrence awakens some suspicion. But it is probable that the poem as now presented is in fact composite. The historical retro spect in 2~5 and the lyrical conclusion in 26-29 ]i)ear no particular relation to the ' sayings ' which they thus include. The central group ^~25 Jg quite independent of the opening and close of the poem. This is especially clear in ^ The tribal descriptions are usually introduced with the formula ' And of (Levi) he said ' 8 12 13 18 20 22 23 24_ This renders it probable that a similar preamble originally stood before Eeuben ^ and Judah ''. The missing pre face for Eeuben may possibly be found curtaUed in 2a ; in '' @ (as if conscious of the awkwardness of the double formula) omits 'and he said.' An examination of the linguistic affinities of ^~^ and 28-29 supports the suggestion that they are of later origin. The beginning 2. seems modelled on the description in the Song of Deborah Judg 5* cp Hab 38. In spite of the corrupt state of the text the foUowing points may be noted : — 2 > shined forth ' Ps 502 80I 94I Job 3* 108 22 3715+ . 'Mount Paran' Hab 2^\ ; * ' inheritance '=' heritage ' Ex 6* = ' possession ' <§ Ezek 11^^ 25* " 332* 362. Sf; 'assembly' ^ Neh ^\. The phrase in * 'Moses commanded us a law' points to an age which already recognized a Mosaic torah (such as is now contained in D) and is " The language about Levi (contrast Hosea's denunciations of the priest hood) has led some critics to ascribe the poem to a Levite in one of the northern sanctuaries. The allusion to Judah's difficulties in ^ is too vague to supply any clear suggestion ; Bertholet surmises Edomite hostility. 314 UNCLASSIFIED DOCUMENTS [XIV §5 rejected by Dillmann as a post-Deuteronomic gloss NDJ 419: while the occurrence of the name ' Jeshurun ' ® 2e supplies a point of contact with 32^^ (elsewhere only in Is 442). The imagery of 26-29 is full of phrases found only in compositions much later than the age of Jeroboam II, and yet further removed from the popular calf-worship of Jeroboam I. With 26a cp Ex 8^0 gi4 j^ii 2 Sam 722 Deut 48^ 39 3389 The expression 'rideth upon the heaven' does not occur elsewhere, but cp Is 19^ Hab 38b Ps 18^""; ' exceUency ' (of Yahweh) Ps 688* . . gyeg ' is 458 Jer 51^ Ps 18" 36* 57^" (II 108*) 688* ^^17 ^823 896 87 Prov 320 828 job 3^5 3528 37" 21 383T = ' clouds ' t. The designation ' God of old ' 2? (^ = ' ancient ' ^5) has no exact parallel, though cp Hab 1^2 pg ^^19^ uq). has the phrase ' everlasting arms ' ; for the idea of duration and the dwelUng-place cp Ps 90^-. 28 'dwelleth in safety' Prov i^^ ¦§ ot 12 cp Deut 12^" ; ' fountain of Jacob ' cp Ps 6828t ; ' alone ' •§ 32^2 Ley 1346 Jg 27X0 Jer 15" 4981 j^am i^ 328t ; ' a land of corn and wine' 2 Kings 1882 (||Is 36") cp "30; 'drop down' 322t. 23 ' saved by Yahweh ' Is 45^^t ; ' shield of thy help ' cp 'shield of thy salvation ' Ps i835t ; ' submit themselves unto thee ' ||Ps 66* cp 18** Si^^t; 'tread on their high places' Am 4^8 jjig jS jj^ij 3I9 Job 9*+ cp Deut 32^^ Is 58^* Ps i883. These general affinities seem best explained on the hypothesis that the 'sayings' have been set in the framework of an exilic or post-exUio psalm ". In this view the title receives fresh Ught, whUe the incorporation into E becomes slightly less secure. The description of Moses as ' the man of God ' may have been added when the ' sayings ' were enveloped in the psalm. " So also Steuernagel Deut (Hdkomm) 123, Bertholet Deut (Hd-Comm) 104, cp Moore Enc Bibl 1091 ' it is not improbable that they are fragments of another poem.' Bertholet thinks it should be set beside Hab 3 and Fs 68. CHAPTEE XV CEITICISM AND AECHAEOLOGY " 1. Slowly, and for ardent spirits far too slowly, the critical study of the Hexateuch has been passing into an archaeological phase, and now that younger men are coming to the front we may expect a more thorough treatment of the relation between archaeo logy and literary or analytic criticism. To give the lay-student a clear idea of this relation while the researches of the few special scholars are stUl in such an unfinished state, is difficult in the extreme. The great want of those who aspire to become special scholars is at present a commentary on Genesis in which the problems which are now emerging are treated with some degree of fullness and courage. But there are very good reasons why we should wait a little longer for such a work, and chief among these reasons is one which will also justify the present writer in his omission of many interesting subjects — viz the want of more carefully tested Assyriological evidence. It is perfectly true that there are in existence a number of popular works summarizing the results of Assyriology, ranging from Mr Ch Edwards' Witness of Assyria, on the heterodox side, to Prof A H Sayce's The Higher Criticism and the Verdict of the Monuments on the side of orthodoxy. But very few of these works can be relied upon'', not only because they have a theological colour, but because they are necessarily based on transliterations and translations which need much rectification. My disappoint ment is great in making this statement, but Prof Sayce will fully bear me out in it, for in his address as President of the Semitic Section of the OrientaUsts' Congress held in London in 1892, he expressly affirmed that the time for strictly philological treatment of the inscriptions had not yet come. This does indeed appear to me an exaggeration; certainly, other special scholars, such as Delitzsch, Jensen, and Zimmern, would not altogether assent to " By the Eev Prof T K Cheyne D D D Litt. >> Mr Basil T A Evetts' New Light on the Bible and the Holy Land (London : Cassell and Co, 1892) is probably the most to be recommended of the popular works referred to. 3i6 CRITICISM AND ARCHAEOLOGY [XV §i it. It must at any rate be admitted that many meritorious Assyriological books are now antiquated, and that works based upon them (whether critical or popular) must consequently be pronounced inadequate. 2. I pass at once to the narratives of the creation of the world and of man in Gen i^-2**. Prom each of the three scholars mentioned above we have translations of the most famous Babylonian Creation-myths ". It is unnecessary for me to trace minutely the coincidences between the Babylonian and the best- known Hebrew account, or to argue in favour of the view that there is a historical connexion between the narratives. The question on which I have to offer some suggestions is this, Does the discovery of a Babylonian cosmogony, simUar in form to the chief Hebrew cosmogony, though very different from it in spirit, tend to confirm or to refute the conclusions of critical students of Genesis ? (a) One conceivable answer is this. It is certain from the Amarna Tablets '' that even before the Egyptian conquests and the rise of the kingdom of Assyria, Babylonian culture had spread to the shores of the Mediterranean. Eeligious myths must have travelled to Palestine as a part of this culture. It is, therefore, intrinsically probable that a Babylonian cosmogony penetrated into Canaan before the fifteenth century b c, and that the Israelites as soon as they became settled enough borrowed and Hebraized this story. And then the student may leap to the conclusion that the so-called Priestly Eecord, which contains this Hebraized Babylonian story, must be not only a pre-exUic, but an early pre-exilic work. [0) The author of this inference, however, would show that he was a very inexperienced critic. The more closely we scrutinize the story in Gen i^~2**, the more clearly we see that it stands at or near the close and not at the beginning of a development of imaginative thought on the origin of things. When the IsraeUtes adopted from their Canaanitish neighbours the tale of Creation which the latter had received from the Babylonians or from some people in close contact with the Babylonians, they certainly did not at once proceed to omit the most interesting details, and so deprive it of almost all its colour and inteUigibUity, and to use it " Jensen Die Kosmologie der Babylonier (1890) pp 268-330 ; Zimmern in Gunkel's Schopfung und Chaos (1895) pp 401-4 1 7 ; and Delitzsch Das Babylonische Weltschopfungsepos (1897). * See Evetts New Light Sec pp 163-183. XV § 3a] CRITICISM AND ARCHAEOLOGY 317 as a means of iUustrating an extremely refined idea of God, and of leading up to an advanced theory of ' covenants.' There must have been earlier Hebrew forms of the same cosmogony, and it is the business of the critic to find out in the Old Testament itself any traces which may exist of such earlier forms. So that the discovery made by George Smith among the remains of Assur- banipal's library is no death-blow to modern criticism, but a friendly message to critics that their critical theories were still too simple, and needed to be expanded so as to correspond better to the complex character of true historic development. That the Priestly Eecord is a very late work is all the more certain now that we have the great Babylonian 'Creation-epic' A particular critical theory — viz that the narrative in Gen I is the product of the reflexion of a late priestly writer " — is no doubt refuted, but this theory has at no time within the last five-and-twenty years been generally accepted. 3. Omitting the story of Paradise and of the expulsion of the first human pair from this happy abode, I pass on to the narra tive of the Deluge. Translations of the chief Babylonian Deluge- story, recent in date and critical in character, are referred to below '. Again I have to ask. Is the discovery of what is popu larly but incorrectly known as ' the Babylonian Deluge-story ' subversive of modern critical views of the composition of the Hexateuch ? I will endeavour to treat this question as seriously as the similar question which I have already, as I hope, answered. There is again much that I must omit, because the subject is so new to lay-students, and we have no introductory work on Genesis (Dillmann's lately translated commentary is not quite satisfactory) which will take them into the heart of the present critical prob lems. In the case of the Deluge-story, it is remarkable that we should possess two distiact accounts of the Deluge, which have been worked together by a compiler — such at least is the view of critics. The main narrative comes from the Priestly Eecord P, but the elements introduced from the Yahwist J, when put together, form a pretty complete narrative, as the reader of this work will have seen. (a) It is not impossible that some student may answer the " Wellhausen Prolegomena Eng Transl p 298. ' Paul Haupt in Schi-ader's Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament, 2nd edition (1883) pp 56-64 (not in Whitehouse's translation) ; Jensen Kosmologie pp 368-383 ; Zimmern in Gunkel's Schopfung pp 423-428 ; Muss-Arnolt JBiWt'coi World iii (1894) pp log ff. The last of these is in English. 3i8 CRITICISM AND ARCHAEOLOGY [XV§3a above question thus. The account assigned by critics to the Priestly Eecord is so strongly Babylonian in character that we cannot help supposing it to have been borrowed by the IsraeUtes directly or indirectly from the Babylonians. Granting that religious myths were a part of the culture received by the Canaanites from the Babylonians, and by the Israelites from the Canaanites, we may reasonably infer that the Eecord containing the principal Hebrew Deluge-story was an early pre-exilic work. This is not quite such a difficult proposition as that which I had to dismiss at the opening of this discussion. For the account taken from the Priestly Eecord is much more of a narrative than the cosmogony in Gen 1^-2**. And yet it would be a mistake. The arguments which tend to show that the framework of our chief Deluge-story is artificial cannot be refuted simply by the discovery that that Deluge-story itself has strong Babylonian affinities. The fact that the Deluge-story of the Priestly Eecord leads up to a second covenant between God and man g'^~^^ should of itself restrain us from placing the composition of that story in its present form early in Israelitish history. And now let us note this circumstance. The Yahwistic Deluge-story, as presented to us by the compiler referred to above, begins with the words, * And Yahweh said to Noah, Go thou with all thy house into the ark ' 7^- It is in the highest degree probable that the Yahwist's account contained information on all these points on which at present we are dependent entirely on the other narrative, and not much less probable that on all these points the Priestly Writer was really himself indebted to the Yahwist. There is much more that might be added. But it must suffice to say here with regard both to the Creation- and to the Deluge-stories that if they were in circulation in early pre-exilic times it is difficult to understand the absence of any direct allusion to them in the undoubted pre- exilic writings. We can well believe that they were told and retold in certain circles, but the great prophets, and the historical writers of their school, appear not to have known them, at any rate, as moralized and edifying stories to which they could venture to refer. 4. To make the above clear, it may be well to mention the periods in which a^ interest in Babylonian myths may be pre sumed to have existed among the Israelites. The first is the period of their first settlement in Canaan (a period not to be computed with exactness). The second is that of David and XV §5] CRITICISM AND ARCHAEOLOGY 319 Solomon. The former king not improbably had as his secretary a Babylonian, or at any rate a foreigner who had been trained in Babylonian culture " ; the latter erected at Jerusalem a temple containing sacred objects of Babylonian origin *. The third is the period of the eighth and seventh centuries bc, when Aramean, Assyrian, and neo-Babylonian influences were, as it appears, strongly felt in Palestine in some of the chief departments of life. The fourth and fifth periods are the exilic and post-exUio, when a revival of interest in mythology appears to have taken place among the Jews which the religious authorities could to some extent neutralize but not extinguish ". It was abundantly possible for stories to have been taken by the Israelites at any one of these periods, and if taken at one of the early periods, they might easily be revived and amplified, after a temporary decline, at one of the later periods. There is evidence enough, in the present writer's opinion ^, to refute the view of Dillmann (in his commentary on Genesis and elsewhere) that the Hebrew and Babylonian accounts of the origin of things are independent developments of a mythic tradition common to the north-Semitic races. 5. We may now proceed to ask whether the personal and quasi- personal names contained in the Priestly Eecord (Arphaxad and Ammishaddai are two notable examples) supply evidence as to the date of that Eecord. The question has been treated in a con troversial spirit by Prof Hommel in his Ancient Hebrew Tradition (1897), who returns an affirmative answer. Unfortunately this scholar is sometimes too hasty in his statements respecting Assyriological facts. Instances of this have been lately produced by the Eev C H W Johns " and Mr L W KingA It is far from my thoughts to cast stones at Prof Hommel, whose real disposition towards critics of the Hexateuch I know to be more genial than readers of the popular book referred to wUl suppose. But tUl the " ' Shavsha was scribe' (M 'secretary') i Chron i8^^ For the facts on which this theory is based see Encyclopaedia Biblica sv 'Shavsha.' ' See Encydapaedia Biblica s w ' Sea, Molten,' ' Nehushtan.' " Suggestive remarks have been made on this subject by Stade. The present writer, in a series of works, has indicated some of the exegetical evidence for the above conclusion. The latest and fullest source of informa tion is Gunkel's Schopfung und Chaos (1895). See also the Encyclopaedia Biblica now in course of publication. '' It is willingly admitted that only in a commentary could this opinion be thoroughly justified tothose who take the opposite view. " ' Note on Ancient Hebrew Tradition' Expositor Aug i8g8 158-160. / Letters of Khammurabi Introduction xxviii ff. 320 CRITICISM AND ARCHAEOLOGY [XV §5 cuneiform and the Sabaean epigraphic material has been more completely mastered, it would have been better to abstain from basing such far-reaching theories upon it, though it must be added, that even accepting all the aUeged evidence, it proves but little. On this and other grounds I need not here undertake the large task of examining Prof Hommel's statements in detaU. He has certainly given a fresh stimulus to the inquiry into the sources from which the Priestly Writer drew — sources which were evidently not so limited as earUer critics very naturaUy supposed. This is title enough to highly honourable mention. But it must be plain enough to those who have no controversial bias that the existence of some ancient material does not prove the early date of the compUation in which the material is found ", The amount of late material (both in names and in narratives) may be reduced, but even so there wUl remain superabundant evidence of the recent origin of this great introduction to the post-exUic Church History. 6. The simpUfication produced in critical research by frankly rejecting the controversial spirit and pressing on towards truth on strictly critical Unes is nowhere more manifest than in deaUng with Genesis 14. (a) The controversial spirit requires us to take up one of two positions, (i) Gen 14 is an old pre-exilic document, based upon still more ancient Canaanitish archives, and thoroughly to be trusted for what it teUs us both about Abram ' the Hebrew ' and about Cbedorlaomer king of Elam and his alUes, and (ii) Gen 14 is from beginning to end a pure romance, the work of the post- exilic period. If we have to defend the former view we shall of course approach any primitive Babylonian documents which have come down to us with the expectation of finding in them the names of the kings given in Gen 14, in connexion with events closely resembUng those described in the Hebrew writing. If on the other hand the latter view be our thesis, we shaU do our utmost to avoid accepting such identifications of names and such a parallelism of historical narratives. Modern critics however— those who are actually working on these subjects— are not con troversialists ; they are committed to neither of these positions, Kittel and KOnig may hold Gen 14 to be in the main of early " See G B Gray ' The Character of the Proper Names in the Priestly Code ; a Reply to Prof Hommel 'i!xposi82''. Ex 12^5. cp "eg" and "91 and 13I*-" ; with 13' cp ' house of bondage ' "61, ' strength of hand ' "80", ' brought you out ' "26'' : "-18 ' asketh ' Deut 6'^', ' strength of hand &c ' cp », ^' cp Deut 6'. Ex iS''^ ig evidently not the true sequel of ^'^ which must have related the trial to which the people were exposed (E's account of the origin of the name Massah ' proving' or 'trial'). The language of ^' is full of D's phrases cp "ss 36" Deut 4*' '>io4" Deut 71". XVI 5: COMBINATION OF JE AND D 337 the same result might have been reached by different means. Similar signs of expansion seem traceable in J's Covenant-words in Ex 34^^~^^ ^^- ^. The Sinai-Horeb narratives have therefore passed through two distinct stages, the first in the union of J and E, the second in the combination of JE and D. Each of these brought hortatory additions or alterations into the text. Further changes — not of expansion but of omission — were required when JED was incorporated in P. (|3) No conspicuous instance of R'"s presence is to be traced in the story of the wanderings between Sinai and Moab, save the brief episode of the conquest of Og Num 2i*3-35, which appears to be founded on the longer version in Deut 3. This at once connects the editorial revision in Gen-Ex-Num with the process by which Deuteronomy itself assumed its present form (cp chap X § 4 and p 171'). The analysis renders it probable that D is itself composite. The union of its different introductions, its homUies, and its final exhortations, may not all have taken place at once. But there is reason for regarding at least one stage of it as linked with the process of working up JE and D into one whole, for curious fragments of E seem incorporated unexpectedly in 10 27 and 31 ". Bacon has even supposed that the hortatory " Deut io'. . Though Kuenen declared these verses inseparable from the rest, they certainly seem out of place here. They suddenly carry the story forward without warning many stages on the march from Horeb, although the instructions to begin the journey are not recited till ". Departing from the method of address in the preceding discourse, they lapse into the narrative form in the third person (on ' children of Israel ' see 4**"). In recounting the death of Aaron and the appointment of Eleazar in his place, as the apparent occasion for the selection of the tribe of Levi to carry the ark ', it is overlooked that the sacred chest must have needed bearers as soon as the tribes started for the promised land, so that B connects the choice of Levi with Sinai itself. But if '. does not belong to its present setting, whence was it derived ? It cannot be drawn from P's record of th6 Israelite journeys, for it is in open conflict with it : — Deut 10". ' And the children of Israel jour neyed from Beeroth Bene-jaakan to Moserah : there Aaron died, and there he was buried ; and Eleazar his son ministered in the priest's office in his stead. ' From thence they journeyed unto Gudgodah ; and from Gudgodah to Jotbathah, a land of brooks of water. Num 33"-'' '* '^ And they journeyed from Mose- roth, and pitched in Bene-jaakan. '^ And they journeyed from Bene- jaakan, and pitched iu Hor-haggid- gad. " And they journeyed from Hor-haggidgad, and pitched in Jot bathah. ... " And Aaron went up into Mount Hor at the command ment of Yahweh, and died there. These discrepancies make it impossible to derive the passage in D from Pi yet it has all the air of an extract from a longer itinerary. Traces of such aa itinerary are found in Num 2ii^. • , where they seem to belong to E. 338 THE UNION OF THE DOCUMENTS [XVI §2^ j-etrospect 1^-3 was founded on a fareweU discourse of Moses contained in E cp ante p 155" (^) ; whUe Dillmann ibid (^) regards it as the result of the conversion of an earUer narrative into the form of direct address, consequent on the proximity of the com bined story of JE. Fresh problems are introduced by the signs of R'"s activity in Joshua, where his manipulation of JE seems much more extensive and penetrating cp infra chap XVII § 4, so as to give rise to the conjecture that an important break was already recognized in the death of Moses at the close of Deuteronomy. (7) Under these conditions it is plain that it is only possible to assign a date to R'' within wide limits. Even within the book of Deuteronomy itself a considerable range must be allowed. In parts of 4 28 29 30 there are delicate indications that conquest by a foreign enemy and servitude in a distant land are immediate possibiUties if not actual facts ". The work of R'' can hardly With this ascription cp the formula ' died and was buried there ' Num 20I', Bacon and Driver further see an analogy to the mention of Eleazar's appoint ment as priest in E's reference to his death Josh 24"'. By what editorial process this brief specimen survived among the dislocated fragments of E's list of Israel's journeys, and found its way into the historical annotations attached to one of D's homilies, it is not possible to form any definite con ception. Is it due to E* or does it arise from a process of another kind (cp Cornill) ? The incorporation of P's narrative of the death of Aaron in Num 20''"'"'' may have led to the removal of E's brief record of the same event ; and a later scribe may have found a place for it in connexion with the tradition of the consecrated tribe to which Moses and Aaron both belonged. The appearance of a fragment of E in Deut 27"" ^ is more clearly due to B.*'s incorporation. The directions for building the altar on Mount Ebal follow the fundamental rule of E Ex 20"-, and must be drawn jfrom a source permitting altars without restriction to a single sanctuary. Cp the sequel in Josh 8'""'= (Bacon Triple Trad 260) and notes in Hex ii. In 31 according to ''• Moses has already solemnly charged Joshua ' in the sight of all Israel.' The charge by Yahweh, therefore, in "• of which ^' is the obvious conclusion, must be derived from another account. This is identified with E on the following grounds : (i) the prominence ascribed to Joshua the son of Nun cp Ex 33" Josh 24 ; (2) the reference to the Tent of Meeting cp Ex 33'- . ; (3) the appearance of Yahweh in the pillar of cloud Ex 33' Num 12^ ; (4) the promise of Yahweh to be with Joshua 23 as with Moses cp Ex 3^''. It is possible that in "s one or two phrases may be due to Deuteronomic redaction e g ' be strong and of a good courage ' : but on the whole ''• seems rather to depend on ^' than vice versa; cp especially the clauses in "> ^ ' thou shalt cause them to inherit it,' 'Yah weh doth go before thee,' < he will not fail thee . . ," fear not . . ,' all of them J)euteronomic additions. " In Deut 4»-*'' the apparent recognition of the legitimacy of the worship of the heavenly bodies for other nations ", finds no counterpart in 5-26. It shows affinity with the ideas of 328 ®, and suggests an effort to deal with the problem of the validity of other national worships which probably only forced itself on the mind of Israel when it was no longer on its own land. In that case this discourse may be regarded as an early utterance pi the exilian polemic against participation in the Babyloniaji idolatries, XVI §27] COMBINATION OF JE AND D 339 have begun before the end of the monarchy of Judah was approaching ; and Kuenen accordingly suggested the deportation of Jehoiachin in 597 b c, as the first practicable date, whUe he supposed that JED was complete by 536. The phenomena of the Song of Moses in 32 with its introduction in 31I6-22 point to a later rather than an earlier age, the preface containing some expressions analogous to the characteristic phraseology of P* ante p 312". The well-known marks of Deuteronomic editorship in the series of national histories. Judges, Samuel (to a much less extent) and Kings, suggest that R* belonged to the group which gathered up the remains of the national literature, and found in the editing of the sacred traditions and laws the means of keeping aUve the fires of patriotism and religion. There is no certain proof that this task was completed in 536 b c. The influence of D long remained powerful, as the style of the confession in Neh 9 sufficiently shows. Speaking broadly it may be said that the prophetic school preceded the priestly : but this does not exclude the possibility of their coexistence after the rise of the latter. One curious passage in Josh 20 shows so pecuUar a blending of the characteristics of D and P as to suggest that even post-exiUan materials might still be elaborated in Deuteronomic style. But this is perhaps to be regarded rather as a special and late case of The emphatic assertion of the sole deity of Yahweh ^' '^ harmonizes with this view (cp 32'*' Is 45^ 22 46' 2 Sam 7'=') which is farther supported by ^t-". The very numerous parallels (see Hex ii) with exilian and post-exilian writers supply additional confirmation. 28 cp ante p 170''. 29''* the exile has begun. Numerous peculiarities of matter and style dis tinguishing this discourse from contiguous passages are collected in Hex ii. The discourse in 30^-2" seems to fall asunder into two parts i-i" and ^1-"", loosely joined by the particle ' for.' Does the first section i"^" belong to the address in 29 ? It is commonly so treated : but it seems preferable to connect it rather vvith 28. (i) The liturgical close in 29" suggests that the discourse is concluded : (2) the style of 301-1" shows no special afBnity with that of 29 (save in ') while it is full of phrases refer ring to 28, cp 1 ' the blessing and the curse,' ' ' scattered,' = ' do thee good,' " ' make thee plenteous ' &c : (3) the parallels with Jeremiah are in general harmony with the manner of 28, and the devotional language is much nearer the Deuteronomic type than that of 29. The law is already recorded in writing " as in 28'** (and 29^1), and the promise of restoration conditional upon repentance forms a suitable sequel to the terrible threats of exile in 2S<^'-". In H-20 Driver {Deut Ixxiii Ixxv 331) points out that "-'* (intro duced by far) ' clearly states the reason for a present duty ' : the paragraph cannot, therefore, be intended to explain the obedience of Israel in the contingency of its future return to Yahweh. In other words "-i"" can hardly have formed the original sequel of i-". It is suggested Hex ii 3128K that this forms the conclusion of the discourse now placed iu 4^-*Vthe beginning being found in the isolated verses 27'. . This discourse was' dis- P'??®.^ ^^ *'^^ insertion of the Song 32!-** ; the introduction is found in 3i24-29 an^ the pequej in 32*°-*'. * Z 2 340 THE UNION OF THE DOCUMENTS [XVI §27 harmonizing than as an element in the long editorial process symbolized by R"". 3. The third great step in the composition of our present Pentateuch was the union of JED with P. Of the various elements now traceable in P, it has been argued that Ezra's law book contained P*", and possibly some of the secondary additions P'. Under what circumstances and by what plan did this final combination take place ? (a) The Ught thrown on the age of Ezra and Nehemiah by their memoirs fades away into obscurity. But from the subsequent course of Uterary and religious development, as well as from the phenomena of the Pentateuch itself, a sufficiently definite picture can be formed of the mode in which the last amalgamation of the documents took place. Ezra was a ' scribe ' ; he belonged to a class which made the sacred Law its chief concern ; he no doubt found others round him in Jerusalem (e g Zadok Neh 13^') who were ready to share his plans, and promote his aims. Of their activity in later times there is abundant evidence: the Chronicles, in which the story of the monarchy of Judah is retold On the basis of the Priestly Law, issued a hundred years or more after the first promulgation of P out of their midst. In their schools, no doubt, did the Pentateuch pass through the final stages of editorial treatment. The first impulse would rise out of the desire to combine in one collection aU the materials connected with the name of Moses. The Deuteronomic Code, with its great historical introduction in JE, itself containing ancient covenant- words, had already acquired the sanctity of long tradition. In the two centuries since its publication the reverence of the com munity had gathered round it ; and into that homage the new law-book was now to be admitted. The hold which the older book possessed may be partly measured by the care taken to preserve its sacred law. Though much of the fresh code was reaUy incompatible with the prior institutions, these were not set aside ; they remained as precious monuments of the past. (;3) The literary process of R" can be traced in its general out lines without much difficulty. The chronological framework of P's early history, with the well-marked stages of its successive toVdhoth sections, made it a suitable base for the entire coUection. But when P's story of the Creation was placed at the head, the superscription ' These are the generations of the heaven and of the " See Intro'd to Joshua infra chap XYII § 5 (37). XVI §33] COMBINATION OF JE AND B 341 earth when they were created ' was probably transposed to form the link Gen 2** between the narrative of the production of the heavens and the earth with all their host, and that of the garden of Eden and the first Man ". In the early sections R"" seems to have aimed chiefiy at keeping his document intact ; he does not him self introduce fresh material, or add hortatory expansions after the manner of R^' and R''. So anxious was he to include his text uncurtailed that he even retained a summary such as that in Gen 19^' in the midst of the longer narrative of J. On the other hand the appearance of Elohim to Isaac under the name El Shaddai Ex 6' seems to have been found unnecessary after that of Yahweh Gen 26^ with its accompanying promise of multitu dinous posterity and the possession of the land ; it has conse quently been excised. Similarly, the birth of Esau and Jacob could not be accommodated with J's prophecy, and has accord ingly disappeared. In the story of Jacob and Joseph, moreover, the curt genealogical method was less easily combined with the rich variety of JE, and considerable rents were consequently caused in the continuity of P. In the cycle of Joseph narratives, however, from Gen 40 onwards, there are curious indications of a revision by a hand kindred to P*, though this kind of inter ference with an older work is rarely to be traced elsewhere. The Mosaic sections of P do not appear to have lost much, though there must have been some introduction of Moses himself before Ex 6^, and P also would seem to have had some account of the ' Testimony ' containing the Ten Words cp 25^^. JE, on the other hand, has suffered serious loss. From the history of primi tive humanity it is conjectured that a Creation-story analogous to that in Gen 1-2*', the Sethite table cp 4, and the antecedent of the rainbow after the Flood in J', have all been withdrawn ''. The " If J'' had a Creation-story this was of course removed to make wav for P's. ' ' The evidence of this is necessarily slight, cp Giesebrecht ZATW i 237 and Kuenen Hex 328. It is partly founded on the occasional occurrence of words elsewhere found only in late literature, eg 40^' 41^' 'office' cp Dan II? 20. 38. ^36 'governor' Eccles f-^ 8' lo^f ; 45^' 'victual' 2 Chron 11=' Dan 4^^ ^^t : and partly on the unexpected appearance of the words or expressions of B, thus 43" ' El Shaddai ' ^i ; 41*' ' by handfuls ' Lev 2^ 512 6'*t cp Num s''" ; 4s" ' now thou art commanded' in Hex only in B Ex 34^4 Lev 8'5 10" Num 3^' 36^ cp Ezek 12' 24I8 37' (but @ and Sam show that the text is uncertain cp Hex ii) ; ' land of Canaan ' 42° ' ^' 2' S2 gp p_j (though this might be explained as due to contrast with the 'land of Egypt') ¦ ' spake . . . saying ' 39!^ " 42" 50* cp ^185*. Cp further Mex ii Gen 4o«'', and Holzinger Hd-Comm. ° Cp Holzinger Einleit 496. 342 THE UNION OF THE DOCUMENTS [XVI §30 account of Abram's arrival in Canaan has been replaced by P's migration-formula 12*"- ; while JE no doubt originally contained mention of the birth and naming of Ishmael, and the deaths of Sarah and Abraham. The preparation of the Mosaic Tent of Meeting and the sacred ark has also given way before the elaborate narratives of P ; while the people's initiative in the mission of the twelve spies Num 13 cp Deut i^^ has been suppressed in favour of a more august commission. In these cases incidents which from their very nature could only be related once, are usually preserved in the form given to them by P ; or, as in the Deluge narratives, or the passage of the Eed Sea, the several sources are combined. On the other hand, two versions of the origin of the name Bethel are preserved, as they are assigned to different periods in Jacob's career Gen 28^^"^^ and 35'~'-'^ : two revelations of Yahweh's name are made to Moses: whUe the quails appear twice in the wUderness under varying conditions Ex 16^^ and Num 11^^, and the 'strife' at Meribah is allowed to occur on tho way to Sinai Ex if and at Kadesh Num 20^^ On the whole, the method of R"" was as conservative as possible ; and to this tendency are we indebted for the retention of numerous incongruities which throw significant light on the contents and relations of the documents. (y) But the process of harmonizing JE and P had another instrument at its command besides either omission or amalgama tion. Particular clauses, or whole sections, might be transposed. Thus the analysis shows that Gen 7^*"" has been detached from its rightful connexion, and should follow '^"^ ". The narrative of the birth of Esau and Jacob 25^^- ¦ should apparently follow 26^*-. Ex 16 assumes the institution of the sanctuary ^^- and is conse quently placed too soon : in 18 the visit of Jethro finds Moses encamped at the mount of God ^, which he does not reach before 19'''. The intricate combiuations of J and E in 19-24 and 32-34 ante p 210* are made more bewildering still by the insertion of a fresh account of Moses' sojourn on the mount, and the instruc tions for the preparation of the DwelUng 25-31, which involve " These verses have received large expansion at the hand of E^ to harmo nize J's account of the animals in the ark with P's. The result is that Noah and his family with the animals enter the ark ; in seven days the flood arrives ^°, and the rain which causes it lasts forty days i^. In is-i6«^ how ever, follows a second account of the same entry with a more detailed enumeration of the various kinds of animals. By the device of postponing J's account of the divine closing of the door, the incongruity is partially evaded though not concealed. XVI § 38] COMBINATION OF JED AND P 343 the elimination of the earlier account of the sanctuary. Oh the other hand, wherever it is possible, differences are softened by harmonizing touches. In Gen 2*''-3 the planter of Eden seems- to be identified with the creator of the world in 1-2*°' by the addition of Elohim after the name Yahweh ". After 17 Abram and Sarai become Abraham and Sarah in JE as well as P. In 27*" it is usual to see the reason by which R" prepares the way for the transition from Esau's wrath and Jacob's danger to the tranquil blessing with which Isaac sends his younger son to the home of his ancestors to find a bride. Similar harmonistic indi cations appear in 34^^ ^ ^"^ 35* 37^* cp 40^" &c. To the same method is probably to be ascribed the addition of Aaron in Ex 4^' and a series of subsequent passages cp ante p 180"* with the pur pose of heightening the importance of the priestly dignity by associating him with Moses as the agent of Israel's deliverance cp Num i^". This harmonizing activity also seems to be the source of the curious blending of the phraseology of P with that of JE which marks Ex 12^^"^*, of the late touches in 13^, or of the intrusion of P's characteristic language in Num 1326'' 14I* &c. In general the usage of P is carefully observed by the compUer. In one conspicuous case, however, it is curiously violated, where the term otherwise exclusively applied to the Dwelling of Yahweh '54 is associated with Korah, Dathan, and Abiram Num 16^* ^'. Does this neglect of a distinction otherwise carefully emphasized imply that R' stood at some distance from the original designer of the Levitical sanctuary? It is at least arguable that this curious lapse betrays a considerable interval between the author of Ex 25-29 and the editor of the combined documents. [S) The Priestly Code was apparently designed to include the record of the settlement in Canaan, according to the promise of Yahweh Ex 6^. It may be naturally anticipated, therefore, that the P sections in Joshua belong to its main narrative. But they show several curious features, and doubts have been consequently expressed concerning their original character (e g Wellhausen *). Some passages, it is certain, belong to the later group designated P' cp chap XVII § 5 (i). But it is clear that the editorial pro cess in the compilation of Joshua was not identical with that which may be traced elsewhere, and this suggests that the fusion " Gunkel, Genesis (Hdkomm) 4 22, explains it as the result of the amal gamation of different sources within the general scope of J's account of the primaeval history. ' Israel und JUd Gesch* 180. 344 THE UNION OF THE DOCUMENTS [XVI § 8! was not effected by the same redactors, or at the same time, as was formerly supposed (for example) by Kuenen and Stade. Additional support has been sought for this conclusion in the circumstance that the code promulgated by Ezra was known subsequently as the 'law of Moses",' from which it has been inferred that the book could not have included the narrative of the settlement under Joshua '. But too much stress must not be laid on this term, which is probably due to the editor of Nehemiah's memoirs. The general description 'the law of Moses which Yahweh, the God of Israel, had given ' Ezr f does not necessarUy imply Mosaic authorship, and fixes no definite limits of adjacent narrative : it only describes the legislative contents as Mosaic. If an historical introduction, beginning with the Creation, might be comprised under the term torah, why not also an historical sequel ? But the pecuUarities of the redaction remain, and these are not lightly to be set aside. In view of these difiiculties. Prof Holzinger and Prof W H Bennett arrived independently at the belief that the union of P's Joshua with JED was accomplished indepen dently of the combination of the preceding books ". How, then, may the whole process be conceived ? Two main possibilities are open. Did the compUer of the Five Books, R", simply cut off Joshua from JED and P, and leave them to some successor to be dealt with as might seem fit? Or did he already find JED divided into two parts, the main portion terminating with the record of the law by Moses and the narrative of his death, and a supplement carrying on the story through the conquest and settlement? The latter seems on the whole the more probable view. For the Deuteronomic redaction of Joshua itself displays a much freer treatment of older materials than the records of the Mosaic age cp chap XVII § 4 (2), and this fact, analogous to what has been already observed in connexion with the compound Joshua JEDP, points to the separation of JE's Joshua and its expansion by D under different conditions from those which determined the form of the united documents JBD as far as the death of Moses. That event made an obvious pause in the national story. So also, at a later stage, did the death of Joshua. The Deuteronomic redac tion of the Judges-book early in the sixth century'' already found in it a point of new departure 28... From the phenomena of « Neh 81 cp io2» 13I. * So Holzinger Einleit 501 ; and cp Addis Hex ii 189. " Holzinger Einleit 502 ; Bennett Primer of the Bible 90, and JQR x 649. ¦* Cp Cornill Einleit; Moore Comm on Judges ; Driver LOT'. XVI§3«] COMBINATION OF JED AND P 345 Judges it may be tentatively concluded that Joshua in the shape given to it by R'' existed in simUar isolation. But though this tends to confirm the theory that P's Joshua was not amalgamated with its predecessor JED by the hand which arranged the Penta teuch, it cannot be said to give equal support to the hypothesis that 'the Priestly Code, as Ezra promulgated it, no longer con tained the Joshua-sections''.' There is everything to lead us to expect that it originaUy did so, and nothing to prove that they had been already detached in the year 444 b c. It is stUl possible, therefore, to ascribe the actual severance to R", while another hand undertook the task of introducing the new material into the Deuteronomic Joshua-book. To R" also may be attributed with much plausibility the existing divisions of the Pentateuch. The Deuteronomic law with its hortatory and historical introductions formed an obvious whole, and is brought into the chronological scheme of P by an editorial insertion in i^'^^. Natural pauses were also suggested by the death of Joseph, and the erection of the DweUing ; while the first census supplied a suitable beginning for fresh record, at the close of the Holiness-legislation. Whether the supplemental law in Lev 27 had been already inserted, or (in other words) how much of P' had been then incorporated, there is no means of determining. But the evidence offered in connexion with Ex 35-40 OMte p 296" shows that the Pentateuch continued to receive additions long after the union of P with JED. (e) To what date is the product JEDP to be referred ? The question can only be answered provisionally and within wide limits. The Chronicler, writing early in the Greek age, founds himself on what is practically the present Pentateuch (apart from the possibiUty of occasional subsequent expansion). Before the faU of the Persian sovereignty the Samaritan schism supplies a still earlier testimony. Its exact year, indeed, is not known ; neither can we trace the circumstances under which the Penta teuch was adopted as its sole religious authority. Moreover, the era of Ezra himself is still in dispute, the range of variation extending through no less than sixty years. The traditional view, however, even when modified by Kosters, would find ample room for the union of the documents before 400 bo*- Assuming (as already argued, chap XIII § 6y p 263) that Ezra's law-book was confined to P, it is natural to conjecture that steps would be taken speedily after its adoption to lift it into canonical eminence " Bennett JQR x 651. '' So Kuenen, Holzinger, Wildeboer. 346 THE UNION OF THE DOCUMENTS [XVI §36 by uniting it with the older work which already possessed Mosaic authority ; and Bishop Eyle, accordingly, in view of the Samaritan schism regards the Pentateuch as substantiaUy complete before 432 B c ". But whatever fee thought the most probable date for the first amalgamation, the possibUity of subsequent additions, whether in the shape of smaU glosses and antiquarian explana tions, or of larger passages like Gen 14 or Ex 35-40, must not be excluded ^. The Pentateuch as we have it is the result of long and laborious scribal activity, extending certainly through one century, perhaps through two, from the time of Ezra. " Canon 90. b Steuernagel, impressed with the fact that the Samaritan Pentateuch contains the latest passages in substantial accord with ^, argues, AUgem Eird 276, that the Law was practically complete before its adoption by the Sa maritan community. He accordingly falls back on the account of the Samaritan schism given by Josephus Antt xi 7 2, 8 2 ff, in the reign of Alexander the Great about 330 b c. Either Josephus set this event a century too late, or he erroneously confounded it with Nehemiah's expulsion of Sanballat's son-in-law about 430 Neh 13^*. Steuernagel prefers the latter alternative, and his result is accepted by Bertholet Theol Lit-zeit (1900) 3287, and Matthes Theol Tijdschr (Jan 1902) 64. Wellhausen, Isr und JUd Gesch* (1901) 192, still finds it incredible that the Samaritans should have adopted the Jewish law and cultus at the hands of a Jerusalem priest, and thinks it certain that they had their Pentateuch before Alexander's advent. The view of Steuernagel has the advantage of bringing the Pentateuch into Samaria with all its newest incorporations, and providing a hundred years for their insertion, but the historical situation is too obscure to supply decisive evidence, and probabilities will necessarily invite different judge ments. CHAPTEE XVII THE BOOK OP JOSHUA The book of Joshua stands in the Hebrew Oanon at the head of the collection of 'the Prophets.' It is marked off from the preceding books by its subject, for it contains no law : the era of legislation closed with the death of Moses. Yet it is plainly related to them ,in the most intimate manner. Its main theme is the establishment of Israel in the promised land, and it falls apart at once into two chief divisions, (i) the narrative of the conquest 1-12, and (2) the account of the distribution of the territory among the tribes 13-21 ; while farewell addresses of Joshua 23 and 24, corresponding to the discourses in Deutero nomy, prepare for the record of the leader's death. The book thus describes the great change in the national life to which the whole Pentateuch looks forward. The gift of the land to the posterity of Abraham, so often announced ", is at last effected : it is justly asserted that the Law without its continuation in Joshua would be but 'a torso*.' At stage after stage in the preceding narrative provision has been made for the duties and privileges of Israel when they should enter on their inheritance. At last the long discipline of the wanderings is over, and a nation which did not look back longingly to the comforts of Egyptian plenty, is ready for the strenuous march to victory. Caleb alone survives from the Israel of the desert, besides Joshua, to claim the reward of his loyalty to Yahweh osh 14^~^^ cp Num 14^* Deut i^^- . At the outset of the book i^- • the commission to Joshua imparted through Moses Num 2f^- ¦ Deut 3^^ 3i'^- ^*- ^s is solemnly renewed. The promise of the Eeubenites, the Gadites, and the half tribe of Manasseh to take their share in the labours of the conquest Num 32 Deut 3^^- • is reinforced by Joshua Josh ii2- • , and fulfiUed by the tribes in question 4^^, so that when they have loyaUy discharged their obligations to their " Thus J Gen 12'' 13"-" 15^8 ^qts. goS* Ex 3''., E Gen is^^ so'is, Ri" Gen 86»., B Gen 178 35I2 (cp 28*) Ex 6«-8. ' Steuernagel Das Buch Josua (in Hdkomm) 131. 348 THE BOOK OF JOSHUA [XVII brethren they receive for themselves the inheritance they had desired 13*- •. The provisions instituted by Moses for the dis tribution of the land Num 34, for the Levitical cities and the cities of refuge 35, are successively enforced Josh 13-19 20 21. Even the daughters of Zelophehad Num 36 are not forgotten Josh 17^-. The first religious act of the victorious Joshua in the middle of the new country is to carry out one of the last commands of Moses Deut 27^"^ by rearing an altar on Ebal and solemnly inscribing the law upon its stones Josh 8^" • • . In the valley of Sheehem below are deposited the bones of Joseph 24'^, in obedience to his dying request Gen 50^^. The whole scheme of Joshua is thus the necessary sequel of the books which precede ; and the closeness of this relation extends not only to its substance, but (as will be seen hereafter) also to its form. In spite of con siderations to be urged below concerning differences in the actual processes of compilation, the essential identity of their literary sources and their modes of historic presentation justifies the treat ment of the six books as bound together by a common unity on which the name Hexateuch has been fittingly bestowed ". 1. A brief inquiry suffices to show that Joshua displays many of the phenomena already adduced from the Pentateuch in proof of diversity of authorship. It contains no statement professing to record the circumstances of its composition ; it comprises duplicate and sometimes inconsistent accounts of the same events; and even within the same narrative details which cannot be harmonized betray the presence of materials which have been imperfectly reconciled. (i) Thus, in 13*"-'^^ the Eeubenites and Gadites receive the inheritance which Moses had allotted to them beyond the Jordan; but in ^*~^^ a fresh description follows defining the territory assigned to the 'tribe of the children of Eeuben according to their famUies,' and the corresponding possessions of the tribe of Gad and the half tribe of Manasseh, each section closing with similar statements concerning Levi •'* and ^^ Much common matter belongs to each ; but the second passage is marked by " This was already in the view of Du Maes in the sixteenth century {ante p 37) and others who supposed the Mosaic history and Joshua to have been compiled from the records of the keepers of the public archives. Geddes stated the connexion most clearly when he explained that he included the book of Joshua with the Pentateuch in the flrst volume of his translation of the Old Testament (1792), because he ' conceived it to have been compiled by the same author ' ants p 73. XVII 5 1(2)] ITS COMPOSITE CHARACTER 349 greater amplitude of detail, by new designations . and fresh for mulae. In like manner two farewell addresses are reported from Joshua. In 23 he summons ' aU Israel,' their elders, their heads, their judges, and their officers, exhorts them to observe the law of Moses ^, announces his approaching death ^*, and warns them against the worship of other gods ^^ But 24 records another speech, addressed to a simUar audience ^, and conveying corre sponding exhortations not to forsake Yahweh ^^••. In the accounts of the conquest Hebron is taken by Joshua lo®^- with its dependent cities, and all their inhabitants are put to the sword, not one being permitted to survive. Debir ^^- shares the same fate. The Anakim also, from Hebron, Debir, and the adjoining local cities, are similarly 'devoted' ii^\ In 15^^"^', however, Hebron and Debir are still unreduced ; the three sons of Anak are driven out from the former by Caleb, who offers his daughter as a bride to whoever succeeds in capturing the latter. (2) These indications of variety of literary materials are strengthened by the discovery of incompatible stories of the same transaction. At the passageL-jof-iha -Jordan the . whole. , nation has passed jover to the western shore 3^'^ 4-^, when Joshua instructs tw^ye^en to ' pass over before the ark into the midst of Jordan ^° and thereJake_upLtwelve s.tfines. The narrative thus returns to the eastern bank to find the people there too, for in 4^"" ' the people hasted and passed over.' What, then, is the destiny of the stones? According to *'' they are carried across and deposited on the camping-ground where the people spent the night after the passage of the river. But in ^ twelve stones are set up in the midst of the stream in the place where the feet of the priests had stood, and the writer appeals to them as evidence, ' they are there unto this day.' The devices of the versions cp 3^'" betray their consciousness of the incongruity ; the difficulty is solved by the recognition of the fact that the narrative is com posite, and the compiler has not succeeded in reducing the details to uniformity. This clue further explains why Joshua, after posting thirty thousand men in ambush on the west side of Ai 8^ ^, should dispatch five thousand more the next morning for the same purpose to the same spot ^^. Similar considerations make it probable that Eahab did not exact the promise of future safety from her visitors after she had let them down over the ¦v^aU of Jericho, and urged them to flight 2^^- ; and they point to 359 THE BOOK OF JOSHUA [XVII §1(2) a way through the maze of difficulties attending the narrative of the various circuits round the city before it fell into the hands of the Israelites 6^- •. 2. The Uterary examination of Joshua reveals corresponding facts. In some passages the language is full of reminiscences of the exhortations or narratives of Deuteronomy ; while others are founded on the institutions and couched in the formulae of the Priestly Code. Thus in 8^""^^ the writer records in his own fashion the fulfilment of the instructions of Moses in Deut 27^^* ; the discourse of Joshua in 23 is little more than a cento of the phrases of D ; while the divine summons to the new leader i^"" naturally reproduces the solemn terms of the previous charge in Deut 3i''-. On the other hand, the 'ark of the testimony' is named in 4^^, and a glimpse is thus opened into the conceptions of P '161'', which become clearer when the Passover is celebrated on the fourteenth day of the first month 5^" cp Ex 12^, and the manna ceases on the entry of the people into the land of Canaan. In due time 9^^' appear the 'congregation' ''45 and their 'princes' ''131, and finally Eleazar the priest takes precedence of Joshua the son of Nun 14^, and proceeds with the heads of fathers' houses to distribute the inheritances to the tribes at the door of the Tent of Meeting 19^^, making due provision of cities of refuge 20, and cities 'with the suburbs thereof for the orders of priests and Levites 21. The documents represented by the symbols D and P in the Pentateuch thus find their continuations in the book of Joshua. Their definite literary characteristics enable them to be recognized with certainty so far as their main passages are concerned. They can be separated, therefore, with tolerable precision from the general mass. But when they are withdrawn by the aid of the usual criteria, what is the nature of the materials which are left ? The examination of passages like 2 6 81—29 lo'i.—m discloses diversities which seem only expUcable on the assumption that two sources have been combined. The analogy of the preceding books at once suggests that these sources may be J and E respectively ; and this presumption seems to be confirmed by various marks of literary parallelism and aUusions to earlier incidents. Thus in some passages the population of the country is designated as Canaanite 7* i6^^f^~'^^ J, whereas in oJJamg;^>is^e^cribed_as Amorite 10^ 24^^^^ The parallels to 2^^ ^^3*^4^ 5^® 10^^ &c plead strongly for J cp Hex ii ; so does the preference in 15I* cp Num 13^^ and the poup of fragments 13P XVII §3 (I)] CHARACTERISTICS OF J 351 igu-xg 63 1610 1,11-18 ig47 named below p 354. SimUarly B seems to furnish the description of Joshua in i^- cp '109 2^ ^^ 6®, the allusion to the idolatry of Israel's ancestors 24^* cp Gen 35^, and the record of the burial of Joseph 24^^ gp Qgjj ^q^^. The combined document JE may be traced in like manner behind the language of i/^^~^^ ". These marks lie, as it were, upon the sur face : how far does minuter investigation confirm the expectations which they awaken ? 3. When the contributions to Joshua editorially derived from D and P have been eliminated, it is found that the remaining portions designated as JE are concerned rather with the conquest than with the division of the promised land. The mission of the spies, the passage of the Jordan, the capture of Jericho, the defeat at Ai and the discovery of Achan's theft, the successful attack on Ai) the covenant with the Gibeonites, the catastrophe to the cour federation of the southern kings under Adoni-zedek, and the over throw of the northern alliance under Hazor,^these follow in definite succession though without any specification of time, and lead up to Joshua's old age 13^, and the preparations for the actual settlement. But at this point the traces of JE become more faint, and only a few fragments, obviously incongruous with their context, survive out of its record of the tribal inheritances cp 13^* j^U-ig 63 16I-3 10 J, 11- 18 jg47^ to which must perhaps be added j8a-io_ When these narratives are disentangled, so far as proba biUty permits, what is the result of the analysis ? (i) The critical problem appeared at one time so difficult, that Wellhausen supposed that J broke off suddenly after the Balaam episode, and only left a trace here and there, as in Num 25^"^ Deut 34'^"'', though its presence was afterwards recognized in Josh g^-", Meyer also"* denied to J any share in the account of the conquest of Canaan in Josh i-i^ save a fragment out of the story of the treaty with the Gibeonites in 9. But this view (though practically shared by Stade) has not been maintained by subsequent criticism". Kuenen, indeed, asserted that J and E could not be satisfactorily eliminated from the complex product in which they had been welded together, but he admitted their original existence-'', Later investigation has done something to " Cp 'wholly followed" « " with Nuni 14^*. * Composition des Hexateuchs in Skizzen ii (1885) 116. "= Ibid 126. ** ZATW i 133-4 cp 122', ' On its revival by Steuernagel, see § 5 (37) ad fin. f Hexateuch 157 159, 352 THE BOOK OF JOSHUA [XVII § 3 (i) relieve these difficulties. DUlmann's great commentary (on the basis of Knobel, concluded in 1886) again attempted what Kuenen had declared impossible; and Budde", Kittel ', Albers", Bennetf*, have all concurred in believing that the main elements of J and B are not disguised beyond recognition, though the results of their analysis do not always run side by side *. (n) The principal obstacle to the recognition of J in Josh 2-11 arose from the circumstance that another view of the conquest and settlement of the Israelites in Canaan is to be found in Judges I. This document includes passages which are plainly related to corresponding passages in Joshua ; Adoni-bezek Judges i5-7 seems a counterpart of Adoni-zedek Josh lo^- • ; the capture of Hebron Judg ii" is also related in Josh 15I* (Caleb), and that of Debir Judg iii-i« in Josh 15I5-19 . further cp Judg i^^ Josh 15'*, Judg 1^ Josh if^-, and Judg i^^ Josh 16I*. Various considera tions concurred in pointing to J as the source from which this survey was derived-''. But it contained no aUusion to Joshua, and it was inferred, therefore, by some eminent critics, that J had not originally regarded him as the national leader, or even men tioned his name. The narrative of his victories, therefore, could owe nothing to J. The investigations of Budde", however, showed good ground for believing that the contrast between the representations in Judg i and Josh 2-1 1 had been exaggerated ; the admitted presence of J in the story of the covenant with the Gibeonites presupposed a narrative of the capture of Ai, and that in its turn was possible only when Jericho had fallen. J, there fore, had presumably related both these incidents, and these involved the passage of the Jordan also. Moreover, the general movement indicated in Josh 6-1 1 and in the survey in 14- • showed that the southern part of Canaan was the first to receive the new settlers as in Judg i, whUe the northern tribes only made " Die Biicher Richter und Samuel (1890). ^ Hist ofthe Hebr i 263. " Die QueUenberichte in Josua i-xii (1891). "* Joshua in Haupt's SBOT. ' Driver LOT' 104 and 'Joshua' in Smith's DB'^ vol i pt ii, treats JB as the basis of Joshua, though with reserve concerning the actual elements of the constituent documents. Similarly, G A Smith ' Joshua ' in Hastings' DB and G E Moore Enc Bibl 'Joshua,' Holzinger Josua (Hd-Comm 1901). / Cp Moore Judges in ICC 6-10. The chief reason is found in the contrast between this group of representations and that in Josh 24, the substance of which is universally ascribed to E. There the conquest is depicted as far more complete than the survey in Judg i, and the Joshua parallels, allow. These passages, therefore, which seem to have been derived from a common source, must be assigned to J. Cp Driver, in Smith's DB^ vol i pt ii p 1816. ^ Richter und Samuel 1-83, cp Das Buch der Richter in the Kurzer Hand-Gom- mentar (1897) xii-xiii, Moore Enc Bibl p 2607. XVII § 3 (i;3)] CHARACTERISTICS OF J 353 their way among the Canaanites more slowly, after the house of Joseph had taken up its position in the centre i6i- if^~'^^. But, on the other hand, it became clear that the representations of the complete destruction of the Canaanite populations e g lo^*"*^ jjio-23 .ffere entirely inconsistent with the numerous cases recorded where the Canaanites proved too strong for the invaders, so that the tribes of Israel only secured a precarious footing in their midst cp 13!^ 15"^ 1610 1712. Such generalized summaries of universal massacre do not, however, show the characteristic features of J. They are far more closely connected with D (cp § 4 p 361) ; they have a distinct theological significance ; they are not founded on historical tradition, they are editorial expressions of the horror felt in later times for the temptations of Canaanite idolatries, and of the triumphant conviction that Yahweh had given Israel the land. They are not part, therefore, of J's narrative, and need not be cited in contrast with Judg i. [0) But when these later elements are withdrawn, and the dis tribution of the remaining sections which betray diversity of source has been effected, there remains the question how far the elements which can be plausibly ascribed to J really constitute a harmonious whole. It seems difficult to form any estimate of the relative antiquity of J's narratives of the spies at Jericho or the passage of the Jordan compared with earlier stories such as the mission of the explorers to Canaan or the march across the sea at the Exodus ". On the other hand, the accounts of the fall of Jericho 6, and the defeat of the two great coalitions, southern and northern, in lo-ii, certainly seem to be couched in a more exalted strain than the story of the overthrow of Sihon Num 21, or the various references to the position of the different clans and tribes, whether the successes of Caleb and Othniel 15^*"!', or the relative failures of Judah 15®*, Ephraim 16^'^, and Manasseh if^-. Moreover, Jabin the king of Hazor in ii^ can hardly be unrelated to the sovereign of the same place, bearing the same name, Judg 4^ 1''. It may be questioned, therefore, whether the passages assigned to J are really all homogeneous, or whether they do not rather constitute a collection of stories and a picture of the settle ment not by any means identical in age or origin, though bound together by certain common tendencies of thought and represen tation. In such a collection there must necessarily be diversities of date. On general grounds it is natural to expect that the " Imitation is probably to be seen in 5^^ and perhaps in 4'. A a 354 THE BOOK OF JOSHUA [XVII § 3 (i^) simpler view will be the older, and the recognition of the Canaanite superiority in certain quarters will precede the later generalizations of their overthrow. The group of fragments 13^^ 151*"!^ "^ 161" 1^11-18 jg47 njay therefore be referred (like the corresponding passages in Judg i) to an early survey of the position of the tribes belonging to the school of J. Such a survey may have included a more detailed account of their settlement (cp i&-~\ to which the narrative of the passage of the Jordan and the advance to the hUl-country would form the appropriate introduc tion. The language of Judg i^ implies some kind of preliminary allotment of the land before the tribes attempted the task of con quest. If this existed in the primitive narratives of J, a basis would be supplied out of which subsequent representations might be developed. That the episodes of victory rest on older material is proved in one case by a citation from a poem in the lost book of Jashar " lo^^-, where it may be safely conjectured that the poetical version is a more ancient composition than the prose story''. There seems reason, therefore, for the view that the J sections may be of various dates, but the discrimination of the earlier is a task of the gravest difficulty. A growing consensus of criticism fixes on iqI^*- "a 13I3 15M-19 cs 16" lyii-is 19"^ to which may perhaps be added 5^. ^ °. The story of the spies in 2 has also a simple and primitive air ; in ^, however, there seems a reminis cence of Ex 15^^^ (unless the order of dependence be inverted, or the last clauses be assigned to the later editorial expansion). Much editorial work may be traced in J's share of 3-4, and the suddenness of the miracle announced in 3^^ cp 4^* is not quite after the manner of J's employment of the east wind Ex 14^^'^ ^^. The sevenfold procession round Jericho in 6 has no analogy in the records of the Trans-jordanic conquest: whUe the narratives in 8 10 and 11 are conceived upon a larger scale, and may be assigned to a later stage of tradition compared with the records of the capture of Hebron and Debir 15^*"^'. The representation of the action of the united people seems further removed from historical reality than the view of their advance in groups of tribes presented in Judg i : and the total impression created by this portion of J suggests a much completer reduction of Canaanite " Cp ante chap II § l€ p 30. '' As Judges 5 may be taken to precede 4, cp Moore Judges (in ICC) 110 ; Budde Richter (in Kurz Hd-Comm) 33. " Bennett, in Haupt's SBOT, adds 5^- «•. XVII § 3 (2)] CHARACTERISTICS OF E 355 opposition than the fragments from 131^ onwards justify". How far these fragments may be connected with any definite scheme of territorial location according to J, it seems impossible now to deter mine. If i6^~3 is rightly assigned to J, a probabUity is established that it may have contained other geographical descriptions now perhaps absorbed into P's more detailed survey cp Hex U iS"*". But it appears to be beyond the power of any critical method to discover the clues to their separation. (2) The original scope and significance of E are hardly less difficult to determine. One feature, however, appears in strong reUef. At the opening of the book i^- Joshua is solemnly com missioned to conduct the people across the Jordan. He is designated in terms elsewhere peculiar to E (in contrast with J) as ' Joshua the son of Nun, Moses' minister ' cp Ex 33^^ Num 11^* Deut 31^^. At the close of his career, when the conquest is sub stantially completed, he summons a national assembly at Sheehem 24^ exhorts the people to obedience, makes a covenant with them to serve Yahweh ^, and sets them ' a statute and an ordinance.' To Joshua, therefore, as to Moses, is assigned the double function of mUitary leadership and religious legislation. By general con sent the farewell address of Joshua is referred in its original form to E, and it is natural to accept its retrospect as a clue to the con ception of the conquest and settlement which E contained. It proves in reality, however, to be somewhat barren of detail. The people are reminded of the passage of the Jordan and the fall of Jericho ^^, but the steps of subsequent victory are veUed under the figure of the ' hornet ' which expelled the native populations "", " This impression is heightened if (with Budde and Albers) the general izing summaries in 10-12 may be partly referred to J" (so Holzinger finds 3' in io"*-'', but not later). See below, § 4. " 24I1-1' has evidently undergone considerable manipulation. The list of seven nations in " cp Deut 'f- is an obvious intrusion, as it can hardly be supposed that their representatives were all assembled in Jericho. In ^^ the last words are apparently an editorial reminiscence from Gen 48^^ ; i' is plainly modelled on Deut 6^"- . There remains the allusion to ' the two kings of the Amorites.' Elsewhere this phrase denotes Sihon and Og cp "3°, but in that sense it is here inappropriate to the events following the fall of Jericho. @ reads 'twelve,' a reading widely accepted, 'two' being in that case an awkward correction in view of the later lists in 12'. - &c. Holzinger {Hd-Comm) agrees with Steuernagel {Hdkomm) in adopting ®'s ' twelve,' but differs in interpretation : Steuernagel, Josua 135, supposing the twelve to be made up of Sihon king of Heshbon Num 21^^- ¦ , the kings of Jericho Josh 6, Ai 8, of Jerusalem Hebron Jarmuth Lachish Eglon 10 and of Hazor Madon Shimron and Achshaph 11 ; while Holzinger conceives that the allusion is to one great defeat, at Gibeon, where E imagined twelve kings opposed to Israel's twelve tribes Josua xi cp 36. The appositional character of the clause suggests the possibility that it also is due to later amalgamation. A a 2 356 THE BOOK OF JOSHUA ' [XVII § 3 (2). and of the actual process of occupation not a word is said, any more than of the desert incidents between Egypt and the land of Moab. The narratives themselves, however, are not equally silent. The first step of ' Joshua the son of Nun ' is to prepare for the great enterprise by obtaining the necessary information 2^, and though the detaUs of distribution in the story of the spies may be uncertain, the conclusion ^* indicates clearly that E related their mission and brought them back successful. The passage of the Jordan and the capture of Jericho followed. From Gilgal Joshua proceeds to the attack on Ai ; peace is concluded with the Gibeon ites ; and the five kings of the Amorites are ' discomfited ' before Israel lo^"*, their rout being completed by a great hailstorm as they fied down the pass from Beth-horon ^^. With this scene the extracts from E's history of the conquest apparently termi nate ". The further episodes of advance and settlement seem to have been suppressed in favour of the more general editorial summaries in lo^'- • ii^*'-i2. Had E, however, no account of the allotment of the land, and the situations of the several tribes? A comparison of 19*'- with 24^" shows that materials from E were employed by P ; and if this happened in one instance which can still be traced, it may have occurred in others which can no longer be recovered cp Hex ii 1811** ; though it may be doubted whether some fragments would not have sur vived, like those already rescued for J, had E included any detailed description of the settlement. The parallel of the general presentation of E with that of J shows that from the passage of the Jordan to the overthrow of the central alliance they kept step side by side. The detaUs occasionally vary : if J dweUs on the marvels of the arrest of the waters 3^^, E can emphasize the sudden collapse of the walls of Jericho 6^ ^"l*, or the dire effect of Joshua's outstretched javelin 8^^ ^^ : while each gives its own version of the divine aid against the five kings jgio-i*. Of the time occupied by the entire settlement but little indication is afforded. From 24^^ it may be conjectured that Joshua was regarded as near his end when the great convocation took place at Sheehem cp 23^ and 13'. That the advance of the invaders would be slow was predicted in Ex 232^"^". The The ' hornet ' is derived from Ex 23'', and seems to have entered the recital with the seven nations ''. In this view the whole verse is made up of fragments, and cannot be used to throw any light on E's tradition of the conijuest after the fall of Jericho. " Holzinger adds 14^"" originally. XVII 5 3 (3)] CHARACTERISTICS OF E 357 * hornet,' therefore, would only pursue its work of expelling the native peoples by degrees ; and this does not, accordingly, seem incompatible with the general view that Israel must encounter resistance as it penetrated further and further into the land, and that such resistance must be overcome by force. It has, indeed, been supposed " that the language of 2/^^^ was incompatible with the ascription to E of any narratives of mUitary exploits after the capture of Jericho. But the uncertainty of the original text renders this inference highly precarious, and there seems no adequate objection, therefore, to the recognition of E as the involuntary partner of J in the compound narrative in 2-10. Whether the elements of E are all of one piece, or whether like J it may be regarded as woven from strands of various date, it is more difficult to conjecture. Bennett assigns to E^ 6* ^* ^^ (mainly, ' and it came to pass . . . straight before him ') ig^^. ^- Eeasons are given ui Hex ii for ascribing the latter passage to P ; in the story of the fall of Jericho it may be conceded that the most ancient element was the shout, but it does not seem possible to isolate the passages referring to it as an older literary product. The analysis in Hex ii, therefore, does not venture to make any partition of age. (3) If the presence of J and B be admitted in Josh i-io, it is natural to infer that their union took place under the same conditions as those which produced JE in Gen Ex and Num. That the Joshua sections of these documents were in fact integral parts of them, is made probable by the evidence that they really extended to the monarchy (pp 192 202) and proved by the position of Joshua in B with especial clearness ; the work of Moses being definitely assigned to him as its continuator, and the retrospect in 24 binding the entire story from Abraham's migration to the Sheehem assembly into one whole. It may be assumed, therefore, that the general method of RJ« in dealing with the earlier narra tives will be traceable also in the latter. The larger portion of the material appears to be derived from J, though the chrono logical framework i^ 24^' is supplied by E. The actual extracts have been woven together with extraordinary closeness, as in some parts of the Joseph series, so that the analysis in many cases can be regarded only as tentative ; but the hand of the " Cp Kuenen Hex 157, who finds an absolute incongruity between the language of 2^'^-^' and the stories in i-ii. ^ Joshua in Haupt's SBOT. Holzinger, Hd-Comm. gives to E' 5^ ' " ?. 358 THE BOOK OF JOSHUA [XVII § 3 (3) compiler is occasionally to be traced in verses designed to harmonize conflicting situations, or combine discordant data 2" 8'^. In 148""!° the story of Joshua's gift of Hebron to Caleb is related on the basis of the combined narrative of JB in Num 13-14, and seems due, therefore, in its prior form to a writer who might be provisionally identified with KJe". But it has been recast (if it really existed at an earlier date) under Deuteronomic influence, and its present shape is due to BA (cp infra § 4)^ There remains a passage i^"^^ which does not seem to belong to either document, nor to show the characteristic marks of origin in the schools of D or P ". It is founded on a theory of the " This passage is obviously not continuous with ^-^ P : the scene is in Gilgal instead of Shiloh cp Hex ii '" ; Joshua acts alone instead of taking the second place after Eleazar ; and Caleb does not as in P Num 13* belong to Judah ; he is not an Israelite at all, but a Kenizzite. The address of Caleb to Joshua is plainly founded on the narrative in Num 13-14, but the P elements of that story are ignored ; from '• it is clear that Caleb acted alone without any aid from Joshua cp Num 13'° ct Num 14". The phraseology shows points of contact with both J^ or Bi' ('wholly followed ' '¦ Num 14*^* KJo, ' from the time that ' " '^36) and E (? ' Moses the man of God ' Deut 33I, ' concerning ' ' ^m, ' brought word again ' '' Num 13^*''). But the whole representation has been recast under the influence of Deut i^'- • (cp 'spy out' '' Deut i^*, 'made the heart of the people melt' Deut i^', 'Yahweh my God ' 8 Di, ' thy foot hath trodden ' s is^ ' Anakim ' '^ »4, ' great and fenced ' " Deut i^*, 'drive them out' ^^ "SQ*). The story, however, assumes that Hebron is not yet captured 10'^. , nor the Anakim expelled 11^^. Another version is found in 15''- . In ^ an editorial attempt has been made to harmonize Caleb's language with P by inserting ' and concerning thee.' ^* is probably a later addition. Steuernagel, Holzinger, and Moore all recognize the Deuteronomic redaction, but conjecture an earlier basis in B. * It does not, however, follow that all the passages ascribed to the school of J belonged to the book of JE. Thus a second narrative of the gift of Hebron to Caleb is found in 15""^^, introduced by ¦'' which bears strong marks of HP. The recurrence of this passage in Judg iio-is connects it with the group already specified in § 3 (i^) 13^^ 15^' 16^° 17I1-18 19*'', most of which are now embedded in portions of P, where they have the air of editorial insertions qualifying larger claims. In 13^', however, this qualification affects a section of D. The generalizations of the Deuteronomic editor, however, are so absolute (see § 4 below) as to render his admission of such a correction highly surprising : and it would seem probable that the Deuteronomic edition of Joshua dropped the passages in which J surveyed the progress of the settlement with frank recognition of Israel's limitations, and that these were only inserted in a much later revision, when an effort was made to incorporate all the records of the past. Similarly, Judg 1-2' was not included in the Deuteronomic Judges-book, cp Cornill Eird* 94, Moore Judges (in ICG) xxxiii, Budde Richter (in Hd-Comm) x. This argument may be pushed further back, and applied similarly to JE, the editor of which (if 18^^° be rightly assigned to him) held a similar view. In any case the J source of Judges i and its parallels in Joshua stUl remained distinct, and could be used separately. " The description of the method by which the inheritances of the remain ing tribes were settled by lot at Shiloh under Joshua's supervision 18^"^', does not cohere with ' and 'i- • P. The representation of P 14^ 19^^ puts Eleazar in the front and Joshua in the second place ; here Joshua acts with XVII s 4] DEUTERONOMIC ELEMENTS 359 completed conquest, and appears designed to introduce a survey of the settlement. That J at least once contained such a survey is highly probable ; though the surviving fragments show that in its oldest form it was not conceived on the basis of universal subjugation assumed in 182-10. But as the documents passed from hand to hand, receiving fresh additions, it may be con jectured that a later editor desired to gather into one view the various data and fuse them in one general representation. To such a description of the tribal inheritances, which may now lie at the basis of P's delineation 18II-19, EJe niay have prefixed as a suitable introduction the story of the travels of the twenty- one deputies, their description of the land in seven portions, and the distribution of the inheritances by lot before Yahweh in ShUoh ". 4. Far more important was the revision to which JE was submitted in the Deuteronomic school. The indications of this process are numerous, but even the most careful scrutiny stUl leaves many points in doubt, and the significance of different independent initiative ; ^"'^ and 19^^ cannot proceed from the same writer. Noldeke assigned the passage to D, but though the style of B"" may be traced in ' C ^°), the relief in which these passages stand out from their context (at least in ') shows that they are not really essential to the piece. It is natural therefore to look for the authorship in some antecedent of B^. This can hardly be J, for the conception of a deputation of twenty-one persons travelling through the country and recording its natural features and its conquered cities does not fit his picture of slow progress amid many obstacles. Nor does it really seem more congruous with the scantier traces of B's view (though Moore, with Dillmann and Kittel, places it there) cp § 3 (2), moreover the parallel to * in Gen 13'" is in favour of J= or HJ". It obviously rests upon a theory of the subjugation of the people which was so complete as to permit the perambulation of the land by a small group of tribal representatives apparently without escort. This might be the view of a generalizing editor of the older documents : and the passage is accord ingly attributed in its earlier form to KJ" (with Kuenen and Bennett : so also Holzinger). There are, however, some slight incongruities as between ^"^ and "^ ; and certain notable peculiarities of language, which point in the direction of the vocabulary of B.P. Such are * ' according to ' 'd'; ¦''I9^ ^ 'priesthood' (never in Deut) and 'beyond Jordan' jit'; -iijd ''2'> (for which D writes JiTn -QM or 'n -as). There are traces elsewhere of revision by a late hand of this school cp § 4 (38) § 5 (3/8) : has this passage been touched in the same way ? The older style is seen in ' arise and walk ' *, ' house of Joseph ' ^ : in other respects the phraseological parallels are mostly with HJ" and D. On the references to Shiloh in ^- see Hex ii. " It need hardly be added that as in the preceding books so here Bi" is the symbol rather of a process than a person, and its result approximates to the handling of the united product by E"". Baudissin, Einl (1901) 176, agrees (so also Holzinger Hd-Comm xii) that B^ found the Jehovist book ready for use. Moore, Eno Bibl 2605, admits that in 1-12 B* found JE already united, but he supposes that in 10-12 13- • he also used E separately to the exclusion of J. 360 THE BOOK OF JOSHUA [XVII § 4 detaUs is variously estimated by students who approach the problems along independent lines". (i) The general phenomena are so obvious as to strike even the most casual reader. Reference has already been made to the fulfilment in 8^""°^ of the instructions in Deut 27^"^*. In a similar manner the language of i is founded on the incidents and exhortations of D. After the death of Moses, Joshua is divinely confirmed in the leadership to which he has already been solemnly dedicated^ As the successor of Moses he receives fresh assurance that the promises made to the great Liberator of his people will be accomplished on the due observance of the law imparted through him ^~^. The following parallels wUl sufBce to show the connexion : — Josh I ^ Every place whereon the sole of your foot shall tread, to you have I given it. ... * Prom the wilderness, and this Lebanon, even unto the great river, the river Euphrates, . . . and unto the great sea toward the going down of the sun, shall be your border. ^ There shall not any man be able to stand before thee. <* All the days of thy life. " As I was with Moses, so I will be with thee : I will not fail thee, nor forsake thee. ^ ' " Be strong and of a good courage. ' Thou shalt cause this people to inherit the land which I have sworn unto their fathers to give them. Deut ii2< Every place whereon the sole of your foot shall tread shall be yours : from the wilderness, and Lebanon, from the river, the river Euphrates, even unto the hinder sea shall be your border. 7^^ There shall not any man be able to stand before thee. 4' 62 i63 17" All the days of (thy) life. 31' He will be with thee : he will not fail thee, nor forsake thee. ' ^' Be strong and of a good courage. ' Thou shalt go with this people into the land which Yahweh hath sworn unto their fathers to give them ; and thou shalt cause them to inherit it. The address to the Reubenites, Gadites, and the half tribe of Manasseh i^^"!*, is based on the recital in Deut 31^- is— 20. •,yiiile the discourse of Joshua in 23 is a Deuteronomic counterpart to the farewell address in 24, with especial reference to the Mosaic warnings in the concluding exhortations in Deut 28 and 29 "". In ". The more recent criticism of D in Joshua starts from HoUenberg's essay ' Die Deuteronomischen Bestandtheile des Buches Josua ' Siudien und Kritiken (1874) 462-506. '' Baudissin, Einl (1901) 177, and Moore, Enc Bibl 2605, both conjecture that 23 was the conclusion of D's Joshua; Moore being inclined to ascribe it to tiie author of Deut 4 29. . In this view 24 was omitted by the author of 23 and restored by a later Deuteronomistic editor. It is, however, difScult (i) to conjecture why 24 should have been set aside in favour o£ 23, and (2) to XVII § 4 (2)] DEUTERONOMIC ELEMENTS 361 other cases, however, the Deuteronomic additions do not thus stand alone ; they are woven into the context of the narrative, as in the explanations of the circumcision at Gilgal 5*"^ and the erection of the stones commemorating the passage of the Jordan ^2i-24_ ^nd yet again two remarkable summaries of Joshua's victories seem best explicable as Deuteronomic additions lo^^"*^ and ii^*'-i2^. The first of these is couched in a series of para graphs repeated with rhythmical regularity. Joshua is accom panied by ' all Israel ' °2* ; city after city is delivered by Yahweh into their hands "52 ; the inhabitants are smitten with the edge of the sword Deut 13^^ 20'^^, and none are left remaining Deut 2^* 3* Num 21^' ; Yahweh is emphatically said to have fought for Israel *2 "45; and the 'devotion' of ' aU that breathed' *" is expressly based on the injunction of the law cp Deut 20^^ ' thou shalt save alive nothing that breatheth, but thou shalt devote them.' Whatever materials may lie behind these sweeping surveys, such as the list of kings in 12'"^*", there can be no doubt that the present form of these sections is due to an editor of the Deuteronomic school, anxious to show that Joshua fulfilled the divine commands as the faithful successor of Moses cp 10*" jj;]5 23 6_ Parallel phenomena though in another field may be observed in the general summaries of Israelite idolatries pre sented in the book of Judges e g 2^^"^^ io^~i^, which bear a strongly marked Deuteronomic character ; or, again, in the prayer composed for Solomon at the dedication of the Temple I Kings 823-53 ". (2) But a closer examination of Josh 1-12 reveals the interest ing fact that the labours of the Deuteronomists were not confined to the addition of longer sections of narrative or address, or even regard the relatively slight Deuteronomic handling of 24 as later than the entire composition of 23. The reverse would seem to be the case. 23 has the air of a pious exercise by a writer familiar with Deut much in its present form. 23" recalls the Song Deut 32"' ; with ' cp Deut 29^, "cp 2t*^ ^^ cp Deut 28 29, " cp Deut 11^^. The 'thorns' '^ touch the peculiar vocabulary of Num 33'^. In this aspect 23 may be designated one of the latest additions of Ed. Holzinger, Hd-Comm xiii, ascribes to B3«. Og is not called an Amorite in Deut 3^"^. In 3^ the kings are described as 'beyond Jordan' ie on the east, implying that the narrator was on the west side ct 2° ^^. Other passages in which the word occurs iu the same meaning cp "21, as well as the description of ' the two kings,' all belong to the secondary editorial redaction. ' This difference supplies another faint indication of diversity of author ship between B'l sections cp ante (a). The duplicates in 12^-^ and 13'-" are hardly from the same hand. 368 THE BOOK OF JOSHUA [XVII § 4 (37) up' 2'o 423 5I* ; 'aU the people of war ' (?) 8^ ^ (H) iqT uTf ct 'men of war' 5* « 6^ lo^* Deut 2" " . nsnn 'favour' ii^"* i Kings 8^^- ¦ 9^ Jer 36'' 37^" 38^^ 42^ ^ Pss Chron ; ' according to their divisions' ii^s 12^ iS^"* ; 'wealth' 22' 2 Chron i"- Ezr 6^ 726 Eccles 5" 62t ; and the Hebrew forms oniN lo^s, ^rm 14^2 VDDH 148". (6) There remains an interesting class of cases in which the language of B^ shows curious approximations to that of P. The phrase 'according to their divisions' just cited seems kindred with P's legal terminology op ''iS ; in 13^ 23* ' allot it (-§ cause it to fall) unto Israel for an inheritance ' finds its sole paraUel in Ezek 45^ 47^2 ; while the terms 'priesthood' and 'beyond Jordan' <§ 18'' occur elsewhere in Hex only in P, and the 'thorns' of 23^^ belong to the hortatory vocabulary of which another specimen occurs in Num 33'^. It is no doubt to be expected on general grounds that the characteristic terminology of one great school should find antecedents in its predecessor. The style of EJ« already approaches that of D ; why should not the style of B^ in like manner prepare the way for P ? The Deuteronomic editors ^f thejiational historieS-d.uringL.tbe exile were contemporary with the priestly schools of Ezekiel and his successors, and some inter change of phraseology would be only natural. Such interchange may be detected in 5* 8^^ lo^''- ii^" 22*. To what is it due? Are these the spontaneous outshoots of B^ towards kindred workers in the same great field, or do they suggest that Rp has been upon his track with his own additions and modifications ? The pheno mena of lo^s.- compared with *" and @ seem to prove clearly that an editor of the school of P has introduced the word ' souls ' at a quite late stage of the history of the text *. If such revision has happened in one case, it may have operated elsewhere also. Thus the phraseology of 6^^ ^ib points to Rp. But ¦'^ is evidently a supplement to B^ in ^* ; and a clue is thus gained to the priority of the Deuteronomic revision before the Priestly annotator took the work in hand. Is this view sustained by other phenomena in Joshua ? In other words, what is the relation of the P sections to the rest of the book ? " Cp Dillmann NDJ 442 ; Konig Einl 249. b The use of the term ' soul ' for ' person * is a recognized characteristic of P cp ^146. Its appearance here and in '" '^ '^ " '^ seems to be due to Bf. In *" the Deuteronomic formula ' all that breathed ' has been left standing, (S) ttav ivwvfov. This formula remains in ® in ^' '" '^ '1 ", in place of the usual rendering for ' soul ' viz tj/vxii. ® therefore translated from a text which still retained 'all that breathed' in each passage. XVII § 5 (i)] • THE SECTIONS OF P 369 5. The inquiry just suggested is full of difficulty, and the seemingly conflicting facts have been differently interpreted in different critical schools. (1) The obvious indications of the presence j)f element_s_&QlU tinning the arrangements of Num 34^^-35^* have^been_already mentioned [ante § 2). "They prove at once that P isnot unrepre- sented in the narrative of the settlement. But it is less clear at first sight whether P contained any story of the conquest, and, if so, what has become of it. That he related the entry into Canaan is admitted by general consent 4^', and the passage at once creates a presumption that his narrative~also described the crogsiag^ryi? Jordan. Traces of such a narrative may be seen it^^'' ^ ^YA'^ *" 13 16-17 cp ^g^ ii_ The record of the Passover andlli^iof e' on the food-supply 5^''~i2 are plainly derived from the same source. But the account of the events which follow seems to owe little to his hand. Jericho falls and he is apparently silent. He breaks in at the beginning of the story of Achan's trespass f ; a clear glimpse of the ' congregation ' ^45 and its ' princes ' ''131 is afforded in the dealings with the Gibeonites 9^^° vi-zi . ^jjg delineation of the tribal settlements is chiefly due to him (the Trans-jordanic tribes 13I5-145, Judah 15I-" 20-62^ Ephraim i6*-^ Manasseh if''^'^, the remaining tribes 18^ 11-19*8 *8 a^ cities of refuge 20, cities for the Levites 21^"*^) ; and the last echoes of his language are heard in the story of the altar by Jordan 22^"^* ''- It is at once plain from " On delicate indications that an earliSr record lies at the base of 18"- 5951 see Hex ii iS'i". Moore, Enc Bibl 2606, remarks that ' P's doomsday has not been preserved intact : for Ephraim and Manasseh little more than the dseleton remains.' ' The narrative in ^~^ offers many perplexities. Its language, as the references in Hex ii show, is almost a cento of P's phrases ; its story assumes P's institutions, the congregation, the heads of fathers' houses, and the Dwelling; and it makes homiletic allusions to specifically P forms of previous incidents " "". Further, it is noteworthy that 'Phinehas the priest ' "¦ ¦ who has already succeeded Eleazar, acts without Joshua : the secular power has no longer a military head. These characteristics suggest its place in the later group designated as P', where it forms a sequel to Num 32. But though among tho most recent additions to P in its present form, it may be founded on some earlier account which it has superseded cp Judg 20, Driver LOT' i68. The opening verses seem designed to ex plain the rumour '^ with which the original story may have begun. (The first words of ^^ and ^^ are alike in ^, and in ^'^ they are omitted by @ S.) Traces of such a narrative have been found in the seemingly incongruous geographical elements combined in •'^, where Dillm and Oettli translate 'el mU {RV ' in the forefront ') ' over against,' and 'el 'ebher {RV ' on the side that pertaineth') 'on the other side of,' ® Iv tSi iripav. This interpretation would place the altar on the east side of the Jordan, while ^^ undoubtedly located it on the west. The prepositions in this combination are not common, but their use in P shows that they chiefly express the situation of B b 370 THE BOOK OF JOSHUA [XVII § s (i) the irregularity of these fragments that P has not been adopted as the groundwork of the compilation of Joshua in the same way in which it was laid at the base of the preceding books. The chronological articulation from Gen i to Deut 34'' is here entirely lacking". Of the victories of, Israel, of the overthrow of the Canaanite confederations, no word has been preserved. It can hardly be doubted that some allusions to these events were con tained in P. One incident is especially significant ; the oath to the Gibeonites cannot have been a mere detached episode ; it must have been derived from a connected scheme ^ The gift of the land is formally promised in Ex 6* ^ ¦ the war of subjugation is anticipated Num 3320-22^ ^nd the warriors of the Trans-jordanic tribes cross with their brethren ready for battle Josh 4^^. The way is thus prepared for a narrative of the conquest which may have taken the main stages of advance for granted after the manner of P's reference to the ' overthrow ' of Sodom and Gomorrah Gen 19^^, while it enlarged on incidents calculated to shed some light on Israel's deaUngs with the conquered peoples and the sanctuary-claims on person and property". But such a narrative was not so well adapted for the foundation of the combined account of the conquest as that of the product symbo-< lized by JER'^. It stands, therefore, in the background in the something on the surface or front or edge of an object to which it is attached ('e! mvl Ex 26' 2'S^' " 39'8 Lev 8^ Num 8^ ' B, cp Ex 34' Josh 8=' 9I* ; 'el 'ebher Ex 25^^ 28''' 39^' P, cp Deut 30''*). In this view the rendering of RV is justified (cp W A Wright Joum of fhilol xiii 117. .) ; the altar stood close to the river frontier, but on the western side, and there seems no ground of geographical discrepancy for distributing the present narrative between two or more sources. In other respects the literary usage of the story (like other portions of P" ante chap XIII § 10^) displays a wider vocabulary than is usual with P, approximating more to JB and D, cp ' build an altar ' ^"j ' altar of Yahweh our God ' ^', ' now ' (enclitic m) ^'. Most curious, perhaps, is the repeated intrusion of the ' half tribe of Manasseh ' '"" ^' ^ ''^ (cp '"- ' children of Manasseh'). From ** ^^ '* it may be inferred that the original story did not mention them : the addition employs the terminology of D, loiir °n2, for nan " ^165, and the name Manasseh with the article Deut 3^' 29* (.§'') Josh 112 4I2 &(.. For similar indications of manipulation of a P section by the addition of material from D cp 20^". " So far as this exists in Joshua it is supplied by JED. The book opens with a renewal of the commission to Joshua and closes with his death, but in I and 24 P has no share. Even the passages of the survey extracted from P are placed in a Deuteronomic framework cp 11^' 13^"^* iS''"^" 21*'"^'. In the final compilation, therefore, P is inserted into JUD, whereas in the Pentateuch JED is fitted into P. * In the case of Achan the phenomena of 7^ i^'. ^*. seem sufficiently ex plained by the conjecture of a late priestly revision, rather than of the incorporation of passages from an independent narrative. But the P verses in 9 have not this supplemental air ; they imply a story of their own. " It has already been noted that Holzinger finds a trace of such a sum mary ofthe conquest in the list of kings 12^-^. XVII § 5 (2)] RELATION OF R" AND P 371 first half of the book, and only becomes prominent in the second. On this and other grounds it has already been argued ante chap XVI § 38 p 344 that the combination of P with JED was not effected in Joshua by the same hand or on the same method as in the Pentateuch. (2) What, then, is the relation of the P sections in Joshua to the great document of which it is the sequel ? That document has been shown to be by no means homogeneous ante chap XIII §§ 7-10. To which among its various strata does the continuation in Joshua appear to belong ? The promise of Ex 6* ^ suggests that the general plan of P*^ originally included the entry into Canaan and the distribution of the land. In this it followed the method of JE. But it is doubtful how far the existing sections are to be ascribed to this Source, for they show many traces phraseo- logically of secondary character. Thus in 4^' the common designation 'the children of Israel ' is replaced by 'the people,' of rare occurrence in P, Ex 16^'' ^^ Num 16*' 31^ 33^*, four out of the five passages being already independently marked as late. The description of the Passover 5^" employs D's term for ' even * Instead of P's. Achan's pedigree f depends on Num 26^", and the usual phrase in P to describe the divine anger ''178 gives way to the familiar language of JE, which only appears in P elsewhere in the curious amalgam Num 32!" 1^. On the other hand the account of the allotment of the land opens with tlie erection of the 'Tent of Meeting' at Shiloh 18^", where P might have been " The compiler introduces P's description of the distribution of the land bf Canaan among the nine and a half tribes at 14^. It is natural to infer from the opening and close of the narrative 14^*^ and 19'^ that the whole distribution was made by the same persons at the same time and place, viz before the Tent of Meeting in Shiloh. Such a simultaneous division also appears to be contemplated in Num 34-''"'', where ten ' princes ' (instead of ' heads of fathers' houses ') are appointed to assist Eleazar and Joshua. But in the present arrangement Judah Ephraim and Western Manasseh receive their lots first, apparently in Gilgal 14^, and not till 18^ does the whole con gregation assemble at Shiloh, where the lots are drawn for the remaining seven tribes. The analysis, however, shows that 18^ does not belong to its present sequel ^"^^ ; the gathering of the entire nation at Shiloh implies that all the western tribes are engaged in a common act ; and the dislocation of the division into two groups spoils the symmetry of P's whole process. Dillmann therefore (followed cautiously by Driver) concedes Wellhausen's plea that i4i~5 was originally preceded by 18^ which stood as the introduc tion to P's account of the settlement. (So also Moore Enc Bibl 2604, and Holzinger Hd-Comm 55, who remarks, however, that the connexion of 18^ and 14I is not immediate, and thinks that some clause like ^'' may have formed the connecting link. Steuernagel prefers to place 18^ before I3''°.) The reason for its transposition is not hard to divine. The older traditions represented the children of Judah and the house of Joseph as taking up their positions first by conquest. In combining these with the system of B b 2 372 THE BOOK OF JOSHUA [XVII § 5 (2) expected to mention the Dwelling. It has been previously urged Ex 25^" that many parts of P's legislation seem based on this con ception of the sanctuary, and represent an older stage of codifica tion afterwards adapted to the newer form. In the same way it is quite possible that the narrative of the distribution may rest on an older survey, and this may be the explanation of some of the peculiarities discussed in Hex ii 18^^". In any case it is worth observing that the account takes no notice of the men whom Moses expressly selected for this function Num 34^* "^^ Where are the ten princes whom he associated with Eleazar and Joshua ? They are hardly to be identified with the ' heads of the fathers ' 19^^ ; and it may be conjectured therefore that the description of the settlement is earlier than the provision in Num 34^^"^'. The assignment of the cities of refuge and the Levitical cities 20- (following the full close 19'^) is, however, plainly dependent on Num 35, and the P sections in Joshua, therefore, must be grouped in their present form under the heading of P'. (3) The relation of P to JB in Joshua is sufficiently impUed ui the foregoing exposition. The details which P contributes, for instance, to the Achan story in 7, or a comparison of the items of the survey from 13^^ onwards, can leave no doubt of the priority of JE. But there are other phenomena of a more perplexing kind, involved in the comparison of P with D. (a) The general reasons founded on institutional development which place the Deuteronomic Code before the Levitical legislation in order of time remain unaffected by the narratives of Joshua. But the literary affinities of P and D in Joshua are somewhat intricate and have led different critics to opposite inferences. The materials for investigation are scanty, as they are mostly con fined to the traces of editorial revision. There is, however, one clear case of duplication where a comparison may prove suggestive, if not decisive, viz the account of the territories assigned to the tribes east of the Jordan 13*"-^* and i^-ss^ Here, on the face of it, P seems expanded from D (the common elements are printed in italics) : — Josh is'-i" D 8 With him the Eeubenites and the Gadites received their inheritance. Josh 13I5-21 P ^^ And Moses gave unto the tribe of the children of Beuben according to distribution by lot, P's ideal scheme is broken in two, and his Shiloh scene is transferred to the place which it occupied in the story of JE after Judah Ephraim and Western Manasseh have already obtained their portions. XVII §5 (37)] RELATION OF n^ AND P 373 Josh rs's-w D whichMoses gave them, beyond Jordan eastward, even as Moses the servant of Yahweh gave them ; * from Aroer, that is on the edge of the valley of Arnon, and tlie city that is in the middle of the valley, and all the plain of Medeba unto Dibon ; ^^ and Oil the cities of Sihon king ofthe Amorites, which reigned in Heshbon, unto the border of the children of Ammon. Josh 13I' their families. ^' And their border was from Aroer, that is on the edge of the vaUey of Arnon, and the city that is in the middle of the valley, and aU the plain by Medeba ; " Heshbon, and all her cities that are in the plain ; Dibon, and Bamoth-baal, and Beth-baal-meon ; ^' and Jahaz, and Kedemoth, and Mephaath ; i' and Kiriathaim, and Sibmah, and Zereth-shahar in the mount of the valley; ^^ and Beth- peor, and the slopes of Pisgah, and Beth-jeshimoth ; '^ and all the cities of the plain, and all the kingdom of Sihon king of the Amorites, which reigned in Heshbon. That there is a literary relation between these passages can hardly be doubted. Did D abstract from P, or P expand D, or did both found themselves independently upon a common source? The latter alternative is excluded by the fact that both passages subsequently introduce Og king of Bashan, and the analysis of Deut 3 shows that Og appears there for the first time : D and P, therefore, could have no common antecedent. But the same argument proves that P in ^''- must be ultimately based on Deut 3 ; and the dependence of P on D seems thus established ". It is confirmed by the fact that while D expressly asserts i" that the conquered territory did not include Ammon cp Deut 2^'', P claims half for Gad 2^, an extension of which D is evidently unaware. The relation of P to D here, therefore, is similar to that of P to JE concerning the territory of Joseph 16^"^ and *• •. [0) Further evidence in the same direction may be gathered from the traces of revision by R" in the sections ascribed to B^. Instances of this have been already offered [afde § 4 (38) p 368). The word 'souls' lo^^- • seems only explicable as an intrusion into D's formula ' all that breathed ' : a harmonizing editor has added the reference to Joshua in 14^ on the basis of the combined narrative JEP in Num 14. These cases increase the probability that the P phrases in 5* 8^^ lo^'^- ii^" 18^ are really due to R" ; in 22I * the close contiguity of the very late P story ^~2* may have slightly affected the text, and produced unconscious modi fications in the copyist's handiwork, cp the conflate expression ' kept the charge of the commandment ' ^. [y) On the other hand Dillmann has urged ' that P bears the " Cp the use of the term 'slopes' 2°, Deut 3" 4" Josh 10" 12' ', only here in P. ' NDJ 6-16. 374 THE BOOK OF JOSHUA [XVII § 5 (37); marks of a Deuteronomic revision. In Deut 32*' the words ' in the land of Moab ' are ascribed to D cp i^ and ct 34^. Josh 5*"' is an attempt to harmonize JE and P ; in ^'^ D betrays himself by ' evening,' as by ' stoned them with stones ' f^. The formula ' Yahweh God of Israel ' 7^^ is triumphantly claimed for R" in the midst of P's phrases 9^^- " ; in the description of the Trans- jordanic settlements 1315-33 19* 241= *^ Ex g'" lo^ 12''* Num 11^8 Josh 28 3I 7 Beget, to (ly : ct ^30) 10* J ID : Gen 4i8"i'o lo* 18 15 24 26 3323 gjS Qia) Begin, to (''nn) 16* J 7 : Gen 4^8 61 920 108 1 1' 44I2 Num 25' E I : Gen 41" D 6 : Deut 2^*. si 324 16° Josh 3^ P 2 : Num 16*'. ^" (6) Beginning, at the (or at flrst nbnru) 4* J 3 : Gen 13' 43I8 20 (gp Ju(jg ji) E I : Gen 41" Ct Gen i^ .& P 9 Behold now (w wn : cp 186) 9* J 9 : Gen 12I1 16^ 18^7 3i ig2 s 19. 2,2 10 (a) Bless, to (of the patriarchs and their descendants hy Yahweh: ct ^33) 10* J 9 : Gen 12^. 241 26' " ^4 3027 ggS jogh 1,14 Bi' I : Gen 22" (6) Bless themselves, to (li33 and ¦j-a-in) 6* 3 3 : Gen 12= 18^8 28" (or be blessed Niph) Bi' 2 : Gen 22^8 26* (Hithpa) D I : Deut 29!' (Hithpa) (c) Blessed (-|i-Q : cp 24) 21* J 9 : Gen 9^6 242' si 2629 2,29 33 Ex iS'"' Num 228 (iiid) 24' E 3 : Num 22I2 Dent 33^° " D 7 : Deut 7" 28S-8 2 : Gen 14" 11 Both . . . and (nj . . . D3, with nega tive, neither . . . neither : cp 126) J 14 : Gen 242= « 32" 438 44" 46'* 47^ '" 50' Ex 410 5I* 12S1. 34S E 3 : Gen 2i26 Ex 18I8 Num 232' I : Deut 3225 (Song of Moses) P I : Num 18S (ct ^35) 384 CHARACTERISTIC OF J 12(a) Bow to the earth, to (ground, nsiN mnrrajn) 8* J 5 : Gen i82 19I 24=2 338 432a E 3 : Gen 371" 426 48I2 (6) Bow the head and worship, to (make obeisance, mnnicni iip) 7* J 7 : Gen 2428 " 4328 Ex 4S1 12^7 348 Num 22S1 ('and fell on his face ') 13 Brick (and make brick, njib JiS) n* J II : Gen n*""= Ex i" s'^^" ' i* 18 ". (cp 2418) 14 Brother, his (the second of two, after the first has heen named) 6* J 6 : Gen 421 io25 2221 2526 3829. Ct ' the second' Gen 41^2 E 15 (a) Call upon the name of Tahweh, to C' D1I)3 Nip) 6* J 6 : Gen 428 12* 13* 2iSs 262= Ex 34^ {b) Therefore he called the name . . (orwashis name called, 'nw «ip 'p'bi: cp 85) II* J 10 : Gen ii' (cp 16") 1922 298*. 306 3i48 33I7 50" Ex 152s Josh 728 E I : Gen 25" (cp 21SI) 16 Camels 28* J 25: Gen 12I8 241"., (18) 30*8 31" ga'' 1° 3725 Ex 98 B I : Gen 318* DP 2: Deut 147 II Lev 11* 17 (a) Canaanite, the (as the occupant of the country) J 8 : Gen iqIs. 12* 248 '^ 50" Num 14" " (5) Canaanite and Ferizzite, the J 2 : Gen is^ 348" (c) Canaanite, the (at the head of an enumeration) : cp p 197° I Ct Num 1328 1425. 18 Cattle (n:pn) 54* ; J 33 : Gen 42«— Num 20" E I : Gen 318 B'» 3 : Ex 9I3-21 D 4 : Deut s"'"' Josh i" 228'- P 13 : Gen 31I8 3423 36S. 466 Num 31' 32l«b 4.b 16 26 Josh 14I 19 Come down, to (or descend, of Yah weh to the earth, Ti') 11* J 8 : Gen ii^ 7 1321 Ex 38 19" 18 20 346 E 3 : Num 11" 25 135 (jn ^-^^ p\\\s.Y of sloud, cp Ex 338) 20(0) Comfort, to (cm Pi Niph and Hithpa) 7* J 7 : Gen 529 24"' 27" 3735:1b 3312 5021 (6) Kepent, to (nra Niph and Hithpa) 7* J 4 : Gen 66. (of Yahweh) Ex 3212'- 14'' E 2 : Ex 13" (the people) Num 23I* (God) I : Deut 3286 Hithpa (Song of Moses) 21 Conceive, to (mn), and adj. with child (mn) 26* J 22 : Gen 4I " 16*. " 198^ 212 2521 2932-35 3o5 7 23 ggS, 18 24. 4g26 ^um nl2 E 4 : Gen 30" " Ex 22 2122 22 Consume, to (or destroy, nrcl 6* J 5 : Gen i823. 19I6 " ^um i626 D I : Deut 29I8 23 Cry (npss : cp 141) 8* 3 7 : Gen i82i 19" 278* Ex 3^ » 118 128° E I : Ex 2228 Similarly npsi 3 Gen 182"* 24 Cursed (-insJ : cp 10=) 27=^ J 9 : Gen 31* i' 4" 92= 2729 49^ Num 24' Josh 628 923 D cp i'32i' ' To curse ' ten times in seven different passages in JE. In P six times in one passage, Num 5I8. 22 24»b 27 (2^ Dry, to be, and dry land {y\Ti and ^"^ na-in) 7* J 5 : Gen 722 sisb Ex 142"' Josh 3"' 4^8 D I : Josh .s"'' P I : Gen S'^" 26 Dwell in the midst (or among, ic aipn) 12* J II : Gon 24S Josh 628 ^t I6d 22b igis l61» Judg l28. 82. D I : Deut 23^8 Cp mp3, of Yahweh in Israel, 58 ; and ct pic ^54, "lira ''22 27 Eastward (or at the east, mpn) 7* J 7 : Gen 28 32* n2 128'"' 1311" Josh 72 28 Fall on the neck and weep, to, 5* J 5 : Gen 33* 45"'"' 46^' cp 50I 29 Famine was sore (or grievous, ¦ 32 : cp 78) 5* J 5 : Gen 12"' 41S1 43I 4,4 is 30 Father (' he was the father of . .' in genealogical tables) 5* J 5 : Gen 42''. io2i Ii29 2221 31 {a) Find favour, to (or grace, jn «2o) J 2?: Gen 68 iS'' 19" 30" 32' 338 10 1« 34" 39* 47'= 29 50* Ex 33I2 is»i> 16. 349 Num 11" '8 D I : Deut 24I ps I : -Num 32° 385 C C WORDS- AND PHRASES (6) Give favour (Jn Jnj) 4* JB 4 : Gen 3921 Ex 321 iiS 1288 32 Flock (or drove, -ns) 10* 33 Flocks and herds oxen, ipn |«s) 22* 16aboa 19 (or sheep and J 17 : Gen 12I8 138 2488 26" 32"' 33" 45II' 4682 4,1 go8 Ex 98 IqS 24 1232 38 348 Num ii22 E 3 : Gen 20I* 2i27 Ex 202* et Num 22*" D I : Deut i62 ct 8I8 128 " 21 1423 26 1519 P I : Gen 3428 ct Lev i2 27S2 Num 158 3l2834 Flowing with milk and honey (n3T lOTn I'm) 16* J 8 : Ex 38 " 138 338 Num 132^ 148 le". D 7 : Deut 63 1 1^ 268 1= 27S 3i20'- Josh 58 P"" I : Lev 2o2* Elsewhere Jer ii^ 3222 Ezek 208 i8f 35 Forasmuch as (p-'iro : op 85") 6* J 6 : Gen 188 198 33I0 3826 Num iqSI 1443 36 From the time that . . (or since, ind) 5* J 4 : Gen 39= Ex 41° 52' 921 B^ I : Josh 1418 37 Garden (of Eden, Yahweh &c) 15* J 14 : Gen 28-i» ". 3I-3 Sab 10 23. 13I0 D I : Deut iii» 38 Good, to do (I'E^n) 23* J 9 : Gen n2!l S2ab 32-" Num E 2 : Ex i20» Josh 2420 D 10 : Deut 528 8I8 18" 2888 308 cp "116« (5) P 2 : Ex 30' (' dress ') Lev 5* 39 Goshen (land of, jB): in Egypt) I2t J 12 : Gen 45I8 462Si"> 29 S4 4^1 4 6b 27a. go8 Ex 822 g26 (ct Josh 10*1 11I8 1551) 40 Ground, face of the (nmNn 'oc) 14* Jig: Gen 26 41* 6I ' 7* 23 38 is" Ex 3212'' or Bi' 33I8 E I : Num 128 D 3 : Deut 61= 76 142 ' Ground' (in the sense of ' soil ') thirty times in J and seventeen in D : only iive times in P (Gen i28 62° 78'- 92 Lev 202=, all with ' creep ' and ' creeping thing ') : E and P preferring ' the earth ' yi«n 41 Handmaid (or maidservant, nnott) : ct 99) 31* J 20 : Gen 1218161.8.85,^8530479.121843 336 22 33I. 6 Ex 11 = '24=° 30* 192' B>' I : Gen 20" D I : Deut 28«8 P 9 : Gen 168 25I2 292'i»l> 28ab 3525. j^gy 42 Harden, to (the heart, some form of 133, cp 78) 6* J 6 : Ex 7I* 818 32 g7 34 cp iqH- 43 (a) Hasten, to (or make haste, do quickly, ino) 20* J 19: Gen i88''i'7 1^22341! 44I1 458 IS Ex 2I8 10I8 I2S3 348 814 19 E I : Gen 4182 Josh i"" (&) adverbially, inn, 10* E I : Josh 28" EJ" I : Ex 328 D 8 : Deut 428 7* 22 gS i2i.b 16 3826 (c) adverbially, mrtn, 5* J I : Josh 819 E I : Josh 108 D 2 : Deut iii'' Josh 23I8 P I : Num 16*8 44 (a) Hearken to the voice of, to (jot '0 h^jh) 8* J 6 : Gen 3" i62 Ex 3" 48»i> » E I : Ex i82* Bi" I : Ex 1526 (6) With 3, frequent in JB cp "58, never in P 45 Heart (in the formula 'be grieved' ' say ' &c ' in his heart ' ; J habitually prefers 3% 33'; Ex 148 ; i>59 usually 33';, P commonly 3';) 11* J 5 : Gen 66 821 24*8 27" Ex 4"'' D 5 : Deut 7" S^^ 9^ i82i 29" P I : Gen 17" 46 Herb of the field (mfflrt 3es) S* 1 Ex 92i ?160 J 4 : Gen a" 3" Bl» I : Ex 922 Ct ' herb of the land ' Ex 10I2 i8»* E 47 111, to deal (or do wickedly, iWt &c, •s-vi) 13* \ J 8 : Gen 19'' « 43" 44^ Ex 522. Num 11" .16I8 E 3 : Gen 31' Num 20I8 Josh 242" D I : Deut 268 P I : Lev 5* 48 Intreat, to (iny) 10* 3 10 : Gen 252i''i' Ex 88. 28-30 g28 10". 49 {a) Israel (as a personal name for Jacob) 30* . ^ , Gen3228 35."r..37L?';4t«: J 24 ; " 45^' I 46I 29. 472 ^482'' 386 Bi' 5 : Gen 462 6 488 " 21 P I : Gen ss" [But ep Klostermann, Pentateuch, 40-41 J CHARACTERISTIC OF J {b) as a name for the people (con trasted with ' all Israel ' "2''), far more frequent in J than in E (eg in Ex seventeen times J, and four times B), where ' children of Israel ' is more common Kindred, see ITativity 50 Know, to (euphemistically, »t) 7* J7: Gen 4I "2619582416 3826 Ct P Num 31". 38 ^ 51 Little, a (few, cyo) 30* J 12 : Gen 18* 24" " agio 30I6 so 432 nab 4425 Num 1613 Josh 78 B 2 ; Ex 17* Num 13I80 D 4 : Deut f 2&> 2i?' '^ P 8 : Gen 47' Lev 2582 Num i69 268* 86 338* 358 Josh 22" ' By little and little ' B Ex 23SO'"' D Deut 722ab| 52 Little ones (f)B) 30* (a) used absolutely for the dependent members of the household J 7 : Gen 438 508 21 Ex 10" 2* laST Num 14SI (6) with wives, household &c J 5 : Gen 45" 47^2 2* Num 148 t(>"' BJ« 1 ; Gen 46' D 9 : cp "lis P" 8 : Gen 3429'' Num 318 ". 32I8. 2* 26 53 Lodging Mia : cp lodge, 178) 5* J 5 : Gen 4227 4321 Ex 42* Josh 48 sb 54 Look, to (np® Hiph and Niph) 7* J 6 : Gen iS" 1928 268 Ex 142* Num 2i2« 2328 D I : Deut 26" 55 Looked and beheld (or saw and be hold, or beheld and lo, rani «Ti) 12* J II : Gen 8i8'> i82 1928 2468 268 292 33I 3,26b Ex 32 Josh 5IS 820 B I : Gen 22I8 Ct Gen isi 612 P ift)(o) Lord, my ('31N, as a periphrasis for 'you') 28* j J 22 : Gen 328 — Josh 5'* ^^ I E 2 : Gen 318"' Ex 322ii j P»4: Num 3228 27 362»b (6) Oh, my Lord ('n» '3) 6* J 5 : Gen 4320 44I8 Ex 41" is"" Josh 78 E I : Num 12I1 57 (a) Mercy and truth (or deal kindly and truly, noMi ncn) 6* J 6: Gen Josh 2" 24^ 32^' 4729 Ex 34' (6) shew mercy, to (or, do kindness, deal kindly, icn niD») 10* J 5 : Gen 19" 24" 1* Josh 2I2 Judg i^" (cp Gen 3921) E 3 : Gen 2oi3 212' 40" BJ" 2 : Ex 208 II Deut 5" (c) Mercy (alone) 6* J 3 : Ex 34' Num 1418.'" D 3 : Deut 78 12 Ex is" (Song of Moses) Ct Lev 20" ' shameful thing ' (cp Ges- Brown, Heb Lex) \5a) Midst, in the (or among, of Yahweh ^'^ in Israel or Egypt, 3ip3) ct ' among ' '22 18* J 12 : Ex 320'- 822'' iqI 1770 338 349 Num Il20 1411'- 34'- 42 JoshgeiO^^ BI' I : Ex 3? """^"^ D 5 : Deut 1*2 6I8 721 231* 31"'" 59 Mighty, to be (and mighty, adj, DSS) 15* 3 7 : Gen 18I8 26I6 Ex i^ 9 20b Num 1412'" 226 D 7 : Deut 4S8 7I 9I " ii23 26' Josh 238 P' I : Num 32I 60 Nativity (or kindred, m'lra in the sense of ' birth ' or ' birthplace ') g* J 8 : Gen ii28 12I 24* ^ 318'- 329'' 43^ Num iqSo E I : Gen 3ii3 Ct P Gen 488 Lev i89"* " 61 Not (before the infin, ' that . . not,' or lest, Tihib) 25* J 7 : Gen 3" 4^8 1921 388 Ex 822 29 gi7 E I : Ex 2o20 D II : Deut 42i''i' 8I1 1223 1,12 20ab josh 56 Il20 236. P 6 : Lev i88» 20* 26I8 Num g' 328 Josh 2225 62 Now (or this once, this time, DSBn) 8* J 8 : Gen 223 1882 298*. 3020 4680 Ex 92' 10" 63 Old age (a son iu his, D':pi and rapi) 5* J 5 : Gen 212 7 24S8 378 4420 64 Peradventure (or it maybe, 'blN) 20* J 16 : Gen i62 i82* 28-32 346 39 3^20 43IZ Num 228 11 83 2327.- Josh 97 E 3 : Gen 2712 Ex 32S8 Num 238 K* I : Josh 14^2 65 Place (i e home, DipD) 13* J 6 : Gen 1888 2926 3028 Ex 38 Num 11 25 E 3 : Gen 31=8 cp Ex i823 2320 (of Canaan as the home of the Israelites) D I : Deut 2ii9 P" 3 : Ex i629»b Num 32" 387 C C 2 24^- WORDS AND PHRASES 66 Prosper, to (ie 'make to prosper,' n'bsn) 10* J 8 : Gen 2421 *o « 66 352. 23 (^p Num 14" n'js) D 2 : Deut 2829 jogh iS 67 Provender («iccn) sf J 5 : Gen 2425 S2 4327 4324 (Judges 19" cp Moore, Judges, pp 405, 407) Ct pin ' victual,' Gen 452B e 68 Refuse to let Israel go, cp 197 205* 5* J 4 : Ex 7" 82 92 10* RJ= I : Ex 428 69 Remained not one (or was not left, iwici «';) 6* J 6 : Gen 47I8 ^ Ex gsi lo" 26 1428b Josh 817. Cp 4 = be left Gen 42S8 gp ,23 D Ct Hiph ' he left none remaining ' Josh 822S 70 Run, to (yn, sometimes followed by to meet 183) 14* J 12 : Gen i82 7 24" 20 28. 3512. 334 4114 (Hiph) Josh 722 819 E I : Num ii27 P I : Num 16*7 71 {a) Sake of, for the (or because, -|13»3 prep) 12* J 12 : Gen 3" 321 12" " 1326 29 si. 3524 Ex 9i8''i' 138'" (6) that (or for this cause, conj) 10* J 6 : Gen 2i30 27* " si 468* Ex 9" E 4 : Gen 27I8 (iiBS '3) Ex 198 2029"' 72 Scatter, to (or spread, yia Qal Niph Hiph) 10* 3 7 : Gen" 10I8 11* «. 497 Ex 5I2 Num iqSs D 3 : Deut 427 286* 30' (73/Servant(s), thy &c (as periphrasis for ' I ' &e : cp 207) 41* J 33 : Gen 188 8— Josh io?t_ D 2 : Deut 3'* Josh 9^* P" 6 : Num 31" 32*. 25 27 si 74 Set, to (or leave, present, j'Sn) 6* J S : Gen 30S8 33I5 439 4,2 gx lo^* D I : Deut 2888 75 Sheol (or the grave, pit, bav) 7* J 6 : Gen 3785 4288 4429 si Num 168° ss I : Deut 3222 (Song of Moses) 76 Sinai, mount (':•? -in : cp ^7) 6 J 6 : Ex igiib is 20 23>- 342 4 Ct Horeb in E and D, cp ' mount ' and ' wilderness ' '7" 77 Sodom and Gomorrah 10* J 5 : Gen 10" 13I8 i820 1924 28 5 : Gen 142 ' 10. Deut 2923 Ct P ' cities of the plain ' Gen is"" ig2o 78 Sore (to be, or grievous, heavy, dim, rich, honoured, glorious &c, 133 vb Qal Niph Pi Hiph and adj : cp 29 and 42) 43* 3 31 : Gen 12"— Num 24ii''b B 6 : Ex 1712 18I8 19I6 20I2 (||Deut5'6) Num 11" 22I6 D 2 : Deut 5" 2888 P 4 : Niph Ex 14* 17. Lev 10' 79 Sorrow, to (or grieve, vb and noun, 3SS, I13S» toil) 7* J 7 : Gen 3i6"i> " 529 56 347 456 80 Spread abroad, to (or break forth, make a breach, ps) 7* J 7 : Gen 28" 3088 " 3329 Ex 112 1922 2« 81 Spring (or fountain, lit ' eye,' I's) 14* J II : Gen 16^"^ 24" 18 29 so 42, 46 ^gii Ex 1527 B"" I : Deut 3328 D I : Deut 87 P» I : Num 338 (ct WD Gen 7" 82 Lev 1 188 Josh 158 i8i8p*) 82 Take a wife, to (for oneself or for another, nias np'j) 31* J 12 : Gen 4" 62 ii29 24S. 7 S7. 40 25I 3160 386 E 2 : Gen 2i2i Num 12!'' D 4 : Deut 20' 22IS 24I 8 P 13 : Gen 268* 27" 28I. "¦'^ (34*) Lev 18I8 2ol4 2l7''b 13. ct E who uses ' take' absolutely, as in Ex 2I .§ 83 Taskmasters (D"ffi3:) 5* J 5 : Ex 37 56 10 13. Cp the vb B)M in Deut 152.* 84 There is (in various idioms, H'') 30* J 20 : Gen 182* 2428 *2 49 ^316 339 n 3^4 eob 8 432 434 744I0. 26 4,6 Ex 17^ Num 2220 E 3 : Gen 3120 42I Num is^" (all passages where the documents are much interwoven) D 4 : Deut 138 29I8 is^b P 3 : Gen 238 Num 920. 85 {a) Therefore (or wherefore, p to : cp 35) 37* 3 18: Gen 22* lo' ii' 16I* 19^2 268' 29S'. 306 31" 32S2 3317 4722 50I1 Ex 58 " 1528 Josh 728 « On nsB: Gen gi' cp Ges-Kautzsoh, Hebrew Grammar (tr Cowley and Collins, Oxford 1898) § 67 dd, p 190. 388 CHARACTERISTIC OF J B 6: Gen 208 2181 25S0 4221 Num 2i" 27 D 9 : Ex 13I8 Deut 5I8 io9 1511 i5 197 24I8 22 Josh 14I* P 4 : Ex i629 20" Lev 17I2 Num 182* (b) Therefore (or wherefore, pi) 3 Gen 4I8 30I8, P Ex 68 Num 1611 20I2 2512* 88 Three days' journey (d'O' no'iiB "pi) , 7t J 6 : Gen 3088 Ex 3" 58 827 Num loSS"* P» I : Num 338 87 (a) Thus saith Tahweh (op 222'') 9* : J 7 : Ex 422'- 7i7a 81 20 11*^ ^ith (jod of Israel Ex 3227 Josh 7" E 2 : with God of Israel Ex 5! Josh 242 (6) Thus saith Tahweh, God of the Hebrews 3* J 3 : Ex 91 18 108 (c) Tahweh, God of the Hebrews 6t J 6 : Ex 3I8 53 7I6 9I IS iqS 88 Towns (or villages, ^ ' daughters,' 71123) 13* J 9 : Num 2l25 32 3342 Josh j^uabcde (II Judg i27a.bode) Josli 1,16 EP 4 : Josh 15*8 47 I : Ex 13'* (!)) Wherefore (or why, ie 'for what IS this,' m rro'j : cp 228) 10* J 10 : Gen 18I8 2522 3229 33I5 Ex 220 522 178 Num ii20 1441 Josh 718 90 Where (and whither, ¦>>» and rps) 9* J 7 : Geh 39 48 168 i89 198 3821 Ex 220 E I : Gen 227 I : Deut 3287 (Song of Moses) 91 (01) While (or yet, 113?, with pronom suff) 15* J 12 ! Gen i822 258 298 4327. 44I4 4530 48I6 Ex 92 17 Num iiss 2280 B I : Ex 4I8 D 2 : Deut 3i27 Josh 14" (6) Tet alive ('n lis) 10* J 6 : Gen 258 437 27. 4528 45S0 B 3 : Gen 458 26 Ex 4I8 D I : Deut 3i27 92 Tounger, (the, of two sons or daughters, Tss) 8* J 8 : Gen igSi s*. S8 3523 2g26 (gp 4333) 48" Josh 626 (cp Judg 618) 93 Peculiarities of Hebrew diction (a) Dillmann {Genesis, ii 91) reckons the emphatic ending p — , 2 and 3 masc pi impf, e g five times in Gen 1828-32 ^ js-j . hut it also occurs in E Ex iS^", is espe cially frequent in D and appears iu P^, cp Num 327 15 20 23 . ggg Holzinger Ein leitung 106 (6) Dillmann and Holzinger further find in J a marked preference for attach ing the accusative pronominal suffix to the verb instead of expressing it by hk (as in E) : thus in Gen 24 the verbal sufSx occurs fourteen times, and n« only three (24" *7 66-) . Jq Ju(jg i the pro portion is ten to two : cp Holzinger Einleitung 107 § 2. E 94 (0) God (Elohim, Q'^n) On the use of the name Elohim prior to the revelation of the name Yahweh to Moses Ex 3I8, ep ante p. 62. It also occurs in several sections of subsequent narrative with such frequency as to point to the employment of a distinctive source, eg Exod 1317-19 14I9 18I 12-23 30I 19-21 (24U9) Num 216 229. 12 20 22r 38 23* "'¦ Josh 24I ; cp Deut 4S2 25I8 Josh 2288. (i>) God ('nbs) of my (thy &c) father E Gen 318 29 42 63>- 461b s goi7 jj^ 38 is i5 cp '^120 (c) God (El. h\n, as a proper name, /T^Without an adjective) ..^-\ \E_p(en 3320 357 468 Nun/i2i^ ^ct 1622). In the Balaam Poems both in E Num 238 19 22.'- aud J 24* 8 18 23_ pt El roi Gen 16IS, El 'Clam Gen 2iS3, EV Elyon Gen 14I8-20 22^ ^i Shaddai ^1. ';Nn E Gen 3113 35I 3 46S ; D Deut 7' 10". 95 After these things 7" E 6 : Gen 15I 22I 397 40I 48I Josh j< 2429 ^ Bi' I : Gen 2220. 96 Amorite (as a designation for the original occupants of the country) 17 E 13 : Gen 15I8 4822 Num 1329 2iiS''b 21 81 Josh I08"' 8d 248 C12) 15 18 J 4 : Num 2i26 26'- S2 333r Cpi'3. 1521 &0 otherwise in lists, eg Gen 10' 8 389 WORDS AND PHRASES 97 Angel of Elohim ('« -\vfro : cp 4) 5* ' E 5 : Gen 21" (22") 2812 31" 32I Ex 1419" (cp 2320 32S* Num 20I6) 98 Bereave, to (bs®. Pi 'cast the young') 8* E 6 : Gen 27*8b gjSS 4356 43i4ab Ex 2328 I : Deut 3225 (Song of Moses) pi I : Lev 2622 99 Bondwoman (or maidservant, hdm : ct 41) 26* , B 16 : Gen 20" 2iiO'"> 12. 30S 3188 Ex 28 3q10 17 3i7 20 26. 32 3512 D 7 : Deut 5" 21 13I2 18 15I7 jgii u ^gt 2868 JE41) P 3 : Lev 256 ^I'b 100 Death, shall surely be put to (niD nov : ct ^se") 27* E 5 : Ex 21I2 16-17 3219 J 2 : Gen 26" Ex 1912 P 20 : Ex 31" — Num 35S1 cp i'52* 101 Dream (vb and noun) 55* E 49 : Gen 208 8 2812 31". 24 37 40 41 42' Num 126 D 6 : Deut I3i'''> s»b 6ab 102 Fear (towards God, vb, noun and adj «T, HNT : cp "44, ^200) 11 E 8 : Gen 20" 22I2 42I8 Ex i" 21 i82i 2o2o Josh 24" ¦" RJ» 3 : Ex 920 so 1431 103 Hang, to (n^in) 8* E 3 : Gen 40" 2z 411s J " 3 : Josh 829 j-(,26ab D 2 : Deut 2i22. 104 Here am I (preceded by and he said, or saying, <:3n) 10* • E 10 : Gen 221 7 n 271" 18" 31" 3713b 462 Ex 3*b Num 14*8 105 Horeb (or the mountain of God, 3-iin, ?'n'ji^mn : 0^76^7 'Sinai') 15* E 6 : Ex 3I 427 176 186 24I8 336 D 9 : Cp "7 106 Interpret (and interpretation, ino, Jnno) I4t E 14 : Gen 408 sab 12 le is 22 418 11 i2ai) 13 15ab107 Master (in various idioms, eg 'men of Jericho ' Josh 24I1, especially of marriage, '153) 24* E 18 : Gen 208 3719 Ex 21S 22 28 a9i>b s<>b 24I* Num 2i2s Josh 24I1 36 338 11. 14. 6 : Cp Gen 14IS 4923 (L6V2i<) Deut 152222224* Ct s)>« in the family relation, Gen 3" i' 2932 34 3oi5 j^ Qen 30I8 20 E 108 Matter (or cause, a subject of dis pute, ^ ' word,' I3n) 15* E 10 : Ex 18I6 19 22ab 26ab 3390b 33? g^U D 5 : Deut i" i78ab igi6 3326 109 Minister, to (mrr, and ptcp rmm) 6 E 6 : Gen 39* 40* Ex 24IS 33I1 Num ii^s Josh ii Ct its use for the Levitical ministry i>90i= ^129° 110 Offer, to (nten) 18* E 9 : Gen 222 " Ex 246 326 Num 232 « 1* so Deut 276 J I : Gen 820 D 3 : Deut 12IS. Josh 83i P S : pn Lev 178 P' Lev 1420 ps Ex 30" 4029 Josh 2223 ct ^118 111 On account of (or concerning, for the sake of, nniN ')») 8* E s : Gen 21" 26 Ex 188 Num 12' 1324 J I : Gen 2682 B* 2 : Josh I48''"' 112 {a) One (to) another (§ ' a man to his brother,' vnN-'3« »<«) 17* E 6 : Gen 37I9 4221 28b Ex lo^s 16" Num 14* J 2 : Gen 26S1 Ex 3227 P 9 : ^184 (9) (B) One to another {Sg 'a man to his neighbour,' wsi ')M ffi'**) 18* E 9 : Ex Il2 18I6 21" 18 35 227 10 14 33I1 J 7: Gen ii3 7 15i0 3i49 4g3s Ex 1873327 D 2 : Deut 19I1 2228 113 Pray, to Citenn) 7* E 5 : Gen 2o7 " Num ii2 21""' D 2 : Deut 928 26 Ct ' besought' Ex 32" RJ'' 114 Prophet (and to prophesy, m:, «3:nn) 18* ¦ E 7 : Gen 20'' Ex 1520 Num ii25-2729 136 D 10 : Deut 13I s 6 i8i5 is 2oab 220b 34IO P I : Ex 7I Prove, to (rra: with Deity as subject) see 192* In the original analysis, on which this list was founded, these passages were assigned it Ji^^ connexion with the law iu Deut 2i22.. In the last revision of Joshua, however, the distribution was changed ; but it was then too late to remove the word from the list and alter the succeeding niiinlbers. 390 CHARACTERISTIC OF E 115 River, the (of the Euphrates) 7* B 7 : Gen 3121 Ex 2381 Num 228b Josh 242. i«. Ct 'the (great) river, the river Eu phrates ' Gen 15I8 Deut i7 ii24 Josh i* 116 Speak with, to {us -i3i : ct^l85^) 13* E 10: Gen 312* 29 Ex 198 so^'b 22 339 Niim 11I7 22I9 Josh 2d.27 E 10 Num 11" 22 J I : Gen 298 3 : Deut 5* 9I8 D2: 117 Steal, to (3::, thief 33J, theft rmi) 27* B 20 : Gen 3o'8 3119. 26 so S2 sgab 4oi5ab Ex 20I8 (II Deut 5I8) 21I8 22I-4 7ab 8 12 J 3 : Gen 3127 448 Josh 7" D 3 : Deut 5" 247''b pk I : Lev 19" 118 Suffer, to (or give leave, a particu lar use of ' to give ' jra) 9* E 5 : Gen 206 3i7 Num 2021 2123 2213 J I : Ex 1223'- RJ" I : Ex 319 D 2 : Deut 18" Josh 10" 119 Peculiarities of Hebrew diction (cp Holzinger Einleitung 190) (a) Peculiar infinitive forms, Gen 312' 468 4811 5o2» Ex 2* 319 18I8 Num 2o2i (II Gen 388 J) 22I8. 16 (6) Unusual forms of suffixes in nouns. Gen 2i29?4i2i 4286 cp 316 (c) Preference of n« with pronominal suffix, instead of attaching the suffix to the verb, e g in Josh 24 hn with suft' fourteen times, vbl suff twice {d) Preference in narrative for the third day, Ggn 22* 3122 4013 19. 4317. jx Io22. iglla 16 Jogh l" 2I6 22 32 gl6a . gp supposed E basis in Gen 3426 ; Josh 9-7 P*. Ct J's phrase 86 3. JE 120 Tahweh or Elohim as God of Shem, heaven, Abraham &o (a) Tahweh, J Gen 9=6 248 7 12 27 42 4a 2624 28IS (432S) Ex 3I8 48, ' God of Israel ' " Ex 3227 342s Josh 7IS 20 j-?)^ (without Tahweh) Ex 24I0, ' God of the Hebrews ' Ex 3I8 58 7I8 9I 13 io3 (6) God of my (thy &o) father B Gen 316 29 42 3i63 461b s ggW ex 38 is, (with Tahweh) Ex 3I6 Cp 'EI, the God of Israel' Gen 3320, ' Yahweh, God of Israel ' « Ex 51 Josh 242 EJ» Gen 328 Ex 18* Ex 152 (Song of Moses) D ' Yahweh, God of thy fathers ' Deut ill 21 4! 53 igl 367 3,3 2g25 Jog^ i8S^ ' Yah- weh, God of Israel ' » Josh 880 lo*" 42 13U ||3Si4l4 2423cpDl Ct P ' God of Israel ' alone; Num 16' Josh 22I6, with ' Yahweh ' " Josh 7" 9". 2224, ' El, God of the spirits of all flesh ' Num i622, 'Yahweh, God of the spirits &c ' Num 27I8 QSO/Afar off (far, a space &c, pim) 16* JE g : Gen 224 37I8 Ex 2* 20" 21 34 Josh g8 9a 22 D 5 : Deut 137 20I6 2849 292: P 2 : Num 9I0 Josh 34 y/^ 30 122 Affiict, to (deal hardly &c, n3» Pi) 17 JE 10 : Gen 15I8 166 3160 342 Ex i". 2222. 32I8 Num 2424 D 7 : Deut 82. lo 21" 222* 29 366 Ct ^20 ' afflict your souls ' 123 Again (§ add r]D' Qal and Hiph, used idiomatically of the continu ance or repetition of au action) 38* JB 24 : Gen 42 — Num 222'>. D II : Deut 326 522 13U i,i6 18I6 1920 208 25S 2868 Josh 7I2 23IS P 3 : Lev 26I8 21 Num 32I8 124 All that he had (.§ all [anything] which was to him [thee &o] nii'N '13 •\b) 31* JE 26 : Gen i220_Josh 7I8 2* D 2 : Deut 521 8" P 2 : Lev 2728 Num i^o I : Gen 1423 125 Alone (only, 13b, with pronominal suffix, ' by itself) 27* JE 19 : Gen 2I8 2128. 3040 32I6 24 4388 43S2abo 4420 4,26 Ex l814 18 2220 27 342 NuUl Ill4 17 D 7 : Deut i' 12 486 83 2225 29" Josh iii' P I : Ex 12I6 Ct use of -iii without suffix (' by them selves') PEX26936I6 " Dillmann ascribes the phrase in Joshua (fourteen times) to BA : Kuenen (foUowed by Holzinger, Addis and Steuernagel) attributes it to the final editor EP, Hex 342. Cp P 374". 391 Words and phrases 126 Also, and also (even, cjl ai : cp 11) 182* JE 138: Gen 38 — 5028 eighty-nine times (thirty-two times before a pro noun, I thou he), elsewhere forty-nine D 24 : Deut eighteen and Josh six times P IS : Gen 17I8 Ex 64. 7ii''b Lev 2546 3624 44 Num 422 16IO l82 sab 28 g^lS 5 : Gen 147 i8"b Deut 3228ab 127 And it came (shall come) to pass when (or as, 'n>i or n'ni, followed by ^1D^^3 : cp 3) 20* (a) JB 14 : Gen 12" 20IS 2422 62 3780 4o 29I8 3o28 3723 4iis 432 Ex 17I1 32I9 Josh D 5 : Deut 2I8 2863 josh 4I 58 23I6 P I : Num 3386 r(6))And it eame (shall come) to pass Vlx when ('H'l or n'm, with 3 or 3 and infin) 56* JE 39 : Gen 48 ii2 12" igi7 2480 29IS 3517. 2z 3323 ggio 13 15 18. 44S1 Ex 1317 33S. 22 Num 10S8 ii25 1631 Josh 2" 3I8. 4I8 5I3 65 20 38 J4 24 iJqI 11 20 24 jjl irl8~~ D 12 : Deut 5's i,i8 go* 9 23" 25" 274 291'-' 3124 Josh 5I 68 9I P 5 : Gen 1929 Ex 1610 3429 Num is" i642 128 Arise (and he arose &c, in the sense of ' starting ' or ' setting out,' Dip) 40* JE 34 : Gen 13I7 — Josh 18* (twenty- five times in Gen) D 5 : Deut 2" 24 912 jqU 178 P I : Gen 282, ct legal use in P Gen 23I7 20 Lev 2580 (be made sure), 27" " " (stand), Num 3o4. 7 9 11 ^of vows) cp Deut 19I8 |88. l87 129 Ask, to (¦;««) 34* JB 22 : Gen 244' 67 367 3317 3821 4o7 437ab 27 44I9 Ex 322 II 22I4 Josh48gi4i5i8 D 9 : Deut 482 620 10I2 13I4 1426 1311 16 Ex 13I4 Josh 421 I : Deut 327 (Song of Moses) P 2 : Num 2721 Josh ig^o (130)] ^130;Be with (of Deity with Israel: cp 58) (a) (with prep D») 28* JE 18 : Gen 2122 268 28 3315 20 gjS 5 <" V 35' (46* 'go down ') 4821 Ex 3I2 (4I2 ^8 ' With thy mouth ') iqIO iS" Num 1448 2321 Deut 3i23 D 10 : Deij Josh 16 9 17^71^12 20I (4 316 8 'goeth') (5) (with prep n«) 6* J 6 : Gen 2624 392. 21 2s Nnm 14' (cp Josh 1412 inw) 131 Befall, to (or meet, mp Qal and Niph) 9* JE 8 : Gen 4229 4429 Ex 3I8 (cp 58) Nual lj23 238. 15. D I : Deut 2513 mpn (Hiph) 3t J 2 : Gen 2412 2720 P I : Num 35I1 132 Before (D-1ID3 : cp 6) 8* JE 6 : Gen 274 ss 37I8 4160 4523 Ex i" Ri I : Deut 3i2i P I : Lev 14S6 133 Behold (with pronominal suffixes, nsn : cp 104) 25* JB 16 : Gen 16" 208 408 41" 44IS 4,1 50I8 Ex 821 gis io4 i64 176 34I1 Num 23" 24" Josh 721 D 3 : Deut i" si's"" Josh 928 P 6 : Gen 6" i7 g9 434 Ex 14" Num 2512 (only in solemn asseverations of Deity) 134 Believe, to (J'DNn) 15* JB II : Gen 158 4526 Ex 41 8 8ab 9 si j^si ig9 Num 14I1 D 3 : Deut i32 923 (2886) P I : Num 20I2 135 Blot out, to (nnn used of people) II* JE 6 : Gen 6' 74 23 Ex 17" 3282. D 4 : Deut 9" 256 " 2920 RP I : Gen 723 ct Num 523 136 Bring up, to (Israel from Egypt, nSsn) 23* JB 21 : Gen 464 go24 (cp 26 Ex 13" Josh 2482) Ex 38 17 1 78 32I 4 7. 23 33I 12 IB Num 14I8 16I8 208 218 Josh 24I7 D I : Deut 20I (D habitually uses ' bring out,' »28b cp Ex 2o2, P Ex 68&c) pi I : Lev n46 137 Build an altar, to (n3ra ra3) 24* JB 16 : Gen 820 137. 13I8 228 26*8 35' Ex 17I8 2o28 244 328 Num 23I 14 29 Dcut 278- D I ? : Josh 830 9 P= 7 : Josh 22IO. 18 19 23 26 29 Cp in JB ' make an altar ' Gen 134 35' ' ' erect ' Gen 3320 138 But (save, '^3 prep and conj : cpCl) 14* JE 6 : Gen 2i26 43S ' 47" Ex 2220 Num 118 D 7 : Deut 38 Num 2188 Josh 822 lo'* 118 19 (all with IS) Josh ii^' P I : Num 3212 392 CHARACTERISTIC OF JE 130 {a) Call, to (or cry, often with and say, bless, speak, tell &c, sip, fol lowed by '; or ^n, or the accus) 71* JE 51 : Gen 3'— Josh 248 D II : Deut 47 51 158 20!° 24I6 258 292 3i7 Josh 22I 232 24I P 9 : Gen 28I 49! Ex 7" 24" 34S1 362 Lev ii g-' io4, 'jm except in Ex 7I1 (6) CaU the name, to (did Nip : cp 15'') 75* JE 61 : Gen 220 — goU fifty-one times. Ex 2i» 22 152s 1,7 15 ]sfmn iis 34 a^s (-3242^ Josh 58 728 D 2 : Deut 3" 2510 ct 28I8 (all passive) P 12 : Gen 52. 178 16 19 21S 3021'' 32ioab 15 Ex 16SI Num 32S8 140 Cease, to (leave off, forbear, hfn) II* JB 8 : Gen 118 18" 4i49 Ex 929 ss. 3.4I2 238 D 2 : Deut 1511 2322 P I : Num 9I3 141 Cry, to (pss : cp 23) 19* JB 16 : Gen 416 2784 4165 Ex 58 16 - 4I0 16 igr - - - -- Josh 24' D 3 : Deut 2224 27 367 142 Day (in different formulae) (a) In that (the same) day (or night Ninn Dl>3, Ninn nW3) in narrative 35* JE 22 : Gen is" igSS 35 2624 S2 30I6 S5 32"" 21. 33I6 4329 Ex 58 822 14SO 3228 ifum I4I Josh 8' 13 26 g27 2426 D g : Deut 27" Josh 414 61= io28 S5ob J .9 12ab E^ I : Deut 3122 P 3 : Num g8'"> 3218 (!)) Unto this day 31* JE 17 : Gen 19S7. 26S8 3332 3520 4^23 48^8 Ex 106 Num 2280 Josh 58 626 „26»b 329 13^8 1563 16I0 D 13 : Deut 222 314 iqS ii4 294 346 Josh 48 828 927 14I4 223 238. P I : Josh (io27) 22" 143 Deliver, to (or take away, te:, Hiph and Niph) 28* JE 21 : Gen 318 " 32" so 3,21. Ex 2" 38 52s 1327'- i84 8. loab Josh 2l3b g26 24IO (cp Pi Ex 322 1236* Hithpa Ex 338* E) D 3 : Deut 23". 25" I : Deut 3288 (Song of Moses) P 3 ; Ex 68 Num 3526 Josh 2281 144 Dig, to (search out, idh) 14* JE 12 : Gen 21S0 26I8 is»b 19 21. sa Ex 724 Num 21I8 Josh 22. D 2 : Deut 122 23" 145 Discern, to (acknowledge, "VSn) 13* JE 10 : Gen 272s 3182 37S2b ssa 3325. 437 S'b Deut 339 D 3 : Deut i" le" 31" 146 Do, to (rtirs, in various formulae) (a) Do this, do (according to) this thing 33* JE 24 : Gen 3" i828 208. 10 2i26 22I8 3081 34I9 42I8 43I1 442 818 31 g5 i823 343 Num i62s 2281 B"! I : Josh g24 P 8 : Gen 34" Lev 26I8 Num 4I8 14S6 166 3220 Josh 920 2224 {b) Do to, for, to (") nii») In narrative in Genesis 32 JE 30 : Gen 924 12" 168 igS-") 20' 2212 26IO 27S7 46 2g26 30SI 31I2 43 3^19 4326 28b (and with other prepositions, d» &c, igi9 2o9 13 2l2Sab 24I2 49 2629ab 3120 3310 40I4 4729) P 2 : Gen 2iib 50I2 Frequent in JE's subsequent narrative and in the Laws, D and P (Icyj Do, to (or make, of the divine action in human life) 52* JE 27 : Gen 122 216 42'^'^ Ex 320 6I 8i3 "¦ g6. 138 14IS SI 18I 8. igU- 2o6'' 3210 336'' 34ioab Num 14". 22 Josh 3= 246 ~ D 20 : Cp i'12 P 5 : Num 1428 35 3366 Lev 26" Ex 12^2 {d) AWhat (is this that) thou (&e) hast done 13* JE 13 : Gen 3IS 4I0 12" 208 2610 2g26 3i26 4228b 447- - ----- (l47^Draw near, (ffl) Qal and Niph 40* JE 24 : Gen i828 ig9ab 2721. 26. 39I0 333 6 7ab 43I9 44I8 454ab Ex I9I8 22 2o21 24' ' Josh 39 8" D 5 : Deut 2o2 216 25I 9 Josh 146 P II : Ex 2848 3020 3480 32 Lev 21 21ab 23 Num 4I9 819 32I6 Josh 21I (b) Hiph, to bring near 9* JE 7 : Gen 2725ab 4310 is ex 2i6»b 326 P 2 : Lev 28 814 148 Drive out, to (thrust out, «j-i:. Pi and Pu) 20* JE 20 : Gen 324 4I4 2ii» Ex 2I7 6I 10" iiUb 1339 3328-31 332>- 34111- (-Q^j^ i;fmjj 226 11 Deut 3327'' Josh 24I2 18 (Ct P Qal ptcp pass divorced Lev 2i7 i4 22I3 Num 308*) 149 {a) Bat bread, to (in narrative) 14* JE 9 : Gen 3" 3i84 3,25 396 4325 32 Ex 220 1812 342s D 4 : Deut 89 98 18 296 P I : Ex l63 (16 32) 313 410 18 Ex 148 11 Num 23I1 Josh 7" to (come near, 1B32) ,10 333 .2ab 14 393 WORDS AND PHRASES {b) Bat and drink, to g* JE 6 : Gen 2464 2584 2680 Ex 24" 328 3428 D 3 : Deut g' is 298 150 Edge of the sword, with the (3"in 'dS) ig* JE 7 : Gen 3426 Ex 17" Num 2i24 Josh 621 824ob 1947 cp Judg 18 26 D 12 : Deut I3i6ab 2oi3 Josh lo's so S2 ss 151 Elders (of Israel &c) 51* JE 25 : Gen 5o7''b Ex 3I8 is 429 (io9) 1221 176. 18I2 ig7 24I 9 14 Num ii""" 24. so l625 224 7ab J^^^ ^6 310 9II D 23 : Cp i'42 P 3 : Lev 4I8 9I Josh 2o4 152 Fair to look upon (ep pleasant to the sight, well-favoured, .ill- favoured &c) 16* B 15 : Gen 28 i2i- 4j2 3 4ab 18 19 21 cp 36 D I : Deut 21" 153 Father's house (both dwelling and family) 23 JE 21 : Gen 121 2oi3 247 2S S8 4o 3321 3^14 1^8" ' " -¦ - -- 18 625 D 2 : Deut 2221ab P Not in Genesis, but frequent after wards in the expression ' fathers' house(s)' i'66 154 Fear not («vn ^N : cp 102) 25* JB 12 : Gen 15I 21" 2624 35" 4323 453 5019 21 Ex 14I8 2o20 Num 149 Josh n6 D 13 : Deut i2i 29 32 ^o' 316 (322 7I8 3^,1 318 «';) Num 2i34 Josh 81 loS 25 cp D44'= 155 Feast, to make a (nniBo rws) 5* JB s : Gen 198 218 263° 29*2 4020 156 Fight, to (or make war) 34* JE 16 : Ex 119 14I4 25 178-10 jjum 21I 2S 26'- 22" Josh 108 118 1947 24S 9'- 11 cp Judg jl S 6 8. D 18 : Deut iSo 4i. 322 3o4 10 19 j^^-^ ^2 1q14 26 29 31 34 36 38 42 308 10 (cp 1>45 ) 157 Find, to 56 In narrative in Genesis, JE fifty-five times P I : Gen 3624 158 Flee, to (n-13) 12 JE 12 : Gen 166 s 2743 3120-22 27 3^1 7 Ex 2I6 146 Num 24" ct P Ex 2628 36SS* P uses ci:, e g Lev 26" so Num 358, which is common also to JED 159 Forgive, to (nto) 12* JE 12 : Gen 4I8" i824 26 goi7ab jx lo" 3321 3332 347 Num 14I8. Josh 24I9 Ct nto, Deut 2920 Lev 420 Num 30' &c 160 Forsake, to (leave, 3W) 33* {a) Of Yahweh and Israel lo JB 3 : Gen 28I8 Josh 24I8 20 D 7 : Deut 2820 2926 316 8 16.r jggjj jB {b) Generally 23 JE 16 : Gen 224 2427 396 12. is is ^^nm, 508 Ex 220 921 (236ab) Num 1081 Josh 8" D 3 : Deut I2i9 14=7 Josh 228 I : Deut 3288 (Song of Moses) P 3 : Lev igi8 2322 264S 161 Garment (clothes, raiment, nteo) 20* Ex 322 1284. 19IO 14 3326 Josh 76 D 6 : Deut 8* lo^s 21IS 22S 5 " Ct 1:13 in P as also iu J = 45" 162 Go, get thee (come &c, especially to introduce another proposal or command, -f, 13'; &c) 61* JB 57 : Gen 12I— Josh 188 D 3 : Deut 527 10" Josh 224 P I : Gen 282 163 Go, come iu unto (euphemistically, ")« N13) 21* JB 20 : Gen 64 i62 * igSi ss. 2921 2S so 308. 18 332 8. 16ab 18 3ql4 17 D I : Deut 22I8 164 Go to ( = come, give, ascribe, inter- jectional and with verbal meaning, n3n) 12* (a) As an interjection 5 J 5 : Gen iiS. 7 3316 Ex i'" (&) Followed by an accusative 7 JB 5 : Gen 2921 30I 47I6. Josh i84 D I : Deut lis I : Deut 328 (Song of Moses) 165 Good and evil (bad or good, con joined or opposed, sv 31e) 12* 31" 44' JE II : Gen 281736223460 5020 Num 13I9 24I8 D I : Deut iSO Not iu P, but cp Lev 5* 27I9 12 i4 ss 166 Grow great, to (or long). Pi make great (or magnify, Sna) 20* JB 17 : Gen 122 19I8 19 218 20 2488 258' 3613ab 38U 11 4i40 4819ab Ex 2i»- Num 14" D 2 : Josh 37 414 P I : Num 68 167 Hate, to (wd) 35* JB 13: Gen2480 2627 29SiS3 37 |4.8EXl" 394 CHARACTERISTIC OF JE i82i 2o»'' (II Deut 58) 236 Num ioS6 Deut D 17 : Deut 59 7io»b 15 igSi 1522 jgi e 11 2llSab-17 2313 16 343 3o7 I : Deut 32*1 (Song of Moses) P 4 : Lev igi7 26" Deut 442 Josh 208 168 Here (nn) 9* JB 9 : Gen 38". 488 Ex 24I4 Num 2219 gglab 29ob'' 469) ECsistofeie,(°i«''B ^rano, biona) 14* ^E 9 : Gen 31^ 6 Ex 4I0 57. 14 2129 36 Josh 4I8 D 3 : Deut 194 6 (II Josh 208) Josh 34 B'' 2 ; Deut 442 Josh 208 ¦ 170 Hide, to («3n) 8* JE 8 : Gen 38 'o 3127 j^gh (2I6) 617'' 25'- 10I6. 27 "¦ ^ PJipither (ran in various combinations, this way and that way &c, with -\s up till now, since) 13* JE 13 : Gen is""" 2i2S 42I5 4428 456 8 is Num i4i'"' Josh 22 38 320 188 provision, 5 7 19 25 30 S3 172 Hunting (venison, victual Ts) 14* JE 13 : Gen io9''b 2527. 27 Josh 96 14 P I : Lev 17I3 nya 6* JE 6 : Gen 278 4226 4521 Ex 1288 Josh i" gll Kill (jin) see Slay 173 Kiss, to (pm) 13* JE 13 : Gen 2726. 29" is 312s 65 ,34 . j4o 45" 48^" 50^ Ex 427 i87 a 174 Know (I, thou, ye, with the pro noun expressed, nsT nnN) 14* JE 10 : Gen 20* 3020 29 3J6 4427 ex 3" 23' 3222 Num 2oi4 D 4 : Deut g2 29I6 3127 josh 148 In Gen 'to know' occurs in JE fifty- eight times, but not once in P 175 Lie with, to (of the sexes) in narra tive 16 JE 16 : Gen 1982-S5 3510 ,(,15. , .2 7 ,c22a 397 16 12 14 '^ ^^ ^^ Found in all three codes, JE D P 176 Lift up, to (Nra) (a) the eyes aud see (look, or and behold) 16* JE 16 : Gen 13I0 " 132 224 is 3463. si"'' ^'"' 33^ 8 3,25 4329 Ex 14W Num 242 Josh 513 (6) the voice and weep (cp 226) 3* JE 3 : Gen 21I6 2788 29" (cp 39I6 is ?nn 452) cp Num 14I 177 Light upon, to (or meet, yjc) 8* JE 6 : Gen 28" 32I Ex 58 20 23* Josh 2I6 P 2 : Num 3519 21 (otherwise, Gen 238, and in boundary formulae, Josh i67 &c) 17^ Lodge, to (or tarry, be left, ;i';) 19* JE 16 : Gen I92ab 3423 25 54 28I1 31S4 3213. 21 Ex 23I8 3425 Num 228 Josh 3I" 48b 611 89 si- ^ D 2 : Deut i64 2i23 P" I : Lev 19IS 179 Look, to (behold, wan) 8* JE 8 : Gen 158 igi? 26 Ex 38 33S Num 128 2l9 2321 180 Love, to (3nN) 49 JE 16 : Gen 222 2487 2s2e«b 3-4 9 14 ggis (20) so 32 376. 4420 Ex 2o6'" 2l6 D 30 : ¦>74 and iqI' 15I8 2ii6''b 16 B^' 3 : Gen 348b Lev igis si 181 Make a covenant, to (nns ms) 28* JE 17 : Gen isi"* 2127 32 2628 3144 ex 23S2 248 34IO 12'' 16<' 27 Josh 98b 7 lib 15b 16b 2425 I R-i I : Deut 31I6 Ct P ' establish a covenant ' ^60* 182 Man (-133) 9* JE 7 : Ex lo" 12S7 Num 248 16 Josh 7I4 17. D 2 : Deut 226"b 183 Meet, to (over against, against, nsip')) 36* JB 28 : Gen 15I8 182 19I 24" ss 3913 30I8 326 334 4629 Ex 414 27 g20 715 1427 i87 19I7 Num 20IS .20 2i28 22S4 36 23S 24I Josh 35 14 22 qlla D 6 : Deut i44 2S2 3I 2g7 Num 2i38 Josh 1 1 20 P' I : Num 3 lis I : Gen 14" 184 Mighty (-1133) 10* J 5 : Gen 64 lo* 9ab josh io2 D 5 : Deut ioi7, ' mighty men valour ' Josh i" 62 83 lo' » of " It does not seem possible to find a, distinctive usage in the two documents : pm (Qal) occurs with accus in Gen 334, text doubtful : with ) in Gen 2726. 39I1 50I Ex i87 J, and Gen 48I8 Ex 427 E : 'ts P«3 Gen 4i40 E : ^J plB3 (Piel) Gen agls J 3128 55 45I5 E. Prior to the last revision of Joshua, the occurrences in 62 83 io7 were ascribed with hesitation to J. 395 WORDS AND PHRASES 185 Mischief (pDN) st JE 5 : Gen 424 ss 4429 Ex 2122. 186 (a) Wow (I pray you &c, w) loi* JE g7 : Gen 12II— Josh 7I9 D 2 : Deut 326 432 ps 2 : Num 16S Josh 2226 (ct 1') Gen 17IS 2313 Num 142 2oSb) (b) let not ... I pray (w 'jn) 13* JB 13 : Gen 138 188 so 32 197 is 33IO 4729 Num iqSI 12I1-1S 22I6 187 {a) How (nw) 32* JE 28 : Gen 198— Josh 5^4 D 3 : Deut 2i3 128 Josh 14" I : Deut 3288 (Song of Moses) {b) Now, and (now then, now there fore, so now, nn»i) 71* JE 57 : Gen 322 — Josh 2428 D 10 : Deut 4I 526 10I2 22 3610 Josh 926 I4l0ab 12 334 R* I : Deut 31I8 P 3 : Gen 488 Num 31" Josh 9" 188 One (nn«, in various phrases) (a) The name of the one, 7* JB 7 : Gen 2" 4I9 io26 Ex 1I8 188. Num Il26 (' The one ' in other idiomatic phrases. Gen 198 42I3 27 S2. 4428) (6) One of (in« in the constr state) 16* JE 6 : Gen 21I8 222 2610 3720 49I6 Josh io2 D lo : Deut 12" 13I2 i57ab 166 172 186 196 11 33I6 Otherwise with JD Gen (221) 322 Num 16I8 Deut 256 2886 and always in P Lev 42 IS 22 27 54. 13 17 63 7 132 Deut 442 Jggh 2o4 (c) One (idiomatically, in the plural) 3* JE 3 : Gen iii 2744 2920 189 Only (but, Bi) 55* JE 20 : Gen 6= igS 20" 248 2620 4i4o 4722 26 go8 Ex 89 11 28. 926 iol7 21 ajlO Num 122 20I9 Josh 617 D 33 : Cp "84 RP I : Josh 624 I : Gen 1424 190 Peace (or welfare, ahv) 29* JE 21 : Gen 15I8 2629 si 2821 298''b 374 14ab4ir - • — - -- -- -"¦- - '- 9I5 IoC4) 2; D 5 : Deut 226 20I0 " 236 29" P 3 : Lev 266 Num 626 2512 191 Prince (or captain, iib) 59* JE 47 : Gen 12I8 — Josh 5". D 5 : Deut iisobcd ^o^ ps 7 : Num 3ll4''b 48ab 52ab 54 gt NlfflJ TlSl 192 Prove, to (Piel rroj, with Deity as subject, and as object) (o) Elohim or Tahweh proves (or tries) 9* E 5 : Gen 22I Ex 1526 i64 2020 Deut 33' D 4 : Deut (434) 32 16 138 (6) The people prove (or tempt) Tahweh 5* JE 3 : Ex 172b 70 Num 1422 D 2 : Deut 16"* 193 Put, to (place, appoint, D'w) in Gen 47 JE 46 : Gen 28—4820 P I : Gen 6" Elsewhere common in JE D and P 194 Put, to (appoint, lay, n'c) 18* JB 18 : Gen 3I8 426 3o4oab 4133 464 ^gu 17 Ex 723 iqI 2i22 3oab 33I 31 334 Num 12I1 24I 195 Rain, to (cause to, TBon) 6* JE 6 : Gen 26 74 1924 Ex 9" 23 16* 196 Beady, to make (or prepare, advbly firm, pn) 11* JB 8 : Gen 43I6 25 Ex 2320 Num 23' '^ Josh ill 3I7 44 D 2 : Deut igS Josh 4'" P I : Ex 168 197 Refuse, to (WD : cp 68) 15* JB 13 : Gen 3788 398 4319 Ex 423 7" 8^ 92 108. 22I7 Num 2o2i 22IS. D I : Deut 257 P I : Ex i628 Remove, see Turn 224 b Bepent, see Comfort 20 198 Bide, rider (33T Qal and Hiph) 11* JB 9 : Gen 248I 41*8 49" Ex 42" 15I " Num 2222 30 Deut 3328'- I : Deut 32I3 (Song of Moses) P I : Lev 158 199 (a) Righteous (adj, pns) 17* JE 13 : Gen 7I l823 24ab 26ab 26 28 ^0* Ex 927 237. D 3 : Deut 48 16I8 25I I : Deut 324 (Song of Moses) P I : Gen 6' (6) Righteous, to be (Hiph justify, Hithpa clear ourselves, pns) 4* JB 3 : Gen 3826 44I6 Ex 237 D I : Deut 25I (c) Righteousness (justice, npis) 9* JE 4 : Gen 156 18I8 3088 Deut 33"' D 5 : Deut 628 94-6 24I5 396 CHARACTERISTIC OF JE < 200jRise up in the morning, to (D'Swn) - " I 20* ^ e. tz JE 20 : Gen lo' 27 20" 21" 228 26S1 28IS 3166 Ex 828 9IS 244 326 344 Num 1440 Josh 3I 612 16 7I6 310 141- "~ 201 Boll, to (')')j) 6* JE 6 : Gen 29S ' 10 43I8 Josh 58 lois 202 Sacrifice, to (offer, kill, n3l) 42* JE 22 : Gen 3184 46! Ex 3I8 58 8 17 38 2s 26ab 27-29 3^24 222O 23I8 248 328 34I6 Num 2240 Deut 277" 33I8 D II : Deut 12I6 21 1521 152 4 5. 1,1 138 Ex 13I8 (Josh 831) I : Deut 32" (Song of Moses) pi 7 : Lev 178"* 7 igSab 2229»b P> I : Lev 94 ct ' offer ' '118 203 See the face of, to (D':d hni) 75 JE 15 : Gen 312 6 3220 (SO) 33i0ab 43S 6 442s 26 46S0 48n Ex io28. 3320 23 On the original meaning of Ex 23I8 cp " 3421 23. Deut 16I6 cp Geiger Urschrift 337, Dillmann in loc. Driver on Deut 16I6. Ct P Ex 34S6* 204 Seed, to be multiplied (n3nn : ct "IZ) 10* JB 10 : Gen 13" 15" 16I8 22" 264 24 2814 32I2 Ex 32I3 Josh 248 (a) like the dust of the earth. Gen I3''6 2814* (!)) like the stars, Gen 158 22" 264 ex 32I8 cp Deut ii» io22 2862* (c) like the sand of the sea. Gen 22" 32I2* 205 (a) Send, to, put forth, let go &c (rtc) JE sixty-three times in Gen alone P Gen ig28 288. (d) Put forth (lay) the hand, to (nbw t) 14* JE 14 ; Gen 322 89 igi» 22IO 12 3722 4314 Ex 328 44ab 9I5 22S 11 24" (c) Send, to (away, also of ceremonial escort. Pi rtio) 31 JE 27 : Gen 328— Josh 2428 BA 2 : Josh 228. P 2 : Gen 1929 288 {d) Let Israel go, to ('' n« nW) 47* JE 43 : Ex 320—148 E8 I : Ex I3'6 P3: Ex 611 72 iiio 206 Serpent (lonj) 14* JE 13 : Geu 3I. * is. Num 218. 9abo D I : Deut 8I8 49I7. Ex 4S 7!' 207 (a) Servant cp 72 207* JB 142 : Gen g26 — 50I8 eighty-eight times, elsewhere fifty-four D 44 : Deut 5I6— Josh 226 Ex 138 14 P 18 : Ex 7IO 1244 Lev 256 39 42ab 44ab 65»b 2613 Num 3i49 324. 25 27 31 Josh 24i7'' 3 : Deut 3288 4s ggng of Moses, Gen 14I5 Cp ' to serve ' in JB (23), P (o) (6) Specially, of Yahweh's servant (Abraham, Moses, Caleb &c) 27* JE 10 : Gen 2624 Ex 1481 32" Num I27. 1424 Deut 346 Josh ii. 2429 D 16 : Deut g27 Josh i7 is is ssi ss 924 I1I2 16 I36ab 138 147 222 4. RP I : Josh 1 87 208 Shepherd (tend a flock &c) 2g* JB 27 : Gen (twenty-three) 42 — Ex 348 P 2 : Num 1488 27I7 200 Shut, to (i3d) (a) Qal Niph Pual 11* , JE 10 : Gen 221 7" 196 10 Num 12". Josh 26 7 61»b P I : Ex 148 (6) Hiphil P Lev 134 — 1446 (eleven) ct Deut 23I8 32S0 Josh 208* 210 Slay, to (or kill, 3in) 45* JE 33 : Gen 48 ". 28 25 12I2 2o4 " 267 2741. 3426 3720 26 496 Ex 2l4ab 16 428 g21 13I5 2ll4 2224 237 33I2 27 Num III8 2229 S3 356 Josh 824 926 loU D 2 : Deut 138 Ex 13I6 P 10 : Gen 3426 Lev 20I8. Num 3i7 sab 17ab 19 Josh 1322 ct l-lOO 211 Sojourn, to ("113, in narrative) 13* JE 9 : Gen 12I8 igO 20I 2i23 34 368 334 474 Ex 322 D 2 : Deut 186 26' P 2 : Gen 3527 Ex 64 (i24S Lev igSs Num 15") For the legal phrase 'Stranger that sojourneth' cp '145'', 'land of sojourn ings ' '145'' 212 Spies, and to spy 16* JB 13 : Gen 428 n i4 lo so. S4 Num 2i32 Josh 2I 622. 72ab D 3 : Deut i24 Josh 62? 147 213 Spring up, to (or grow, Qal and Hiphnos) 8* JE 6 : Gen 28 9 3I8 416 23 Ex 108 D I : Deut 2g28 P I : Lev 1387 214 Stand, to (or present themselves, 3S' Hithpa) 17* JE 13 : Ex 2* 820 91s 14IS 19I7 345 Num 11I6 2222 33S 15 Deut 3ll4ab Josh 24I D 4 : Deut 724 92 n26 Josh 1^ 397 WORDS AND PHRASES 215 Stand, to (3S3) 29* (a) over against, in the way,by (Niph) 10 JB 10 : Gen i82 24" 4s 2813 45I Ex 520 7I6 18" Num 236 17 6) in various other relations 1 1 JE 10 : Gen 377 Ex (158) 178 338 21 342 Num l627 2228 31 84 D I : Deut 29I0 (c) to set up (Hiph and Hoph) 8 JB 7 : Gen 2i28. 2812 3320 3514 20 josh 626 I : Deut 32S (Song of ' 216 (a) Stone, to Cjpo : ct '152) 6* JE 6 : Ex 828 174 19IS 3128. sa (6) Stone with stones 5* D 5 : Deut 13I0 176 2221 24 jogh 726 217 Swear, to (of Yahweh's oath to the patriarchs &c) 48* JE 13 : Gen 22I6 247 268 5024 Ex 138 " 32IS 33I Num 11I2 14I6 23 Deut 3123 344 D 33 : Deut-Josh thirty-three times (cp "107) P 2 : Num 32 18. 218 (a) Tell, to (n:3 Hiph) 51* JE 39 : Gen thirty times, Ex 428 138'' igS"- 9 Num ii27 238 Josh 2" 20 719 D 7 : Deut 4I3 56 179-11 268 30I8 1 : Deut 327 (Song of Moses) P 3 : Ex i622 Lev 5I 1488 I : Gen 14I3 (6) and it was told (Hoph ") g* JE 7 : Gen 2220 2742 3122 38IS a Ex 148 Josh 10*7 D 2 : Deut 174 Josh 92* 219 Tell, to (or shew, niJD Pi, ct Qal Niph in the sense of ' count ' JDP) 14* JE 14 : Gen 2468 2gi8 378. 408. 418 12 Ex <-ii6 io2 188 248 Num 1327 Josh 228 225?(a) Tent (otherwise than 'Tent of Meeting*) 51* JE 36 : Gen 420 g2i 27 138 jgS s 131. 6 9. 2467 2527 2626 3i26 33(6). gglO 352! Ex l87 338 10 Num 11I6 i626. 246 Deut 33IS Josh 3I4 721-2S ^T) 8 : Deut i27 5S0 nS i67 josh 22* 6-s P 7 : Ex 16I6 Lev 148 Num igi4abo is Josh 724'' {b) Tent (as a verb, i e ' remove ') Gen 1312" i8f That (for this cause), see 71'' 221 Then (is) (a) Of past time 14 JE 8 : Gen 426 126 137 49* Ex 4^8 15) Num 21I7 Josh 10I2 D 4 : Josh 830 joSS 14" 22I I : Song of Moses Ex 15I6 P I : Deut 441 (ct Josh 228I) b (6) With p (i«n) from the tune that, since 5* J 4 : Gen 3g8 Ex 4^0 528 g24 D I : Josh 14I8 222 (a) Thus (n3 so, here, with •» hitherto, adverb of place and time, manner) 48* JE 43 : Gen 158 — Josh 242 D I : Deut 76 P 4 : Num 628 37 338 Josh 22I8 Ct J3 in the formula '189» (b) Thus saith. Thus shalt thou say cp 87 12* JE II : Gen 324'>b 459 50" Ex 3". 5I8 ig3'' 2o22 Num 20I4 22I6 ps I : Josh 22I6 223 Trespass (or transgression, sms : ct '164) 10* JB 8 : Gen 3188 so"'' Ex 228 2321 34' Num 14I8 Josh 24I9 (only in- sing) . P 2 : Lev 16I6 21 (pi) Tribe, see "112 224 (a) Turn aside, to (depart, remove, ¦no Qal) 27* JE II : Gen ig2. 49I0 Ex 38. SU 29 33* Num 12I0 149 i626 D 14 : Cp "114 (chiefly of religious apostasy) P 2 : Ex 25I6 Lev 1388 (6) Hiph remove, take off, put away (Ton) 34* JE 18 : Gen 8"' 3082 36 352 3314 19 41*2 48" Ex 88 81 10" 1426 2328 332s Num 2i7 Josh 7I8 24I4 23 D 4 : Deut 74 16 21I8 Josh 11^8 P 12 : Ex 3434 (ritually, of removing the remains of the victim) Lev i" 3* ° " " 48 Slab S5ab 74 225 "Water, to (or give to drink, npton) 28* (a) JB 23 : Gen 26 lo 1932-35 31I9 34UH. 43 46 4 Sab 392. 7. 10 Ex 2I8. 19 322O D I : Deut iii» P 4 : Num 524 26. 3080 (6) In partcp = cupbearer (butler) 9* Eg: Gen 4oi- 8 9 IS 20. 23 4i9 " Cp -ION' Niph Gen lo' 22" 322s Nam 21" 2328 Josh 22 JE*. b B uses it to prescribe conduct in the future, op Ex 12*4 48 Lev a634»l> 4i4b Josh 208 J Gen 2441)*. 398 CHARACTERISTIC OF JE 226 Weep, to (cp 28 and 176") 27* JE 21 ! Gen 21I6 2788 2gii 334 37S5 4324 4388'" 45"'" ^° 46'^' 50I 3 17 Ex 28 Num ii4 10 13 18 14I D 2 : Deut i''^ 21" P 4 : Gen 232 Num 2o29 258 Deut 348 227 Well (¦IN3) 2g* JE 27 : Gen 16" 21" 25 so 24II 20 26I6 18. 20. 22 26 32 292»bo Sab 8 10 Ex 2I6 Num 20" 21I6. 18 22 2 : Gen i4W'»i' 228 Wherefore (or why, na") : cp 89'') 36* JE 30 : Gen 46«b 12I8. 2481 2582 2745 2926 3l27 30 42I 436 444 7 47I5 19 Ex 2I8 54 16 22 32". Num iiiiab 148 206 216 2287 Josh 77 922 D I : Deut 528 P 5 : Gen 2746 Num 97 2o4 274 327 229 Whether ... or not («") ?«. . . 'n) 8* JE 7 : Gen 2421 2721 3782 Ex i64 177 (cp 22II) Num ii28 1320 (,,«) D I : Deut 82 230 Why (stto) ii* JE 9 : Gen 26" 4o7 Ex i" 2" 38 5" 1814 Num 128 Josh 17I4 -P 2 : Ley 10" Num i6S .^- 231(a) Wicked (»iin) 11* JB 8 : Gen i82s 26ab ex 2" 927 23I 7 Num i628 D 2 : Deut 25'. P I : Num 3581 (!)) Condemn, to (ie declare wicked or guilty, s'w^n) Ex 228 Deut 25I* 232 Word (matter, thing, -i3i) 288* JE 136 : Gen iii — 48I fifty-nine times, Ex I's — Josh 2429 seventy-seven D 116 : Deut ii — Josh 23I6 P 36 : Gen 34I4 is Ex i224_Josh 2426'- 233 Wroth (angry), to be (or, anger be kindled, burn) 35* (a) ?)» mn JE 17 : Gen 302 3910 44IS Ex 4" 2224 32IO. ID 22 Num III 16 ss 129 2222 27 24IO 358 D 6 : Deut 6i8 74 n" 2927 3117'- josJi 23I6 P» 3 : Num 32W IS Josh 7I ct '178 (6) \ mn JE 7 : Gen 48. 1830323186347 Num 16I8 (c) 4I4 724. 816 21 24 33 jqIS 29 31 34 36 38 43 332. Qt Ex l826 Num l634* (6) Hear, O Israel D 5I 6(8) 4 9I 208 278 cp 4it Cp Is 44I 4812 Am 3I 4I 5I Hos 4I Is i2 "&c (c) Children of Israel Cp D Hex ii 4441' : used freely by E* in Josh 4I2 21 5I 6 831. &c 3 (a) Amorites, the (as occupants of the hill country of Canaan, and east of Jordan) D i7 19. 27 44 39 Num 2l34 Josh 5I 77 10I2 cp Josh 24I2 and " 06 (6) The hill country of the Amorites D l7 19.t (c) Two kings of the Amorites (Sihon and Og) D 38 447 Josh 2i» gio 2412, ' kings of the Amorites' 3i4 Josh 5I cp Josh 108 E* 4 Anakim D i28 210. 21 92 Josh ii2i. 14I2 15*. Else where Anak 5 Rephaim, the D 2II 20 3II IS Josh 124 13I2 i7i5r ^ct 'Vale of Eephaim' Josh 158 18I8 P) 6 (a) Arabah, the D ii 28 317 449 iiso Josh 12I 3 cp JB Josh 8", P 3I6 18I8 (6) Arabah, the (followed by the hill country, the lowland &c) Similar, though not quite identical, enumerations in i7 Josh 9I io48 ii2 is (c) Land of Moab, the, ct '2" ' Arboth Moab' D 18 2gi, B 348. . In 3249 p prob- ably a later geographical gloss 7 Horeb, cp E '^105, ct Sinai '7 D l2 6 19 4IO 15 g2 gS 18.6 29I 8 (a) Slopes (of Pisgah) D 317 449 Josh io40 128 8. Cp Josh 1320 p| (&) Pisgah D 327 341b. ct P ' Nebo' 32!9 341a 9 (a) Abomination to Yahweh ('"b myinV D 726 1231 17I 1812 226 23I8 25I8 27I6 cp - 4* Elsewhere only in Prov ten 24times (6) Abomination (abominable thing, n3i>in) D ,26 13I4 143 174 i89 12 2ol8cp32l6. Iq P only in Lev 1822 26. 29. 2oi3 (e) Abhor, to (i e abominate, 3rn) D 728 237ab* 10 All or any in explanatory appositions p 237b 34b IS 18 4I9 g8 ig21 j621 17I 18I 20" 25I6 29I8 Josh l4 54 63'" 136 12 11 All that thou puttest thine hand unto {-yv rticD ta) D 127 18 igio 2320 288 20.J. 12 All that Yahweh did &c (or which or as he did) cp ^^146" D iSO 321 4S S4 7I8 (io21) ii3-7 249 292 3i4 Josh 428 99. 238 247 31 13 (a) All the days (always, as long as, for ever) D 529 624 ill 1423 i85 199 2829 33 (jp 3 lis ^) Josh 424. Op Gen 438 4482 j* (6) All thy (his) days (as long as thou livest) D 12I9 22I! ' 23°' (c) AU the days of thy life - D 49 62 i63 1719 Josh 18 4I4 cpDeut 41" 12I 3 lis. J Gen 3I4 17* 14 All the peoples D 4I9 76 7-14 16 19 Josh 24I8. E Josh 2417, ' Of the earth 1 D 28" Josh 424* 15 AU the words of this law, cp 70 D 17I9 278 8 2888 2929 31I2 32*8 cp 27*8 3i24 Josh 831* 16 Altar of Yahweh thy God D 1227 i62i 26* (278 Josh 927)* ct JE Ex 2o26 2114 Deut 33I8 and P Lev 17" Josh 22I9 (28) 29* 17 Anger of Yahweh ('" fim) D 616 74 11I7 2g28 27 Josh 23I8 Cp Ex 4I4 RJ», Num iii9 J, 128 B, 25'. J, 32i» 13. Josh 7I P> * 18 Angry, to be {mxt, Hithpa) D i87 421 98 20 cp I Kings ii9 2 I7i8t .9 /Ark of the covenant of Yahweh 108 3l9 26. j;agJl,3Sr.l7'- 47a'' 18'- 68^ i cp Num iqSS 1441* THE DEUTERONOMIC SCHOOL, D 20 (a) Assembly, the Cjnp) D 522 9'» io4 18I8 3i3o Josh 836. Cp '24, whereas D never uses Congregation, cp '24''«* (!)) Assembly of Yahweh D 23i~3 8 cp P Num i63 2o4* (c) Assemble, to (Vnpn) -iio D 4'" 31 congregation 20' 12 28 ot '24" 'assemble Lev 83 Num jis 88 the 16I8 „8a» 21 (a) Beyond Jordan (of the Eastern country, pTn ¦131'3 or 'n 131') ct '2'' D ii 8 38 44 i 49 Josh ii4 16 2I0 gio 12I 13° 22' J Gen 50". Josh 77, E Josh 248 (cp 2.) ' (6) Of the West D 32" 25 ijSO Josh 5I 9I 127 337 {q^ii) 22 (a) BlesSjtOjin the formula that Yah weh may bless thee (or when, for, because &c) D lU 37 7l3ab J27 1424 29 154 6 10 14 IS 16IO 16 2320 24I9 26I8 288 12 30I6. Cp B Ex 202« 2326 (6) Blessing (contrasted with curse) D u20. 29 238 2828 30I 19 J(,gh 88*. Cp E Gen 27I2 (c) According to the blessing of Yah weh thy God D I2l8 i6i7t 23(0) Bowdown, to (or worship, some times with serve, of other gods) D 4I9 59 (II Ex 208) 819 11I6 178 2926 30" Josh 237 18. Once of Yahweh, D 26I8 Cp J Ex 34I4, Bi' Ex 2324* (!)) Serve other gods, cp 85 D 74 (op 16) 819 11I6 (cp 122 30) 132 6 IS I7S 2814 SO 64 aglS 26 30I7 (cp 3l20) Josh 2316 Cp B Josh 242 15. 20* (c) Serve Yahweh D 613 1012 20 iiIS 134 2847 Josh 228. Cp RJo Ex 2326, B Josh 24I4. 18. 21. 24. Ct the specific use in the narratives of the demands addressed to Pharaoh Ex 312 42s 716 jqS 26 and the term ' service' ^14024 Bring in, to (of Yahweh bringing Israel into Canaan, N'3n, cp W3 53). Ct ' bring up ' '=^136 (3i2».) Cp J Ex 136 11 Num 148 24 31^ E Josh a4'> E'° Ex 2323 : also in P rarely e g Ex 68 25 Brother (ie fellow-countrj-mau, in the code) D 15'' 22'-' 23' ". 2. codes of JB : 46-48 I7I5 20 i82 15 18 1918. 208 / 14 258 cp 1I6. Not in the cp pi" Lev 19" 2525 35. 39 26 (a) Choose, to (of the divine election of Israel, Levi) D 437 76. iQii 2I'' cp 17^^' (6) Of the place chosen for the sanc tuary, ep 87 27 Cleajve, to (to Yahweh, pn) D 4* io20 Il22 134 3020 Josh 22= 238* 28 (a) Come out, to (from Egypt, in the formula ' when ye (they) came forth' &c, nNS3) D 448. i63 8 334 249 2517 Josh 2I8 s*. . Cp J Ex 13S*. Ct in dates (rather dif ferently, n«s'!) P Ex 161 19I Num ii gi 3388 (6) Bring out, to (of Yahweh bringing Israel out from Egypt, N'Sin) D i27 420 37 56 (II Ex 2o2) 5I8 6^2 21 28 78 19 814 9I2 26 28. 136 10 igl 268 2g28 Ex I38 ' 14 10. Rarely in JE, R" Ex i8i, Bi' Ex 32I1., E Josh 246. . Cp the formula in P 'know that I am Yahweh which brought you out ' &c '179"^ 29 (a) Command, in the formula As (or that) Yahweh thy God hath com manded thee (us &c) D ii' 46 cl2 16 82. 61 17 20 25 jqS J3r. 20l7 (248) 26" Josh I040* (6) Which I command thee (or you, often with to-day) D 42 40 62 6 7II 81 11 (gl2) iqIS 13" 15° 19^ 27 IS 22 1 4 10 28I 18-15 3o2 8 11 16. Cp J"" Ex 34"* (c) Therefore I command thee D (5I6) 15II 18 197 24I8 22* {d) The commandment (collectively) D 5S1 61 25 7I1 31 118 22 ig5 1720 199 2613 " '" ' " ' ~ ' Cp Ex 2412b* with do, 27I 30I1 316 Josh 22S 6. Commandments (often keep, remember) cp 82= D twenty-eight times, Josh 22'' Cp JE Gen 266 Ex 1520 206 ; P Ex 16^8 Lev 42 18 22 27 gl7 23SI 363 14. 3^34 Num 1-22 39.* 30 Corn and wine and oil D 7IS III 4 12" 1423 i84 2851* Cp ' corn and wine ' Gen 2728 37 Deut 401 D d WORDS AND PHRASES 31 (a) Covenant (in relation of Israel and Yahweh) D4 52. 79 12 818 99 13 28 31 c2. ™9 12 17'' 29' 12 14 21 26 Ex 196. Cp 31" 20 339^ Jj; Ex 247. 34I0 27. and '46. Cp 19 ' ark of the covenant ' (6) Make, to (§ cut m3 ^^181) a cove nant D 52. 29I 12 14 cp Ex 3418 27 32 (a) Curse (contrasted with blessing, n'j'yp) cp 22" D Il26 28. (2i23) 236 27" 28I6 45 (2g27) 30I 19 Josh 334. Cp B Gen 27".*. A different word (nijs) in Gen 2441 2628 Deut,2gi2 14 19-21 3o7^ and P Lev 5I Num (b) Cursed (in«) D 27I6-26 28I8-19 cp '1124 33 (a) Day, as at this (nin Dto) B 2S0 420 ss 624 818 10I8 2g28 cp E Gen 5o2o (in a different sense J Gen sg")* (6) Unto this day D 222 3"'- 108 ii4 2g4 346 Josh 48 828 927 14I4 223 238. . Cp "142", P Josh 22" (c) Which shall be in those days D 178 igi7 263 ep Josh 2o6f Deliver into the hand of, see 52. 34 (a) Destroy, to (TDcn) et 86 D i27 2I2 21-28 48 616 74 24 98 8 14 19. 25 2848 63 31S. Josh 7I2 924 iil4 20 33I5 348 Cp Deut 3327 Lev 2680 Num 3362* (6) Be destroyed, Niph D 426 72s 1230 2828 24 46 51 61. Cp J Gen 34S0* 35 Devote, to (or utterly destroy, nnnn) D 234 36 72 13I5 20" Josh 2IO 618 io28 35 37 39. nil. 20. . Cp J Num 2l2. Josh 621 iqI, E Ex 2220 Josh 828, p Lev 2728* 36 (a) Die (in legal condemnations, that he [or they] die, noi) D I3IO 176 12 i820 19I2 2l21 2221. 24. 247 ct conditionally B Ex 2112 20 28 ss 222 10 {b) Shall be put to death (nnv) D 138 178 (cp 2i22 24I8) ct '1100 '52" 37 (a) Do that which is right iu the eyes of Yahweh D 618 12 (8) 26 2S 13I8 31S cp Josh g26 Cp RJ" Ex 1526* (b) Do that which is evil in the eyes of Yahweh D 426 glS (13II) 172 (6) (192O) 3^29 ps Num 32I8* 38 Drawn away, be (the same verb in various applications, m: Qal Niph Hiph) D 4I8 138 10 13 196 20I9 33! 30I 4 17* Dread not (or be not affrighted, pj), see 44'' 39 Drive out, to (possess, dispossess, succeed, \bt with ' peoples ' as ob ject, cp ' land ' 88) (a) Qal, see 88" (6) Hiph, Deut 488 7" 98-6 ii2s ^gii Josh 3I0" 136 12 14I2 236 9 13. Cp J Ex 3424'' Num 32S9 Josh 13IS i5i4 6Si6i0i7U,_ P» Num 3221 3382* 40 Dwell, to cause his name to (jatji) cp87 D 12" 142s i62 6 11 262*. ct '54 41 {a) Eat before Yahweh D 127 18 142s 26 1520*. Cp Ex I8I2 (!>) Bat and be satisfied (full) D 611 818 12 1 1I6 1429 26". Cp3i20* Ct ' eat to satisfaction' Ex 168 s Lev 2519 268 P* Edge ofthe sword, cp '^150 42 (a) Elders of the city D igi2 2is. 6 19. 22I6-18 257-9, RP Josh (6) Elders of Israel (your, his &c) D 528 2l2 27I 29I8 3l9 28 Josh 883 332 24I3I Cp •1*1151 43 {a) Byes, before your (or unto thee, in the presence of &c, lit. ' to your eyes ' ?3'3's';) D iSO 46 34 622 9I7 25S 9 3331 2g2 3i7 34I2 Josh 10I2 24I7. Less frequent elsewhere (b) Thine eye shaU not pity D 7I6 138 19IS 21 3512 cp Gen 452" §* (c) Which thine eyes have seen (shall see) D 48 7I9 io2i 2834 67 29S* cp 21' {d) Thine eyes have seen (what Yah weh did &c) D 321 48 ii7 Josh 247* cp Deut 2882 Gen 44 (a) Fear Yahweh, to (in the infin X) 4IO 529 624 86 10I2 1423 17I9 2868 31IS* cp the similar infinitives or verbal nouns ' to love ' 74", and ' to hate ' i27 928 402 THE DEUTERONOMIC SCHOOL, D (6) In other parts of the verb D 62 13 721 10I7 20 134 aglS 3858 31I2 Josh Cp "102, '200, P» Josh 2226 (c) Pear not, neither be dismayed (or afCrighted or dread NV followed by nnn or vts) cp ¦'iil54 D l21 2o3 316 8 Josh 81'" Io26* ((2) Dread not (or be not affrighted ps) D l29 721 203 316 Josh l9 .§* 45 Eight, to (of Yahweh for Israel) D l39 322 204 Josh 10" 42 238 10 Cp J Ex I4I4 25* 46 Finished, until they were (or con sumed Don is) D 2I8 3124 80 Josh 824jo2o cp D 2" Josh 4I8 58 (Lev 2529) Num 1488 32I8* Plowing with milk and honey, see 69°. 47 Foreigner (na:) D 1421 158 17I6 2320 2g22 Cp Gen 31I8 Ex 222 1| 138 218* 48 Forget, to (as caution to Israel, in reference to Yahweh and his com mands) cp 97 D 48 23 612 8U 14 19 97 25I9 cp 26I3* Otherwise, D 481 24I8 (3121 3218^ cp Gen 37*8 4023 418O* 49 Found, if there be (in legal formu lae, WSQ' '3) D 172 2ll 2222 247^ cp Ex 222 4 7. ^^ 50 (a) Fruit of thy (the) grouud D 7I3 262 10 284 11 18 33 42 61 3Q9 Cp Gen 48 Jer 720 Ps io5S6t (6) Fruit of thy womb (body) D 7I3 334 u 18 63 3o9_ Cp Gen 302* (c) Fruit of thy cattle D 284 11 61 3o9.|. 51 Gates, thy (your) (a) Within thy gates D 5I4 (II Ex 2ol») 69 Il20 12I2 17. 21 1421 27-29 J522 j611 14 178 24I4 26I2 2887 31I2* (b) One of thy gates D 157 168 172 186 2316* (c) AU thy gates D 12I6 16I8 2882 66* (d) The gate as the place where justice is administered D 176 8 21I9 2al6 24 257* 52 Give into (thy) hand, to (or deliver, T3 ]n:, cp 100) D l27 224 SO 32. 724 19I2 3ol3 gjlO Num 2l34 Josh 77 81 7 18 iqS " 80 32 jjS 3144 Cp J Num 2i2 Josh 62 (?), B Josh 22* 248 11, Bi' Ex 2331* 53 Go-in and (to) possess («Ti NI3) cp 88 D 18 39 4I 6 618 7I 81 9I 0 10" 118 10 29 SI 1229 1^14 3320 26I 3321 63 3o(6J 16 18 Jggh l" l83* 54 {a) Go- over and (to) possess (®Ti -135) D 4I4 22 26 61 118 11 (SlJ (30I8) gilS 3347* Cp 12I0 (' go-over aud dwell ') i2i 923 (' go-up and possess ') (6) W^hither thou (ye) goest over D 321 41451 118 1I30I8 55 (ffl) Great and terrible D ii9 721 818 10I7 21* (5) Greater and mightier (or great and mighty = strong) D 488 gi ii28 268 Josh 238 Cp D 7I g'4. .§, 3 Gen i8is Ex i', RJ" Num 1412* (c) Greatness D 324 524 g26 ii2. Cp 328 Num 14I9, in Hex only of Yahweh. Ct Is 98 10I2 Ezek 3l2 7 18 Cp Ps 7gii i5o2t Hate, to, cp i^l67 56 He and (all) his people D 282. 3I-S Num 2l3S-36 Josh 814 jo33 Cp Ex 17I3*. Ct Josh 88 57 Heads (of tribes) D 1I3 16 528 2gio Josh 232 cp 24I Ct D 336 2ij J < heads of the people' Num 254, B ' heads over the people ' Ex i826, P 'heads of fathers' houses' cp '84''58 {a) Hearken to (obey) my (Yah weh's) voice ('3 som) D 480 820 923 134 18 156 26" 17 27I8 28'. 16 46 62 3^2 s 10 20 jgsh 56. Of othors, D l46 2il8 20 Josh Iol4(?) 222 cp J44b (6) Hear (§ =hearken) and fear D 13^1^ 1713 ig2o 2i2i*, ' hear and learn and fear' 31^2 cp is (c) Hear, O Israel, see 2" 50 Heart, with all your heart and with all your soul D 429 68 10I2 n" 13S 26I6 3o2 6 10 Josh 236 33I4* {yii forty-seven times in D, Josh 2I1 51 78'' 147, :h only in 4" aS^s 294 19 op Josh ii2o 148) 403 I) d 2 WORDS AND PHRASES 60 (a) Holy people (wip us) D 76 142 21 26'9 288t cp Ex 196 cnp '13 and Is 6212 ffiipn n» (b) a peculiar people (nto D») D 76 142 26i8t ep Ex 198 61 House of bondage (ie servants, cp 97, 109) D 56 (II Ex 2o2) 612 78 814 135 10 Ex 133 14 Josh 2417* 62 How (n3'N) D ii' 12S0 i82i (3288 Song of 63 I('3W) More than fifty times in D (312s E) Josh 136 147. 10 23I4. ']« only in 1280 296 Josh 232 Cp 3221 89 (Song of Moses), P 3249 62 cp'94 64 In thee (or among you, with, unto, of Israel collectively, -13) D 7I4 154 7 9 i810 23IO 14 21. 34I6 25I8 3846 54 56 Cp 78°' 65 (a) Inherit (to cause to, ij'ron) cp 69'" J) jss 328 12I0 19S 21I6 3i7 Josh 18 Cp Deut 328* (6) no portion or inheritance D io» 12I2 1427 29 18I. Cp E Gen 31"* Innocent blood, cp 92"° 66 Instruct, to (or chastise) D 486 85ab 21I8 22I8. Cp Lev 26" 28* 67 Judges (of Israel) D 1I6 16I8 179 12 1917. 2i2 252 Josh 833 232 241 Cp E Num 258*. Ct Ex 1821-28 Keep, see Observe 82. 68 (a) Know therefore (or, and thou shalt know or consider, specially of the experience of life) D 439 79 88 gS 8 ii2 Josh 2314 ^ Cp Ex 67 io2 168 12 Num 14S4 i6S«* {b) which thou knowest D 7I6 g2 cp isi (c) which thou (ye, they) knowest not (sometimes with thy fathers) D 83 16 ii28 132 6 13 2888 36 64 2920. Cp 32"* ' 69 (a) (Laud) flowing with milk and honey D 63 ii9 26' 16 273 3120'- Josh 58. Cp '*34 (6) the good laud D iC26) 35 325 421. 618 87 10 96 iil7 Jcg], 23IS 15 (< ground ') ". Cp J Ex 38 P Num 147*(c) The land (possession, cities, gates &c) which Yahweh thy (our &e) Qod giveth (hath given) thee (us) D l20 25 2I2 29 320 4I 40 glS (|| Ex 2ol2) 7I8 810 92s J1I7 31 129 (10) 1312 ig4 7 166 IS 20 j-S 14 188 20" 25I6 262 18 15 272. 288 82 3362 Josh 1I8 i83 23I8 16. Cp E Josh i2. Ct P Lev 1484 23I8 252 Num 132 152 327 9 Deut 3248 52 {d) The land (cities) ... as an in heritance D 421 19I0 20I6 2i23 244 261-I- cp 48' 12' 298(e) The land ... to possess it, cp 88 D 3I8 58I (33) 9O 12I 192 14 2il Josh lllf Cp Gen 157 (/) The land ... as an inheritance to possess it, cp 88 D 15* 2518-t- 'causeth thee to inherit' 198 {g) The land whither thou goest in (over) &c, cp 53, 54 {h) The land which Yahweh sware, cp 107" 70 (a) Law, this, ep 15 D 18 48 (44) 17I8. 273 8 26 2868 61 2g29 3I» 11. 24 3246. Ct P Num 580* (6) This (the) book of the law D 2921 (27) 30IO 3l26 Josh 18 884* (c) The words of this law j D 1719 278 8 26 3868 3929 31I2 24 3346* 71 (a) Learn, to (loi) Qal) D 4I0 5I 1423 1719 i89 3ii-* (6) Teach, to {-Kh Piel) D 4I 5 10 14 531 61 iii9 30I8 31" 22* Levite, the, in the village household, cp 'Stranger' 105", 'thou and thy son ' &e 109", ' Gates ' 51, ' Priests ' 90 72 Live, that thou (ye) mayest , D 4I 533 81 l620 30I8 19, cp 624 308 3347 and 73* 73 (a) Long, to be (of the days of Israel), -insn (in trans) D 5I6 (II Ex 2oi2) 62 25I8 (6) prolong, to {yytun, trans) D 426 40 gSS ii9 1720 227 go" 3247 Cp Josh 2481* 404 THE DEUTERONOMIC SCHOOL, D 74 (a) Love (of Yahweh for Israel) D48' 1 23°- (6) of Israel for Yahweh D 5^8 (II Ex 2o8) 68 78 10I2 III 13 22 138 ig9 306 16 20 Josh 226 23"*. Note the infin n3n«') foUowed by '« D lo" (^8) ^is 22 199 306 16 20 Josh 226 23iit 75 Manservant and maidservant {pw, bondman, with nt3S, ep ¦'^99) D 5""" (II Ex 20I8) 21 (II Ex 20") 12I2 18 (igl7) 16II 14. Ct Lev 258 44* 76 Thou mayest not (lit ' canst not,' or he may not) D 722 12" 168 I7I6 21I8 223 19 29 244. if 18 18I 248 279 Josh f'\ 883, 1 the sons of Levi ' D 218 31' *. 'The priest (s) ' 17I2 i83 igi7 2o2 268. Josh 43'' 9. 'The tribe of Levi ' 108 18I Josh 13" (ss) . (&) to stand before Yahweh, D 10(8) 17I2 i8(5) 7 . of Israel generally, 410, igi7 2g(iO) 18 Cp P Lev g8 (Num i69 35" Josh 208 9), and '141 (c) to minister (unto or before Yah weh, mffi) D 108 1712 186 7 216. Ct •"^lOO, '129° {d) the Levite that is within your gates, D 12I2 18 1427 1611 14 cp -2611.*. ' The Levite(s) ' la" 1420 136. 26IS 27" 3l25 91 Promised, as Yahweh hath promised (or spoken, to Israel, Levi &c, iibns 13-1 or 't 'n) D ill 21 2I 68 19 g8 28 jqS ii25 j220 jgS i82 198 26I8. 278 29I3 318 Josh Il23 13I4 (3S)>- 1421 224 235 10. Otherwise 132 Josh 41?* Oc casionally elsewhere, e g Gen 24'! Ex 7I' &c. P frequently adds ' by the hand of Moses ' 180"= Prophet, see ¦"ill4 Prove (assay, tempt), see '11192 92 {a) Put away the evil from the midst of thee D 13' 177 12 I9I9 2l21 2221. 24 347.]. (6) Put away (innocent blood, hallowed things) D 19IS 2,i9 36I3. Ct |i JE Ex 22= Num 2422, p Ex 35* Lev 612* (c) Innocent blood D 19I8 13 218. 2728 §* 93 Quickly (soon, inn) cp ¦i^43 D 426 74 22 93 12 16 2820 cp E Ex 32S Josh 28*. mno D 11I7 Josh 23I6 Cp Josh 819 106^ p Num i646 94 Rebel, to (man) D i26 43 97 23. 3i27 Josh 1I8* Qal, Deut 21I8 20 Num 2.0I8 24 27"* 05 Redeem, to (of the deliverance from Egypt, mo) D 78 926 136 igl5 218 24I8* ct Ex 15" 66 96 Rejoice, to (nnt;) D 127 12 18 1426 16II 14 (15) 26" 277" Cp 33" (Blessing of Moses) Bi' Ex 4", P Lev 2340* 97 {a) Remember that thou wast a bondman D 5I6 15I5 1612 24I8 22* (5) Remember, in other forms of appeal D 7I8 82 IS 97 168 248 25I7 Josh i" cp Deut 327* 98 Rest, to give (Yahweh to Israel) D 320 12I0 2519 Josh lis 16 224 23I Cp Ex 3314* Reubenites, the, &c, cp 'll"! and Josh 112" Hex ii 99 See (or behold, before a verb in per fect or participle, nMi, ct n:n '94") D i8 21 224 SI 46 1126 30I6 Josh 62 (?) 81t s" 234. Cp J Gen 39" 41", ^° Ex 33" P Ex 7I 312 3580* Servant (of Yahweh), cp '*i207'' Serve, to, see 23"i 406 THE DEUTERONOMIC SCHOOL, D 100 (a) Set before, to (or deliver, Jn: '33% when Yahweh delivers up the enemy or the land, cp 52, 69) J3 j8 21 gSl S3 36 -2 (16) 23 23I4 287 26 (Jjt gjme up . , . smitieri) 316 Josh 10I2, j Josh J 16* Cp Judg ii» I Kings 846 jg ^^p.^^ (6) Set before (statutes &c) D 48 ii2' '30' Ct Sj Deut 444 Ex 197 21I 101 (a) Signs and wonders D 434 622 719 268 298 34I1. Cp Ex 78* (&) Sign and wonder D I3I. 2848* (c) Signs and works D Il3* (ei) Great signs Josh 1417'' 102 (a) Sin in thee, and it be D 158 2321 24I8. Cp S^ 2l22 2322f. D uses son elsewhere in 19I8 2220 24I6, Cp E Gen 418, P only in the phrase NEn S1B2, '28"* (5) righteousness unto thee, and it ShaU be D 628 24I3* 103 SpoU {f)-d) D 238 37 13I6 3ol4 Josh 82" 27 jjU 228f Cp J Gen 4927 Josh 721, Ex 158, P Num 31I1.* Stand before Yahweh, cp 90" 104 (a) Statutes (with judgements, commandments, cp '213) D 4I 6 8 14 40 5I 31 61, 7II 811 iqIS jjl 32 I2I 26'6. 3719 28I6 46 30IO 16 (6) statutes (alone), cp '217 D 48 624 1612 (c) Statutes with ' this law ' D 17I9. Cp Ex 18I8 20 (a) (6) (c) always in plural. For sing cp Ex is28 Josh 2426 ((2) Testimonies and statutes D 445 617 20* Stone with stones CJpD), see '11216 105 (a) The stranger, the fatherless, and the widow D 10I8 24I7 19 20. 3719. Cp Ex 2221 (!>) The stranger, the fatherless, and the widow ^ith the Levite D 1429 16" 14 2612.* (c) Thy stranger who is within thy gates D 5I4 1421 24I4 3ll2. Cp 26II 2843 29II* 106 (a) Be strong and of a good courage (yo«i pm) D 316. Josh 16. 9 18 io25. E Deut 3123* (6) Be strong (pm) D 118 cp 1223 Josh 238. J Josh 17I3 Not in this sense elsewhere (c) Strengthen aud encourage (pin yQMi) D 328, ' encourage ' alone D iss cp Josh Il20 107 (a) Sware, Which Yahweh (he or I or thou) sware &c cp -111217 D 18 34. 421 SI 610 18 23 78 12. 3! 18 gS jqII Il9 21 363 28" 3028317 20.>- Josh 18 56 2l4S. (6) As Yahweh sware unto them (thy fathers &c) D 2I4 13I7 198 26I8 289 2gi3 Cp J Ex 13I1* 108(a) Take heed to thyself (or beware) lest {^ itsffin) D 49 23 612 811 ijis 1213 19 so ig9 Cp JE Gen 246 3124 29 Ex io2s 19I2 3412* (5) In another form more generally D 24 4I6 239 248 Josh 23I1. Cp Ex 23I3 21* Teach, see 71 Testimonies (m») D 4'i8 6" 20^ only with Statutes, see 104'' 109 (a) Thou and thy son (foUowed by other members of the household, daughter, bondservant &c) D 5I4 (II Ex 2oi«) 62 12I2 18 16I1 14*. Ct '176 (6) Thou and thy household D 127 1426 igi6 20 26" cp J Gen 45"* 110 Time, at that, or the same time («inn n»3) J) i9 16 IS 2S4 34 S 12 18 21 23 4I4 g5 92O jqI 8 Josh 11" ''^. Cp E Gen 2122, j Gen 381 Num 224 Josh 52'- 626* 111 Tread, to (Tn) D i38 ii24. Josli 18 149 Cp J Num 24I7, Deut 3329'' (Blessing of Moses)* "^{a) Tribe (a3ic). Ct '165 23 3I3 g2S iqS 126 14 18I 5 29S 18 21 3l28 Josh ll2 4I2 128. 137 14 l87'' 227 23* Cp JE Gen 49^6 Ex 244 Num 242 Josh 3I2 42 4. 7I4 16 i82 4 24I 407 WORDS AND PHRASES {b) According to (or by) your tribes (?3'E31C'J). Cp '18 D il3 15 16I8 Josh Il2» Cp J Num 242 Josh 7I4 ic* 113 Turn, to (of personal movement, TOD) D i7 24 40 2I 3 8 3I 9I5 io5 jQ7 (ct 29I8 30") Num 2 1 33 Josh 224 JE Gen 1822 2449 Ex 212 72s i^o 32I6 Num 12I0 1426b (16I8) Josh 7I2 Ct P, towards Yahweh's glory Ex 161° Num i642, towards idols '214 (cp Deut 31I8 20)j of the situation of land Josh 152 7 114 (a) Turn aside out of the way, to (-1ID) D 912 16 ii28 3i29 cp Ex 328*. For ' way ' cp also 115 (6) Turn neither to the right hand nor to the left D 227 (ct Num 20l7 Iq) 5S2 17II 20 28" Josh i7 238. Cp turn, d^art D 4' 11I6 1717, Hiph 74 (otherwise 7I6 2ii3 Josh 11I8) : rebeUion (= 'turning aside' mo) 115 (a) "Walk in his ways, to (or the way, religiously) D 588 86 I0I2 Il22 136 199 26" 289 30I6 Josh 226*. Cp Ex i820* "tf(&)JWay, the (of the journey of the D i22 31 33 (227) 32 I7I6 234 248 25" 2888 Josh 34" 54. 7. Cp E Josh 24I7 116 (a) "Well (That it may be weU with thee, STB') D 440 gl6 29 gS IS J325 28 237 Cp J Gen 1213, E 40"* (6) for good to thee (with slight variation, -ih 3TO) D 588 624 lois 19I8* (c) Adverbial infinitive (so'n) 9" ('very small') 13" 174 19I8 278 ^• elsewhere in this application only 2 Kings I lis 117 ¦Willing, to be (consent, nss) D i26 aso 10I8 13S 338 257 2g20 Cp J Gen 246 8, E Ex io27 Josh 241" P Lev 2621* 118 "Women (wives) and little ones (no) cp ''152 D 384 36 19 3ol4 39II 31I2 Josh 1" 8»5 (Deut iS9 II Num 148I) 119 "Work of thy hands (-|T nmso) {a) with the verb ' to bless ' or ' make plenteous ' D 27 1429 16I6 24'9 2812 30'. Cp 1516* (6) of idols (work of men's hands) D 428 27I6 3l29* 120 "Written in this book D 2888 cp 61 2920. 27 30IO Josh 18 Cp ' written in the book of the law ' Josh 831 34 236 2 Kings 146 (|| 2 Chron 254) cp 2 Chron 35'2.j. III. The Priestly Law and History Book, P 1 El Shaddai or God Almighty Gen 17I 283 35" 488 Ex 63. Ct Shaddai alone J Gen 4928 Num 244 lo, B El Shad dai Gen 43^4* 2 (a) Arboth " (Plains of) Moab, some times with beyond Jordan, or by the Jordan at Jericho Num 2ai 268 63 3ii2 334S-50 35I 3513 Deut 34I 8 Josh i382-t- Plains of Jericho, Josh 4^8 gio 3 Kings 258 Jer 398 52St (b) beyond Jordan (JitIj -i3So) ct "21 Num 22I 3219 (once with and once without y 32 34I6 3gi4 Josh 1382 148 176 i87 208* Cp Josh 1327 327 (K'^thibh) 3 Kiriath Arba Gen 232 3527 Josh 15" 84 20' 21" cp Josh 14I8 Judges i" Neh ii28t 4 (a) Land of Canaan Gen 1181 i26ab 1312 i63 178 232 is 31" 33I8 3g6a 366. 37I 466 12 488 7 49SO golS Ex 64 i638 Lev 1434 i83 2588 Num 132 " 26" 3330 32 3340 51 342 29 3gl0 14 pgut 3348 Josh 5I2 I4I 2l2 228-11 32 JE Gen 42= (cp Hex u 40'"') ' " '' '' 448 45I7 26 47I 4 (IS-ISO go6 Josh 248* (5) Land of Edom Gen 36I8. 21 31 Num 2o28 3387 cp E Num 2i4" (Judg 11I8)* 5 Machpelah Gen 238 17 19 259 498O goiSf " Plural of Arabah, cp "6 408 THE PRIESTLY LAW AND HISTORY BOOK, P 9 20 ^(,V, 35° 6 Paddan-aram Geu 2520 282 8-7 31IS 3318b (48')t 7 Wilderness of Sinai (or Mount) Ex 16I igi. 24I6 31I8 3429 32 Lev 7881" 25I 2646 37S4 Num ll 18 gl 4 14 9I 6 iol2 2664 286 3315. . Cp ¦'i'76, and EJ«* Deut 33*8 Wilderness of Sin Ex 161 17I Num 33I1.* 9 Wilderness of Zin Num 1321 20I 27I4 3386 34S. Deut 32^1 Josh 15I 3* 10 (ffl) Children of Heth (nn '33) Gen 238 5 7 10 16 18 20 2glO 4932.J. {b) Daughters of Heth (nn ni:3) Gen 2746 cp 2634 362* cp Daughters of Canaan Gen 28I 362* (c) Ephron the Hittite Gen 238-18 259 4929. soisf 11 (a) Children of Israel Gen 468 Ex ii 7 and onwards : never Israel alone as in JE Ex 422 52 &;c Congregation of Israel, see 45 !^8 Num 22^' (il) House of Israel Ex i63i 4o38 Lev 106 178 s 10 *20211 Josh 2l4'''* (c) Children of Beuben (and Gad) Num 32I. 6. . Josh 13I6 24 228-11. . cp 4121- Ct D Reubenites &c, Deut 312 is 298 Josh ll2 126 138 22I 12 (a) Aaron the Priest Ex 3ii» 35I9 3821 3941 Lev 784 132 2i2i Num 38 32 4I6 i6S7 1828 257 11 26I 64 33S8 Josh 2l4 18* (!)) Eleazar (son of Aaron) the Priest Ex 623 25 281 Lev 106 12 16 Num 32 * 32 4I6 i6S7 39 193. 2o26. 28 3g7 26I 3 63 272 19 21. 3 16 12, 21 26 29 31 41 51 64 „22 (c) Eleazar the priest and Joshua the son of Nun Num 3228 34I7 Josh 14I 174 1961 21I* Ct Josh 2488 (d) Ithamar (the son of Aaron the priest) Ex 625 281 3321 Lev iqS 12 lo Num 32 * 42s 3S 78 3660, (e) Nadab and Abihu (the sons of Aaron) Ex 623 281 Lev loi Num 32 * 2660. . Ct Ex 241 9» (/) Phinehas, son of Eleazar &c Ex 626 Num 257 11 316 Josh aa" 30-s2 Ct Josh 2483* {g) Aaron and his sons, cp 130 Ex 2721 28I 4 43 3g4 9. 15 19 (21) 24 27 28 32 36 44 3q19 30 3927 4^12 31 LeV 2^ 10 6' 16 20 26 ,j31 34. 32 6 14 18 22 27 SO. 36 gl 172 2i24 222 18 248 Num 38. 38 48 51 46 15 19 27 (,13 319 22* 13 Bezaleel Ex 312 3530 361. 37I 3822* 14 Eorah (son of Izhar) Ex 621 24 Num 16I 8. 8 16 19 24 27a 32b 40 49 269—11 278* 15 Oholiab Ex 316 3534 361. 3823* 16 Able to go forth to war (host N3S) cp 02 Num i3-46 (fourteen times) 262 Cp I Chron 7I1 1288 S6 2 Chron 258 26iit 17 (a) Accept, to (or enjoy, nsi) Lev l4 7I8 197 2223 26 27 2634 41 43 Cp J Gen 3318, Deut 33I1 24* (&) accepted (acceptable, Jsib) Ex 2838 Lev is 198 22I9-21 29 23" Ct psi otherwise Gen 4g8 {selfwiU) Deut 33I6 23 {goodwill, favour) * 18 According to (or after, by, of, throughout &c )) in numerous phrases, such as tlie following : (a) its borders Num 342 12 josh 1820 ig49 . ^b^ its cities Num 32S3 : (c) their dukes Gen ?¦ 8 : their families see 65 : (d) their fathers' /.jwses Ex 128 Num 1-4 172 6 262 34I4 Josh 22'4 cp 66 : (e) their generations cp 76, 77 : (f; their goings out Num 332 : (g) their habitations Gen 3648 gp 55 : (h) the head ""x 16I6 3826 Num i2 18 20 22 347 cp 83 : ') 'heir hosts Num iS 62 gS 9. lo is 24, 32 jgU .B '.: 26 28 33I cp Ex 626 02 : (j) their journeys Ex 17I Num 106 12 332 cp Gen i3St : (k) its Und Gen i" 12 21 24. 620 7I4 Lev iii4-i6 19 22 29 II Deut 14I3-16 18 cp Ezek 4^^l>j¦ : (1) the fionths Num 2814 : (m) the names Num 2688 : (n) their nations (Dnw) Gen loSi : (o) their nations {npiisvh) Gen 2518 : (p) their places Gen 3640 . (q) ^/jgjy standards Num 217 31 34 . (j.) fiig friie Num i4 3i4-6, 'the tribes of their fathers " Num 3384 cp 165 : (s) those that were numbered Ex 30I2 Num 348 3618 22 26 27 37 43 47 gp 115" : (t) their tongues Gen io8 20 si Rare in JED, e g according to thy {your, his) tribes TC3® Num 242 Deut i" 16 16I8 Josh 7I4 18 Ill's (234) ¦'112" 409 WORDS AND PHRASES 19 (a) According to (ts) Ex i62i Lev 2562 Num 621 f' 7. 358* (b) according to {^tS) Ex 124 16I6 18 Lev 25I6 61 27I8 Num 9" 2664 ggso cp Gen 4712 Josh i84* (c) according to the word (at the mouth) of Yahweh, Moses, Aaron, Joshua ('D te) Ex 17I 3321 (Moses) Lev 24I2 Num 3I6 39 51 427 (Aaron) 87 41 45 49 gis 20 23 i^is 133 2721 (Joshua) 332 88 368 Deut 348 Josh 1980 228 Cp Gen 4521 Deut 176 igis 218* (rf) according to the word of Yahweh ('D ^i.) Josh 15IS 174 218* 20 Afaict your souls (D3ffiB: n« n3») . Lev i629 81 2327 29 32 Num 297 30IS cp Isa 58S 6f 21 (o) All (of, as regards) hi^ Gen gl"" 2318" Ex 1428 273 " 2838 361b Lev 58 ii26 42 1616 21 22IS Num 427 si 32 g9 18* 8. (probably a juristic use. Driver £0r6 132) cp \ Lev 726 » (6) All flesh {-m-rhi) Gen 612. i7 lo 715. 21 317 gii 16-17 Lev 17" Num i622 18I6 27I6 cp Deut 526* 22 Among (or in the midst, 1in3) ct 1E58 B78 (a) Of the Divine Presence in Israel Ex 258 2g46. Lev 1581 le" 2282 26". Num 53 168 i820 3584 Josh 2281 (b) "With pron sufiix, cp (a), Gen 236 9 Ex 76 1249 2832. 3923 Lev iiSs i629 178)0 12. l828 20I4 2628 Num l47 I3S2 igl4 26 29 jglO 25II 3280 35I6 Josh 14S 1949 3o9 33I9 Cp E Gen 352 41 8*. (-pn3 is used freely by all writers before nouns such as ' garden ' ' city ' ' sea ' ' fire ' ' children of Israel ' &c) 23 (o) Anoint (nmn) Ex 2841 3g2 7 36 3(j26 SO 409. 11 13 15 Lev 24 620 7I2 36 310—12 i632 Num 33 616 7I 10 84 88 3528, Cp Gen 3113* (6) Anointed (ie 'the anointed priest' n'CD) Lev 48 « " 622* (c) Anointing (nnwo) Ex 2929 40I6 Num i88t 24 (a) Assemble, to (or be assembled, Hiph Niph 'inp) Hiph Lev 83 Num iis K> 10' 16" 208" 10 Niph Lev 84 Num i6S 42 202 Josh 18I Cp Ex. 32! (Niph*) Deut 4" 3112 28 (Hiph*) (6) Assembly (of Israel, Vnp) Ex 168 Lev 413. 21 16" 33 Num io7 1515 i638o 47 1920 306 10 12. Cp Gen 496 Num 224 I>20 (c) Assembly of peoples (or nations) Gen 283 35I1 434^. {d) Assembly of the congregation (45) Ex 128 Num 146-1- (e) Assembly of Yahweh Num 168 2o4 cp Deut 23I-3 8* 25 (a) Atonement, to make (ibs) Ex 2988 — Num 3588 seventy times Cp J Gen 3220 {appease) Ex sb'", D Deut 21* {forgive) : Song of Moses Deut 3248* (6) Atonement (d'IBs) Ex 2988 30I8 18 Lev 2327. 259 Num 5' 29"t26 Be for a God (be their God, n*n mis) Ex 12" 48. Lev i629 1715 l326 1934 3342 24I8 22 Num 9I4 15I3 29. Josh 3S8* (6) One law for the home-born (or Israelite) and the stranger Ex 1249 Lev 2422 Num g" 15I5. 29| 35 Both (followed by and, 3 ... 3 , or 3 'including') Gen 721 317 g2 10 16 cp 106 20 32 172s 33IS Ex 12I9 138 Lev 17I8 22I9 21 Num 4" 8" 18I8 31" 26 Cp 108" and Holzinger Einl 341 36 Bought (with money, and so a pos session, price, F]D3 n:po and njpn) cp78 Geu 1712. 23 27 23I8 Ex 1244 Ley 25I6 61 2722 Cp Jer 32". 14 16-1- Break (the covenant, commandment, vow &c), see 46" Bring near (offer, present, 3npn), see 118 37 Burn, to (I'cpn) Ex 29I8— Num i8i7 (sacrificially) forty- four times* 38 Bum with fire, to (dm F)-iiC, ritually) Ex 12I8 29I4 34 Lev 412 630 717 19 317 S2 gll 1362 66 67 1627 196 (penally 20" 218 Num 3110) Ct Ex 3228 Deut 78 25 921 123 81 13I6 Jogh 624 715 25 ij6 9 11* Burnt offering, see 118° 39 (a) Charge, and to be kept for a (ninoD and with S) Ex 128 l623 32-34 Num 326 31 36 427, 31. 17I9 188 199 (B) Charge, to keep the (my, his &c) Lev 885 i830 229 Num l83 37. 28 32 38 825 Josh 228* |3— 5 3i3i Cp Gen 268 Deut III 40 Circumcise, to Gen I7IO (ly 12-14 2S-27 2l4 3415 17 22 24 Ex 1244 48 Lev 128. Cp J Ex 426, JE"" Josh 52-8 ct ' circumcise the heart ' Deut iqI^ 306* 41 (a) Cities with their villages Josh 1323 28 ig32-62 i69 i824 28 196. (S) 15. 22. 30. 38. 48* (6) Cities with their suburbs, cp 156 Josh 2l2. 8 19 26 SS 41* (4a (a) Clean, to be (with derivatives, pronounce clean, cleanse) Lev ii32— Josh 22I7 fifty-four times. Cp Gen 35"''* -~ (6) Clean (adj) (i) Ceremonially, Lev 41-2 — Num 3124 twenty-nine times ; (2) pure (of the gold for the Dwelling) Ex 251I-308 372-3987 twenty-eight times Cp Gen 72 8 820 Deut 12I8 22 14I1 igE2* (c) Cleansing or purifying (ninto) Lev 124. 137 35 142 23 82 igis Num 6». Cp Ezek 4426 I Chron 2328 2 Chron 3oi» Neh ia46f 43 Close by {nasS) Ex 3527 2827 37I4 38I8 3920 Lev 38*, fifteen times in Ezekiel 44 Confess, to (nninn) Lev 58 i62i 2648 Num 57 Only in Chron-Neh Dan, seven timesf 45 {a) Congregation, the (i e of Israel, my) Ex 128 — Josh 2280 125 times. Cp ' Con gregation of Yahweh' Num 27I7 31I8 Josh 22I6. : ' thy congregation,' ' congregation of Korah ' Num i6''. " « 4o 268 278* Not in JE or D (6) Assemble the congregation (Vnpn mvn dn) cp 24 Ex 35I Lev 83 Num iis 89 i6i9 2o8»* Convocation, a holy, see 89 46 Covenant,invai-iouspeculiarphrases (a) Break the covenant (ion) Gen 17I4 Lev 26I8 44 (cp isn in Num igsi 308 12. 15 Deut 31I8 20*) The phrase is common in later pro- 411 WORDS AND PHRASES phetic style, ep Judg 2I Is 246 338 Jer iii" 1421 3i32 3320 E2;ek i6'8 17I6, 18. 447 " (b) Establish a covenant, see 60°' (c) Everlasting covenant, see 62»' {d) Covenant of peace Num 2512 : of priesthood Num 2513 : of salt Num 1319* (e) Eemember the covenant (of Elo him), see 135" 47 Covering (or mercy-seat, niBs) Ex 25I7-22 2684 306 3l7 35I2 376-9 3936 4020 Lev i62 13-15 Num 789 cp i Chron 28iit 48 Create, to (the heavens and the earth &C, N-13) Gen ii 21 27 28 4«, gl. 67'". Cp Deut 482 In different application Ex 34I8 Num i630 and (in sense of ' cut') Josh 17I8 is* 49 (a) Creep, to (move, teem, bjdi) Gen i2i 26 28 so 78'" 14 21 8" i9 92 Lev u44 463025 Cp Deut 4I8* Cb) Creeping thing Gen i24-2o 67'" 20 7I4 23'" qit 19 gS» SO {a) Cut off from his people (Israel &c), that soul (he) shall be (ni3 followed by ;o and 3ipn i'78<') Gen 17I* Ex 12I6 lo 30=3 38 3114b Lev 720. 26 27 i829 igS 20I8 228 2329 (30) Num 9I3 158O. iglS 20.|. (6) Be out off (similarly, of persons) Gen gll Lev 17491420" Ct J Gen 4188 Josh 923* (c) Cut off, to (n'l3n, from Israel theo- cratically) Lev 17I8 2o3 6. Num 4I8 ; otherwise Lev 2622 so Ct J Ex 8' Josh 79, D Deut 1229 19I Josh ii2i 234* 51 Die, to (or yield up the ghost, su) Gen 617 721 2g8 17 3529 49880 Num 1712. 203" 29 Josh 222" Cp Zech 138 Ps 8818 10420 Lam i" Job (8)f 52 (a) Die not, that he (ye, they, mo' iihi) ct''36 Ex 2886 48 3o20. Lev 838 joS 9 igSl i62 18 (228) Num 4(18) 18 (20) 17IO i83 82 (3gl2 Josh 2o9) Ct J Gen 422 20 438 4719* (6) Death, surely be put to (nnv niD). Cp E ¦"^100, ct 1136 Ix 31". Lev 2o2 9- - Num 1586 35I8-1S 21 31 53 Divide, to (or separate, Vian) Gen i4 6 7 14 18 Ex 2688 Lev 1" 58 iqW 11" 2024-26 Num 814 i69 21 (Niph) Deut 4*1 cp iqS ig2 7 2g2i*. niijlSD Josh le'f Drink offering, see US'" 54 {a) Dwell, to (or abide, ps), of the presence of Yahweh, the cloud, the glory of Yahweh) Ex 24I6 258 2g48 4o36 (Lev i6i8) Num 58 9I7. 22 1012 3g34 Josh 22I9 (iBi, Hiph, of the Tent of Meeting). Cp Deut 33" (Blessing of Moses) Ct E Ex 339 Num 12' Deut 31I8, and "40 (6) The Dwelling (j3ffio) Ex 259— Josh 22" 29 Deut 128 106 tihies. Ct (c) Dwelling of Yahweh Lev 174 Num 168 17I8 19" si'o 47 jogij. 22" {d) Dwelling of the testimony Ex 3321 Num 180 53 10" (e) Dwelling of the Tent of Meeting Ex 3932 402 8 29 cp Num 1624 27 (/) Court (of the DwelUng) Ex 278. . 35". 38-40 Lev 618'' 26<- Num {g) My (his) dwelling Lev 1581 2611 Josh 2229 Ct plural, of Israel, J Num 248* {h) Dwell, dweUing, in the midst of, or among ("Iina) Ex 258 2946. Lev 1581 16I8 26" Num 58 3g34* 55 {a) DweUings, in all your (habita tions, ni3ii!in) Ex 1220 3g3 Lev 3" 726 238 14 (cp ") " 31 Num 35"'9. Cp Ezek 66 1* 34181 (&) Dwelling (or habitation, sing 31I)1D) Ex 1240 Lev 1346 2529 Ct J Gen io3« Num a42i, E Gen 2788 (c) DweUings (pi in other formulae) Gen 3643 Lev 23" Num 152 31I0 Cp E (?) Ex io23, Ezek 3728 i Chron 433 661 728.J. 56 (a) East side, on the (foUowed by eastward or § toward the sun- rising, nn-iTO noip) Ex 27I8 38I8 Num 2' 388 34" Josh, i9i2.t Ct J (nDip alone) Gen is" 256 al 413 THE PRIESTLY LAW AND HISTORY BOOK, P {b) Southward (niOT') Ex 26I8 36 278 3623 388 Num 2i» 329 106 Cp Deut 32^ Ezek 2o46 4719 4828t ct J (nsM) Gen 13" 28" (as also P Ex 26I8 &c) (c) "West and Worth as in Gen 1314 (na' tods) {c[) Bight ('3D') Ex 2928 Lev 828. 14I4 16. 25 27. (23)* I Kings 68 721 89 Ezek 47I al, ct Gen 138 244940 (e) Left ('^Mow) Lev 14I8. 26.* I Kings 721 Ezek 44 at Ct Gen 139,2449 &c 57 Eleven (inw 'niBS) Ex 267. 3614. Num 772 2929 Deut iS cp 2 Kings 252 (II Jer 536) Jer iS 392 Ezek 26I 3321 (cp Cornill, Smend, Bertholet) 40*9 Zech i7 I Chron 12" 24I2 25I8 27"+. Ct i«w ins JB Gen 3222 378, d Deut 12, P Josh 158I al 58 Enough (or sufficient, n in different formulae) Ex 368 7 Lev 57 128 2520 28 Cp Deut 15' 252* 59 Ephod Ex 257 28 (twelve times) 29° 358 27 (eleven times) Lev 87* 39 60 Establish, to (or set up, a'pn) (a) a covenant (of Deity) Gen 618 gO " " 177 19 21 Ex 64. Cp Ezek 1680 62_ Jn the sense of 'give effect to ' Lev 268 Deut 8I8 cp Gen 268 ('oath')t. Ct JED make (i§ cut n-i3) '^181 and give (jra) a covenant (6) the DweUing, cp 54 Ex 2688 402 17 IS Num 16I 7! gi8 io2i* Cp Josh 2426 61 Estimation ("ps) Ley gl5 18 372-8 12, 15-19 23 25 27 Num 68 l816' Cp to value (I'TSn) Lev 27S 12 i* 2 Kings as'Sf. 'Order' 'row' Ex 39S7 404 2s Ley 246.* 62 Everlasting (qualifying various nouns, D^is) (a) covenant Gen 9I6 177 13 19 Ex 31I8 Lev 248 Num 18" cp 25I8*. Cp 46 (6) generations Gen-g"*. Cp 76 (c) ordinance (or perpetual statute, or due for ever) Ex I2I4 17 ep 24 2721 2848 298 28 302I Lev 3I7 618 22 734 30 io9 16 i629 31 34 J77 23I4 21 81 41 24S 9 Num IqS I5I6 18S 11 19 28 IglO 21* {d) possession Gen 178 434 Lev 2584*. Cp 127 (e) priesthood Ex 40I6 Num 25I3*. Cp 129 (/) redemption (redeem at any time Lev 2582* Ct J Gen 2i38 'everlasting God' ; E Deut 33I6 (II Gen 49^8) ' everlasting hills,' 27'" 'everlasting arms' ; D Deut 13I6 Josh 8-8 'heap for ever,' Deut 15I'' ' bondman for ever '* 63 Exceedingly (iNO isos) Gen 172 6 20 Ex i7 cp Ezek 98 i6i3t IND IND Gen 7I9 Num 147. Cp J Gen 3o48, I Kings 747 2 Kings io4 Ezek 37i8t 64 Face of, on the (in the sense of ' in front of,' ' over against,' ' before,' '33 'rs) Gen i2o 233 19 258 4930 gois Lev lo^ 16" Num 34 (i643 20I0 w) 21" 337 Deut 3249 34I Josh 1325 igS 177 18I4 16 19II Occasionally elsewhere, eg J Gen 18I6 1928 2518 65 (a) PamUy Gen 319 — 2i4o 224 times. Elsewhere Gen iqIS 2488 4o, Num 11" Deut 291* Josh 7I4 17 (b) Families, after your (their, with "!) cplS Gen 819 iqS 20 si 3640 Ex 6" 25 1221 Num I (thirteen times) 284 3-4 (fifteen times) 26 (sixteen times) 3364 Josh 13I8 23. 28. 31 igl 12 20 i65 8 172 18II 20. 28 jg (twelve times) 2i7 ss 4o. Cp J Num iiiO" I Sam io2i I Chron 5' 6". (|| Josh 2l33 40).|. 66 Fathers' house(s). Ct •i'il53 Ex 614 128 Num 1-4 72 172. 6 i8i 262 34I4 Josh aai4 67 Fell upon his face (their faces, T3E to 7B3) Gen 173 17 Lev 924 Num 14= i64 22 45 206 Cp J Josh 5" (>;«) [et Ex 3*] 7"* Female, see Male and female 107 68 Fifth part (niffl'Dn) Lev 5^6 66 1926 22" Num 57 Cp J Gon 4724* 27 13 15 19 27 31 413 WORDS AND PHRASES 69 (a) Fill the hand, to (or consecrate) Ex 2841 2g9 29 38 S6 LeV 838 l632 2ll8 Num 3S Cp J Ex 3229 Judg 178 12* (b) Fillings (consecration, D'xte) Ex 2g22 26. 81 34 Lev 737 822 28. 31 33 (cp Ex 257 § 358 27 1 Chron 292 and Ex 2817 20 3913)1 Fire offering, see 118^ 70 Firmament (»'pl) Gen 16 7 8 14 15 17 20 Cp Ezek i22. 26. loi Ps 19I igoi Dan laSf Food, see Meat 110 71 Forefront ('3S Sra ^«) Ex 269 3825 S7.39IS Lev S" Num 8= s 2 Sam iii5f Fountain (]'3»), cp 'usi 72 Frankincense (res')), cp 95 Ex 3o34 Lev ai. 18. 5" 6I8 247 Num 5I8* 73 Fruitful aud multiply, to be (or make, nsii mo Qal and Hiph). Ct JE204 ren i22 4727 434 Ex i7 Lev 269 ' Cp Jer 3I8 238 Ezek 36iit 74 Gathered, to be (gathering, nip Niph, nipD) Gen i9. Ex 7" Lev 11^'* 75 Gathered to his people (VD3> ht* fick:), cp 122 Gen 258 17 3529 4929 330 Num 2o24 26 27I3 312 Deut 3260f 76 (a) Generations (nnn) Gen 69 Lev 2343 Josh 2227.^ ep (b) and Judg 32 Is 4i4 518 Job 42i6f Ct (sing only) J Gen 7I Ex 18, E Gen 15I6 Ex 3I8 17I6, D Deut i35 a" &c (6) Generations (your, their &c, with ¦)), cp 18 Gen gi2 177 9 12 Ex 12" " 42 i632. 3721 3942 308 10 21 31 3 lis 16 40I6 Lev 3I7 618 7S6 io9 177 2117 228 23I4 21 31 41 243 258O Num gio 108 I5I4. 21 23 88 i82S 3g29* 77 {a) Generations (nnijin), these are the, cp 188 Gen 24" 69 loi iii" 27 25" 19 36I 9 37211 Num 3I Cp Euth 4I8 I Chron i29f (6) Generations (in other formulae^ Gen 51 Ex 2819 Num 120-12 (twelve times)t (c) According to their generatioaj (with h), cp 18 Gen ioS2 2513 Ex 6I6 1» i Chron (eight times)f78 Getting (or possession or substance or purchase, jop), cp 36 Gen 31I8" 342s 366 Lev 22I1 Josh 144* 79 Glory of Yahweh Ex i67 10 24I6. 294s 4oS4. Lev g6 23 Num 14I0 1619 42 206 Ct 3' Ex 33I8 22^ Bi' Num 1421., D Deut g24*80 Goings out (in boundary-descrip tions) Num 344. 8. 12 Josh 154 7 11 168 1,9 1! 18I2 14 19 jgl4 22 29 S3 Cp J Josh i63, Ezek 4880 i Chron jW otherwise Ps 6828f 81 {a) Guilty, to be (ctdn) Lev 4I3 22 27 g2-5 17 19 64 Num 58.* (b) Guilty, be (bring guilt, nows) Lev 48 66 7 22I6* Guilt offering, see 118' 82 Half (n'sno) Ex 30I8 15 23 3326 Lev 620 Num 312'. 42 " Josh 2i25 (i Chron 67»). Cp i Kings i6» Neh 83 I Chron 66i-f. Otherwise 'sn JBDP 83 Head (or poll, person, rhi'») Ex 16I6 3826 Num i2 is 20 22 347* 84 {a) Heads of fathers (ni3S 'BMi) Ex 628 Num 178 3i26 3328 36I Josh 14' ig6i 21I*. Afterwards only in Chron- Neh Ct J ' heads of the people ' Num 25*, D ' heads of your tribes ' Deut 1I8 5*8 1157 (6) Heads of thousands of Israel Num 1I6 IO* Josh 2221 30^ (c) Head (take the sum, . . whtHN K)»i) Ex 30I2 Num l2 49 42 22 262 3i26 49| 85 Heave, to (offer, take up, or off, ritually, D'ln), cp 1188 Ex 2g27 3524 Lev 28 48 10 19 618 i5 22I8 Num I5I8 20 i687 l8l9 24 26 28-30 S2 giZS 62 Ct '*il76 'Se/a) Holy, to be (laip vb, Qal) ^^x 2921 37 3o29 Lev 618 27 Num i63'. Cp Deut 229* (6) Sanctified, to be (or haUowed, Niphal) Ex 2943 Lev loS 22S2 Num 20"* 414 THE PRIESTLY LAW AND HISTORY BOOK, P (c) Sanctify, to (hallow, keep holy, Piel) Gen 28 Ex 132 20" 288 4i 29I 27 ss 36. 44 3o29. 31I3 4o9-ii 13 Lev 810-12 15 so i6i9 ao* 318 15 23 22' 16 32 25IO Num 6" 7I Dout 3s8i Cp J Ex igio 14 28 Josh 7IS, E Ex 208 1| Deut 512* {d) Sanctify, to (Hiphil) Ex 2888 Lev 222, 2714-19 22 26 Num 3I3 8" 2012 27I4 Josh 20^. Cp Deut 15"* sj^ Sanctify themselves (Hithpa) \ lev ii44. 2o7 I Cp J Ex 1922 Num Ills Josh 38 7"* I 87(a) Holy (adj with verb 'to be,' n'n wnp) Lev ii44, 192 ao7 26 ai8 8 Num 68 1540, cp Deut 23I4 Ct ' a holy people ' Deut 76 142 21 26" (b) Holy place (in a, mnp Dip03) Ex 2981 Lev 616 26. 76 lois 1624 348* 88(a) Holiness (in the sense of 'holy things,' ' holy place ' &c, latpn and D'fflipn) Ex 2688 3329 36 38 31II Lev 5I6 630 io4 10 18 12* l62. 16. 20 23 27 jgS 2l22 222"' 6. 10 12 "-16 Num 4I6. 20 g9. 819 188 82 287 Cp Deut 1226 26IS* j: (b) Minister in the holy place (mw ' Wipj) Ex 284S 2g80 35I9 39I 41 Num 4I2 Cp Ezek 4427f (c) Holiness (with the article in the sense of the ' sanctuary ' or ' holy ' things' after a noun) Qmrge o/Num 328 S2 135 . offering o/Ex 368 Num 1 819 . pif^i^ ^f Lev 10" 14I3 ; scmciMary of Lev i6S3 ; shekel of Ex 30I3 24 3824-26 Lev 5I8 278 25 i^uni 347 so 7I3-86 (fourteen times) iS" ; sockets o/Ex 3827 ; ml ofhew 46 ; vessels of Num 381 188 318 ; imk ofthe service o/Ex 36I 3 ; uvrk o/Ex 36* 3824 . jg^-^g o/Num 78* {d) Most holy (place or things, ffiip D'mip, 'pn \Bip, 'pn '©ip) cp 90"" Ex 2683. ag37 40IO Lev 28 10 2122 Num 44 19 i89.* 89 Holiness (as kti epithet after nouns, ojip) Bdy anointing oil Ex 3026 si 3729 Num 35'* ; convocation Ex 12I8 Lev 232. . (eleven) Num 28I8 25. 29! 7 12 . ^^oj^ Ex 2g8 .^^ Lev 89 ; garments Ex 282 * 2920 31I0 cp 35" .39I 41 40I3 Lev i64 ! Lev 2o3 222 32 . gabbath Ex i623. Cp J Ex 38 ; E Ex 228I ; D Deut 26I6 (332 reading doubtful) ; Song of Moses Ex 15I8* 90 {a) Holy, holiness, most holy (it is &c) Ex 2983. 37 3o29 32 (36j 86. 31I4 3g2 408 Lev 617 25 29 7I 6 10I2 17 14I3 1924 316 349 2512 279. 38 Num 620 i89. 17 Ct Josh 5I6* II J Ex 36 (b) Holiness, holy, most holy, holy thing, to Yahweh or to his God Ex 2886 30IO 37 31I5 3930 Lev (ig24 cp s) 2l7 2320 27I4 21 23 28 SO S2 If^im 68 Josh 619* 91 Holy place or Sanctuary (wipo) Ex 25S Lev 124 i633 igso 30S aii2 23 362 31 Num 388 io2i 18I ig2o. Cp Song of Moses Ex 1517, E Josh 2426*, thirty times in Ezek 92 {a) Hosts (of Israel, >!3-3) cp 16 18' Ex 626 74 12" 41 61 Num 18 52 28 9. 16 18 24. 32 I0l4 18 22 25 28 33I gt Dout 2o9* (cp Siug of the tribes, twenty times) sing = ' war ' Num 316 21 82 36 48 53 3327 cp Deut 246 (b) For the warfare (or service, with enter on, arm, &c, rasi!) Num 48 SO 36 39 43 318 4 6 27. cp Josh 2212 ss* (c) serve, to (or wait upon, or war, M3S) Ex 388 Num 423 824 31T 42| 03 Hundred (n«a for ordinary nun) Gen 58 8 18 25 28 724 831J IllO 2"5 316 2=7 17 gg28 479 28 Ex 616 IS 20 3326 27abc Num 2^ " 24 31 33S9. So besides only Neh 511 (pro bably corrupt), 2 Chron 258 Q'ri Est i4 (on Eccles 812 cp Siegfried in Hdkomm)f, P uses n^a in such cases only twice Gen 17I7 23I. Cp Driver LOT' p 131 94 (a) I ('3«) Gen 6" 99 12 and onwards, about 130 times (Briggs Higher Criti cism^ p 70) (b) And I, behold, I ('3N1, followed by nan, cp ^=1133) Gen 617 99 Ex 14" 318 Num 3I2 186 s. Cp Jer 1I8 4oi6t. Ct '3:« "'63 only in Gen 234 95 (a) Incense (mcp) cp 72 Ex 30I 8 9 27 36 37 318 3725 ggSS 436 Lev iqI 1613 Num 7I4.. (thirteen times) 167". 36 40 46.* Ct map Deut 331" (b) Incense, sweet (D'SDn map) Ex 256307 (31) 31" 3;°""° "" Lev 4'' 1612 Num 4I8* 415 WORDS AND PHRASES 06 {a) Inherit (without an object, Vns Qal) Num i82o 2686 3212 Josh i64 igO* (b) Divide the inheritance, to (§ ' make inherit.' Piel) Num 3429 Josh 1332 14I igsif ' (Hithpael) Lev 2540 Num 32I8 33'i4 34I8 op Ezek 47I8 Is I42t. Ct Hiph "65" (c) Inheritance, for an (n';n;3) Num i826 2688 342 362 Josh 192 Cp Josh 136. 234 Judg 18I Ezek 45I 46I8 4714 22.J. mja) J"ourneyaiL(or set forward) and ^~-^ encamped (of the marches of Israel, i:n'i i»D»i) Ex 1320 17I ig2 Num 2110 11" 22I 338-48. 'Journey' Ex 14I6 i6i 4088. Num 28.. 9I7-23 10I2-28 2i4a Josh 9I7 Ct J Ex.xaSI Num loSS iiSS 12I6 ; b Num 2o22" 2112. Deut lo*. Josh 3I8 : Deut iio 2I (b) Journeys (always in P except Num io2 in pi) Ex I7I 4086 38 Num Io2 8 12 28 33! Ct Gen 13S Deut loHf (c) Journeys, journeyed according to their, see 18J 98 Jubile t. Lev 2518-84 fourteen times, 27". 21 2S. Num 354 In meaning ' ram's horn ' 3 Ex igis, B Josh 64-6 8 13^ 99 Judgements (d'IDBW) Ex 61 74 12I2 Num 334 Cp "2 Chron 2424 Prov 1928 Ezek ten times t 100 Kill, to (EHii') Ex 126 and onwards, forty -two times, ritually Ct 3 Ex 3425 Num 1122, EJ» Num 14I6, E Gen 2ai9 3781* 101 Kin (or flesh, -11C3 isw, isffi) Lev 188 12. 17 20I8 2i2 2542 Num 27" Cp E Ex alio* Kind, see IS'' 102 Lay hands on, to (to T IDD) Ex 2gio 16 19 Lev i4 32 s is 44 15 24 29 33 814 18 22 i62i 24I4 Num 818 12 27I8 28 Deut 34" Ct ir3D in Gen 2787 e* Left, see 56"> 103 Leprous (leper, 3>ns) Lev 1344. 148 22* Num 52 Ct § Ex 48 J, Num 12I0 E (also in Lev 142)* 104 Light, the (ilHO) Ex 258 2720 358 14 28 3937 Lev 242 Ni,m 48 16. Of the heavenly bodies. Gen 1I4— 16 Cp Ezek 328 Ps 74I8 goS Prov i$^\ 105 Little, to be CHiph diminish, Bjr.) Ex 124 1617. 30I5 Lev 25i6"i> 2622 Nu'in 2664 3354 3gS_ Cp J Num Il32* 106 Lot (1)113 in various formulae chiefly connected with the distribution of the land) Lev 168-10 Num 2688. 3364 341s ggs, Josh 142 151 17I 18II 19I 10 17 24 S2 40 51 2i4— 6 8 10 20 40 Ct J" Josh 16I 17I4 17, TSi' 188 8 M* 107 {a) Male and (or) female (n3B3i 131) Gen i27 g2 619 7S>- 9.- 16 Lev 3I 6 137 ijss. ' from male to female ' Num 58 cp 108° ' Cp Deut 4i6t lb) Every male (131 hi) Gen 172s 3425 Lev 6I8 29 76 Num i2 2022 gl5 22 28 34 39 j810 2662 3i7 17* Cp ' the males ' pi J Ex 1312 is, ep Josh 54 (?) 172 (c) Every male (shall be) circumcised Gen 1718 12 34I6 22 24 Ex i248f {d) Ev«ry female (or female alone) Lev 428 82 g6 125 274-7 Num 31I8 Cp Jer 3i22f 108 (a) Man or woman CnWM ih wn) Lev 1329 38 2o27 Num 58 62, E ExaiH'.* (b) Man and beast (with prep :, nDn33i Dt«3) Ex (817- 9I0) 132 Num 817 i8i5 si" 2«* cp 3 with other groups, 35. Otherwise Num 3i47 (c) From man to beast (both . . . and 7t3 followed by -») Gen 67'" 723'" Ex 12" Num 31= Cp E Ex g25", J Ex ii7* Meal offering, see US'" 109 Means suffice, his (wax rich, bis j hand can reach, according to ability, it j'^n) Lev 5I1 1421. 30-32 2g26 47 49 278 Num 6" Cp Ezek 467t 110 Meat, for (food, to eat, ntoN^) Gen i20. 621 g3 Ex 16I8 Lev ii39 256 Ct Gen 4724. Elsewhere Jer la', ten times in Ezekf 111(a) Meet (of Yahweh with Israel, and more generally 'to be gathered,' ¦1BI3) Ex 2522 2942. 306 36 Num 108. 1488 16" 174 278 Ct J Josh 118* 416 THE PRIESTLY LAW AND HISTORY BOOK, P (6) Meeting, door of the tent of (nnD ¦BID i^no) Ex 2g4 — Josh ig6i forty-three times* Ct E Ex 338. Num 128 Deut 31I6 (c) Appointed season (ritually, pi only in P, D'ISid) Gen ii4 Lev 232 * 87 44 Num iqI" 158 Ct sing JE Ex 13I8 2316'" 3418'" 112 Memorial (rn3W) Lev 22 9 16 gl2 615 347 Num 526f 113 Memorial (iTBi) Ex 12I4 138 2812 29 30I6 397 Lev 2324 Num 5I8 18 10I8 i64o 3164 Josh 47. Ct E Ex 17I4 Mercy-seat, see Covering 47 Minister in the priest's office , see 129" 114 (a) Murmur, to {Xf> Niph and Hiph) Ex l62 7 8 Num 142 27 29 36 16" 41 176 Josh gis Cp J Ex 1524 173* (b) Murmurings (ni3lSn) Ex i67-9 12 Num 1427 176 lOf 115 (a) Wumber, to (ips) Ex 30I2 3821 Num iS 19 44 49 3I5. 89. 42 429 29. 34 S7 41 45. 49 3668.. Jn the SeUSO Of 'visit,' 'appoint,' ' muster,' frequent in JEDP, e g Gen 21I 502*. Deut 2o9 Josh 810 Lev 1810 &c (S) Numbered, they that were (pass ptcp) Ex 30I2 — Num 2683 seventy-five times. ' Officers ' Num 31" 48 Cp 2 Kings 11I8 12I1 1 Chron 234 2 Chron 23"t (c) Numbered, to be (Hothpael) Num i47 283 2682 ct I Kings 2o27f 116 Number (estimation, ?30 , nD3D ) Ex 124 Lev 2723 Num 3128 37-4i.|." 117 Offer, to (§ = do, cp occasional ex tension to other ceremonial observ ance) Ex 2986 88. Lev 14I9 15I6 i69 2228 Num 616. 158 6 14 284 8 21 24 Cp Deut si8 ia27 i6i ,Tudg 6" i Kings i82s Ezek 4326 4gi7 22 4612 118 (a) Offer, to (or bring near, present, I'ipn). Ct •"1110 Ex 28I— Num 3188 146 times Ct Deut i" Josh 7I6-18 828. Intrans 'Draw near' J Gen 12" Ex 14I6*. Cp Ezek 4322-24 44I6 27 464 (b) Oblation (or offering, J31p) Lev i2 — Num 3160 seventy-eight times Elsewhere only Ezek 2o2s 4o43f (c) Burnt offering (nto) Ex aglS 26 42 3^9 28 3i9 gglG 38I 406 10 29»b Lev sixty-two times, Num fifty-one times, Josh 2223 26-29 Cp JE Gen 320 222. 6. s 13 Ex io26 1812 2o24 246 328 Num 238 6 16 17 Deut 276, D Deut 128 11 18. 27 Josh 331* {d) Drink offering ("JD^) Ex 2g4o. 3o9 Lev 23" is 37 Num thirty- four times, J Gen 35-14* (e) Fire, offering made by (niB«) Ex 29I8 — Josh 1314'" sixty-three, times Cp Deut 181* (/) Guilt offering (or guilt nffi«) Lev 56. 16. 18. 68 17 7I. 6 7 37 14I2-I4 17 21 24. 28 ig21. Num 57. 612 l89 Ct J Gen 26I8* Cp 81 {g) Heave offering (nonn) cp 85 Ex 252 — Num 3182 forty times, cp Deut 126 11 17* {h) Meal offering (nn3D) Ex 2g4i — Josh 2228 29 joj times Ct JE Gen 48 32I3 is 20. 3310 43I1 15 26.* (j) Peace offerings, sacrifices of Ex 2g28 Lev 3I 3 6 9 4IO 26 31 35 7II-S7 9IS I0l4 178 196 2221 23I9 Num 617. 7I7-88 iqIO Josh 2223* Cp ' peace offerings ' simply Lev 612 7" 33 94 22 Num 614 igS 2939 Josh 2227, E Ex 2o24 248 328 Deut 277" (Josh 881) . go also Ezek 4327 45I6 17 462 12 {j) Sin offering (and sin, nHTsn) ep 143 Ex 2gi4 — Num 3228 126 times In sense of ' sin ' used by JED Gen 4^ i820 3186 go" Ex 10" 3280 32 84 348 Num 13I1 i626b Deut gis 21 27 jgis josh 2419* {h) Thanksgiving (min) Lev 712. 16 2229 (-op Josh 7I9)* {I) "Wave offering (nBi3n) cp 175 Ex 2g24 26. 3g22 3324 29 Lev fourteen times, Num eight times* 110 (a) Old (was so many years, .§ Son of five hundred years, rnvs . . . p) cp 160" Gen 532 78 iiio 1241= i6i6 17I 24. ajS 3520. 261 2634 372a 4i46a Ex 77 30" 3326 Lev 27* 6-7 Num I and 4 twenty-nine times, 824. 1429 362 4 3311 ggsg Deut 347 Cp Gen 5o28 Deut 312 Josh 14'' i" 242' 417 WORDS AND PHRASES (b) Old (a year, of the first year, ]3 nj'c) Ex 126 2g38 Lev 98 126 14I0 23I2 is. Num 612 14 715-88 ig27 333 9 11 19 27 392-86* (c) Old, a month. Lev 278 Num 3I6-4S 1 818 2662* 120 {a) Out of the camp (or city, ^« T»S n:nB^ ymo) Lev 4I2 21 611 IO*. I4S 40. 46 53 i627 24" 28 Num 58. 1588. igs 3113. Cp D Deut 23I0* (b) "Without the camp (or city, yino n3nB')) Ex 2gi4 Lev 8" 9" 1346 148 (tent) 178 Num 199 31I9 356 27 Josh 628 Cp J Gen igi6 24", B Ex 337 Num 12^4. , D Deut 2312* (c) Without the veil Ex 2688 2721 4022 Lev 24_3-)- 121 Over against (n33) Ex 26S8 402* Num ig4 Josh 157 18" Cp Ex 142. Ct ns:!; J Gen 2521 3088* Peace offering, see 118' 122 Peoples (thy, his &c plural, in sense of kinsfolk) In different formulae ' be cut off from his peoples ' 50 (occasionally sing), ' be gathered to his peoples ' 75, ' among thy (his) peoples ' P^ 208 Cp Ezek 18I8 (perhaps Judg 51* Hos 10I4, Driver LOT' I33)t 123 Perfect (or without blemish, D'Dh) Gen 6' 17I, Ex 126 — Num 2986 ritually (forty-three times). Ct JE Josh iqIs 'whole' 2414 'in sincerity,' Deut i8i3 324*124 Perpetual (alway,oontinuaUy, Ton') (a) generally. Ex 2720 2829. 38 Lev 6is 242-4 Num 9I6 Cp Deut 1112* (b) Of the shewbread, daily sacrifice, or incense Ex 2530 2988 42 30S Lev 620 248 Num 47 16 28-2g (seventeen times) f 125 (a) Plague {i]:q) Ex 12I3 3012 Num 819 i646. josh 22". Ct Is 8i»t (b) Plague (noao) Num 1437 1648-50 258. IS 26I 31I6 Ct Bi' Ex gi4 pi* 126 Poor, be waxen {-\m) Lev 2526 35 39 47 278^ 1 127 {a) Possession, to get (vb mn Niph) Ct UBS Gen 3416 4727i> Num 3280 Josh 22' i' Ct Gen 22I8* (b) Possession (ninn). Ct "BB* Gen 178 234 9 20 3643 47II ^Qt ^gio ^^v Lev 1484 25I8 13 24. 27. 32-4 41 45. 27I6 21. 21 2« Num 274 7 326 22 29 32 352 8 28 Dg^t g^d Josh 21I2 41 228 19. Cp Josh 224* 128 Pour, to (or cast, pi'') Ex 25I2 2637 297 3688 373 13 386 27 Lev 2^ • 312 15 g9 14I5 26 21IO (Hoph) Num 5I8 Ct B Gen 28I8, J Gen 35" Josh 7^' (Hiph)* Present, to, see 118" 129 (a) Priest's office, to minister in the (p3 Piel) Ex 28I 8. 41 29I 44 3o30 gilO gjlO ggll 40" 16 Lev 736 i6S2 Num 38. Cp Deut 106* (b) Priesthood Cnans) Ex 298 40I8 Num 318 16I8 181 7 25H Josh I 87* (c) Minister, to (m\B, often followed by ' in a holy place '), of priests in the sanctuary, or of Levites attending on priests Ex 2835 43 2g30 go20 gglO ggl 26 41 Num I™ 36 31 49 12 14 826 i69 i82. Ct '^109, HSO" 130 {a) Priests, Aaron's sons the Lev 18 8 11 22 32 132 Num 38 (' Aaron's sons the anointed priests') iqS Josh (b) The sons of Aaron the priest Lev i7 Josh 2l4 13* (c) The priests, the sons of Aaron Lev 21I* {d) Aaron's sons (without 'priests') Lev 38 8 13 614 18 710 ss ^81' 24 gO 12 18) Josh 2ii°* (e) The Priest, as a designation for the order, frequent in P' {ante, p 287) cp Lev 16"" Hex ii, and in P"" cp 209 131 Prince (or ruler, K<»:). Ct the ' elders ' in JED, and ' prince ' "191 Gen 1720 238 25I8 342 Ex 16^2 348I 35^' Lev 422 Num i" 44 2 (twelve times) 3 (five times) 4S4 46 7 (nineteen times) io4 132 l62 172 6 25I4 18 272 31I8 322 34I8 22-2« 36I Josh glSo 18. 21 1321 174 22" 80 32. Ct Ex 22-8* 418 THE PRIESTLY LAW AND HISTORY BOOK, P 132 (a) Bedeem (^w). Ct i>05 so 33 48. 54 „-,li 15 19 27 27 Ex 68 Lev 252 JI 33 Cp generally, J Gen 48I6, Song of Moses Ex 15"* (b) Avenger of blood (ptcp b«3, or kins man, or avenger) Lev 2526 Num 58 3512 is 21 24 25 27 josh 20' 8 9. Cp Deut ig6 "* 133 Eefuge, Cities of (or for, idi^rr 'is) Num 356 11-15 26-28 82 Josh 202. 21I3 21 27 32 88 1 Chron 687 67f . Ct Deut igS- • 134 Bemain over, to (or have over, nis) Ex i6i8 28 2612. Lev 2527 Num 340 48..}. 135 Eemember my covenant (of Deity) Gen gi8. Ex 224 68 Lev 2642 46 Cp Ezek 1660 Ps 1058 io646 mSf "With other objects Gen 8I ig28 30221 Lev 2642. Ct § Ex 32I3 Deut g27* Bight, see 56* 136 (a) Eule (or have dominion, mi) Gen i26 28 Lev 26" cp Num 24I8 (b) Eule with rigour Lev 2543 46 63 {riguuf only in Ex iis.)* 137(a) Sabbath Ex l628 26. 29 20II 31I3-I6 3g2. Lev i63i IqS so 23S 11 15. 32 38 248 252 4 6 8 362 34. 43 Num 1582 289-. Cp E Ex aoS " || Deut 5I2 14. (b) Sabbath, to keep (n3iB, of sabbath rest) Gen 22. Ex i630 31I7 Lev 2382 252 2684 Cp J Ex 3421, E Ex 23I2* (c) (Sabbath of) solemn rest (pn3«)) Ex l623 31I5 3g2 Lev l631 238 24 32 89 25'-t Sacrifice, see 118 Sanctify, see 86 Sanctuary, see 91 138 Self-same day, the (or this very day, nin Di»n ds») Gen 713 1723 26 Ex 12" 4i si Lev 23" 21 "8-88 Deut 3248 Josh 5II Io27'" Ezok 23 24'^ 4oit Separate, to, see Divide 53 139 Separation (or impurity, ni3) Lev 122 6 l.:19. 24-26 S3 i819 3021 Num iq8 31^8. Cp Ezek 7I9. 186 22i» 36" Zech 13I Lam i" Ezr gH 2 Chron 298!, 140 {a) Service (the work of the Tent of Meeting, the DweUing, &c, mis) Ex 27I9 30I6 3g2I 36I 3 3321 3gS2 40 42 Num 320 31 86 .4 19 24 26-28 32. 35 39 43 47 49 76 7-9 824. 1 34 7 21 81. Cp Ex l" 2231" 69 &C (b) Service, to do the {'s n« -13-) Num 37. 423 30 47 76 811 19 22 26 i69 186 21 23 Josh 22=7. Cp Ex 136* (c) Servile work (or work of service, n-i3S' nDNto) Lev 237. 21 25 85. Num 28IS 20. 29I 12 35 cp Ex 3524 36I 8 6* 141 Set, to (i e make to stand, TD3?n) Gen 477 Lev 14II i67 10 278 n Num 36 gl6 18 so 313 27I9 22 Cp E Num ii24i>; differently J Ex 142 Sign, be for a (token). Cp 27 Gen ii4 gi3 17I1 Ex 12I8 130 Num i63S (17^6) 143 Sin, to (NEn) Not in P until Lev 42 and onwards, frequent in Laws, but rare in narrative, e g Num i622 In JB common, Gen 206 9 3g9 40I 4222 438 4482 Jjc (a) Piel, to purify (or offer for sin) Ex 2g88 Lev 628 8I8 gis 1449 52 Num 19I9 Ct E Gen 3 189 < bare the loss.' Cp Ezek 4320 22. 4gi8 Ps gi7 3 Chron 2924f (b) Hithpael, to purify oneself from sin Num 821 19I2 13 20 3119. 23. ct Job 4i"t (c) Sin, his, which he hath sinned Lev 48 28 28 35 g6 10 13 ig22. Cp Ezck 33"t Sin offering, see 118J Slay, see Kill 100 144 Sojourner (or stranger, 3min) Gen 234 (cp Ps 3912 i Chron 29I6) Ex 1246 Lev 22IO 258 23 36 40 45 47 Num 35I8 Cp I Kings 17I (® reads of Tishbeh)-f 145 (o) Sojournings, land of (d'-i3D y-|«) Gen 178 28* 367 37I Ex 64, 'days of Gen 478 Cp Ezek 2o's Ps 55" 11964 Job iSi'f (b) Sojourneth, the stranger that (un -ijn) ' among ' ep 22 Ex 1249 Lev l629 17(8) 10 12. i826 ig(33) 34 2o2 (256 45) Num (g" I5I4) 15I6. 26 29 IglO Josh 2o9* Solemn rest, see Sabbath 137'= 419 E e 2 WORDS. AND PHRASES 146 (a) Soul (or person, man, any, via) Gen 126 17I4 366 46I8 18 22 25-27 Ex 16 124 15 19 16I6 Lev 2I — Josh 2o3 9 nearly 100 times Cp Deut io22 247 Gen 1421 (6) In the sense of the dead Lev 192s 21I (11) 224 Num 52 66-g8. 10* South, see East 56" 147 Spices (d'HD) cp 95I' Ex 258 3o7 34 31U 358 15 28 3729 ggSS 4o27 Lev 47 1612 Num 4I6. Cp 2 Chron 24 isllf 148 Sprinkle, to (pil) Ex g8 10 2gi6 20 Lev i 819 24 gi2 IS 176 Num 18" igis 20, Ex 246 8* 149 Sprinkle, to (mn) Ex 2921 Lev 46 17 59 627 8" so 61 16". 19 Num 87 194 18. 21* 5 11 o2 8 13 -2 14 r Cp E 14' (nn i e to "15= .6. 34 36 38 150 Spy out the land, to reconnoitre) Num 132 16. 211) 25 32 14I (metaph) Ct Num ioS3 Deut iss in the sense to ' seek out ' a place* 151 Standard Num l62 22. 10 17. 25 SI 34 iol4 18 22 25 cp Cant 24f 152 Stone, to (j3«3 D3"i) Lev 2o2 27 24I4 IS 23 Num 14I8 1586. Cp Josh 725 Deut 2 1 21 (accidental substitution, Briggs Higher Criticism'^ 73)*. Ct ijpD ¦'^216 153 {a) Stranger (n) Ex 2988 3o9 S3 Lev iqI 22I0 12. Num 16I 34 10 38 1640 184 7 266I. Cp Deut 25= 32I8* (b) Stranger that cometh nigh, the _(3ipn -nn) Num i87 (' come nigh ' technically Num 17I8 Ezek 40*8 454)f 164 Stranger (or alien, foreigner, 133 p) Gen 17I2 27 Ex i243 Lev 2226* J 55 (a) Substance (or goods, iB13l) Gen 128 136D. giisb 367 466 Num i6S2>> 358 Cp Gen 14I1. 16 21 igi4 and Chron-Ezr Daniel fifteen timesf (b) Get, to (cognate vb, S)3i) Gen 128 31I8 366 466t 156 Suburbs (oi3o) Lev 2584 Num 352-5 7 josh 14* 2i2. s 11 13-39 41* 157 (a) Swarm, to (or creep, bring forth abundantly, yiic) Gen i28. 721 817 97 Ex i7 Lev ii29 41-43 45 Cp Ex 83 Ps 10588 Ezek 479f (b) Swarm, creeping things (yic) Gen i28 721 Lev 52 nio 20. 2S 29 si 41-44 226 Cp Deut 14I8.1. 158 Sweet savour (nin'3 n'l) Ex 29I8 — Num 2gi3 thirty-eight times Cp Gen 821 Ezek 6" 16" 2028 4i| Tabernacle, see DweUing 54^ 159 Taken up, to be (ntes) " 10" (i62* Ex 4088 87 Num 9I' 27N* 160 {a) Tenth part (jnto) Ex 2940 Lev 14I8 21 2313 17 246 Num 154 6 9 289-2gi8 (twenty-four times) f (b) Tenth (in various connexions, 'Tidj) Gen 86 Ex i6S6 Lev 5" 62° 27S2 Num gl5 766 385 Cp Deut 232.*. In Jer Ezek Zech &c (c) Tenth day of the month, ou the (aiin^ 1111)373) Ex 128 Lev i629 2327 258 Num 297 Josh 4I9 Cp 2 Kings 25I Jer 524 12 Ezek 201 24I 4oit 161 {a) Testimony, the (msn) Ex i634 25I8 21 2721 306 36 4o20 Let 16I8 Num 174 10* (b) Testimony, Ark of the, ct 1119 Ex 2522 2688. 308 26 3i7 3gS5 40S 5 21 Num 46 789 Josh 4I6* (c) Testimony, DweUing of the Ex 3821 Num 18O 63 loii* {d) Testimony, Tables of the Ex 3118' 32ii Ct Deut 522 9" (e) Testimony, Tent of the Num 9I6 177. i82». ' Veil ' Lev 24' Thanksgiving, see 118'' 162 Thou (you) and thy seed (your seed) after thee (you) &c, or with out ' thou and ' Gen 99 177-10 19 3512 434 Ex 284S Num 25" Cp Deut iS 487 ID- Num i8i9 ii5. '"With' Gen 466 " UsuaUy of the cloud on the DweUing. Ct J's descriptions of Yahweh's descent «19. 420 THE PRIESTLY LAW AND HISTORY BOOK, P CpJ 163 Thousands of Israel Num ii6 io4 318 Josh 22" 21 3o_ Num 10S6* 164 (a) Trespass, to commit a (teD i^jo) Lev 5I6 61 2640 Num 56 12 27 Deut 3281 Josh 7I 22I6 20 31* Cp Ezek 14I3 15S 1720 i824 2o27 392s 26^ elsewhere Chron-Ezr Prov 16I8 Dan 97f (b) Trespass (noun, ton) Lev 518 61 2646 Num 58 12 27 gjis jogh 7I 22I6 20 22 31 aea^a) Tribe (nrsn) ^Tlx 312 6 — Josh 22I4 162 times But cp E3W °112 Gen 4g28'" Ex 2821 3gi4 Num 4I8 i82 3288 36S Josh 481' 1320 33 2ll6'" 229-11 18 15 21 (b) Tribe of their fathers Num 1I8 47 132 2666 3354 364. .* 166 tlnciroumcised i^fs) Gen 17I4 Ex 61^* so i248 Lev ig23 264i, E^ Josh 57* Cp Gen 34I4 § 167 (0) Unclean, to be (with derivatives, to pronounce unclean, defile, &;c, nob) Gen 3413 27 Lev 58 — Num 35S4 107 times Cp Deut 2i23 244 Ezek (thirty). In JE only Gen 348 (b) Unclean, adj (nob) Lev 52 — Josh 22I8 sixty times Cp Deut 12I6 22 147. 10 19 ig22 26"* (c) Uncleanness (nXDE) Lev 58— Num igis twenty times* {A) So that he is unclean thereby (ns-nsaifi')') Lev 1532 i82o 23 igsi 228 cp Ezek 22S 168 Unwittingly (or an error, nJ3u) usually with 3) Lev 42 22 27 gi5 18 32I4 Num 1524-29 35" " Josh 2o3 8. Cp Eccles 5= lo^f J.69/(a) Upward (or from above, rhsn'ra) en 616 720 Ex 2521 26" 3619 39S1 40". Num 46 26 jos^isr 16. Tjjjg combina tion elsewJiere only m i Kings 7II 25 37 Jer 3187 Ezek i" 22 26 jgis 1122 378 2 Chron 44 sSf Ct tooD Gen 228 Ex 20* Deut 488 58 Josh 2I1 (b) Upward, (twenty) years old and (nteoi) Ex 30" 3826 Lev 277 Num iS "-45 3-4 (fourteen times) 824 1429 262 4 62 32I1* (c) Beneath (nrsnte) Ex 2624 276 2827 3620 334 3920* Cp Deut 28I8 43 Ezek i27 32 al. Ct Gen 4925 ^ 170 Urim and Thummim Ex 2838 Lev 88 Num 2721. Ct Deut 338* 171 VeU (n3iD) Ex 26SI 38 85 2721 306 3gl2 g685 g827 ggSi 408 21. 26 Lev 46 17 i62 12 16 2i2S 248 Num 48137 Cp 2 Chron 3i4-|- 172 Vow, to make a special vow (n^d 113 Pi and Hiph) Lev 2221 272 Num 62 158 s.]. 173 "Wash clothes, to (D33) Lev Il25 28 40 136 34 148. 47 ig5-8 10. 13 21. 27 i620 28 17I6 JJmu 87 21 ig7. 10 19 21 3l24 Cp Lev 627 1354-66 68 1517 17I6 ct J Gen 49I1 ; op B Ex ig" "* 174 (o) "Wash, to, with water (d'B3 vm) Ex 2g4 3020 4012 Lev i9 is 88 21 '148. ig5 - " Num ig7. 19 Cp Deut 23"*. (b) "Wash, to (alone) Ex 2gi7 30I8 19 21 4o30-32 Lev g" 17I8 Cp J Gen i84 ig2 2482 4321 31^ J; Ex 2=, D Deut 216* 175 "Wave, to (Fj'in as a ritual term) Ex 2g24 — Num 8^1 twenty-two times ct Ex 2o26 ('lift up') Deut 2326 278 Josh 831* "Wave offering, see II8I 176 "With thee (him, thou and thy seed &c) Gen 618 77'- is gie is gS 284 466 7 Ex 28I 41 2g2i Lev 82 so iqO 14. 2541 64 Num 181. 7 11 19* 177 (ffl) V^Tork, to do (nSOTD nuJl') Gen 22. Ex la" 3114 16 352 29 35 36I-8 3g43 Lev ii82 1620 238 28 80. n„i„ 43 397 ct Gen 3gii Ex 2o9. || Deut 5IS. 168* (b) "Work (or service, or workmanship, nsste) Ex 31S 6 3g2i 24 31 33 3324 4088 Lev 724 lo4S 61 ct J Gen 3314 ' cattle,' E Ex 228 " 'goods '* "Work of labour, 140" see Servile work 421 WORDS AND PHRASES 178 {a) "Wrath (in various phrases with the verb to be, r|:}p n'n) Num i83 i86 Josh g2o 2220 ep Num i646 Ct ' in wrath' Deut 2g28* (b) "Wroth, to be (fisp) ot ¦'=233 Ex i62» Lev 108 18 Num 1622 31I4 Josh Cp E Gen 402 411", D Deut i84 gi9, 97. 22 (Hiph)* 179 (a) I am "Tahweh (I, see 94, mn' '3n) cp 203 Ex 62 6 8 29 12I2 Num 3I3 41 45 "With your {their) God Ex2g46 Lev ii44"' (b) Know that I am "Tahweh Ex 76 144 18, < your God ' Ex 16(8) 12, 'which sanctify you' Ex 31" ; more than sixty times in Eiek. Cp J Ex 7I7 822 io2, I Kings 2o23 (c) (Know that) I am "Tahweh (your God) or ("Who brought you out . . . Egypt) Ex 67 2g46 Lev n*' Cp Deut 2g6 180 (a) Hand of Moses, command by the ('t3 ms) Ex 3529 Lev 836 Num 440 1523 3613 Josh 142 2l2 8* (b) Hand of Moses, according to the commandment of Yahweh by the ('t3 nin' 'E 'rs) Num 437 45 923 iqIS Josh 229* (c) Hand of Moses, spake by the (121 niL-n T3 mn'') Ex 986 Lev loii Num 16*8 2723 Josh 202 Cp Lev 2646* {d) Hand of . . . , by the Ex 3821 Num 428 33 78 33I 181 The days of . . . were (summing up the lives of the patriarchs) Gen 54. 8 11 14 17 20 23 27 31 g29 ii32 g.2S 4728* 182 The years of the life of . . (used as a formula of age from Abraham to Amram) Gen 23I 257 17 478. 28 Ex 61" is 20* 183 (a) Month and day (mode of dating by the number of) cp the tenth day, 160" Gen 7II 84. is. Ex 122 s s 18 16I igi 402 17 Lev l629 236. 24 27 32 34 39 41 ggS Num ll 18 9I 3 5 11 iqII 20I 28I8. 2gl 7 12 338 38 Deut i3 Josh 419 510* (b) Dates from the Exodus {rwih) Ex 161 igi Num i^ g^ 3388 1 Kings e'f 184 One . . . another (Tn« , . . ffi'u) Gen 98 13"" Ex 2520 268 378 Lev 71' 25I4 46 2637 ; ot '1188, cp •"=112 185 (a) Spake . . . saying, and Ood ("Tahweh, Abraham &o) spake unto (occasionally, with) Noah (Moses &c) saying {ywh . , . tm) Gen 816 17S 238 8 is 348 20 Ex6i»-Num 358 Deut 3248 Josh 201. 2i2 22I8 107 times ' Cp JE Gen 278 39" 19 42" 504 Num 24I2 Josh 922 17I4, D Deut 16 2" 132 2o5 278 (b) Speak unto the children of Israel (Pharaoh &c) saying (ids') . . . tji, or with slightly varying order, ^si . . . I3in, -tavh occasionally omitted) Ex 611 i9 — Josh 2o2 twenty-four times (c) Speak and say (niDMI I3i) Lev i2 152 172 i82 192 (21I 'si low) 221" 232 18 252 272 Num 5I2 62 82 152 18 38 i826 saying (idn'I (e) Speak with (ns i3i) Gen 178 22 23 238 346 s 3gi3 is Ex 25^2 31I8 3429 32-36 Num 3I 788 Josh 22I6 21 Cp J Josh 17I4, E Gen 35" 41' 427 s* 45I6, Deut 521* Ct speak with (ns 131) JE Gen 31^4 29 Ex 198 2oi9"i' 338 Num 1117 22" Josh 2427, D Deut 54 9I0, never in P 186 The border shall turn (or turned 3D3) Num 344. Josh 15S 16 168 18" 1914 cp Jer 3iS9t 187 The goings out shall be (or were) Num 344. 8. 12 Josh 15* ' " 16S 17' " 18I2 14 19 19I4 22 29 SS. Cp J Josh l68* 188 (a) These are the . . . (in titles, sum maries &c) burden Num 4^8 ; ciiies Josh 20' : commandments Lev 2784 : commari^ ments and judgements Num 36^3 (cp Ex ai Deut 448 lai agi) : days Gen 257 cp 178' : dukes Gen 36I6-19 21 29. 4s . fgmUies cp 65 Gen io32 Ex 61*. " 24 Num 328 26^. . (twelve 422 THE PRIESTLY LAW AND HISTORY BOOK, P times) : garments Ex 284 : generations Geu 24" cp 77 : heads of their fathers' houses Ex 614 25 cp 84 : inheritances Josh 1322 141 ig6i ; journeys Num io28 33I. : kings Gen 3681 (cp Josh 12I 7) : names Gen 25IS is 3610 40 468 Ex ii 616 Num 1= 32. 18 134 16 27I 34I7 19 Josh 178 : the princes of the tribes Num 72 : set feasts Lev 234 37 ; g^ns q/'Gen Io28 (cp 6) 31 2gl6 3g26 366 12-14 16-2'o 23-28 46I5 18 22 25 Num 3I7 2686-37 41 ,Josh 172 : ^atuies {and judgements and laws) Lev 2648 Num 30I8 : the sum o/Ex 3821 : waters Num 27I4 : words Ex 35I Deut ii (cp Ex igS) : years Gen 25" cp 182 : these are they that were {are) catted Num 1I6 ; numbei-ed Num i44 332 487 41 45 3661 57 63 . ^vcT them that were numbered Num 72 : that spake Ex 627 : unclean Lev iiSi : they whom Tahweh com manded Num 3429 (b) This is (was, shall be) the ... in similar formulae anointing portion Lev 786; booS; Gen 5^ : border Num 346. 9 Josh 154 12 1819 : burnt offering Num 28" : charge Num 4S1 : my covenant Gen 17I8 : dedication-gift Num 784 88 : Esau Gen 3648 . ^„^ f^^au shalt &c Gen 616; inheritance Josh 1323 28 igzo 168 i820 28 igS 16 23 31 89 48. jand Num 342 12.: law Lev 69 " 25 7I 11 S7 ii46 137 136- - '14^ 15' l46 137 Num '529 613 21 igi4 . living things § Lev ii2 : offering Ex 253 Lev 626 Num 7I7-83 (twelve times) : offer ing made by flre Num 288 : ordinance Ex i248 cpLev i684 177 : gaarter Josh i8i4 : service Num 44 24 28 33 . statute ofthe law Num ig2 3121 : suburbs Num 356 : that which &c Num 824 18I1 . tfiing which thou shalt do Ex 29I cp 38 : thing which Yahweh hath commanded Ex 16I6 32 3g4 Lev 86 gO 172 Num 3o2 366 : token Gen gi2 17 : unclean Lev Ii29 : his uncleanness Lev 15S : work of the candlestick Num 84. Cp E Deut 33I, D Deut 444 6I 14* ^^ 152 188 ig4 Josh 5* 13'* (c) This is (these are) . . . who (which) ... '31 Nin Gen 3624 Ex 628. 1342 16I8 2s Lev iqS Num 268 {d) Note the peculiar Hebrew phrase nn rts Gen 25I6 Lev 232 Num 320. 27 ss I Chron iSi 88 12I6 (also, differently, I Sam 48)t, cp Driver Hebrew Tenses I 201 3 189 (a) [Thus did Noah (Moses) &c . . .] so did he Gen 622 Ex 76 1228 5o C359) (378) 3982 43 40" Lev 426 Num i64 28* 54 621 820 22 96 17U 3610 (!i) And (Moses) did (so) as "Tahweh commanded him Ex 710 20 Lev 84 i6S4'> 242s Num 2o27 2722 3181 j)eyj 349 cp Josh 148 (c) As "Tahweh commanded Moses Ex ( l684) 39! 5 7 21 26 £9 31 .qIS 21 23 25 27 29 82 Lev 89 13 17 21 29 glO Nmjj jlO 33S gSl 83 (96) igS6 264 37II 3i7 41 47 36IO. Cp Josh Il20 Cp similar formulae, '(according to") all that Yahweh commanded (him) ' Ex 35I8 36I &c, ' as Yahweh commanded him ' Num 342 &c 190 (a) "When (if) any one shall sin, vow &C ('3 (I)B3) Lev 2I 42 27 gl (2) 4 15 17 62 72I (27 17I5 228) Num 1527* (b) "When any man ('3 Di») Lev 1 2 132 Num 19I4* (c) "When any man ('3 iB's) Lev 1329 88 40 igl6 19 ig20 3o27 33I4 21 24I7 19 2g26 29 372 14 Num 56 62 278 302* {d) "When any man ('3 ws Ws) Lev 152 24I5 Num 512 gio ; cp ic'S cs ittS . . . Lev 173 8 10 13 2o2 9 22I8 ; other wise tt'SiC'S Ex364Lev 186 198 2a4 Num i4 4I9 49* Cp Ezek 144 7 191 "When ye be come to the land ('3 'is3n') Ex 1226 Lev 1434 ig23 23I0 252 Num ig2 (18)* cp Num 33'^! 342 ph 192 Abomination Lev i822 26. 29. 3oi3 cp Bg ; Ezek (forty- three times) 193 Bear iniquity (or sin) cp 28 Lev 17I8 19S aoi7 ". 228 " 24I6 Ezek 14I6 44I0 12 194 Blemish (did) Lev 21I7-28 2220. 25 2419. Num ig2 Deut 1521 17I (326)* 195 Blood shall be upon him, his'(i'Di 13) Lev 2o9 11-18 16 27 cp Ezck 1813 334.f 196 Bread of God Lev 216 8 17 21. 2225 cp Lcv 3" " Num 282 cp 24 Ezek 447t 197 (o) Cut off, I will (Hiph n'i3n) cp 50 Lev 1 7^8 20S 6 (b) Cut off, be (Niph m33) Lev 174 9 14 1829 20I7. 198 Dead (ii)B3 = soul, person &c) cp 146 Lev ig28 21I 224 Num 52 cp 96. i", with ra Lev 21I1 Num 68* 423 WORDS AND PHRASES and keep (observe") . . . . and do . . .observe) ct 199 Do . . (keep i'82i' Lev i84. 26 1937 208 22 2281 25I8 263 Cp ' statutes and judgements ' "104, keep my statutes Lev i84 26 19I9 87 200 (a) Pear thy God, thou shalt (nsi'l "I'n'js'a elsewhere in D with ace, or '3DD Ex gSO) Lev 19 14 82 25I7 36 43* (b) Pear (reverence) my sanctuary (isi'n iBipn) Lev igS" 262f 201 Heart {lib for :i'>) ep 1159 Lev 19" 2686 41 Num 15S9 202 (a) Holy, be (of Israel, miip Tvn) Lev ii44. ig2 2o7 26 218 Num I540-I- cp Lev 21* Num 68 (b) Sanctify yourselves (w^prn) cp 86" Lev Il44. 2o7 Cp J Ex ig22 Num iiis Josh 38 7"* 203 {a) I am "Tahweh (mm '3s) cp 179 Lev 186. 21 igl2 14 16 18 28 30 32 37 31I2 222. S 3 '. 33 262 45 (b) I am Tahweh your (their) God, DS'n'jN mn' '3S (occasionally followed by lohich brought you out of the land of Egypt) Lev l82 4 80 igS. 10 25 31 34 86 2o7 (24) 22S2. 2322 43 3422 2gl7 38 551) 26I " 44 Num IqIO ig4Ub Cp Ex 2946 Lev 1144"* (c) I Tahweh (your God) am holy (?S'nijs mn' '3s mip) Lev 192 2o26 218* (d) I (am) "Tahweh which sanctify (hallow) yoii (nsffiipts mn' '3s) Lev 208 218 16 23 229 16 32 Ex 31I8 Cp Ezek 20I2 3728f 204 Kin (ism) cp 101 Lev 1812. 17 2019 21 2, 1112)3 ISO Lev 186 205 Lie with, to (Qal and Hiph S3i i"3in) Lev i823 1919 2oi6t 206 ITeighbour (n'oy) Lev l820 igll 15 17 34I9 2gl4ab 16 17 cp Lev 62"!' Zech i37t 207 Old (iw) Lev 2522ab 2618''1'. '.Tt: 26^° Cp I3II Deut 426* 208 Peoples, among (from) thy (his), cpl22 Lev 178 198 16 21I 4 14. 2329 209 Priest, the (a), as a designation for the order, in contrast to ' the Sons of Aaron ' 130 Lev 176. 192' 130° 23" Cp 210 Profane, to {h'^n) {a) the name of thy God Lev i82i igi2 ai6* (b) my holy name Lev 2o3 222 82* With "" cp Am 27 Ezek 20' " 22 ss 3620-28 3g7 (c) The holy thing, sanctuary Lev igS 2112 2s 22" cp Num i8'2 Cp Ezek 724 2226 2388 2421 258 28I8 44'* {d) Other objects Lev Ig29 2l9 16 229 (cp 2l4 9) Ex 31" Ct Gen 4g4 Ex 2o26 Deut 208 2880 Pi* 211 Sabbaths, my &c Lev igS 3o 2388 26^ 34. 4s Ex si" Cp Isa 564 Ezek 20I2. " 20. 24 338 26 agSi 4424^. Sacrifice, to (n3i) cp ¦1^202 212 Set the face against, to (of Yahweh, '3 D'3s ;n3) Lev 17I8 2o3 8 (cp 6 cto) 26" 7 Cp Ezek 148 157, with Die Jer 21I8 44iit 213 Statutes and judgements (or judge ments and statutes) cp 11104 Lev l84. 26 ig37 3o22 3gl8 36I6 4S gp 46 Cp Ezek 58. 1 1I2 20 3oll 13 16 18. 21 24. 3724 Ct Jer 1I8 4I2 (13I 3g6 528) 214 Turn, to (idols &c, have respect to, n3E3) Lev ig4 81 206 268 Cp Deut 3 lis 20 g27 Num 16I8 Ezek 36' 215 Uncover the nakedness, to (niW miE) Lev 188-19 20I1-21, cp Ex 2o28 Ezek i6'8. 22 10 23IO 18 29^ Ct Deut aaso 2720 Hos aio 216 "Vomit, to (of the land vomiting its inhabitants) Lev l826 28alj 3o22| 217 "Walk in the statutes of, to (¦j'ln npn3) ct "US" Lev i83. 2o23 a68 424 THE PRIESTLY LAW AND HISTORY BOOK P Cp Jer 44^6 23 Ezek 57 11I2 20 139 17 30I3 16 18 21 33I5 3627 I Kings 38 612 861 3 jjings 178 "t 218 What man soever (with negative, none, ws ffl's) cp 100* Lev 178 s 18 13 186 ao2 9 334 is 24I5 219 "Whoring, to go a (n3l after other gods &e) Lev 177 cp ig29 206. Num 1588 Cp J Ex 34I8, E* Deut 31I6* 220 "Wickedness {rm) Lev i8i7 ig29 2014* Hos 69 Ezek (four teen times) &c * 425 APPENDIX B [By George Haefoed, M.A.J LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS Introductory Note The Hexateuch presents itself as a continuous work, but has been found on investigation to be highly composite. A large part of its contents is concerned with the Laws and Institutions of Israel ; and this legislative material on the one hand furnishes assistance in the general task of analyzing the whole, and on the other contributes a number of problems peculiar to itself. This Appendix is intended both to confirm and illustrate the con clusions already reached in the General Introduction, and to throw fresh light on the internal relations of the Laws in the Hexateuehal Codes. The argumentative process, by which such an analysis of the mass of legislation has been eifected as to furnish a basis for the construction of the following Tables, may be made clear in a series of propositions. (i) The laws and narratives differ widely in their representa tions of important national institutions, especially those connected with worship ". (2) Several collections or large groups of laws can be identified, by their peculiarities of style or expression, or by references to them in the context, as forming distinct codes^ (3) The differences of representation just mentioned (i) are not found to be internal to the several codes, but mark off one or more from the others as wholes ". (4) The codes are further distinguished by the proportion in which they deal with the various departments of the national Ufe . " See references under ^14a. '' See i'14def, and cp the legal terms in the Word-lists. 1 That is to say, the codes are first separated on grounds of/orro, and then their contents are found to be marked by the differences mentioned. The statement needs some qualification in respect to the separation of Ps from 7^ and ps, for the substantial differences discovered in passages distinguished by their form are used in some other places to effect the analysis where the formal grounds are inadequate for a conclusion. "^ See 1116a'' below. 426 LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS (5) The codes were in almost every case parts of larger docu ments before being incorporated into the growing Hexateuch, and were already more or less modified from their original form. (6) For such a series of comparative summaries as is contained in ^^1-12 it is both safe and sufficient to follow the lines implied hy the symbols J E D P" P' P^ P' ". (7) In treating the codes separately, as in '^IS, there is sufficient internal evidence available to support much additional dis crimination ^ The object of the Tables may be further explained by an illustration. A geologist studying a country will not only need a good map to indicate the geographical features, but will require that map to be coloured to show the stratification. And con versely a geological map may serve as a useful guide to the geography even if the geological details are not all correct. Similarly, the critical student of so highly composite a work as the Hexateuch not only needs some brief conspectus or map of the whole as his guide, but requires that this shall show the literary stratification. And conversely such an analytical abstract or table of contents will be of service to the general student even where all the analytical details are not equally accurate. The Analysis and Synopsis in Appendix C may be compared to a small scale map of the stratification of the whole country ; the Con spectus in ^13 is like a series of large scale maps of particular districts ; and the first eleven Tables serve as cross-sections showing the relative thickness and elevation of the several strata along different lines. The arrangement of material follows as closely as may be the scheme of the text pages, and will be readily understood. Occasionally a supplemented passage like Lev 16 or 25 occurs under the head of P' as well as P^ or P", and sometimes an assignment of a passage in the Tables follows the footnote rather than the text, as where a basis of P' is recognized in a law printed in the text as P"- Tables 1 to 11 are the result of repeated gleanings, and are meant to be so far exhaustive that no ordinance or important " It may be convenient to give here the references to the pages of the General Introduction which treat specially of the codes :— J pp 182 ig8 208, E pp 206-215, D PP 121-131 152-171, P"" PP 26g-284, P' pp 284-288, Pe pp 237-264, ps pp a8g-ag8. ^ The evidence for this is usually given in the notes to the Text in Hex 11, but occasionally in minor points a further division is made in the Table on grounds easily perceptible. 427 LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS narrative allusion has been omitted. Many ordinances, covering more than one subject, are referred to in different connexions. But it has not been possible to exhaust the minor allusions. No attempt has been made to preserve uniformity of scale in the various Tables, and a large licence of expanded treatment has been freely taken wherever the analytical problems or the con venience of the student seemed to demand it. An Explanatory Note on p 468 deals with ''12-16. 428 LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS 'If LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS " refers to the note ad loc. in Hex ii. 1. The Family a. Eeverence for parents, cp b E a Ex aois" 62228 — Honour " parents, ''judges and rulers. D c 5I6 — Honour parents. pi d Lev igi~8a e 32 — d Fear parents, • honour the aged. b. "tlndutifulness E a Ex 21I6 S 17 — Death for " smiting, '' cursing parents. D c aii8-2i d a7i8 — " Stoning for rebellious son ; "* curse on iiTeverenco to parents. 5I1 e Lev 2o9 — Death for cursing parents. e. Teaching of children Da 68-9 J 20-25 C11I9-21 d2ii8-2i e Ex 138 /".N— Duty of teaching to children "'" 'the statutes &c,' and about " mazzoth and /consecration of firstborn ; ^ teaching before punitive justice. d. Primogeniture D a 2ii6-i7 6 256 — a Double portion for firstborn ; ^ Levirate law. e, Bestrictions on marriage J a Gen igS". . b Num 2$^^ " Incest of Lot's daughters not reprobated ; ''judgement for unions with Moabitish women (cp Gen 248-). B c Gen aoi2 d Num 12I. . — " Marriage with a half-sister, and ^ with a Cushite, not reprobated. D 678/2288 32728 ;j22 — Marriage /with father's wife, or « with a Canaan ite, forbidden ; 'with father's wife, or * with half-sister or mother-in-law, cursed. pi i Lev 186-13 j 20". ft " Z 17 ^ 19-21 ^ 2i7 13 — % Marriage of near kin for bidden under seventeen heads ; •''*'™ ten of these repeated, but in different order with penalties attached and interspersed with other matter ; " priests only to marry women of good character, the high priest only a virgin. Pb 0 Gen 581-8 p jif^m g^e-s — o Jacob forbidden to marry a Canaanite ; ''plague for unions with Midianitish women. f. Levirate law" J a Gen 381-"— The custom illustrated by the story of Judah and his family.D 6 258-18— The law laid down that a childless widow shall be taken to wife by her husband's brother, with provision for his refusal. le Without laying too much stress on the argtunent from silence, it seems natural to see in the increasing stringency of D and stUl more of Pi an evidence of a pro gressive strengthening of old custom into detailed law. No doubt the prohibitions in Pl had been frequently issued as oral toroth before being codified, but the orystaUi- zatiou in the code is the significant fact. 429 i^lg THE FAMILY g. Female captives D 0 21^8"" — Rights of female captive, as wife or concubine. P» 6 Num 31I8-18 — Virgins to be kept alive if taken in war. h. Divorce J a Gen 2I8-28 — The ideal of marriage life-long monogamy, £! !) Ex 2i'-ii — A slave wife, when divorced, is free. D c 24!'^ — Divorce unrestricted, effected by mere written notice from husband : irrevocable if another union has intervened. i. Adultery J a Gen 12I4-19 6268-11 (.gg7-i2 — Condemned in the stories of "Abram and Pharaoh, ' Isaac and Abimelech, ' Joseph and Potiphar. E d Gen 2o3-i3 e Ex 2oi4 — Condemned " directly, "by the story of Abraham and Abimelech. D / 5I8 g 2222-27—^ condemned, ' punishable by death of both, even if she be only betrothed, unless in that case she be overcome by force, cp id k. pi h Lev i828 i aoi° — '' Condemned as defilement, « punishable by death of both. P' j Num 511-31" — ^ composite law dealing with cases of marital jealousy, one element providing a genuine ordeal. j. Seduction J a Gen 342. . ^ — Seduction of Dinah a casus belli. E 6Exa2'6 — Seducer to pay dowry, and to marry the gii-l unless the father refuse. D c 2228 — Seducer must pay 50 shekels, and marry the girl without right of divorce. P'' d Lev ig28 — Seducer of betrothed slave-girl punishable, but not with death, cp \g. ps e Lev ig2i — A guilt offering prescribed in the last case. k. Slander D 22i3~2i — ^ man slandering his newly-married wife fined 100 shekels, but she, if guilty before marriage, to be stoned. I. Unnatural lusts J a Gen ig8. . — Conduct of the Sodomites reprobated. E 6 Ex 2ai8 — Death for lying with a beast. D c 2721 — Curse on lying with a beast, cp m6. pi d Lev i8i9 e 22. /20I8 g ". h i'— Condemnation of Sh lying with a separated woman, '/with mankind, or '" with a beast, */^ under pain of death. m. Prostitution J a Gen 3814-26 — An accepted institution, but disgraceful if imitated by private persons. D 6 23I7 — Harlots and sodomites forbidden, and their wages abominable as gifts to God. pi c Lev ig29 d 218 — " Harlotry condemned, ^ in a priest's daughter on pain of death. Ih The existence of a custom of divorce is implied by E6, but in D custom has already hardened into law. i The following steps can be traced, '^ bare prohibition, " provision for variety of cases, ^1 reference to the principle of holiness, and ^^ extension to jealousy and introduction of the sacrificial element. ' j ^ The first ordinance is ^ modified and further defined, n enlarged by treatment of a special case, and ^^ related to the sacrificial system. k Cp the very different treatment of a similar case in ^' \j, 1 The fullness of prohibition iu pi suggests a time of national decadence when old moral sanctions have broken down. PERSONS AND ANIMALS ['2e n. Indecent assault D 25II. — Punishable by loss of hand. o. Dress of the sexes D 2a'' — Interchange an abomination. 2. Persons and Animals a. Strangers (Dnj), cp ^4hgln E aEx 20I8 6 222i-2*>'_Strangers may claim "sabbath rest, ''freedom from oppression cp i'4:ho. DC514 dii6 ei6". /•1421 ff29 ^2^14 J2843. ^- 2gi8-i2_strangers (on:) may claim « sabbath rest, ^''justice, « love, » benevolence ; S may share in the covenant ; « one day may get the upper hand ; foreigners 3fc exempted from the benefits of the year of release, and 3kb of the prohibition of usury. PifcLevi78-i8 n828. m ig38. « 202 0 22I3 p'*. 323221 r 24I6 s25«36 (47 — strangers may claim *" equal justice, '* benevolence, and ™love; I'lnopfs equal religious rights and obligations belong to them ; ' they must yield up Hebrew slave on redemption. P' u Num 1529. — Strangers may claim equal justice. Bev'Ex 1248 — A mere sojourner {toshab) is not to eat of the Passover, but the circumcised stranger {ger) may. Cp i'6me. P»M)Numgi4 a;i5i4-i6 1/ 35I8— The '" Passover and * other sacrificial laws apply equally to strangers ; also ^ provision of asylum. b. Charity and benevolence E Cp ^3f6. D a 157-11 — Generosity and benevolence enjoined. Cp '^2aceg Stde ib. pi 6 Lev igi7 — Hatred and wrongs prohibited and love enjoined. Cp ''2aqs 3icd kc. e. Hired servants, cp 4g D a 2414- — Must be promptly paid, and not oppressed. pi b Lev igi3i c 256 d 22161 — b Must be promptly paid, and " should share in the produce of the sabbath year, but ^ may not eat holy food. P6 e Ex 1248 — jiay jjQ^ gg^j of tjig Passover. lo It is worth noticing, as bearing on the individuality and unity of principle ascribed to D, that under every one of the above subdivisions relating to the Family and cognate subjects D has material to be recorded, and in five of them is alone,2a Strangers or settlers {gerim) are first ^ dependent persons, to be treated with mercy, kindness, and justice, and lastly ^ a large and important section of the community who by submission to the law may, as proselytes, become all but equal members of the Jewish Church. At " an intervening stage, while the emphasis is increased on mercy and kindness, the stranger is already admitted to instruction along with Hebrews Deut 31I2. Cp Addis Hex ii 243 ; Briggs Hex 85- ; Kuenen Hib Led 182. Foreigners who do not settle down as citizens are, it will be observed, less favourably dealt with. Cp i^6ca6c, "47 ' foreigner' ('13:), "105 'stranger . . . ,' '144 'sojourner' (aliin), '153 ' stranger' (ll) ie non-Aaronite, ""ISi 'stranger' or 'alien,' 'foreigner' (133 p). b The growth of the spirit of charity may be traced in the legislation from ^ its earliest shoots, to " its vigorous development, and 'i its ripe fruit, in the demand 'Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself.' Many of the headings in various ways afford iUnstration of this, op i2acdfgk, Sfhik, ighj. de The hired servant, joined to the religious community only by the ' cash nexus,' has the privileges neither of the stranger or settler a,vw nor of the slave Un. ^2d] LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS d. Slaves J oGen 3727 6 Josh 922-27 — "ggrvitude of Hebrews illustrated by the sale of Joseph, and b of aliens by enslavement of the Gibeonites. B cEx 2i2-ii («2o. g26. /32ii_(.^ Hobrew male slave to be set free in the seventh year of servitude (without wife or child unless his while free), or to be bound for life at his own discretion ; rights of Hebrew concubine slaves defined ; ^ a master only punished for a blow immedi ately fatal, but ° freedom to follow loss of eye or tooth ; / 50 shekels due as damages for a slave gored by an ox. D 91512-13 fti6ii. &c i2ii8-i4 ^'2318" — * Hebrew slaves, male and female, to be set free in seventh year of servitude with liberal gifts, or bound for life at choice of slave; * share in family joys and feasts; 'rights of foreign concubine slaves ; J freedom for runaway slave. pii /i; Lev ig28 ^2211 m2539-8s§ — ™ Hebrew slave to serve as an hired sei-vant, without rigour of treatment, and to be redeemable ; ' may eat of holy food in a priest's family ; "* only foreigners to be slaves as heritable chattels ; I' seduction of betrothed slave girl not a capital offence. ps n Ex 1243- — "When circumcised may eat the Passover. ps oLev 2539-88 — Hebrew slave to serve till the Jubile, but only as hired servant ; redeemable at price varying with the distance of the Jubile, and at the Jubile to go out with his children. e. Eeuttlements on houses D 228 — Every roof to have a parapet for safety. f. Animals, cp 3cd, 6ab, 8b D 254 — The ox to be unmuzzled while treading out the corn. g. Birds D 228. — The dam not to be taken with young ones or eggs. h. Murder and Asylum J a Gen 4'-i8 23 — The cases of Cain and Lamech. B6Ex2oi3 C2112-14 (2 20. ^222 — d Murder prohibited "on pain of death, unless the slain be <* a slave or * a night-robber ; " asylum to be appointed for homicide, but a murderer to be dragged from the altar itself.D/s" S4""" Aigi-13 j2ii-9— /Murder prohibited fton pain of death; ''asylum to be provided, three cities at once and three later, ^ three cities being named in a later passage as assigned by Moses ; * form of inquest prescribed. pi j Lev 24I7 21b — Tyyg prohibitions of murder on pain of death. Ps k Gen g8 — Murder a capital offence. P' I Num 359-84'< m Josh 20I-8— ' Six cities ai-e to furnish asylum for cases of unintentional homicide, ™ and are named as assigned by Joshua. i. Assault E o Ex 2113. 6 22 c 26 — 1 Compensation for loss of time while recovering, and b for miscarriage ; " slave losing eye or tooth by blow is irea. D d 2724 — Curse on secret attack. pi e Lev 24I9 — Penalty ruled by lex talionis, cp 4e. 2d On the successive modifications introduced into the law of slavery see chap IV § ^" p 50, Vin i § 7 P 9i> op IX i § 23 p 125 § 37 p 131. Cp also '41 'handmaid' (nnssS), J!99 'bondwoman' (nD«1, 'b 207" 'servant,' "75. h On contrasts in the Laws about the cities of refuge see "VTII hi § Stj p "o, and ou modifications iu D see IX i S 2-y p 126 cp S 3"/ p ni. Cp ''132 ' avenger of blood,' ¦•133 'city of refuge.' ^ v itf i PROPERTY I'-Qq j. Kidnapping B a Ex 2i'6_Death for kidnapping. D 6 247 — Death for kidnapping Hebrew. k. Blind and deaf D a 2718^-Curse for misleading the blind. pi 6 Ley ig"— To curse deaf or make blind stumble forbidden. 3. Property a. Theft E a Ex 20I8 6 221-4—'' Theft forbidden ; '' fines and penalties for stealing cattle : smiting night robber to death not murder. Cp i'3ea. D C519 — theft forbidden. pi d Lev ig" 6^8"— ''"Theft and fraud forbidden; "also withholding of wages. P'/Lev 6'-7— Theft atoned for by a guilt offering with restitution in full b. Iiandmarks D a ig'4 6 27" — <• Landmark not to be removed b under pain of curse. c. Straying cattle E a Ex 234 — An enemy's straying ox or ass to be restored, his over burdened ass to be helped. D 6 22I-* — A brother's straying ox or sheep to be restored, or kept till claimed ; fallen ox or ass to be helped. d. Damage E aEx 2128-30 (,22' — "Penalties for ox goring persons or cattle, and for damage by unprotected pit, b also for trespassing cattle and for arson. D c 20I* — In besieging a city its fruit trees not to be cut down, pi dLev 24I8 6 21" — ''« Any one killing a beast to make it good. P'/Num 58-8 — Injury to property atoned for by a guilt offering with restitu tion in full + J. e. Trusts and lost property E a Ex 2a7-i3 — Various provisions in cases of damage to live stock and other property while in charge of another, with appeal to the sanctuary, double value to be paid by offender. 2k The width of range found in D is again shown by its furnishing material under every heading. "We are reminded of the similar closeness of contact vdth common life manifested by the prophets. 3a The offences specified suggest a growing complexity of social life. To theft ' fraud ia added, and for ^ oattle-Ufting ¦' withholding of wages is substituted (op aoa" and observe that the ' hired servant ' does not appear in B). ' 5 The penalty for theft of live animals is to pay double (cp eo), a much higher fine being exacted if the animal be sold or killed ; damage from accident, and even negligence, is settled by mere restitution do6 eo, but elsewhere ''I the loss is only to be made good dde, and yet again ^* the rule is restitution + -J-, with an added sacrificial element which seems altogether foreign to the earher legislation a/ de e6c Cp =117 ' steal' b The warnings of the prophets against laying field to field show that a tendency towards large properties with nnscrupulousness iu their acquisition was a growing danger in the eighth century b c. c The passages are printed iu full with a note on the modifications in D IX i§2i8pi25, 433 ^ f ^3e] LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS P' 6 Lev 6i~7 c Num 58-3 — b Trespass against Yahweh by an offence in respect of a neighbour's property to be atoned for by a guilt offering with restitution in full + i; ° if owner be dead or absent, payment to be made to the next of kin, or in his default to the priest. f. Xioans E o Ex 2214- 5 28-27 — " Mortal or other injury to borrowed cattle to b» made good, unless the owner be present, or the beast be hired. 6 Ex action of debts from poor Hebrews forbidden, and a pledged garment to be restored at sundown. T> c 15I-8 d 246 e 18-18 — " Debts from Hebrews to be remitted at the end of every seven years, until poverty be extinct cp 9je ; ''millstones not to be pledged ; ' no right of entry to get pledge, nor power to detain a garment overnight. g. Primogeniture and inheritance J o Gen 2581-34 — Esau sells his birthright as firstborn. D 621I8-" — The firstborn to have two shares, though his mother be hated. P' cNum 27I-11 fJ36i~i2 — (! Right of inheritance granted to daughters, or, in default of issue, to next of kin, ^ but the daughters only to marry within their own tribe. See 9k. h. Redemption and restoration of land See 9k Jubile. i. Gleanings D a 2324- 6 24I9-22 — A neighbour's grapes or corn may be plucked in passing, but not gathered in a vessel or reaped ; '' forgotten sheaves in harvest, and the after-gathering of olive trees and vines to be left for the poor. pi c Lev ig9- d 2322 — <"' Corners, and gleanings of harvest fields, and fallen fruit and gleanings of vineyards to be left for the poor. j. Coveting E o Ex 20I7 — Coveting house (= household), wife, slave, cattle, or other property of a neighbour, forbidden. D 5 521 — Coveting wife, house ( = building), field, slave, cattle, or other property of a neighbour, forbidden. k. Usury E o Ex 22281 — Usury forbidden with a poor Hebrew. D 5 2319 — Usury of all kinds forbidden with Hebrews, allowed with foreigners. pi c Lev 2588-88 — Usury of all kinds forbidden with a (Hebrew) brother. 1. Xrnla"wful mixtures D a 22°~ii — Mixed seed in a vineyard, plowing with ox and ass, and wearing a fabric of wool and linen, forbidden. pi 6 Lev igi"" — Breeding hybrid cattle, mixing seed in a field, and wearing a mixed fabric, forbidden. 3f 6iJe These passages are printed in full side by side IX i § 2o p 122. gcd These ordinances, which on grounds of form are assigned to P', fit weU ail age when every one thought about his pedigree. They illustiate, by their isolation iu the earlier tables, the almost total absorption of the later priestly canonists in matters relating to worship and ceremonial purity. 434 JUDGEMENT AND RULE ['^4f 4. Judgement and Rule a. Judges appointed E o Ex 1818-26 gp ifuni i628 6 Ex 24" — b Aaron and Hur made judicial representatives of Moses pro tem ; " permanent judges appointed by Moses for minor causes on the advice of Jethro (referred to in the case of Dathan and Abiram). D c i9-i8 d 1618'"' — = Judges appointed by Moses for minor causes, the people having the selection ; '^ judges to be appointed in all towns. b. Supreme Court E o Ex 228 — Appeal to God, presumably at the sanctuary, in case of suspected theft. D 6 178-iSH 5 igis-J9 iji 2ii-9s — « In case of false witness or '' any difficult case appeal to lie to the priests the Levites and to the judge or judges that shall be in those days in the divinely chosen place ; '^ the local elders and judges, perhaps with the Levitical priests of the place (but see 218"), are to act as directed in a case of suspected murder. P' e Num 3524-28_The congregation to form the court for murder cases, to condemn the guilty, but to deliver to a city of refuge those whose act is short of murder, complete immunity being granted after the death of the high priest. c. Just judgement E 0 Ex 232- b 6-8 — '— The land is divided by lot, after complete subjugation, into seven portions after a survey by twenty-one representatives of the seven tribes involved (details are missing). 4n Cp XI § 37 p 187 for J, and XII § 3 p 215 for B. o Cp Ex 1287" J. Under David a census is a criminal act. After the exile every body thought much of his pedigree, aud a census became a normal event ; op ''65 ' family,' ^QQ ' fathers' house,' ''84 ' heads of fathers,' and ct ¦'2153 for vaguer usage. u Cp "88 ' possess,' '127 ' possession,' '106 ' lot.' 437 Mu] LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS E"! d Josh 12 132-145 — A similar view is involved in those passages, which adopt the conception of ^J"". P' e Num 2682-86/3384 g 34I-29 h Josh 13-21*—*/ The land to be divided by lot among the tribes in proportion to population ; " the boundaries of the land fixed ; the division to take place under Eleazar and Joshua, with twelve tribal chiefs ; '' the conquered land is accordingly allotted with the utmost particularity. V. Record and publication of law D a 17I8 6272-48 C3i9-13H d 24-26 g jogh 83o-35_c i This law' or ^ 'the words of this law ' written by Moses ' in a book ' and put in the custody of ' the Levites,' who are ^ to ' put it by the side of the ark of the cove nant' and " in the seventh year, ' the year of release,' to read it publicly at the Feast of Booths ; b Israel to write on Mount Ebal ' upon the stones all the words of this law ' ; " the king to make a private copy. w. Moses' successor E a Deut 31I4-2SK — Moses told by Yahweh he must die ; Joshua called to the Tent of Meeting and charged as his successor. D J g2i-29 g 31I-8 — il Moses forbidden to enter the land and told to appoint Joshua ; " all Israel told and Joshua publicly charged. 5. Idolatry and Superstition a. Other gods J o Ex 34^4-18 6 Num 252 — " "Worship of other gods, or alliances leading to it, forbidden ; b the danger illustrated by the case of intercourse with Moab. E c Gen 31" 30 32 d 35^-* e Ex 208 /2S'' 32220 712318 j 24« j 32 j; Num 253"' I Josh 242 14-25 — Israel forbidden * to have, /to make, ' to honour by sacrifice, *to mention by name, 'to worship, J to make a covenant with other gods. The danger illustrated "^ by the usage of Jacob's wives, *by the case of Baal-peor, and 'by the farewell address of Joshua, which recognizes such worship as pre-Abrahamic. D m4i9 7157 o64pi4 g8i9 r n"- s 26-28 jgS"- M3ti7-— The worship of other gods (often specified as the gods of the surrounding peoples) "incon sistent with the unity of Yahweh, and "* forbidden 9'"*' under penalty of ruin and curse, and throughout regarded as the most grave danger of Israel. " The worship of heavenly bodies specified. P* Cp ''5\)jk. b. Images J o Ex 34I7 cp ''Saxd — No molten gods to be made. E 6 Ex 2o4- • c 23b d 32i-24S_It is forbidden b to make or worship any kind of image in view of the jealousy of Yahweh, or " to make gold or silver gods ; ^ the danger illustrated by the case of the golden calf, cp ''Sacd. Des'- /4^8-24 g ^26 ft 2^15 j 3ii6-2i_it jg forbidden «to make or worship any image in view of the jealousy of Yahweh, or "* to bring an abomina tion into the house, under penalty of/ ruin and *» curse. piijfLev ig4i;26i— It is forbidden to make J molten gods or * idols, or* to rear up a graven image. 4v Cp for Moses as writer II § 1 p 28. Cp also '>120. 5a See XII § 2a p 203, op § 57 p 222 for B's oonoeption of ancient Hebrew idolatry ; cp "23 86. 438 IDOLATRY AND SUPERSTITION p6g c. Blasphemy and false oaths E a Ex 20' 6 2228''_'» None to ' take Yahweh's name for falsehood.' nor fc to ' revile God.' ' D c 5" — None to ' take Yahweh's name for falsehood.' ph d Lev 1821" 61912 /2282 s- 24i8''-i6''— An Israelite forbidden "to swear falsely, ''"/to 'profane the name of his God,' "to 'curse his God,' or 'blas pheme the name of Yahweh ' ; " oifender to ' bear his sin ' or ' be put to death.' P'ALev 5* t6i-7 — Any one ''swearing rashly to bring a sin offering, or • swearing falsely to bring a guilt offering with restitution of any property concerned + i. P« j Lev 24i'^i6 J;23— i Case of ' blaspheming the Name ' : penalty of death by stoning ; * execution. d. Canaanite peoples and their rites J a Gen 248 •• 6 Ex 3410"N — o Isaac not to have a Canaanite wife ; *(?M) Israel not to ' make a covenant with the inhabitants , , . lest it be for a snare,' nor to marry their daughters. B c Ex 233i''-38 — Israel to ' make no covenant with ' the Canaanites nor with their gods, but to ' drive them out ' (T""!). Dd7i-4 6 1229-31 /i89— Israel '*not to 'make a covenant with the inhabitants . . . neither . . . make marriages with them,' but to ' smite ' and ' devote ' them ; * not to ' inquire after their gods,' or /learn to do after their abominations, cp. 5/. pfcffLev 181-8 ft 24-30 J2o23— Israel "not to follow the 'doings' of Egypt or Canaan ; b not to ' do any of the abominations ' or * ' walk in the customs of the nation . . . cast out before.' them. e. Idols &c to be destroyed J» (or ^^) a Ex 34I8 — Altars; pillars and Asherim to be destroyed. E6 Ex 2324" C32I-245— oThe golden calf destroyed ; b (=» or i"i) the gods of the nations to be overthrown and their pillars broken in pieces. D (J 78 25 egi2-2i /i22-— to be consumed without pity, ' saving none aUve, but ' ' not quickly,' though their final destruction is decreed ; '' stoning, at the mouth of two or three witnesses, for any who serve other gods, sun, moon, or host of heaven. g. No Asherah or pillar, cp eab de J a Gen ai33 635*420 c Josh 43-8}— " A tamarisk tree planted at Beer- sheba by Abraham ; b pillars erected by Jacob at Bethel and over 5o Cp ¦'''210 'profane.' d It is observable that this topic only occm-3 in codes which were iu whole or part written down before the exile. e See X § 3^ p 153 for the connexion of D with the iconoclasm of the Josian »efonnation. The incident of the golden calf in B can alone be confidently assigned to JB, and even this would seem to be one of the later elements, if we may judge either from the silence of the historical books as to protests against idolatry from the earlier prophets, or from the advanced character of some of the context, op Ex 3230H But it is impossible to be certain. There may have been contemporaneous but divergent tendencies at work which have found separate expression. g The contrast is strongly marked between the implied approval of the stones in JE and the express prohibition of D, cp h. See also X § 1 (vi) p 145. 439 ^5g] LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS Eachel's grave ; " twelve stones out of Jordan ' laid down ' in ' the lodging place ' after the crossing. E(«Gen28i8 ^ 3i45-54! / Ex 244" e; Josh 44-20 ft 2428'>-27_Pillars erected '''by Jacob at Bethel and Galeed, /by Moses at Horeb, and by Joshua " at Gilgal and '' Sheehem. D i 128 j i62i' — i The Israelites ordered to ' destroy (the Canaanites') pillars ' and to 'burn their Asherim with fire,' and J" forbidden to ' plant an Asherah of any kind of tree beside tho altar of Yahweh ' or to ' set up a pillar, which Yahweh . . . hateth.' ph /cLev 26' h — Pillars and figured stones forbidden. h. Seduction to idolatry D d 13I-13 5 1 820 — "''A prophet, "dreamer, or private person seducing others to ' serve other gods,' to be "^ put to death, " by stoning ; 'a city turning to idolatry to be destroyed utterly and never inhabited again. i. Itlolech "worship D a 1 818" — None to ' make son or daughter pass through the fire.* ph 6 Lev 1821" C20I-8 — ''"None to 'give of his seed ... to Molech,' "on pain of death by stoning. j. Di"vination J a Num 227- • 24I ep 2323 — Balaam a diviner, whose spells avail not against Israel. B 6 Ex 22I8 — Death to a sorceress. D c 1310-14 — All magic and like superstition forbidden, eight kinds named. PhdLevig26'' 6 81 /206 gr27 — tl Enchantments and augury forbidden ;* none to resort to 'them that have familiar spirits, nor unto the wizards, '/under pain of being ' cut off ' ; ^ death by stoning for practising witchcraft. k. Disfigurement in mourning D a 141" — God's ' children ' not to ' cut themselves ' or ' make any bald ness between the eyes for the dead.' ph 6 Lev ig27- c2i8 — Neither "priests nor ''others may cut hair, beard, or flesh in mourning. 6. Clean and Unclean. a. Food animals J a Gen 72 ct 2I8 3^ — The distinction of clean and unclean beasts recog nized in the Flood- story, but in and out of Eden previously a vegetable diet assumed. 5i The silence of JE and P^' is best explained by the supposition that this atrocious cult was confined to the closing century of the kingdom. The sacrifice of human beings to Yahweh seems in some early circles to have been approved, if we may argue from the stories of Abraham and Isaac, and Jephthah and his daughter, op the slaying of the sons of Bizipah. i There is no evidence that witchcraft ever was in any way grafted upon the religion of Yahweh, but the increased fullness and stringency of the prohibitions levelled against it in D and ph agree with the protests of the prophets firom Isaiah downwards. Cp X § 1 (vi) p 145. 6 Under i'1116c the attitude of JB towards ceremonial purity is illustrated. It might be conjectured that the old rule was mainly intended to secure that every one should be ' clean ' when about to engage in any act of worship, while the later regulations required aU to avoid uncleanness at all times, and to seek cleansing aa often and as soon as one became unclean. This latter principle well suited a religion which for most of its adherents was deprived of the sacrificial elements on account of their exile in a land which might itself be unclean, but which could not prevent personal purity from asserting itself. Cp '"''192 ' abomination,' '42 ' clean,' ''167 ' unclean ' ; and for the subject-matter cp Driv-Wh ad loc, and on ther ceremonial ordinances in D cp X § 5 p 168. a Probably the distinction of clean and unclean animals rested on immemorial 440 CLEAN AND UNCLEAN ['6& c 143-20H — !i Flesh (of domestic animals) to be killed and eaten as freely as venison ; " a list of clean beasts is given, with a general criterion, also rules as to unclean beasts, with stated instances ; rules as to clean and unclean water-dwellers ; all clean birds to be eaten, a list of the unclean following ; winged creeping things to be unclean. ph (J Lev 2o28— Separation to be made by the holy people between clean and unclean beasts, birds, and creeping things ; cp /". P« e Lev 111-23" fii-ii,. j,4f,._/i7 Separation to be made by the holy people between clean and unclean ; ' general rules given for distinguishing clean and unclean beasts, with instances only of the latter; rules, redundantly given, as to clean and unclean water-dwellers, and a list of unclean birds ; */ rules as to unclean creeping things, with * named clean exceptions. pe ft Gen i28- i g' — '1 Only vegetable produce given for food ; 'the permission extended to ' every moving thing that liveth.' ps^LeV 27II — The distinction recognized in cases of vows. b. "tJncleanness by touch D o l4''-8 52i22 — ""The carcases of unclean beasts not to be touched; ''the land not to be defiled by the presence of the corpse of a criminal who had been hanged. ph cLev 21I-41I— The high priest not to defile himself for any dead person, and the other priests only for specified near relatives. P'dLev52 6721 /118 3 24-38 ^44b-45 j Num igi4-22 J- 224-7" ft Num 68-12 — ' Uncleanness by touch a bar to sharing in a sacrificial feast ; "* if ignored through ignorance, to be purged by a sin offering ; /the carcases of unclean beasts not to be touched ; ' rules given for defining such unclean boasts ; * creeping things (when dead) not to be touched, " with list of such, and many details as to conveyance of contamination, cp i^6c/9<'; J priests ' unclean by the dead ' or otherwise to be purified at sundown after ablu tions, but > a seven days' period with use of the ' water of separation ' laid down as a general law. P' I Num gi-13 m igi"" — I Supplementary Passover for those unclean by the dead ; '"preparation of water of separation from the ashes of the red heifer^ and subsequent use. c. trnla"wful eating E oEx 223ih— The flesh of a beast torn by wild animals not to be eaten, but cast to the dogs. D 6 1421'' — The flesh of a beast dying of itself not to be eaten by a Hebrew, but may be given to ' a stranger,' or sold to ' a foreigner.' ph cLev 1718-1' ^228 — "Any one, 'homeborn or stranger,' eating the flesh of a beast dying of itself to be unclean till purified by ablutions ; if he omit these, 'he shall bear his iniquity'; ''the same thing forbidden to a priest. P' e Lev 719- /ii3»-_/lf a clean beast die, he who touches it is unclean till the even, he who eats or carries the carcase must also wash his clothes ; ' flesh that has touched an unclean thing shall not be eaten ; and no one, while unclean, shall eat of peace-offerings on pain of being cut off. d. Kid in dam's milk , J o Ex 3428h_K;id not to be seethed in its dam's milk. E 6 Ex 23i9i>— Identical with a. D c 1421'' — Identical with a. practice, but the rules and lists cannot have been early. Cp further ^13eg, and for DX§5pi68. 6b Uncleanness by touch is no doubt also recognized by antiquity, and is not in itself a chronological clue. But the elaboration of cases is hardly primitive, and in the two passages j on touching the dead there is a marked increase of stringency, the purification required for the priest in Ph' one being much less onerous than that laid down for all in P' the other. On the ordinance of the red heifer see Gr,ay Numbers in ICC. — The same advance in elaboration is seen under c. 441 '^ee] LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS e. Against eating blood or fat Dai2i8 6 1223-25 c 152S— »!>" Blood not to be eaten but poured out, b ' for the blood is the life.' PhdLev 17I8-14 e ig26" — <* Neither Israelite nor 'stranger' ''"to eat blood ''of domestic or wild animal, but to pour it out and cover it with dust; penalty, to be 'cut off' ; reason, "for the life ... is the blood.' P'/Lev 3I4-17 g f2-27_/g No fat or blood to be eaten / for ever, " the fat ' of the beast of which men offer a fire offering,' the blood, ' whether of fowl or beast,' under pain of being ' cut off ' ; / ' all the fat is Yahweh's,' and so to be burned on the altar. ps ft Gen g4 — Flesh not to be eaten ' with the life thereof, the blood thereof.' f. Purification after childbirth P' Lev 12I-8 — After childbirth the mother to be unclean for seven days for a boy and fourteen for a girl, and to ' continue in the blood of her purifying ' in all forty and eighty days respectively. g. Secretions Do 2310- — Involuntary uncleanness while in H war camp to be purged by ablution, readmission following at sundown. ph 6 Lev 224 — A priest ' whose seed goeth from him ' to be unclean till purified by ablutions. P' c Lev 58 d 15 — ¦* Detailed provisions for duration of uncleanness and pro cess of purification in various cases of men and women, with rules for things and persons contaminated by touch ; " a sin offering required where any one has unwittingly touched ' the uncleanness of man.' h. Leprosy in man D o 248' — The priests the Levites to give teaching or ' torah ' as God had commanded them, and the people to obey scrupulously, remembering Miriam. P*cLev 13I-46K di4^-°^ e 84-57 fj^^sb-im g 2i-s2_c Elaborate directions to be followed by ' the priest ' in discriminating between real and appai'ent oases of leprosy; if finally 'pronounced unclean,' the man is to live apart and proclaim himself, by word and appearance, unclean ; if found not to be a leper, the priest is to ' pronounce him clean,' but in some cases 8 34 he is to ' wash his clothes and be clean * ; '^ an archaic ritual is prescribed as needful before ' the leper ' can be ' pronounced clean,' thorough-going ablutions being still necessary before he 'shall be clean'; "colophon; /detailed sacrificial ceremonies to be performed before the leper 'shall be clean,' preceded by a repetition of the ablutions ; » alternative ritual for the poor. i. Leprosy in a garment P' Lev 1347-59 — Rules gjyen for discrimination of ' leprosy ' in a garment, which is to be burnt or washed as directed. j. Leprosy in a house P' Lev 1483-53" — Eules given for discrimination of leprosy in a house ; if condemned, it must be destroyed and its indwellers cleansed ; if pronounced clean, the ceremonies of i-Ohd must be applied. k. Sanitary and "general pro'visions ' — Rules for personal cleanliness. Cp b 22._ ph 6 Lev 22I-7 — Priests not to eat the holy food while unclean from any cause. D o 239-14"— Rules for personal cleanliness. Cp burial of hanged criminal 2i22-. 6f g Cp n39 ' separation.' 442 SACRIFICES I'-la. P'cLev 52-8 — Involuntary contraction of any kind of uncleanness to be purged by a sin offering. pe d Lev iqI"" c Num 18"—'' Priests to discriminate between clean and unclean generally ; " only to eat holy food when ceremonially ' clean.' 1. Acceptable offerings J a Gen 828 — Clean and unclean animals distinguished, and the clean chosen by Noah for sacrifice. D 6 152I' c 17I — " No blemished ox or sheep fit for sacrifice, ' firstlings in particular may not be offered if deformed in any way, but may be eaten at home. ph d Lev 2217-26 g 26-28 — d -paW specification of blemishes which disqualify an animal as a victim, for a vow or freewill offering ; as a burnt or peace offering ; from homeborn or foreigner ; an animal must be a week old, and the dam and her young must not both be killed in one day. m; Cireumcision J o Ex 424-26 cp Josh 52-9 — Strange stoi'y of the circumcision of Moses' son by Zipporah, cp the rite at Gilgal later. P'6Lev 128- To take place on the eighth day. P8 c Gen 17I8-14 d2i* eEx 12^8 — "Circumcision imposed on Abraham as a covenant-token, carried out on eighth day, extending to all homeborn and slaves, on pain of being ' cut off ' for neglect ; " ' strangers ' to be circumcised before eating the Passover. n. Pruit trees yh Lev ig28-25 — Trees newly planted to be counted 'as uncircumcised' for three years ; in fourth year the fruit to be devoted to God, and in the fifth year eaten. 7. Sacrifices a. Sacrifice in general, cp 10a J a Gen 48- 6 158 cEx 3I8 &c dio^*- 63428 — oAbel and '' Abraham sacrifice, and "¦* sacrifice is the motive of the exodus ; " ' Thou shalt not sacrifice the blood of thy sacrifice with leavened bread, neither shall the sacrifice of the feast of the Passover be left unto the morning.' E/Gen 31=4 461* g Ex 1812 h 2o24h i 23I8 — /Jacob sacrifices, and "Jethro ; * an altar is required for sacrifice ; « ' Thou shalt not sacrifice the blood of my sacrifice with leavened bread, neither shall the fat of my feast remain all night unto the morning.' Dj 124-14 k 26-28_ji All kinds of sacrifices to be brought to the central sanctuary, i e burnt offerings, vows, i sacrifices, tithes, heave offerings, freewill offerings, firstlings, and *holy things ; *the flesh and the blood of the ' burnt offerings ' to be offered upon the altar ; and the blood of the ' sacrifices ' ( = peace offerings) to be poured out upon it, the offerer to eat the flesh, feasting joyfully before God with family and dependants. Ph;Lev 17I-7" m'- 1— 'No more common slaying of animals for food to go on, much less the sacrificing of them ' in the open field ' or to the satyrs after 61 See I13g. m Cp '40 ' circumcise.' 7a See VIII i § 1 p 82 for a general comparison, cp XI § 27 p 179 for J, XII § 25 P 2q6 for B and XIII § 4a p 246 for P. Various characteristic phrases may be referred to in this connexion, such as =110, 'll?, llS^hesi ' offer,' -1=202 'sacrifice,' 'hies 'bread of (his) God,' '25 'atonement,' n58 'sweet savour.' See also the general comparative statement as to sacrifice inserted in the main table under 7*(aHJ)i according to the next note. 443 ^7a] LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS whom they go a-vvhoring, but '•" all animals to be offered as burnt or peace offerings at the sanctuary on pain of being ' cut off.' P' n Lev 737- — Colophon enumerating kinds of sacrifices treated in preceding code, 1 e burnt, meal, sin, guilt, and peace offerings (' and of the consecra tion ' in ^s). Pe 0 Ex 2g — Burnt, peace, sin, and meal offerings incidentally ordered and described in connexion with Aaron's consecration. P'p Lev 8 3 Num 28' — The execution of the full ritual "prescribed ig recorded ; ' burnt, meal, drink, and oil offerings prescribed for every day in the calendar (see full analysis under 13gi pp 4g4-)- (a) Questions treated JB ' To whom ? '— To Yahweh. D ' Where ? ' — At the central sanctuary. P ' "What ? '—The ordained offering. ' How ? ' — According to the prescribed ritual. ' When ? ' — On the set day by the calendar. ' By whom ? ' — By the Aaronic priesthood alone> But ' to whom ' there is no question, nor ' jvliere ' except as to the exact point in the sanctuary, as ' at the door of the Tent of Meeting.' (b) Historical view JB (D) Sacrifice continuous and acceptable from Abel and Noah onwards. P^ Sacrifice never recorded before the erection of the sanctuary, the institution of the priesthood, and the giving of the Law ; impHoitly regarded as only legitimate under these conditions. (c) Common forms JED Peace offerings, burnt offerings, (meal offerings cp Judg 619-21), oil (op Hos 2° 6 Mic 6'), wine (cp Hos 2* 9 gi)^ (shewbread cp i Sam 216). P Peace offerings, burnt offerings, meal offerings, oil, wine, shewbread. (d) Peculiar elements T> "Wool Deut i84 (op wool' and flax Hos 28 9). P Sin, guilt, and incense offerings, and the use of salt. (e) Predominant form JBD The peace offering far the most prominent ; to ' eat and drink before Yahweh ' = to sacrifice. P The burnt offering, with its accompanying meal offering, dominates the system of the Priestly Code. f) Relation to food There are no clear directions about animal food in JB, but the permission of D to kill at home without sacrifice seems to show that it was never formerly partaken of except at a sacrificial meal. ph seems to forbid slaughter except at the central sanctuary, but see Lev 17'". pe by the covenant of Noah sanctions it in advance. F' regulates it Lev 722--7. (g) Condition when offered (The flesh boiled, cp Deut 1421 i67", and the meal baked in cakes Judg 6i9-2i. I Sam 213-I6, as for a feast given to a human guest.) P The flesh raw, and the meal preferably uncooked (see m below), as though to leave the materials as God had left them, and to avoid anthropomorphism. 7a(a)-( j) A good deal of material, properly belonging to the footnotes, has been inserted for convenience above, where a number of particulars, relating to all or several of the sacrifices, are collected in a summary comparative statement. It will be observed that the data of JE are occasionally supplemented from the historical books and prophets, the references being usually subjoined. A similar plan is pursued under i^9a with the sacred seasons. 444 SACRIFICES [^7c (h) Aspect emphasized JED Burnt offerings being the exception, practically every sacrifice involved a sacrificial meal, so that the feast was an essential and outstanding part of the celebration, D suggesting that the poor should share in it. The blood may never be eaten, but is merely poured out. No stress is laid on the feast, but throughout P, and increasingly in its later sections, importance is attached to the manipulation of the blood, especially ia connexion with the idea of propitiation. (i) Free or ordered JBD The manner of offering was no doubt regulated by usage which varied from place to place ; but the choice of the victim, and of the time of offering (except as regards the three great feasts), was left to the offerer. P Every detail is prescribed (op (a) above), the predominant aim of the Priestly Code being to secure a uniform and stately round of sacrifices, op ^13g»" Num 28-". (j) Personal or public JBD Individuals or families of their own motion offer sacrifice, and if they fail to furnish a victim there is no provision for any sacrifice at all at the feasts, or for any special occasion of joy, anxiety, or honour. P Joint or representative sacrifices, independent of every special motive and of all spontaneity, are provided by law daily and at every sacred season, freewill or private offerings receding into the background, except in the case of the high priest, and where a sin or giult offering is due. b. Burnt offering, cp 7d J 0 Gen 826o 6 Ex io28 — « Noah ' took of every olean beast and of every clean fowl, and offered burnt offerings ' ; 6 Moses required cattle from Pharaoh for burnt offerings. EcGen22i-i3 dExi8i2 e 2o24 cp 240 326 /Num 2386 18" g Deut 276* — " The immemorial usage is illustrated by the details of the sacrifice of Isaac ; ' at Horeb directions are given for an altar for burnt offerings, and instances occur in connexion with * Jethro's visit, " the sealing of the covenant and the making of the golden calf, and / the prophesying of Balaam ; ^ burnt offerings are to be offered on the altar ordered at (Ebal). D h 126 11 13- 27a — h Burnt offerings named first among the list of offerings to be made at the central sanctuary. ph i Lev 22I8-20 — Conditions of acceptance for a burnt offering. P'jLevii-18 fc 14-17 J68-13"— j'The offerer bringing a male calf, lamb, or kid to slay, flay, and dismember the victim, the priest to present the blood, and dash it around against the altar, to put fire (presumably fresh fire) upon the altar, to lay wood on it, and burn the whole ; * the offerer bringing a bird, turtle dove, or young pigeon to leave all to the priest to do, i e to kill it and offer it as directed ; 'the burnt offering to be ou the fire all night, and in the morning the priest to remove its ashes, while clothed in his linen vestments, then after changing them to carry the ashes unto a clean place ; the fire to be perennial; Pe m Ex 2gi8-i3 n Lev g"-" 16 — "• Orders for a burnt offering at Aaron's consecration, the ritual prescribed agreeing with ^' ' above ; " the burnt offering on the octave of the consecration follows the same ritual and is said to be ' according to the ordinance.' P' 0 Lev 78 p 818-21—1' The execution exactly follows the order '"- " The skin is to be the officiating priest's perquisite. c. Consumption, rule of J a Ex 342811 — ^The sacrifice of the Feast of the Passover not to be left unto the morning. 7b Cp ''118\— i On the slaying of the victim see Lev i"". 445 ^7c] LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS B 6 Ex 23I8''— The fat of God's feast not to remain until the morning. D c i64 — The flesh of the sacrifice of the first day of the Passover-Mazzoth celebration not to remain until the morning. ph dhev ig8-'' 6 2228- — d An ordinary 'sacrifice of peace offerings' may be eaten the second day, but on the third any remnant must be burnt, on pain of the eater of it being cut off from his people. But " ' a sacrifice of thanks giving ' may only be eaten on the day of the sacrifice, none is to be left until the morning. P'/Lev 715-18 — The provisions of ""h ''" are repeated with slight variations of terminology. pg cp ^Ipj. d. Daily sacrifice P' a Ex 2988-42" 6 3o7- c Num 288-8 — oc Aaron is to offer, both morning and evening, a lamb as a burnt offering with meal, oil, and wine offerings as appointed ; " ' a perpetual incense before Yahweh ' is to be burnt, morniug and evening, upon the golden altar. (Lev 68-18 is by some referred to tho daily sacrifice.) e. Empty-handedness forbidden J a Ex 342°" — None to appear before Yahweh empty. B 6 Ex 23I8" — Identical with '^, probably copied. D 0 Deut i6i6- — "Worshippers at the three pilgrimage-feasts not to appear before Yahweh empty. ph d Lev 23^8'' 17-20" — Israelites to present annually the wave-sheaf of first- fruits, and then at Pentecost two loaves and two lambs. pee Lev 235 — On each of the 'set feasts of Yahweh' 'an offering made by fire ' is to be offered. P'/Num 28- — Burnt, meal,, and drink offerings are prescribed for each day in the sacred calendar. f. Fleece of "wool D i84 — The first shearing to be given to Levi, the sacred tribe. g. Guilt offering P' a Lev 5I4-16" 6 17-19 c 6i-7 d 7I-7 e Num 58-8 / Lev i92i-_ Aaron to enter before the mercy-seat within the veil only with clouds of incense from a censer, "Nadab and Abihu destroyed for offering strange fire in their censers, also Korah and the two hundred and fifty princes for offering incense without authority, and atonement made in the ensuing plague by Aaron with a censer of incense ; "incense an accompaniment of the shewbread. P" dEx 30I-9 e34-ss — d^ golden altar of incense to be made, and Aaron to burn incense upon it every morning and evening when dressing and lighting the lamps ; no strange incense to be used ; ' the composition of the sacred incense prescribed, its imitation forbidden. j. Jealousy offering P' Num 5I1-31" — A composite ordinance requiring a specific offering and ritual in cases of marital jealousy. 1. Leprosy offerings P« a Lev 142-7'' 5 18-20 c 21-32 d 49-63_a por the cleansing of the leper a special ritual is prescribed, fcr which two living birds, cedar wood, scarlet, . and hyssop are required ; '' to this a second series of ceremonies a week later is superadded, composed of familiar elements, three lambs, meal, and oil, used as in similar cases with an elaboration of detail ; " provision is made for offerings of less cost for poorer people ; ^ the first form of ritual is also prescribed for leprosy in a house. m. Meal offering J'^ Cp nab. P'aLev2i-3 6 4-13 c 14-16 d 614-18 g 19-231- _^, 9 3 Num i5"-2i"— I- Different forms of cooked meal offering recognized, cakes or wafers froin the oven, or from the baking pan, or frying pan. On the other hand " m is required, presumably by a later ordinance, to be of fine flour uncooked. Further there is " a 'meal offering of firstfruits,' ' corn in the ear parched with fire, bruised corn of the fresh ear,' and " ' a cake for an heave offering of the first ofthe dough.' ''With the exception of this last and of certain cakes offered with the thank ofi'ering 7I3, none of which are made to pass through the altar fire, ^^ no leaven allowed with a meal offering, ^ nor any honey, but ' salt always to be used. Frankincense ordered with ' the parched corn ' and '"' the uncooked meal offering of flour ; and '^^"^^ oil with all the meal offerings of which part is burnt as a memorial. The priest to take '' the memorial or '^ his handful or " part of the bruised corn, and burn it on the altar with '^^ all the frankincense and "^ part of the oil ; "'"' the rest of the meal offerings to be for the priests, /those cooked in oven, baking pan, or frying pan being reserved for the priest offering them, but " the priests' own meal offerings to be wholly burnt, not eaten. * A morning and evening daily meal offering prescribed, of fine flour cooked with oil as directed. pe h Ex 2g2. 23. . 32. . J- Num i89 ;, a special meal offering, loaves, wafers, and cakes of fine wheaten flour cooked without leaven and placed in a basket, oil being used for the last two, prescribed for the day of Aaron's consecration; one of each to be 'waved' and then burnt as a memorial, and the rest eaten the same day, any remnants being burnt ; ' ' every meal 71 Cp '72 'frankincense,' '95 'incense.' m The number and diversity of ordinances on the meal offering not only suggest that the usage of more than one place or period is represented, but thatthis kind of offering was a very popular one. Observe that minha, which in JE is generic, 'offering,' becomes in P specific, 'meal offering,' see 'IISK The stoi^' of Cain's ' offering ' (Jo ' present ') at least proves the antiquity of this kind of gift to God ; it is doubtful whether any disparagement of it is intended in the narrative. Cp 'llSh, 447 ^7m] LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS offering' of the people, so far as ' [reserved] from the fire,' to belong to the priesthood, and to be eaten ' as the most holy things ' and shared by ' every male.' P« j Lev 82 2«- -31. jc Num 15I-9 I Lev lo"- m -j^'—lc The ' basket of consecra tion' prepared and used as directed '', the ordinance * about the daily meal offering apparently being adapted to fit the same occasion ; * every animal victim, offered as a burnt offering or a ' sacrifice ' (i e peace offering), to be accompanied by its appropriate meal offering according to the scale pre scribed ; ' Aaron and his surviving sons bidden to eat the meal offering as their due 'beside the altar' 'in a holy place.' ""The restriction noticed above / removed by a later regulation, which provides that 'every meal offering, mingled with oil or dry, shall all the sons of Aaron have, one as well as another.' n. No leaven J a Ex 3428 — No leavened bread to be offered with the blood of Yahweh's sacrifice. B 6 Ex 23I8 — No leavened bread to be offered with the blood of God's sacrifice. P' c Lev 2" d 6" e 7I1-14 — » No leaven to be used with any meal offering, or fire offering of any kind, neither <* shall the flour of a meal offering after the offering be baked with leaven for the priests' use. ' Both unleavened cakes and wafers and leavened bread to be offered with a sacrifice of thanks giving, but presumably without any part being burnt on the altar. P»/Lev 10I2 — The priests' portion of the meal offering to be eaten without leaven. o. Oil in sacrifice J a Gen 35'* — Jacob pours oil upon his votive pillar at Bethel. B 6 Gen 28I8— 1| J". P' Oil (i'7ma-e) as an accompaniment of the meal offering and ^llbc an element in the leprosy offerings. P» i'7mA Prescribed proportion of oil in the meal offerings accompanying animal sacrifices. p. Peace offering J See », especially ^, which specifies ' sacrifices ' (i e peace offerings) ' and burnt offerings ' as the offerings which Israel was to ' sacrifice ' according to the demand of Ex 3I8 &o (g times). B a Ex 2o24 248 328 Num 2240 6 Deut 27' — " Peace offerings ordered to be offered on the altar prescribed to be made, offered at the ratification of the covenant, part of the worship of the golden calf, and provided by Balak in honour of Balaam's arrival ; b peace offerings to be sacrificed on the altar ordered to be made (on Mount Ebal). D c 126 11 27b d 133 — <: Peace offerings among the offerings to be made only at the central sanctuary. ^ The shoulder, the two cheeks, and the maw to constitute the priest's portion in a ' sacrifice ' (i e peace offering). ph eLev 17I-8 /2221-3S— eNo animal to be killed for food or as a sacrifice without offering it at the sanctuary for a sacrifice of peace offerings ; /to be acceptable as a peace offering, an animal must be perfect according to the prescribed definition ; but of the three forms of peace offering, the freewill offering must be lowest, because /a lower standard of acceptance is pre- "scribed for it, the thank offering highest, because to be consumed the same day as offered, ep i'7t. 7p The contradictory statements {"d and 'jln) as to the priest's share point to a difference of date, unless we are to suppose that at the centralizing of the cultus varying usages were found side by side according to the varying praxis of the several sanctuaries, and that they are reflected severally in D and P. But if the arrangement in D had established itself firmly it could hardly have beeu upset by P. Cp'1181. 448 SACRIFICES p7s P'ffLev 3^-'8 ft7ii-2i_»The offerer to kill the victim (but see i^7b"), the priest to dash the blood against the altar, and to burn the fat with the prescribed portions included with it ; then * every person that is cere monially olean may eat of the flesh, no doubt after the priest's portion, see i'13g Lev 731-, has been taken. Specific meal offerings are prescribed for a sacrifice of thanksgiving (see ^7t), but not for a vow or a freewill offering (cp also i^ece 7o/13gc). P» j Ex 2g28-34 /c Lev gi8-2i — 3 A special form of peace offering, ' the ram of consecration,' ordered at Aaron's consecration ; the fat to be burnt ; and the priest's portion (here defined as ' the breast of the wave offering and the thigh of the heave offering ') to be ' sanctified ' ; the flesh to be seethed ' iu a holy place,' eaten at the door of the Tent of Meeting by Aaron and his sons, and anything remaining till next day burnt. *A similar peace offer ing described as being brought by the people and offered on the octave of the consecration. ps! Lev 734- m 822-32 mioi4-_'nThe priests' due specified as above y; ""the offering of the ram of consecration described, the thigh being burnt, but the breast given to Moses. r. The red heifer P' Num igi-22K — A red heifer is to be burnt entire, that with its ashes a ' water of separation ' may be prepared for use in purifying those unclean by the dead. This ordinance in its earlier portion seems to be much worked over, the reference to Eleazar being an indication of P». B. Sin offering P' a Lev 51-8"' 6^-16" c 11-13 d 624-29 ^Num i522-3i_<»A sin offering, with confession of the offence, prescribed in cases of withholding evidence, swearing rashly, or unwittingly touching an unclean thing, or ^if an unintentional failure to keep ' these commandments ' (i e presumably of the ceremonial law) take place on the part of the congregation or of an individual. But ° wilful transgression cannot be atoned for. In" the former series of cases a female lamb or goat is required, with b a reduction for poverty to two turtle doves or young pigeons (one for a sin offering, the other for a burnt offering), or " to tV of an ephah of fine flour ; ' in the latter two cases a he-goat (in addition to a young bullock for a burnt offering) and a she-goat are respectively demanded. ^ The victim is to be killed ' where the burnt offering is killed,' 'the priest that offereth it for sin shall eat ' the flesh 'in a holy place,' though it is added, either as explanation or correction, that 'every male among the priests shall eat thereof,' and the holiness of the blood and flesh is such as to affect garments and vessels. In "''* the oldest ordinances nothing is prescribed as to the ceremonial of sacrifice, but '" the supplements are fuller. Pe/Ex 2gii-i4 jLev g8-ii 18 h Num i89— / A bullock ordered for a sin offer ing at Aaron's consecration, and the ceremonial prescribed. Aaron and his sons to lay their hands on the victim's head, then Moses is to kill it at the door of the Tent of Meeting, and after some of the blood has been applied with the finger to the horns of the altar, the whole is to be poured out at its base ; then the fat and the parts included with it to be burnt on the altar, but the flesh, skin, and dung to be burnt without the camp. ' On the octave of the consecration Aaron offers a calf as a sin offering after the same manner. ' ' Every sin offering of the people ' is to be eaten by the priests and by them alone. 7a The notes on ab in Bex ii refer to the peculiar phenomena of the sin and guilt offering laws, from which it is hard clearly to distinguish the two. In the history the aUusions are even more puazUng (2 Kings 12.18 gg money fines cp Am 28, i Sam 6 g ' jewels of gold '). The absence of gs from Lev 1-3 suggests that they had not yet reached the same level of acceptance as bpm. It should be noticed that s has » positive consecrating power, restoring or dedicating the person to the worship and serrioe of God, whereas g has rather a negative effect iu making reparation and neutralizing gnilt, op also i^7g". Cp '118J, '•44 ' confess.' 449 a g »7t] LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS P» i Lev 814. j ^1-35 J. 630 i ioi6-2os_» The sin offering ordered at Aaron's consecration / is described as being offered in the appointed manner, but the application of the blood to the altar is interpreted as being for its purifi- cation (ct ^b i'7ya, and also ^' Ex 40I0, where the altar is to be ' sanctified ' by unction with the anointing oil, and Num 7I, where this is said to have been done), i Distinctive sin offerings required in cases of guilt unwittingly incurred by doing what was forbidden (again presumably by the ceremonial law), whether by ' the anointed priest,' ' the whole congregation of Israel,' ' a ruler,' or ' one of the common people ' ; the ceremonial practically as above/, but ordered in greater particularity, and in the first two cases the blood to be sprinkled seven times inside the Tent ' before the veil ' and applied to ' the horns of the altar of sweet incense,' the rest being poured out ' at the base of the altar of burnt offering ' ; the bodies of the victims to be burnt without the camp ' in a clean place, where the ashes are poured out.' * It is laid down as a rule that no sin offering whose blood as above (and cp Lev i627) is brought into the Tent is to be eaten, but burnt ; I Eleazar and Ithamar, Aaron's surviving sons, are blamed for not having eaten a sin offering which was not covered by this rule. t. Sacrifice of thanksgiving ph a Lev 2229 — ' A sacrifice of thanksgiving' to be sacrificed ' so that it may be accepted,' i e presumably so as to satisfy the customary requirements of the oral priestly torah ; to be eaten only on the day of the sacrifice, and so connected with the peace offering, the only sort which furnished a feast for the offerer. See also i^l3f. P' 6 Lev 7I8-1S — The ' sacrifice of peace offerings for thanksgiving ' expressly included under 'the law of the sacrifice of peace offerings ' and distinguished from vows and freewill offerings, which are the only other kinds specified. The rule of consumption repeated, cp 1-70. "w. "Wine offering 3 a Gen 35I4 — Jacob pours out a drink offering upon his votive pillar. P' b Ex 2g40- c Lev 23I3 d Num 151-16" e Num 28 — Drink offerings prescribed b for the daily burnt offering, ' for the offering of the day of the wave-sheaf, ''for the occasional, and " for the prescribed sacrifices. The scale is the same throughout, i e half a hin of wine for a bullock, one-third for a ram, and one-fourth for a lamb. Cp. '¦ISgi Num 28". y. "STearly sin offering Pe a Lev i6i"28§ — The germ of the developed law of the Day of Atonement is contained in the parts assigned to Pe in the text, Hex ii (which see for details). It seems to be the original provision of Pe for the sanctifying of the altar, Tent, and inner sanctuary, ct 7sj above. P" 5 Lev 16I-34 c Ex 30I0 — The ordinance, as successively supplemented, adds provisions for an atonement for Aaron and his house, for the repetition of the ceremony at the consecration of a high priest, and for its estabUshment as a yearly day of solemn observance. '^ The altar of incense is to be used for atonement by the blood of the sin offering being annually applied to the horns of it by the high priest, this provision being possibly the result of interpreting 'the altar before Yahweh' Lev 1612 i3 as meaning this altar. z. The goat for Azazel Pe Lev 168-28 — One of the original elements of the Day of Atonement, never elsewhere referred to, is the institution of the scapegoat, one of two chosen 7t Cp 'lis''. w Cp '118". y z For another view see Enc Bibl under Atonement, Azasel. On the date of introduction of the annual Day of Atonement op XIII § 11/3 p 300. .450 SACRED DUES [^8b by lot, which is to be ' sent away for Azazel into the wilderness,' after Aaron had confessed over his head ' all the iniquities of the children of Israel, all their transgressions, even all their sins.' 8. Sacred Dues a. Firstborn J aEx 1311-ie™ &34i9._0!) All firstborn males belong to Yahweh, and are to be redeemed, but the manner of redemption is undefined. " The amplifier has connected this ordinance with the destruction of the Egyptian firstborn. E c Ex 2229 — The firstborn of Israel's sons to be given to God. Pec! Ex 13'- eNum 18I8 — ''At the exodus Moses is bidden to sanctify unto Yahweh all the firstborn, and ' later it is laid down that this means that they are given to Aaron and his sons, and that in the case of the firstborn of man each must be redeemed. (See further lliikq.) b. Firstlings J a Gen 44 6 Ex 13I1-18™ C34I8— "Abel brings of the firstlings of his flock as an offering to Yahweh. '"' Moses requires that ' all that openeth the womb,' male firstlings of beasts as well as firstborn of men, be reckoned as Yahweh's, and that the firstling of an ass be redeemed with a lamb, or its neck broken. E (2 Ex 2288 — Firstlings of oxen and sheep to be given to God on the eighth day. D e 15I9-22 cp 1^23 — Firstling males of the herd and flock to be ' sanctified unto Yahweh ' ; the calf may not be worked nor the lamb sheared, but it is to be eaten in a sacrificial feast at the central sanctuary (it is implied, after being sacrificed as a peace oft'ering), unless it have some blemish, when it is to be eaten at home without being sacrificed. Ps/Ex 131- s Num. 18I8-18 — /Firstlings included under same description as the firstborn of men, to be sanctified unto Yahweh, but " also expressly specified, and the rule laid down that the firstlings of a cow, a sheep, or a goat (i e clean animals available for sacrifice) may not be redeemed, and that their flesh after they have been sacrificed as peace offerings belongs to the priests ; but the firstlings of unclean beasts must be redeemed from a month old, the price being settled ' according to thine (the priest's) estimation,' though the very next words state 'for the money of five shekels,' apparently a uniform price. ps h Lev 2726- — No one can, as of his own motion, sanctify a firstling as a gift to Yahweh, for it is his already ; and if it be of an unclean beast he must redeem it according to the priest's estimation + \, or let it be sold according to the priest's estimation. Sa It might be conjectured that some provisions in JE have been displaced as incongruous with later ordinances. "Was the firstborn son bound to assist the head of the famUy in his priestly functions, and does the conception of P account for the discontinuance of amy such lay priesthood ? "Were the ' young men ' of Ex 248 first- bom sons ? Should the sacrifice of Isaac be used in illustration of the divine claim to the firstborn, Ishmael being neglected f At least it may be said that the later tradition failed to record the method by which in old times the firstborn sons were given to God or redeemed. Perhaps K found a clue in JE and expunged it. See also xn § 55 (ii) p 223. b sThe offering of a firstKng on the eighth day d ceasing to be practicable on the aboUtion of the local sanctuaries, " the provision is substituted that no profit may be made out of it before it is offered, op IX i § 26 p 125. In the later ordinances ' the cases and conditions are as usual more fully treated. 451 G ,g 2 "^So] LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS 0. Firstfruits 3 a Gen 48 6 Ex 3428 — " Cain brings ' of the fruit of the ground an offering unto Yahweh ' ; b Moses commands Israel, ' The first of the firstfruits of thy ground thou shalt bring unto the house of Yahweh thy God.' E c Ex 2229" d 23I9" — '^ The last command '' is identically given, and " it is ordered, ' Thou shalt not delay to offer of the abundance of thy fruits and of thy liquors ' (J§ ' of thy fulness and thy tear '). D e iS*'"' /261-11— ^The firstfruits are part of the endowment of the priesthood ; /they are to be brought in a basket, given to the priest with use of prescribed words, set down by him before the altar, and offered by the worshipper with other prescribed words, a rare instance of a rite thus fully furnished. pii g Lev 23I0-20 — On ' the morrow after the sabbath,' whether the phrase refers to one of the days of Mazzoth, or to some other occasion, the sheaf of the firstfruits of the harvest which has been brought by the worshipper is to be waved before Yahweh, and none are to eat ' bread, nor parched corn, nor fresh ears ' (i e of the new corn) until they have ' brought the oblation of their God.' Then after fifty days a ' new meal offering ' is to be brought, ' two wave loaves of two tenth parts of fine flour, bakeu with leaven, for firstfruits unto Yahweh.' "With these two yearling he-lambs are to be waved for a wave offering before Yahweh : ' they shall be holy unto Yahweh for the priest.' P' h Lev 2I4-18 i Num 1517-21 — h Directions given how to ' offer a meal offering of firstfruits unto Yahweh' (ie probably as a freewill offering), to be composed of ' corn in the ear parched with fire, bruised corn of the fresh ear, with oil and frankincense.' « The people when they come into the land are ordered, when they eat of the bread of the land, to offer up of the first of their dough a cake for an heave offering, as they heave the heave offering of their threshing-floor, this last being perhaps an allusion to the wave-sheaf. pe j Num i8i2- — ' All the best of the oil, and all the best of the vintage, and of the corn, the firstfruits of them which they give unto Yahweh ' and ' the first ripe fruits of all that is' in their land, which they bring unto Yahweh ' given to the priests. d. Tithes B a Gen 2822" — Jacob promises to God a tithe of all that he should give him, if he should be brought back home in peace and prosperity. D 61422-29 (;26i2-i5 — !>The tithe of agricultural produce to be sold and the money spent on feasting at the central sanctuary, the local Levite being admitted to a share ; but ' in the third year, which is the year of tithing,' to be given on the spot to the Levite, stranger, fatherless, and widow, with an appropriate prayer of dedication after a pre scribed form. pe d Num i82i-24_'The tithes of the children of Israel, which they offer as an heave offering unto Yahweh,' to be ' given to the Levites.' ps e Lev 2780-33 / Gen 1420— « ' All the tithe of the land, whether of the seed 80 Again au obviously ancient custom is embodied in different forms in successive periods. -"^ First the offering of all kinds of firstfruits at the local sanctuary is generally required ; then " the ritual is defined and liturgioally enriched; next "" a distinction appears between raw and cooked, and finally 'e this distinction estabhshes itself in the collateral terms hikkurim aud reshith. Cp Bennett on- ' Krstfruits ' in Hastings' DB. d There are internal diificulties about the tithe in D, as to which see Driver ad loc, but nowhere is there a hint that it extended to anything but vegetable produce, the inclusion of cattle occurring only iu P'. If B* reaUy connected tithes with Jacob (cp XII § 4 p 217), he probably overlooked the fact that Jacob's wealth was to be in cattle, even as the need of corn later in Geu obviously implies an agricultural condition menaced by famine. 452 SACRED DUES {'¦Sh of the land or of the fruit of the tree, is Yahweh's,' but may be redeemed with the addition of a fifth. Also 'all the tithe of the herd or of the flock . . . shall be holy unto Yahweh,' and cannot be redeemed, and if one be changed for another, both shall be forfeited as holy. /Abraham is related to have paid tithes to Melchizedek of all the spoil of Sodom. e. Tithe of tithes pe Num i828-32_The Levites are to treat the tithes as their income and to tithe them, giving the tenth as ' Yahweh's heave offering to Aaron the priest.' f. Vows B Cp Judg ii80- 34-40 (assigned to E), where Jephthah vows to offer up 'whosoever' should meet him ' as a burnt offering.' Cp he and ct fc. D a 2321- ¦ — A vow is a freewill offering promised beforehand with the mouth, and when once vowed is to be paid. P' 6 Num 61-21 — The vow ofthe Nazirite (see i^llp). pscLev27i-i3 dNum 2g39 eNum 30I-18" — « Where the subject of the vow is a living person, a scale of money equivalents is provided according to age and sex, and with power to the priest tp reduce it for poverty ; where it is a beast, it may not be redeemed if it is of a kind fit for sacrifice, and, if one be changed for another, both are forfeited ; but if it be unclean, it may be redeemed at the priest's valuation + \. ^ A vow once made by a man or woman must be fulfilled, but the father of a maiden or the husband of a married woman may annul her vows if he do so at once on hearing the utterance ; the vow of a widow or divorced woman is however irrevocable. ''The fixed offerings prescribed for ordinary and special days are to be independent of any vows offered in addition. g. Free"will offerings D a 1610 b 128 — " The Feast of "Weeks to be kept, not with a prescribed tale of sacrifices, but with 'a tribute of a freewill offering' according to the measure of God's blessing. '' Freewill offerings are among those which are only to be offered at the central sanctuary. pi> c Lev 22I9-24 — A freewill offering may be a burnt offering or a peace offering, but the victim must satisfy the conditions prescribed '¦Qld, which are less stringent in case of a freewill offering. P' A Lev 7I8— One kind of peace offering is composed of vows and freewill offerings, and may be eaten on the second day. P' e Num 2g39 — Freewill offerings are to be in addition to, and independent of, the fixed order of periodical sacrifices. h. Sanctified and devoted things D a 725-27 5 jgiz-is — a The graven images of the Canaanite gods, with the gold and silver on them, are devoted things and are to be burnt with fire and may not be taken into any one's possession ; b an apostate and idolatrous city is to be treated similarly, its inhabitants and their cattle to be killed, and all the spoil burnt. pe c Num 18"— .' Everything devoted in Israel shall be ' the property of the Jjriesthood. P" d Lev 2714-28 e 28- —d if a man sanctify a house, he may redeem it at the priest's valuation -^\•, if he sanctify a field out of his patrimony, he may 8f The provisions of P» (ot D) as to vows well illustrate the arrival of an era of defined praxis and written rubrics. g The freewill offering, which is in the foreground in D, has receded into the background for P". h In D ' devote,' whatever its underlying meaning, involves destruction, as in the older usage, but in P» the idea of ' devotion ' is deemed adequately carried out in the case of things by consecrating them to the use of the priesthood. Cp "SS. 453 ^81] LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS redeem it at the priest's true valuation if at aud from the year of Jubile, or with proportional abatement if from the year of Jubile next following ; but if he refuse to redeem it or sell it, then no further power of redemption remains ; if however the field be one bought and not inherited, the valuation shall merely cover the unexpired term till the year of Jubile, when it must return to its owner ; ^ but no devoted thing, whether person, animal, or inherited field, shall be redeemed, and no devoted person shall be ransomed, but put to death. i. Poll tax P»/Ex 30I1-18K — As atonement money, to avert plague on account of the census, half a shekel is due from every person numbered over twenty years of age as a 'ransom for his soul,' and is to be spent for the service of the Tent of Meeting. 9. Sacred Seasons a. Calendar J a Ex 34^8-25 — Mazzoth (Unleavened-bread), Sabbath, Weeks, Ingather ing, and Passover (but see 25") specified or alluded to, three annual appearances 'before the Lord "yahweh, the God of Israel,' being required. E 6 Ex 2310-17 — ^The Sabbatical Year, the Sabbath, and three specified obligatory feasts, Mazzoth, Harvest (= Weeks), and Ingathering. D c i6i-i7" — Three obligatory feasts specified, when all males are to appear before Yahweh at the central sanctuary, Passover and Mazzoth, "Weeks, and Booths ( = Ingathering). pi- d Lev 239-11 14-181 19b. 39-4s'-_The Wave-sheaf Festival (perhaps an element of Mazzoth), Pentecost (= Weeks), and Booths specified in the extant frag ments of calendar. Pe e Lev 234-8" 21 23. 3S-S8 44_The Passover, Mazzoth, Pentecost, Ti-umpets, and Booths specified, the list being amplified by adding the Sabbath and Day of Atonement, and also expanded by combination with B^, the reference to Pentecost almost disappearing. The calendar closes as follows, 87- 'These are the set feasts of Yahweh, which ye shall proclaim to be holy convocations, to offer an offering made by fire unto Yahweh, a burnt offering, and a meal offering, a sacrifice, and drink offerings, each on its own day: beside the sabbaths of Yahweh, and beside your gifts, and beside all your vows, and beside all your freewill offerings, which ye give, unto Yahweh.' Ps/Num 28" — Every day has its sacrifice to sanctify it, and in addition the Sabbath, New Moon, Passover, Mazzoth, Weeks, Trumpets, Day of Atone ment, and Feast of the fifteenth of the seventh month ( = Booths), have additional sacrifices specified as of obligation. (a) General comparison JB The sacred seasons are occasions when natural joy is organized in united festivals at the local sanctuaries, joyous sacrificial feasts being the most pro minent elements in the celebration. D The same are centralijied, becoming pilgrimages, and further organized ; the leading feature still being to ' eat and drink before Yahweh.' J"" akin to JBD. pes Marked mainly by prescribed pubUc offerings, the element of feasting being lost, with the modified exception of the Passover. _ 9a Again, as under i^7a, a series of points, bearing on the whole subject, are given for convenience in the paragraphs above. See also YIII i § 5 p 88. For a general account of the variations in the calendar see Till i § 5 p 88 iii § 2f p 109, cp IX i § 37 p 130 on the rationale of the changes. 454 SACRED SEASONS p9b (b) Origin JE Agricultural, with the exception of the Passover in J'. D Agricultural, with historical connexion beginning to be combined. ?¦> Mainly agricultural still. pes Historical commemoration and reUgious ceremony as such tend to obscure agricultural connexion ; even Pentecost was by the later Jews connected with the giving of the Law. (c) Number JB The Sabbath and three feasts, the Passover being only mentioned in J and not related to Mazzoth, D The Sabbath and three pilgrimages, Passover and Ma2Koth being united. P" like JBD. pes the number is successively increased in pe and P», see ae/. (d) Character JED AU the celebrations are festal gatherings for thanksgiving to God and enjoyment of his gifts. ph like JED. pe' AU are coloured throughout by the consciousness of sin, and need for expiation, culminating in the Day of Atonement. (e) Date JB Settled by the seasons, Abib however being in one place apparently fixed as the month for Mazzoth. D Mazzoth in Abib, Pentecost seven weeks from beginning of harvest. Booths at the end of the harvest, pii Pentecost reckoned as seven weeks after the offering of the wave-sheaf on the 'morrow after the sabbath,' but Booths left unfixed. pes AU fixed by the month and day, i e by the moon, the change being perhaps helped by Passover being a night feast aud so requiring a fuU moon. (f) Duration JE Unspecified (the seven days of Mazzoth probably not belonging to the earliest tradition). D Fixed. P" Uke D. pes Booths extended from seven to eight days. b. The Sabbath J a Ex 3421 — ' Six days thou shalt work (§ serve), but on the seventh day thou shalt keep-sabbath : in plowing time and in harvest thou shalt keep-sabbath.' E6Ex2o8-i8 C2312 — "'Six days thou shalt do thy work (§ doing), and on the seventh day thou shalt keep-sabbath ; that thine ox and thine ass may rest, and the son of thy handmaid be refreshed, and the stranger.' b 1 Eemember D d 512-15-' Observe ED the sabbath day to keep it holy. Six days shalt thou labour (.§ serve) and do all thy work (^ business) : but the seventh day is a sabbath unto Yahweh thy God, in it thou shalt not do any work 9b The older authorities ¦"^° address themselves to masters of households and are principally concerned to secure rest from hard work, ° the humane tendency being emphasized as time went on. The sabbath was then a weekly festival, marked by joyous celebrations. The later ordinances ' breathe a totally different spirit of stringency, and reflect a state of things in which the sabbath was almost the only outward observance of reUgion left to the exUes. Cp Addis ii 277" ; cp also '137 ' the Sabbath.' 455 ^9c] LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS {ig business), thou, nor thy son, nor thy daughter, thy manservant, nor thy maidservant, E nor thy cattle, nor thy stranger that is within thy gates. D nor thine ox, nor thine ass, nor any of thy cattle, nor thy stranger that is within thy gates; that thy manservant and thy maidservant may rest as well as thou. And thou shalt remember that thou wast a servant in the land of Egypt, and Yahweh thy God brought thee out thence by a mighty hand and by a stretched out arm : therefore Yahweh thy God commanded thee to keep the sabbath day.' Pi-eLev ig'" /30'' 3262" ^ex 31I2"— «/»& i^i Pi no sub stantial element being added, but the connexion with the exodus being emphasized. ''The Covenant-words contain a similar ordinance, 'The feast of unleavened bread shalt thou keep. Seven days thou sjialt eat unleavened bread ' (the clause following being probably editorial, ' as I commanded thee, at the time appointed in the month Abib : for in the month Abib thou camest out from Egypt '). E c Ex 23i8"_The Covenant-book apparently contained already an ordinance identical with b, ' The feast of unleavened bread shalt thou keep,' and was expanded from J by adding the clauses following, ' seven days . . . empty.' D d i63- — '3 Seven days shalt thou eat unleavened bread therewith [ie with the Passover, but the word may be an addition in this clause], even the bread of afSiction, for thou camest forth out of the land of Egypt in haste : that thou mayest remember the day when thou camest forth out of the land of Egypt all the days of thy life. * And there shall be no leaven seen with thee in all thy borders seven days.' The rest may be an addition, ' ' Six days thou shalt eat unleavened bread : and on the seventh day shall be a solemn assembly to Yahweh thy God ; thou shalt do no work therein.' B^fJjdv 238-14"— It is possible that the offering of the wave-sheaf of first- fruits 'on the morrow after the sabbath,' ^8cg, was connected with Mazzoth (12- specifying the offering required is ^s). Peg Lev 238-8— 'On the fifteenth day of the [first] month is the feast of unleavened bread unto Yahweh ; seven days ye shall eat unleavened bread. In the first day ye shall have an holy convocation : ye shall do no servile work. But ye shall offer a fire offering unto Yahweh seven days : in the seventh day is an holy convocation ; ye shall do no servile work.' PsfcEx 1214-20 jNum 2817-25" — ft The provisions of ^e repeated in identical terms, but with amplifications defining the time, empha.sizing the strictness with which the rest must be enforced, and enjoining the complete banish ment of leaven from the house. ' Sacrifices are prescribed to be offered. 457 ^9t] LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS f. "VTeeks or Harvest (Pentecost) J a Ex 3422— 'Thou shalt observe the feast of weeks, even of the first- fruits of wheat harvest.' E 6Ex 23I8 — 'And [thou shalt keep] the feast of harvest, the firstfniits of thy labours, which thou sowest in the field.' D c 169-12 — "Seven weeks shalt thou number unto thee : from the time thou beginnest to put the sickle to the standing corn shalt thou begin to number seven weeks, i" And thou shalt keep the feast of weeks unto Yahweh thy God with a tribute of a freewill offering of thine hand, which thou shalt give, according as Yahweh thy God blesseth thee.' 11 The entire household, and the dependent and poor, are to share in the joy and feasting. ' 12 And thou shalt remember that thou wast a bondman in Egypt.' P"" d Lev 2318-20'" — ' 18 And ye shall count unto you from the morrow after the sabbath . . .,^' even unto the morrow after the seventh sabbath shall ye count fifty days ; and ye shall offer a new meal offering unto Yahweh. 17 Ye shall bring out of your habitations two wave loaves of two tenth parts of an ephah ; they shall be of fine floui-, they shall be baken with leaven, for firstfruits unto Yahweh. i3°-And ye shall present with the bread 198 two he -lambs of the first year for a sacrifice of peace offerings. And the priest shall wave them with the bread of the firstfruits for a wave offering unto Yahweh. They shall be holy to Yahweh for the priest.' [isf-M^ is an incorrect interpolation from Num 28, see Lev 23I8".] pe e Lev 2321 — The end only of ^^'s paragraph on this feast is preserved in its due place in the calendar, providing that it should be a holy con vocation, servile work being forbidden. ps/Num 2828-31 — The specific ordering of sacrifices for this feast is thus introduced, ' in the day of the firstfruits, when ye offer a new meal offering unto Yahweh iu your [feast of] weeks, ye shall have an holy convocation ; ye shall do no servile work.' g. Trumpets B^ To be used on all New Moons and other feasts. Cp 4aa. pe a Lev 232S-25 — The Feast of Trumpets or New Year's Day to be kept with full stringency as a holy convocation, on the first day of the seventh month, and marked by ' a memorial of blowing of trumpets.' ps 6 Num 2gi-8 — The offerings of obligation specified, in addition to the daily and New Moon sacrifices. h. Day of atonement P8«Ex3oio 6 Lev 161-34" (.2326-3211 (j Num 2g7-ii— ^The solemn offering of a bullock and a ram as sin offerings for Aaron and his house and for Israel and the sanctuary, the sprinkling of their blood before the mercy -seat within the veil (7y), and the rite of the scapegoat for Azazel (7z) to be repeated upon a great day of humiliation and atonement in the seventh month on the tenth day. On this day all inhabitants and strangers to abstain from work and afflict their souls. " This day added to the calendar, with provisions of great stringency as to its due observance on pain of being 'cut off' or 'destroyed.' The time fixed as being from the evening of the ninth day to the next evening. ''A costly burnt offering vvith its accompani ments, according to the analogy of other holy days, and a single kid as a sin offering, prescribed in addition to ' the sin offering of atonement ' and the 9f The relative fixing of the date is found in D, and a similar but not identical reckoning occurs in P"", which, ambiguous though it is, seems to be adopted into Pe by ps without any clearer definition. But the prescription of offering is quite new in P, D expressly requiring only a freewill offering. g For a good note on New Year's Day and the reckoning of the months see Addis ii 241. 458 SACRED SEASONS p9j daily sacrifice, and presumably in addition to the * two rams ordered as burnt offerings for Aaron and for the people. "^ On the same occasion it is provided, in the paragraph on the construction of the golden altar of incense, that ' Aaron shall make atonement upon the horns of it once in the year : with the blood of the sin offering of atonement once in the year shall he make atonement for it throughout your generations.' i. Ingathering or Booths J a Ex 3422" — .The Covenant-words are brief, ' and [thou shalt observe] the feast of ingathering at the year's revolution.' E 6 Ex 23I8 — The Covenant-book is also short in its provision, ' and [thou shalt keep] the feast of ingathering at the close of the year, when thou gatherest in thy labours out of the field.' D^ 16I8-18 d 318-^2 — « ' Thou shalt keep the feast of booths seven days, after that thou hast gathered in from thy threshing-floor and from thy winepress.' The entire household, with the poor and dependent, are to share in the joyous festival, which is to take place at the central sanc tuary. ''Every seven years the feast is to be marked by the reading of ' this law.' pii e Lev 2388-43'" — ' When ye have gathered in the fruits of the land, ye shall keep the feast of Yahweh seven days. And ye shall take you on the first day the fruit of goodly trees, branches of palm trees, and boughs of thick trees, and willows of the brook ; and ye shall rejoice before Yahweh your God seven days. . . . Ye shall dwell in booths seven days.' Pe/Lev 2384i'-86 — ' On the fifteenth day of this seventh month is the feast of booths for seven days unto Yahweh.' On the first and eighth days is to be a holy convocation, aiid a fire offering daily. ps g Num 2gi2-38 — Numerous and costly burnt offerings prescribed, with a separate requirement for each of the eight days ; * the aim of the feast to recall the wilderness life. j. Sabbatical year E a Ex 2318- 6 2i2^ — <• Every seventh year to be a fallow year, both for the corn land and for vineyards and oliveyards ; tho poor may eat, and ' the beast of the field ' have what they leave, b a Hebrew slave shall serve six years and be free in the seventh, cp 2dc. D c 15I-8 (ii5i2-i8 — 8 I At the end of every seven years' 'Yahweh's release ' is to be ' proclaimed,' and all debts due to a creditor from ' his neighbour and his brother ' are to be released, but ' of a foreigner ' the debt may be exacted ; cp 4vffl, where ' the year of release ' is referred to. ''A Hebrew slave may go free after serving a term of six years. pi's Lev 25I-7 /I8-22 J 2634- 43 — ^e Every seventh year is to be kept with strictness as a fallow year, the crops being neither sown at the beginning nor reaped at the close, the vines not pruned and the grapes not gathered : ' it shall be a year of solemn rest for the land.' Yet it is said that ' the sabbath of the land shall be for good for you ; for thee and for thy servant, and for thy maid and for thy hired servant, and for thy stranger that sojourn with thee; and for thy cattle, and for the beasts that are in thy land, shall all the increase thereof be for good.' /Any deficiency shall be 9i Cp a6e/ above, and see XIII § 4a p 2+6 for a discussion of Solomon's celebration : Kings 8. j The variations are unusuaUy many and substantial, (i) « A seventh year faUow for the land and a seven years' term for slaves is required, nothmg being stated or impUed about any simultaneous reckoning of either period throughout the country. (2) " A simultaneous remission of debts replaces the fallow year, the term of service remaining the same. (3) ' A simultaneous seventh year fallow is ordered ; remission of debts is dropped in favour of a general prohibition of usury ; and emancipation at the fiftieth year is aU that remains ofthe seven years' term of service. See for a general statement VIII i § 6 p 90. 459 '^Qk] LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS made up by the exceptional fertility of the sixth year, which shall produce enough for three years, till the ninth year. Thus in the sixth year they are to sow and reap, in the seventh neither sow nor reap, in the eighth sow at the beginning and reap at the end in time to eat of the new produce in the ninth. "It is prophesied in the closing discourse that in the exile 'the land shall enjoy her sabbaths.' k. Jubile year B^' a Lev 258-17''" 6 24-28_o6 The fiftieth year to be marked by proclamation of ' liberty ' for the land, which is then to return to the old ownership, but may be redeemed before. pscLev 258-17 23-26 (2 29-34 e40i)-42 f 47-55_<> The fiftieth year to be a jubile year, in which land is to return to the old ownership, with redemption at proportionate price previously ; <* houses in walled cities to be sold outright without return and only redeemable in the first year after the sale ; but * Levitical property excepted ; " Hebrew slaves to be free At .the Jubile, but / may be redeemed earlier. 10. Sacred Places a. Site of the Sanctuary J — No ordinance preserved on this point, but many sanctuaries lovingly recognized in the stories of the patriarchs. For instances of pillars aud altars erected see ^5gabc lOdabcd, and for sacrifice, implying local sanctuaries, see '¦laabcd. E a Gen 2822 6 Ex 3I c Ex 2o24 — <¦ God's house is to be at Bethel ; in many places the patriarchs &c erect '•Sgdefgh pillars and ''lOAefghjk altars ; *" Horeb is sacred as ' the mount of God ' on which Israel is to ' serve God ' Ex 312, and presumably ' hold a feast ' 5I ; ''in every place where God records his name, or causes it to be remembered, there is a sanctuary to be marked by altar and sacrifice, and the usage described in Judg Sam Kings shows that these places are concurrently and not merely successively sacred. Ddl22-12" el3-18 J26. 31423-26 ^ igl9. f igl-lS j 178-IO ft 186-8 (262 m 31I0-13 — de/Qj^Q central sanctuary, in ' the place which Yahweh shall choose to make his name to dwell there ' "87, is alone recognized, and to it all kinds of offerings are to be brought ; " there the tithes are to be eaten, '' the firstlings sacrificed, and ' the firstfruits offered ; » thither all males are to repair for the Passover and other great feasts, J there is to be the court of appeal, and "' the place of solemn publication of the law every seven years ; and * in its services and endowments the country Levites shall have share at will. B^ n Lev 171-8'" 0 ig38i' p 26''-^ q 2681 j-Ex 2g48- — " Two ordinances provide that no animal shall be killed without being sacrificed, and that merely private sacrifice shall be abolished, ' to the end that the children of Israel may bring 9k See VIII i § 7 p 91. 10a The laws as to the site of the sanctuary present perhaps the clearest instance of the modifications introduced by time in the legislation. The stages are clearly marked from "¦ the earUer sanction of the primitive plurality of sacred places to P the urgent demand for centraUzation of worship, succeeded by ^ the quiet assump tion of a single lawful sanctuary. The whole question is fully treated in the Introduction. For a general statement see VII § 4/!J p 76 ; for further detaUs cpVIH i§lp82; for different conceptions of the divine presence as localized see VIII u § 23 p 96 Ui § 1 p 103 ; for modifications of JE and contrasts with P in D see IX i § 27 p 126, and more fuUy u §§ 1-3 pp 132-141, cp X § 1 (v)p 144 ; for the attitude of J cp XI § 27 p 179 § 4a p 188, and for E cp XII § 2U p 206. Cp also "87 ' the place which Yahweh shaU choose,' and 'gi 'holy place ' or 'sanctuary.' 460 SACRED PLACES [^lOb their sacrifices, which they sacrifice in the open field . . . unto the priest, and sacrifice them for sacrifices of peace offerings unto Yahweh.' (These ordinances in their original application seem to fit a multiplicity of sanc tuaries, within reach of all ; they may then have been applied to the single sanctuary of the shrunk remnant of returning exiles, and were finally adapted to the camp form of legislation, the prohibition of slaughtering being understood as only meaning slaughtering for private and unauthorized sacrifice.) °*To 'keep (Yahweh's) sabbaths and reverence (his) sanctuary' is a pair of connected duties of high obligation. (The 'sanctuary' is not defined either as local or central.) ^The discourse contains the divine threat, ' I will . . . bring your sanctuaries unto desolation, and I will not smell the savour of your sweet odours ' ; and '" the promise is preserved, ' I will dwell among the children of Israel.' pes Ex 258- (2522 M2g43— «God says to Moses, 'Let them make me a sanc tuary ; that I may dwell among them. According to all that I shew thee, the pattern of the Dwelling, and the pattern of all the furniture thereof, even so shall ye make it ' ; ' the mercy-seat above the ark is the actual point of meeting with the divine presence ; or " it is said more generally of the whole sanctuary, 'there I will meet with the children of Israel, and the Tent shall be sanctified by my glory.' No other sanctuary is contemplated or alluded to. For its central position in the camp see i^4r. P»»Lev 17I-9' w Josh 22i-84_''The expanded form of the opening ordinance in ^'' requires all sacrifices to be brought to ' the door of the tent of meeting ' cp Lev 1-7 as expanded, and " it is described how a crisis arose at the mere possibility of a second altar for sacrifice having been erected. b. Tent of Meeting J No allusion has been preserved to a sacred tent, and Joshua speaks of the Gibeonites as destined to be 'bondmen . . . for the house of (his) God' Josh g23. EaEx 337-11" =«6Num nie-soi: c i24-i»— Though no account of the construction of 'the tent of meeting' is preserved (but cp Ex 33'"), "'"' its position ' without the camp,' <" the usage of Moses in going into the Tent, '''"' the habitual intercourse of Yahweh with Moses personally, "the descent of ' the pillar of cloud ' or of Yahweh, * ' in the cloud ' or " 'in a pillar of cloud,' and "^ the habitual ministry of Joshua within the Tent are all described. The passage with analogous representations in Deut 3114" is probably extracted from E. pe d Ex 258-27I9 — An elaborate and gorgeous movable sanctuary, called sometimes ' the tent of meeting ' and sometimes 'the Dwelling ' (see Ex 25^"), ordered to be made, and minute directions given for its construction ; its position is in the centre of the camp (implied in Num ioi-3 and stated in P^ i'4r) ; the place where Yahweh speaks with Moses is defined as ' from above the covering [or mercy-seat], from between the two cherubim which are upon the ark of the testimony ' 2522 (cp Num 789) ; the cloud rests upon the Dwelling Num iqH ; and i^lla? the exclusive right of access is reserved to the Levitical tribe. It is consecrated by the blood of the sin offering lev 16I8 20. P'eLev S^t-ii /Num gi8-2s ^ Ex 354-40— i' The Dwelling and its ap purtenances is duly constructed, and its -erection is described ; ** it is conse crated by being anointed with the anointing oil. /* The cloud filled the Dwelling at its erection, and 'covered it, and the appearance of fire by night,' the movement or rest of the cloud determining the journeying or abiding of the camp. [See Ex 25I".] 10b For a general statement of the relation between the codes on this point see IV § 2i8 p 48, and for fuUer detaUs "VIII i § 2 p 85 ; and for reference to Ezek and the historical books see XIII § 3S p 243 ; on the genesis of the DweUing as it appears in P see p 266", and for the use of the term in a non-technical sense cp Lev i53ibs if« j,2SK, Cp also !'54 ' dweU ' and ' dweUing,' ^QO^ ' establish the dweUing.' 461 ^lOe] LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS c. The Ark 3 a Num io33-38 j, Josh 3'''— " The ark goes in the van of the hosts, and is advanced at the commencement and halted at the close of the march with an appropriate form of words ; ^ it is borne by the priests, and is halted in the river at the passage of Jordan, as a pledge of the safety of the people, till all have passed over. B 6 Josh 3''^ — The same representation is given by E of the part assigned to the ark in the passage of Jordan. D c 10I-8 8 — An account is given, probably extracted from J, of the making of an ark of acacia wood by Moses in order to receive the second tables ; the Levites are to bear it. Pe d Ex 25I8-22 — An account is given (see further ¦'¦ 120) of the ordering and construction of an ark of acacia wood, of prescribed dimensions overlaid with gold, and furnished with a covering, into which ' the testimony ' is to be put when it has been given to Moses. P» cZNum 381 e 44-i8_''eit is borne by the Kohathites, a Levitical clan, but * made ready for removal by the priests. d. Altar of sacrifice J a Gen 820'> 6 12 c 13I8 d Josh g27— Altars are built "by Noah after the Flood, and by Abraham '' on Yahweh's appearing to him at Sheehem after entering Canaan, and " ' by the oaks of Mamre,' where he settled after the departure of Lot ; ^ the Gibeonites are given up for menial service about 'the altar of Yahweh.' E e Gen 229 / 3328 3351-71: ftExi7i8 i 20^^^' j 24*'' i; Num 23I-8 "-W- "Abraham builds an altar on Mount Moriah, lays the wood thereon, binds Isaac and places him upon the wood and raises the knife to slay his son. (It is doubtful how far this may be relied upon as indicating the procedure with an ordinaiy burnt offering.) Jacob builds an altar / at Shalem on the ground he had bought from the sons of Hamor, and ^ at Bethel by divine command on his return thither ; Moses '' builds an altar at Kephidim called Yahweh-Nissi in memory of the feud decreed between Israel and Amalek, and J" another at the ratification of the covenant, * one of whose ' words ' contained directions for the con struction of altars which were to be of earth or of unhewn stone, and without steps for access. ''Balaam builds altars for the sacrifices by which he sought oracles from God. D 1 1227 m 278-7 — I In the great chapter ou the unity of the sanctuary a single altar only is recognized, ' the altar of Yahweh (Israel's) God' ; but *" later, probably in a passage extracted from E, 'an altar' of unhewn stones is to be built for sacrifice. P' n Lev 1I8 0 618-13— "o ' Beside the altar ' (" on the east side) there is to be a place for the ashes, and ° a perpetual fire is to be kept burning upon the altar (but see Lev i7"). (Other allusions in ^' indicate the relation of the sacrifices to the altar in the prescribed ceremonial.) pep Ex 27I-8 — Moses ordered to make an altar of acacia wood overlaid with brass, fitted for ease of transport with rings and staves, and duly furnished with vessels of brass. ps q Num 7I-88 r 1638-40 s Josh 22I8-34 — « The dedication of the altar accom panied by munificent gifts, elaborately described, from each of the tribal princes ; 'the brazen censers of the 250 princes to be beaten out into broad 10c For a summary account ofthe divergent representations as to the ark see IV § 2b p 48, and for fuller details VIII i § 3 p 86 ; for references to the historical books see IX ii § 1 pp 133-7. Cp also "ig ' ark of the covenant of Yahweh,' neV' ' aik of the testimony.' d For a comparative statement as to the number and nature of the altars ordered or permitted see VIH i § 1/8 p 83, cp XIII § 38 p 243 § 4a p 246. Cp also •'=137 ' build au altax,' "16 ' altar of Yahweh thy God,' ilSdiZ ' altar of incense,' ea ' brazen altar.' 462 SACRED PERSONS: CLERGY AND LAITY [^lla plates for a covering for the altar ; ' the Trans-jordanic tribes erect a great altar, but learning of the armed protest of the other tribes explain that it was not for sacrifice, but merely for witness to their share in the one legitimate altar and sanctuary. e. Oil for lamps pe a Lev 24^"* — ' Pure olive oil beaten for the light ' to be brought in by the people, and Aaron is to ' cause a lamp to burn continually,' ordering ' the lamps uponthe pure candlestick ' ' from evening to morning before Yahweh continually,' ' without the veil of the testimony", in the tent of meeting.' P" 6 Ex 2728-s c Num 81-4—'' The last injunction " is practically reproduced ; " when the lamps, seven in number, are lit they are to give light ' in front of the candlestick,' the making of which is described. 11. Sacred Persons : Clergy and Laity a. Priesthood JaGen4i48iEx 2I8 6 Gen 4728 C4g8-- d Ex ig22. • 63225-29" cp 24I 9 (f^sh'S'T-Interest is shown in the priesthood by the mention of "the mamages of Joseph and Moses into priestly families, and '' the exemp tion from confiscation of the Egyptian priests' lands; ''at the first theophany at Sinai there are already beside Aaron ' priests which come near unto Yahweh,' and * the devotion of the ' sons of Levi ' to the cause of true religion is recorded for special blessing, though " Levi is grouped with Simeon for blame in Jacob's song ; the priests bear the ark over Jordan.B/Deut 338~ii g Ex 248 — /The Song of Moses ascribes priestly functions to Levi, the possession of Thummim and Urim, the duty of giving torah, and the right to offer incense and sacrifice ; but * at the ratifying of the Horeb covenant ' young men ' are the ofSeiants. In Josh .g-S the priests appear bsarinp; the ark. D h 108 i i8i"8'' j 2&- k 2714 1 318 — h The separation of ' the tribe of Levi ' to bear the ark, minister, and bless recorded (perhaps on a basis of B) ; • ' the priests the Levites, [even] all the tribe of Levi,' including the local Levites, to receive equal endowment and enjoy common rights of ministiy ; i ' the priest that shall be in those days ' to officiate at the presentation of firstfruits ; *the Levites to pronounce the curses, and ' be responsible, along with ' the elders,' for the preservation and septen nial reading of the law. B^ m Lev 21I-22I8" — Detailed provisions laid down as to the stricter rules of ceremonial purity attaching to the clergy, who (in the present text, but cp 2ii7") are 'of the seed of Aaron the priest.' Their marriage relations regulated, and ministration forbidden in cases of bodily blemish. Cp '^Bbb tb. PeMEx2g9'' oNum i8i-7" P25I8-13 gNum 38-18 — "The 'priesthood' assigned to Aaron and his sons for ever, and f confirmed to Phinehas and his seed ; "they are to 'keep [their] priesthood' for all higher ministration, leaving menial attendance to the Levites ; ' Aaron and his sons to ' keep their priest hood,' and ' the tribe of Levi ' to ' do the service of the Dwelling.' P> r Num 3I-4 s 4 — Position and duties of the Aaronic priesthood and the Levitical clans differentiated. 11a The remarkable development of the priesthood, and the traces in the legisla tion of its successive stages, are fuUy treated in the Introduction. For a general statement see VIII i § 4 p 87 ; for the pecuUarities in D see IX i § 3a p 127 ; for J op XI § 25 p 183 ; for B cp XII § 25e pp 20& 209 ; for allusions in P' cp Lev 181". Cp also in the word-lists *109 "90 ^129 ¦'''209 ' minister,' ' priest ' &c, and ¦'12 names and designations of the Aaronio priesthood. ^llb] LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS b. High-priesthood J a Ex 4°i4- 24!- — Aaron given the office of being spokesman for Moses ; with Nadab, Abihu, and seventy elders, he goes up on Sinai to see God and feast before him. E — Cp Deut 108'^, where Aaron's death at Moserah is recorded, and we are told that Eleazar his son ' ministered in the priest's office in his stead.' pii 6 Lev 21I8-I8" — A unique stringency of ceremonial requirement applies to him ' that is the high priest among his brethren, upon whose head the anointing oil is poured, and that is consecrated to put on the garments.' pe c Ex 2829- d Ex 2g Lev g e Num 2028-29 /2721 — a Aaron to be consecrated with appropriate offerings, and a solemn observance of the octave of the consecration recorded ; " he is to ' bear the names of the children of Israel in the breastplate of judgement,' and also 'the Urim and the Thummim'; * at his death he is succeeded by Eleazar his son; /before whom, as the custodian of the oracular Urim, Joshua is to stand. P' g Lev 8 h Num 3528-82 — 0 The consecration of Aaron with offerings as prescribed is duly recorded, and also his investiture with the breastplate in which were the Urim and Thummim ; '' the death of the high priest to terminate the liability of a homicide to blood-revenge. c. The high-priestly dress P'iaLev2ii8" — The sacred dress is one element in the description ofthe high priest. ps6Ex28 c2g4-8 d2g29- e Lev 164-23. /Num 2o25-28_6 The sacred vest ments both of Aaron aud his sons are described in detail (see i'12g below), " the investiture ordered, and ^ the transference to the son vvho should suc ceed; /the investiture of Eleazar being duly recorded subsequently; 'the linen garments, coat, mitre, breeches, and girdle, without the gorgeous ephod, breastplate, or robe, to be worn on entering within the veil for solemn atone ment and changed when the atonement is made. ps g Ex 3g^~3i }i ^013" i Lev 88-9 j j-g32 — j The making of the garments is described, ''the order for investiture repeated and «" executed; ithe suc cessor of Aaron is to wear the same dress ^ on entering within the veil. d. The high-priestly unction B^ a Lev 21I8 12" — The high priest is he 'upon whom the anointing oil is poured,' and ' the crown {or consecration) of the anointing oil of his God is upon him.' pe 6 Ex 2g7 — Moses to anoint Aaron only. P'cLev 812 j£i632 e 620-22 /Ex 40131' 3 is hzS*^"^ i 2g^^ Jjev 8^" jf^- kTo'- — "At the consecration of Aaron and his sons, only Aaron is anointed, and ^ the anointing is taken as connoting the high-priestly dignity ; but /'*''in later passages Aaron and his sons are ordered to be anointed alike, i the unction extending even to the garments of all, and i Aaron's sons are assumed to share in the anointing, * Eleazar and Ithamar being expressly described as having 'the anointing oil of Yahweh' upon them. e. The high-priestly atonement Pe Cp i^7ya and Lev 16I". ps a Lev 1682-34 6Ex 301°— "''It is one of the principal duties of ' Aaron and " his successors to make a solemn annual atonement * upon the horns of the altar of incense. lib On the relations of the high priest of the Priestly Code to Ezekiel and to the history see XIII § 37 p 241 § 8e p 280. d The anointing of others than the high priest is one of the marks of later supplements in P. 464 SACRED PERSONS plli f. The priests, their consecration and holiness E a Ex 2o28 — A solitary ordinance is preserved, forbidding altar steps on grounds of decency (ct * below). pi'6Lev2ii-9" c 18-24" (i222- e 8-16 /*^_6 The mouming for the dead and the marriage relations of the priests limited ; " maimed or deformed members of priestly families disqualified for ministry, ''none to minister while ' unclean ' ; ' the privilege of eating the sacred food guarded ; /the kinds of disqualifying uncleanness detailed (perhaps by P'). pegrEx2842-" 7i2gi-37 iLevio8- — A The sons of Aaron to be consecrated with Aaron ; " on grounds of decency they are to wear linen breeches while ministering, and » while on duty they may not drink wine. P"iLev8 k-Lo'- ; Ex 2841" »j2g2i" w3oi8- o3» p4o'^*- 3 Lev 83" r- Num 32- — J Their consecration is related, *'™owthe unction extending to them as well as to Aaron (ct ''UAabcde) ; " ablution at the laver is required before ministration ; * Eleazar and Ithamar forbidden to mourn the death of Nadab and Abihu. g. The priestly dress P' a Lev 618 — The priest is to wear a linen garment and breeches when removing the ashes of the burnt offering from the altar, aud then is to change his garment before taking the ashes outside the camp. pe b Ex 284 40 42, u 2gS — 6 Moses is ordered to make coats, girdles, and head- tires for Aaron's sons, and " to clothe them with them ; '' linen breeches are also required. P' d Ex 40I4 e Lev 8I8 — Their investiture is ^ ordered and ° executed. h. Priests' duties other than sacrificial E a Ex 248 6 Deut 33I1 — (See under ^Wafg.) DC179 12 (J 18 e igi7. /2o2 g2i8 ft 248. isi' — "^'They exercise a concurrent jurisdiction with the civil judges ; *they are the custo dians of the law ; /they are to rouse the courage of the army. Cp ¦'eha Wahijkl. P' mLev 10I8 — They are to discriminate in cases. of uncleanness, and to give tmah. Pe j Lev g22. k Num 622-27 ; iqSn — j Aaron blesses the people with uplifted hands ; * the formula of benediction ia recorded ; ' the priests are to blow with the trumpets. P» n Num 48-15 0 18 — " When the Tent is moved on the march the priests are to cover over the sanctuary and all it contains before the Levites may bear any of the articles ; ° certain things are put under the special charge of Eleazar. i. The Levites J a Ex 3225-29"_The privileges of the Levites are foreshadowed in the praise given for their devotion in support of Moses at Sinai. E 6 Deut 338-11 — Levi as a whole is called to the priesthood. D c 10" d 178 e 13 /27I4 g 318 — ' The priests the Levites ' or ' the sons of Levi' discharge various responsible priestly functions (see llaM! Txcdi). Pei Num 38-18 ji2. X;48 2171-11 m i82-7—»'" The charge of the sanctuary entrusted to the Levites, who are given to Aaron and his sons solely for such llf Cp a and a", also ''59 ' fiU the hand ' or ' consecrate.' h Observe how under the Priestly Code, which provides written regulations very completely, the discretionary and judicial power of the priest almost disappear ; he administers, not gives, torah. 1 For the relation of Ezekiel to the distinction of priests and Levites see XIII § 3£ p 238. See also refs to Introd under a. 465 H h "llj] LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS subordinate ministries ; » Yahweh claims the Levites instead of the firstborn, and * orders them and their cattle to be thus 'taken'; 'the budding of Aaron's rod symbolizes the rightful sacerdotal supremacy of ' the house of Levi.' Cp also the censuses i'4pa6 q. Psi m Num l48-84 (,2l7 j3 023-26 29-S2 36— 38 „ 41 46-48 }• ^4-20 j 24— 28 jSl-SSK M 88-22" ^2s-26n «, i6i-5«}— « The Levites and their cattle to be 'taken' in place of the firstborn and firstlings, the odd two hundred and seventy-three firstborn being redeemed ; " their place in the midst of the camp " ' round about the dwelling of the testimony ' ; their duties to be the charge of the Dwelling, and distributed among the three Levitical families, ^once briefly with notes as to their position in camp and *"*' later in full detail; "an elaborate ceremonial of consecration ordered and its execution related ; " their period of service to be from twenty-five to fifty years of age (ct ¦'4pc, where service begins at thirty) ; "their pretensions to priestly rights rebuked in a modification of the Korah story. j. The revenues of the clergy D a I2i3 i6ii 14 6 j2ig ,. 1^25-29 d 181-8— ^ The priestly tribe of Levi to receive the firstfruits of corn, wine, and oil, and the first Of the fleece, and the shoulder, two cheeks, and maw of every ox or sheep saoriflced ; a share to be given to ' the Levite ' " at the sacrificial feasts, and " in the tithe festivities, and the tithe of the third year to be shared between the Levites and other dependent classes ; ' their support a moral charge on the community. P' ft Lev 28 18 J 616-18 26 29 _^- .j6-9 J. 31-33 J iol2-15" « Num 58. )l619.— *y'What remains of every meal offering belongs to the priest; "also the wave breast and the heave thigh of all peace offerings ; » with all of the sin offering and .'"guilt offering not consumed on the altar; also ""all special sacred gifts and " ' the sodden shoulder of the ram ' brought by a Nazirite as his peace offering, with one cake and one wafer. pe e Ex 2g27. /Lev 248 g Num i83-32 — The priests are to have ^the wave breast and heave thigh from all peace offerings, /the shewbread, *all special gifts, every meal offering, sin offering, and guilt offering, the firstfruits (' all the best or the fat ') of oil, vintage, corn, and fruits ; everything devoted, all firstlings and the redemption price of firstborn males and unclean firstlings ; while the Levites are to receive the tithe, though a tithe of that tithe is to be given to the priests. P» 0 Lev 78 18 p 34-36 — OThe skin of the burnt offering, which in Ex 2gi4 Lev 817 is bm-nt, is now made a perquisite of the officiating priest ; ^ the wave breast and the heave thigh of the peace offering are ' the anointing portion' of Aaron and his sons, and " every meal offering belongs to ' all the sons of Aaron.' k. The property of the clergy J> a io9 12I2 181. 6 8 — <' It is thrice stated that Levi has no portion or inheritance with his brethren, yet * a Levite may possess a ' patrimony.' pe c Num i828-24 — Neither Aaron, as representing the priests, nor the Levites are to have any inheritance in the land. P« d Lev 2582-34 g Num 35I-8 /Josh 2i'-42_« The Levites are to receive from the other tribes, in shares proportionate to the size of their inheritances, a total of forty-eight cities, including the six cities of refuge, each city carry ing with it a subui-ban area of two thousand cubits square ; /the distribution is duly made, and ''it is provided that the surrounding fields may never be sold, and that the houses if sold must be restored at the Jubile and may be redeemed at any time. llj For a general statement and a comparison with the history see IX i § 35 p 129 ii § 1/3 p 134.; on the distinction between 'holy' and 'most holy' things cp Driv-'Wh 64. 466 SACRED PERSONS [^Hn 1. Lay rights and duties J aEx 3427 6 Gen 352 Num ii" Josh 38— "The covenant includes the whole nation ; '' the need for ceremonial purification and change of gar ments as a preparation for worship is illustrated in the cases of Jacob and of Israel in the wilderness and at the Jordan. BcExig3>'-8 (J 10 14 5248-8 ^2231" ff Josh 24— "^e" The covenaut is explicitly made, renewed, and confirmed with all the people ; who /are to be ' holy men unto ' God ; " the whole people are to sanctify themselves to meet God at Horeb, and ' ' young men ' from among them offer the covenant sacrifice ; " Israel is called to be ' a kingdom of priests and a holy nation.' Bhf-' S10I2-18 J142 A;23i." l2f- m2gi «19-18 0 3i9-i3— mThe covenant made with all Israel, "even to the women, children, and dependants, and " all such are to be present at the septennial reading of the terms of the covenant ; so that ''J Israel is a holy and peculiar people, pledged to ''obedience and 'loving service; * illegitimate or mutilated persons excluded from 'the assembly of Yahweh.' P""!) Lev 1824-30 g,ig2b ^3o7 s 22-26 ^ 2231-83 » Num i537-4i_The Israel ites are all called to be 9""" holy (cp ^202), ^'"»"' obedient, "Yahweh's ser vants, and *" separate from the nations of the land ; " as a mark of consecra tion there are to be ' fringes in the borders {or tassels in the corners) of their garments ' with a blue cord worked in. P' w Lev 1-3 5-7 X 11-15 — *" The privileges and obligations of sacrifice in all its five main forms rest upon the laity, who have also commonly an impor tant share in the actual ministration ; ^ the holiness of the people is pro moted by an elaborate code of ceremonial purity binding on every member of the nation without distinction. peyEx 25-28 and sNum i6i-88"5 171-"— "Upon the laity lies the duty and privilege of providing by material gifts and skilled labour for the construc tion and maintenance of the sanctuary ; " but so distinctly sacerdotal an element of ministry as the offering of incense is beyond their province, as is shown by the story of Korah and his company (see Num 16I''"). P» a' Lev 4 6' Num 7 d 28- — In the later strata of the Priestly Code "' discrimination is introduced in regard to the sin offering, while '' the duty of liberality and "' the privilege of sacrifice lose something of spontaneity from the uniformity of gifts described, and the rigid prescription of detail in sacrifice. m. Lay dress Da 68 6 III' c Ex 138 d" eDeut22i2 — "'""'Unless the expressions are to be taken figuratively, amulets upon the wrist and frontlets between the eyes are to be reminders of Yahweh's law ; * there are to be 'fringes {or twisted threads) upon the four borders of the Israelite's vesture. P'/Num 1587-41 — There is to be 'fringe in the borders {or tassels in the corners) of ' the Israelite's garments, with a blue cord worked in, as a memo rial of their duty to Yahweh. n. Prophets J Num 22S 24 — Balaam is a diviner who is rapt by the spirit of God to utter the word of Yahweh. EoNum ii24b-soK 6128-9" 022823 — ''The office of the prophet is explicitly recognized, and the normal mode of communication is by vision and dream, Moses being more than a prophet ; '' a prophetic ecstasy seizes upon the seventy elders summoned by Moses to the Tent 111 Cp for P XIII § 2S p 234. mcd E'' passages taken as D. n On references to prophecy in D cp X § 1 (ii) p 143, and in B cp XII §2/37 p 204- § 4 p 217 1 cp also ^114 ' prophet ' and ' prophesy.' 467 H h 2 ^llp] LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS of Meeting, and also upon Eldad and Medad, who had stayed in the camp ; Joshua protests, but Moses approves of the utmost extension of the prophetic enthusiasm ; " Balaam is a prophet whom God instructs by dreams or meets with a message, and who must speak what Yahweh says and nothing else. (Cp '^114 ' prophet,' ^101 ' dream.') D (J 13I-8 e i8'8-22 /34I8 — "The rise of prophets like Moses is antici pated, and the non-fulfilment of his prophecies disallows any prophet, but ''even their fulfilment goes for nothing if he urge to apostasy, in which case he is to be slain ; /Moses is as yet unrivalled as a prophet. p. Wazirites P= a Num 61-12" 6 i3-2i — " The Nazirite is one who has made a ' vow of separation ' for a limited period the conditions of which are laid down ; * the ceremonial for his re-entrance upon the unrestricted life of the com munity is duly prescribed. q. Foreign menials for the sanctuary J a Josh g23 — The Gibeonites are condemned by Joshua to be ' bondmen for the house of (his) God.' Ps6Josh g2i — 'The princes' make the Gibeonites 'hewers of wood and drawers of water unto all the congregation.' ITote on Tables 12 to 16 "With I'll the series of Tables is concluded which presents, according to a uniform plan, though with variations iu the scale of treatment, all the material in the Hexateuch bearing on Hebrew laws and institutions. The Tables which follow are of a more miscellaneous kind. In I'm the subject-matter of the several documents is of necessity made to conform to a single systematic order of topics, which involves the complete neglect of the actual order of any one of the sources. But the Conspectus of Codes in i'13 goes straight to the documents, and, behind the documents, to the incor porated codes, and displays them in such a way as to show up clearly in the case of each both its principles of arrangement and characteristics of struc ture, and also any intrusive elements of subsequent accretion. In ^^12 we have a Table of a transitional sort, partly a subject division more minutely given, and partly a section of the Conspectus (i'13ga) set out at length by a special method suitable to the peculiar phenomena of that section. In 1-14, mainly on the basis of the facts presented in all the preceding Tables, the codes are concisely compared with one another both in respect of matter and form, and the chief conclusions reached with regard to them are summarized for clear apprehension and easy reference. In i-lS certain statistics of usage, relating to the form of the legislation, are collected and classified. The particulars are usually indicated in detail in 1^13. Finally in 1-16 is given a Table of Contents, in a form which enables several interesting conclusions to be drawn from the relative length and fre quency of the allusions to the various topics. An Alphabetical Index to the Tables is added. 468 THE SANCTUARY IN P ['12 12. The Sanctuary in P S^ = Ex 25-31I1 ^ The sanctuary ordained. ^2 = Ex 35-40 ^ The sanctuary completed. @2 = the® of §2. J = ' in shorter form or differently expressed.' 12 In the columns under .^1 and @2 the text order of paragraphs can be traced by means of the letters which are placed wherever a break in the order is occasioned by the arrangement adopted, which follows the logical order of .^2_ jj^ this way the priority of Jpi and of the original of @2 jg seen to be an almost inevitable con clusion, for the natural and systematic sequence of subjects in §2 T^ould hardly have been departed from if it had once established itself. Another table will be found under Ex 35* in which the order of §1 is followed ; aud under 'ISga the contents of both are concisely given, in the actual text order of each. By the help of these tables the divergences may be readily traced. a25^- qsi"' 0 26I-1* 15-50 b 25I8-22 . 23-30 ' Sl-40 h 2728. m 3o'-8 6-10 f27i- 0301' i 28I-8 6-12 lS-29SO 31-35 k 89. 41-43 i 3fr-«8 SUBJECT a Introductory a Appeal for gifts 6 The workmen and their work c Presentation of gifts . . . d Appointment of Bezalel . . e Overplus of gifts b The Dwelling a The Curtains and coverings . 6 The Boards c The Veil d The Screen c The Most Holy Place The Ark and its covering d The Holy Place a The Table and its vessels . . 6 The Candlestick or lamp-stand . c Oil for the lamps d The Altar of Incense .... e Its use / Anointing oil g Incense e The Outer Court a The Brazen Altar 6 The Laver . . c The Court itself . f Summary of gifts e a Holy garments for Aaron . . . 6 The Ephod c The Breastplate d Urim and Thummim e The Kobe / Coat, mitre, girdle for A g Coats, headtires, girdles, breeches h Plate on mitre h Summary of work The things made and brought 469 §^ 35'" 10-1920-29 SO-36I 352-7 S-19 20-34 35.S7. 37" 10-1617—24 29a 29b 38^- 39^ 2-7 s-21 22—26 27-29 30. a 35<-8t 9— 19^ 20—29 -36I 362-7 c 37!.* g 38^8-^^* d37'- 6. f 331-8* 9-12} 13—174: i 3828« 25b h 3322-24* 6 37' 1 39"" n 3gi3t b 368-"* 15-29 30-3436—3738—40 fm 3gii-« lo "-28* ^I2j d 2683-35 1 29I-38 36 LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS n 30I SUBJECT i Erection a The order to erect &e . . . 6 Brief statement of execution c Erection of the Dwelling . . d Placing of the furniture . . e The use of the laver . . . / Erection of the court . . . j Consecration of Aaron and his sons k Consecration ofthe altar 1 Daily sacrifice The morning and evening burnt offering m Poll tax for maintenance i shekel atonement money .... 40I-I8 16 17-19 20-30 31.S3 Lev 8 Lev 8". cp Num 7 4oi-i3« 14 it-n 18-26t k382Tp 4o27t It may be of interest to append for further comparison the items referred to in the two accounts of the duties of the levites iu Nnm 3 and 4, both in their present form ascribed to P». It will be observed that the order of the clans is different. That in 4 seems most natural, (i) the most sacred and precious objects, (2) the skin and canvas coverings, and (3) the framework. The second account is also much fuller. Num 3 28 The Gershonites DweUing Ark Tent and covering Screen for Tent door 28 Conxt hangings Screen for Tent door Cords The Kohathites 31 ArkTableCandlestick Altars VesselsScreen (?= Veil) 38 The Merarites Boards of Dwelling Bars PillarsSocketsInstruments 37 PiUars of court Sockets Pins Cords Num 4 * The Kohathites 8. VeU Ark, coverings, staves 7- Table &o, coverings, staves 8. Candlestick, lamps &c, coverings, frame 11 Golden altar, coverings, staves 12 Vessels of ministry, coverings, frame 13. Altar &c, coverings, staves Eleazar (18 OU for light Sweet incense Continual meal offering Anointing oil Charge of DweUing &c) 2* The Gershonites 28 Curtains of Dwelling Tent and coverings Screen for Tent door 28 Court hangings Screen for Court door CordsInstruments The Merarites 81 Boards of Dwelling BarsPUlarsSockets PUlars of Court Sockets Pins Cords 470 CONSPECTUS OF CODES— JE ['I3b 13, Conspectus of Codes See 1^15 for explanation of Types of legal clauses as abbreviated below, e g Thou " = ' Thou shalt not ... ', and of introductory clauses, e g And = ' And Yahweh spake unto Moses, saying ..." a. The Ten Words of the Covenant— J Exodus 34i*-26 "'15. I Monolatry Thou" " 2 No ' molten gods ' to be made Thou " 18' '" 4 Feast of Mazzoth Thou i9-2oab ^ Firstborn and firstlings thou & -t- 2"° None to be empty handed shall " pi 21 3 The weekly sabbath Thou 22 6 Feasts of Weeks (Pentecost) and of Ingathering (Booths) Thou -f ^^ "^* Obligation to attend the feasts shall pi 2^° 7 No leavened bread with a sacrifice Thou " 25' 8 Cohsumption of Passover shair 20 g Firstfruits Thou" 25' 10 Kid not to be seethed in dam's mUk Thou " b. The Words of Yahweh, or the Book of the Covenant — E Exodus 2023-26 23"-i9 2023-26 Worship = r 23'" Monolatry Ye " 23' No gods of silver or gold Ye " The altar of sacrifice 2* To be made of earth Thau " If of stone, then unhewn ,jthou 28 To be provided with steps for decency thou » 2310-19 2229-31 Feasts AND Sacrifices 4-f6=io 2310-17 ^ sacred calendar = 4 23"- 2229-31 Sacred offerings !"• The sabbatical fallow year thou 12 13 The weekly sabbath Thou " Three feasts of obligation • Thou 15. 'b '0 16 Mazzoth, Harvest, and Ingathering Thou = 6 23iSa jifo leavened bread with a sacrifice Thou " 18'' Consumption of peace offering 2228" (23I8™) Firstfruits Thou'' 2229b piratborn of men Thou 38 Firstlings thou + 81 Improper food ye " 23I8'' Seething of kid iu dam's milk Thau" 13a As observed on Ex 34I8N many different arrangements of J's ' Ten Words ' have been proposed, as indeed the Decalogue itself is stUl divided differently by Chnrohes which make it their moral compendium. The above is put forward as the simplest and most conservative. There are twelve ordinances in all (not thirteen, for in its original form it is likely that firstborn and firstUngs were con joined), and of these two have been omitted, 200 23^ because (i) they are, hke 25i>^ different in form from the rest, and (2) they are also dependent in subject upon the others, But it is hard to be satisfied with the existing form or order as correctly representing the original. The only other legislation in J is of course the pair of passages, both much expanded, in fix 1221-27 and I38"i8 on the Passover, Mazzoth, firstUngs, and firstborn. b The Covenajit-book has been so much interfered with by editorial process that ^13c] LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS c. The Judgements — E Exodus 211-22^8 28^'^ 2li Heading 212-11 Hebrew Slaves Case of a bondman 2 Free in seventh year When """^ ^^ Alone, if enslaved unmarried If 8'' With wife, if married already If * Alone, if married since If 8. Option of remaining if whoso when 2ii2 17 Violence punishable by Death 12 Death for homicide He that 13 Asylum for case of accident 1* No asylum for murderer ZV-^-^'' Injuries Personal 18. Compensation for assault when (28. Misplaced, see next column) 22 Fine for causing miscarriage 5 + 5 = 10 Case of a bondwoman ['amah) 1 Bondmaid not to go free when 8 If espoused, may be redeemed, not sold // 8 If given to a son, to be as a daughter if 18 Not to be deprived of rights If 11 Otherwise to be set free if = 5(6) he that 18 Smiting a parent 18 Kidnapping + 17 Cursing a parent he that he that 3 + 4=7 23 . . Lex talionis for further hurt when ifif if 2128-36 Cattle Savage oxen 28 Ox goring any one to death 28 Death for negligent owner 38 Alternative of ransom 31-'' Case of son or daughter 32 Thirty shekels fine for a slave if Ex 22i~^ Property — Theft and Damage Theft 1 Fine for stealing animals When " 3'' Enslaved, if fine unpaid If ™ * Mitigation by restitution If 2 A night-robber may be killed If 3" Not after sunrise If To slaves 28 Penalty for killing slave when " 21. Remitted if death be delayed if 28 Freedom for loss of eye when ¦" 27 Freedom for loss of tooth if 5 + 3=8 Damage to cattle 33. Animal falling into a pit when 38 Ox killed by ox when 88 The ox known to be savage whether 5 + 3 = 8 Damage to crops 8"" Damage When 8'' (5) Sam Complete consumption if ' Arson When any suggestions for its reconstruction must necessarUy be tentative. AU that need be said as to analysis is said in the notes to the text. The reunited fragments, without very much forcing, yield a pentad and a decad of aUied ordinances. Perhaps another pentad has dropped out. Dr. Briggs adds the miscellaneous ordinances given here as a sort of supplement to the Judgements proper, i e 22I8-28 23l~8, and makes up three decads for what he calls the ' greater book of the covenant,' as compared with J's 'Uttle book of the covenant,' as above, a (see Higher Crit 189, 232). 13e In the Judgements as supplemented there are seen to be fifteen groups m aU, of five or less than five ordinances. The last four groups are clearly added, and the third, 21I2-17, hy its form, proclaims itself not an original element, so that the Judgements in their original form are now represented by ten groups, aUke in form and character, sis of them perfect pentads, and the rest such as may weU have been once arranged in the same way. There is no clue to the source of the added laws. 2117 This verse, though identical in form with 18, hardly agrees in subject with its context. Could it have been added to assimUate with B^, see below f Lev 19' and foUowing group ? 472 CONSPECTUS OF CODES— E Property — Breach or Trust [¦^ISd 22^-" 7 Property in trust stolen When "° 8. Trial, if thief not found If 18. Animal dying by accident When '2 Animal stolen if 13 Animal torn in pieces if 5 + 5 = io " Compensation for hurt to loan when 18^ Not if owner was iu charse if 18" Or if hired -f 18° Seducer to marry and endow iBh /-.^^ when Or her father may exact dowry if 2218-27 Various Ordinances 18 20 Tiiree capital offences 18 No sorceress to live Thou " 1' Unnatural crime He that 28 Sacrificing to other gods He that (3) + (5) = (8) 21-27 Kindness and humanity 21a 'b 23 ,24 Equity towards straugors thou " + '22 Kindness to widow and orphan Ye " 26". Forbearance to borrowers j/thou + 25i> jVb usury Ye " 28. Pledged garments jf^thou 28" For God (M the judges) Eeverence Thou" I 28b for rulers = 2 thou Z3^-^ Administration op Justice '' False reports Thou " " Conspiracy of witnesses " thou 2" Popular verdicts Thou " 2' Popular testimony thou " 8 Favouring the poor thou " + * Straying animals When """" + '' Overburdened ass When"""" 5 + 5 = io ' Injustice to the poor Thou " 7° Fraud n " When "»»'> thou 281-15 Offering of firstfruits and tithe 1 when 12 When 2715-26 The Solemn Curses ¦k-'^^ Idolatry the man .^y^O 1^ Contempt of parent he that " Removing landmark he that 18 Misleading the blind he that 1' Perverting justice he that 2" Incest (stepmother) he that 21 Unnatural crime 22 Incest (sister) 23 Incest (mother-in-law) 2* Secret assault 25 Murder for reward + 26 Disobedience 10(12) he that he that he that he that he that whoso ¦'ISe 27I5-28 This remarkable decad, though not part of the code, and now found in a later setting with new opening and closing ' statutes,' could not be omitted from the Conspectus. 477 ^13f] LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS f. The Law of Holiness, or The Statutes of Yahweh — P" Lev 171-185 First Principles 5+5=10 17I-I82 Slaughter and Sacrifice {1. ^i^d ' * 8peak . . A . . sons . . ch . . 3ay\ s_r o5_7i- Lawful slaughtering 8. Lawful sacrifice And to • • "">" 18 ^11. Blood of domestic animals 13 oua 14b Blood of wild animals s 8 10 IS ^^i^ mon 0/ the house of Israel (8 1" 18 add or of the strangers that sojourn among them) who 15 Eating carrion every soul who (18l-2a And ¦ • '^''¦^ . • ch . . say-) 2'' Endorsement — ' I am Yahweh * Igs-s Wrong and Right Ways 8" Shun the doings of Egypt 8'' Shun the doings of Canaan 80 Shun the religious customs of both 8^"= ye " *" Keep Yahweh's civil laws (judge ments) *'' Keep Yahweh's religious laws (statutes) *"'' ye o4(r-5a 5b Endorsement (expanded) ' I am Yahweh ' I8M92 The Family — Purity towards Persons 186-15 pphose related through parents and children In the first degree ' Any near kinswoman ¦^ Mother 8 Stepmother 2 Own or half-sister 1° Granddaughter ' Any man • • ye" ^"i^ Thou " . 5+5=10 In the second degree 11 Stepsister 12 Aunt on the father's side 18 Aunt on the mother's side 1* Uncle's wife 15 Daughter-in-law 8~i^ uncover nakedness 1816—23 Those more distantly connected or not at all Those related through marriage 1* Brother's wife 17a Wife's daughter 17b ¦Wife's granddaughter 18 Living wife's sister 1' A woman in her separation *" Thou " . . uncover nakedness Other cases 5 + 5=10 2" Neighbour's wife 21 Defilement for Molech 22 Mankind 2'''' A beast 23b A. woman with a beast 20-2Sa 27jo„ n 23b j^jgj; n «24-30a sob i9'i-2a o2b Endorsement (much expanded) 'I am Yahweh' {And ¦ speak . . coDgr . . ch . . say^ 13f 171-182 B^, in taking up an old pentad, has expanded the original largely, introducing into the first ordinance the reference to idolatrous worship 5-7, into the opening formula of the next three the reference to ' strangers ' who first become prominent in T>, and into the third and fourth the confirmatory reasoning H- '*'. If the last be the real fifth of the pentad, it has been drastically revised by P' according to the pattern of P' in 11-15. The original probably forbade absolutely the eating of carrion, but the compiler, while refusing leave even to the ' stranger (ct D ^6c), made ablution sufficient for absolution. Paton's ingenious inclusion of 1 82'" is adopted above. 188-5 ph has added a pentad of a kind fitted to follow the first, and to lead up to the following legislation. Paton points out that the order (i) judgementSj (2) statutes (ct 5 &c), as well as the concise form of the clauses, suggests that this is borrowed, and not composed, by P^". 478 CONSPECTUS OF CODES— P^ Piety Lev 19^- 3" &c Worship to II 261°' Apostasy Ye " 411 II 261'' Idolatry Ye " [26^° Erection of a figured stone Ye"] 31 II 30a II 2621' Sabbath keeping Ye [soti II 262b Reverence for the sanc tuary Ye] So II soo II 262" i I am Yahweh ' + 19°-' Acceptable offerings. See 222^ + 19'^- Gleanings. See 23^2 1911- ^g Injuries pl3f 5 + 4=9 Reverence '" Eeverence for parents " ""'"' Ye [209a °b Cursing parents ""^ "™'' who [24i5>i Cursing God '¦'" """ when [24i6» Blaspheming Yahweh he that' 8 [24" 22 Persons and animals 24" II 2" Murder ' ™" when {he thai) 24I8 II 21a Killing a beast he that 24" Assault » " 19 11. 3 + 5 Property 11" Theft [85 Just weights and measures Ye "] lib V^-ciA V. i Ye" Fraud lie Lying 12a ofc Perjury 12" Endorsement ' I am Yahweh Ye' I9I' In conduct i'» Oppression i'' Exaction I'c Withholding wages 1*' Cursing the deaf "'' Endangering the blind Thou" thou" sftall*^" Thou " thou" Wis d Endorsement ' I am Yahweh ' I9I7. 32-34 Towards equals "» Hatred 1'" Eeproof "' Guilty (silence) "» Revenge 18'' Grudging "I'l! Love i8ii Endorsement ' I am Yahweh ' °i9" Hortatory addition Injustice At law 15a Jf 0 unrighteousness 15'' Justice to the poor 15c °d Impartiality 18" Slander i"* Malicious witnessing 5 + 5 = 10 Ye" Thau" thou" (thou) Thou" thou" 18" Endorsement ' I am Yahweh ' 19" &c=4(5) [(missing) Dress of the sexes] ""Hybrids "° Mixed seed "* Dress of mixed materials Unkindness ,5(6) + 5(5)=(io) Towards dependants 82a Saluting the hoary head Thou 821' Honouring the aged thou [Ezek 22'' Wronging the widow ib afflicting the fatherless] °82c God to be feared ' I am Y.' 331- Wronging the stranger ye " °84b Love to the stranger thou ^*' Endorsement ' I am Yahweh ' Unlawful Mixtures || Deut 22^ '-122=5 Thau"Thou" thou" thou thou " thou Thou" Thou" [Num 1588b'- Fringes shaU pi Num 158*-^i Endorsement (with hor tatory expansion) ' I am Yah weh'] II Deut 225 Cp Deut 221° jiot to plough with ox and ass II Deut 22' where ' vineyard ' is nar rower than ' field ' II Deut 22" II Deut 2212 13f 198 A number of transpositions are made in connexion with this chapter. For their justification see Paton, and op i^l5f». 479 ^13f] LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS Lev + 1920 '21- Seduction of betrothed slave (21- ritual supplement) " '^" when + 1923-25 pruit trees. See below, 25 19 26" Meat not to be eaten with the blood Ye °' 1926b-3i Heathenish Customs 5 + 3=8 29a Ob Religious prostitution " thou 30ab (gee above, 19') 81" Necromancy "ye 31b °o Witchcraft » ye 8111 Endorsement ' I am Yahweh ' Ye' 28i> Enchantments 20c Augury ye " 27a II b Cutting hair or beard ye " {thou ") 28a Disfigurement in mourning Ye " 28" Tattooing ye " 28o Endorsement ' I am Yahweh ' 19^2-34 ^ged and stranger. See above under 19i'^- 2^935-36" heights and measures. See above under 19ii- ig36b-37 Closing exhortation 201-' Another version of various Laws (1 And . .) 2" And to . . '""•" 2bc 02d-5 Giving seed unto Molech =¦'"' """"' who «'¦ Necromancy and witchcraft '"^ '°'" who ''• Kepetition of ' I am Yahweh ' with hortatory additions ^ Cursing parents. See above under 19^" 2010-24 Laws of Purity towards Persons (Second version) =10(12) 11821 11931 I'' Own or half-sister 18 Woman having her sickness °i' Aunt by mother or father thou » 2" Uncle's wife 21 Deceased brother's wife 18 Neighbour's wife 11 Stepmother 12 Daughter-in-law 18 Mankind 1* A woman and her mother 15 Man with beast °i8 Woman with beast woman „^„ (Throughout, except 18 ", ^ ""¦ 22 Endorsement (much expanded) ' I am Yahweh ' 202^- Hortatory passage on Clean and Unclean 'I Yahweh 202T Necromancer or wizard to be stoned ™"' " ''°™"' ' who) II 1931 Priestly Holiness The Priesthood generally . priests 8 say\ 0 5 + 2(3)=7(8) Marriage 7" Not a harlot "' Not a divorced wife + " Priest's daughter a harlot ' Their holiness emphasized ShaU" 2121I-9(1' And . . said """¦'' Mourning for the Dead 1'' None to defile himself Shall " 2. °* Near kinsfolk excepted shall " ^" Shaving the head Shall ' pi ^^ Cutting the beard shall " pi 5" Cutting the flesh shall " pi ' Their holiness emphasized 13f 192" is assigned to pi" in the text, but does not match the other precepts on sexual morality iu i8 20. where we should expect to find it. It might fitly replace Deut 22™ a^ the close of the pentad ou adultery and seduction. Did a priestly editor of JBDP Mght upon the original pentad and extract this additional clause, change -j^'N <3 into '3 ;l"M, add 21. iu the precise style ofthe rituaUst, and place it in the margin, whence it has found its way hither f The formula " ™"" when is more common in P' than in P*", aud B'' uses 'amah 258 44^ gp cgg^ ot shiphcah here, '41. 480 CONSPECTUS OF CODES— p^ Lev 21i»-i5 The High Priest Mourning for the dead loaobo No dishevelled hair shaU " lod jq-Q rending of clothes shaU " U' No approach to a corpse shall " iu> No exception to the rule shatt " 12" Not to absent himself shall " 12b Endorsement (expanded) ' I am Yahweh ' MaiTiage ^8 His wife to be a virgin "" Not a widow "•i Not one divorced "" Not a harlot i*"" One of his own people 15 Endorsement (expanded) Yahweh ' pl3f 5 + 5=io shall shall " shall 'I am 2116 21 Disqualification for ministry (i« And . . """" • • '¦) 1' None with a blemish to draw near to offer the bread of his God " ""' who 18. . '^iv Tvcelve kinds of blemish specified 22" " He may eat the bread of his God 2^"'' He may not come to the altar 23" 'I am Yahweh.. .' ('2* Fragment of a title) Holy Things — Gifts and Offerings '"''), now combined with mutilated " ""¦" who shall 22»i-3ar Title by Ep {and . . "p^"" • • " ¦ hortatory introduction of P* 3b-i6 Disqualification for the Holy Food Temporary ''"' Uncleanness of any kind """ who *" Leprosy or an issue "^" who *'' Uncleanness by touch he that 5 Other oases of the same ™"'' who '¦ Purification ""^ who + 8 Eating carrion shall " || 1188 Endorsement (expanded) ' I am Yahweh . . .' 5(6) + 5{6) = io(i2) Permanent lO'a b 1^0 sojourner or hireling shall " 11 A bought slave may eat when One home-born may eat shall 12 Not priest's married daughter when 18 Widowed daughter may when + 1* Accidental eating " ""¦" when 15. Endorsement (expanded) ' I am Yahweh . . .' 22"-?^ Conditions of Acceptance 2 + 5=7 The Burnt offering /17-18a ^yid SP^"'' . . A . . a . . ch . . say\ i8b-i9 A male of the beeves, sheep, or goats and unblemished any man y^j^g ^" None with a blemish "" who The Peace offering 21 Sound animal of herd or flock a man 22 Blemishes to disqualify ye " 28 Misshapen animal to serve for freewill offering, not vow thou 2* Other disqualifications thou 25 Such not accepted even from an alien ye " "35 & 195-S Times of Offering 5 + 5 = 10 Young animal and Thank offering (™ And . . W°B) 2' Acceptable from eighth day when 2' Not to be killed with its dam ye " '' Thank offering to be acceptable when '¦" '"" To be eaten same day shall ""' None left till morning ye " "' Endorsement ' I am Yahweh ' The Peace offering 19^ To be acceptable when ^' 8" Two days for eating shall 8" The rest burnt shall '' Abominable on third day if 8 Eater to bear . . iniquity shall 2281.. Endorsement (expanded) 'lam Yahweh ' 481 I 1 ^13f] LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS Lev 23* Sacked Days p-io" jfln^ . . =p'"'' ¦ • "'') iob-12 w Festival of the Wave sheaf of Firstfruits 15-18" i9i'-2o Pentecost or Harvest Festival 22* Gleanings to be left ^2'' Endorsement ' I am Yahweh ' 39-42.- < The Feast of Yahweh,' kept in booths + 24i5i'-22 Irreverence and injuries. See under 19^ above [1923-25] 251-225 Sacred Years (251-2* ^„a _ . {^ y^ownt Sinai . . """"' ¦¦'"'¦• ""') Fourth and Seventh Years 4+4=8 iye) thm ye For fruit trees [1028a Young trees uncircumcised When ^' ¦ ¦ '"""* 25b Three years without eating fruit shall 2* Holy to Yahweh in the fourth year shall 28" May be eaten in the fifth ye 2"" Endorsement ' I am Yahweh '] For field and vineyard 252I' Sabbath year When '" ¦ ¦ '"°i s-4a Jn tjje seventh year Thm ^^-8 No agricultural work thou " 8 Produce to be shared shaU "-22 Concluding assurances Fiftieth Year Year of liberty 258" Forty-nine years to be reckoned thou 9a lOo Fiftieth a year of liberty thou ''¦'" Resumption of land-ownership ye Ub 12b To be kept as a fallow year ye " iToa b Endorsement (expanded) ' I am Yahweh ' 2525-6s« Hebrew Poor Law Debt 28 Land redeemable by kinsman When 28. >• (Or by himself) " ¦"'"' when ssf (Qj. restored at year of liberty) if 8' Poor brother to be relieved when 88. No usury "thou 88 Endorsement ' I am Yahweh ' &c 4+1=5 Influence on land purchase ' " Equity in buying land when " • ¦ "' 5 + 4=9 Slavery " Hebrew sold to Hebrew, no slave when *" To be as a wage earner shall ii-isr Hebrew sold to stranger re deemable wto ^8 To be as a wage earner 88 Endorsement (expanded) ' I am Yahweh ' + 26i- Worship. See 19*- above 482 CONSPECTUS OF CODES [^13ga g. Analysis and Conspectus of Priestly Laws — Ex 25 to Num 26 t = 'introduced by editorial formula, And. . .' ' 45- P*. Ex 25.-27i9 •^i 20- '41 20 22-37 43- '21 38-42 I2t-i4a 30 31 1- 11 i8a 14b-17 35.-3 40 38 EXODUS pt pe p» a. Ex 12 The Passover and Mazzoth 1- The year to begin in spring henceforth 3-13 The Passover [And . . M and A . . Egypt i*-2'' Mazzoth instituted 43-50 Persons who may eat Passover And . . M and A 13i- Firstborn and firstlings ps p. 25-3111 SANCTUAEY AND PEIESTHOOD OEDERED And . . ps 251-' Gifts asked 10-40 Ark, Table, Candlestick 2gi-s2 Curtains, Boards, Veil ss-36 Arrangement of furniture '«. The Screen 27'-* The Altar 8-19 The Court 2». Oil for light 28'-'' Aaron's Ephod, Breastplate, Urim and Thummim, Kobe 8«-}8 Plate on Mitre '9 Coat, Mitre, Girdle <«-*' Coats for sons of Aaron &c 291-" Consecration of priests and altar 38-41 The Daily Sacrifice gQi-io Altar of Incense, and its use "-i« Poll tax And . . "-21 The Laver And . . 22-S8 Anointing oil and incense 31i~ii Bezalel &c engaged pb ps ps THE SABBATH 31i2-i4ar Yahwoh's Sabbaths to be kept [And . . '"'°"' • • *) 14D-17 rjijje command further expanded 35I An introduction (misplaced) 2- The Sabbath to be kept strictly ; no fire lighting And . . 35*-40 SANCTUAEY PEEPAEED 354-29 (jifts and aid s«-3e^ Bezalel ; gifts 8-S6 Curtains, Boards, Veil ^. The Screen 371-24 Ark, Table, Candlestick 26-28 Altar of Incense 2' Anointing oil, incense 38i-^ Altar of Burnt offering ' The Laver 8-20 The Court 21-31 Summary of gifts 391-26 Aaron's Ephod, Breast plate, Robe 27-29 Best of dress of Aaron and sons ">¦ Plate on Mitre '2-43 Summary of entire work 401-19 Erection ordered and effected And . . 20-33 Eurniture arranged 34-38 Cloud and glory 13ga The conspectus of the Priestly legislation would have been incomplete 483 112 ^13g6] LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS s LEVITICUS THE LAWS OF SACEIFICE— 1-7 pt ps p> b. Lev 1-6^ A MANUAL FOE WOESHIPPEES (li~2» Heading, fixing the Tent of Meeting as the scene of revelation) 2" Oblations to be from the herd or flock ' "''" ("*'") when 13-17 The Buknt Oefeeing si'-s Victim from the herd If 10-13 Victim from the flock if ¦\-''-*~^'^ Victims doves or pigeons if 2 The Meal Offering 1-3 Of fine flour "•"" when -i-*-^« Other kinds =(5) * Cakes or wafers from the oven when "'°° ^ From the baking pan j/""? '' " Prom the frying pan t/""' '" Priest to burn a memorial shall '1" The rest to go to Aaron and sons shall -t- '1. No leaven or honey in fire offering shall " 13a (13b Ph) Salt with all thou 1* '15. Parched corn as firstfruits jythou 3 The Saceifice of Peace Offekinqs 1-^ Victim from the herd if =5 ® Victim from the flock if ''-11 a lamb, 12-I6 a goat i/=5 if=5 + 1^ No fat or blood to be eaten Ye, " without an outline of Ex 25-40, containing the core of Pe. The limits of BS in its original shape are better seen here than in either ofthe other tables ^13 (where the order of Ex 35- • is taken) or Ex 35*" (where the parts assigned to I" are not indicated). 136 i2'> is perfectly general, and might include burnt and peace offerings. More over it opens with ' a when a man . . . ,' which is followed by 3 ' If his oblation be a burnt offering,' and then by 3I ' And if his oblation be a sacrifice of peace offerings.' It is likely then that 3 once followed i. And as, according to Num isi~i^, neither burnt offering nor peace offering may be offered without a meal offering, an editor may have followed up the burnt offering by its needful accom paniment. But the fact that nothing is said in 1-3 of this requirement may perhaps indicate that Num 15I-8 represents a later stage of ritual. 24-16 jg only ' supplementary ' in the literary sense, and is probably as a -whole older than 1-3, op i^7ma6c. The older parts seem to be *-' on the three kinds, i' on salt (with the doublet in * from B^), 14. on fixstfrnits, and H- against leaven. But they may have been separately written (op ' ye ' in H-), though it is ouiious that those in and person sing 'thou' 'thy' make up a pentad. The rest is mere repetition. 3 The section on the peace offering seems somewhat more primitive than i-fl^, perhaps because it was the most frequent kind of offering. It easily falls into three pentads, if ' be neglected, 484 CONSPECTUS OF CODES ['^ISgc P*Lev4 .-1-6 °7-16 17-19 1-35 6 '1-7 St-lSr °19i-23)- 24-29 30 P*.7 1-7 °9 8 10 pt pB p9 Lev 4^513 The Sin Offeeing 41-2' And . . '"""' • ¦ "" ^^ Persons sinning unwittingly s-12 The anointed priest (bullock) 13-21 The congregation (bullock) 22-26 A ruler (he-goat) 27-31 One of the people (she-goat) + 32—36 1 JJ- ;jg Tjring a ewe lamb '. . 51-6 Pour cases and conclusion 1 Suppressing evidence (2 Unclean from a carcase 3 Unclean from a man * Kash swearing ". To confess and bring ewe lamb or kid + '-10 Or two doves or pigeons + 11-13 Or a portion of fine flour . 5U_eT The Guilt Offering (5" And . .) 16-16 poj. trespass in holy things -f- 1^-1' For unlmoivn sins {a^And..) ^~'' For trespass against a neighbour when If if who if if ,=5 =¦>"' when " """ who ""¦ ">"' when when if if '""' when " '""' when c. 68-7^8 A MANUAL FOE PEIESTS , (e^-'" And . . "o™^"* . ¦ » . • 8) ggb-is The Buent Offeeing Ritual ; the perpetual fire This . qu-is The Meal Offering Eitual ; consumption by priests alone this . (" And . .) + if>-23 The priest's meal offering this. /24-26a And . . ^^'^^ .. A . . i\ e26b-29 The Sin Offeeing Eitual ; consumption by priests alone This . 30 Not to be eaten if blood enter Holy Place 71-' The Guilt Offeeing Eitual ; consumption by priests alone this . ' Priest to have skin of the burnt offering + ' Priest to have cooked meal offerings 1° Meal offerings of flour to be shared 485 shall shall" ShaU shall ^13g(i] LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS _ pt T p.^ fyll-Sl °22i-27 °28»-33 37 q s '34 35 38 1-lOa 'lOb-11 12-29 '30 31-36 -pt pg ps Lev 711-35 The Saceifice of Peace Offerings This . . "" 12-15 Thank offering — with cakes, wafers, and flour, to be eaten on the day If 16-18 Yow or freewill offering — two days for eating if 19. II 21 Provisions against uncleanness /22— 23a J^.fid . . SP^'*^ • • '^) + 23f-27 jvo fat or blood =5 23i> Fat (ox, sheep, goat) not to be eaten Ye" 2* Fat of animal found dead shall 25 Eater of fat of clean beast doomed he that 23 Blood (fowl, beast) not to be eaten ye " 2' Eater of blood doomed """i who ^28— 2Co _^jj(j _ _ speak . . ch\ ^29i>-35 The priest's portion 29'' Offerer to bring his oblation portion He tlmt 5° Fat and breast for wave offering shall ^1 Priest to burn fat and keep breast shall -H 32 Bight thigh a heave offering for the priest who offers the blood and fat ye '* Wave breast and heave thigh both due ('I') -t- 35 The anointing portion of priests This 37 '38 Colophon. Burnt, Meal, Sin, Guilt, (Consecration,) and Peace offeriags (ordered in Mount Sinai) This . . ^^ 8-10 THE CONSECEATION OF THE PEIESTHOOD pg p. (Ex 29) II 8 Aaeon and his sons consecrated 1—3 II 1-5 Preparations And . 4-6 ii 6-9 Ablutions ; investiture of Aaron ' II lO" 12 Aaron anointed — -I- 1"*" 11 Dwelling, altar, laver, anointed '¦ II ^' Investiture of Aaron's sons II i*-i'' Bullock for sin offering 10—14 15-18 II 18-21 Earn for burnt offerini 19.22-26 II 22-29 Ram of consecratiou offered ^' II + '" Oil and blood on Aaron, his sons, and dress 31-34 II SI. Feast on the ram of consecration 35-37 II 33-36 gevon days of consecration ISgd 8-10 After the great interpolation of the Laws of Sacrifice he, the thread is picked up from Ex 40 as if nothing intervened (see Si"); though 82 so quietly assumes the directions of Ex 29 as famiUar that we have another reason for thinking that, when Lev 8 was written, the place of Ex 35-40 was occupied by a much shorter account, perhaps only occupying a few lines. 486 CONSPECTUS OF CODES ["^ISge Lev9._105 3 '6-7 12-15 '16-20 t li-8 "24-31 '32-37 39- t' . J 9-23 g Y.il 45b-47 41-44a 12 l«-7 "8 pt pg ps Lev 9 The Octave of the Conseceation 1-2* Inaugural sacrifices (^7sbpm) ; fire from heaven 10 Death of Nadab and Abihu, with sequels 1-' Consumed by fire from heaven for sacrilege ^- Aaron and sons not to mourn them *• Priests on duty not to drink wine And . . A 1° Priestly duty as to clean and unclean ye 11 Duty of instruction ye 12-16 Priest's dues, meal and peace offerings ^16-20 Blame for not eating sin offering e. 11-16 LAWS ON CEEEMONIAL PUEITY 11 Eating and Touching Animals (1-211 ^„(2 . . Jf and A saying unto them, '^"¦''^ ¦ ¦ ''^) ^'-s Clean and unclean land quadrupeds ye & + 9-23 -pood that is abomination ye & shall + ^'^-^'> UtKleanness by touch ; cleansing ye & shall -f "• (continuation of ^-^S) ye " + 43-44a Conclusion from '''' ye " 44b-45 Another conclusion from "'' *8. Colophon ¦ • This . . '" 12 PUBIFICATION AFTEE ChiLDBIETH (i-2» And . . "i"''' ¦ • "'') 21^ Unclean seven days for son When ' Circumcision on eighth day shall * Separation thirty-three days sliall & 6» Unclean fourteen days for daughter if ^'' Separation sixty-six days shall 3-^" Offerings for cleansing shall fb Colophon . . This . . i"" + 3 Case of poverty if 13ge i: Paton {Holiness Code p 42) arranges a decad out of this chapter combmed with Deut 14. But the materials have undergone too much handhng to follow him with confidence, though it is extremely probable that the original source m B" was a decad. Its elements may be reconstructed thus : — I. General (cp Deut 14'). 6- Clean birds (cp Deut 14"). 2. Clean land quadrupeds 2l>-3. 7- Unclean buds " i'. 3. Unclean land quadrupeds "-7. 8. Insects forbidden ^«. 4. Clean water-dwellers «. 9- Exceptions 21 2s. 5. Unclean water-dweUers i«. 'O- Wingless vermm «. 487 "13g/] LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS t lj-46a'b P*' Lev 13 "-'' li-8a'b 54 56". J J 9-20 "21-32 '33-53 Boa'b t lj-33a'b Pg 15 16 2-28b s '1 '29- 34b 31 32-33 '34a h u-i4r J on-30 r 17 ^^ B 15- h ii-20 23-37 Pg' 19 20'" s 21- 4. 5-27 21 "' Ii-16 171-25 26J-33 -'" 22 24 pt pg p3 Lev 13- Lepeosy 13 Detection and discrimination ; rules (1 And . . M and A) 2-8 In the skin '^"'^when '-i' Later stages . . when 18-2S Distinguished from boils . . when 21-28 And from burns . . when 14 Cleansing from leprosy (1 And . .) 2-8" '" Special rites This ¦=¦'" -(- "-2" Ordinary sacrifices + 21— SI (jase of poverty if 1464-57H Colophon to 13i-« (expanded) 29-S7 And from baldness maa or woman yjhfivi "¦ A harmless kind "»" ""¦ '""^° when *"-" Leprosy in the head "™'° when *^. Behaviour of leper . . whoso + ^1—^^ Leprosy in clothing ; with separate colophon . . This . . '™ . . vfhen . . + '2 Colophon to same This . . ¦'"' {" And ..MandA..) + 5*-^' Leprous house When ^' This 15 Seceetions QAnd..MandA.. ="'""' ¦ • '='') 2-18 Of men 2 any man j„;jj„ IS yjj^gf^ 16 man yjj^^^ 19-SO Of women l^ 25 woman j(,;jj„ 28 {j 4- ^1 Exhortation to priests (? older fragment) 32-3Sa /b Colophon This . . ''" 16 The Day of Atonement , 1 3. 6 11 14 -pov Aaron and his house 2-285 3ii> Pqj. people and sanctuary 4.29-31 34a Annual fast day ¦\-^^' Kepetition by -each high priest after . . And..'^"^-'-'' statute for ever pl> pB p» / 17-27 HOLINESS CODE (see f above), WITH ADDITIONS 7-22 Main portion of Holiness Code 488 CONSPECTUS OF CODES pl3g/ h r. s iob-i2 i4r 15-17 i8-2or 22 39-43** i-'GV 2irfi-2a. 4-ioa 21 23-25 33-38 44 24:1-9 2b-3 '13 26-32 h s I5b-22r 2b-7 17-22 r\ A Cit^ 8a 9a loac iib 12b 14 24* 10-15a 23 l-2a 8b 9b 10b 11a 12a 13 15- 23 26-31 '32-34 h P." s Q;^3S-4oa 43 47 S3 5Sb 40b-42 44-46 48-52 54-55a ph p8 p» Lev 23 Saceed Calendae (much expanded) i-2» Heading And . . "'=''' • • ci • • »»'! «»? 2''-3 The Sabbath ¦* Introduction ^-* Passover and Mazzoth . . ye f9-10a And . . "P^al^ . . ch . . and 3ay\ iob-14'- -yv'ave sheaf festival When '' 15-20 Harvest Festival (Weeks) ye 21 Feast of Weeks (fragment) • ¦ ye" 22 Gleanings 24i)-28 Feast of Trumpets . .ye" 2-632 Day of Atonemout And . . [^^' ""^ ivho) (33-34a ^^^ _ _ apeak . . ch^ 341.-36 Feast of Booths . . ^e " 37. Colophon These . . 39-«'- Feast of Booths when '' 24 Lamps ; Shewbeead ; Blasphemy 1-* Oil and lamps And.. """'^''"^ • ¦ '" ^~^- Eegulations for the shewbread 10-14 Stoning for blasphemy, story [^^^ And thou'^""" ¦¦•"') i5i)-22 Blasphemy, murder, assault (see f) 23 The blasphemer stoned 25 Saceed Yeaes (i-2» And . . Sinai .. ^'-^ •¦•'''¦ ¦ -^ ¦'O 2"-'' The Sabbatical fallow year tvhen '" 8-175 24 Fiftieth year, of liberty 8-17 23 Fiftieth year, of Jubile "-22 Sabbatical year, exhortation 25-55S Hebrew Poor Law 25-28 Redemption of land 21-31 House property '"'° when -f 32-34 Levitical land and houses 39-55» Hebrew slaves 489 'ISgg] LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS Pg Lev 26 I- 2-45 46 27 1-34 Num 1,.., 6 19b 54 17-19a 20-58 ¦ph pB ps Lev 26 Concluding discourse 27 On Vows and Consecrated Gifts 1 — 2* AittfJ speak . . ch . . and aay 2b-is Yq-ws of persons and animals Ub-s A male from twenty to sixty years * A female of same age ° Between five and twenty-five years if ' Between one month and five years if 14-25 Consecrated gifts 1* A house '^" when 1' Its redemption price if 1^ A field, valuation if 1^ Prom the Jubile if '"^" when if '' Over sixty years ' Reduction for poverty ' A clean beast 1" Exchange forbidden 11- An unclean beast 1' Redemption price 18 After the Jubile if 1' Redemption price 2°. If sold, irredeemable 22. A purchased field 2* Restoration at Jubile 25 The standard shekel = 10 '/ififif if if = 10 if if if ShaU 26 33 Firstlings, devoted things, tithes 2" Clean firstlings _„ 2^" Redemption of unclean lings 2^'' Option of sale 28 Devoted things 2' Devoted persons shatt. " first- if if only . . shaU " shall" " Tithe of produce 21 Redemption price 52 Tithe of cattle 3S" Exchange forbidden ssb jq^o redemption 5+5 = 10 [shall] if shall ..if shall » pt pff ps NUMBERS g. Num l-lQii The Camp at Sinai 1- THE TWELVE LAY TEIBES 1 FiEST Census at Sinai 1 Heading, giving place and date ^- Adult males to be numbered by Moses 4-16 Tribal representatives to assist i7-i9a ]y[oses and Aaron take the census 1^" Moses takes the census 20-46 Census returns for the twelve lay tribes -f *^ Omission of Levi ^48-53 Ttiifies a/nd position ofthe Levites ^* Compliance of the people And. ISg/ 27 The analysis here offered supports the suggestion that an older original is the basis of this series of ordinances. 490 CONSPECTUS OF CODES i'lSsg >* Num 9, 1-34 J 5-22 27. 33. 39 44. 1-4 23-26 29-32 35-38 40-43 46-51 1-15 '16-19 21-49 pt pg ps Num 2 Oedee op Teibes in Camp and on Maech 1 And . . M and A 2 General directions '¦"' East camp ' Judah * Total 74,600 ' Issachar + ' Total 54,400 ' Zebulun + ' Total 57,400 + '" Grand total 186,400 "> These to march first 10-16 South camp 11 Keuben + 11 Totai 46,500 12 Simeon + 1' Total 59,300 "Gad + 15 To tai 45,650 + 18'' Grand total 151,450 16b These to march second shall were shall were were were shall shall were shall were shall werewere " Levites round tent in centre 38-24 -weat camp ^' Ephraim + 1' Total 40,500 2" Manasseh + 21 Total 32,200 22 Benjamin + 23 Total 35,400 + 24a Q^und total 108, 100 2*'' These to march third 26-31 North camp 25 Dan + 2«roiaZ6a,70o 2' Asher + 28 Total 41,500 29 Naphtali + " Total 53,400 + "" Grand total 157,600 31b These to march last sludl were shall were shall were were shall shall were shall were shall were were shall 3- THE LEVITES 31-13 Theie Appointment and Opfice 1-* Aaron's sons and their fate 6-10 ijijg Levites to do the service of the Dwelling And . . 11-13 ipjjo Levites instead of the firstborn And . . 314 39 Census op all Males ; (Positions, Peinces, Duties) + 29-31 Placed on south ; duties shall + '32 Eleazar to have supreme charge shall 33. Merarites, total 6,200 were + 35. Placed on north ; duties shall + " M and A and sons on east shall 39 Grand total 22,000 were ". All Levite males to be numbered thou were were shall were 16-20 Numbered by families ^^. Gershonites, total 7,500 + 23-26 Placed on west ; duties 2'. Kohathites, total 8,600 3*" ^1 Levites foe Fiestboen ; Census of lattee 40-43 Census of firstborn, 22,273 i Levites instead And . **¦ Levites instead of firstborn And . 46-51 Redemption of surplus firstborn 4 Census or Adult Males ' Artd . . , M and A . . 2. Kohathites to be numbered (thirty to fifty years) + «-i5 Their duties in full shall + ^' Eleazar's special charge shall + " And . . M and A . . + ^^~^' Priests to guard Kohathites from risk of sacrilege ye ( + 21 And . .) 22. Gershonites to be numbered + 24-28 Duties under Ithamar shall . 29. Merarites to be numbered + 31-33 Duties under Ithamar shall . 28-49 Census taken, total 8,580 thou ¦ ye thou ye 491 '13g^] LAWS AND Ii VSTITUTIONS P^Num s t-. °5«-8 9- lli-31>'- 5 1-4 «1»-21 1-7 O 22-27 / 89 1-88 K8 s 1-10 '11 12-15a '15b-26 9 lOi-s'n. 1-23 13-28 84 ¦pt pg ps Num 5-6^1 Geoup op Laws 51-* Lepers excluded from Camp And . . """^"^ • • * [^-'^^ And.. '""'¦^ ¦¦'"') «"-» Guilt offering, special case '^" " '""''" When ^- Heave offerings given to priest shall 11-31 Marital jealousy (composite) This ^^ A12 ""' """ when B29 Whoso (T when) gi-2i ipjgj. Law op the Nazieite 11—2^ And "^°°'^ . . ch . . sayV ^''-s His separation defined man or woman -pp^g^ + ^-12 Involuntary defilement when -H 13-20 Ritual at close of separation This . . "*" 21* '" Colophon (expanded) This . . "" e22-27 Priestly benediction And . , 1^1-88 rpjg-j, Dedication op the Altae 1 Dwelling, altar &c, anointed and dedicated 2—9 Waggons and oxen given 10-88 Siiyer and gold dishes &c, and twenty-one victims from each tribe 789 Divine voice from the Mercy-seat 8- Geoup op Peiestly Laws 1-* The sacred lamps And . . "'°^'' ••»••'" 6-15=. '11 Moses to sanctify the Levites And . . H- 15'>-22 Aaron to ' wave ' them ..j. 23-26 Xevifes begin work at twenty-five instead of thirty 91-6 ijhj. Second Passovee ^-* Case of men unclean ^-1* Postponement for a month And..'^"'^ 15-23 Tjjg Qi^^^ ^^^ ^.jjg Dwelling IQi-io Use op Teumpets P" 1-^ Signal for meeting or march „,„„ . ^ For alarm in war when 1" On festivals over sacrifices, ' I am Yahweh ' 492 ,y' CONSPECTUS OF CODES ['ISgfe P* Num 15 li-16 17J-31 32-36 37»-4« 17-1832 19 14-22 1-13 pt pg p' h. Num 15 Geoup op Laws (l-2« And . . »»="' • . ch . . say) 21^16 Law of drink offerings, &c 2'^3 Any offering of herd or flock When r" • ¦ i"""! • ¦ ShaU *. Meal, wine, and oil for lamb thou '¦ Meal, wine, and oil for ram thou 8-10 Meal, wine, and oil for bullock when '"«" n. Summary for bullock, ram, lamb, kid shall . . ye is-ie Home-born and stranger alike ye & /17-18a And . . speak . . ch . . say\ i8b-2i Dough offerings ye 22-31 The sin offering when ph jg32-36 Sabbath-breaker stoned (37-38a And . . "'""' ¦¦'"'•¦ say) 38b-4i Fringes on garments, ' I am Yahweh ' [they) . . you [16 Incident op Koeah and his Company 1-505 Laity against the priesthood 8-*o5 Levites against the priesthood] 17 Aaron's rod that budded 18 Peiests and Levites : Duties and Dues 1-^ Eespective duties and mutual relations 3-19 Eevenues of priests 3 All heave offerings for the priests and . . A (om saying) . . all ' Meal, sin, and guilt offerings This . . all 1° These priests only may eat all "" Heave and wave offerings all And Yahweh said unto A = io ii'> These all olean inhabitants may eat all 12 Firstfruits : corn, wine, oil all 13 First ripe fruits aU "Devoted things all 15-18 pirgtlings or their value aU 12 Bound by ' covenant of salt ' all 20-32 Eevenues of the Levites 20 Aaron to have no share in the land And Yahweh said unto A 21-24 ijij^g ti^iie goes to the Levites (25 And . .) 26-32 Tiiat tithe tithed for the priests When 19 Uncleanness by the Dead ^ And..M and A .. 2-10 Eed heifer : ashes for water of separation This is the statute of the law . . 11- Use obligatory .13-22 Use described : case of death in a tent This...'^" ""-"who 493 ^ISgi] LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS fl Num 256-15 ¦ 26 27 .5-23 28 s W-_- 1- 14 1- pt pg ps i. Num 25^-1' The Plague because op Midianite Women 0-3 Man slain by Phinehas with a woman 10-16 Priesthood sealed to Phinehas And . . 16-18 Midianites to be vexed 23-25 Issachar 64,300 26. Zebulun 60,500 + 28 Joseph's sons 29-34 (? 33) Manasseh 52,700 35-57 Ephraim 32,500 38-41 (9 40) Benjamin 45,600 ^2. Dan 64,400 44-47 (? 46) Asher 53,400 43-50 Naphtali 45,400 =1 Grand total 601,730 26- Census in Plains op Moab, and sequels 1-^1 Lay tribes counted 1 Heading (peculiar) And . . M and Eleazar 2-* Introduction (in altered state) 3'-^ Reuben 43,73° + 3-10 Descent of Dathan and Abiram + 11 Survival of Korah' s sons 12-14 Simeon 22,200 13-13 Gad 40,500 + 1' Judah's sons who died 20-22 Judah 76,500 62-66 Division of the land by lot among these And . . 67-62 Census of Levites ^"^ The three Levitical Clans -I- ^^ Subordinate families -t- 58'>-6i Families of M and A «2 Total 23,000 271-11 Zelophehad's daughters : law of inheritance 8 maa ^^gjj 9 10 11 {f 12-14 Moses to die (|| Deut 32*8 . .) 15-23 Joshua to succeed Moses 28- Calendar of saceed Seasons : Offeeinss peesceibed 1— Za J fid command . . oh . . say 2'' Periodical oblations required '~3 Daily sacrifice (d), morning and evening b'mio|w} 0. Sabbath 2b'm2ow + d 11-15 jfew moon 2b''m3ow| -I- b'm2owJ + 7b>miow| + ss + d 13 The Passover 17-25 Mazzoth as new moon daily (om w) 26-31 Pentecost as new moon (om w) ISgi 28- It has been thought well to give the full particulars of the prescribed offerings at the point where they are treated most systematically. The abbrevia tions will be readily followed, many being used above under 1-7. b burnt offering. m meal offering. s sin offering. ^ bullock. ml, 2, 3 = one or more ' turtledove. " bull calf. tenths of an ephah. w = wine or drink offer- d daily sacrifice. o oil offering. ing. g guilt offering. oj = a quarter of a wj = one quarter of a s he-goat. hin. hin. c female goat. p peace offering. y yearly wine or drink ' he-lamb. p pigeon. offering. I ewe lamb. r ram. z goat for AzazeL 494 CONSPECTUS OF CODES pl3gi P* Num 31 33 Sm-53 55- I 54 64 pt p8 ps Num 291-3 Trumpets b''m3o -H b''m2o -^ 7b'mio + e^+ (new moon) + d '-11 Day of Atonement . as trumpets + y 12-16 Booths, first day i3b''m3o + 2b'm2o + i4b'mio + d 17-34 Second to seventh days the same, but one bullock less per day (and add w) '5-38 Eighth day b^mow + b'mow + 7b'mow + s^ -1- d 39. Colophon 30 On Vows op Men and Women 5 + 53= 10 2 Vow of a widow or divorced woman (1 Heading peculiar, see i") 2 A man's vow inviolable °™° When 3. Maiden's vow confirmed by father's silence ™"^'' lohen 3 Dissolved by his disapproval if '. Confirmed by betrothed husband's silence if 3 Dissolved by his disapproval if inviolable shall 10. Wife's vow confirmed if her hus band was silent if 12. Dissolved if he disapproved if 1* Continued silence implies approval if 13 Eesponsible for subsequent breach if + 13 Cdophon These . . 31 War with Midian : regulations And . ph 3350-36 The Land : Conquest and Possession (33^" And in the plains of Moab . . .) «i- • Expulsion of people, destruction of idols Whin ^° 8* Division of the land by lot ^5- Danger in not expelling them if The chief particulars of a similar kind are collected for comparison. Ex 29I-33 ps (II Lev 8 P=) Consecration day s" + ta' + p' -1- TaP'"-^, "¦'^", "»'«" 36. pe Seven days following , , ®^ 33. P» Daily saorifioe, morning and evening b'm'ojwj I,ev4P' s", sl>,ss, s»(orsJ) _i-is pt s! 0' ' (or s' "'¦ P + b' " P) (or m') 5i4_67 pt (three times), cp 1921 S' Q Pb Eighth day of consecration, for Aaron 8= -H b', for people, ss + b° + b" -H p"" -f p' + mo 12 P« Childbirth b' -H s' »¦• p (or b« »' P + s' »' p, cp 15" 29 2312. pt Wave sheaf ^ ^^ (m2wj) 17-201- ph 2pi + m.2 lo^es ( + 7bimw-l-b"'mw+2b''mw) Num 6 pt Vow broken , , a' »¦• P-hbt or P + gi Vow ended s^ + bi + p' -I- m">»Tes_ cake._ waters ( + mw) ,, pi ni and w prescribed in right proportions for victims as b or p 22 B Balak 7b''H-7b-' It wiU be observed that the drink offering w is only mentioned outside Num 15 in passages assigned on independent grounds to P». On closely comparing the aUusions in 15 and 28- it becomes doubtful if ia either of these passages the aUusions to w are original. If they are interpolated the confusion of persons m iS (see i") and the sporadic aUusions to w in 28- would be accounted for. It is possible that 28- has been also supplemented by adding the numerous clauses providing that the special offerings shaU be cumulative, not in place of the daily sacrifice or other ^^S^The s°racture is closely parallel to other parts of Pt and the language in the body of the ordinance not decisively different; so that the chap as here placed under pt, though its editor is clearly later than the editor of the rest of pt, and hence in the text aU is printed under P'. 495 ^14] LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS fl Num 34 36 s 1- 13 ph pe p' Num 341-1^ BOUNDAEIES OP THE LaND BEYOND JoEDAN And.... """'^"^ ••""¦¦"" When" 16-19 Tribal representatives for division And. . p' 351-^ Forty-eight Levitical cities And . . Moab . , '-3* Six Cities op Eepuge : Eegulations = 10 9— 10* And . "'*°''' ¦ ¦"''•¦ '*y 26-29r jq-Q safety outside asylum if 30 Witnesses in murder case he that 31 No ransom for murderer ye " 32 No ransom for homicide leaving asylum ye " 33. Hortatory conclusion lob-isr Asylum for homicide When ^' 13 Iron instrument used if 17 A stone thrown if 13 The weapon of wood if + 1' Avenger of blood to slay murderer 20. Hatred or enmity if 22-26'' Accidental cases if 36i 12 Maeeiage op Heieesses 1^ Late colophon These . 14. The Codes compared a b &c in the body of this table refer to the sections of ''13 above. a. Beligious aud social Institutions The comparison of the codes in respect of these cannot be conveniently summarized here. A general sketch, embracing the most important points, is given in Introd pp 82-92. See also special summaries under i-Ta ' Sacrifice,' i^9a ' Calendar' ; cp i-lOabd 'Site of sanctuary' 'Tent of Meeting' 'Altar' ¦'¦llaj 'Priesthood' 'Endowments,' ^2ad 'Strangers' 'Slaves.' b. Relation to contemporary religion J The ten Words of the Covenant a enshrine the leading principles of the cultus of the day, as derived from Moses, and closely connected with the common life of the people, the one anxiety being to keep the wor ship pure. E The Covenant Book b and the Judgements 6 similarly accept and endorse the best features of the religious and moral life already present, but warn against corruption and syncretism in worship. D The demand for unity of worship and destruction not only of idola trous emblems but of all local sanctuaries constitutes this code e a programme of reform, not to say religious revolution. B^ The HoUness Code f, whose main source seems to take the standpoint of 3j9-34 The style and structure of the ordinances iu this section bear traces of the schools of B^ and P'. But they have beeu more drastically rewritten by theic editor than the bulk of B^ or P'. THE CODES COMPARED [^14d JB, yet on the whole as a compilation adopts the position of D, and indeed assumes it as accepted. It seeks to guard the heritage of the past, not to modify the positive institutions of the present. P'By the codifying of the sacrificial praxis and ceremonial usage a silent revolution was inaugurated by P', which, when completed, substituted the letter of the law as interpreted by the scribes for the living torah of the priests. ps The enlargement and definite dating of the calendar, the sharp distinction between priests and Levites, and the regulations for their support, render ps unmistakably the programme of a reform party. P» In the supplements we can trace the culminating influence of the suc cessful school of priestly editors whose fir'st formulated code was Ps, but whose work was continued for generations, marked by enrichment of ritual, elaboration of detail, increased redundancy of style, and a desire to supple ment and complete the existing laws. c. Leading motives and characteristic features (cp ^15e) (J) £ The Israelites bound' by a peculiar tie to one another and to Yahweh, a jealous and righteous God ; his sanctuaries easily accessible for worship, appeal, or asylum ; a. high ethical spirit pervading the moral code. D Most of the religious institutions and many social laws modified by the centralizing of worship ; religion, based on love between Yahweh and Israel, shedding a warm and kindly glow upon moral duties. pi" Watchword : a holy people, worshipping a holy God, in a holy land. P' Personal religion elaborated on the sides of sacrifice and ceremonial purity ; priests for the benefit of the people. psThe organization of public worship, in which priestly functions bulk largely, the people mainly coming in as providing the means for the celebration of the prescribed rites and the maintenance of the ministering priesthood. P» As ps, only more so, the claims of the higher clergy, and the expiatory side of worship becoming more prominent. d. Structure of codes ; relation to context J The short code a, engraved by (Moses) on the ' tables of stones,' relates to worship, and is now introduced by a hortatory passage. Its separate character is explicitly recognized in the context. E The Covenant Book b, as first embodied by E in his narrative, opens with a law on the place of sacrifice, consists of laws about worship, and is closed by a discourse. It has been dislocated by the insertion of the Judgements, and the Decalogue d is introduced as the beginning and basis of Divine .law. The ' words of Yahweh ' are explicitly recognized as forming the ' Book of the Covenant ' in the narrative of the making of the covenant Ex 343.., a reference to 'the Judgements' being interpolated 3. D The Deuteronomic Code, as it may be supposed to have been found by Hilkiah, opens with a law about the place of sacrifice, contains laws about offerings, feasts, and the chief theocratic institutions, and closes with a discourse, see Synopsis, below. It has been enlarged by the Incorporation of a series of miscellaneous laws, corresponding to E's Judgements. And the Decalogue has been introduced as the law written by God on the tables, and as the basis of the covenant. The Code is abundantly referred to in the added context of narrative and discourse. P''The Holiness Code opens with a law of sacrifice, contains laws about offerings, feasts, and the priesthood, and closes with a discourse. It now includes also a series of laws, roughly parallel to the Decalogue and the Judgements in Lev i8-ao. They may or may not have been originally incorporated by the compiler, but their dislocated condition would be better explained, if P* like E and D, be supposed to have been supplemented 497 ^ ^ ^14e] LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS by the original compiler, or by one of the same school. No allusion to it as a body of laws occurs in the context, but a suitable colophon ends the code.P' The Priestly teachings do not constitute a general code, but include several collections, apparently independent iu origin. They relate exclusively to sacrifice and ceremonial purity, contain no hortatory sections, and are never referred to as a whole in the context. They are only called a code in a loose sense for convenience. Pe The Priestly groundwork of Law and History presents both inextricably mingled together, ordinances being introduced in connexion with the events that occasioned them. P« The Priestly supplements are of course only in the most extended sense a code at all. The code is really Pe as enlarged by P', and the additions, except where mere expansions, obstruct and obscure the original lines of the structure. e. Structure of constituent groups (see ^15f ) J The Covenant-words a are directly stated to have formed a decad, though it is doubtful if the members of it can be recovered. E The three codes in E, b o d, all witness to the presence of groups of five or ten laws, or clauses of laws, on kindred subjects. It may be conjectured that originally they were wholly made up of such pentads and decads. D Here also e are found occasional evidences of groups of five) but as a rule the literary structure is of a looser and more irregular type. P'' Except where, as in Lev 23 25, B^ is much interpolated and expanded, the presence of pentads or decads, some of them very perfect, can be readily detected. Indeed it is reasonable to suppose that all the laws were once thus grouped, and a good deal can be done to suggest the original structure where it is now broken. P' Occasionally the pentad structure shows through, but as a rule considera tions of subject determine the structure. Ps The groups in Ps follow the' appropriate incidents, and all are oast in the same mould, diffuse and repetitious. P' A new kind of group is formed by a story, of the nature of a midrash, and a law founded on it (e g Lev 2410-16 23 H^um i532-S6^_ f. Structure of clauses (see ^15a-e) J All ' Words ' in a. E b d, all ' Words ' ; c, mostly ' Judgements ' '", but supplemented by a few ' Statutes ' "¦ and ' Commandments.' D 'Words,' 'Judgements'""' and 'Statutes' " supplemented by 'Com mandments.' ph < Words,' ' Commandments,' ' Statutes ' '^ and ' Judgements ' ^'. P' Mostly ' Judgements' '"' and ' Laws ' ; also ' Words,' ' Commandments ' and ' Statutes ' •>. Ps ' Words ' and ' Commandments,' but of a totally different type from the earlier. P» Heterogeneous in structure, but mostly as Ps. g. Original sources, oral or written JE The facts described under the last two heads make it highly probable that the originals in J and E were pentads of concise uniform ordinances on related subjects, strung together in this fashion for easy recollection, and preserved by oral repetition, or possibly in some cases by being engraved on wood, stone, or metal. D As it is clear that D knew and used JB, so he must have had laws in written form before him, but he may well have also utilized decisions and ordinances preserved only by hearsay. pi Nowhere do the original, presumably oral, sources obtrude themselves 498 THE CODES COMPARED pl4i more plainly than' in Lev 19. And the structure both of groups and clauses throughout again favours an oral stage in the formation of the whole code. pt While resting, no doubt, in part on oral priestly directions, probably many of these teachings are notes of things seen as done, rather than of words heard as said ; they are rubrics, defining older usages for the sake of security, and then modifying them for the sake of present use. Pf» For these, the latest strata, we have no reason to postulate any sources other than the documents traced elsewhere, though existing no doubt iu a fuller state. h. The editorial process JENot only have the first compilers in introducing the codes often added to or altered them, but the laws have received far more attention from later editors than the narratives, J» E' Bi' and E* being detected again and again. Still, though two of the 'Words' of the Decalogue even have lost their original form, for the most part the editors have only added little expansions or explanations or hortatory passages and have left the ordinances unmutilated. D The method followed by the Deuteronomio school was to rewrite nearly every ordinance they touched, so that only here and there can the original form of words be made out with confidence. The insertions of "D' in the code may however be plausibly identified with the plural passages ('ye'), though it has not been found possible to draw any similar inference from the conflicting phenomena of the discourses and narratives in D. pi" It is the compiler and later editors who have expanded the endorsement, ' I am Yahweh,' added the hortatory passages and discourse, and elaborated the chapters on worship 17 21-23 ("P also 25). Many ofthe peculiar phrases and much of the characteristic tone are due to the compiler. P' Here the editor's work has been to piece together the existing collections of earlier codifiers and to enrich them with such duplicates and supplements as he could obtain. The later harmonist who united P' to Ps introduced in a sparing fashion allusions to the 'Tent of Meeting,' 'Aaron and his sons' &c. Ps Here editor and author are one, and the process is one of rewriting the history and laws of the past with an eye on the present and its needs. Probably the attempt had been made before, but few traces are left of it (cp Ex 251"). P' The groundwork was not long left alone, and was not only embroidered and filled out by overlayings and insertions, but in many places was replaced by more exuberantly diffuse passages, cp Ex 35-40 Lev 8 &e. i. Persons addressed (cp '^ISd) JEThe Laws are indefinitely addressed to the Israelite whoever he might be, but were probably framed first, if not also written down later, ', for the use of the priests, elders, and judges who were to impart the knowledge of them to the people, and to administer them as occasion required.D Deuteronomy is addressed to the nation, and is intended to catch the national ear ; it is a people's book, the first ' Bible.' P"" What was said of JE would apply to the source of B^, but the complete code was no doubt meant for the nation, though Lev 21 refers only to the priesthood. P' Commonly impersonal, but sometimes addressed to the worshipper ; written for the priests, either merely for their own guidance, or for them to impart to the laity ; rarely as Lev 15'^ addressed to the priests. Ps Mainly addressed to Moses, for him to pass on to Aaron in the case of the numerous ordinances taken up with the affairs of the priesthood, or to the children of Israel, who are regarded almost exclusively as a worshipping congregation.P'More variety of address, but the principle as in Be. 499 K k 2 ^14j] LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS j. The date implied JE If the codes had been preserved without any setting, they would have been seen at once to fit the time of the monarchy. As it is, they are ascribed to Moses at Sinai. D The situation implied throughout is the eve of the conquest, though in the code we often forget the implied presupposition amid the minute provisions for life in the land ex hypothesi unknown, P''The compiler attributes the code to the Sinaitic sojourn, and expressly anticipates the future ; but the ordinances themselves hardly ever, even in their present form, suggest anything but legislation for the existing situation. !pt No date implied. pss The Mosaic date is not only stated, but continually suggested by the systematic use of typical forms. Tent or Dwelling for Temple, Aaron for high priest, the camp for the city or land, and so forth. k. Origin and authorship J Derived from the torah of the priests at the sanctuaries. E b, as J ; d, see Ex 201" ; o, derived from the decisions of the old and wise among the judges and elders sitting for judgement in the gate, or from the king giving counsel to his nobles. D Derived from E and sources similar to those used by E and including many fresh ordinances ; but moulded anew by a prophetic school, including probably members of priestly families (cp Jeremiah), under the influence of the eighth-century prophets. pi" Derived from a genuinely priestly section of the priesthood (cp Ezekiel), working on old models (perhaps once included in J), and representing the loftiest levels of priestly teaching. pt Derived from a school of priestly ritualists, and embodying both the rules laid down by the older priests for the younger members of the order to follow in their ordinary ministrations, and the directions given as to ceremonial by priests to the individual lay worshippers. ps Designed perhaps on the basis of an earlier draft, by a statesman priest or priestly scribe, on the basis of previous records read in the light of present convictions. ps Derived from successive generations of imitators of Ps. 1, Approximate dates of origin or compilation JB The close resemblances postulate a substantial body of accepted custom, developed during the settled days of the undivided monarchy, and seem to many to suggest a considerable Mosaic nucleus. The differences, in the documents J and E generally, require a date after the Disruption for the origin of the legislation in written form. The compilation of the codes can hardly be earlier than the eighth century, in view of their polemic against idolatiy. The editorial additions stretch into the seventh century (cp pp 107 log iig-). D The code, early in the reign of Josiah ; the ritual and other sup plements, indefinitely later (cp p 96-). P'' The original groups, of varied ages, some very early ; the compilation of the code in the last years of the Judean monarchy ; the completion of the final discourse, or its re-editing (cp the handling of Jeremiah's prophecies), in the early years of the exile ; the ritualistic revision, later still. P' The occasional traces of pentads, the resemblances with P*, and the apparently traditional character of much of the ceremonial, suggest a pre- exilic date for the first drafts ; but the number of supplements, which seem to have been suggested by the actual provisions failing to work satisfactorily in practice, perhaps indicates that the process went on till P"" and P' were . incorporated in the new law-book adopted and introduced by Ezra, which set the seal of authority on a new style of ritual legislation, and first gave wide publicity to P"" and pt. 500 THE CODES COMPARED [^15 psSome time in the fifth century, not long before 458 B.C., and possibly later still (cp pp 136. .). psFrom the fifth to the third century B.C. (pp 154. • 179). Additional Note Moore and Gray in the Enx Biblica The conclusions expressed in this work are in the main strikingly con firmed by the results arrived at by G F Moore in his articles on Leviticus and Numbers, and by G Buchanan Gray in his article on Law Literature. A few points may be noted, following the order of the latter. I . The distinction between ' Words ' and ' Judgements ' is recognized by Gray (col. 2734), who, however, leaves undecided the question whether the ' Book of the Covenant ' included the ' Judgements ' or was restricted to 'Words.' a. As to Deut, it is stated (col. 2736) ' that, with the single exception [of the law of the centralization of worship] the legal material, even when it cannot be traced to still extant earlier codes, is not the novel element in Deut ' ; while ' the laws relative to unclean animals in 14 and the laws of aii''-25i3 (of which only seven out of a total of thirty-five are found in the legislation of JE) are . . . with probability regarded as drawn more directly and with less modification from existing collections of laws.' 3. The ' Holiness Code' Gray (cols. 2738-9) acknowledges to be 'based on earlier legislation,' but, following Baentsch in the main, he concludes that it ' is highly probable that more than one exilic process is here represented.' Moore, however (cols. 2789-92), not only leans to an earlier date for the first codification, regarding it as unproved that B^ as a whole is later than D, but places its compilation in the 'half-century before Ezekiel.' Moore also only admits Lev 11 and Num is*'"*! outside Lev 17-26 as derived certainly from BK 4. The sacrificial and other laws, classified in this work under the symbol P', are regarded by Moore (cols. 2779 . .) as ' substantially genuine priestly taroth,' 'representing, there is no reason to doubt, actual practice,' 'preserved with little material change.' Gray is more cautious, and only says (col. 2739) that 'possibly we should refer to the exile the writing down and collection ' of P'. He compares however the continuance, if not increase, of rabbinic study of matters connected with the Temple after 70 A. d. 15. Statistics of usage a— e. Types of Hebrew Law.— Dr Briggs, Higher Crif 242-257 (cp 'Arts' in New Heb Lex), classifies in a useful way the principal types of ordinance. His contention is further, that the various names used for the several laws were not always practically synonymous with one another (cp Ps 119), but had also earlier specific meanings, each connoting a distinct variety. The case for this view might be considerably strengthened, but it must always be largely matter for conjecture. The connotation of tho 'Words' and 'Judgements ' is best made out. But the series is used, as Dr Briggs gives it, for convenience sake. The abbreviated forms mark the usage under i^l3 above. When the clause begins with ' and ' or any other connecting particle, the initial capital is not used in 13, e g thou, not Thou, ^15] LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS J E D P"> P' ps Totals of Legal Clauses 17 92 i79 '7° i39 53 a. Words a rAoM = ' Thou shalt .. .' 8 11 35 9 3 ... b rAo«n=' Thou shalt not .. .' 5 19 22 36 c " 2%0M = '. .. not thou' (imper) ... 3 ... a Total 13 33 57 47 3 ... b. CoMMAKDMEiraS a rc=' Ye shall. . .' 9 II 14 ... b Ye" = ' Ye shall not . . .' ... 5 6 24 13 2 c >¦ r'e = ' . . . ye not' (imper) ... 2 Total ... 5 15 37 27 c. Statutes Earlier forms — Ufn a He that= ' He that . . .' (participle) b ShaU = '. . . shall . . .' (3rd pers) c ShaU"=' . . . shall not ..." (3rd pers) Total Later forms — mpn d ™'"' Who-^Kdii'&ii e ^"' '"^" W7io=ne« »'» ffi'H f "'"™"' Who=-im n*N g «"¦' Who=-\ldnvia h Whoso = -mi* Total ... I 3 28 d. JunSEUEBTS Main clauses — earlier forms a W7!e»"=' When a man . . .' ... 4 6 b Tr;s«m"°°"' = 'When men . ..' ... 2 0 TTftcn *'"'" = ' When thou .. .' ... i 11 d When, "'°" = ' when . . . , thou (shalt) ' 11 e When ^' = ' when ye . . .' 8 f Tr7i«n = ' when (au ox) . . .' ... 10 14 7 g Whether=ii* ... 2 6 10 4 7 I 28 13 17 5 2 I 14 16 3 S 3 7 5a 33 27 10 ... I 16 7I 3 I ... ... 3 3 I I 2 I 3 Total ... 19 42 IS a The 'word ' is the earliest type, and after Pl> this form was praotioaUy dropped, for the and pers sing ordinances in Ps and P' are addressed, not generally, but to Aaron or some other individual, aud so have no claim to be Included. Some of the ' Words ' in P*" are probably imitative and not ancient. b Thet ' Commandments ' are distinctly later, perhaps after D*, for the plural clauses in E and D generally are for other reasons taken as interpolated. Very many of those in B^ look as if they were simply ' Words ' with the plural substituted. o* Statutes of the first type " are found in all the sources, but much more numerously iu D P"" P', representing the middle period of legislation, after JE and before Ps. The few in JE are most naturaUy regarded as inserted or altered. e'' The other types axe practically confined to P' and the later sections of P"" outside Lev i8- . d The extensive employment of the first type * of ' Judgements ' in B and D confirms the correctness of the note of time, ' earlier.' The preference shown by P* for the 2nd pers pi is seen here again under e, and may point to a radical difference in the ultimate source. Did P" draw mainly from the decisions, directly expressed, of the priests at the sauctuaxies, and E and D from the more impersonal dicta of the secular judges, sitting in the gate ? The entire absence of the second series of forms >> from JEB renders it highly probable that they are indeed ' later.' The subordinate clauses " of course fit either type of main clause. 502 THE CODES COMPARED ['15 Main clauses — Later forms h™° When^^i sj'N i ""' ""¦" When^"'^ ffi'« tf'« i man (ocJom) When = ¦'2 D1« soul When='i ®DJ Total m woman when=>i rnfl« n. .. 'When ='3. . . Subordinate clauses 0 7/ «!">'' = (dm) 'If thou.. ,* p J/=(DN)'If...' Total I e. Laws Torah applied to single ordinances a This. ..^^^' This is the law of . . .' (introd) ... b ...this.. . '" = ' This is the law of . . .' (concl) . . . c This . . . 5^""== ' This is the statute ..." f. Pentads (see footnote) Groups of five ordinances or clauses a Uniform and complete (Ps 2) b Complete but not uniform c Uniform but incomplete d Otherwise doubtful g. Ihteoducioey Clauses ih P J E D ph pt ps 6 2 6 I 2 I 3 I 94 I I I ... I I 10 20 8 I 3 2 I ... 24 7 3 31 36 27 3 32 36 10 6 I Total I 10 5 147 ¦ • 4 4 ... 2 9 12 12 17 a And . . . = ' And Yahweh spake unto Moses, saying ' b And . . . '^'^^ . . . A (. . . s) = add ' Speak unto Aaron (and to his sons), saying ' c And . . . '^'^^ ¦ ¦ ¦ ""-add ' Speak unto the children of Israel, saying' d And. . . ^'""^ni^add 'Command . . .' e And . . . (M and) A= 'And spake unto (Moses and) Aaron ' f And . . . said = ' And Yahweh said unto (Moses) ' Total Number occurring at a junction with another source pn 2 48 pt ps 4 12 14 18 4 12 Total 2 20 25 34 6 10 ps 18 27 33 9 7 e This usage is of course one of the distinguishing marks of P', though the earliest sections of aU (cp i-lSgftc) do not use this formula. The progression, from the living torah { = ' instruction '), in process of utterance by priest, prophet, and judge, to the written torah { = ' code ') of D, is not more raarked than from the "wider application to a code to its restriction to a single ordinance, not the ' law of Yahweh ' or the ' law of Moses,' but the ' law of leprosy.' f In this little table deoads have been reckoned as two pentads. The elements of a group are considered ' uniform ' when aU are taken from one or other of the classes abed above. Some groups are counted ' complete ' which have one or two intruded clauses beyond five. B and P"" have preserved the pentad form best, almost all the ordinances preserved by either finding a place in one or other pentad. A large proportion in each case seem to be preserved approximately in their original form. In D it is far more precarious to attempt the reconstruction of pentads, and a mass of ordinances gives now no indication of being based on pentads. The groups separated in P' are almost as indefinite as in D, but the ten identified in P" occur in three chapters only {Lev 27 Num 30 35), and are so sharply marked as to confirm the suggestion that in each case they rest upon an earUer basis, which was more probably P"" than P'. g The partioiJars ooUeoted as to the nse of introductory clauses do not give "lea] LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS I-II 16. Contents and Index a. Contents of Tables 1-15 Tables uniformly arranged under subject headings, with comparative statistics of occurrence of topics. See footnote for explanation of figures. Ani- Topics a-o (15) 1 The Family 2 Persons and mals 3 Property 4 Judgement and Rule a-w (24) 5 Idolatry and Super stition a-k(ii) 6 Clean and Unclean a-n (15) a-k(ii) a-1 (12) 7 Sacrifices 8 Sacred Dues 9 Sacred Seasons 1 10 Sacred Places 111 Sacred Persons (Topics 151) Gross of references (a-z) (21) a-i (8) a-k (11) a-e (5) a^q(i8) totals ) Amounts of material in inches of i printed matter I Average length of quotation J E D ph pt ps B« Totals 10 II 25 19 I 2 2 70 3 IS 30 30 — 4 3 85 I 10 14 8 4 — 2 39 10 16 33 II I 5 IS 91 13 22 33 22 I — 2 93 7 2 14 12 24 7 4 70 12 19 10 9 37 18 27 132 7 5 II 2 3 8 9 45 7 8 9 15 — II 21 71 6 14 13 5 2 7 II 58 16 15 41 16 12 35 52 187 92 137 233 149 85 97 148 941 12 36 140 70 130 130 310 828 * i Z i I* H 2 i much help in distinguishing between Ps and P', or between the editors of P'' and P'. But certain broad results appear. The preference of Ps and Ps for the direct forms of address aef arises from the fact that Moses and Aaron are in the centre of the foreground in the view of these writers, while the circumlocutions in the types bc preferred by P^ and P"* were only rendered necessary when the editor had to fit into the Mosaic scheme ordinances which originally had Uttle or no Uterary relation to Moses and the wilderness. The large number of cases also, especiaUy in P"" and P*", in which the clause is prefixed where a junction has been effected with a section of another document or other foreign element suggests that where these clauses come in the body of these codes there may have been a dislocation. This agrees very weU with the "view taken in this work of the structure of these two codes, both of which show independent signs of having been disorganized and reconstructed in the process of incorporation into the main body of P. a. ExPLAITATlONS. (i) Definition of documents for the purpose of this table. The references counted, as explained iu the introductory note, cover both aUusions in narrative passages and legislative ordinances proper, and extend over the whole of the documents as separated in Hex ii. (2) Mode of reckoning. The gross totals of passages quoted are taken throughout, ¦without deduction for the fact, affecting all documents, that the same ordinance may bear on several topics and so be referred to under several heads. The length of the ordinances in Ps and ps secures to thena a preponderance of gain on this score, which is balanced by the larger number of aUusions from the narratives of JE and the enveloping discourses of D, compared with those from the more colour less, purely historical parts of P8. (3) Stricter definition of codes for the estimates of length. AU the legislative material in Ex — Deut has for this purpose been included, with the secondary CONTENTS AND INDEX piea 12-15 Miscellaneous Tables 12 The Dwelling, commonly called the Tabernacle, in P 13 Conspectus of Codes i Codified before the ExUe a The Ten Words ofthe Covenant— 3 (Ex 34^*'-'^'). b The Words of Yahweh, or the Book ofthe Covenant — E (Ex 2o22~28 ggio-M^^ c The Judgements — E (Ex 211-22^8 23I-S). d The Ten Words of God, commonly called the Decalogue — ED CEx 2o*"i^'' Deut5'-2i). ^ e The Book ofthe Law, or the Deuteronomic Code — D (Deut ia-26). expansions or additions in JED, and the concluding discourses in E D P'' (i e Ex jj20-33 Deut 28 Lev 26). All mere narrative is omitted, but this rule has in the case of ps and P» only been held to exclude narratives combined with JE (as the incidents of the spies and of Korah Num 12 16), and iu addition Num 32., aU other P narratives in Ex — Num being considered as constituent parts of the legislative corpus, and as not admitting of severance into so much law and so much history. (The measurement into inches follows the text in Hex ii, aUowance being made for passages iu smaUer type.) Bemabes. (i) Total length of codes. The smaU amount of material in J and E, the virtual equality of D P' and Pe as to size, and the disproportionate mass of P" are made clear. (2) Average length of ordinances. (The estimate is of course only approximate, because one ordinance may naean several references, but the comparison foUowing is only weakened by the disregard of this consideration, op Explanation (2) above.) The average length for aU the documents taken together is ^ in. Now ordinarily, in striking an average, the separate totals cluster closely about the central point, but here the difference is startling between the first four and the last three. The highest of the first four code averages is more than ^ in lower than the final average, and the lowest of the last three is neaxly i in above it. To put it another way, the steps of increase are, from J to E ^jb, E to B^ \ in, B^ to D ^(1)^ in, then a gap of more than ^ in, foUowed by smaUer increases, Ps to P' \in, P' to P" ^ in. Or, once again, the average length in the four earUer codes is J in and of the three later ones i^ in. It is obvious how strongly this conclusion reinforces the suggestion •'Wg that the former rest mainly on oral sources, concise by necessity, and that the latter are based on "written memoranda, where they are not Uterary re-oonstruotions or compositions. The higher average length in D compared "with P^ also confirms the view, suggested by the study of the structure of these codes, that D has been much more re"wxitten than P"", where the first compUer has been content mainly to copy. (3) Proportion of topics. The Tables may be di"vided into two classes, (i) the first five relating to social morality and the avoidance of heathenism, (u) the last six being whoUy concerned with the positive institutions of the reUgion of Yahweh. Now under il-5 the four earUer documents JED P*" have together 326 references, but the other three P' Bs P» only 42 (or 29 if we deduct those under -^4 on the numberings which have no parallel elsewhere), giving a proportion of 8 to i (or 1 1 to I with the deduction). Yet the former have considerably less than half the bulk of matter to draw from, 258 in compared "with 570 in. On the other hand, in the second class the four earUer are practicaUy equal in number of aUusions to the three later. So that, if J E D P"" on the whole have aU but double the number of aUusions obtained from P» Pe P» (611 to 330) in less than half the space, this is entirely accounted for by the singular sUence of the later codes on the matters of social moraUty and avoidance of heathenism. (4) General and special treatment of institutions. The greater equaMty in number between the two contrasted groups J E D P"" and the rest in i'6-ll is of course coincident with an extraordinary difference in treatment, general injunction or aUusion being usual in the former, elaborate prescription of minute details in the latter. ^16a] LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS ii Edited after the fall of Jerusalem, perhaps codified before f The Judgements and Statutes of Yahweh, or the Holiness Legislation — P* (Lev 17-26). iii Codified, edited, and written in or after the Exile g The Priestly legislation proper (Ex 25 to Num 36'), comprising The Law qf worship and ceremonial purity — P', The Commandments of Yahweh in Sinai and Moab — B^, and a mass of supplements — P" 14 The Codes compared a Eeligious and social institutions. b Eelation to contemporary religion. o Leading motives and oharacteristie features. d Structure of Codes ; relation to context. e Structure of constituent groups. f structure of clauses. B Original sources, oral or "written. h The editorial process. i Persons addressed. j The date implied. k Origin and authorship. 1 Approximate dates of origin or compilation. 15 Statistics of usage a-e Types of legal clauses. f Pentads, clear and doubtful eases. g Types of introductory clauses. b. Alphabetical Index to Tables of Laws and Institutions Adultery 1 i Altar of sacrifice 10 d ; brazen 12 eo ; golden 12 dd Animals, kindness 2 f ; lost or hurt 3 ed ; eaten or touched 6 ab ; first lings 8 b Ark 10 o Asherah 5 g Assault 2 i ; indecent 1 u Atonement, Day of 7 y, 9 h Battlements or houses 2 e Benevolence 2 b Birds 2 g Blasphemy 5 o Blind and deaf 2 k Blood, eating 5 e Booths, Feast of 9 i Burnt offering 7 b Calendar, with special tabular com parison 9 a Camp order 4 r Canaanite rites 5 d Census 4 opqt Characteristics of codes 14 o Charity 2 b Childbirth ef Children, teaching 1 o Circumcision 6 m Cities of refuge 4 1 Clean and unclean 6 Clergy 11 Codes, conspectus 13 ; comparison 14 ; statistics 15 ' Commandments ' 15 b Court of appeal 4 b Coveting 3 j Criminal responsible 4 i Daily sacrifice 7 a Date of codes, implied 14 j, actuall Destruction of idols 5 e Divination 5 i Divorce 1 h Dress of sexes 1 o Drink offering 7 w Dwelling 10 b, 12 b Eating 6 ac Editorial process 14 h Empty-handedness forbidden 7 e Family 1 506 CONTENTS AND INDEX pieb Fat, eating 6 e Feasts 9 Firstborn 8 a ; as heir 1 d, 3 g Firstfruits 8 o Firstlings 8 b Fleece of wool 7 f Flogging 4 j Food animals 6 a Foreign menials 11 q Foreign nations 4 n Freewill offerings 8 g Fruit trees 6 n Gleanings 3 i Gods, other 5 a Guilt offering 7 g Harvest, Feast of 9 f High priest 11 b ; dress 11 o, 12 g ; unction 11 d ; atonement e Hired servants 2 c, 4 g Idolatry 5; image- worship a; destruc tion of images e ; death for idolatry f ; seduction to h Incense 7 i Ingathering, Feast of 9 i Institutions, religious and social 14 a Issues 6 g Jealousy offering 7 i Jubile year 9 k Judgement and Eule 4 ' Judgements ' 15 d Judges appointed 4 a Just judgement 4 c Kid in dam's milk 6 d Kidnapping 2 j King 4 k Laity, rights and duties 111 ; dress m Land 9 k ; division of 4 u Landmarks 3 b Laver 12 ea ie ' Laws ' 15 e Leaven 7 u Leprosy, in man 6 h ; in garment i ; in house j ; offering 7 1 Levirate law If Levites 11 i ; revenues j ; property 1 Lex talionis 4 e Loans 3 f lost property 3 e Marriage, restrictions on 1 o ; tery 1 ; divorce h Mazzoth, Feast of 9 e Meal offering 7 m Mercy-seat or covering 12 o Military service 4 m adul- Mixtures, unlawful 3 1 Molech worship 5 h Mourning, disfigurement in 5 k Murder and asylum 2 h Nazirites 11 p New moon 9 o Offerings?; acceptableness 6 1 ; con sumption of 7 o Oil, anointing 12 d/; for lamps 10 e ; in sacrifice 7 o Parents, reverence for 1 ab Passover 9 d Peace offering 7 p Pentads 13, 14 e, 15 f Persons addressed in codes 14 i Pillars 5 g Poll tax 8 i Priesthood 11 a Priests, consecration and holiness 11 f ; dress 11 q, 12 gg ; duties 11 h; property k ; revenues j Prophets 11 n Prostitution 1 m Eecord of law 4 v Eed heifer 7 r Eeligion, relation of codes to con temporary 14 b Sacred places 1 o Sacrifice 7 ; in general a ; summary comparison aar-k Sanctified gifts 8 h Sanctuary in P 12 Sanctuary, site of 10 a Sanitary arrangements 6 k Scapegoat 7 z Seasons, sacred 9 Secretions 6 g Seduction 1 j Sexes, relations of 1 e-p ; dress o Shewbread 7 h Sin offering 7 s Slander 1 k Slaves 2 d ; female concubines 1 g Sources of codes, oral or written 14 g ' Statutes ' ab 15 o Strangers 2 a Structure of codes 14 d ; of groups of laws e ; of clauses f Successor of Moses 4 w Superstition 6 Tent of Meeting 10 b 12 b Thanksgiving, sacrifice of 7 1 Theft 5 a Tithe 8 d ; of tithe e Touch, uncleanness by 6 b 507 ^16b] Trumpets, Feast of 9 g ; use of 4 s Trusts 3 e Types of legal clauses 15 a-e ; of in troductory clauses g Uncleanness 6 Unleavened Bread, Feast of 9 e Usury 3 k "Vice, unnatural 1 1 LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS Vows 8 f War 4ni Weeks, Feast of 9 f Weights and measures 4 d Wine offering 7 w Witchcraft 5 i Witnesses 4 f ' Words ' 15 a 508 APPENDIX C ANALYSIS AND SYNOPSIS For some remarks on the purpose and use of these pages see foot of p 523. Analysis r Traces of editorial revision. ° Supplements from vmters ofthe same school. ' In 3 or "E " In 3 or 'E —Bi', in P line—BV. t—BA. JlGenl 2 4b-9 15 10-14 t25 q1-21 28 0 22 24 ^ 1 2b 16b-24 4l:2a3-16a 25- 5 29 P i-3i i -4a 1-28 so -32 J'b B-8 /l-5 7-10rl2 16b 17b . 22.r 0 6a 2b-3a 6b- la IBb 20- -22 P 9-22 6 11 13-16a 17a 18-21 24 l-2a 3b-5 13a 14 -19 Jg„ 20-27 J«y 18a'bl9 10 lb 8-19 21 24-30 H 1-9 28-30 ^^1-^. 6- 8°9 10 -20 P i-i7 28. la 2-7 20 22- 31- 10-27 31- 5 4b J! J o°l 2 5 6b-lla J' Id °3. 12ar-13 14- ii^l4 P"' 6a lib -12a n-24 art-3 Creation and Fall. 4 5^' Early history of man kind. 6'-* Sonsof God and daugh ters of men. 6'-8t Corruption of the earth, and Flood. 9"-io5 Noah and the dis persion. Ill-' Tjjg tower of Babel. II2B-30 Abram's family. I2i-4a 6-9 Migration of Abram and promise of the land. ia»_i^ Abram in Egypt. l3^''lSeparation of Abram and Lot. Synopsis GENESIS Early History of Mankind § 2. Abraham i-2*» Tol'dhoth of the hea vens and the earth : Creation. 5I-28S0-S2 ToPdhothoi Adam: early history of man kind. 63-8S Tofdhoth of Noah : corruption ofthe earth, and Flood. gi-17 Noachic law and cove nant. g28_io5 Death of Noah : tol'dhoth of the sons of Noah : the dispersion. 11IO-27 Tomhoth of Shem : toVdhoth of Terah : line age of Abram. iiSi. 125 4b Migration of Terah and Abram. 1361 lib 12a Separation of Abram and Lot. 14 Invasion of Chedorlaomer and his allies. ANALYSIS AND SYNOPSIS J J te 3-6 7a'b 8-11 '12-15 17-18a'b j /-> lb-2 4-8 11-14 "TZ ElOl-rS 16 "19-21 It) '9- 17 P la" "8 15- i>27 J J ol-16''17-19 20-22a°22b-33a33b ^ /-v 1-28 30-88 --.^ '18 E 10 ly zUi-17 P 29 3 r\u la 2a 7 28-30 33 n.r\ '15-18 20'ab-24 "^72 E Z/1 6 8-27 81-34 JiJ!il-\Z "li 19 250 jp iii 2b^B 'i-W 3 r\A 1-67 ^ (-."l-* 5 lib 18a°b'c E 24 25 '6 P 7-lia 12-17 155 Promise of seed and covenant-gift of the land. le^"" 2 Barrenness of Sarai, i6*~" Expulsion of Hagar, promise of Ishmael. jgi-is Promise of a son to Sarah. J816-3S Intercession for So dom. jgi-28 Overthrow of Sodom and Gomorrah : Lot jgSo-s8 Origin of Moab and Ammon. 2iU 2a 7 Birth of Isaac. (me*-".) 2 1 28-30 SS Abimelech and Abraham: Beer-sheba. 2220-24 Family of Nahor. 24 A wife for Isaac. 251-e Ub Children of Ketu rah and of the concu bines. 2$^' Descendants of Abra ham between Havilah and Shur. E 15I. 5 Promise of seed. ^' Eeturn in the fourth generation. 20 Abraham at Gerar (cp 12IO-20 26«-"). 21^ Eeference to Isaac's name. 2 1 8-21 Expulsion of Hagar and Ishmael. 2x22-27 SI. 34 Abimelech and Abraham: Beer-sheba. aai-19 The sacrifice of Isaac, averted. ¦¦V 16^ ' Barrenness of Sarai. !&'¦ Birth of Ishmael. 17 Eevelation of El Shad dai : promise of the land and of a son : ordinance of circum cision. 1929 Overthrow of Sodom and Gomorrah : Lot escapes. 2iib 2b-5 Birth and circum cision of Isaac. 23 Death of Sarah : cave of Machpelah purchased. 257-na Death and burialof Abraham. 2512-17 roWAoift of Ishmael. 510 GENESIS 15-31 S r\>T' 21-25a 26a 28 r^n^-Sa. 6-14 16- 19-83 ^|-,la 2- 4b 5b-7a nZO 25b 27 29-84 ZD '3b-5 '15 '18 25 ( lb 4a 5a p 19- 26b" 34- J _,— 15 18b-20 24-27 29ac 30ao 31b-34 41b-42 43b 45a 7^ B 2i (th-li 16-18a 21-28 28 29b 80b 31a S5-41a 48a 44 45b JiO p 'jG i^ J /-.nlO 13-16 19a'b 21b c\C\ 2-14 26 31-35 orv 3b-16 E ^O 11- l'- 20-21a 22a'b ZU 1 15-23 25 27-28a 30 oUl-3a p 24 28b-29 J „„ 22c-28a 24- 27 29-81a 34-38a 39-40ao 41-48 q-^ 1 '3 '10 E oUl7-20 22b 23b 26 28 31b-38 38b 40b Ol 2 4-9 P ^2i^2a ' J~ZZ Oib 17-18a 25 27 31 43- 46 48 Boa'b E olll-12a 13-16 19-24 26 28-30 32-42 45 47 '49 Bl-55)* p 18b""; 252i-2fs Eebekah's children. aff.-^' Isaac at Gerar. 27* Isaac blesses Jacob, who flees to Laban. a8io-2is Eevelation of Yah weh at Bethel. 292-1* Jacob received by Laban. ag. . 28. . Marriages with Leah and Eachel. 3g3i-3B Tjjg children of Leah. jQSb-13} Jacob's children by the concubines. 3o'*~i* Leah and the man drakes. So'^-^^i Eachel bears Joseph. 30'' Jacob proposes to de part. ^97-43j Jacob's wages and wealth. 31' Motives for return. 31" "« Jacob's departure. 3i25-50{ Laban's pursuit : the heap. E § 3. Isaac 2526b 27 Eebekah's children. 2529-34 Esau sells his birth right. (|laoai2=-525.) a'j} Isaac blesses Jacob, who flees to Laban. a8U-22s Eevelation of Elo him's angels at Bethel. 29I Jacob journeys to the East. 2gi6-so} Marriages with Leah and Eachel. gjji-sa Eachel envies Leah. 30^ 85 Jacob's children by the concubines. 30I7-20 Children of Leah. go22b 2Sb Eachel bears Joseph. 30^8 Jacob proposes to de part. 3o28-4obj Jacob's wages. gj2-i6 Motives for return. 31IS-21 Jacob's flight. gj22-56j Laban's pursuit : the pillar aud the heap. 5" 25". ToPdhothoiIsaa.a: his age at marriage. a526b Isaac's age at his children's birth. 26". Esau's "wives. 28i~5 Isaac blesses Jacob and sends him to Laban. 286-9 Esau takes additional wives. (II 35'-^"^) 29. . 24. . 23 Marriages with Leah and Eachel : Zil pah and Bilhah. 30^'' Leah bears Dinah : 22a God remembers Ea chel. 31'"' Jacob's migration. ANALYSIS AND SYNOPSIS J oo 3-7a 13b-22a 23b 24-29 31-32a°b E d^l- ''b-12 13a 23a 22b 28o 30 33 18a 18C-20 P "iSb J n A 2b-3ao 5 7 11 19 26 29b-31 E d4 35l-4 6b-8 P 'l-2a '3b '4 '8 '8-10 '12^18 '20-25 27-29a '5 6a i-iwi, J 35 "^^"" 36 32- 37 '" P "iSa'b is "22b^29 ialb-Sa 5b"-"8 '9-28 "29- '31 "40-43 i-'2ac 328-215 The present for Esau. 3222a 23b Jacob sends his wives and children across the Jabbok. 3224-325 The wrestling at Penuel. 33I-16 Jacob meets Esau, who then returns to Seir. 33" Jacob builds a, house at Succoth. 345 Theseduction of Dinah, and war with the She chemites. 35" The pHlar (at Bethel). 3gi6-20 Birth of Benjamin: death of Eachel. 3521 22a Eeuben and Bilhah. 3631-39 Tlie kings of Edom. 3.^211-35} Jacob's partiality to Joseph (gift of the coat) excites his bro thers' hatred : they sell him to Ishmaelites. E 32^- God's host at Maha- 32i3a 22b 23ao Jacob crosses the Jabbok with his wives arid children. 328" Peniel. 33i8ao Jacob comes to Sha lem. 33". Purchase of ground and erection of altar. [? An E story beneath P».] 3gi-4 The strange gods buried by Sheehem. 35eb-^ The altar at Bethel. 358 Death of Deborah. ; 5. Jacob-Israel 3^5-365 Joseph's dreams excite his brothers' envy: they throw him into a pit, and he is kidnapped by Midian- 33^8b Jacob comes to She ehem. 34} The wooing of Dinah, and war with the She chemites. 356a 9-13 16 Eevelation of El Shaddai atLuz(Beth6l) ct28i-i95 Israel blesses Jo seph's two sons. ^gib-27 Jacob declares what shall befall his sons : '8'' prepares for death. 50I-145 The burial of Jacob. 5q18-24s Joseph comforts his brothers, and an nounces a divine visit ation. i^ Death of Joseph. 18-12 i4a Oppression of the children of Israel by the Egyptians. 1 20b 22 Pharaoh charges the people to throw the male children into the river. 45' E Joseph makes himself known : Pharaoh in structs him to invite Jacob to settle in Egypt. ^ Vision at Beer- sheba : Jacob starts for Egypt. ^31-225 Jacob blesses Jo seph's two sons. 50I5-265 Joseph allays his brothers' fears, an nounces a divine visit ation, and dies. EXODUS § 6. Israel in Egypt ji5-2i5 Pharaoh commands the midwives to kill the male children. ^68-27 Migration of Jacob and his descendants to Egypt. 47"'~^ Arrival and settle ment in the land of Eameses. ^^27b 28 Prosperity of Jacob in Egypt : his age. 48'-"^ Jacob adopts Joseph's two sons into El Shad dai's blessing at Luz. 49^" 28-s8ao Jacob blesses his sons, gives them a charge, and dies. 50^^. The burial of Jacob. ' 1I-5 The Israeli tesinEgypt. i'' Their increase. jis 14b j^u^ oppression by the Egyptians. 514 GENESIS ^5— EXODUS 9 Z~Z ll-23a Q2-4a5 7-9a '14 16-18 a 1-12 °13-16 19-20a E Zl-10 dl 4b 6 9b-13 15 '19-21- 4 l'?' 20b p 23b-25 " J . '21-23 24-26 29-81 ?-. 8 5-28 Tu JZ 14 16-17a 18 e4: 27- Ol-4 b Y 15 I'b p ' 2P12 '13^30 i-is" i9-20a J ^ 21a iT ^TTs^ia 20-32 ^1-7 13 "14-16 17- iib E (20b 23 O y '19-21 22-23a F 2li>Ji2" 6-7 i5b-i9 "8^2 J p. 24b 25b-29a°b °80 33- E y24a 25a 31- 35»- P 211-22 Moses kills an Egyp tian and flees to Mi dian : marries Zippo rah. a^^" Death of the king of Egypt. 32-185 The commission to Moses at the burning bush. 4^"' Signs for convincing the Israelites. ^10-12 Yahweh will be with Moses' mouth. ^13-16 Aaron shall be his spokesman. ^19-23} Moses directed to return. ^24-26 lA bridegroom of blood.' ^29-31 The people believe. 5' Permission asked to go three days' journey to sacrifice. 56-28 Increased tasks. E 2I-10 Moses rescued from the bulrushes. >•) ^14-255 Nile water smitten. 8! Frogs and Flies. g'"' Murrain on cattle. giMij Hail and Thunder. 31-225 The commission to Moses : the revelation of the name Yahweh. 4". 20b The gift of the rod. Farewell to Jethro. 42''. Aaron goes to meet Moses. 5^. Permission asked to go and hold a feast iu the wilderness. 5* People sent to their burdens. (lis*-) .ji5-2o§ Water turned into blood. g22-s55 Thunder, Hail and Fire. 223b-25 (jod hears the cry of the children of Israel. (l|62-\) 515 62-3 Eevelation of Yahweh and commission of Moses. 610-77 Instructions to Moses and Aaron (Genealo gies). 78-18 Eod and Serpents. ^19-22} Water turned into blood. 35-195 Progs and Lice. 98-12 Boils on men. L 1 ANALYSIS AND SYNOPSIS 3 A ^la'lb-2 8r-ll 13b 14b-15a 15c-19 24-26 28- TZ i^ 77^ ' E ly 12-13a 14a 15b 20-23 27 l±l-3 ±Jj P '9- 'i-i3''& 3 .J r-.21a. °21b-23 °25-27a 27b 29-84 37-39 j O 3a 4 °6 6 °7. 10-13 E IZ' '35- Id "3b "9 P 24 28 '4CM2"43^b"'5i" 1- 3 u o 21- -I A 5- 10a 11-14 19b 20b 21b 24a E ld"14-16 17-19 14 "? 9a 10b 15a 16a 19a 20a 241) P 20 i-4 8 9br 15b"i6b-i8 2ia'2io-23 3 J a25 27b 28b 30 j ?r'l 22-25a 27 _i ^ E 14 '31 10 '2-18 20- 25b '26 iD 4 P "26^7a"28a"^9 '19 i-3'5 6V'8'9-i4a -T ^ ^ ji-r .32b7ac ^ O '2-* 7 9-11 E Id 1( lb-2a 4-6 7b 8-16 Ipi'' 6-8 12-27 P i5'ab^i"'2a^b"3i-35"36 la 10^ ^'5 Locusts. ii*-s Death of Firstborn announced. Z1221-27 The Passover. 1229-34 Death of Firstborn. 1287. . March to Succoth. 1138-165 Mazzoth,Firstborn, Firstlings. 13^^^ Yahweh leads the march. 145 PursuiL;, the Pillar; crossing ; 4fiatru2ii2S ofJEgygtians. 15I Song orTToses (2-18 added). 1522-275 Shur, Marah, Elim. Cll Num ii5.) 17S-75 No water at Massah. 137-115 Visit of father-in-law. E 10I2-205 Locusts. ioa-28 27 Darkness. I ii~8 One plague more an- nounced. J236. The Egyptians de spoiled. § 7. The March to Sinai— Ex i23T-i8 13". . March to Eed Sea : Joseph's bones. I4§ Pursuit ; Angel of God; Egyptians discomfited. 152° Song of Miriam. 1525. Proving (at Massah). 16* Proving by bread from heaven. j,jib-75 ifo water at Meri bah. J-.J8-16 Fight -with Amalek. 18I-125 Visit of Jethro. 18I8-2T Appointment Judges. of r J2I-285 45-50 Passover and Mazzoth. 12*". . 51 March out. ^131. Firstborn and First lings. 13^° March from Succoth. 145 Pursuiti_ crossing! Egyptians whelmed. i65 Elim, Sin, manna and quails. 17I Eephidim. (In the notes to Hex ii will be found reasons for thinking that 16-18, in whole or part, belongs to a later stage iu the history.) 516 EXODUS 10-34 . f. '3b-6 llb-13 18 20-22 24- ly 2b-3a 7-lla 14-17 19 '23 20 '2 "4b-6 "7b "9- "12b 1 3-4a 7a 8 12a 13-17a 11 ^2i\J 18-26 21i-i 36 act '21b-22 '24 ZlJll-21a. 23 25-31 23l-9a'b 10-12 E 23l4-16a 16 18 20-22 P 25b-26 28-31a Ml- 9-11 8-8 12a'b 13-15a 18b "i5"b"-"i"8a" " E 25 31 18b p i"- iSa 1-6 14 25-29 15a 16-24 °30-34 85 'isi) Ool 3-4a'b "12-23 dd"2 '5 6-11 r. A Ir-h °6-9 10a °10b-13 14 °15- 17-18a'b 19-28 25-28 34 "2^ igiib-2B5 People to keep away, priests to draw near, Theophany. 1134" 241. 9. . Moses, Aaron, and seventy elders go up, see God, and feast. (II 34''^--) 3a26-29 Revolt, loyalty of Levites. 33I-* Instructions to de part, mourning. 33I2-23 Moses'coUoquy with Yahweh. 34i-» Tables hewn, Theo phany. 13^10-26 Ten Words of Yah weh (^13a). 34''. Covenant, Tables en graved. E § 8. Israel at Sinai — Ex 19 — Num iqI" ig^^ Israel before the mount. ig3-i9} Moses goes up, mes sage, people to be hal lowed, Theophany. i2o'-i7 The Decalogue (II Deut 58-21, cp ii3d). 2o"i8-2i People fear, Moses approaches. '2o2«-23"5 Words and Judgements combined (^13bo). 2320-335 Concluding dis course; 248-8 Moses binds people by a covenant ; sacri ficial feast. 24I2-185 Moses goes up to receive the Tables and remains forty days. 3113'' Gift of tables of stone. 32I-355 The Golden Calf, . breaking of Tables, intercession of Moses. 338 People strip off orna ments. 337-11 Tent of Meeting, Moses' colloctuies with Yahweh. igi"^" Arrival at Sinai. (II 2022-2319.) (II 31''-) 24i5b-i8a Moses goes up ; the cloud and glory. I2S-31 Instructions as to Sanctuary and Priest hood (^12). 3ji8a (jift of tables of the testimony. (II 31^^) ANALYSIS AND SYNOPSIS E 3429-83 '84. 35 40 Lcv 1 27 Numl 10''-'' P 1- 38 1- 34 i- 28 • J _i /-^ 35- _i ^ 4-lOa lOb-12 13 15 18-24a 31-35 E IU 11 1-3 14°16- °24b-30 12i-i5' 13 "" P 34 i-i7a J _( O 18b 19 22 27a 28 80- E ldl7o-18a 0 20-21a 23- 26b 27b 29 38r E 3429-35 Moses descends, his face shines. 35-40 Sanctuary prepared and erected (''12). LEVITICUS (For a full Analysis and Conspectus of the legislation of P see ''13g, the sections of which are referred to by italic letters.) ph pt 1-75 Sacrifice bc. 11-15 Clean and Un clean e. 17-265 Holiness Code/. 5-621 Various laws g. io'- Use of trumpets g. I029-365 March from Yah weh's mount. ij4-355 Manna and quails, Kibroth - hattaavah, Hazeroth. 12I8 Hazeroth to Paran. i3§ Spies and their report. 9- Consecration of priest hood, sequels d. i62-285 ^aron to atone for the people e. 23* Calendar of sacred days/. NUMBEKS i5 35 The camp ; number ings g. 622-27 Priestly benedic tion g. 10I-8 Use of trumpets g. § 9. Israel in the "Wilderness — Num 10. IO'"-2I E 1 1I-' Taberah incident. (II Ex 16*.) J-J-14-S05 The seventy elders. 12I-15 Aaron, Miriam and Moses. 135 Spies and their report. 518 4 The sin offering b. 8 Consecration of priest hood d. 16 Annual Day of Atone ment e. 25 Sacred Years /. 27 Vows/. 1-4 The camp; numberings and arrangements g. 7-9 Altar ; Levites ; Pass over ; cloud g. ioii-28S4 March from Sinai. (11 Ex 16.) 135 Twelve spies and their report. EXODUS M— NUMBERS 32 3 1 A lo~3 8 9b '11-24 31 41-45 _( t-. ZT^ Id E 14: lb 4 25 39b-40 10 LK} lo 2a p ia 2" 5-7 "9a""l6" 26"-^3"0 "32-398," i"-4"l ia'b """"2b-7 3 u n 13-14a 15 27o-81 33a ZiTj r\r\ B lb 12 14b 25 26b 27b 32a 33b 34 1 ( /j\J p "'8-11 '"i"6"-"r8"-^24"26a""27a '"32b '3"3"c""35"'36-4d"4i-6d "l- "ia J ^^ 8a 5 8b 19- 21b rw-i 1-3 16-20 24b-25 E tiUlb 14-18 21a 22a Ji± 4b-9 llb-15 21-24a '26 p 2""3t)"-^"4"6"-^8a 8&^"l3 2"2"b-29" 4"a"""""i"6" J ^ . 32 c\c\ 3b-5a 5o-7 11 17^ 22-34 35r 36a 37b 39 E 21 27-81 "38-85 2l2l 2-8a 5b 8-10 12-16 19-21 36b-37a 38 40- P 1 J OO '22- 28 r>/(l-25 ^t- lb-2 3b-4 q^ Qf^ 89-42 E 23l-21 24-26 '27 '29- 24 20la 3a 5 '^O 62l P 6^18" " i- 38 14* People weep, and are all excluded, but Caleb and family, and the little ones ; advance, defeat at Hormah. i6l Eevolt of On. 2o3-85 Water from the rock. 2oi9. - Way by Edom barred. ail-' Canaanites Hormah. beaten ; 21I6-325 Itinerary, conquest of the Amorites (and Bashan). 22-24} Balak and Balaam. 25I-4S Moabite women. 3239-42 Manasseh in Gilead. E 14S People mourn and rebel, are turned back to wilderness, attempt to advance. i65 Eevolt of Dathan and Abiram. 20"' Kadesh ; Miriam's death. (||Exi7i--.) 2oi4-22a6 Way by Edom barred; departure from Kadesh. 2i4-9 Fiery serpents. aiiib-si6 Itinerary ; con quest of Sihon and Amorites. § 10. Israel in the Plains of Moab— Num 22-Deut 34 22-235 Balak and Balaapi. 251-68 Shittim ; Baal-peor. 14} People murmur, all ex cluded but Caleb and Joshua. 1-15 Various laws {'¦ISgh). 16S Korah and his com pany. 17 Aaron's rod that budded. ^iS- Priestly revenue; de filement (^13gA). 20'" Wilderness of Zin. 2o2-i35 Waterfromtherock. 2o22b Arrival at Hor ; death of Aaron. 21* Hor left. 211". Itinerary. 22I Camp in plains of Moab. 2g6-i8 Midianite woman ; Phinehas. ^26-2711 Census ; inherit ance (^13gt). 2,ji2-23 Moses' successor. ^^28-31 Offerings ; vows ; war (^13gi). 331-88 The Trans-jordanic tribes. 519 ANALYSIS AND SYNOPSIS E 33 36 D» Deut lla°lb-2 4-7a '7b S-30 '81-33 34-36 '37-39ar39b-46'. ¦48 18 JEP P8 De D» 2l-6 '7 8-9 '10-12 13- '15 16-19 '20-23 24-37 3l-7 '8-11 12-13a '13b 16 '17 JEP Epl4. De D= 3l8-29 4l-4 5- 40 45-49 '44 1-4 '5 6-33 ^1-3 4-25 i-rl-26 ^,1-20 6 8' JEP Ep 41-48 DS r^l-l'' 21 26-29 D> y 18-20 22-25 10 10-22 1-5 8- 11^-^^ 12i-' 7 "8-12 '16 JEP E6- DS J ^"20-27 28-32 13 1-18 14 1 '2 4-21a A (-.1-3 7-23 15 4-6 JEP De _( ^l-°3- 5-7 9-22 D' lb 8 A t-,1 8-16a 17 20 1 I 2-7 '16b 18- 18 1-22 19^.^°-^ JEP DB /-,/-. l-2a 5-20 Ds Zl\) 2b-4 Q_i °l-4 °6-9 10-23 Qf)^"3° 23 1-12 15-25 JEP De r» /< 1-'' °8- 10-15 °16 17-22 D* 2/iz JEP 25 1-16 °17-19 4*5-49 Introduction to the original code. -t- 6^-25 8 I + 7 I Opening homi lies. i2-i8$ Code of religious laws connected with the law of the central sanctuary or otherwise needing special en forcement. ¦t 19-25 Groups of miscel laneous laws. E DEUTEEONOMY 1-4* Historical Introduc tion enriched by arch aeological notes and other supplements. 4'-*' (see below). 12-175 Certain glosses and supplements. 33 Itinerary ; the future. ^34 Canaan and its distri bution. 1.35 Forty-eight Levitical cities ; six of refuge. ^36 Eights of heiresses. E I'l' The fortieth year the eleventh month. i^io^- Death of Aaron, ap pointment of Eleazar. 520 NUMBERS ZZ— DEUTERONOMY 34 pe or" 1-19 oi-7 0Q1-2^^ ^^-^* 38-40 D> 20 -^IP."!-* °7b-8 9- °11-18 '14-26 ZO 25b-26 85 '36- JEP E S-7a De r>0 *3-*6 OO Qr\ 1-6 8-10 T] 9^ D» 2o"- 47-57 '58-68 ....^91-28.29 dU ^^..-..^^-^^ . ^^l.^r.^...'- JEP D' 31 '16-22 24-29 '30 32'l-*3 44-47 E 33l-2a '2b-5 6-25 '26-29 m-S E"i4. E23 -"P 48-52 J f, . Idr 4 B o4r lb "2- 5a 6r "10-12 p 'laic 6b 7-9 26 Continuation of 12-18. -j 1 Closing discourse, 1-10 ' with blessings 30 and curses. gjC-is Writing of the law and provision for peri- l odical reading. 27^6-4030 -I- 27J Memorial stones, blessings and curses. 9. , -10 I 11-20 f Closihg discourse. 3245-47 j -I- 29 Another closing dis course. •f 3ii-^ Farewell of Moses and charge to Joshua. ^3j-i6-22 Introduction to Song. 3124-29 The law written in a book and placed in the ark. ¦)- 32I-** Song of Moses. ^27^—^" Altar for sacrifice to be built (on Ebal). ja3ji4.23(ijjarge to Joshua. ^335 Blessing of Moses. p 48-52 ) Moses sees 3j_3j \ the land 34 ) and dies. ^341-^5 Moses sees the land but enters not. ''348. Moses dies and is buried. 521 ANALYSIS AND SYNOPSIS 3 ED' £1 JED»P' Josh 1 3-6 °7- 9 2-3a c 4b-sa 6 S-pa 12 I3b-i4 17 i8ar 0 19-i 10-lla q1 3b 4a 5b 7 13a 15- 18b iib-18 ^ pb-ii la or 5 9-ioa iir i3r 17a 222-24a : Q lb 2- 6 12 14 24b d 4b 7 lob J7b 4a 8 15- 4.a 3br 6-7a 8br lob-ii lb-3a 4- 7b-8a 9-ioa iSr i3-«5 4i2»* 14 21-24 Oi 4 °S 6-8 13 15-17 19 10-12 2- 7a io-i2a 14.7' i6b-i7a'b 61 4-6 7b-9 12b-18 16a 18 J 2oao2i 25- 2-26r E i-> 20b 22-24»- ^ O D=b =7 7 8 ps '19 ,1 lar 2b-8a 9-11 14-17 i9-23r 25 29 12 '13 18 24r 26 ib-aa 8b 27- 30-35 JE D"£1 J E D» ps 4- 6b-7 r ib-14 isb i6b d 22b-23 26-r 9 3 6a 8-9a 11a 15a 16a c 22a 1- 9b-io 15o 17-21 24- lar c 2- sb-6a o 7a 9 _; /-^ lb 4-5a 6b d 10a, IU 7b-8 lob I2r-i4 16-24^ 26- lU is 25 28-43 1 4-9 11 2- 10-23 12-24 25 Spies sent to Jeri cho. 3-5 Passage of Jordan. 52. 9 Circumcising at Gilgal. 5IS-15 Captain of Yah weh's host, 65 Taking of Jericho. 72-26 Defeat at Ai; Achan. 85 Taking of Ai. 95 The Gibeonite en voys. I01-275 Battle of Beth- horon. ill «-9 Battle of Me rom. E D" JOSHUA 11. The Conquest of Canaan 18-9 Joshua exhorted. ji. 10-lla. Preparations for crossing the Jordan. 25 Two spies sent to Jericho. 35 Passage of Jordan. 65 Taking of Jericho. 85 Taking of Ai. 95 The Gibeonite en voys. 10I-115 Battle of Beth- horon. lUb-is The Trans-jor danic tribes to help. 3.5 Passage of Jordan. 5*-8 The oiroumcising. g30-36 Altar on EbaL ,o28-4S Southern con quests. 1,2. 10-16 Northern conquests. 11I8-23 Survey of Joshua's victo ries. 12I-.24 Lists of con quered kings. ps 3-6 Passage of Jordan. 5i»-. Atailgal; Pass over. 7I Achan's trespass. gi5c 17-21 TheGibeonite envoys. 522 JOSHUA 1-24 JE D» P' 13' ¦jr 13 -6 8-12 I A-r 15-21a'21b-22 23-32' 38 14 6- 1-5 iS 15 1-12 14-19 '18 20- 63 62 J ED'ps le" -3 10 4-8 '9 17 la 'lb-2 3 11-18 '5- 7 '8 9- 18'""'" 1 '7 10a . '10b 11 °7a "7b-8 '9 -28 J E D'p. 19 1 47 20 -46 48-51 1-3 '4 5r--9 21 1 -10 '11 12- 43-4S 22i-(> 42 -34 JED»P> 23- -16 Q A l-12r 14-3pr 82- Z/± 13 3« ,jl 7a 13 Joshua to divide the land. ,514-19 63 CaJebj Jehus. i65 Joseph. 1947 Dan. E 12. The Division of the Land 132-6 s-12 The Trans- jordanic tribes : 1* Levi. Bje ,82-10 Seven tribes. 24 Joshua's farewell. 146-15 Caleb. 22i"8 Ketum of Trans- jordanic tribes. 23 Joshua's fareweU. ,315-32 The Trans- jordanic tribes : 88i- Levi. 14I-8 The gl tribes. 151-12 20-62 Judah. 16.5 Joseph. :8i Assembly at Shi loh. iSii-ipsi Seven lots. 20I-5 Cities of refnge. 2ii-*2 Levitical cities. 22^-84 jtetuj.„ of Trans- jordanic tribes ; altar. Bemabks on the Analysis and Sinopbis. The above pages reproduce the text in miniature by two different methods concurrently. The Analtsis gives the full details of the distribution effected in the text, chapter by chapter, and verse by verse *. It pro"vides, in a manner appealing very readily to the eye, a representation of the material as highly composite. By reference to the Synopsis below, the subjects of the sections are readily identified. It is hoped that this condensed Analysis will be of great service in tracing references quickly from the word-lists, from the margin of the text, or from the concordance. The Synopsis is intended both to give the best possible representation of the contents of each document short of printing it separately in full, and to provide on the same page the means of comparing it with the contents of the parallel documents. The text order of each document has been followed precisely, but where parallel narratives occur at different points in the several sources, cross-references are inserted. No attempt has been made to indicate sdl the dislocations or transpositions of order mentioned or adopted in the notes to the text. The evidence is here graphically presented both of the surprising extent to which parallelism oan be traced, and at the same time of the occurrence of large blocks of material which are not analysed but wholly assigned to one or other source. If the analysis were the effect of a subjective theory, so many exceptions would not be left. The codes are only mentioned in the Synopsis as wholes, or by their main sections, as their details would have obscured the impression of the narrative sequence. But they are given very completely in the Conspectus of Codes pl3 above), where also a full Analysis of the Laws in P is given concurrently. The analysis of the codes in JED has been included sufficiently in this appendix. ** Where a passage narrating an incident is composite the reference in the Synopsis is usually to the whole passage, the sign 5 referring the reader for details to the Analysis or to the fuU Text. INDICES The reference numbers are to the pages of the book, cmd a letter added to any number indicates that the reference is to a footnote on that page ; in some important cases where ihe note extends over several pages, the page number has also been added in parentheses. I. General Index Aaron,twice appointed Moses' spokes man, 48 ; his place in 3, 180, 197 ; added by H*, iSo"*, 343. Aaron's sons as priests, 87, 128, 240*. Abbo, 6. Abraham and Isaac, 64 ; a soh twice promised, 107. Abram, changed to Abraham, 56 ; his pedigree, 57 ; iu J, 178 ; in E, a prophet, 203-4. Addis, W E, 1656, 173", 225-6, 231", 243°, 261'', 262", 269'', 273, 275* 28o<*, 284'', 291", 294, 312", 344'', 374". Albers, 352, 355", 361". Alfred, 6, 8 ; his Dooms, 8. Altar, the, in the Dwelling, 83 ; the brazen, in P, 243. Altar of incense, the golden, in P, 243°, 289. Altars, built by the patriarchs, 82 ; commemorating theophanies, 139. Amraphel, 304, 322. Angel of Elohim, 6iy 95, 97 ; in E, 203-4, S20. Angel of Yahweh or Elohim, 6ij 95 ; of Yahweh in J, 177. Appeals, provision for, in D, 126, 143, i63«. Aram of the two rivers, 104. Archaeology and Criticism, 315-26. Arioch, 321°, 322. Ark, the, two accounts of its con struction, 48 ; removal to Jerusa lem, 76 ; different accounts of the, 86 ; in D, 119; treatment of, 135 ; in J, 183, 210' (215) ; in P, 243. Ash^rahs, forbidden in D, 145 ; hewn in pieces, 153. Asser, 5, 193''. Astruc, Conjectures, 48, 53, 63, 109. Asylum, right of, no, 126, 131. Cp Cities of Kefuge. Atonement, first in P, 249. Atonement, Day of, 89 ; growth of ritual about, 290'', 300. See Lev 16. Babylonian affinities with Biblical stories, 253-4, 318. Bacon, B W, 86", 155" (i), 187, 196", 206", 2x2, 225, 288", 294, 303, 312'', 332", 338- Baentsch, 28", 92", 180°, 206", 214, 225-6, 261'"', 269'', 27s'', 276", 280™, 282", 284'', 290', 291°', 308'', 332". Ball, e J, 303, 306"*, 313. Ban, priests entitled to objects under the, 129. Baudissin, Graf von, 114", 1^5', is2'», i74» 190'*, 195!', i98'>, 217", 2190, 223", 225, 237", 239", 247", 262«, 265", 284'', 307'», 313, 359", 360^ 365"- Beer-sheba, different derivations of the name, 47 ; importance in B, 217. Bennett, Prof W H, i8«, 262", 344, 345", 352, 354". 357, 358°. Bentley, Richard, 3, 4. Benziuger, 134!', 137'=', 141", 143", 145!', 146", 1536, 241, 243°, 250/, 267, 290", 291", 300''. Bertheau, 253''. Bertheau-Eyssel, 258". Bertholet, 121", 131", 140*, 143", 1466, 158-9, 161^, 1656, 171", 173'J, 225, 2380, 239"', 240, 257*, 261* 264", 269'', 276", 280", 284'', 290°, 291", 310", 313, 314", 346''- Bethel, the name twice conferred, 47, 61, 342. Bevan, Prof A A, 305. Bezaleel makes the ark, 48. Blessing of Jacob, the, 305-6. Blessing of Moses, the, 30, 103, 312-4. Bonfrfere, Jacques, 37. Booths, Feast of, 89-go ; celebrated under Ezra, 259. 524 GENERAL INDEX Brahmanical sacred literature, ii. Briggs, Prof C H, 30, 86", 105", 112", 116, 132", 206", 224-5, 271°. Brown, Prof Francis, 116. Brugsch, 194. Bruston, C, 83°, ig6. Budde, 134', 135!', 156, 1766, I92^ 196, 202» 224*, 231", 303, 352, 354!", 355", 358*. Buddhist sacred literature, 10. Buhler, SBE, iJ>, 12. Burnell, A C, 12. Burnt offerings, 85 ; in E, 206 ; at the dedication of Solomon's Temple, 246 ; the ' continual,' 261° ; in P, 290, 300. Cp ^118. Caleb, different accounts ofhis origin, 52" ; in J, 190 ; in Joshua, 347, 358". Calendar of the feasts, four times re peated, 88-90 ; in D and P, 109-10. Calendars, two, fused in Lev 23, 298. Calf, story of the golden, 211, 213, 225-6. Camden, 6. Canaanites, the, subjugated, 194 ; lists of nations, in J, 197. Carlstadt on Mosaic authorship, 36. Carruth, W H, 1886. Casaubon, Isaac, 3. Charles, Prof R H, 92". Chedorlaomer, 303, 320, 322. Cherubim in the Temple and in P, 243- Cheyne, Prof T K, 2'', 1.8", 30'', 69", 71", 72', 74". 7^^ 80", 140"!', 141' 151", 173", 247, 252"^, 2g4^ 257*, 262", 290'', 304, 308", 309, 315-26. Chronicle, the Anglo-Saxon, 6, 193°, 199. Chronicler, the, and the Law, 33. Chronicles, compared with Sam and Kings, 18-21, 75 ; PbetweenKings and, 244-7 ; uses substantially the present Pentateuch, 345. Ciasca, Father, 13. Circumcision, 64. Cities for the Levites in B, 130, 293* (296), 369. Cities of Refuge, 1 10, 293'' (296), 369, 374*- Clement of Alexandria, 34. Clementine Homilies, the, on Moses' teaching, 35. Cloud, the Pillar of, 97, 204, 215-6. Cloud, the, in P, 98, 248. Colenso, Bishop, 113, 115"'', 147'', 150, 225, 236^/, 282", 283. Congregation in P, 233-4. Conquest and settlement, the, in 3, 351-2, 355- Continual meal and burnt offerings under the monarchy, 261". Cornill, 86^ 140', 147", 155" (4 i), i8o» (181), 196% 212, 226, 238'', 247" 261I', 262", 273, 288, 303, 306", 308", 309, 310, 313, 344"^, 358'- Court, supreme, at Jerusalem, in D, 126, 143, 163". Covenant, in Gen 15 and 17, 94 ; of Yahweh with Israel, 94. Covenant at Sinai or Horeb, narra tive of the, in J, 182 ; in J B and D, 206, 2IO, 215, 223-7. Covenant, book of the, 28 ; analysis of, 206-9, 222 ; Kuenen's view of its transposition, 208, 210, 212. See First Code, the. Covenant, tables of the, 94, 104. Cp Ark. Covenant, under Josiah, 152 ; under E2;ra and Nehemiah, 260-4. Cowell, Prof, 12. Creation, different accounts of the, 45- Creation-story in P, Babylonian afSnities, 253, 316. Cultus, the, in history, according to De Wette, 76; testimony of history, 132-41 ; conceptions of, in J, 179; in B, 206-10. D, meaning of the symbol, 67. See Deuteronomy. Daily burnt offering. Ex 2g^^--, 261°, ¥90, 300. Dan, use of the name, 23, 37. Daniel, date of the book of, 3. Dates, incongruities of, in the Penta teuch, 45. ' Dathan and Abiram, 120, 184", 300. Davids, Prof TW Rhys, 11". Davidson, Prof A B, 238', 240. Davidson, Dr S, 113. Day of Atonement, 89 ; growth of ritual about, 290*, 300-1. See Lev 16. Delitzsch, Prof Franz, 32, 172*. Delitzsch, Prof Friedrich, 253^, 315- 6". Deluge. See Flood. Derenbourg, 242". Deuteronomy, Jeromeon, 35 ; Hobbes on, 35, 38 ; contrasted with Num 26-36, 67, 81 ; discovered under Josiah, 74 ; assigned by De W ette to the seventh century, 77 ; written under Manasseh (Ewald), 78 ; sacri fice in, 84-5 ; unity of God in, 99 ; ' Yahweh thy God ' in, 99-100 ; holiness in, 100 ; age of, 1 14 ; its antecedents, 1 16-31 ; dependence 525 INDICES on JB, ii6 ; historical retrospect, 118-21 ; incidents of the wander ings, 1 19-20 ; occasional indepen dence, 120-1 ; legislation, 121-7 ; items agreeing with P, 121 ; paral lels in E and P*", 122-4 j laws peculiar to, 122" ; relation to First Code, 124 ; slavery, 125 ; unity of the sanctuaiy, 126 ; Levites and the priesthood, 127 ; priority to P, 127-31 ; sacred dues in, 129 ; tithes, 129; relation of i4*-2»toLevii2-2s, 131" ; influence on Judges and Kings, 132 ; assumes the settle ment of Israel, X42 ; describes the monarchy, 142 ; recognizes activity of prophets, 142 ; provides for judicial appeals, 142 ; admits inde pendence of Edom, 143 ; requires the abolition of the high places, 144 ; forbids various unhallowed cults, 145 ; especially that of the ' host of heaven,' 146 ; affinity of language with Jeremiah, 146-52 ; discovery of the law-book under Josiah, 152 ; indications of diver sity of materials, 154 ; authorship of 1^-3 and 5-1 1, 155-8; sources of 12-26, 158-65 ; use of First Code, 161" ; plural and singular passages in, 165-9 j priestly teach ing in, 167-8, 174 ; the original contents of the Code, 169-70 ; homiletio additions, 170-1; literary history of the book, 171* ; its pro bable date, 172-4 ; position of Hil kiah, 174 ; did the authors employ JE ? 327-35 ; united with JE, 335-40; D in Joshua, 350, 358!", 360-8 ; D2 in Joshua according to Steuernagel, 365". Development hypothesis, the, 112-6. De Wette, 4, 74-7, 79, 114. 153. Diatessaron of Tatian, 13-8. Dillmann, 30, 114-5, 121", 143", 155" (2) (3), 163" (164), 182" (183), 194/, 200", 212, 231", 237", 245, 247, 252°, 253°, 262", 288=, 303, 306,308, 313, 317, 3296, 338, 352, 358", 365", 368", 3696, 371", 373-4", 378. Dillmann-Ryssel, 92", 225. Driver, Prof S R, 2^ 3'', iB"'', 23", so"*, 31", 45, 84", 86<". 90", 91", 116, 121, 132", 133°, 134", 141'', 142", 143", 145", 147'', I54^ 155" (2) (4v), 161", 163" (164), 170'", 173", 192", 195", 198", 206", 210", 215, 223", 224, 236 241, 249° 253", 255* 256", 257'i, 258", 264M, 267, 269^ 272, 276", 280", 282", 284", 303-6, 311-3, 325, 338-9, 344'', 352"-'', 361", 369!-, 371". Driver- White, 290*, 291''. Dues, the sacred, in D, 129. Duff, Dr A, 172", 176'', 195'', 213. Duhm, 2'', 140'', 151", 247. Du Maes, 36'', 37, 348". Duplicate narratives, in the Penta teuch, 47 ; in Joshua, 348. Dwelling, the, its place, 49 ; con trasted with earthen altar Ex 20^*, 83 ; in P, 86, 235, 242-5 ; not in D, 103 ; relation to the Temple, 243 ; at Gibeon iu i Chron, 244 ; in Ex 25-27I', 266" ; in Ex 35-40, 296. E, meaning of the symbol, 66 ; sacri fice in, 82-5 ; the sanctuary in, 8g ; early history in, 93 ; pillar of cloud in, 98 ; its general scope, 200-2 ; the Tent of Meeting, 202, 209 ; view of the progress of reve lation, 203 ; modes of communica tion with Deity, 204 ; prophetic activity in, 204, 217 ; view of great personalities, 205 ; importance of Joshua in, 205, 217 ; geographical localities of, 206,217; theCovenant at Horeb, 206 ; Ex 2022-23, analy sis of, 206-9 i in E^ 19-24 and 32-3426, 210-5, 222 ; characteris tics of narration, 215 ; cruder elements in, 215, 220 ; phrase ology, 216 ; belongs to the northern kingdom, 217 ; interest in ances tral graves, 217 ; growth under the monarchy, 218 ; Edom in, 219 ; its age compared with J, 219-20 ; not dependent on 3, 221" ; reflects national prosperity, 221 ; charac teristics of the First Code, 222 ; reductiontowriting, 222; elements of different date, 222-7 ! story of the Horeb Covenant, 223-7 ! did not originally contain the Ten Words, 223 ; Kuenen's suggestion of a Judean edition, 226-7, 331 ; union with J, 327 ; in Joshua, 350 ; its contents in Joshua, 355-7 ; materials employed by P, 356. Early history of mankind, in J, 187 ; in P, 230. Ecclesiastes ascribed to Solomon, 3. Edom, allusions to, in D, 143 ; in J, 194 ; in E, 219. Edwards, Ch, 315. Eichhorn, 48, 63, 69-71, 101, 109, 303. Eleazar, the priest, in Joshua, 350, 358°- Election of Israel in J and P, 93. Eli, priests of the house of, 135. Elijah leaves the high places un- assailed, 139. 526 GENERAL INDEX Eloah, the name, 309. Elohim, in P, 95-6 ; as universal in P, 100 ; use of the name in E, 203, 215 ; in the Covenaht-words, 223. Elohim, angel of, 95, 97, 203-4, 220. Elohim, mount of, 203. Elohim, rod of, 203. Elohist laws, 65 ; narratives in Gen, 62-4 ; narratives of the Mosaic age, 65. See E, Covenant (book of the), and First Code. Elohist writers in Gen, according to Ilgen, 71. El Shaddai, 100, 103, 106 ; in P, 234. Elyon, the name, 309. Ephraem the Syrian, 13. Episcopius on additions to the Pen tateuch, 37. Eutropius. "f. Evetts, Basil T A, 315'', aie". Ewald, 4, 77-9, 113, 238", 303, 308. Ex 6^"*, connexions with Gen 17 35'~i^, 56 ; further links with Gen, 59-60. Exodus, the, and Merenptah, 324. Ezekiel, 81 ; his ideal of the service of the future, 238 ; introduces a distinction into the sacred tribe, 238-40 ; deviates from P, 241 ; parallels with the Holiness-legis lation, 277-84. Ezra, legend of, 34, 40 ; arrives at Jerusalem, 257 ; promulgation of the law-book, 258 ; novel celebra tion of 'Booths,' 259 ; covenant to observe religious duties, 260-1 ; contents of his law-book, 262 ; confined to P, 263, 345 ; the law brought from Babylonia, 299. Ezra, Fourth Book of, 34. Feasts, different calendars of the, 88- 90. First-born of men and unclean beasts in P, 129. First-borns, law of, in E, 223. First Code, the, modifications of, 126 ; portions not represented in D, 124 ; how far reproduced in D, 161". See Covenant (book of the). Firstlings, in D and P, 125, 129 ; in Nehemiah's covenant, 261. Flood, combined accounts of the, 45, 51 ; different statements of its duration, 51 ; two stories of, 70 ; analysis of, loi" ; in P, 231 ; Babylonian myth, 317. Florence of Worcester, 6, 193". Fragment-hypothesis, the, 73. Frei, 92". Fripp, E I, 306". ®, evidence of Levitical additions to §,. 133, 137, 243", 247, 296" (5) ; evidence of continuous redaction of Joshua, 377. Gall, von, 133''. Geddes, A, 4, 72, 188, 348". Geiger, 83°. Geissler, 32'' (33). Gen 14, its place in Pentateuchal documents, 302-5 ; archaeology and, 320-4. George on Priestly legislation, 114. Gesenius-Brown, 309. Gesenius-Kautzsch, 267. Giesebrecht, 151", 247", 341''. Glory, the, of Yahweh in P, 96, 245, 248. Goshen, the Israelites in, 52. Graf, on the Priestly legislation, 1 14-5 ; on the Holiness-legislation, 269, 283, 299I', 303. Gray, G Buchanan, ou proper names iu P, 251-2, 292", 320". Green, J R, 6". Gruneisen, 92". Guilt offering in P, 85, 129. Gunkel, 177&, iSSS, igo", igs*, 194/, 195' M 196", 197", 200", 203'', 217", 220", 222*", 231", 237", 251'', 252*, 253°'', 254, 288", 298", 303, 305/, 3o6», 319°, 326, 343". Haddan and Stubbs, 274". Hagar, two narratives of her expul sion, 47, 60. Haggai and priestly teaching, 255. HalSvy, 253^. Hammurabi, 304, 322. Hardy, Sir Thomas, 6", 7. Harford, G, 268", 269'', 286", 291". Harvest, Feast of, 89. Haupt, Paul, 317'. Heave offerings, 129, 256. Cp ''118. Hebrews, Epistle to the, 4. Hebron, use of the name, 37 ; called Kiriath-arba in P, 103, 232. Hexateuch, the name, i ; written sources specified, 30. Hezekiah, reformation attributed to, 140-1. Higher Criticism, the, founded by Ejchhorn, 6g. High places, in eighth century pro phecy, 144; worship at the, 133, 138, 144. High priest, the, in P, 128 ; in Eze kiel, 241 ; in P'', 271, 280. Hilkiah and the Deuteronomic reforms, 174. Hill, J Hamlyn, 15^ Historia Miscella of Landolf, 7"- 527 INDICES Historia Romana of Paulus Diaconus, 7". History, theories of religious, 93. Hitzig, 83°. Hobbes, 38, 153. Hogg, Hope W, T^. Holiness, of Deity in P, 100 ; of Israel in D and P, 100. Holiness-legislation, the, 114, 268- 84. Hollenberg, 360", 377". Holzinger, 30", 34", 83", 92" 180", 191", 194-', 2o6°'(2o9), 214-5, 225-6, 245'', 257'', 261", 262", 276", 288", 298", 300", 303, 305 A 306% 308', 332", 341'°, 344, 355"*, 356", 357^ SSS"", 359", 36o^ 361"*, 370°, 371", 374", 376''- Homicide, law of, in D, no, 112. Hommel, I3I", 147^, 251", 252'*, 253'', 304-5, 319, 322. Hoonacker, A van, 240", 247, 264". Horeb, 94, 96, 104; in I), 118; cove nant at, in B, 206, 2io°-4, 222. Horst, 155" (i). Host of heaven, the, 77 ; worship (introduced by Manasseh) for bidden in D, 146. House of Yahweh, the, 195°. Hupfeld, 72, 80, 83". Ibn Ezra on the Pentateuch, 35. Ideas, diversity of religious, in the Pentateuch, 92-101. Ilgen, Carl David, 71, 72. Iliad (xx. 307-8), 23. Incense altar in P', 243°, 289. Ingathering, Feast of, 89. Institutes of Vishwu, 11. Institutions, diversities of, 82-92. Irenaeus on Ezra, 34. Isaac, three allusions to the name, 47- Isaae Abravanel, 36". Isaac ben Jasos on Gen 36'!, 35. Isaiah, prophecies ascribed to, dates of, 3- Ishmael, different allusions to his name, 61. Israel, the name twice conferred, 47 ; election of, in 3 and P, 93 ; in Egypt, 324. J, meaning of the symbol, 66 ; sacri fice in, 82-5 ; priests in, 83 ; early history in, 93 ; Yahweh's action in, 95 ; Yahweh's character and being, g8-g ; its general scope, 175-6 ; religious characteristics, 177-9 i conceptions of early cultus, 179 ; Covenant-narrative, 182 ; the ark and priests, 183 ; consecration of Levi, 183 ; origin of the Passover, 184 ; sources in tradition, 185 ; etymologies and place-names, 186 ; view of early history of mankind, 187 ; origins of, 188-99 ; sanc tuary stories, 188-9 ! assigned by some critics to Ephraim, 190 ; arguments in favour of Judah, 191; elementsof various date, 192- 9 ; belongs to the monarchy, 193- 5 ; reference to the Philistines, 193" ; first reduction to writing, 195 ; additions in Gen 2-11, 196 ; diversities in patriarchal stories, 197 ; lists of Canaanite nations, 197 ; monotheistic expansions in, 198 ; collections of law in, 198 ; approximation to the school of D, igg ; story of the Sinai covenant, 210-5 j in Ex 19-24 and 32-342', 210-5 j J ^nd E, their union, 327 ; in Joshua, 351-5 ; in Judges i, 352 ; in Joshua, different elements in, 353 ; J' in Josh 10-12, 3550 ; 3^ in Joshua (Albers, Holzinger), 361*. Jacob, Blessing of. Gen 49'"^^, 305-6, Jashar, book of, 30, 354. Jastrow, Prof M, 253°*, 254. Jataka-hook, introduction to the, 11. JB, age of, 114; the combined docu ment, 327 ; was it used by D ? 330 ; in Joshua, 357-9. Jealousy of Yahweh, gg. Jebb, Sir R C, f. JED, union with P, 340-6. JEDP, its formation, 340-5 ; its date, 345-6. Jensen, 253"^^ 315-7- Jeremiah, 81 ; relation to Deut, 146-52. Jeroboam II, Deut 33 in the age of, 218, 313 ; reduction of E to writ ing, 222. Jerome on Moses and Ezra, 35, 97", 153- Jerusalem, its growing importance, 140. Jerusalem, J F W, 69^ Jethro, 48. Jischaki (Isaac ben Jasos), 35. Johns, C H W, 319. Jolly, 11°, 12. Jones, Sir William, 12. Joseph, two versions of his enslave ment, 51. Josephus and the Mosaic tradition, 33, 296", 323, 346!". Joshua, a charge twice given to him, 67 ; charged in D and P, 88 ; charge to, i7i!'(4); inE, 205,217,337"; not named in J's original narrative of 528 GENERAL INDEX the conquest (Wellhausen, Meyer), 351, (Steuernagel), 376'' ; in E's account, 355-8. Joshua, book of, P sections in, 343 ; chief divisions, 347 ; connexions with preceding, 347-8 ; contains variety of materials, 348-9 ; lite rary indications in D and P, 350 ; J in, 350-5 ; E in, 355-7 ; JB in, 357-9 ; D in, 359-68 ; continuous redaction, evidence of @, 377 ; redaction completed by 200 bc, 378- Josiah, reforms of, 141, 152-3. Jubile, the, 91 ; applied to land and persons, 130 ; in Lev 25, 291", 298. Judah in J, 189-91. Judges, laws of, in D, 162-4 ; in E, 210. Kalisch on the Priestly legislation, 115, 242'', 275'', 300''. Kamphausen, 30B. Kautzsch, 173", 190, 191'', 262", 306, 321, 325- , Kayser, 283°. King, L W, 304, 3x9, 322-3. Kiriath-arba, 103, 107, 232. Kittel, 114", xi5», X37", 141", 146", I53^ 303, 320, 323, 335°, 353, 358°. Klostermann, xg3'', 267, 269. KSnig, 140*, 172'', 194°, 215°, 247, 25x<', 262", 303, 306, 320, 368". Korah, combined with Dathan and Abiram, 52 ; fate of, 87 ; different elements in story of, 285", 292. Kosters, 165'', 257'' ; argument con cerning Neh xo'""'', 263-5, 299- 300, 304, 345. Ki'aetschmar, 212, 225, 238'', 240. Kuenen, zb, 30, 83°, 114-5, 140'', X4X'*, X46", 157, 170*, igo-x, xg6, 212, 2ig'', 220'', 225, 238", 240*, 247, 257-8, 261'', 262", 267, 276", 280'', 284'', 2go*, 2g2, 296", 2gg'', 300', 30X, 303, 305*, 306"*, 309, 310", 313, 331, 335^ 337", 339, 34I^ 344, 345^ 351, 357", 358°, 3^4, 374"- Kurtz, 236/. Lagarde, X94. Landolf the Wise, 7". Language, the argument from, xoi- 12. Law, book ofthe, in D, 29. Law of Yahweh (God, or Moses), the, 32. Laws, smaller collections of, 50. See J, E, D, P. Le Clerc, 4, 43. Lehmann, 32x°. Levi, two accounts of his separation. 48 ; consecrated as priestly tribe in J, X83, 187. Levites, in P, 88, 128 ; in D, X27, 238 ; at Beth-shemesh, 135 ; in Ezekiel, 239-40 ; in Jer 3321 and Is 6621, 2^^^ . jjj ifujn 3-4 8, 292. Levitical legislation. See P. Lieblein, X94/. Local sanctuaries, in early tradition and law, 82-4 ; their number, 133 ; abolition of, required by D, 144. Lot in J, xgo. Luther on the Pentateuch, 37. Machpelah, cave of, 107, 232. Maes, Andrew du, on Joshua, 36'', 37, 348". Malachi and the Priestly Code, 256. Manasseh, introduces the worship of the host of heaven, 146 ; was D written in his reign ? 172-3. Manetho, 323. Manifestation, diversities of divine, 95-8- Manu, law-book of, X2. Marianus Sootua, 7, 193°. Marti, 2'', 140'', 247, 250*. Maspero, 193", 304. Matthes, 32'*, 333", 346!-. Meal offerings, 85, 129 ; at the dedi cation of Solomon's Temple, 246 ; the 'continual,' 26x°. Cp ^118. Meisner, 225. ^ Merenptah and the' Exodus, 324. Meribah, the name twice conferred, 48 ; two stories of, 88, 342. Merx, 83°. Messianic age, the, in P, 245. Meyer, 30", 258", 264"^, 304-5, 321, 323, 351, 376''- Minhah, original significance, 85, cp 179 ; limited meaning in P, 85 ; in Malachi, 256. See Meal offerings. Mitchell, X65''. Monarchy, the, implied in J, 194 ; in E, 2x8 ; in D, 143 ; in P, 234-5, 255. Monier- Williams, Sir M, 12. Montefiore, C G, 14X''. Months, old names for, 250 ; reckon ing in P, 250-1. Moore, Prof G F, X3"°, X4, X41", X55» (4 v), X56*, 173", X76^ 192", 202", 209, 226, 268", 269*, 273S 275", 276", 284°, 286<*, 294, 300', 306^ 3o&>, 310", 3^2^ 313, 314", 344'', 352^-^'', 354^ 358"''°, 359", 360*, 361°, 369", 371", 376''. Moses, references to documents written by, 28 ; the prophetic view of, 31 ; in the traditions of Judaism, 529 M m INDICES 33 ; twice commissioned, 48 ; in J, 176-84 ; in E, 20X-18 ; in P, 228- 30, 232, 234. Moses, Blessing, of, Deut 33, 30, X03, 3x2-314. Moses, Song of. Ex X52-18, 307-8. Moses, Song of, Deut 321^^^, 30, 308- 12, 339. Miiller, Prof F Max, X2. Munro, D B, 23°. Muss-Arnolt, 317''. Nasareans, the, 35. Naville, Prof E, 324. Naumann, 165''. Nehemiah, arrives at Jerusalem, 258 ; covenant under, 260-4. Niebuhr, 4, 77. Noah, different directions concern ing animals in the ark, 51 ; his descent from Adam, 57 ; in J, X75 ; in P, 23Q-X, 253. / Nob, guild of priests at, X35. Noldeke on. the Priestly Law, XX4, 236', 303, 358°- Nowack, X34'', X40!', 143", X47°, X63" (X64), 176", 217'', 222°, 243°, 25X', 267, 291", 308". Numbers 26-36 contrasted with D, 67, 8x. Oath to the fathers, the, in D, 99 ; in 3, X78 ; in B'", 33X. Oblation in P, 85. Oettli, 121", X72I', 308, 36X", 369!'. Offerings iu the several codes, 85. Cp I'llS. Oppert, view of P's early chronology, 252-3- Origins, book of, according to Ewald, 78. P, meaning of the symbol, 65 ; sacri fice in, 83-5 ; the sanctuary in, 85-6 ; early history in, 93 ; no covenant at Sinai, g4 ; Yahweh's intercourse with Moses, 97-8 ; the cloud in, g8 ; universality of Deity in, 100 ; priority of D, XX7-24, 127-3X ; priesthood in, X28 ; priestly reve nues, I2g ; tithes, 130 ; Levitical cities, X30 ; Jubile, 130 ; not to be traced before the eighth century, 14X ; scope of, 228-30 ; narrative of the origin of humanity, 230 ; the growth of evil, 23 x, 24g ; the Flood,23x; HebronandMachpelah, 232 ; theory of religious history, 233 ; pre-Mosaic institutions, 233 ; Passover, 233 ; adoption of Israel by Yahweh, 234 ; literary method, 235 ; numerical detail, 236 ; chrono logical scheme, 236, 252 ; tran sition to, through Ezekiel, 237-43 ', discrepancies of Ezekiel, 24X ; the Dwelling, 242-5 ; brazen altar, 243 ; altar of incense, 243° ; the Dwelling at Gibeon in x Chron, 244 ; between Kings and Chron, 244, 247 ; view of the Messianic future, 245 ; theological ideas com pared with JE, 247, 24g ; the cloud and the glory, 248 ; characteristics of language, 249 ; resemblances to Ezekiel, 250 ; reckoning of months by numbers, 250 ; peculiarities in proper names, 25X ; Babylonian chronology (Oppert), 252 ; affini ties, 253 ; unrecognized by Hagg and Zech, 255 ; diversities of Ma lachi, 256 ; promulgated under Ezra and Nehemiah, 257-64 ; com pilation out of various materials, 265 ; its groundwork, P*, 266-8 ; the Holiness-legislation, P"", 268- 84 ; group of priestly Teachings, P', 284-8 ; secondary extensions, P', 288-30X ; fusion of its materials, 2g8-30X ; united with JED, 340- 6 ; in Joshua, 343 ; Joshua sections united with JBD independently, 344-5, 376 ; additions after union of JEDP, 345 ; in Joshua, 350, 369-76 ; not the groundwork, 369 ; secondary character, 37 x ; distri bution ofthe land, 371", 372 ; was it revised by B'' (Dillmann) ? 373-6. ps, groundwork of P, 266-8 ; reli gious institutions in narrative, 284. P'^, the Holiness-legislation, 268-84 ; its composite character, 271-2 ; its original scope, 272-3 ; elements of various age, 274-7 ! parallels in Lev ig with other laws, 274* ; age of Lev 17, 275-6 ; parallels with Ezek, 277-84 ; age of Lev 26'-*', 28X-4 ; fusion with Ps and P', 2g8. P', secondary extensions of P, 288- 301 ; evidences of secondary cha racter, 297 ; how much included when the books were divided, 345. P', priestly torah or teaching, 284-8 ; anterior to theory of Aaronic priest hood, 287 ; parallels with P , 287 ; fusion with B« and P"", 298. Paddan-aram, 104. Parker, Archbishop, 5. Passover, the, 89 ; under Josiah, 153 ; in J, 184 ; in P, 233, 291. Paton, 269°, 271°. Patriarchal cultus, iu J and B, 64, 82 ; in J, X79-80 ; in E, 203. 530 GENERAL INDEX Paulus Diaconus, 7". Peace offei-ings, 85 ; in P, 129 ; in E, 206 ; at the dedication of Solo mon's 'Temple, 246. Cp ^118. Pentateuch, the name, i ; Mosaic authorship questioned, 35. Pereira, Bento, 37. Petrie, Prof Flinders, 324. Peyrfere, Isaac de la, 39. Philistines, the, in J and E, 193". Phillips, G, 13^ Philo and the Mosaic tradition, 33, Piepenbring, 262". Pillar of cloud, the, 97, 204, 215-6. Pillars, as objects of worship, 145 ; destroyed in Josiah's reformation, 153- Pinches, T G, 322. Plagues, different narratives of the, 52 ; composite, x8i". Polybius, 3. Poor, relief of the, 90-1. Popper, 296". Priest, the, in P*, 287. Priests (priesthood), in J, 83, 183 ; in the several codes, 87 ; in D, X27 ; in P, 128 ; at Dan, 133, 135, 138 ; before the monarchy, X34-5 ; at Shiloh, X34 ; at Nob, X35 ; David appoints his sons, X36 ; in E, 209 ; in Ezekiel, 238-9 ; in P, 240" ; in P", 270, 280. Priests, Aaron's sons, in P, 87, 240*. Priestly Code, its view of the Mosaic age, 65 ; between Kings and Chron, 138 ; its scope, 228-30. See P. Prophet, first use of the term, 43 ; in D, 143 ; applied to Abraham, 203 ; Miriam and seventy elders, 204. Prophetic writers, in the Pentateuch, 78 ; elements in B, 218, 227. Proverbs ascribed to Solomon, dates of, 3- Psalms ascribed to David, dates 0^ 2. n, in P, 85. Quails, double gift of, 48, 342. BA, activity of, 335-40 ; in Ex 20^''- 23, 206!' (2og), 336 ; in Ex 34, 337 ; in Gen Ex Num, 337 ; date of, 338-40 ; in Joshua, 359-68 ; addi tions, 360 ; expansions of earlier narrative, 360 ; reason of greater freedom, 364 ; supplemental work of, 365 ; process by more than one hand, 366 ; use of D, 367 ; phrase ological indications, 367 ; approxi mations to language of P, 368. 'S,'', in Ex 2X-23 and 34, 208, 336 ; 53 unites 3 and E, 327 ; in the patri archal narratives, 328 ; in narra tives of the Mosaic age, 329 ; in Joshua, 357-9. EP, method of, 340 ; indications of in Gen 40, 341 ; preserved dupli cate accounts, 342 ; transposition of clauses and sections, 342 ; dif ferent treatment of Joshua, 344-5 ; divides the books, 345 ; in Joshua, revision of R'', 373; different treat ment of earlier material, 375. Redaction of the documents, 327-46 ; in Joshua, 359. . , 373. . . ' Release,' in various applications, 90, gx. Renan, 305. Reuel, father-in-law of Moses, 48. Reuss, x'8, 1x4, xgo-i, 2gg*, 300'', 306, 308. Revenues of the priests, in P, 129. Rothstein, 206". Ryle, Bishop, 32'', xx6", 173", 257*^, 258", 261'', 262", 346. Sabatier, M Paul, 7". Sabbath, its significance in P, 233, 254 ; year in Lev 25, 291", 298. Cp ^37. Sacred places once Canaanite, X33, 144, xSg. Sacrifice, representations of, 82 ; instituted imder Moses in P, 83 ; in the Dwelling in P, 84 ; restricted to one place in D, 84 ; place of, 133 ; by David and Solomon, 136. See Offerings, and ''118. Sacrifices in pi", 271. Samaritan schism, 262", 345-6*.. Samaritan text, numbers in the, 231, 237. Samuel and the local cultus, X33. Sanctuaries, local, their number, X33, X44 ; stories explaining their origin, 139, 189. Sanctuary, law of the unity of the, 77 ; different representations of, 85 ; in P, 103 ; law of its unity in D, 126. Saxon Chronicle, 6. Sayce, Prof A H, 3", 30!-, 46", 80°, 82'', 96^, X07, 193", X94/, xgs*, 251, 304, 315. Scaliger, Joseph, 3. Scheil, Father, 32X-U. Schrader, 190, 25X'', 253*°, 313, 322. Schultens, 69''. Schultz, 309. Schiirer, 262". Schwally, 92". Scribes, activity of the, 340. Shechemites, massacre ofthe, 288. [ M in 2 INDICES Shekel, one third of, in Nehemiah's covenant, 261 ; one half in Ex gjii-io^ 26X. Siegfried, 32'' (33). Simon, Father, 4, 36", 4X. Sin offering in P, 85, xag ; first in P, 246, 249. Sinai, 94, 96, X04 ; in J, 182", 2xo''-4. Slavery, laws of, 50, gx-a, X25, X3X. Smend, 2^, 238'', 247". Smith, George, 3x7. Smith, Prof George Adam, 140°'', 144", I65" X72", 255!'°, 256", 308", 352^ 376", 378"- Smith, W Eobertson, x8", 30"", xx5, 134", 275°. Solomon, supposed author of Prov and Eccles, 2 ; performs priestly functions, X36. Song of Moses, in Ex I5'^~i^, 307-8. Song of Moses, in Deut 32I-*', 30, 308-X2, 339. Sjieculum Vitae S. Francisci, 7" (8). Spiegelberg, 324. Spies, two narratives of the mission of, 52 ; in D, x2o. Spinoza, 3, 39-4X. Stade, 30°, 32^2, 86", X4o^ X4X°, I53^ 206", 225, 241, 243« 245'', 247", 258", 262", 286'', 306'*, 308", 309, 313, 321, 344, 351- Staerk, 159*, X63" (X64), X65", 173", 225. Stanley, 1x3. Steuernagel, X2x", X43", x6i", X63" (X64), X656, 173", X82" (183), igo'i, X95°, 2x4, 2x7", 222"", 225-6, 262"^, 300", 3x0", 313, 314", 332"!', 335°"*, 3466, 347O, 351'', 3556, 358", 365", 371", 374", B^e*-. stones, sacred, in early tradition, X3g ; in J, X79 ; in B, 206. Strack, 114", XX5', X72'', 289*. Sutta-Piiaka, the, xo. Talmud, Baba Bathra, 33'''. Targum, the Jerusalem, 83°. Tatian, 13. Taylor, C, 255". Temple, ceremonial at the dedication of the, X36 ; significance of the, 138 ; dimensions compared with the Dwelling, 243. Teh Words, the, according to Ewald, 78 ; different versions of the, 86 (cp 182"), 94 ; in D, xx8, 207 ; their origin, 223-6. Tent of Meeting, the, its place, 49 ; institution of the, 85 ; in E, 202, 205, 2og; in P, 233, 234!', 266"; in P*, 287. Terah, his pedigree, 57. Teraphim in E, 206, Tertullian on the book of Enoch, 34. Testimony, the, 267 ; ark of the, 94, X04, 267 ; Dwelling of the, 95 ; tables of the, 94, 104. Theodore, 274". Thorpe, 8", 274". Tidal, 321°, 322. Tiele, 304-5. Tithes, in D and P, 129-30 ; in Nehemiah's covenant, 261. ToVdhoth book, the, 57, 59, 60, 64, 83, g3, 103, X06, 228, 235, 249, 288", 340. Tomkins, H G, X94/. Torah or 'teaching,' 3X ; priestly in D, 167-8, X70", 174, 286 ; recog nized by Haggai, 255 ; in P, 284-8. Toy, Prof C H, 238!-, 23g", 256". Traditions in j, 185. Transcendence of Deity in D, 99. Trees, sacred, in early tradition, X39. Trumpets, feast of, 8g. Unction, priestly, in P^ and P', 289. Unity of God in D, gg. Universality of Deity in P, xoo. Ur of the Chaldees, 43. Vater, J S, on the fragment-hypo thesis, 73. Vatke, on the priestly legislation, 114, 152°. Vinaya-Piiaka, the, lo. Wars of Yahweh, book of the, 30, 2x8, 303. Wave offering, X2g. Cp ^118. Wellhausen, 30'', 82, 86", xx5, 135", 137", X40"'', 141°, xgo", xg6, 206", 225, 238!', 258", 262" 276", 284'', 288", 303, 305", 306"*, 307, 308", 3x7", 321, 343, 3466, 35X, 3766. _ Wells, sacred, in early tradition, 139- Westphal, 34", 69!', X72!>, 308, 3x3. Wette, de, 4, 74-7, 79, 114, X53. Wheeler, J Talboys, X2. Wieksteed, P H, 7" (8), XX5/, 225. Wildeboer, 140'', 262", 273, 303, 306, 313, 345''- Winckler, 325. Witchcraft, forbidden in D, X45. ' Wolf, 4. Words of Yahweh, in Ex 24', 206-9. Words, the Ten. See Ten Words. Wright, W A, 370. Wiinsche, 33"^. Wurster, 273. 532 INDEX TO THE PRINCIPAL BIBLICAL PASSAGES Yahweh, the name twice revealed, 48, 342 ; revelation of. Ex 62-8, 54 ; use of the name by the patriarchs, 55 ; revelation of. Ex 3"-i5, 62-3 ; the name, 66 ; his action in 3, 95 ; angel of, 95-6 ; in J, 95, 98 ; cha racter and being in J, 98-9 ; his jealousy, gg ; ' thy God ' in D, gg- 100 ; tlie name in J, xg4 ; in B, 203 ; revealed in P, 234 ; < God of Israel ' in Joshua, 374. Yahwist narratives, in Gen, 62-4 ; of the Mosaic age, 65 ; laws, 65 ; in Joshua and onwards, 66. See J. Zadok, and Jerusalem priests, X35 ; sons of, in Ezekiel, 23g. Zechariah and the Priestly Code, 255. Zimmern, 252*^, 253'', 315, 316", 3x7!'. Zunz, 282", 300". II. Index to the Principal Biblical Passages Page 2<'>-4 Gehesis. 57, 59, 1, 19 6«, 253, 316-8 , 258 . 72 ,910-14 20-24 196196 196 2,30196 4"-" ... 196 4^^' .... 39 4^" . 55, 177, 180 5 . 57, 59, 230, 249^, 6-9 .101" 61-* . . 187 6'-8 . . 187 68-22 . . 59 6» . . . 57 613 . . . 249 6" . . . 253 6" . . 51 7= . . 51 7I2 . . 51 ^16b_ . 342 -17-24 . 42 7'* . . 51 9I-I7 . 59 9" . . 100 g20.. .. . 187 9^^. . 194 10'. . . 196 10^. . . 231 lo'^ . . 251 II1-9 . 196, 231 II10-26 . 57 1X27.- . . 57 12*" ' . . 57 12*" . . 342 I2« . 36, 38, 43 laiMO 47^197^ 219 13"-". . . 328 13" . . 43 1 ... 37 70, 302-5, 320-3, 346 141*23,37,43,305 15^ 15^- 1512-1 15IS-2: X5'^ 1518bX6I-S164-14x6i. 16I' 16I5 1717I.17' 17 17' 17'x8 1812-I6 _ 1817-10 22b-8Sa ,17 ,20 204 . . 805 . . 328 . . 886'' 3, 119, 194 . . 886'' . . 57 . 67, 61 827, 828 186, 328 . . 57 . 107-8 55, 56, 58 . . 245 . . 186 . 61, 186 . . 96 . 107-8 186 igl9 25 1826. 20 20'20' 39, 0I8.z' . xi»-. 1I2-20 t". 2 _ -13 2I*.,15-18 20' 20'2X12X'21-212l'22'22' 22I6-I822^ 22- 2 19 ai6 2". 23^24' 256 198, 828 . . 98 . . 177 47,71,219 . . 204 43,203-4 203,328 . 828 . 186 . 828 . 61 61,186 . 203 . 71 . 36 198, 328 329", 331117 98 37 177328 2521., 2523, 262b Sb— 5 26S"-5 263" 4 26« . 266-11267-11267-- 26I5 18 27^"27 2727 288 . 2810-- 2811-22 n29 40 7*0. ,46 . . 342 . . 194 15-18. 328 . . 19S 328,381 829", 836'' . . 47 197,219 89 828221 23 218848 58 189,328 342 217328 203204 215 198,828 98 328 127, 189 32 . 208° . . 194 34 . 187, 288", 298 24 _ 42 53 ,7b— 12 ¦12 12 _ 24.. ,25a 26 ,16 34"^ 35'-*35^ . 35''-^ 35"- 35".35^^.35^'.36 - 3681.37' ¦ 37". 3,15-m q.i27 28b 3,28a38 . 343 . . 203 . . 343 55,56,58, 342 . 96 . 37 . 43 . 37 .288' 23, 35 . 221 ,43,343 328 5151 40, 189-90 37 ,5 15 ,13 39' 39^' 39^' 39"40* - 40^ - 4040I5 41I341'* 4X2542^542" 43 45 3".el9 487 49^- 49^-49' 49'49' 50' ,10..,25-.,* _ . 61 .841' . 51 . 51 . 51 . 328 .841' 48,51 .341' . 828 . 194 .841' .341' .841'.841' . 204 .288°. 58 . 87 . 70 305-6 187, 221 . 189 . 306 .341' Exodus. 3"'3?! 3' 3 4-4 4' 4'429 62-862.. 63..68 ,16.. _ 19. ._ 14-16 14b 24-2624 55 4563 . 63 . 62 . 48 . 203 13, 98 . 329 . 180 . 829 . 39 . 177 . 843 ,56,58,65 48 234, 245 , 63 533 INDICES Page Page Page Page 613-30 _ , .289" 22^5-27 ... 122 3226-29 _ . .210 15" • . ¦ .266" 62« . . . 43 2229b so _ , 228 3229 .... 183 X5**. - . .286' 78_iii» . .181" 228<> .... 125 33' . . . -886' X6-17 ... 114 7" . . .198" 2231 . . 100, 131" 33= ... . 330 x6 .128,241,249, 310b 22b _ .19S" 23*. .... 125 33^- • . 49,85,202, 290-1, 300-1 gH-16 29b .198" 236 9 ... 123 209 16I6 . . . .266" ioi"2 . .198" 239 13 23-25a -n 31b- ss''- . .97,204 17-26 . 114, 268- 122-6 . . 89 33 206" ss''- ... 97 234 ia21-23 . . 843 (209), 336 34 ¦ - . 44, 65 17 .... 270 1226.. . .336' 231''-- . 90,207 34I-* 28b . . 183 17*-' . . 275-6 joS 14-16 . .386' 23I1 .... 261 341- • . . 86-7 17* . . . .266" 13'- - . . 198 231*-- . 50, 207 34= ... . 177 X7='^ ... 84 13= . . .336' 2323-33 _ _ _ 221 S4«-9 ... 198 17'- .... 271 13' . - . 343 2323 28 .336' 34''- .... 98 i7^=- - . -131" I3I7-I9 . 203, 222 23^*- '. . 223 34' .... 97 x8-2o . . .279 13"- - . . 97 2q28-30 _ . 356 S4i''-27 . . 182-3 l82-5 24-30 . 269 I4'». . . . 222 24!- 9-11 . 182 34"- • . 195,198 X86-25 . . ] 272 14"" . . . 97 243-8 . .206" 34""^'. . .198' 1824-28 . . .270 is'^-'' - 307-8 24* . 28,40 206,222 34I1-13 15. 24 . 337 i826 .... 265 15'' ¦ ¦ - . 854 24". . . 97 S4I1. . . .336' X9 . 270-2,274 15'°. - . 204 241^. . . 226 S4I5 . . . .198' lg2-4 36 . . 269 15^^- ¦ . . 88 2416- • . . 96 341'- • ... 50 19'' ... . 100 15''=. . . .336' 24I6 . . . 248 34''3. . . .195c X99- .... 123 i62 9 . . 88 25-31^'" .266" 34". ... 28 19" .... 122 x6i3 . . . 342 25-30 . 6£ , 76, 85 34^8 . 28, 195, 226 19". ... 123 X633 . . . . 342 25-29 . . 49 SS-40 . . 65, 85, I9'=- . . .276 1635. . . 43 25-27" .266" 296", 845 19''' .... 265 17^^ . . . 88 253 . . . 298 35" .... 249 2016-21 . . .272 17^ . . . . 342 253 . . . 242 37^- . . 48,86 2022-26 . . .269 X7II. . . 81 25940 . .266" 388 ... . 133 2o2S .... 270 17". . . . 28 25' . . . 244 40" .... 290 2X-22 . 279-280 18 . . .39,342 2510.. . 48,86 40'"'. ... 48 21 ... . 128 I82-* . . . 829 25I8-22 . 248 408*- • . . .248 2x16.128,271,280 1812-27 . . 222 25'^ . . 98 2x1* .... 280 I812-. . 203,210 263». . .266" Leviticus. 2x17-21 . . .280 18^1 .... 221 27I-3 . . 243 1-7 . 75,84,265, 2l22 .... 271 19-24 32-3428 278 , . .266" 26&", 286-7 22 .... 271 210-5 2720. . .266" 1= .... 87 22* ... . 280 X92 . . . . 342 28 . . . 87 4 290 2231-33. 266,269 jgSa 17 19 . _ 222 2826 *1 . .266" 4' .... 287 23 . 50, 88-90, 19'"-= . 198,836 283». . . 128 612 ... . 261 109, 110, 298 1922 24 . . . 183 28*1. . . 290 616-26 . . .266" 2322. ... 123 20I-21 . . 223-6 29729 . . 289 616 ... . 287 2326-32 . . 301 208-11 . . .224 2921 38 .266" 7^3 ... . 290 2327-32 . . 300 20I1 .... 119 29" . . . 290 8. . . 246,292 2q34— 42 . . 259 2o"-2i . . .222 2987 . . . 246 87 .... 83 23S4-36 . . 246 20^2-23, 28, 40, 44 2gS8-4i _ 261«, 290, 88 .... 128 23*8. . . . 265 206-9, 222 300 810 .. . .266" 2^15b-22 . . 279 2o22- 206" (209) 29*5 .... 242 880 ... . 290 2422 . . . 265 2o2*-23 . . 87 30I-1". 289-90,301 io7 . . . . 290 25 . 91,291" 2o2*-. 83, 126, 206 30II-31I1 . . 289 ioi9. . . .286 25» . . . 301 2X-23 . . 65, 75 30I1-16 . 261 xi-15 . . .286 25=2. . .271" 2x1-6 . . . 50 30'°. . . 290 XI . 75, 237, 265 2589-42 . . 60 2x2-6 . . 161 gjlS 14a . 278 ii2-23 . . .1310 2555 . . . 265 2X6 . 91, 92, 223 31". ' .224* H2b-8S9 . .2866 26 . . . 75 21" . . . . 126 3jl8b . . 222 Il9-23 41-44a .286' 263-^5 . 281-4 2 J- 23-25 _ . 125 32'-^° . 882-3 1x39. . . .131" 26" . . .266" 228 , . 126,223 329-1* . . 198 13-X4 . . .265 26*6. 265, 269 2221-24 . 123 3211-13 _ . 333 14'' "¦ • . . 285 27 . 291,345 2221b 22 24 206" 32I3 . . 329", 331 X45* . . . .286' 2^30-32 . . 261 (209), 336 32I5 .... 226 15 .... 265 278*. . . 266 5: J4 INDEX TO THE PRINCIPAL BIBLICAL PASSAGES ±-age Nttmbebs. l62 32 35 Page . . 52 S63 . . Page . . 298 Page 9-ir . 165' (vi, 2) l622 . . . . 100 9'-i* . . .832 I-IO . 1-4 . . . . 65 . . 292 X62* 27 X685. . . 843 . . 128 Deuteromomt. 9^2-15 . . .832 922 . . 118,119 I . . . . .292" i8 . , . 114 1-5 . . . . 49 92'^29 ... 333 2-3 • . . . 85 18I . . . 87 i-4*° . . . 73 xo .... 89 2 . , . . .292" i82-^ 182- . . - 286 '7<- ¦ 171' (3) loi-ii . 155" (x) t ¦ • . . 290 . . 128 i^-* . . .78,373 10I-5 . . .119 3, .n_; . . 128 x89-- . . 129 jlb-4 . . 345 10I-4 .182"(183) xoi . 86-7, 880, 884 xo6-.17l'(4),837» gl5. 40-42 321-39 . . .292" . .292" I812- . 1821-2* . 261 . . 257 ll . '. . 85, 43 i3-3 . 155"-158, 4 . . . . .292° x82i . . . 261 165' Cvi. 2). 108 . . 87-8, 128 4= - . . -.291 1826-28 . 261 838 10I4 .... 99 4I3-19 . . . 128 1914-22 . . 286 x7 . . . . 119 10I7 . . 99, 147 55-621 . . . 286 20I-22 . . 46 18 . . . . 117 io22 . . 118, 331 5=-^. . . . 287 2o2-13 . 88 J.9-1S . . 119 1x8 . 120,330,334 5'° • . . . 287 20I2 . . 120 x" . ". 117, 331 X1I8-21 ... 167 5I1-31 . . .286' 2ol3. . 342 ii3 . .2 36" (209) Xl2* .... 119 7. . . . .292' 20l*-21 . 121 l22-46 . . 120 1X25 .... 167 739 . . . . 98 2o22b-29 '.3C !7"(338) x37 . ; . . 119 X2-26 .40,44,78, 823 _ . . . 291 2o28. . 128 2 . . . . . 39 154, 168- 9I-" . 291,298 2X12. . .337" 2I . . . . 119 65', 171' (i) 9^-=- . . .292' 2X14 . . 38 2^8. . . . 119 X2-19 . . .170 96-14 . . .292' 2i21-25 . 862 2*-7. . . . 121 12-13 . . - 169 pl5-23 , . . 292 2X24. . 80 2*. . . . . 148 X2 . . 76-7, 144 5" • • 98, 248 ai33-S6 ' 330", 337, 225 . . . . 167 X2i . . 73, 154 9" . . . . 248 864, 875' 226-37 . . . 119 122-12 13-28 .158a I07 . . . . 278 229-12 20 38 . 222 226-35 . . 362 (3), 165' (v) Io83 . . . . 49 23* ... . 222 3" . ." . 86, 89 128 . . 145,153 11-12 . . . 227 24815 .329" 3" . . . 39 X25- .... 84 II24-30 ij !* . 49 24I7-. . 194 323-23 171' (3) ' 12^3-16 ... 73 I];24b-S0 202, 227 24I7 . . 190 4I-*. ." .165" 1220-24. . . 73 XX24.. .' . . 85 26-36 . 65 45-40 _ ] L71'(3), 1231 .... 153 1X24 . . . . 97 26 . . 292 838" 13 . . 168" (4) II25-29 . . . 204 27I-11 . 293 4'' . - . . 97 131-= . . .143, Il31 . . . . 242 27I1 . . . 298 4" .77,1 53,338" 158" (3) 121-15 . 202, 227 27I2-1* . 293 4"' . . . 99 13'"-* . 158" (3) X23 . . . 37, 39 27I6. . . 100 4** . . 171' (i) 14 .... 237 12*. •. . . . 85 28-29 ¦ 88-90,109- 4«-ix . . 78 I^i4-21a..i58<.(3) 126-8 . . . 97 110, 298' 4*5-49 . 78, 154, X4i- 21 . . . 100 13-14 . . . 120 283-8 . . .2616 170«, 171' (i) X4*-21°. 166-8, 174 13^ • • . . 342 2811- ¦ . . .241 4«- . . . 170 14*-^° . . 131", 1329-22 . . 52 30 . 293', 298 5-11 . 1 56" (4), 158" (4) '€. '¦ . . 37 31 . 114 293' (294) 165' 1422-27 . i58» (3)^ 1326b . . . 848 321-38 . 293' (294) s. . • ¦ . 154 169 1411-2* . . . 330 3233. . 298,375" 5I-21 . 2 23''-226 X423 .... 261 14". . . 39, 343 33^-^' . 298' (296) 5'= - .1 19,224* XS^-- . 90,125, 14^3. . . . 333 33^ . . . . 29 52S-27 1 19, 228<« 15S" (3) 14". . . . 198 33=-*' . . . 29 5^* . : . . 97 15^ ... . 261 14^3. . . .329" 3331-33 . . .887" 5^" . . . 100 15*^3 . 158" (3) 15 . .1 16, 286', 336O-56 . 293' (295) 5=^ . . . . 154 X5I2-18 . 92 161 291 3351.. . . . 298 6-11 . ] 154,171 X5I2- ... 60 15^-'' . . . 286 34 - . 293'(295) 6*-8. 165 '(^i.2), xs"-^' ¦ . .125 1517-21 . . . 291 34^-^^ . . . 119 171 1521. . 158" (3) <:¦ • . . 261 35^-^ . 293'(296) 6* . . . . 99 x6 , 50, 88-90, 1522-31 . . .286' 35'-=* . 68,110-2, 66-9 . . . . 167 109-110 1524-31 . . . 249 181, 298' 616 .. . . 118 161-17 . . .169 is''*. . . . 287 (296) 7= . . . . 153 X61-8 . 158" (3) lg3Sb-41 . . 273 35'" • • . ,. 128 7'^ . . . . 100 x6i . . . . 118 16 . . 114, 120 36 . .2 93' (296) 72* . . . . 167 x6i5 .... 247 I62. 8-11 . .286" 368 . . 29 8, 375" 1 81= . . . . 119 i6i3-2» ... 162 535 INDICES 1619 l622 if- ifif -7 8-12 158" (s) . . 145 158" (3) , 168" (3) . . 146 .77,163 1,8-13 142,15S"(4), 162, 163" . . 126 17 1 7"-" 17I1 . 1,14..J -16 18. 18I-7i8i-» x8i . x8«-8186. . x87 . l89-22x8i» . xS'i. I815 . x8i8-. J 320-22 19 ,1-13 . . 174 81, 286 77, 143, 158" (4) 158" (s) . . 87 158" (s) . . 127 . . 174 . . 128 153, 238 158" (4) 145, 153 145, 153 158" (3) . . 145 . .143, 158" (3) B, 110-2, 131, 162 . . 127 158" (3) . . 142 162, 164 . . 148 . . 125 158" (3) . . 170 158" (4) 168" (3) 158° (3) 158" (4) 158" (3) 158" (4) ... 125 . 158" (s) 155" (4 iv), 158" (4) 23* . . 168" (3) 239-1* . 158" (4) 23I7 . 168, 168" (3) 19 19 191919 X9 ,8. 17 ,15-21 ,19-21 r.19 19 20-25 20 . 2o2-* 2o7 . 2x13-21 1^1-4 23 ,1-8 23 23 24 .5 6 24"24I2424I'24 10-13 17-22 5*" ^5— 10 -13-15 .17-19 2417- . 24I7.25- 25'25^25'25 26 . 26* . 265-9 265 . 2616-19 26I8.27I-3 277" 8 279- . 2,11-2628-3028 . 28*9-52 28*9 . 286*-728«8 . ,2-29 ,24-26 158" (s) 158" (4) 158" (4) 24° » . 168" (3) 248. 158" (s), 174, 286 . . 119 . 122-3 158" (s) . 23, 32 . 123-4 29*29^^ 29 ,28. SQl' 30' 31^ 31^ 3i9 162, 164 158" (3) 162, 164 158" (4) 158" (4) . . 276 . . 118 . . 170 168"' (s) . . 384 . . 118 . 170', 171' (3) . . 150 171' (4) S37''(388) 171' (3), 338" (339) 171' (4) . . 146 154, 170, 171' (3) . . 150 . . 146 . . 146 . . 147' 171' (3) . . 151 146, 388" (889) 171'' (3) 14—23 24. 31" 313ll4-2» 3ll4. 23 3i"- 3jl6-22 3j24-29 3 J 24-27 3j24-2f321- ¦" 33'- . 33^°. 33I3-1634 • . . 210 81, 286 . . 306 xlj3-9,12-18 ,13 171' (3): 388" (339) -12 . . 73 171' (3) 29, 154', 171' (3) . . 86 ¦ . 74 . . 78 - 171' (4), 387" (338) . 86, 97 171' (4), 808, 389 171' (3), 838" (339) . .154' 29 . 30," 154, 171' (4), 308- 12, 838" (339) 809, 338" Joshua. . . 351, 365 .350,360,367 360, 367856854377 363, 867 367 349 377 869 364 863, 366 354, 856 . . 849 . . 849 . . 364 15-17. 369 . . 870 868, 866 . . 360 869, 371 861, 366863 2"° . 2I6 2"" '. 2lS- . 221 . q4a 8 16. 'Ziti 10b 17b 3 3 1 1 6 8-10 ^^45-47 . 1715 (3), 338" (339) 32*8-52- 1711(5) 33 .30,164,202, 218, 221, 312-4 . 39 33^ .'ilO—'i 5' . c2. 9 5-^ ." 5^.5* . 5I0-1251° . 360 5I3-156 . , g5 7a 20 (,5 20b 618 . glO 24b ,1 18. 24. f ,13,25 8 . 81 gs 9 12 818 . 330-35 9'»- . IO-X2 XO . Xol-27xo"" 11 XO 887 . 863 . 354 . 861 . 874 8, 373 . 869 871,374 . 177 . 354 . 864 . 357 . 356 . 368 . 368 .370' 369, 371 . 874 . 874 . 354 . 864 . 349 . 356 (338), 350 368, 373 . . 361 . . 357 . . 869 . . 374 . 355" ,12. ,13 ,27.. 10 xo' -|-q28-43 Xo28.- jq36-39I036-xo*»- IO*».XI . Ill . XX"-X2'J jlO-23 J.]. 16-23 JJ.16. 20 IX2».J J 21-23 1X21.X22-6 1288 ,9-24 . . 854 . .365' . . 356 30, 854 . . 37 868, 373 353, 361 873865349 , . 866 861, 873" 854853 ,¦361, 353 , 361 . . 366 368, 378 ,366", 849 1213' - 138-143.38-12 13''- X3I5-X43 I0I5-SSJ315-32 13''-X4I-5 14^ ¦ 1414'X46-I* 14' 14'14!= . . . J5I-I2 20-02 jcl3-19 I5I4-I9 igl4-19 .6-15 -12 15''. x6i-3 10 I61-3x6i- . x6*-9x6*.- x6i».17 . J, 1-10 1,11-18 I7II . I7I2. 1,14-18 18I . 182-10 l87 . .373".361" . . 368 367', 372 . . .848 850, 853-4 " . .869 372, 374348 877 871" 858" _ , 877 347, 858 .356' . 351 . 873 . 37 . 349 . 351 353-4, 358' 853-4 . . 351 855,373 . 853 . 869 . 373 353-4 . 877 . 369 351, 354353 853353 . . 371 351, 358'" 368, 873 536 INDEX TO THE PRINCIPAL BIBLICAL PASSAGES Page Page Page Page X8II-1981 . . 369 1919. . . .857 86* ... . 243 92° ... . 194 Nehemiah. 43^^ - , , 244 . . .286 19*7.337, 851, 354 2I .... 258 43I8-27 . . .246 19*9 .... 356 2 Kings. 53-is . 264 44'- - . . 238 1951 . . 350, ses". 8 . . . 264 44" 15- . . 239 371" 14 . , , 19 81- . . 258 44^'- . . 279 20-21 . . . 372 143 . . 28, 82 81 . . 32 44^'- 81, 286 20 . . 298, 339, 168 . . . 145 89 . . 40 4>- . . 256 350, 369 x6i5 . . .261= 813-18 . 259 45I8-20 . . 241 2o3-3 . 874,377 X713 . . .146" 814... . SOO 45"- . . 241 2X .... 850 x82 . . . 20 9-10 . 264 466- . . . 241 2x1^2 . . .369 183-6 . . 140 gl.. . 300-1 22 .... 298 l84a. . .141" joSO-39 260-1, Hosea. 22I * ... 378 2X3 5 . . 77 263-4 22* ... . 868 2l5 . . . 146 1082 . 257" 28-18 . . .144 229-8* .369', 873, 2X6 . . . 145 Xo37 . 257" 4^ - . . 227 374 21I8 . . . 173 1088 . . 256 812 . . . 81 23 . . 349, 350, 223.- . . 162 13' - . 32 83 . . .147' 360' 228-238 . . 21 134-31 . 264 1X3 . . .147' 238 15 . . . 367 22I6-2O 152', 163 I3I5-2I . 264 12*. 12. . . 217 23* 13 . . . 868 232 . . . 152 1323-26 . 264 129''. . . 227 23I6" . . .377 234-20 . . 21 X2l3 . .31,217 24 . . 202, 205, 239 . 174, 238" Isaiah. 13'"- . . 227 349, 352/ 2o21— 23 . . 20 24I . . . . 855 2321. . . 158 1^0 .... 81 Amos. 242 ... . 208 22-4. . 140 24I1-18 . . .855' I Chronicles. 5^* - . 81 4* .... 217 525 .... 89 241*32 ... 351 54" - .254'^ 2426. ... 30 15 .... 137 63II.. . 31 2429 30 . . . 356 6621. . 247 Micah. 2 Ch-ronicles. 4^-8 .... 140 Judges. 23—16 1 Q Jekemiah. 6* .... 31 I 352 ,8-10 . . 246 513-17 ... 150 7^-3 .... 173 26-- .... 344 i829 .... 23 23I8 . ^5, • . . 82 . . 19 7.21- •. 82 . 81", 76 . 146 Haggai. 25* . . . 32 83 . .237" 2I1-13 . . .255 29I. . . . 20 II1-6 . 151 2I1 . . . . 31 I Samuel. 293-86 . . 20 13" - . 150 222b . . 28", 138 615 ... . 135 99 .... 218 302 5 6- SO«.31" . 23 . 20 . . 32 . . 261 15^ - X9I3. 228. . . 31 . 146 . 151 Zechariah. xi6 2io. 83 . . 255 34^-^ . . 21 28I6. . 148 69-15 . . .255' 3^8-33 . . 21 30-' - . 247 88 .... 245 2 Samuel. 35^-^^ . . 21 3022. . 245 6. . . 76,187 35^^- . . 32 33I8-22 . 247 Malachi. EZKA. Ezekiel. 18 .... 257 I Kings. 3' . - - - 32 X22. 25 . . . 248 2*-» . 27 . . . 256 . . 256 23 .... 82 618 . . 82 9' . . 248 3317. . . 256 4" . . . . 194 f . . 82 3620-28 . 237 38 10. . . 256 5'-'. ... 19 f . 257'' S623. . 245 4* • .31,256 623-27 . . .243 ,12 . 800" 3,26. . . 242 81-3 .... 137 ,14 . .258' 37'''. . 245 A.CTS, 8" . . . . 245 9* . .261" 40-48 . 288 8>3-66 . . . i>46 9I0 . . 82 40* . . 244 I5'»- . . 10" PINIS OXFORD : HORACE HART PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY ifiew ^beolooical Moths. THE OXFORD LIBRARY OF PRACTICAL THEOLOGY. Edited by the Rev. W. C. E. Newbolt, M.A., Canon and Chancellor of St. Paul's ; and the Rev. Darwell Stone, M.A., Principal ofthe Missionary College, Dorchester. Crown SvB, 5J. each. RELIGION. By the Rev. W. C. E. Newbolt, M.A., Canon and Chancellor of St. PauFs. HOLY BAPTISM. By the Rev. Darwell Stone, M.A., Principal of the Missionary College, Dorchester. CONFIRMATION. By the Right Rev. A. C. A. Hall, D.D., Bishop of Vermont. 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