Bo73
80

YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

IIILIPFE I. n
£THG OF TJHdE FIMCH.

London. Published byTlDmas Tegg, 73 , Cleajside . Sep* 4-1830.

FULL ANNALS

OF THE
REVOLUTION IN FRANCE,
1830. #
ILLEGAL ORDINANCES OF CHARLES X.
MILITARY EXECUTION TO ENFORCE THEM.
BATTLES AND VICTORIES OF THE PEOPLE OF PARIS.
ABDICATION AND FLIGHT OF THE KING.
PROCEEDINGS OF THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT.
DECLARATION OF RIGHTS BY THE DEPUTIES.
ENTHRONEMENT OF THE DUKE OF ORLEANS,
UNDEE THE TITLE OP
LOUIS PHILIPPE I.
KING OF THE FRENCH.
ADDRESSES, PROTESTS, PROCLAMATIONS, DECREES, AND
OTHER IMPORTANT DOCUMENTS:
NARRATIVES, AND INTERESTING ANECDOTES OF DISTINGUISHED
PATRIOTISM AND BRAVERY:
MEMOIRS OF THE DUKE OF ORLEANS, &c.

BY WILLIAM HONE.
AUTHOR OF THE EVERY-DAY BOOK AND TABLE BOOK, EDITOR OF STROTt'3, SPORTS AND
PASTIMES OF ENGLAND, &C. &CC> '

SECOND EDITION.

'/'oltX-X,'.'

LONDON:
PRINTED FOR THOMAS TEGG, 73, CHEAPSIDEj
R. GRIFFIN AND CO., GLASGOW; AND J. CUMMING, DUBLIN.
1830.

ADVERTISEMENT.

The details in the ensuing columns are derived, first, from articles in the
Journals, usually called news, from correspondenee with their editors, and
from private letters communicated to them ; and, secondly, from unpublished
letters and personal interviews with residents in Paris. Of course the authori
ties for both were eye-witnesses of the events.
To discover the truth of the facts thus obtained was the first object; the
next was to place each fact under the day to which it belongs : both these
objects have been accomplished, as far as they could be, under the circum
stances. These statements, day by day, presuming nothing material has been omitted,
are full Annals of the French Revolution in 1830; from the issuing of the
arbitrary ordinances of Charles X. to his abdication and flight, and the
enthronement of the Duke of Orleans, under the name and title of Louis
Philippe I., King ofthe French.
Several narratives of the battles of the brave people of Paris with the late
king's army are introduced entire.. One, by M. Leonard Gallois, has been
purposely translated for these sheets. Another is an original Letter from an
English Gentleman, who, unable to speak French, went to Paris for a week's
pleasure, and saw half of the Revolution without knowing that it was a
Revolution. The principal documents of importance are inserted entire ; particularly the
ordinances of Charles X. — the protests against them — the Declaration of
Rights presented by the Chamber of Deputies to the Dnke of Orleans, as the
conditions on which he was declared King of the French— the principal ad
dresses, proclamations, and orders of the day, of the Provisional Government 
speeches in the Chambers — ordinances of Louis Philippe I., &c. It has also
been thought proper to insert the Declaration of Rights of the old National
Assembly, as being the basis of the French Constitution of 1830, and the grand
manifesto oi French Principles. Added to these, and illustrative of proceedings
in Paris, are the Marseillois Hymn — a popular Song by Mr. Roscoe, on the
breaking out of the Revolution in 1789 — a poetical Address to France, by the
late Mr. Edward Rushtbn, of Liverpool — and another poem or two.
It will scarcely be expected that any one but a person locally acquainted with
Paris, and a witness of the sanguinary engagements, could describe the different
conflicts or the capture of the palaces and public buildings with entire clearness.
The materials have been abundant, but very confused ; some of the statements
were contradictory, and others upon examination proved untrue. So far as truth
could be ascertained, it has been adhered to as a governing rule in compiling
from such a multifarious mass — the chief endeavour has been tft give the
greatest number of authentic and interesting facts that could be collected.
September, 1830. W, Hone.

' FULL ANNALS
OF THE
REVOLUTION IN FRANCE,
1830.

There have been frequent anticipations of
a sudden termination to the power of Charles
X. One, so long ago as 1827, in Rambling
Notes on a Visit to Paris, by Sir A. B. Faulk
ner, when Peyronnet was trying experiments
for shackling the press, is remarkably pro
phetical. This gentlemen then said : —
" The present project of M. Peyronnet, to
restrain the liberty of the press, has lent no
small force to the jealousy of the present Go
vernment, and, considering the awful experi
ence they had in former times, seems a most
unaccountable temerity. If it were merely
one or two acts of an arbitrary nature they
were trying to carry, they might be overlooked,
or at least have the benefit of some equivocal
interpretation ; but, when a number of con
vergent measures are. attempted at the same
time, the tendency of which is alike hostile
to the spirit of the Charter and the wishes
of the people, surely little farther proof is
necessary to convince them of the animus
that presides in the councils of the nation.
But, after all, it is only themselves the people
have to thank for the whole. They com
mitted a sad oversight at the restoration.
Before they allowed Louis XVIII. to put one
of his gouty feet on the beach at Calais they
should have presented him, as we did in a
similar conjuncture, with a bill of rights, as
the positive and peremptory condition of
his being accepted for their Sovereign.
" From all I hear, I augur nothing but
mischief, should M. Peyronnet's project for
trammelling the press be suffered to pass.
If public opinion has not vent through this
channel, it must sooner or later find another,
and one probably the Government may like
as little. True it is that, before the revolu
tion, the nation long and patiently endured
the agonies of suppressed opinion ; but let
us bear in mind how long they had been
strangers to any thing like freedom. The
experiment of open, manful remonstrance,
would have been a fearful venture, while

a lettre de cachet hung over their heads,
and they were ignorant or distrustful of
their strength. The insane abettors of this..
Bill appear to have forgotten that they live
in the nineteenth not the sixteenth century :
the benefit of all history is thrown away upon
them. It is thrown away upon them that
England has experimentally proved that the
liberty of the- press is the best bulwark of
our religion and Constitution, by enlighten
ing men to appreciate the value of both. It
is lost upon them, too, that there is no possible
mode of getting at an acquaintance with the
true interests of the governed, but through the
free publication cf opinion ; or, if they do
know these things, they force us into the
conclusion that the object is in reality not
the suppression of the licentiousness of the
press, as they would have it believed, but a
step towards the restoration of absolute Go
vernment. A Frenchman asked me, to-day,
why there should not be a check upon aristo
cratic licentiousness as well as popular licen
tiousness. ' Human nature being the same
in both, is there,' said he, ' any good reason
why there should not be a mutual guarantee
for the good behaviour of both ? The history
of your own country is a pregnant proof of
the attachment which a free press begets for
a free Constitution, which you know, spite of
the "most frightful commotions and rudest
shocks, always righted again mainly, if not
solely, through its instrumentality.' So fully
do I coincide with this view of the subject,
that I am convinced, if her navigators do not
look sharp, the French vessel of' State will
soon be on her beam ends. It is said, au pis
alter, if the Minister cannot manage to carry
his project by any other means, fair or foul,
he has advised the King to create sixty new
Peers. Better — or I am far astray in my
French Politics — better Charles X. you had
never left your pension in Holyrood House.
" The common opinion about the Press
Restriction Bill is, that it must eventually

ANNALS OF THE REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

pass into law. It will behove its authors and
abettors to be aware. The steam of public opi
nion is at present under high pressure, and it is
doubtful whether it will bear much increase.
"The King is never mentioned but in con
nection with an incubus of Jesuits, by whom,
they say, he is" perpetually and most unmerci
fully bestrode. There certainly appears to be
no occasion that their bitterest enemy should
desire the Royal Family any greater humili
ation than they at present may be supposed
to endure from the state of popular feeling.
Never, perhaps, did Royalty repose on any
thing more the reverse of a bed of roses. If
hearsay and appearances may be trusted, they
live literally as exiles among their own people,
without one soul that I could discover to sym
pathise with this most unnatural sequestration.
In such circumstances, to render misery com
plete, I can conceive nothing wanting except
that, while not receiving sympathy, we should
be conscious of not deserving it."
What a picture! — Charles X. and the Polig
nac Administration, in 1830, realised the an
ticipations of a common-sense English gen
tleman in 1827.
Before detailing the events of the revolu
tion in France, in 1830, it is necessary to
state a few previous circumstances.
In March 1814 the allied armies invested
Paris, and Louis XVIII. then prepared to
leave England, in order to occupy the throne
of France. The count d' Artois (afterwards
Charles X.) left Switzerland on the 19th of
March, entered Vesoul on the 22nd, and, on
setting his foot on the French territories, ex
claimed, " At length I see my native country
again — that . country which my ancestors go
verned in mildness ! — I will never quit it
again ! "
In that little speech he made a capital mis
take ; his ancestors had not governed France
" in mildness.'' His persevering in that mis
take, by endeavouring to govern like them,
by ordinances, occasioned another mistake ;
he has quitted France again.
Charles X. broke the charter. A few sen
tences will show the origin of that charter.
On the 30th of March, Paris was sur
rounded by the cannon and armies of the
allied sovereigns. They desired to enter
the capital without difficulty, and prince
Schwartzenberg, as their representative, issued
a proclamation to the inhabitants of Paris,
stating that the allied armies were before the
city, with the hope of a sincere and lasting
reconciliation with France ; and that the allied
sovereigns " sought in good faith a salutary
authority in France," and looked to the city of
Paris " to accelerate the peace of the world."
On the same day, the emperor of Russia,
bv a declaration on behalf of himself and the

other allied sovereigns, "invited the senate
to name immediately a jprovisional govern
ment able to providje for the wants of the
administration," and prepare a constitution
suitable to the French people.
On the 31st of March, the senate decreed
that the provisional government should con
sist of five members, and proceeded to nomi
nate them, viz. M. Talleyrand, Prince of
Benevento, Vice Grand Elector; Count du
Bonnouvelle, Senator ; Count de Jancour,
Senator ; Duke D' Auberg, Councillor of
State ; M. de Montesquieu, ancient member
of the Constitutional Assembly.
In a second sitting the senate declared
that the Dynasty of Napoleon was at an end,
that the French were absolved from their oath
of allegiance to him, and that the senate and
legislative bodies should form fundamental
parts of the new constitution. In consequence
of that declaration the emperor Alexander
declared, " I leave the choice of the monarch
and government entirely to the French people."
On the 3d of April the senate entered on
its register that " a constitutional monarchy is,
in virtue ofthe constitution, asocial compact;"
and that, as Napoleon had violated his legal
powers, he had forfeited the throne and the
hereditary right established in his family.
One of their principal allegations against
Napoleon was " that the liberty of the press,
established and consecrated as one of the
rights of the nation, had been constantly
subjected to the arbitrary control of his Po
lice ; and that at the same time he had always
made use of the press to fill France with
misrepresentations, false maxims, and doc
trines favorable to despotism."
On the 6th of April the conservative senate
decreed the form of a constitution, by which
constitution Louis XVIII. was called to the
throne of France, and which constitution
contains this remarkable article : — " 23. The
liberty of the press is entire, with the excep
tion of the legal repression of offences which
may result from the abuse of that liberty."
On the 14th of April the senate decreed as
follows : — " The senate offers the provisional
government of France to his royal highness
Monseigneur Count D'Artois, under the title
of Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, until
Louis Stanislaus Xavier of France, called to
the throne ofthe French, has accepted the Con
stitutional Charter." The Count D'Artois re
plied, " gentlemen, I have taken cognizance
of the Constitutional Charter, which recals
to the throne of France my august brother.
I have not received from him the power to
accept the Constitution, but I know his sen
timents and principles, and I do not fear
being disavowed when I assure you in his
name he will admit the basis of it."

6

ANNALS OF THE

The French determined not to send over
the Constitution to be presented to Louis
XVIII. for his acceptance in this country,
lest from his being resident at the court of
one of the allied sovereigns it might be sup
posed he had accepted it under influence.
This, they expressly declared, "they consi
dered as due to his honor, as well as to their
own independence — because they tendered
him the crown upon conditions."
Louis XVIII. landed at Calais. By not
obtaining his acceptance of their Constitution
before they permitted him to set his foot on
the soil of France, the French committed a
great blunder.
When Louis XVIII. reached St. Onen,
he published a declaration on the 2d of May,
setting forth that he had attentively read the
"plan of the Constitution proposed by the
Senate," but that a great many articles bore
the appearance of precipitation.
In this declaration, and in the King's posi
tion, there was enough to alarm the vigilant.
Under the protection of foreign bayonets, he
reserved to himself the power of rejecting
whatever he disliked.
Louis XVIII. found himself constituted
king of France, in the palace of the Tuilleries,
and was in no hurry to settle the affair of the
Constitution ; but the people clamored against
the delay, and at length he issued a mani
festo, which contains the following sentence
— that "Resolved to adopt a liberal Con
stitution, willing that it be wisely combined,
and not being able to accept one that it is
indispensable to rectify, we call together, on
the 10th of June, the Senate and the Legisla
tive body — we engage to place under their
eyes the pains which we have taken with a
commission chosen out of these two bodies,
and to give for the basis of that constitution
the following guarantees."
On the 10th of June the Senate and the
Legislative body met, and the people were
swindled. By the Constitution they proposed
to Louis XVIII. he had ascended the throne,
: — as soon as he found himself upon it, he
threw away the ladder.
By the Constitution, Louis XVIII. would
have acknowledged himself called to the
throne by the choice of the French people.
Instead of this, he gave them what he called a
Charter, beginning — " Louis, by the Grace of
God, King, &c. — Whereas Divine Providence
in calling us, &c. — A Constitutional Charter
was solicited — and we have, in the free exercise
of our royal authority, agreed and consented
to make concessions, and grant to our sub
jects, &c." In short, Divine Right was all
in all, and over all. The King would not
accept a Constitution; for that would have
implied acknowledgment of powers to pro

pose it for acceptance. Instead of it, " in
free exercise of his royal authority," he
badged the people as his hereditary property
— he gave them a Charter.
The people gradually became reconciled,
and Louis XVIII. maintained his position
on the throne with considerable firmness.
On any ministerial atempt at encroachment
they referred to the Charter, which, though
originating in a despotic principle, was a
benefit. Louis XVIII., on his death-bed, used to
his successor Charles X. these memorable
words, " Govern legally."
On Charles X. good advice was lost. In the
hands of a host of priests and Jesuists he thought
himself religious — he was only superstitious.
In his conduct towards the people he seemed
without a moral sense. The rights of kings
and the "mild" rule of his ancestors were
ever before him. His hallucination was
without intervals. Nothing was to be yielded
to the people ; for nothing belonged to them
— not even the Charter. To strengthen him
self in the Chamber of Peers, he increased it
by creations. To weaken the people he in
vaded the elective franchise, and shackled
the press.
In 1830 the Chamber of Deputies re
sisted the arbitrary measures of the minis
ters, and Charles X. dissolved the sittings of
the Chambers. At a new election the electors
generally returned the old liberal Deputies,
and some electors, who had sent ministerial
Deputies before, now returned Deputies whom
they could depend on for the protection of
rights under the Charter, which had been
threatened with violation. The King had
frequently changed- his ministers ; he had now
an administration to his liking and fitted for
his purposes.
Prince Polignac, a natural son of Charles
X., and Peyronnet, a man as depraved in
private as he is unprincipled in public life,
were the leaders of the administration devoted
to the king's designs. Every man in France
knew it was impossible that the government
could go on unless the king would " govern
legally." He resolved, with the aid of his
ministers, to govern as he would. A few
days before he signed the ordinances of the
25th of July, it was whispered that the court
had determined to strike a blow, by licensing
only what Journals it pleased, and putting
the rest under a censorship — by opening
the Chambers with a selection only, from
the newly elected Deputies, in the Cham
ber of Deputies— and by disfranchising a
majority of the very small number of persons
qualified, under the Charter, to be elected :
this it was said would be effected by a stroke
of the pen. The rumor died away under the

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

assurances of Polignac that no such measures
were contemplated.
At this time Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald was in
Paris, and had intimation of what Charles X.
and his ministers intended, from unquestion
able authority. He went to Prince Polignac,
and by strong representations and earnest en
treaties endeavoured to dissuade him from
his headstrong purposes. Polignac was
inflexible. Mr. Fitzgerald then addressed
himself to two or three private friends and
political coadjutors of the minister; they con
curred in Mr. Fitzgerald's views and hastened

in alarm to Polignac, but found him con
fident of success and deaf to argument. In
the dead of night, within a few hours of the
signing of the ordinances, one of- the minis
ters, who afterwards signed them, was unable
to rest from anxiety and incertitude as to the
event; he arose and disturbed Polignac, for
the purpose of persuading him to abandon
the design : — the minister was determined to
persist, and, from a feeling of honor, his baf
fled visitor shared the danger of the desperate
deed. ;

SUNDAY, JULY 25th, 1830.

Prince Polignac and his colleagues drew
up and signed a Report on behalf of " legiti
mate power," addressed to the King. This
formed the ground work of three memorable
ordinances which were signed to-day by
Claries X. and countersigned by his minis
ters. Copies of these documents, so im
portant in their results, are subjoined.
REPORT OF THE MINISTERS TO
THE KING.
" Sire,
" Your Ministers would be little worthy
of the confidence with which your Majesty
honors them, if they longer delayed to place
before your eyes a view of our internal
situation, and to point out to your high wis
dom the dangers of the periodical press.
" " At no time for these fifteen years has this
situation presented itself under a more serious
and more afflicting aspect. Notwithstanding
an actual prosperity of which our annals
afford no example, signs of disorganization
and symptoms of anarchy manifest them
selves at almost every point of the kingdom.
" The successive causes which have con
curred to weaken the springs of the mo
narchical government tend now to impair
and to change the nature of it. Stripped of
its moral force, authority, lost in the capital
and the provinces, no longer contends/but at
a disadvantage, with the factious. Per
nicious and subversive doctrines, loudly pro
fessed, are spread and propagated among all
classes of the population. Alarms, too ge
nerally credited, agitate people's minds and
trouble society. On all sides the present is
called Upon for pledges of security for the
future. " An active, ardent, indefatigable malevo
lence, labors to ruin all the foundations of
erder, and to snatch from France the happi

ness it enjoys under the sceptre of its Kings.
Skilful in turning to advantage all discon
tents, and exciting all hatreds, it foments
among the people a spirit of distrust and
hostility towards power, and endeavours to
sow every where the seeds of trouble and
civil war; and already, Sire, recent events
have proved that political passions, hitherto
confined to the summits of society, begin to
penetrate the depths of it, and to stir up the
popular classes. It is proved also that these
masses would never move without danger,
even to those who endeavoured to rouse them
from repose.
" A multitude of facts, collected in the
course of the electoral operations, confirm
these data, and would offer us the too certain
presage of new commotions, if it were not
in the power of your Majesty to avert the
misfortune. " Every where also, if we observe with
attention, there exists a necessity of order, of
strength, and of duration; and the agita
tions which appear to be the most contrary to
it are in reality only the expression and the
testimony of it.
" It must be acknowledged these agita
tions, which cannot be increased without
great dangers, are almost exclusively pro
duced and excited by the liberty of ^the
press. A law on the elections, no less
fruitful of disorders, has doubtless concurred
in maintaining them ; but it would be deny
ing what is evident, to refuse seeing in the
journals the principal focus of a corruption
the progress of which is every day more sen
sible, and the first source of the calamities
which threaten the kingdom.
" Experience, Sire, speaks more loudly
than theories. Men who are doubtless en
lightened, and whose good faith is not
suspected, led away by the ill-understood

8

ANNALS OF THE

example of a neighbouring people, may have
believed that the advantages of the periodical
press would balance its inconveniences, and
that its excesses would be neutralized by con
trary excesses. It is not so: the proof is de
cisive, and the question is now judged in the
public mind.
" At all times, in fact, the periodical press
has-been, and it is in its nature to* be, only an
instrument of disorder and sedition.
" What numerous and irrefragable proofs
may be brought in support of this truth! It
is by the violent and incessant action of the
press that the too sudden and too frequent
variations of our internal policy are to be ex
plained. It has not permitted a regular and
stable system of government to be established
in France, nor any constant attention to be
devoted to introduce into all the branches of
the administration the ameliorations of
which they are susceptible. All the ministries
since 1814, though formed under divers in
fluences, and subject to opposite directions,
have been exposed to the same attacks and
to the same licence of the passions. Sacrifices
of every kind, concessions of power, alliances
of party, nothing has been able to save them
from this common destiny.
" This comparison alone, so fertile in re
flections, would suffice to assign to the press
its true, its invariable character. It endea
vours, by constant, persevering, daily-re
peated efforts, to relax all the bonds of obe
dience and subordination, to weaken all the
springs of public authority, to degrade and
debase it in the opinion of the people, to
create against it every where embarrassment
and resistance.
" Its art consists not in substituting for a
too easy submission of mind a prudent
liberty of examination, but in reducing to a
problem the most positive truths ; not in ex
citing upon political questionsfrankanduseful
controversy, but in placing them in a false
light, and solving them by sophisms.
" The press has thus excited confusion in
the most upright minds, — has shaken the
most firm convictions, and produced, in the
midst of society, a confusion of principles
which lends itself to the most fatal attempts.
It is by anarchy in doctrines that it paves
the way for anarchy in the state. It is worthy
of remark, Sire, that the periodical press
has not even fulfilled its most essential con
dition, — that of publicity. What is strange,
but what may be said with truth, is, that
there is no publicity in France, taking this
word in its just and strict sense. In this
state of things, facts, when they are not en
tirely fictitious, do not come to the knowledge
of several millions of readers, except mu
tilated and disfigured in the most odious

manner. A thick cloud raised by the jour
nals conceals the truth, and in some manner
intercepts the light between the Government
and the people. The kings your prede
cessors, Sire, always loved to communicate
with their subjects: this is a satisfaction
which the press has not thought fit that your
Majesty should enjoy. ¦
" A licentiousness which has passed all
bounds has, in fact, not respected, even on
the most solemn occasions, either the express
will of the King or the words pronounced
from the throne. Some have .been misun
derstood and misinterpreted ; the others have
been the subject of perfidious commentaries,
or of bitter derision. It is thus that the last
act of the Royal power— the proclamation —
was discredited by the public even before it
was known by the electors.
" This is not all. The press tends to no
less than to subjugate the sovereignty, and
to invade the powers of the state. The pre
tended organ of public opinion, it aspires to
direct the debates of the two Chambers ; it
is incontestable that it brings into them the
weight of an influence no less fatal than de
cisive. This domination has assumed, espe
cially within these two or three years, in the
Chamber of Deputies, a manifest character
of oppression and tyranny. We have seen
in this interval of time the journals pursue
with their insults aud their outrages the
members whose votes appeared to them un
certain or suspected. Too often, Sire, the
freedom of debate in that Chamber has sunk
under the reiterated blows of the press.
" The conduct of the opposition journals
in the most recent circumstances cannot be
characterised in terms less severe. After
having themselves called forth an address de
rogatory to the prerogatives of the Throne,
they have not feared to re-establish as a prin
ciple the election of the 221 Deputies whose
work it is : and yet your Majesty repulsed
the address as offensive ; you had publicly
planned the refusal of concurrence which
was expressed in it; you had announced
your immutable resolution to defend the
rights of your crown, which were so openly
compromised. The periodical journals have
paid no regard to this : on the contrary, they
have taken it upon them to renew, to per
petuate, and to aggravate the offence. Your
Majesty will decide whether this presump
tuous attack shall remain longer unpunished.
" But, of all the excesses of the press, the
most serious perhaps remains to be pointed
out. From the very beginning of that expe
dition, the glory of which throws so pure
and so durable a splendor on the noble
crown of France, the press has criticised
with unheard-of violence the causes, the

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

9

means, the preparations, the chances of suc
cess. Insensible to the national honor, it
was not its fault if our flag did not remain
degraded by the insults of a barbarian. In
different to the great interests of humanity, it
has not been its fault if Europe has not re
mained subject to a cruel slavery and a
shameful tribute.
" This was not enough. By a treachery
which our laws might have reached, the
press has eagerly published all the secrets of
the armament ; brought to the knowledge of
foreigners the state of our forces, the number
of our troops, and that of our ships; they
pointed out their stations, the means to be
employed to surmount the variableness of the
winds, and to approach the coast. Every
thing, even the place of landing, was di
vulged, as if to give the enemy more certain
means of defence ; and, a thing unheard of
among civilised people, the press has not he
sitated, by false alarms on the dangers to be
incurred, to cause discouragement in the
army, and, pointing out to its hatred the
commander of the enterprise, it has, as it
were, excited the soldiers to raise against
him the standard of revolt, or to desert their
colors. This is what the organs of a party
which pretends to be national have dared
to do.
" What it dares to do every day in the in
terior of the kingdom tends to no less than
to disperse the elements of public peace, to
dissolve the bands of society, and evidently
to make the ground tremble under our feet.
Let us not fear to disclose here the whole
extent of our evils, in order the better to ap
preciate the whole extent of our resources. A
system of defamation, organized on a great
scale, and. directed with unequalled perse
verance, reaches, either near at hand or at a
distance, the most humble of the agents of
the government. None of your subjects,
Sire, is secure from an insult, if he receives
from his sovereign the least mark of confi
dence or satisfaction. A vast net thrown
over France envelops all the public func
tionaries. Placed in a constant state of
accusation, they seem to be in a manner cut
off from civil society ; only those are spared
whose fidelity wavers — only those are praised
whose fidelity gives way; the others are
marked by the faction to be in the sequel,
without doubt, sacrificed to popular ven
geance. " The periodical press has not displayed
less ardor in pursuing, with its poisoned
darts, religion and its priests. Its object is,
and always will be, to root out of the heart
of the people even the last germ of religious
sentiments. Sire, do not doubt that it will
succeed in this, by attacking the foundations

of the press, by poisoning the sources of
public morals, and by covering the ministers
of the altars with derision and contempt.
" No strength, it must be confessed, is
able to resist a dissolving power so active ;
as the press at all times, where it has been
freed from its fetters, has made an irruption
and invasion in the state. One cannot but
be singularly struck with the similitude of
its effects during these last fifteen years, not
withstanding circumstances, and notwith
standing the changes of the men who have
figured on the political stage. Its destiny, in
a word, is to recommence the revolution, the
principles of which it loudly proclaims.
Placed and replaced at various intervals
under the yoke of the censorship, it has
always resumed its liberty only to recom
mence its interrupted work. In order to
continue it with the more success, it has
found an active auxiliary in the departmental
press, which engaging in combat local jea
lousies and hatreds, striking terror into the
minds of timid men, harassing authority by
endless intrigues, has exercised a decisive in
fluence on the elections.
" These last effects, Sire, are transitory;
but effects more durable-are observed in the
manners and in the character of the nation.
An ardent, lying, and passionate spirit of
contention, the schools of scandal and licen
tiousness, has produced in it important
changes, and profound alterations: it gives a
false direction to people's minds ; it fills them
with prejudices — diverts them from serious
studies — retards them in the progress of the
sciences and the arts — excites among us a
fermentation, which is constantly increasing —
maintains, even in the bosom of our fa
milies, fatal dissensions — and might, by de
grees, throw us back into barbarism.
" Against so many evils, engendered by
the periodical press, the law and justice are
equally obliged to confess their want of
power. It would be superfluous to enquire
into the causes which have weakened the
power of repression, and have insensibly
made it an ineffectual weapon in the hands
of the authorities. It is sufficient to appeal
to experience, and to show the present state
of things.
" Judicial forms do not easily lend them
selves to an effectual repression. This truth
has long since struck reflecting minds ; it
has lately become still more evident. To
satisfy the wants which caused its institution,
the repression ought to be prompt and
strong ; it has been slow, weak, and almost
null. When it interferes, the mischief is
already done, and the punishment, far from
repairing it, onlv adds the scandal of dis^
cussion.

10

ANNALS OF THE

" The judicial prosecution is wearied out,
but the seditious press is never weary. The
one stops because there is too much to pro
secute ; the other multiplies its strength by
multiplying its transgressions. In these di
verse circumstances the prosecutions have had
their appearances of activity or of relaxation.
But what does the press care for zeal or
lukewarmness in the public prosecutor? It
seeks in multiplying its offences the cer
tainty of their impunity.
" The insufficiency, or even the inutility
of the institutions established in the laws
now in force, is demonstrated by facts. It
is equally proved by facts that the public
safety is endangered by the licentiousness of
the press. It is time, it is more than time,
to arrest its ravages.
" Give ear, Sire, to the prolonged cry of
indignation and of terror which rises from
all points of your kingdom. All peaceable
men, the upright, the friends of order, stretch
to your Majesty their suppliant hands. All
implore you to preserve them from the re
turn of the calamities by which their fathers
or themselves have been so severely afflicted.
These alarms are too real not to be listened
to — these wishes are too legitimate not to be
regarded. " There is but one means to satisfy them :
it is to return to the Charter (rentrer dans
la Charte).
" If the terms of the 8th article are am
biguous, its spirit is manifest. It is certain
that the Charter has not given the liberty of
the journals and Of periodical writings. The
right of publishing one's personal opinions
certainly does not imply the right of pub
lishing the opinions of others. The one is
the use of a faculty which the law might
leave free or subject to restrictions : the
other is a commercial speculation, which,
like others, and more than others, supposes
the superintendance of the public authority.
" The intentions, of the Charter on this
subject are accurately explained in the law
of the 21st of October, 1814, which is in
some measure the appendix to it : this is
the less doubtful, as this law was presented
to the Chambers on the 5th of July ; that is
to say, one month after the promulgation of
the Charter. In 1819, at the time when a
contrary system prevailed in the Chambers,
it was openly proclaimed that the periodical
press was not governed by the enactments
of the 8th article. This truth is besides at
tested by the very laws which have imposed
upon the journals the condition of giving se
curities. " Now, Sire, nothing remains but to en
quire how this return to the Charter, and to

th.e law of the 21st of October, 1814, is to
be effected. The gravity of the present
juncture has solved this question.
" We must not deceive ourselves; we are
no longer in the ordinary condition of a re
presentative government. The principles on
which it has been established could not re
main entire amidst the political vicissitudes.
A turbulent democracy, which has pene
trated even into our laws, tends to put itself
in the place of legitimate power. It dis
poses of the majority of the elections by
means of the journals and the assistance of
numerous affiliations. It has paralysed, as
far as has depended on it, the regular exer
cise of the most essential prerogative of the
Crown — that of dissolving the elective cham
ber. By this very thing the constitution of
the state is stiaken. Your Majesty alone re
tains the power to replace and consolidate it
upon its foundations.
" The right as well as the duty of assuring
its maintenance is the inseparable attribute
of the sovereignty. No government on earth
would remain standing, if it had not the right
to provide for its own security. This power
exists before the laws, because it is in the na
ture of things. These, Sire, are maxims
which have in their favor the sanction of
time, and the assent of all the publicists of
Europe. " But these maxims have another sanction
still more positive — that of the Charter itself.
The 14th article has invested your Majesty
with a sufficient power, not undoubtedly to
change our institutions, but to consolidate
them and render them more stable.
" Circumstances of imperious necessity
do not permit the exercise of this supreme
power to be any longer deferred. The mo
ment is come to have recourse to measures
which are in the spirit of the Charter, but
which are beyond the limits of legal order,
the resources of which have been exhausted
in vain.
" These measures, Sire, your Ministers,
who are to secure the success of them, do
not hesitate to propose to you, convinced
as they are that justice will remain the
strongest. " We are, with the most profound respect,
Sire, your Majesty's most humble and most
faithful subjects,
(Signed)
" Prince de POLIGNAC.
• " CHANTELAUZE.
" Baron D'HAUSSEZ.
" Count de PEYRONNET.
" MONTBEL.
" Count de GUERNON RANVILLE.
" Baron CAPELLE."

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

11

ORDINANCES OF THE KING.
i. ordinance against the press.
" Charles, &c.
" To all to whom these presents
shall come, health.
" On the report of our Council of Mi
nisters, we have ordained and ordain as fol
lows : —
" Art. 1. The liberty of the periodical
press is suspended.
" The regulations of the articles 1st, 2nd,
and 9th of the 1st section of the law of the
21st of October, 1814, are again put in
force, in consequence of which no journal,
or periodical, or semi-periodical writing, es
tablished, or about to be established, with
out distinction of the matters therein treated,
shall appear either in Paris or in the depart
ments, except by virtue of an authority first
obtained from us respectively by the authors
and the printer. This authority shall be re
newed every three months. It may also be
revoked. " 3. The authority shall be provisionally
granted and provisionally withdrawn by the
prefects from journals and periodicals, or
semi-periodical works, published or about to
be published in the departments.
" 4. Journals and writings published in
contravention of article 2 shall be imme
diately seized. The presses and types used in
the printing of them shall be placed in a
public depot under seals, or rendered unfit
for use.
" 5. No writing below twenty printed
pages shall appear, except with the autho
rity of our Minister, Secretary of State for
the Interior of Paris, and of the prefects in
the departments. Every writing of more
than twenty printed pages, which shall not
constitute one single work, must also equally
be published under authority only. Writings
published without authority shall be imme
diately seized ; the presses and types used
in printing them shall be placed in a public
depot, and under seals, or rendered unfit
for use.
" 6. Memoirs relating to legal process,
and memoirs of scientific and literary soci
eties, must be previously authorized, if they
treat in whole or in part of political matters,
in which case the measures prescribed by
art. 5 shall be applicable.
" 7. Every regulation contrary to the pre
sent shall be without effect.
" 8. The execution of the present ordi
nance shall take place in conformity to ar
ticle 4 of the ordinance of November 27,
1816, and of that which is prescribed in the
ordinance ofthe 18th of January, 1817.

" 6. Our Secretaries of State are charged
with the execution of this ordinance.
" Given at Chateau St. Cloud, the 25th
of July, ofthe year of Grace 1830, and the
6th of our reign.
(Signed) " CHARLES.
(Countersigned)
" Prince de POLIGNAC, President.
" CHANTELAUZE, Keeper of the Seals.
" Baron D'HAUSSEZ, Minister of Ma
rine.
" MONTBEL, Minister of Finance.
" Count GUERNON RANVILLE,
Minister of Ecclesiastical Affairs.
" Baron CAPELLE, Secretary of State
for Public Works."

ii. ordinance annulling the elections
of the deputies.
" Charles, &c.
" To all to whom these presents
shall come, &c.
" Having considered Art. 50 of the Con
stitutional Charter ; being informed of the
manoeuvres which have been practised in va
rious parts of our kingdom, to deceive and
mislead the electors during the late opera
tions of the electoral colleges ; having heard
our council ; we have ordained and ordain
as follows : —
"Art. 1. The Chamber of De.puties of
Departments is dissolved.
" 2. Our Minister, Secretary of State of
the Interior, is charged with the execution of
the present ordinance.
"Given at St. Cloud, the 25th day of
July, the year of Grace 1830, and the sixth
of our reign. " CHARLES.
(Countersigned)
" Count de PEYRONNET, Peer of France,
Secretary of State for the Interior."

III. ORDINANCE ABRIDGING THE RIGHT OF
ELECTION. j
" Charles, &c.
"To all those who shall see
these presents, health.
" Having resolved to prevent the return of
the manoeuvres which have exercised a per
nicious influence on the late operations of the
electoral colleges, wishing in consequence to
reform according to the principles of the
Constitutional Charter the rules of Election,
of which experience has shown the inconve
nience, we have recognized the necessity of
using the right which belongs to us, to pro
vide by acts emanating from ourselves for the
safety of the state, and for the suppression
of every enterprise injurious to the dignity
of our crown. For these reasons, having

12

ANNALS OF THE

heard our council, we have ordained and or
dain —
"Art. 1. Conformably to the articles 15,
36, and 30, of the Constitutional Charter, the
Chamber of Deputies shall consist only of
Deputies of Departments.
" 2. The electoral rate and the rate of eli
gibility shall consist exclusively of the sums
for which the elector and the candidate shall
be inscribed individually, as holders of real
or personal property, in the roll of the land
tax or of personal taxes.
" 3. Each department shall have the num
ber of deputies allotted to it by the 36th ar
ticle of the Constitutional Charter.
" 4. The deputies shall be elected, and the
chamber renewed, in the form and for the
time fixed by the 37th article of the Consti
tutional Charter.
" 5. The electoral colleges shall be divided
into colleges of arrondissement and colleges
of departments, except the case of electoral
colleges of departments, to which only one
deputy is allotted.
; " 6. The electoral colleges of arrondisse
ment shall consist of all the electors whose
political domicile isjestablished in the arron
dissement. The electoral colleges of depart
ments shall consist of a fourth part, the
highest taxed, of the electors of departments.
" 7. The present limits of the electoral col
leges of arrondissements are retained.
" 8. Every electoral college of arrondisse
ment shall elect a number of candidates
equal to the number of departmental deputies.
",9. The college of arrondissement shall
be divided into as many sections as candi
dates. Each division shall be in proportion
to the number of sections, and to the total
number of electors, having regard as much
as possible to the convenience of place and
neighbourhood. " 10. The sections of the electoral college
of arrondissements may assemble in different
places. "11. Every section of the electoral col
lege of arrondissements shall choose a can
didate, and proceed separately.
" 12. The presidents of the sections of
the electoral college of arrondissement shall
be nominated by the prefects from among
the electors of the arrondissement.
" 13. The college of department shall
choose the deputies ; half the deputies of
'departments shall be chosen from the general
list or candidates proposed by the colleges
of arrondissements : nevertheless, if the num
ber of deputies of the department is uneven,
the division shall be made without impeach
ment of the right reserved by the college of
departments "14. In cases where, by the effect of

omissions, of void or double nominations,
the list of candidates proposed by the col
leges of arrondissements shall be incomplete,
if the list is reduced below half the number
required, the college of department shall
choose another deputy not in the list ; if the
list is reduced below a fourth, the college of
department may elect beyond the whole of
the deputies of department.
" 15. The prefects, the sub-prefects, and
the general officers commanding military
divisions and departments, are not to be
elected in the departments where they exer
cise their functions.
" 16. The list of electors shall be settled
by the prefect in the Council of Prefecture.
It shall be posted up five days before the as
sembling of the colleges.
" 17. Claims regarding the power pf voting
which have not been authorized by the pre
fects shall be decided by the Chamber of
Deputies ; at the same time that it shall de
cide upon the validity of the operations of
the colleges.
"18. In the electoral colleges of depart
ment, the two oldest electors and the two
electors who pay the most taxes shall execute
the duty of scrutators.
"The same disposition shall be observed
in the sections of the college of arrondisse
ment, composed, at most, of only fifty elec
tors. In the other college sections the func
tions of scrutators shall be executed by the
oldest and the richest of the electors. The
secretary shall be nominated in the college
of the section of colleges by the president
and the scrutators.
" 1 9. No person shall be admitted into the
college, or section of college, if he is not in
scribed in the list of electors who compose
part of it. This list will be delivered to the
president, and will remain posted up in the
place of the sitting of the college, during the
period of its proceedings.
" 20. All discussion and deliberation what
ever are fordidden in the bosom of the elec
toral colleges.
" 21 . The police of the college belongs to
the President. No armed force without his
order can be placed near the hall of sittings.
The military commandant shall be bound to
obey his requisitions.
" 22. The nominations shall be made in
the colleges and sections of college by the
absolute majority of the votes given. Never
theless, if the nominations are not finished
after two rounds of scrutiny, the bureau shall
determine the list of persons who shall have
obtained the greatest number of suffrages at
the second round. It shall contain a number
of names double that of the nominations
which remain to be made. At the third

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

13

round, no suffrages can be given except to
the persons inscribed on that list, and the
nominations shall be made by a relative ma
jority. " 23. The electors shall vote by bulletins ;
every bulletin shall contain as many names
as there are nominations to be made.
" 24. The electors shall write their vote on
the bureau, or cause it to be written by one
of the srcutators.
"25. The name, the qualification, and
the domicile of each elector who shall de
posit his bulletin, shall be inscribed by the
secretary on a list destined to establish the
number of the voters.
" 26. Every scrutiny shall remain open
for six hours ; and shall be declared during
the sitting.
" 27. There shall be drawn up a proces
verbal for each sitting. This proces verbal
shall be signed by all the members of the
bureau.

"28. Conformably to article 46 of the
Constitutional Charter, no amendment can
be made upon any law in the Chamber,
unless it has been proposed and consented to
by us ; and unless it has been discussed in
the bureaus.
" 29. All regulations contrary to the pre
sent ordinance shall remain without effect.
" 30. Our Ministers, Secretaries of State,
are charged with the execution of the present
ordinance. " Given at St. Cloud, this 25th day of
July, in the year of grace 1830, and 6th of
of our reign.
"CHARLES."
(Countersigned by all the Ministers.) '
These ordinances of the King, on Sunday
the 25th of July, with the preceding Report
of the Ministers, were sent for -insertion the
following morning to the Moniteur.

MONDAY, JULY 26.

The Moniteur in France bears the same rela
tion to theGovernment that theLondon Gazette
does in England. It is the official paper, and
has been so with the Government under the
Directory, the consulate, Napoleon, Louis
XVIIL, Napoleon during the hundred days,
Louis XVIII. again, and his successor,
Charles X.
On the publication of the Moniteur this.
morning, its readers were astounded by the
mystifying Report of the Ministers to
Charles X., and the king's arbitrary ordi
nances. A person who breakfasted at one
of the cafes describes something of the effect
produced by the illegal acts on the people
assembled while he was sitting there. "A
man entered, and, with a significant gesture,
deposited at the bar a packet of Journals.
The young lady who presided opened them
of course, and, having glanced at them,
beckoned to the proprietor of the cafe, and,
with an air of astonishment, put one of them
into his hands. He read a few lines — his
eye fell lower — he struck his forehead with
his open hand, exclaiming, ' I am ruined ! '
He immediately proceeded to lay upon the
different tables copies of the Moniteur. In
an instant they were grasped with eagerness
— an unusual circumstance with that official
organ — when ' Monstrous ! scandalous !
abominable !' burst from each reader. ' What
is the matter, Sir? ' I asked of one of them.
'The Chamber is dissolved!' exclaimed one;

'The liberty of the press is suspended !' said
another ; ' The Charter is violated ! ' said a
third. A fourth, although evidently excited
similarly with the others, showed, in addition,
other symptoms of dissatisfaction, and the
working of his mind, in these words, ad
dressing a friend : — ' B*****, I shall run off
instantly to Tortoni's — the Three per Cents
will be down three francs in half an hour — I
must see my brpker instantly.' " The latter
speaker had not misconceived the effect: the
Rentes fell rapidly, and the Bank stopped its
discounts. In Paris are the greater number of those
electors whom the ordinances relating to the
elections purposed to disfranchise ; besides
these, there are the conductors ofthe Journals,
and a great number of literary men, whose feel
ings and interests were violated by the ordi
nance against the press. Every mind was filled
with indignation, and each man determined
of himself, and upon the instant, to resist
these aggressions of the King and his treason
able ministry. The first overt act s.eems to
have been manifested by M. Charles Dun-
oyer. He addressed a letter to the National,.
declaring that he would not pay taxes until
the ordinances were repealed; for that, when.
the Government violated its engagements
with the people, their duty of obedience
ceased. The editor of the National inserted
this letter, and, having conferred with his
coadjutors, he courageously published his

14

ANNALS OF THE

paper, in contempt of the ordinances, with
the following
"DECLARATION OF EDITORS OF
JOURNALS. " Paris, July 26.
"It has for these six months past often
been announced that the laws would be vio
lated, — that a blow of arbitrary power would
be struck. The good sense of the public
refused to believe the report : the Ministry
repelled the supposition as a calumny.
However, the Moniteur has at last published
those memorable ordinances which are the
most striking violation of the laws. Legal
government is therefore interrupted, and that
of force has commenced.
" In the situation in which we are placed
obedience ceases to be a duty. The citizens
first called upon to obey are the writers of the
journals; they ought to give the first example
of resistance to authority which has divested
itself of a legal character.
"The reasons on which they rely are such
that it suffices to announce them.
" The matters regulated by the ordinances
now published are those on which royal au
thority cannot, according to the Charter, de
cide singly. The Charter (Art. 8) declares
thatithe French, in affairs of the press, shall
be bound to conform to the laws; it does not
say to the ordinances. The Charter (Art. 35)
says that the organization of the electoral
colleges shall be regulated by laws ; it does
not say by ordinances.
" The crown itself has hitherto recognized
these articles. Itnever entertained the thought
of arming itself against them, either with a
pretended constituent power, or with the
power falsely attributed to Art. 14.
" In fact, on all occasions, when circum
stances, pretended to be of a serious nature,
have appeared to the crown to require a mo
dification, either in the system of the press
or the electoral system, it has had recourse
to the two Chambers. When it was required
to modify the Charter, for establishing sept
ennial duration and integral renewal, it had
recourse not to itself, as author of that Char
ter, but to the Chambers.
" Royalty has, therefore, of itself recognised
and acted upon these articles 8 and 35, and
has arrogated, with respect to them, either a
constituent authority, or a dictatorial author
ity which nowhere exists.
" The tribunals which have the right of
interpretation have solemnly recognised the
same principles. • The Royal Court of Paris
condemned the publishers of the Breton As
sociation as authors of an outrage on the go
vernment. They cbnsidered the supposition
that the government could employ the author

ity of ordinances, where the authority of the
law can alone be admitted, as an outrage.
" Thus the formal text of the Charter, the
practice hitherto followed by the Crown, and
the decisions of the tribunals, establish, that
with respect to the press, and electoral organi
zation, the laws — that is to say, the King and
the Chambers — can alone determine.
" The Government has therefore now vio
lated legal order. We are dispensed from
obeying. We shall endeavour to publish
our journal without asking the authority
which is imposed on us. We shall do our
best, in order that, for the present at least, it
shall reach all parts of France.
"This is what our duty as citizens dictates,
and we fulfil it.
" It is not for us to point out to the Cham
ber, illegally dissolved, its duties ; but we
may supplicate it, in the name of France, to
rely on its evident right, and to resist with all
its power the violation of the laws. Its
right is as certain as that on which we rely.
The Charter declares, Art. 50, that the King
may dissolve the .Chamber of Deputies, but
in order to do that it is necessary that it
shall have been assembled, and constituted a
Chamber, and, in fine, that it shall have
maintained a system capable of provoking
its dissolution. But, before the meeting and
the constitution of the Chamber, there is no
thing but the election of deputies. Now in
no part of the Charter is it said that the
King can annul the elections. The ordi
nances now published do nothing but annul
the elections. They are therefore illegal,
because they do that which the Charter does
not authorize.
" The Deputies elected and convoked for
the 3rd of August are therefore well and truly
elected and convoked. Their right to-day is
the same as it was yesterday. France im
plores them not to forget it. Whatever they
can do to make that right prevail, it is their
duty to do.
" The Government has this day lost the
character of legality which commands obedi
ence. We resist it in what concerns our
selves. It is for France to determine how
far her resistance ought to extend.
" The following editors and managers of
journals, now in Paris, have signed : —
"MM.
" Gauja, manager of theNalional.
" Thiers, Mignet, Carrel, Chambolle,
Peysse, Albert, Stapfer, Dubochet,
Rolle, editors of the National.
" LeSoux, manager of the Globe.
" De Guizard, editor of the Globe. '
" Sarrans, jun., manager of the Courrier
des Electeurs.
" B. Dejean, editor of the Globe.

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

15

" Gu yet, Moussette, editors ofthe Cour-
rier. " M. Augcste Fabre, chief editor of the
Tribune des Departemens.
" M. Annee, editor of the Constitutionnel.
" M. Cauchois-Lemaire, editor of the
Constitutionnel* " Senty, of the Temps.
" Haussman, of the Temps.
" Avenel, of the Courrier Fran§ais.
"Dussard, of the Temps.
" Levasseur, editor of the Revolution.
" Evariste Dumoulin.
" Alexis de Jussieu, editor of the Cour
rier Frangais.
" Chatelain, manager of the Courrier
Francois. " Plagnol, chief editor of the Revolution.
" Fazy, editor of the Revolution.
"Buzoni, Barbaroux, editors of the
Temps. " Chalas, editor of the Temps.
"A- Billiard, editor of the Temps.
" Ader, of the Tribunes des Dtpartemens.
" F. Larreguy, editor of the Journal du
Commerce. " J. F. Dupont, advocate, editor of the
Courrier Francois.
" Ch. de Remusat, of the Globe.
" V. de Lapelouze, one of the managers
of the Courrier Frangais.
" Bohain et Roqueplan, of the Figaro.
" Coste, manager of the Temps.
" J.-J. Baude, editor of the Temps.
" Bert, manager of the Commerce.
"Leon Pillet, manager of the Journal de
Paris. " Vaillant, manager of the Sylphe.''

Another paper, the Journal du Commerce,
expressed its opinion of the obnoxious ordi
nances, in the subjoined spirited article : —
"Violation of the Charter — Abolition
of the Laws. Paris, July 26th.
" Violence has triumphed in the rnnncils
of the King] The Constitution of the State
' in its foundations. The body
France is replaced, by

is attacke
politic is dissolved.
the crime of the Ministers, in the provisional
situation from wliich the Charter had raised
it on the 14th of June, 1814. The legal
title which would legitimate the raising of
the taxes in 1831 has just been destroyed.
" The crime for which Ministers are going
to answer before the nation has been charac
terised by the Royal Court of Paris, in the
sentence passed upon us with respect to the
Breton subscription. In condemning us for
having published that document the Magis
trates have declared that the imputation was

odious which ascribed to Ministers- the in
tention of overthrowing the basis of the con
stitutional guarantees established by the
Charter, and the design attributed to them
criminal, either to enact and levy taxes not
assented to by the two Chambers, or to
change illegally the mode of the election. s
C"This odious imputation has become an
official truth: this criminal intention is
realised." On the other hand, the Gazette de France,
a Journal devoted to the court, defended the
ordinances, by alleging that the representa
tive system was not affected ! that the decrees
were - countersigned by seven responsible
Ministers ! that this was the third time since
the restoration that the elections had been
altered by royal ordinances ! that the liberty
of the press was only suspended ! that these
measures were essential to the maintenance
of the royal prerogative ! and were rendered
imperative by the necessity of preserving es
tablished order, and the institutions which
Royalty had " given to its people !" Unfor
tunately for royalty, " its people " were of
another opinion ; and the proprietors of the
Journals in whom the people confided were
determined to maintain public liberty, by
opposing the pen to the sword.
One of Polignac's friends remonstrated with
him, and endeavoured to enforce upon him
the fact that the ordinances endangered
the dynasty : the Minister answered, " Our
plan is complete ; every thing is settled : — the
rest must be left to the gendarmerie!''
The proprietors solemnly but vainly protested
against the violation of their property.
These commotions alarmed foreigners so
journing in Paris, and they hastened to the
ambassadors of their respective nations for
information and advice. Lord Stuart, the
English Minister, was agitated and confused,
and dismissed his anxious countrymen with
expressions of hope that all would end
quietly: The passport office was crowded
with persons desirous of leaving France im
mediately. Meetings of opulent citizens were held for
the purpose of considering what course to
pursue, and they resolved not to pay the
current taxes, lest the money should be ap
plied to the final subjugation of the Chamber
of Deputies and the periodical press. The
Bourse (Exchange) was crowded to excess.
In every face there was either stupefaction or
alarm. All enquired, " What is to be done ?"
" What step can be taken to avert ruin ?"
The Rentes fell alarmingly. The noted
jobber Ouvrard had been entrusted with the
secret of the coup d'etat: he arranged ac
cordingly, and made an immense sum by the
fall. M. Rothschild was excluded from the

16

ANNALS OF THE

confidence of Ministers, and lost as much as
his rival gained.
There were at this time in Paris the De
puties representing the electors of the city,
and some of the Deputies from other parts of
the kingdom. They assembled, to the num
ber of thirty-two, and deliberated at the
bouse of the Deputy M. Lafitte, the banker.
A number of constitutional peers hastily met
at the Duke de Choiseul's. At each of these
meetings it was resolved not to submit. The
Peers signed a protest, and sent it by a depu
tation to the King. He refused to receive it.
This rejection strengthened the resolution of
the Deputies, and forty couriers were sent with
despatches to towns and villages within a
hundred miles of the metropolis, representing
the outrages of the Government, and urging
the inhabitants to co-operate with the Pa-,
risians in a determined stand for the liberties
of France.
In the mean time the Government was on
the alert, and sent a general officer to Gre-
nelle, and another to Angers, for military pur
poses. The military command of Paris was
entrusted to the marshal Duke of Ragusa
(Marmont). Troops were ordered in from
the barracks within fifty miles around. It
was evident that the King and his Ministers
were bent on enforcing obedience to their
ordinances by arms. The guards in the city
were doubled. Towards the evening bodies
of Gendarmerie were stationed about the
Bourse, and on the Boulevards.
These demonstrations, which dismayed and
agitated every mind, were made while
Charles X. was deaf to the teachings of an
awful experience, and to the fearful represen
tations of the few honest persons whom he
allowed to approach him. He left the exe
cution of his royal will to his ministers — as
if the people had nothing to do, and would
do nothing, with the Ordinances but obey
them. But the people were of a different
temper. In consequence of the Bank re
fusing to discount bills, the manufacturers
perceived it had not confidence in the Go
vernment, and they immediately discharged
their workmen. These artisans congregated
in the different streets and reported what had
happened to listening throngs. Lovers of
news rushed to the offices of Journals which
contained second editions, with the obnoxious
ordinances. The Ministers were not willing
that a knowledge of their own acts should
extend to the provinces. Most of the papers
put into the post-office were withheld, and
the prefect of police, M. Mangin, issued the
annexed Ordinance.
"We, Prefect of Police, &c, seeing
the ordinance of the King, dated the 25th

inst., which puts again in force articles 1, 2,
and 9, of the law of the 21st of October,
1814, &c., have ordained and ordain as fol
lows : —
"Art. 1. Every individual who shall dis
tribute printed writings, on which there shall
not be the true indication of the names, pro
fession, and residence of the author and of
the printer, or who shall give to the public
the same writings to read, shall be brought
before the Commissary of Police of the
quarter, and the writings shall be seized.
" 2. Every individual keeping a reading
room, coffee-house, &c, who shall give to be
read journals, or other writings, printed con
trary to the ordinance of the King of the 25th
inst., relative to the press, shall be prose
cuted as guilty of the misdemeanors which
these journals or writings may constitute,
and his establishment shall be provisionally
closed. " 3. Thepresent ordinance shall be printed,
published, and posted up.
" 4. The Commissary Chief of Municipal
Police, the Commissaries of Police, shall be
enjoined to see to the execution of it. It
shall also be addressed to the Colonel of the
city of Paris, commander of the Royal Gen
darmerie, to cause the execution of it as far
as he is concerned."
Mangin's ordinance,' posted on the walls,
in all parts of the city, heightened the
general discontent. It was plain there were
to be fewer papers, and each with only such
saiall fiowings of adulterated intelligence as
Prince Polignac and his confederates would
allow to dribble out. Newspapers with a
Frenchman's coffee in the morning are as
essential to his existence as sugared water
and a dance in the evening. He neither
does, nor can he do without them: M.
Mangin's ordinance was honored with as
much contempt as the ordinance of his
masters. The officers of this functionary
cleared the coffee-houses and reading-rooms
of visitors, and shut up these and other places
of resort for amusement or refreshment. By
order of the police, the theatres were closed.
These precautionary measures were by no
means effective. The Government spies
prowled in redoubled numbers, and were
enabled to inform their employers that all
Paris was in a state of high sedition.
At the Champs Elysees there were in the
evening, as usual, several bands of itinerant
musicians performing in front of the groups
seated in the grand Allee, and in front of the
cafe's. One of these bands, composed of two
men and two women, sang a few airs, accom
panying themselves on the guitar, and com
menced another. They had not sung three
words before a well-dressed man whispered

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830t

17

something in the ear of the leader. The music
stopped, and another air was commenced.
The interruption came from one of the innu
merable agents of the police. The song pro
hibited was to the tune of one which contained
a reference to the destruction of the Bastille.
In the course of the day the gendarmerie
were objects of popular dislike, which was
chiefly manifested by words Several shops
and public buildings were closed ; and, much
earlier than was customary, all the shops in
the Palais Royal were shut up. Young men,
chiefly the sons of tradesmen, paraded the
streets with walking-sticks containing small
swords, which they drew occasionally and
flourished in the air, at the same time uttering
loud cries of " Vive la Charte ! " As the
night closed in, they were joined by persons
of more fashionable appearance, with similar

sticks and pistols. Crowds of artisans, with
bludgeons, rushed along, vociferating " Vive
la Liberte I" Until a late hour there were
tumultuous cries : the prevailing one was
" Vive la Charte!" The windows were
broken at the Treasury, at Polignac's hotel in
the Palais Royal, and at the hotel of Montbel,
the Minister of Finance, in the Rue Rivoli.
No other violence was committed — except,
perhaps, that, as was reported, one of the
gendarmerie was shot after the darkness had
set in, Charles X. came privately to Paris,
and slept at the Duchess of Berri's, while
many of the people of Paris passed the night
in devising means for opposing the arbitrary
domination he had assumed. The morrow
that dawned upon his fatuitous slumbers
witnessed his outraged subjects in wakeful
deliberation..

TUESDAY, JULY 27.

The glorious sun which arose this morning
upon the city of Paris lighted the people to
early co-operation against the lawless will of
Charles X., and him, at a later hour, to a
shooting party at St. Cloud with the duke
d' Angouleme, a man after his own heart,
equally weak, rash, obstinate, and blind to
consequences. On Sunday the ordinances
were signed, and, to the perverse obliquity of
the king's mind, his signature settled the
business. On the following day, Monday,
he and the duke took their rifles and in
dulged in field-sports, and arranged to shoot
together till Wednesday. These silly men ex
pected as little resistance from the people as
from the game which rose before them, to be
brought down with their rifles. If the people
lose, they were game — to be brought down
by the gens-d'armerie.
This morning the heads of the University
issued the following prohibition to the stu
dents : —
" The Royal Council of Public Instruc
tion being informed that some students ap
pear to be disijtfsed to take part in assem
blages which may endanger good order and
public tranquillity, desiring to save the
young men from the fatal consequences
which would necessarily result from the dis
orders to which these illegal assemblages
night have given rise, and from the penalties
which the authorities of the University would
de obliged to pronounce against the delin
quents, reminds the students of all the schools
of the University, for the sake of their stu-
bies — for that of their future destiny, and of
t heir families, of the following articles." —
IJien followed the 18th, 19th, and 20th ar

ticles of the ordinance of the 5th of July,
1820, and article 36 of the ordinance of the
2d of February, 1823, " prohibiting students
from taking part in any illegal assemblages
and public disorders, forbidding them to act
or to write in a collective capacity, as if they
formed a corporate body, &c, &c." This no
tice, dated the 27th of July, was signed by
the Count de Guernon Ranville.
The press — that machine which, when
once in action, can no more be stayed or
stopped than the orb of day — had kept its
course bravely yesterday. To day some
prudent constitutional journals, bowing to
the ordinances and the police — unconstitution
ally applied for licences to exist, but were re
fused, and suicidally extinguished. A few
were licensed to appear under a strict cen
sorship, and " swung blind and blackening."
Others — in disdain and defiance of the
police, the censors, the royal ordinances, the
traitorous ministers, and the arbitrary king —
came out, self-privileged, under " the liberty
of unlicensed printing," exposing and de
nouncing the outrages of the court, and in
unmeasured language vehemently urging the
people^to stand forth, and vanguard the efforts
of the press for the liberties of France.
On this day the journals appear to have
been in the situation about to be described.
The Jfom£e«r,theofficial paper of the govern
ment, made no aUusion to the recent events. It
contained an order which directed that all pre
fects, sub-prefects, and secretaries general,
should return immediately to their posts. It
further contained the following errata in the
ordinances : — '^The first article of the or
dinance for the meeting of the electoral col-
C

18

ANNALS OF THE

leges should state that the electoral colleges
ofthe departments are to meet on the 13th
of September, not on the 18th — In the first
article of the ordinance which lays down
the rules of election, and prescribes the exe
cution of article 46 of the Charter, instead of,
the words ' conformably to articles 15, 36,
and 30,' are to be read ' 15, 36, and 50, of
the Constitutional Charter.' "
The Messager des Chambres appeared
under a license with this introductory no
tice — " Paris, July 27th. At so critical a
moment we have considered whether we
should let our paper appear, or cease to
exist. Strong in our consciences and our
principles, we have thought that an opposition
journal was still necessary, not to discuss acts
which we will not characterize, and which,
under present circumstances, we cannot dis
cuss, but to collect facts, to give them to the
public, and to rectify them if they should be
disfigured by the Ministerial journals. Thus
we suspend for the present all discussion,
preferring silence to a complaisant or forced
mutilation of our ideas."
The Journal du Commerce appealed from
the ordinances to the laws, and obtained a
judgment in favor of the press. The following
ordinance of the president, De Belleyme, au
thorised the printer. "Considering the ordi
nance of the King of the 25th, relative to the
press, has not been promulgated according to
the forms prescribed by the ordinance of the
27th of November, 1826', and that of the 18th
of January, 1817 : We order M. Selligue to
proceed to the composition and printing of
the Journal du Commerce, which is to ap
pear to-morrow."
La France Nouvelle was honored with a
similar ordinance, addressed to its printer,
M. Plassau. This recreant [of the press re
fused to comply, and the courageous editors
could not bring out their journal.
The Courrier Frangais was not published,
for a similar reason, assigned by its conduc
tors in the following spirited circular ad
dressed to their subscribers : — Paris, July 27th.
" Sir, " Yesterday evening, at the moment for
putting the Journal to press, the printer of
the Courrier Frangais, intimidated by the
threats of the police, signified to us his re
fusal to print it. The dispute has been re
ferred to the tribunals. We shall employ all
legal means to make our right triumph ; but
we shall not apply for a license, which would
seem to imply our submission to acts which
violate the Charter and the laws.
" The citizens who have been concerned
in editing and publishing the Courrier Fran
gais will protest to the last; and will rather

make a sacrifice of their 'property, than'
yield to arbitrary measures and to violence. .
"" The Managers of the Courrier Frangais,
" " V. DE LAPELOUZE.
" CHATELAIN."
Galignani's Messager was not published.
His whole establishment was closed.
The Jjondon Express was not published.
The Constitutional, a journal with 17;000
subscribers, was printed but not published.
It was suppressed by the police ; a sentry
was placed at the office door to prevent its
distribution. The Universal, the Quotidienne, the Ga
zette de France, and the Drapeau Blanc,
being papeis devoted to the government,
were licensed and published.
The Courrier des Theatres appeared with
the play-bills of the day only.
The Petites Affiches, containing advertise
ments only, also appeared.
The Journal des Salons, relating only to cos-
tumes, fashions, furniture, &c, was published.
The National resisted and was published
early in the morning, without a licence. It
contained a letter from M. Charles Dunoyer,
declaring that he would not pay taxes until
the ordinances were repealed.
The Temps resisted and was published
without a license.
The Figaro resisted and was also pub
lished without a license.
The National and the Temps, by secret
arrangements and private presses, were
printed and published in despite of the vi
gilance of the police. The proprietors of
each of these journals, influenced by a noble
scorn, refused to apply for licenses, and
threatened if force were offered fo them they
would repel it by, force. These courageous
papers were issued gratuitously at the of
fices, and thence they were distributed, and
voraciously read in every quarter. The ex
cellent young men who conducted the Na
tional had contrived" to circulate the paper
to its subscribers, and afterwards, with their
own hands, they gave away a multitude of
copies to the people that^hronged their
door, with an injunction to%ich individual
to take arms in defence or their country
against its tyrants. By this means the news
of the odious ordinances and the calls to re
sistance, which until then had been confined
within circles, were extended throughout
Paris to the stupefaction of many thousands,
who were unacquainted with the proceedings
of yesterday. In vain did the commissaries
of police go round to all the cafes and'read-
ing-rooms to prevent the giving out of the
National and the Temps for perusal; for they
had been read, and the news communicated.
A Paris letter of this dav well describes

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

19

the anxieties and views of the people : —
" I went," says the writer, " at half-past
seven o'clock this morning, to the Palais
Royal, anxious to see the Paris Journals
figuring in their barrenness — I mean di
vested of that sickening mass of rubbish
with which, under the name of Hautes Poli-
tiques, their columns used to be loaded.
The Moniteur, the Universel, and the Quoti-
dienne, had arrived — no others were to be
found in the four beautiful Pavileons de Lec
ture which adorn the garden, nor in any of
the cafes ; but several young men rushed
through the garden, distributing profusely
and gratuitously Le Temps, Le National, and
Figaro. Early as was the hour, the garden
contained not fewer than 500 men. Those
who had copies of the papers above men
tioned were immediately surrounded by
crowds, to whom they read the unquestion
ably inflammatory matter contained in those
papers. In one instance an agent of Police
interfered, but in no more that I saw. The
language of those journals was heard with
deep attention, and followed by no comment.
In many instances those who had already
heard them ran unsated to another group to
hear once more, and probably for the last
time, the bold accents of liberty. I en
tered the cafe, and entering into conversa
tion, with the proprietor, asked him what he
meant by saying yesterday, when he first
read the Royal Ordinances, that he was
ruined ? ' Good God, Sir, how can you
ask ? Look at my caf6 to day, and recollect
what it was at this hour yesterday. You are
now its sole occupant — yesterday it was
with difficulty you found a place in which to
sit. This Ordinance for suspending the li
berty of the press will destroy hundreds of
thousands of families — the keepers of cof
fee-houses and reading-rooms and libraries,
editors, printers, publishers, paper-makers.
The Constitutionnel sold between 15,000
and 20,000 copies daily — it will not sell
5000 hereafter. Take these as instances.
But I do not grieve solely on these accounts,
although I shall participate in the general
ruin. I have some public feeling — I grieve
for the destruction of the Charter. It is
true,, as I pay more than the required sum
in direct taxes, that I do not participate in
the destitution of the smaller voters (the class
whose qualification consisted in their paying
300 francs a-year only) ; but I must, and I
do, feel for the loss of the political rights of
my fellow citizens. The number of voters
disqualified by the ordinance in the city of
Paris alone is not less than 9500. The
number that will remain does not amount to
more than 1900. Here, therefore, in all
probability, but' certainly in most of the De

partments, the Ministry may reckon on the
success of the Government candidates. The
Chamber, so composed, will pass any law
presented to it ; you may guess, therefore,
that there is an end of liberty in France.' "
In the DrapeauBlanc, a court journal, there
was a paragraph of extraordinary import.
" It is certain that the council of the day •
before yesterday did justice to a pretty con
siderable number of functionaries whose
opinions, and, in case of need, whose votes,
do not agree with the monarchical spirit
which animates the King's Government."
There cannot be a doubt but that Charles X.
and his Ministers designed to erect a des
potism in France upon the ruins of the
Charter. Several hours elapsed after the publication
of the National and the Temps Without a
movement against the editors. The king
and his guilty ministers must have seen
these journals soon after they were issued,
and probably much of the interval was em
ployed, in determining what should be done
with the offenders.
About noon the police and a large force
of gens-d'armes,< mounted and on foot, ap
peared before the office of the National, in
the Rue St. Marc. They found the door
fast closed; and, being refused entrance,
broke in, seized the types, and carried
the redacteur-in-chef to prison, leaving five
mounted gens-d'armes to blockade the en
trance of the street. The same force went
to the office of the Temps, in the Rue Riche
lieu, where, the door being locked and ad
mission denied, a smith was sent for to
break it open, but he refused to act. Another
smith was procured, who picked the lock
and opened the door. Still there was no
entrance ; for the doorway within was barri
caded, and a body of honest printers inside
vowed to defend the blockaded pass, arid
the press, with their lives. The commissaries
of police, however, by some means, got in,
and seized the papers that remained arid the
types. The crowds as yet could only oppose
resentful looks, and cries of " Vive la Charte .'"
to military operations.
The people, already irritated by the read
ing of the journals, and aggravated by the
pouring in of troops and the seizure of the
presses, heartened each other with shouts for
liberty and their country. Agitation pre
vailed throughout Paris : the Bourse was
crowded to excess, and inflammatory papers
were thrown in upon the assembly — " Death
to Ministers, and infamy to the soldiers who
defend them!"— "Aux armes Francois !"
The funds of course dropped as popular ex
citement heightened.
After this notice of the state of the daily

20

ANNALS OF THE

press, and the sensation on the Exchange
and among the loungers and frequenters of
the cafes, it is proper to relate incidents
that concerned the people generally. At
day-break the inhabitants of Paris were re
minded, by the thunder of the artillery exer
cising at Vincennes, that some hundreds of
pieces of cannon were ready to pour into the
city and sweep the streets. So early as five
in the morning several battalions of the
Guards were under arms in the Champs
Elysees; and by seven o'clock groups began
to form in the Palais Royal. The National
and the Temps, the two patriotic papers
which broke the ordinances by publishing
without a license, and were given away,
found eager readers in the assembled crowds.
These journals were likewise read to the
people in the city itself by enthusiastic per
sons mounted on chairs, and from the win
dows of the houses. There were repeated
shouts of " Vive la Charte !" " Down with
the King!" " Death to Polignac !" "Death
to Peyronnet!" " Liberty or Death !" "Vive
la Republique!"
A deputation of peers left Paris for St.
Cloud ; but the court had taken a headlong
course, and perversely determined on en
forcing obedience to its mandates. The
deputies assembled, and were understood to
have unanimously resolved that the ministers
had placed themselves out of the pale of the
law; that the people would be justified in
refusing payment of the taxes; and that all
the deputies should be summoned to meet
on the 3rd of August, the day first appointed
for their convocation.
By twelve o'clock there were at least 5000
people in fhe Palais Royal. The multitude
was increased by printers thrown out of
employment from suppression of the jour
nals, and by workmen dismissed from the
manufactories. The ferment rapidly height
ened, especially among groups of electors
of £12 a-year, whoni the ordinance disfran
chised, who listened to harangues from
speakers mounted on chairs. Respectable
tradesmen shut their shops, and hastened to
the spot to hear the exhortations of the un
licensed journals amplified and enforced at
the Palais Royal. One man said, "My
brothers ! Frenchmen ! The miserable minis
try has done its worst. Will you submit to
be slaves ? Hear what the National says to
you ! (He read passages urging resistance).
Will you second the press? I know you
will ! Let us unite against our oppressors !"
Answers of "Yes, yes! we will, we will
unite!" were loudly vociferated. All the
shopkeepers in the Palais Royal shut up
their shops. A police officer had entered a
shop to compel the taking down of a carica

ture, and, being beaten by the proprietor,
the police were hustled and attacked.
All work was abandoned, every manufac
tory closed, and detachments of artisans,
with large sticks, traversed the streets.
Troops of gens-d'armes patroled in full gal
lop to disperse the accumulating crowds.
The people were silent ; and in half an hour
the shops throughout Paris were closed.
Troops of the Royal Guard, and soldiery of
the line, came pouring in. The people
looked sullen and determined. Their chief
points of rendezvous were the Palais Royal,
the Palais de Justice, and the Bourse. There
were simultaneous cries of " Vive la Charte !"
" Down with the absolute King !" but no
conversation — no exchange of words with
each other.
The King was at the Tuilleries. In the
Place Carousel there was a station of several
thousands of the military, including the
Lancers of the Royal Guard, with a great
number of cannon. At the Place Vendome
a strong guard of infantry was stationed
around the column, to guard the signs of
royalty upon it from being defaced. Crowds
of people assembled on the spot, and menaced
the troops.
About four o'clock the prefect of police
ordered the .Palais Royal to be cleared by the
gendarmerie. They charged with the flat
of their sabres, drove out the people pell
mell, and the gates were closed. The chairs
lying about the walks in heaps were evidence
of the general confusion.
Towards five o'clock there was a tumult
in the Place du Palais Royal. The military
fired. Agens-d'arme was killed by the people.
A mounted gens-d'arme, going at a smart trot,
with a despatch, was attacked by half a dozen
young men, with sticks, to compel him to
surrender his arms. A platoon of infantry
of the same corps was despatched to rescue
him, but, fearing they would be too late,
they fired a volley (probably in the, air), the
people dispersed, and the orderly returned
to his post.
About seven o'clock bodies of discharged
workmen flocked into Paris from the envi
rons, and dispersed about the city. The
tumult and alarm increased as rapidly. — A
single phrase— the revocation of the ordi
nances—might have restored tranquillity.
The only intimation from the government
was the arrival of fresh troops and cannon.
Armourers' shops were broken open and
the arms carried off. The crowds assembled
in the neighbourhood of the Palais Royal,
¦ unpaved the Rue St. Honors', as far as the
Rue de l'Echelie, and, overturning a couple
of large common waggons in the middle of
the narrowest part of the street, made a kind

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

21

of entrenchment. They then broke up stones
for missiles, and attacked an armourer's shop
in the Rue de I'Echelle. Some squadrons of
the Lancers of the Guard charged and dis
persed the assailants, and finally put them to
flight in the Rue St. Honore. Battalions of
the Royal Guard fired against the Rue de
I'Echelle and the church de 'St. Roch. It
was announced at those theatres which were
open that the military were firing on the
people, and the audiences rushed out to
join their fellow citizens. In this affair se
veral of the people were killed The lanterns
for lighting Paris, by hanging them from the
middle of rope lines which reach from one
side to the other of each street, were de
stroyed by parties of the people, who cut
the lines and trod the lanterns beneath their
feet A band of artisans bore the corpse
of one of their fallen comrades through the
Rue Vivienne.5 As they passed a Swiss post,
in the Rue Colbert, their cries of "Ven
geance" were terrible. They took the body
to the Place de la Bourse, and stripped and
exhibited it, surrounded by candles, and the
same fearful cries and shouts of " To arms ! to
arms !" Others of the slain borne to the houses
of their families were silent but irresistible
exhortations to resistance. The people exe
crated the king as the author of all the
mischief. Their force was not organized.
There existed no conspiracy, and therefore
they did not act in concert. But their sen
timent was the same, and the common feeling
portended an awful and decisive struggle.
A tradesman left his house in the uni
form of the National Guard, and was hailed
with shouts of rapture. This uniform, with
the arms of its wearers, had been ordered to
be given up on the disbanding of the Na
tional Guard some years before. Some of
the citizens had retained both, and these now
resumed them in defence of the liberty of
their country.
Near the Rue de l'Arbre Seci one of the
National Guard was arrested. He resisted —
the people flew to the rescue, and the gens-
d'armerie let him go : a gen-d' arme said,
"These are not the orders we have received."
The appearance of the National Guard
heightened the enthusiasm and increased the
confidence of the people.
Some of the Royal Guard quitted their
casernes and joined their countrymen. At
ten o'clock a guard-house of the gens-d'ar-
merie at the Place de la Bourse was attacked,
the guard expelled, and the guard-house set
on fire. The building was of wood and
burned fiercely : a party of sapeurs pom
piers (firemen) arrived to ' extinguish the
flames ; they were resisted by the people
and allowed themselves to be disarmed.

In the course of the day Prince Polignac
was vainly followed in his carriage, as an
object of attack, by a crowd of the incensed
people. He was strongly guarded by mi
litary, and proceeded to his holel in safety.
At night he gave a grand dinner to his odious
colleagues, under the protection of a batta
lion and ten pieces of artillery. He had been
closeted with the relentless king during the
greater part of the day. Neither the king
nor any of his ministers had dared to show
themselves in public for a moment.
To day the opinion of the English ambas
sador was of little use to his countrymen.
They saw enough to alarm them, and a num
ber left Paris with the utmost despatch.
Despatches were sent by the government
in every direction, to hasten troops towards
the capital. By the time that these orders
had arrived several departments were in arms
against the ordinances, and the mayors and
prefects obliged to throw themselves on the
mercy of the citizens, and to leave the ques
tion of military force and military arrange
ment to the inhabitants. A courier de
spatched to the Duchess d'Angouleme was
arrested by the people, and his despatches.
taken from him and sent to the committee
of Deputies.
In the mean while the Deputies had ap
plied themselves to consider the measures
necessary to be adopted. One of their reso
lutions was, that the National Guard should
be immediately organized.
At this crisis, big with certain ruin to
either the government of Charles X- or the li
berties of the people, a momentous paper
was addressed to the Journals with a letter,
dated Paris, 27th July, and subscribed " By
authorisation, — The Secretary of the Prepara-
ratory Re-union of free Frenchmen, D. M."
The letterj began thus : — " I am charged to
transmit to you,, with a request to insert it, in
your next number, the following document,
which, after deliberation, was adopted this
day by a numerous assembly, met sponta
neously in order to concert the measures
which circumstances render necessary, and
indispensable, for the preservation of our
rights, and the establishment of a true Con
stitutional Government."
The document alluded to was the follow
ing .-—
" MANIFESTO TO THE FRENCH — TO ALL PEO
PLE  AND TO ALL GOVERNMENTS.
" A solemn act had, in 1816, laid the ba
sis of a reconciliation between the French
nation and the ancient dynasty, and fixed
the conditions by which the Chief of the
Bourbon family should resume and preserve
the exercise' of the Royal authority — reite
rated oaths have, at different epochs, ren-

22

ANNALS OF THE

dered more imperious the obligations con
tracted by the chiefs of this family, and
had made their Charter the sole title to the
obedience of the French. All these oaths
have been violated during the last sixteen
years, by the establishment of a great num
ber of laws, opposed in their spirit and
letter to the spirit of the Constitutional
Charter ; but each of the attempts hitherto
. made against this fundamental law had an
appearance of legality, and had not exceeded
legislative forms, which, while they had been
preserved, offered the means of reparation.-
The French nation, with an equanimity
which has often been called indifference or
weakness, has supported itself against all the
inroads of power, and all the attacks against
its rights, made by the different Admi
nistrations which had succeeded each
other under the reign of the astute Louis
XVIII. as under that of his successor. The
national patience, instead of bringing back
the Government to sentiments of justice, of
confidence, of benevolence, had, on the con
trary, inspired it with sufficient audacity to
march more openly to the overthrow of our
institutions — to the spoliation of all our
rights — to the re-establishment of those prin
ciples of Divine right — of those Royal
Prerogatives, which are in opposition to
the interests and the prerogatives of tlie
people, which cannot be regarded otherwise
than as an outrage to human reason, and
which England first stigmatized with her
anathemas, and destroyed by her arms.
The Ordonnances of the 25th of the present
month, in abolishing the principal guarantees
consecrated by the Constitutional Charter,
have set at nought the positive terms of that
Charter, and of well-considered laws j adopted
by the two Chambers and sanctioned by
the King according to legal forms, and have
at: length tajight the nation that the Chief
which' she had deigned to acknowledge,
notwithstanding four years of vices, of cor
ruptions, and of treasons against his country,
wished to govern it by his own will, and
according to the caprices, of his own good
pleasure. By these. Ordonnances the Chief
of the Government has placed himself above
the Law; therefore he has put himself
out of the pale of the law.
" In consequence, Charles Phillip Ca

pet, formerly Count of Artois, has ceased in
right to be King of France ; the French are re
leased from all their obligations to him in
that character. All the Ordonnances which
he may promulge will be, like those of the
25th, null, and as if they never had been
given. The Ministers composing the Go
vernment of the Ex- King, named Polignac,
Peyronnet, Montbel, d'Haussez, de
Chantelause, and Guernon Ranville,
are declared attainted and convicted of high
treason. It is the duty of all Frenchmen to
resist, by every means in their power, the
orders of Charles Phillip Capet, or his
agents, under whatever denomination they
may present themselves — to refuse payment
of all imposts, and to take arms, if it
should be necessary, to put an end to a Go
vernment de facto, and to establish a new
Government de jure.
" The army is released from its oaths of
fidelity to the Ex-King- — its country invokes
its concurrence. Charles Phillip Capet,
his self-styled Ministers ' or Counsellors,
their abettors and adherents, the Generals,
the Chiefs of Regiments and Officers, are
responsible for every effusion of blood re
sulting from the resistance of the Govern
ment de facto to the national will.
" Louis Phillip of Orleans, Duke of
Oileans, is called upon to fulfil, under the
present circumstances, the duties which are
imposed upon him, and to concur with his
fellow citizens in the re-establishment of a
Constitutional Government; and, on his re
fusal to do so, he must, with his family,
quit the French territory until the perfect
consolidation of the new Government has
been effected.
'* Voted in Session at Paris, 27th day of
July, 1830.
(Signed) " T. S. Provisional President.
" G. de M. l Provisional)
" J. du D. ) Secretaries."
By whom this paper was drawn up, or
issued, does not appear. Although names
were not attached to it, yet such a manifesto,
if circulated in Paris, at such a perilous
moment, was calculated to strengthen the
desire of the irritated people for the de
thronement of Charles X., whose person and
family and favorites afforded the active
elements of, vexatious and tyrannical misrule.

WEDNESDAY, JULY 28.

The Press did its work yesterday— it
thorpugldy aroused the people, and this was
an eventful day.

It is proper, however, to notice thus early
that the ordinance against the press was the
subject of legal investigation this niorning.

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

23

A case was submitted to the Tribunal of
Commerce on a question between- Messrs.
De Lapelouze and Chatelain, Editors of the
Courrier Frahga$s,waA M.Gaultier Laguionie,
printer of that Journal, who, in pursuance
of a notice of the Prefect of Police, issued in
conformity with the Royal Ordinance of the
25th instant, had refused to print that Jour
nal until a license was obtained. After hear
ing the respective parties and their counsel,
the Court pronounced the following judg
ment: — "Considering that, by an agreement
between the parties, Gaultier Laguionie had
bound himself to print for the Editors the
Journal entitled the Courrier Frangais, and
that all agreements legally entered into ought
to be carried into effect, it is' in vain for
M. Gaultier Laguionie to withdraw from the
obligation he had taken upon himself, on the
ground of a notice from the Prefect of Police,
enjoining him to execute the ordinance of
the 25th, which ordinance, being contrary to
the Charter, could not be obligatory either
upon the sacred and inviolable person of the
King or upon the citizens whose 'rights it
attacks; considering, 'further, that, according
to the iforms of the Charter, ordinances can
only.be issued for the purpose of executing
arid maintaining the laws, and that the above
ordinance, on the contrary, would have the
effect of. violating the provisions of the law
ofthe 28th of July, 1828; the Tribunal or
dains and decrees that the agreement between
the parties shall be carried into effect, and
consequently condemns, par corps, Gaultier
Laguionie to print the Courrier Frangais
within twenty-four hours, and, in case of
failure in doing so, reserves the right of the
Editors to sue for damages ; orders the de
cree to be carried into temporary execution
upon the minutes, and notwithstanding any
appeal ; and also condemns the defendant in
all costs of the suit,"
The Moniteur of this morning did not
contain any thing relative to the late measures
or to the state of Parish except that the King,
by an ordinance of the 25th instant, had
given to the Marshal Duke of Ragusa the
command of all the troops forming the first
military division.
Galignani's Messenger appeared, and merely
announced that tumultuous assemblages
had taken place, but that the government
would put them down by force.
This morning the shops of Paris were
closely shut, and the windows fastened and
barred, as if the inhabitants of the city were
in mourning for the slain, or in apprehension
of approaching calamity.
The tocsin sounded, and the people flocked
in from the fauxbourgs and different quarters
• of the city.
That exterminable enemy to oppression,

the1 Press, had been at work during the night.
Handbills were profusely distributed, con
taining vehement philippics against the King
and his Ministers, and summoning every man
to arm for his country, and to aid in eject
ing the Bourbons. Placards were constantly
posted up and eagerly read.
During the preceding night an organiza
tion of the people had been arranged.
All the arms that could be found at the
theatres, and remaining in the shops of ar
mourers that had not been visited the evening
before, were seized and distributed. Every
other kind of property was respected.
Small parties of the military were stopped
and disarmed by the multitude, and the
soldiers confined.
Numbers of the National Guards in uni
form, and with arms, paced the streets and
were allowed to pass by the gens-d'armerie : —
not a word was spoken ; they merely exchanged
looks. No vehicles were in the streets; they were
interdicted, and their passage rendered im
practicable. Strong detachments guarded the different
hotels of the ministers.
Loud cries and shouts were (constantly
heard of " Down with the Jesuits !" — "Down
with >the Bourbons !" — "Death to the Min
isters." Each man strove to(provide himself with a
musket,. a pistol, a sword, a pole with a knife
or some cutting, instrument to form a wea
pon of offence. The greater part had
bludgeons ; a few had rifles.
Troops continually arrived from St. Denis,
St. Cloud, and other military stations.
Rude barricades were hastily thrown up
in different places to prevent the attacks of
cavalry. Several telegraphs, including that ou the
church des Petits Peres, were 'dismounted.
Groups of the people armed with sticks,
bayonets, pikes, and muskets, removed or ef
faced all the insignia and emblems of royalty.
A red flag was1 hoisted on the gate of St.
Denis, amidst the shouts of the people.
Tri-colored flags were promenaded in the
streets, and tri-colored cockades and breast-
knots were worn not only by the French,
but by the English and foreigners of all nations.
The royal arms and other signs of the govern
ment of Charles X. that were moveable were
burnt in the Place Publique.
All Paris was in insurrection. Every
movement of the people portended a terrible
conflict. The government reposed in se
curity upon a crippled, blind, and implacable
dignity. An ambassador wrote to Prince Polignac
to ask a guard, in order that the servants of
the Embassy might go out withont danger.

24

ANNALS OF THE .
Hi

THE PEOPLE HOISTING THE RED FLAG ON PORTE ST. DENIS.

" I have no time to write to the Ambassador,"
said the prince to the bearer of the letter ;
" but you may assure him that all this is no
thing! in two hours every thing will be
quie,t!" The following dpcument was in the course
of signature by the representatives.
PROTEST OF THE DEPUTIES.
" The Undersigned, regularly elected
Deputies by the Colleges of Arrondissements,
by virtue of the Royal Ordinance of the
 , and conformably to the Constitu
tional Charter, and to the laws relative to elec
tions of the  , and who are now at Paris,
" Consider themselves as absolutely obliged
by their duties and their honor to protest
against the measures which the advisers of the
Crown have lately caused to be proclaimed for
the overthrow of the legal system of electipns,
arid the ruin of the liberty of the press.
"The same measures contained in the or
dinances of the  • are, in the opinion pf
the undersigned, directly contrary to ' the
constitutional rights of the Chamber of
Peers, to the public rights of the French, to

the attributes and to the decrees of^the tribu
nals, and calculated to throw the State into
a confusion which equaUy etfdapgers the
peace of the present moment "and the se
curity of the future. »c
" In consequence, the undersigned, invio- ,
lably faithful to their oath, protest in concert
not only against the said measures, but
against all the acts which may result from
them. «
" And considering, on the one hand, that
the Chamber of Deputies, not having been
constituted, could not be . legally dissolved,
on the other, that the attempt to form a new
Chamber of Deputies in a novel,' .and arbi- '
trary manner is directly opposed to the Con
stitutional Charter and to the acquired rights
of the electors, the. undersigned declare that
they still consider themselves as legally
elected the .deputation by the Colleges of ¦'
the arrondissements and departments whose ¦
suffrages they have obtained, and^as incapable
of being replaced except by virtue of elections
made according to the principles and fowls
prescribed by the laws. And, if the under
signed do not effectively exercise the, rights

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

25

not-perform all the duties which they derive
from their legal election, it is because they
are hindered by absolute violence."
Among those who signed this protest
were, * *
. MM. MM.
L' Abbey de Montguyon (Comte
Pompiere d')
Sebastiani Levaillant
Mechin Tronchon
Perier (Casimir) Gerard (le .general)
Guizot Lafitte (Jacques)
Audry de Puy- Garcias , '
raveau Dugas Montbel
Andre Gollot Camille Perier
Gaetan de la Vassal
Rochefoucauld Alexandre Dela-
Mauguin borde
Bernard Jaques Lffebvre
Voisin de Gar- Mathieu Dumas
tempe Eusebe Salverte
Froidefond de De Poulmer
Bellisle Hernoux
Villemain . Chardel
Didot (Firmin) Bavoux
Daunou Charles Dupin
' Persil Hely d' Hoyssel
Villemot Eugene d'HARcouRT
De la Riboissiere Baillot
Bondy (Comte de) General Lafayette
Duris-Deeresne Georges Lafayette
Girod tie 1' Ain Jouvencel
Laisne de-la Bertin de Vaux
VlLLEVEQUE . CoMTE de LiMETH
Delessert (Benja- Berard
min) .., Duchaffaut
Marchal Auguste de Saint-
NAude Champ- Aignan
louis Keratry
Comte de Lobau Ternaux
Baron Louis Jacques Odier
Millaux Benjamin Constant
EsTOURMEL &C. &C &C.
(Comte d')
ADeputation was formed ofthe following
eminent Deputies: — Messrs. General Gerard,
Count de Lobau, Lafitte, Cassimir Perrier,
and Manguim Amidst the fire of musketry
they went to the Marshal Duke of Ragusa.
M. Lafitte represented to the Marshal the
deplorable state of the capital, blood flowing
in all directions, the musketry firing as in a
towrj taken ,by storm. He made him per
sonally responsible, in the name of the as-
t sembledj Deputies of France, for the fatal
consequences' of sq melancholy an event.
The Marshal replied — "The honor of a
soldier is obedience." "And civil hgtaor,"
replied M. Lafitte, " is not to massacre the
• citizens." The Marshal said, " But gentle
men, what are the conditions you propose V

"Without judging too highly of our influ
ence,, we think that we can be answerable
that every thing will return to order on the
following conditions :— The revocatiqn' of the
illegal Ordinances ofthe 25th of July, the
dismissal of the Ministers, and the convoca
tion of the Chambers on the 3rd of August."
The Marshal replied that, as a citizen, he
might perhaps not disapprove, nay even
might participate in the opinions of the De
puties, but that as a soldier he had his orders,
and he had only to carry them' into execution
— that, however, he engaged to submit these
proposals to the King in half an hour.
" But,, said the Marshal, if you wish, Gen
tlemen, to have a conference on the subject
with M. de Polignac, he is close at hand, and
I will go and ask him if he can receive you."
A quarter of an hour passed, the Marshal
returned with his countenance much changed,
and told the Deputies that M. de Polignac
had declared to him that the conditions' pro
posed rendered any conference useless.
"We have then civil war," said M. Lafitte.
The Marshal bowed, and the Deputies retired.
It had been known among the. people that
the Deputies were to have a communication
with the Duke of Ragusa ; and during the
conference and for some short time after,
though the public feeling was intense, the
assembled multitude was peisfectly still, and
mixed freely with the troops.- As soon, how
ever, as Polignac's answer was made known,
" that Ministers would enter into no compro
mise or concession," war, and war to tbe
knife, commenced; and never were wit
nessed more heroic acts of personal bravery,
. and more generous disregard of selfish feel
ings, than were displayed by the citizens of
Paris on this memorable day and night.
The people were induced to maintain their
right to the inestimable blessings of . a free
press, and good government, by the only
argument to which despotism yields. The
drums of the National Guard beat " to
arms!" The populace answered the call
amid the incessant ringing of the tocsin,
and the struggle began in earnest. — About
two o'clock a cannon, on the bridge near the
Marche aux Fleurs, raked with grape-shot
the quay, and the troops'were. resolutely at
tacked by the people, and several of the
guards led off killed or wounded. Many
unlucky citizens, who ventured ,into places
exposed to the fire, suffered for their teme
rity. A studious-looking person, quietly
walking the quay with folded arms, was
struck dead by a shot from the other side
, of the river? At the corner of an adjoin
ing street lay an old man with his back to
the wall, apparently, sleeping composedly in
the midst of the loudest discharges of mus-

26

ANNALS OF THE

ketry ; a wound was gaping in his breast,
and the blood bubbled up-^-he was dead.
There was »¦ tremendous fight in La Halle,
the great market-place of the Rue St. Denis.
The Royal Guard were early in possession of
it. AU the outlets were speedily closed by bar
ricades, from behind which, from the corners
ofthe various streets, and from the windows of
the houses, the people blazed on the guards,
and there was a terrible slaughter on both
sides. The hottest engagement seems to
have been in the Rue St. Honored opposite
the Palais Royal, where the military were in
great force, and the people resisted their as
sailants with desperate determination.
At the Place de Greve they fiercely con
tended with the mercenaries of the palace,
the Swiss Guards, and compelled them to
• fly with great loss.
But the most obstinate contention was for
the possession of the Hotel de Ville, the
Guildhall of Paris. It was lost and won re
peatedly in the course of the day.
Furious engagements took place at the
Ports St. Denis and St. Martin, in the Rue
St. Martin, on the quays, in the Boulevards,
and at the Place Vendome.
In the Rue Montmartre an attack was made
by the Duke de Ragusa in person. During
part of the day the Place des Victoires was
occupied by some troops, among whom was
a part of the 5th regiment of the line, who
, had long gone over to the National Guards
established at the Petits Peres. About two
o'clock the Duke de Ragusa arrived at the
Place at the head of fresh troops. He drew
them up opposite the Rues du Mail, des.
Fosses Montmartre, Croix des Petits Champs,
and Neuve des Petits Champs. He imme
diately commanded a charge, and on both
sides several men were killed or wounded.
The Marshal directed his troops down the
Rue du Mail, and they scoured the Rue
Montmartre without much difficulty till tbey
reached the Rue Joquelet, where the people
were prepared. Each house was armed and
guarded. The black flag was displayed on the
. Porte St. Denis and other edifices.
For extended particulars recourse must be
had to the accounts furnished by the letters
- of persons who were eye-witnesses of the
conflicts. One of these letter writers says, " I
. was in town early in the morning, and
found not only the people armed in con
siderable numbers, but file National Guard
was forming in all quarters. In breaking
up this body, the government had for
gotten to take their arms. The Hotel de
Ville was forced and occupied by a party
early this day, and the most tremendous
• conflict took place between the besieged and

a regiment of Swiss and the Royal Guard,
who occupied the Place de Greve and the
Quais. Thousands of people poured in
their fire on the exposed troops. They had
armed themselves from"' the arsenal, which
had been taken early in the morning, and
from different guard-rooms of the gens-d'af-
merie and troops,' which had been pillaged and
burnt in the course of the night. The Hotel
de Ville is riddled with balls, but was never
retaken; — I saw a great part of this fight
from the opposite side of the river, where I
wa's, au March<5 aux Fleurs; close to me
was a detachment of the 5th of the line,
who refused to fire. As the artillery was
coming up on my side of the river, to endea
vour with their cannon to clear the Place
de Greve, I crossed over by"*the • Tont St.
Michael, creeping down along the balus
trades of the bridge, and luckily got over
without mischief. The balls whistled over
me like hailstones. From thence I was
obliged to get into the narrow streets, where I
was repeatedly put into requisition to help to
build up barricadoes with the paving stones ,
and was sometimes in great danger; one poor
devil fell upon me, killed by a ball in the
forehead. In walking quietly along in front
ofthe grand facade ofthe Louvre, where there
was no fighting, suddenly one of the National
Guard fell close to me from a shot from
the windows of the Louvre."
The annexed statement is from a second
letter writer: — "At an early hour I pro
ceeded to town by the- Avenue de NeuiHy,
and the Champs Elysees, to the neighbour
hood of the Tuilleries. Every shop was
shut, all business was at a stand, and from
distance to distance along the streets numerous
groups were to be seen in earnest conversa
tion, receiving and communicating rumors
which were every where afloat. On reaching
the Boulevard I saw, for the first time, a
single individual step out from his house,
accoutred with the arms, and dressed in the
full uniform,, of the suppressed National
Guard. I could not avoid regarding his ap
pearance, in this isolated situation, as an act
of boldness and heroism ' above all Greek —
. above all Roman fame.' The value of the
example was instantly appreciated by the
groups of the yet unarmed citizens, who now
studded the streets and Boulevards. At
every turn he was greeted with the Cheering
shouts of — ' Vime la brave Garde ! Vive, la
Garde Nationale!' It was not long until
he was joined by others, who, though less
perfectly equipped, were not less zealously
devoting themselves to the cause of liberty,
and to the preservation of the public peace.
I had occasion also 'to go to the post-office;
but, on walking up the Rue de Marche St.

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

27

Honore, I observed at the upper end of the
market-place, through the intervals of the
small groups of people who were standing in
the street, the glancing of arms, and in an
instant afterwards I perceived that the street
was stopped up by a party of the Royal
Guard, who had formed themselves across it.
By this time I was within less than thirty
yards of the front of the platoon. A number
of individuals, perhaps not more thantwenty,
were still between me and the soldiery, so
unconscious was I of immediate danger that
I heard the word 'feu' given. I saw the
line of pieces levelled, but even then, alt
though there was no time for flight, the idea
of danger did not occur to me, from the per
fectly, quiet and inoffensive appearance of
the people in the market-place exposed to
the fire. My first impression on hearing the
volley, which was given with the utmost pre
cision, and on finding myself untouched,
was, that the arms of the men had not been
shotted, and that the only object of the mili
tary was to produce intimidation. In another
instant, however, I was sadly disabused of
this too charitable supposition. Two men
fell close by me, the one gasping in agony,
the other quite dead ; and, on looking around
me, it was matter of great surprise that these
two Were the only victims of this cool-blooded
arid atrocious piece of violence. With the
others who escaped I retired into the adjoin
ing booths in the market-place. The man
who was killed proved to be a gardener fre
quenting the market : the other was a stranger ;
but, as he had staggered a step or two towards
the side of the street opposite to that to which
I had retired, I heard no more of him. I
must say, however, that if it was the object
of those who directed the massacre to break
down the spirit of the people, and to reduce
them to a state of abject submission to arbi
trary power, the purpose, in every instance
which I had an opportunity of observing,
was signally defeated by the very measures
to which they have themselves had recourse.
The union and strength of the popular cause,
and the known weakness of the government,
every where excited a spirit which could not
have been overcome even by the temporary
triumph of the troops, and which, now that
it has been attended with a greater and a
more prompt success than could have been
anticipated, will not, I trust, be abused by
any of those violent reactions which too often
follow a successful popular insurrection. In
surrection, however, is a word which, in the
Ordinary sense of the term, , can scarcely be
applied to a case, like the present, of resist-
, ance to actual oppression, and of vengeance
on the instruments employed in the slaughter
of .unoffending citizens. Having failed in

my object, of proceeding to the post-office, I
directed my steps towards the -prefecture of
police, for the purpose pf endeavouring to
procure passports ; but on the way I ascer
tained that that quarter of the town was
already the scene of a violent struggle, and
that the Hotel de Ville, which is not far dis
tant, was the leading object of attack on the
part of the armed populace and the National
Guard, which had already mustered in con
siderable numbers. On passing through the
Place Louis XVI., on my way to the Barriere,
I found it encumbered with troops of ali
arms. A regiment of the Guard had just ar
rived from Versailles : a strong park of ar
tillery had taken up its position along the
garden front of the Tuilleries ; and the other
parts of the place, which during the last
revolution was distinguished by so many
atrocities, was filled with several regiments
of cavalry, the men having been allowed to
dismount, but every one standing by his
horse's head, prepared on the first word of
command to J be again in his saddle. In
place of seeking for bye-paths as I had for
merly done, I now thought it safest to tread
my way through the middle of the troops,
and without any serious impediment reached
Neuilly." A letter from another eye-witness is still
more descriptive. He says, —
" I hastened at an early hour to the Gene
ral Post-Office, Rue Jean Jacques Rousseau,
and I found the building comparatively de
serted : the clerks had not arrived — no one
was there to conduct the business of the es
tablishment : all was terror and alarm. I had
not remained there long before a party of the
young students of the Ecole Polytechnique
arrived, armed, and in military order. Some
mounted guard, others took possession of
the Bureaus — all resolved on maintaining
order and on preventing pillage. When
order was established, i proceeded to the
Place Louis XVI., traversing the Rue St.
Honor6, Louvre, and Place du Carousel. At
the Palais Royal the people were maintaining
a brisk fire against the Royal Guards and
Lancers. In the Place du Carousel the
troops were assembled and assembling, and
it was every where stated that the ministers
were assembled at the Tuilleries. The gar
dens of the Tuilleries were closed. A few
infantry mounted guard. Along the quay all
was comparative tranquillity. In the Place
Louis XVI. a party of artillery were stationed,
and some troops of the line : there were six
pieces of cannon. I proceeded towards the
hotel pf the British ambassador — all shops
were closed — each man was arming himself ;
a general slaughter seemed inevitable if the
troops, remained. Early- inf( the morning,

28

ANNALS OF THE

ATTACK OF THE HOTEL DE VILLE BY THE PEOPLE.

however, the 5th regiment of the line went
over to the people, and afterwards fought
side by side with them. I then proceeded
to the Boulevard de la Madeline. The
people were assembling, and with large clubs
were destroying all the lanterns orreverberes.
This they did in order that when night came
ou they might profit by the darkness to fire
upon the troops. On the Boulevard I was
run down by a party of gen-d'armes, and
compelled to take to flight. Immediately
afterwards news arrived that General Gerard
was leading the people and two regiments of
the line which had gone over to the popular
cause, and were proceeding to the Place
Vendome. The news was true. I joined
the mob near the Rue Richelieu, and pro
ceeded down the Rue de la Paix to the
Place Vendome. The Place Vendome was
in the occupation of the King's troops, who
fired upon us. Women and chidren, how
ever, remained by our side. No one gave
way. All exclaimed, ' Brave General Gerard,
we will never forsake you !' The mass rushed
on to the Place Vendome— routed the troops

— took possession of the ammunition — and
hoisted the tri-colored cockade and flag.
The people then rushed along the Rue St.
Honored to attack, by a back street, the hotel
of Prince Polignac ; but six pieces of loaded
cannon stared them in the face, and for a
moment the people retired. The noise of the
roaring of cannon in the direction of the
Porte St. Martin then attracted attention, and
all rushed to that spot. Artillery, cavalry,
and infantry were there assembled ; but all
were ineffectual. I proceeded td the Rue
St. Martin. Every man was armed. Women
were occupied with their children in unpaving
the streets, and carrying the great stones info
the houses in order to shower' down upon
and crush the military. Enthusiasm was at
its highest pitch. The military were routed
and dispersed in that direction — as also in the
direction of the Rue St. Denis, and the
people became masters of two pieces of
cannon. I saw upwards of fifty citizens shot
within twenty yards of where I stood near
the Porte St. Martin, and more than' 100
soldiers. The Royal Guards were here de-

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

29

feated, and the Swiss cut to pieces. When the
popular party were victorious in this quarter,
we all rushed to the Hotel de Ville. The
brave and animated youth of the Polytechnic
School were there. The Swiss were in pos
session of the hotel, and hundreds of the
citizens were slain every half hour. The
contest lasted two hours. The people at last
entered the hotel, fought manfully, foot to
foot and hand to hand, against the Swiss
troops, in the interior of the building, and
for a time were masters. But a regiment of
the line arrived; Lancers, Royal Guards,
Artillery, and gen-d'armes, also presented
themselves, and in their turn the people were
defeated, and at nightfall the Hotel de Ville
was in possession of the King's troops. At
least 700 persons lost their lives on Wed
nesday in this affair of the Hotel de Ville.
Troops now continued to pour in on all sides,
and Paris was in a state of siege. A pro
visional government was now announced.
General Lafayette and General Gerard put
themselves at the head of the National
Guards. In less than three hours the National
Guard mustered 30,000, and had six pieces
of artillery in their possession."
M Collard, one of the combatants on this
day, residing on the Rue Mortellerie at the
corner of the Place de Greve, relates that —
" about one o'clock in the afternoon a party
of the Royal Guards arid of Swiss, to the
number of nearly 800 men, debouching by the
Quay, appeared on the Place de Greve. A
brisk fire commenced,but the National Guards,
not being in sufficient strength, were obliged
to give ground, and to suffer the Royal
Guards to take possession of their post. The
Royal Guards had scarcely made themselves
masters of the Hotel de Ville, when they were
assailed on all sides with a shower of bullets
from the windows of the houses on the Place.
de Grfeve and in the streets abutting on
the quay. The Royal Guards resisted vi
gorously, and killed many more in number
than were killed of themselves. But still they
were dislodged, and directed a murderous re
treat along the quay, their firing by files and
by platoons succeeding each other with
astonishing rapidity. They were soon joined
by fresh troops of the Royal Guard and of
Swiss, including 100 cuirassiers of the Guard,
and four pieces of artillery, each of them
escorted by a dozen artillerymen on horse
back. With this terrible reinforcement they
again advanced on the Hotel de Ville, and a
frightful firing began on all sides. The ar
tillery debouching from the Quay, and
Charged with cannister shot, swept the Place
de Greve in a terrific manner. Mountains of
dead bodies covered that immense place.
They succeeded in driving the citizens into

the Rues de Matroit and du Mouton, and en
tered for the second time that day into their
position at the Hotel de Ville. But their
possession of it did not continue long ; for
they were soon again attacked with a perse
verance and courage truly sublime and al
most irresistible. Their artillery, ranged
before the Prefecture of the Seine and the
Hotel de Ville, threatened death to thousands.
The repeated charges of the cuirassiers were
violent, but the citizens did not give way.
Immoveable in their position, they expected
and received death, with cries of ' Vive la
Liberte ! — Vive la Charte !' Their heroic and
generous efforts proved fatal to many. The
heaps of dead bodies showed the diminution
in the numbers of the people. They would,
perhaps, have been defeated, had it not been
for one of those little accidents which some
times occur in such circumstances, and which
decided the victory in their favor. . A young
man, bearing in his. hand a tri-colored flag,
advanced under a shower of bullets upon the
suspended bridge which joins the Greve to
the quay of the city, and, mounting to the
fac ade of the pillar on the side of the Greve,
he there planted the national colors. The
sight of the flag of liberty reanimated the
courage of the brave French. They returned
to the charge with new ardor. But unfor
tunately, at the first fire of the Guards, the
brave young man, was struck by one of their
bullets. He rolled down to the foottof the
ladder which he had so bravely mounted, and
his lifeless body fell into the Seine. It was
then that in their rage and courage, forgetting
every thing but the disaster of their brave
brother, the besiegers rushed on the assassins,
got possession of their artillery, and dis
charged it against them. From that time
the victory was not doubtful. The cause of
liberty had triumphed, but it cost the coun
try much noble blood — 1-200 having been
either killed or wounded, of those who had
generously taken arms for the defence of
their liberties and of their country. ' Grand
and noble victory !' thy country hath paid
dearly for thee. Let us hope that the liberty
which thou hast acquired for us will not
again be taken from us. Let us hope that no
sacrilegious tyrant will again lay his impious
hands upon our institutions. The soldiers
of the ci-devant King lost on that murderous
day about 600 men, four pieces of artillery,
and 40 horses. The house, No. 1, of the
Place de l'Hotel de Ville, at the corner of the
Quai Pelletier, and of the Place de Greve,
has been riddled with bullets. All the glass
has been broken ; the corner and front of the
house have been beaten down and destroyed
by the. artilleisy of the Prefecture. The house,
No. 3, Rue de Mouton, has been thrpwn down

30

ANNALS OF THE

under the Port Gochere by the cannon balls.
The houses in the vicinity have also been
riddled with bullets."

When the Deputies were informed that
Polignac refused to listen to their proposition,
his determination was communicated to the
inhabitants : at the same time they received
notice that reinforcements of troops were
arriving, that hostilities would be commenced
by the military forthwith, and that, therefore,
it was indispensable to fortify the houses as
quickly and as well as possible. This inti
mation of the unrelenting disposition of the
heartless Government confirmed the people
in their resolution to win freedom or die in
the struggle. Instruments that could become
weapons of offence were converted to that
purpose. Brickbats and stones were carried
into the upper rooms and piled in heaps for
hurling on the soldiery, and the flower-pots
were devoted to the same end. Paving was
ripped up and broken with hammers by old m en
that could not turn out, and by the women
and children. The gates and doors were kept
open to afford places of momentary retreat to
the people from the charges of the military.
Bullets were openly cast in the shops by the
daughters of respectable tradesmen, while'
their fathers were fighting in the streets.
These shops were ammunition stores ; bullets
were given to all that came, hot from the
moulds', and the girls went on casting,- while
their wounded friends were brought in and
laid on mattresses, previously prepared and
spread out for the disabled that might need
succor. A little after eleven o'clock,Rothschild's esta
blishment was suddenly closed in consequence
of the approach of a body of the people, armed
and preceded by drums and fifes, marching
towards the hotel. They assaulted the gates,
the porter opened them, spoke mildly to the as-
sailants,and they marched away ingood humor.
About twelve a body of at least 5000
cavalry were at the Palace of Deputies;
there was a detachment from these of
a body of gens-d' armes in pursuit of a
crowd of men with bludgeons ; they charged
them with the flat of the sword, and took
away their sticks.
At two o'clock volleys of musketry and a
tremendous roar of cannon announced that hos
tilities were raging against the armed citizens.
The sittings of the courts of Justice were
broken up. The Bourse was shut, and des
tined for a prison for the disarmed and cap
tured military.
The pupils of the Polytechnic school
came among the people and directed their
evolutions.

Many of the Swiss Guards were exposed1
to massacre ; for they were thrown upon the
mercy of the people. By singular misman
agement they arrived in small detachments
of about twenty, which were rushed upon
and surrounded by crowds of 200 or 300
who demanded their muskets; they threw
them into the hands of their victors, who in
no instance maltreated an individual of this'
obnoxious force : but on the contrary, as it
was necessary to secure them; the people put
a long loaf under the arm of each prisoner,
and marched them all off to the Bourse,
which was turned into a place of confine
ment, and kept by the National Guard.
The people were sometimes destitute of
ammunition. Only certain shops were li
censed to sell gunpowder, and each was re
stricted to a very small stock. The little in
these places was quickly secured, but it was
trifling compared with what was consumed
and wanted. Some was brought from the
Polytechnic School by the pupils, and some
had been found in the guard-houses de
stroyed the night before.
The National Guard gradually formed
themselves into companies, and bravely with
stood the musketry and bayonet of the
troops of the palace, and at every oppoftu-
nity harangued the soldiers, exhorting them
to remember that they were making war on
their countrymen. Every individual of the
National Guard that turned out was a volun
teer of the first class in the deadly strife for
liberty. Their services could not be com
manded and were scarcely expected. Half
of the people whom they aided were not
armed; they saw men giving their bodies
and limbs to increase the awful struggle for
liberty, and, as they had themselves contended
for it, they now, although disbanded, once
more took up arms for the good old cause.
When the bridges were raked by the cannon,
the people retreated to the colonnades, waited
till the military came over, and enfiladed and
fired upon them from behind the pillars and
recesses. On a place or street being left clear by
the absence of the military, the people in
stantly drilled and taught the inexperienced
how to fall in, keep in line, wheel to the left
and right, and march.
The Rue St. Honors, the Rue Richelieu,
and the principal scenes of action, were
strewed with broken glass. Immense quanti
ties of bottles had been thrown from the
windows at the military, and served the
double purpose of missiles, at the moment,
against the soldiers, and annoyances to the'
horses of the cavalry.
So early as ten in the morning shots were

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

31

beginning to be frequent ; a symptom of
open war on the part of the people showed
itself in a bonfire at the end of the Rue St.
Denis, made of the window-shutters of the
printer of a journal of the Court. The Na
tional Guard in an old uniform of blue with •
red facings, belts once white, but now tawny,
and rusty firelocks, were cheered heartily.
with the cry " Vive la Garde Nationale!"
One or two, by their awkward manner of
carrying their muskets, or by losing their
caps, too big for the heads they surmounted,
excited also the mirth of the people. They
were repairing towards the Hotel de Ville,
which, during the day, was taken and re
taken more than once, and on each attack
was vigorously assailed and as stoutly main
tained. The fire of the defenders from the
upper parts of the building was sharp and
loud on the air ; whilst the deeper boom !
boom ! of the cannon thundered from below.
The facade, and the front of the opposite
houses, particularly one at the extremity of
the Rue la Vannerie, attest, by many a star,
the fierceness of the engagements. The
Ports St. Martin and St. Denis, the Rue St.
Honore, &c, bear the like honorable testi
mony to the valor of the people.
The 5th regiment were ordered "to
make ready !" to fire on the people on the
Boulevard. They obeyed the order, and
waited for the word " present \" It was
given, and they turned their pieces on their
Colonel, waiting with singular coolness for
the word "fire!" He is said to have im
mediately broken his sword upon his knee,
torn off his epaulettes, and retired. The
people threw themselves into the arms of the
soldiers, who received their embrace, but
maintained their position. " Vive la Ligne!"
was afterwards a constant exclamation with
the people.
When the cavalry of the Guard charged
for the first time, an officer belonging to a
squadron cried out to the people, with tears
in his eyes, "For the love of God, in the
name of Heaven, go to your homes !" When
the Gardes du Corps were ordered to fire
from their hotel on the quay Orsai, they
must have levelled their pieces above the
heads of the people ; for no individual fell or
was wounded. In the streets they appeared
to feel that they were on a grievous duty.
They were no way elated, but seemed filled
with gloomy anticipations of the issue. In
action they spared many of the people.
Most of the station houses of the gens-
d'armerie were burnt. The guards within
usually submitted to the summons of the
people, and withdrew quietly.
Parties of the 15th regiment went at
quick march through the streets, and were

every where greeted with acclamations of
"Vive la Ligne !" As far as the observation
of an eye-witness extended, the duties of the
line on this day were purely passive. De
tachments were posted in different places ; '
and a soldier was occasionally led off, struck
by a chance shot. They stood quietly where
they were drawn up, gently keeping back
the people, whose curiosity was pushing
them too far for their safety, and complaining
to the citizens who stood near of the
hardship of remaining drawn up, under a
hot sun, without meat or drink, the live-long
day. Their officers looked pensive, and, at
every louder report of fire arms, shrugged
their shoulders and cast up their eyes.
Detachments ofthe Royal Guard and of the
Swiss posted themselves at corners, where
they were [out of the reach of the citizens'
fire, and, advancing by turns, fired down the
street.at any living object perceptible. The
people, ih like manner, took their oppor
tunities from windows, doorways, and pro
jections. It was certainly a blunder to bring
the cavalry into narrow streets. The armed
populace lined the windows of every house,
and carried destruction into the ranks of the
Cuirassiers and Lancers.
The Lancers of the Guard were true <pre-
torian troops. Their ferocity was unsparing,
and they were marked out by the people as
objects of especial attack. The loss of the
Cuirassiers and Lancers was consequently
very great. They wjsre assailed with every
hurtful missile that could be procured. Seve
ral of the cuirassiers were dreadfully burnt
by aquafortis, thrown on them from the win
dows by the infuriated relatives of citizens
whom they were charging in the streets.
It was reported that the Garde Royale
and the Swiss had received a gratuity from
the court of ten francs each in the morning.
On the bodies of these soldiers, when slain,
was found more money than privates could
command in ordinary times.
Bravery and mercy were characteristic
of the noble people throughout the day.
The firm stand was made, and the gallant
fight was fought, by the artisans, the work
men, the " unwashed artificers," — men derided
by gentry whose

. noble blood,

Had crept through scoundrels ever since the flood.
There were women, too, that hazarded their
lives ; and, besides the brave youth of the
Polytechnic school, boys joined in the strug
gle, and fought with- their fathers. Mothers^
of lion hearts, equipped, and sent forth their
sons to battle. A courageous stripling, dis
tinguished by remarkable deeds, proved,

32

ANNALS OF THE

when the fight was over, to be a female.
Prodigies of valor were performed by a
woman armed with a brace of pistols.
t, A boy often, with folded arms, and pistol,
quietly waited for an officer of the ferocious
Lancers of the guard ; and, at the moment
he came up, shot him dead upon the spot.
Another lad, on the approach of some gens-
d'armes, dived under the horse of the fore
most, and as he came up turned round, took
aim at his man, and brought him to the earth.
A third boy, a mere child in appearance,
crept under the horses of a troop of cavalry,
till he found room to get up between two ; he
then rose with a pistol in each hand, stretched
out his arms, sho.t the man on each side, and
escaped undetected. At the suspension
bridge, at the Place de Greve, a brave youth
said to the armed citizens, "We, must cross
this bridge — I will set the example. If I
die, remember my name is Arcole." Saying
these words, he started. He had' scarcely
reached the middle of the bridge when he
fell, pierced by countless musket-balls. The
witnesses of his heroism, retained his name,
and the bridge, which was the theatre of his
sublime devotedness, is now called the
" Bridge of Arcole."
An American captain, who lodged at a
hotel in the Rue Richelieu, saw, from his
window, what, he says, if it had been related
to him, he could not have credited . A body of
the Swiss, Guards were drawn up in close
column. One of the people coolly stationed
himself at the corner of a barricade, loaded
and discharged his rifle eighteen times, at
each fire killed his man, and then retreated,
apparently for want of ammunition.
M. Staffel, a native of Alsace, a boot
maker, residing in Passage du Seumon, who
was arrested for having taken too active a
part in the troubles which accompanied the
expulsion of M. Manuel, fought with great
courage. He,, with others, contributed to
disarm ten men of the Royal Guard,
whom he afterwards saved from being mas
sacred. Among the citizens who were sheltered
behind the streets St. Germaine l'Auxerrois,
de la Sonnerie, and de Veau qui Tete, a
young man of the faubourgs, armed with a
good musket, but never having handled one
before in his life, was very much embarrassed
how to use it. A brave soldier of the old
army, M. Gorgot, ancient Director of Mili
tary hospitals, residing at No. 17 Rue de
Ponceau, entreated the young man to lend
him his piece for a few moments; and re
tired behind the corner of the Cafe Secre-
tain. Suddenly a column of Swiss debouched
upon ,the Place de Chatelet, on which our
brave soldier presented, fired, and a Swiss

fell. The whole column fired on him. He
retreated behind the house, re-loaded his piece,
came out again, and fired a second shot, with
the same success, in spite of the shower of
balls with which he was assailed. Several
armed citizens, to about the number of sixty,
followed his example. The Swiss column
was terrified, wheeled round, and retired in
disorder, leaving the place covered with their
slain. When the fire of a piece of cannon was
causing great carnage, among the crowd in
the Rue Planche-Mibray, one of the brave
people cried out, " Who will come with me
and take that piece? — I will only have men
who are unarmed." Followed by eight or
ten men, he rushed forward, and a bullet
reached him just as he was about to obtain
his object. His comrades dispersed, but the
wounded man got up, and was conducted to
a neighbouring temporary hospital, which
had been established at the house of the
Commissary of Police. M. D'Estree, a skil
ful surgeon, who passed three days in alter
nately fighting and attending to the wounded,
extracted the ball, and, through his care, the
cpurageous fellow was enabled to go out
again. "Cowards," cried he, "you have
abandoned me just at the time when the
cannon would have been ours. FoUow me,
and repair your disgrace." He went, forth
again, exposed himself to the fire of the piece,
and in about five minutes it was in his
possession. It was then seven o'clock.
Twelve hours afterwards this undaunted
patriot expired at a few paces from the scene
of his courageous exploit. He belonged to
the class of "the people."
As soon as the terrible conflicts had sub
sided, and the military had withdrawn, the
people were in security, and made instant
preparations for the next day by .strengthen
ing the barricades and increasing their
number. They were assisted by women and
even children. The remainder of the after
noon and evening, and the whole of the night,
was spent in raising these important obstruc
tions to the evolutions of cavalry. Excellent
materials were at hand in the paving stones,
which in Paris are squared to about the
thickness of a foot cube. They were dug
up and piled across the streets in walls
breast high, and four or five feet thick.
These walls were about fifty paces distant
from each other. Hundreds of the finest
trees were cut down for blockades. Nothing
could be more effective for the defence of a
large open town like Paris, traversed in .
every direction by long narrow streets, over
looked by houses of six, seven, and eight
stories, than such barriers scientifically con-

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

33

TAKING DOWN THE GATES OF THE PALACE OF JUSTICE.

structed. All the means that industry and
ingenuity could devise, in so short a time,
were carried into execution, for the energetic
stand and assault determined to be made
against the military in the morning. During
the evening the boulevards, usually so gay,
presented a curious scene of desolation.
Numbers of fine trees were thrown across the
road, and formed green barricades, at short
intervals. Fiacres and diligences contributed
to fill up the gaps. - The Messageri.es Royales,
and those of Lafitte, Gaillard, and Co., were
never before so honorably employed. In
their eagerness for' materials to construct
barricades, the people assailed the gates of the
Palace of Justice, and lowered and carried
them off, for barriers to obstruct the cavalry.
Not a single lamp gave its light in support of
the fading day — a lamp, indeed, was nowhere
extant in Paris;, all had been demolished the
preceding night — and the cafes, in happy
times brilliant with reflected lustres, were
closelv bolted and barred. No man wanted

news, where each was a minister and creator
of news.

During the day, in the intervals between
the. conflicts, the inhabitants, not engaged in
them, stood at their doors with folded arms
and pale faces, listening to the repeated
bursts of fire-arms and explosions of artil
lery; that seemed to threaten the destruction
of the city. Occasionally an honest man,
with a musket on his shoulder, was heard
indignantly exclaiming, "three days ago, and
all was peace ; we had trade, commerce, se
curity ; the elections over, the Chambers on
the point of meeting, every where obedience
to government : and now — " the loud roar
of a cannon filled up the pause, and answered
more emphatically than words.

Many of the people lost their lives by im-.
petuously rushing in multitudes to attack the

34

ANNALS OF THE

military. Those that were behind furiously
pushed on, pell mell, and those in front
that fell either wounded, or from stumbling,
could never rise again. This was the case
especially in a terrible engagement near the
church Madelaine. When it was over, there
was a mound of 150 bodies of the people,
many of whom fell, probably, from losing their
foothold, and were trampled to death. They
had been fought over, and formed a rampart
which their comrades unconsciously mounted
in their eager assaults against the common
enemy. It was the finest weather of July,
the heat of the sun was great, and the com
batants had fallen at the height of physical
excitement. In two hours from the end of the
engagement the bodies in this barrier ex
hibited signs of rapid decomposition, and be
came, within that short space, of a grass-green
color. During the night all signs of this car
nage had disappeared. The bodies had been
carried off and buried, and the place washed
down ; in the morning a stranger could not
have imagined that twelve hours before it had
been a stage of sanguinary slaughter.

Lady Stuart de Rothesay left Paris. This
thoroughly alarmed the English, and they were
eager to .follow her, but the bureaus were
closed, and no passports were issued. As

many as could took their departure without
passports, having been first stopped and
made to cry " Vive la Charte!" by the people,
who tore off ihe fleurs de lis from the dresses
of the postilions.
It was the policy of the government— if
the mis-rule of Charles X. could be called
government — to prevent intelligence of the
insurrection in the metropolis from being
known in the provinces, and orders were
issued, that the mails should not be allowed
to pass the barriers. A regiment that went
over to the people took charge of the London
mail, and effected its departure.

On the termination of the conflicts to-day,
there was scarcely a street in the centre of
Paris in which the gutters were not running
with blood.
In the palace of St. Cloud, whence they
could see the flames arise, and hear the roar
of the cannon, the volleys of the musketry,
and almost the cries of the wounded and the
groans of the dying, Charles X. and his at
tendant minions regulated the scenes of the
bloody drama acting by their order.
At midnight the tocsins swung alarm from
every steeple in Paris,and the cry "to arms!"
was universal.

THURSDAY, JULY 29.

During the night the military were inactive,
and this interval was employed in construct
ing barricades and making preparations for
an awful strife.
At three o'clock this morning M. Mangin,
the prefect of police, quitted Paris, almost
out of his senses.
At day-break the tocsin sounded "To
arms!" and the people began to assemble
rapidly and in great crowds. The military,
whose guard-houses had been destroyed,
were chiefly quartered at the Louvre and
the Tuilleries. The Swiss and the Royal
Guards were chiefly posted in the houses of
the Rue St. Honore and the adjacent
streets. The brave National Guards assembled
on the boulevards, in the Place de Greve,
and in other places, with the certainty of
death if defeated. At the same time, the
students of the Polytechnic School, joined the

citizens nearly to a man ; they then separated,
proceeding singly to different parts to take
the command of the people, and nobly
repaid the confidence reposed in them.
In the Rue Richelieu, and all the neigh
bourhood of the Rue St. Honore, the parties
were en face. The 3d regiment of Guards
maintained the appearance of determina
tion to fight. The people were accumulating
frightfully. Not a word was spoken. The
garden ofthe Tuilleries was closed. In the
Place du Carousel were three squadrons of
Lancers of the Garde Royale, a battalion of
the 3d regiment of the Garde, and a battery
of six pieces, also of the Garde. The Tuil
leries and Louvre were occupied by a regi
ment of Swiss Guards. A few were eating
their breakfast ; all the rest were on the qui
vive, ready to mount or fall in.
In an hour an immense force was brought
to bear on several points. The Hotel de

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

35

Ville was attacked, carried, and became the
point d'appui. The depot of artillery in
the Rue du Bac (St. Thomas d'Aquin)
was also carried, and the cannon carried
off to the most important points, and worked
¦with amazing coolness and effect by those
heroic youths.
At M. Lafitte's were assembled the greater
part of the deputies then at Paris. They were
making arrangements of the greatest import
ance. General de la Fayette was proclaimed
Commandant-General of the National Guard.
This venerable and consistent adherent to
liberty from his earliest years had received
the command the evening before, and he is
sued the following announcement : —
Staff of the National Guard.
" General Lafayette announces, to the
Mayor and members of the different arron
dissements, that he has accepted the Com
mand-in-chief of the National Guard, which
has been offered to him by the voice of the
public, and which has just been unanimously
conferred upon him by the Deputies now
assembled at the house of M. Lafitte. He
invites the Mayor and Municipal Committees
of each arrondissement to send an officer to
receive the orders of the General, at the
Town Hotel, to which he is now proceeding,
and to wait for him there.
" By order of General Lafayette,
*' Member of the Constitutional Municipal
Committee of the City of Paris.
" Lafitte.
" Casimir Perrier.
" General Gerard.
"Lobau. " Odier."
Lieutenant-General Count Gerard was ap
pointed Commandant-General of the regular
forces of the nation.
The institution of a Provisional Govern
ment was indispensable. A municipal
commission was to watch over the common
interests in the entire absence of a regular or
ganization. Messrs. Audry de Puiraveau,
Compte Gerard, Jacques Lafitte, Comte
de Lobau, Manguin, Odier, Casimir Per
rier, and De Schonen, composed this Com
mission. A body of armed citizens were in want of a
leader. M. Evariste Dumoulin immediately
proceeded to the house of General Dubourg
to propose to him to take the command.
"I have just arrived from the country," said
the General, " and have no uniform here."
" You shall soon have one," was the reply.
In a quarter of an hour a uniform was

brought. The General; With a party which
augmented every instant, marched to the
Place de la Bourse. There General Dubourg.
delivered an harangue, and marched with
his corps of citizens for the Hotel de Ville.
It was already in possession of the national
troops, and General Dubourg entered. M.
Dumoulin went immediately to M. Lafitte's,
where the deputies were assembled, to make
known these proceedings, and General La
fayette immediately set out at the head of the
National Guards, and amidst universal ac
clamations, to the Hotel de Ville, where he
was installed in his functions. General
Dubourg was appointed to command at the
Bourse. In the course of the proceedings to-day
there appeared the following
Proclamation.
"The Authorities who derived their
title from the Charter have torn it to pieces,
pronounced their own condemnation, and
abandoned all their posts ; all good citizens
have now only to follow the dictates of their
own courage and conscience. The people
have taken up arms; they have maintained
order, and are on the point of reconquering
all their rights; but organization is still
'called for in every direction. To obtain it,
it is earnestly desired —
" 1 . That the Deputies of the departments
assembled at Paris will immediately proceed
to the Hotel de Ville, which is become the
centre of organization, there to consult on the
measures to be taken.
" 2. That the mayors of Paris do imme
diately repair to their respective mayoralties,
to wait the instructions that will be sent to
them for the maintenance of order, and the
defence of persons and property.
" 3. That each of the mayors will send one
of his deputies to the Hotel de Ville, to join
in forming a commission to deliberate upon
the interests of Paris.
" 4. The members of the definitive bureaus
of the colleges of Paris at the last elections
will meet at the chief places of their respec
tive mayoralties, to form together with the
mayors a permanent council.
"5. The Deputies of Paris are specially
invited, in the name of the duties imposed
upon them by their nomination by their fel
low-citizens, to proceed immediately to the
Hotel de Ville.
"6. All persons employed at the pre
fecture are required to repair to their posts
to execute the orders of their superiors.
" 7. The legions of the National Guards
will muster in their respective arrondisse-
D2

36

ANNALS OF THE

ments, in order that they may, by the usual
measures, protect persons and property.
" For the Provisional Government.
" Hotel de Ville,
" July 29. " J. BAUD.
"By order of Gen. DUBOURG.
" Colonel ZIMMER."
" A true copy,
" Bierre, elector of the llth arrondisse
ment."
The Provisional Government sat at the
Hotel de Ville, and resolved, 1st. To hoist the
national colors; 2d. To defend Paris; 3d.
To dethrone Charles X ; 4th. To perpetuate
a constitutional monarchy ; 5th. To appoint
the Duke of Orleans Lieutenant-General of
the kingdom; and, 6th. To assemble the
Chambers on the 3d of August.
The Provisional Government made the
following appointments, viz. : —
Guizot, Public Instruction.
General Gerard, Minister of War.
Sebastiani, Minister of Foreign Affairs.
Duke of Broglio, Minister of the Interior.
Vice-admiral Truguet, Minister of Marine.
Baron Louis, Minister of the Finances.
Dupin, sen., the Seals.
BaVoux, Prefect of the Police.
Chardel, Director of the Post-office.
Alexandre Laborde, Prefect of the Seine.

General Lafayette, who had been in arms
for the independence of America, and in
arms for the liberty of France in the Re
volution of 1789, now — again in arms for the
freedom of his beloved country — issued the
following " ORDERS OF THE DAY.
I.
" The General commanding in chief, on
issuing this his first Order of the Day, cannot
refrain from expressing his admiration of the
patriotic, courageous, and devoted conduct
ofthe population of Paris. They won their
freedom in 1789, and France will owe them
the same obligation in 1830. The com
mandant-in-chief considers it a cause for
great satisfaction, to the capital and himself,
that he is aided by the co-operation and
counsel of General Gerard, whose name
alone promises every thing for France, and
for all Europe, but towards whom the Gene-
ral-in-chief feels bound to express his per
sonal gratitude for his conduct towards his
old friend on this important occasion. The
generous conduct of the citizens of the capi
tal is a sufficient guarantee that they will
maintain that which they have conquered,
but the necessary repose must be united with

the noble efforts which the country and the
cause of liberty still require from them. The
Commandant-in-chief is therefore occupied
in regulating the duty in such manner that a
part only of the citizens need be under arms
on each day. Orders in this respect will be
published. " My dear Fellow-Citizens and Brave
Comrades,
"The confidence of the people of Paris
has once more called me to the command of
the public forces. I accept with devoted-
ness and joy the duties intrusted to me, and,
as in 1789, 1 feel myself strongly supported
by the approbation of my honorable coir
leagues now in Paris. I make no profession
of my principles — they are already well
known. The conduct of the population of
Paris during the last days of trial has made
me still more than ever proud of being at
their head. Liberty shall triumph, br we
will all perish together.
Vive la Liberti ! Vive la Patrie !
" July 29. " LAFAYETTE."
II.
" The National Guards of Paris are re
established. " The colonels and officers are invited to
re-organize immediately the service of the
National Guards. The sub-officers and
privates should be ready to muster at the first
beat of the drum. In the mean time, they
are requested to meet at the residences of the
officers and sub-officers of their former com
panies, and enter their names upon the roll.
It is important to re-establish good order,
and the Municipal Commission of Paris rely
upon the accustomed zeal of the National
Guards in favor of liberty and public order.
The colonels, or in their absence the chiefs of
battalions, are requested to present themselves
immediately at the Hotel de Ville, to consult
upon the first steps to be taken for the good
of the service. This 29th of July, 1830.
" LAFAYETTE.
" A true copy, &c, Zimmer."
While the authorities were deliberating, a
letter was delivered to General Gerard from
the commander of one of the regiments of
the garrison of Paris, stating that, if the Ge
neral would send a Colonel, the regiment
would obey his orders. The general imme
diately sent one of his aides-de-camp, who
took the command of the regiment. The
same happened with another corps. General
Gerard took the command of both, and in a
energetic speech thanked them for preferring
their country, and real military honor, above
al! things.

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

37

General Du Bourg was elected General
of the National Guard at Paris, and issued
the following Address : —
" Citizens, —
" You have elected me by universal
accord to be your General, and I trust to prove
myself worthy of the choice of the National
Guard of Paris. We fight for our laws and our
liberties : — citizens, the triumph is certain.
" I engage to respect the orders of those
who have been placed over you, and to obey
them implicitly.
"The troops of the line have already
joined us, and those of the guard are ready
to give their adhesion. The traitors who
have excited a civil war, and who believed
themselves able to massacre the people with
impunity, shall be compelled to render an
account, before the tribunals, of their viola
tion of the laws and of their bloody con
spiracy. " Le General DU BOUR.
" Paris, July 29. — At the head quarters of
L' Hotel de Ville.
" The general rendezvous is at L' Hotel de
Ville. We have powder."
The Deputies, availing themselves of the
popularity of Lafayette, addressed the people
of Paris in a proclamation commencing with
his heart-stirring name.
PROCLAMATION OF THE DEPUTIES.
" Head-quarters of the National Guards of
Paris.
" General Lafayette has been to-day,
as he was in 1789, nominated General-in-
chief of the National Guards. Count Alex
ander de la Borde, one of the deputies, re
sumes his functions as Chief of the Staff.
M. Audray de Puyraveau, merchant, another
deputy, has been appointed by the General-
in-chief to be his first aid-de-camp. To
Arms ! To Arms ! Brave Citizens of Paris !
To Arms, ye National Guards ! We call
upon you in the name of the nation. The
women are invited to make up tri-colored
cockades, the only national color.
" Brave Citizens of Paris, — Your con
duct during these days of disaster is above
all praise. While Charles X. abandoned his
capita], and gave you up to gen-d'armes and
Swiss, you defended your homes with a
courage truly heroic. Let us but persevere
and redouble our ardor, — let us but put forth
a few more efforts, and your enemies will
be overcome. A general panic has already
taken possession of them. We have stopped
the courier, they had despatched to Dijon for
reinforcements, and to recommend the

Duchess d'Angouleme not to return. A
Provisional Government is established ; three
most honorable citizens have undertaken its
important functions. These are Messrs. La
fayette, Choiseul, and Gerard, in whom you
will find courage, firmness, and prudence.
This day will put an end to all your anxieties,
and crown you with glory.
(Signed) " Les Deputes de la France."
"July 29. '
Other addresses and proclamations were is
sued by the provisional government and its
functionaries. The Bourse was made a state
prison and hospital. The large place in front
of the Bourse was the dep6t of arms for the
people and the rallying point. General
Dubourg's exertions, at that post, were un
remitting. Meanwhile the youths of the Polytechnic
School took command of the artillery and
directed the movements of the people. Lads
of fifteen commanded regiments of men of
forty, fifty, and sixty years of age, and they
obeyed those well-disciplined and brave boys
with all the eagerness and submission which
a royal army would display towards an ancient
general. They mustered their forces on the
Place de la Bourse, and set off for the
Place de Greve : they were greeted in all the
narrow, dirty little streets, by shouts of
" Vivent les Bourgeois 1" Vive le Libert6 !"
" Vive la Charte !"
The National Guard, at the head of a
body of citizens, marched to dislodge the
Swiss and Royal Guards, in the Rue de
Richelieu, and the Rue St. Honore. It pro
ceeded — greatly surprised by not seeing any
troops. It reached the Theatre Francais,
and not a soldier appeared. Suddenly
the windows of the houses opposite the the
atre, and consequently behind the detach
ment, were thrown open, and three or four
Swiss stationed at each window commenced
a murderous fire. The number of the dead
and the wounded increased with frightful rapi
dity, and the front of the theatre was co
vered with dead bodies. The citizens, receding
behind the pillars of the theatre, took every
possible position for continuing the assault
with success. At the end of an hour the
besieged capitulated. They were made pri
soners, amounting to about 40 soldiers and
officers, and among them a captain, of; the
Royal Guard. The people marched, their
prisoners to the Place de la Bourse; but
those who had families were allowed to go
and dine with them, upon giving a promise
to return again in the evening.
The neighbourhood of the Hotel de Ville
was the theatre of a dreadful conflict. Th©

33

ANNALS OF THE

people occupied the Quai Pelleteir and the
Place de Greve. After a most sanguinary
struggle, they were slowly beaten from the
Quay into the Place de Greve, which with
the Hotel de Ville they maintained with
unexceeded heroism.
At the Place de Greve thousands of the finest
troops^in the world found themselves engaged
with citizens variously armed. Here a small
party of elderly National Guards, with a cou
rage only equalled by that of the beardless
students of the Polytechnic School, opened
their fire on the Garde Royale — horse and
foot, and artillery, French and Swiss — taking
especial care to avoid injuring the regiments
of the line, who remained grave spectators
of the slaughter that ensued. The Royal
Guard attacked the pupils of the Polytechnic
School, in order to carry off their cannon,
the latter, perceiving the fault committed by
the Guard in attacking them in front, in
stead of endeavouring to make a diversion on
their flanks, cried out, "They don't know
their trade — we shall defeat them." — The
end verified their assertion : — they were the
victors after a dreadful carnage.
" In another direction were the people of
the Fauxbourg St. Antoine and Marceau,
desperately fighting with pikes, or other less
offensive weapons — thousands of women and
unarmed people looking on and encouraging
the citizens.
The people were fired upon from the win
dows of the Archbishop's palace. They at
tacked it, and finding in the state apartment
a stand of arms, with gunpowder, they de
stroyed all the] furniture, except what they
threw into the Seine, or sent to the Hotel
Dieu for the accommodation of the wounded.
Much of the plate followed the furniture into
the river : part of it was recovered and
lodged in the Hotel de Ville. The people
would not allow pillage. Two or three men
detected in plundering were shot upon the
spot. At a very ealy hour this morning the Swiss
were posted to defend the Louvre. Three of
them were placed behind each of the double
columns on the first floor, and others at dif
ferent parts of the palace, whence they could
fire in security. The people resumed the
breaking up of the pavement in the streets
contiguous. At half-past four, at the ex
tremity of the Rue des Poulies, a narrow
short street leading from the Rue St. Honor£,
the people were forming a barrier with the
paving-stones on the left of the Louvre.
Upon this point a fire was Commenced by
the Swiss, and kept up for several hours,
without intermission, during the whole pro
gress of its erection. Shots, from a window
ofthe house next the spot, divided the atten

tion of the Swiss; but many of the populace
fell. One, after he had received his death
wound, shrieked out to his associates, " Vive
la Nation !" and instantly dropped upon the
stones at which he was at work. This event
drew forth loud shouts of vengeance from his .
companions, and seemed to make a momen
tary impression on the royal troops. When
the barrier was completed, the people began
a brisk fire from their entrenchment, and the
assault and defence were obstinately main
tained. The attack on the Louvre was from three
points — on the side of the grand front, oppo
site the Pont des Arts, and at the entrance
of the Carousel on the quay side. A body
of the Swiss, near the Rue de Coq, com
manded the Louvre, and were engaged with
the people. The officer of this detachment,
and M. Duval Lacamus on behalf of the peo
ple, agreed to observe a truce for an hour.
While these gentlemen were conversing to
gether, a public functionary pointed his
musket, and was going to fire. The officer
reproved him severely, and ordered his
soldiers to carry him to the guard-house.
The truce having come to an end, the at
tack was renewed, and the fire on each side
fiercely kept up. In the heat of the assault
two of the assailants climbed the barrier, and,
springing forward, gained the iron railings
enclosing the front of the Louvre, where there
is a dwarf wall, about two feet and a half
high, under which they lay down, and began
to fire upon the troops. They were followed
by two of the National Guard. One of them
carried a large tri-colored flag, with which he
contrived to crawl to a water-butt standing
close to the railing, and from behind it he
managed to place the flag, with his gun and
bayonet, on the railing of the Louvre. This
courageous act was hailed with reiterated
cries of " Vive la Nation ! and the example
was followed by others, and thus the as
sailants were protected by a double entrench
ment, and continued the assault with in
creased energy. A young man daringly
climbed the gate, and forced it open. About
200 of his fellow assailants detached them
selves, and passed it in the face of heavy
volleys of musketry. The main body soon
rushed after them} the greater part of the
Swiss fled to the Tuilleries, and in a few
minutes the Louvre was in the possession of
thousands of the people, and the tri-colored
flag flying from its windows. The Swiss
that surrendered were marched prisoners to
the Bourse.
A body of 5000 or 6000 people assailed
the Tuilleries : they had to combat two
regiments of the Royal Guards posted in
the Garden of the Infants, and three strong

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

39

detachments' of Lancers, Cuirassiers, and
Foot Grenadiers, occupying the Carousel,
supported by a reserve of Artillery planted
in the Garden of the Tuilleries. The -attack
commenced in the Garden of the Infants.
The Royal Guards permitted the first as
sailants to approach, and there the contest
ended almost as soon as it was begun, by
the slaughter of the front rank. Almost at
the same instant, fresh assailants drove back
the defenders of this important post. In
the midst of a constantly rolling fire the iron
railings were broken down. This, which in
the end rendered the people master of the
Tuilleries, was effected with extraordinary
resolution and rapidity. Still resistance was
offered with bloody obstinacy on other
points, particularly the Pavilion of Flora,
from which a constant firing had been kept
up from seven in the morning upon the Pont
Royal, and many were killed. Musket-
shots, from the apartments of the Duchess of
Angouleme, were fired without cessation.
As soon, therefore, as the Pavilion of Flora
was taken, every article of furniture, and
thousands of scattered papers, among which
were proclamations to the troops, to stimu
late them against the citizens, were thrown
out of the windows. Twice the Palace of
the Tuilleries was taken and abandoned, but
the citizens were finally victorious, and two
tri-colored flags were planted on the central
pavilion. Except the destruction of the fur
niture above mentioned, little excess was
committed. Arms, of course, were eagerly
seized wherever found, but the only trophy
carried off by the victors was a very richly
ornamented sword, said to belong to the
Duke of Ragusa.
It was by a breach in the beautiful exte
rior railing of the palace of the Tuilleries
that the people entered on the Rue Rivoli
side : the damage to it did not extend be
yond twenty feet, which was of necessity
broken down.
An ensign who presented himself in the
Place de Carousel, when the attack was going
to commence, advanced in ordinary time up
to the triumphal arch, without a single retro
grade motion, although more than a thou
sand musket-shots were fired at him from
the Castle. He then intrenched himself
behind the arch, where he kept his ground
until the Castle was taken by the Parisians.
One of the first of the people that entered
the palace through the Pavilion of Flora
(frpm the windows of which part the fire
had been tremendous, and the people had
suffered the most) found himself with two
Swiss, and a hand in hand struggle ensued.
The crowd rushed in, and the three were

precipitated through the window, but none of'
them was hurt.
An Englishman, who came up just after
the people had taken the palace, succeeded
in gaining entrance, and relates as follows : —
" A flight of papers from the windows of
the Tuilleries that look on the bridge showed
that the sanctuary of Majesty was in the act
of being invaded. The gate of the garden
was open. I ventured in with the rest.
The smashing of glass and window-panes
gave me to fear that the work of [de-
struction was beginning. At last I found
myself in the hall of the Tuilleries. —
Men, armed and unarmed, were rapidly as
cending the staircase. I stood hesitating ;
the troops had just retired hastily to the
Champs Elysees and some were still firing
on the besiegers at one corner of the Ca
rousel. It was like venturing into the lion's
den, with a possibility of his return. A
young Frenchman passed me, saying aloud
that it was an occasion not to be let slip.
I thought so too, and mounted with the rest.
I beheld vast and magnificent rooms, to
which the grandest apartments of new-fur
nished Windsor are not comparable, trod by
men armed and unarmed, artisans, simple
blue-frocked peasants, who had never, ex~
cept as workmen, perhaps, set foot on floors
parquetes and ciris before. The most pri
vate recesses of royalty were laid open to
the vulgar gaze. I observed a party curi
ously examining the toilette-table of a splen
did bed-chamber, understood to be that of
the Duchess de Berri. Her perfumed soaps
were submitted in turn to sundry noses, and
the other particulars of a lady's toilette were
scrutinized, with various reflections. The
state-bed, with its rich silken draperies, was
gazed on by profane eyes, and touched by
profane hands. In my progress through the
apartments, I remaTked the originals of se
veral well-known prints. There was Louis
Seize distributing alms on a winter's day, on
one side of the room, and, on the other,
gazing on a map of the world. There too
was Louis Dixhuit, a crafty old gentleman,
reposing in his arm-chair, and looking at
once, as a soldier termed him to an English
party, in 1814, ' both the pere and the mire
of his people.' These were portraits that
awakened no animosity. But in the Salle
des Marechaux, one portrait — only one — was
no sooner seen than it was torn out of
the frame and rent in tatters. It was
' Ragusa' — the 'double traitor Marmont.'
The vast magnificent apartment, with the
throne, the state bed-chamber of majesty,
the royal cabinet, were successively explored.
On the floor of the latter, they scattered sun-

40

ANNALS OF THE

dry fragments of books and half-torn papers.
I picked up two at hazard ; one was in print,
the otheT manuscript: both relaied to priests;
it was a sors Virgiliana, that told the charac
ter of the imbecile Monarch, his folly and
his fate. I was more curious to observe the
conduct of the multitude on the occasion,
than inquisitive after the details of sumptu
ous and costly royalty. The thought that
first led me into the Tuilleries was this : I
will go in with the rest, that there may be
at least one impartial evidence of the con
duct of a French mob, under circumstances
of strong temptation and peculiar aggrava
tion. I cann6t say that I observed a single
act of downright plunder. One or two men,
whom I remarked looking up and down a
solitary apartment, wore that sinister air
which betokens an intended unlawful appro
priation : but this was only surmise ; they
took nothing whilst I remained. An elderly
artisan, who had picked up some trifling
matter, and had apparently been charged
therewith by some of his comrades, was ex
claiming loudly against their injustice, and
drawing a distinction between the appropria
tion of something by way of memorial and
the baseness of plundering. .Neither was the
spirit of destruction abroad. It is true, the
silk curtains, whose couleur rouge stimulated
the beholders, were not respected. The
armed men were busy hewing them with
their swords into portions convenient to
wear as scarfs, and several had already ar
rayed themselves in this, one of the three
popular colors. Chandeliers were also a
little damaged : but this was done inadvert
ently, by men carrying muskets and bayonets
with too little deference to those superb
ornaments. The simplicity of a blue-frocked
peasant had nearly caused the destruction of
the plate glass which fills one of the large
compartments at the end of the throne-room.
He was walking hastily along, as through an
empty door-way, and seemed not a little
astounded at being violently repelled by
what had appeared to him empty space.
The only instance of plundering I witnessed
was one of the least reprehensible, though in
its consequences likely to have proved the
most pernicious. His majesty's private stock
of wines had been discovered : the day was
hot— every throat was parched. I myself had
a little before envied a draught of the Seine
water, which a man was lading round in a
wooden bowl to the droughty corFquerors'ofthe
Louvre. The bottles were no sooner detected
than, without the trouble of drawing corks,
they were decapitated, and the rich contents
poured down the throats of grimy citizens,
in such continuous streams as threatened the
subversion of what intellect the bottle-drainer

possessed. I cannot, however, be severe on
a fault in which I participated. The tempta
tion proffered me by a polite tri-colored
warrior, who presented me with a bottle he
had just broached, was not to be resisted on
a day when every thing exhorted to drink.
It was some of the finest Madeira I had ever
tasted. In another room, I remarked other
partisans busily satisfying the cravings of an
insatiable thirst : but not always with equal
good fortune. An individual who had im
patiently knocked off the head of a bottle,
and poured into his mouth' as much as his
wide capacity could contain, spit it out
again with a wry face, and many and vehe
ment exclamations of disgust. I examined
the label on the bottle — it was veritable eau
de Seidlitz! I consoled the unfortunate
craftsman, like Ludovico in the ' Mysteries
of Udolpho,' by telling him the good wine
was serving out in the next room."
M. Eugene Lovat, whom courage had
placed at the head of the assailants, remained
in the palace with his pistols in his hand,
for the preservation of the property, till nine
o'clock at night. He called one of the peo
ple, a workman, to assist in preventing any
thing from being stolen. " Be quiet, my
captain," said the man, " we have changed
our Government, but not our consciences."
Two other artisans, who entered among
the first into that part which the Duchess
of Berri inhabited, found there a casket of
bronze, enclosing a large sum in gold.
Overcome by the load of it, at the court
ofthe Louvre, they asked a citizen to join
them in protecting the treasure. The three
carried it to the Hotel de Ville, where
the precious burden was deposited, with
out asking or receiving any reward. At
the gates of the palace, an individual
was found pillaging, and shot. Every body
caught pillaging was severely chastised and
compelled to surrender what he had taken.
Some men who found new trousers in one of
the guard-rooms, put them on over their own.
The trousers were immediately torn off by
their comrades, with a unanimous cry, —
" We came here to conquer, not to rob."
Two workmen found in one of the apart
ments a pocket-book, containing a million ih
bank notes— they delivered it up without ab
stracting any thing from it, and would not
even give their names.
Scarcely any damage was committed after
the first general rush into the palace, when
the people tore down the curtains for flags
and sashes to wrap' roundj them ; and con
verted gilt mouldings into pike staves. At
that moment of excitement they threw papers
out of the windows, with birds of Paradise,
rich feathers, and gay millinery. Some of

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

41

THE WOUNDED PEOPLE CARRIED TO THE HOTEL DIEU.

these were afterwards collected, and with other
articles of value, which had been removed
from their places, were deposited at the
Hotel de Ville. The picture of the corona
tion of Charles was entirely destroyed. A
statue, in silver, of Henry IV., while a boy,
and a colossal statue of Peace, in silver, were
nc,t touched. The bust "of Louis XVIII. was
for a moment removed ; but, it being recol
lected that he gave the Charter, it was, by a
good feeling, restored to its place. Among
the curiosities brought to light by the rude
hands of the captors was a long dress, lined
with hair; at one extremity was an iron
collar, and at the other a chain.* The use of
this vest in such a place could not be ex
plained by the crowd. Itwas the hair cloth
dress worn by his most Christian Majesty, in
penance for sin.
In the rage of conflict, while the energies
of the people were simultaneously wrought
to the utmost possible height against their

enemies, they looked out for each of them
selves that fell. If a dropped man was wounds
ed, he was instantly succored by his nearest
comrades. In a moment they were as brothers
to him ; two or three desisted from the
carnage, lifted him, staunched the blood, bore
him off in their arms, placed him with
soothings on the first shutter or a rude litter,
and conveyed him at once to where surgical
aid awaited the arrival of these constant
casualties; and then flew back to the attack.
If the man fell dead at once, they stood
upon his body, as upon an altar consecrated
to freedom, and, animated by his departed
spirit, fought with deadlier purpose. The
Hotel Dieu was the chief hospital for the
wounded; they were borne thither in crowds,
during the fury of the engagement. The
way before this hospital became a piteous
and exciting scene : eyes, unused to weep,
dropped tears for the passing sufferers, and
manly bosoms heaved with fierce resolves to

42

ANNALS OF THE

avenge their gushing-wounds, and hold a
death-grapple with the . phalanxes of the
scorned and detested tyrant.
One of the pupils of the Polytechnic
School was killed in the Tuilleries. His
body was raised with respect by those whom
he had conducted to victory, placed on the
seat of the throne itself, and covered with
pieces of crape which were collected by
chance. It remained there till his brother,
and other members of the family, came to
claim his glorious remains.
The care of the Tuilleries, for the remain
der of the day, was committed to the brave
fellows who took it. They were principally
jp'f the working classes, and at night presented
a most grotesque appearance. Here might
be seen a young fellow of twenty or twenty-
two carrying a halberd of the time of Francis
I., inlaid with gold, dressed in a smock
frock and trousers, with the casque of a
cuirassier on his head. There another, with
a blue shirt and trousers, encumbered by the
long sword of ahorse grenadier, and capped
with the brass helmet of a pompier ; with a
pistol or two to complete his armament.
Farther off was a negro in livery, posted as a
sentinel, with a cavalry carbine, and the broad
sword of a Sapeur — joked with occasion
ally upon his not being white. On the Place
du Carousel was a very fine young fellow,
apparently a laborer, in a canvas jacket
and trousers, without stockings, wearing the
feathered cocked hat of a marshal of France,
captured from the wardrobe of the King —
his fellow-citizens laughing at his pride, and
he bearing it with the most imperturbable
gravity. Near to him was a man with one
sleeve from the red coat of a Swiss over his
own, an archbishop's glove on the opposite
hand, and a Lancer's spear on his shoulder.
Among them were four Irish mechanics, who
arrived " fortunately" in Paris " that very
day," on their way to Charenton :-rthe thing
was not to be withstood, so in they went
with " the boys," and — " sure [they must stay
and do their duty !"
It was almost impossible for the cavalry to
act efficiently in the unpaved streets, blocked
at short distances with stone redoubts thrown
across, and holes in the ground filled with
water. But the greatest obstacle to the mili
tary was the invincible courage of the people.
It was evident that the troops were dejected.
Some of them had not tasted food for thirty
hours; and they fought, moreover, against
their own countrymen. The Swiss were still
more dejected; for they apprehended that no
quarter would be shown them. They were
wrong. The people fought like lions ; but
they spared the lives of all who surrendered.
Many of the Cuirassiers surrendered their

swords. The Lancers of the Guard — the
finest body of men in the country— fought
with heroism and constancy, and were dread
fully cut up. Many of them, private soldiers,
were young men of family. The manner in
which the Swiss fought, and the nature of the
engagement, may be taken from the follow
ing instance : — A company of them defended
one portion of the Rue St. Honore, and were
reduced to sixty. They fought in three lines
of single files. The people occupied the
whole breadth of the street in front of them.
In this position the foremost Swiss soldier
would fire, or attempt to fire, and was certain
to fall pierced with balls before he could
wheel to gain the rear. The same occurred
to the next, and so on until they had every
one fallen.
The contest in the Rue St. Honors, at the
Louvre, the Tuilleries, and at the Place de
Greve, was maintained with the most deadly
obstinacy. The Rue St. Honore, for two days,
was a perpetual scene of slaughter. The
Louvre, except the picture gallery, was on
all sides attacked and defended at the same
moment, and for hours. In the court of the
Louvre a field-piece was planted, which com
manded the Pont des Arts, being exactly op-
' posite the Institute. Here the fighting was
so dreadful, and so maintained, that the front
of the Palace of the Institute is speckled
with -musket and grape shot. One cannon
ball smashed a portion of the wall, and, from
its elevation, did dreadful execution in sweep
ing the bridge. The attack on the Tuilleries
was over in two or three hours. A young
fellow marched on with a tri-colored flag at
the head of the attacking Bourgeois. A
thousand balls, fired from the front of the
Chateau, whistled by him without touching
him. He continued to march with sang
froid, but with, at the same time, an air of
importance, up to the triumphal arch, and
- remained there until the end of the battle.
While the people and the military were
combatting at the Place de Greve, the Louvre,
and the Tuilleries, troops were arriving by
the Champs Elysees. A great party of the
people, and many National Guards, with two
pieces of cannon, 'were hastening along near
the Place Louis XVI., towards the Barrier
St. Etoile, when a large troop of dragoons.
arrived, made a desperate charge, and cut
down the people without' mercy, who made
a very bold stand. Many of the soldiers
solemnly vowed that they would not continue
to obey orders to massacre their brothers
and sons. Their numbers were thinned; they,
were fatigued, disheartened, discomfited,!
beaten, and fled. At Chaillot, a district of
Paris verging on the route to St. Cloud,,
the inhabitants, though few in number, sus-

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

4$

tained the fire of five regiments of the Guards,
who attempted to effect their retreat by the
Barrier of Passy.
At length all the royal troops left the ca
pital by the way of the Champs Elysees,
and in their retreat were fired upon by the
people.

that lay in a corner, with a label attached to
the breast. It was evidently one of the hum
blest citizens, and the address was ' Rue
St. Antoine.' — Honor to whom honor is
due."

From imperfect statements of occurrences,
hastily written at the moment, without
data as to time, it has not been possible to
state the events of this decisive day in their
order. The result, however, is indisputable.
The people, with undaunted intrepidity,
opposed the veterans of the Royal army,
withstood the assaults of cavalry, and infan
try, and artillery — became themselves the
assailants, and finally conquered.
During ten hours the warfare raged with
out ceasing. The National flag was succes
sively planted on every public edifice where
the Bourbon flag flew. At four o'clock in
the afternoon, there was not a man in arms
against the people of Paris.
After the troops had quitted the capital,
there was an immediate calm. Holes were
dug in the streets or public gardens, and
many of the dead collected together and in
terred. The wounded were conveyed by
hundreds to the Bourse, the Hotel Dieu, and
other public hospitals.
The citizens, after two or three hours' repose,
were again summoned to prolong their exer
tions, and redouble their energy, upon in
formation that an attack was threatened the
next day. This rumor was unfounded. The
enemy had fled to return no more. It was a
victory so complete as to utterly astound
and leave the parasites and minions of the
arbitrary king without a single hope.
In the army of Charles X. the loss of offi
cers was beyond all proportion greater than
that of the privates. They were picked out
of the ranks with fowling-pieces or rifles.
Prior to the taking of the Tuilleries, the
Guards and Swiss lost three-fourths of their
superior officers, most of them by rifle balls.
A gentleman, well known in the fashionable
circles of Paris, boasted and was believed
to have killed fourteen officers by his rifle
alone. Where the great battles were fought, the
dead lay as they had fallen, in heaps.
Where the combats were accidental, there
were frail memorials of the recent deadly
strife. " Here and there," says a writer,
"you turned aside to avoid a puddle of
blood, or the stark corpse of some unhappy
veteran, that lay covered only by the grey
military cloak. — I noticed, a deserted corpse

At the beginning of the conflict,, on the
27th, the people of Paris were without leaders
and acted without concert ; and during the
three days displayed bravery and virtue that
will ensure to them lasting fame. The fol
lowing are a few individual characteristics-
of to-day.
M. Auguste Pascou, a young student at
law, during the taking of the Swiss barracks
in the Rue de Babylone, perceiving that his
comrades, terrified by the first firing, were
beginning to retreat, got upon an eminence,
where he remained during the whole of the
attack, unceasingly exciting them, both by
his words and example, although he had re
ceived two gun-shot wounds. A short time
afterwards he was at the taking of the- Tuil
leries. A young man, mounted upon a valuable
horse, and from his dress and equipments
evidently wealthy, applied every where, in
vain, for arms, that he might join in the com
mon defence. He perceived a good musket
in the hands of a man whose dress declared
him to be a poor scavenger. " My friend,"
cried the young man, "I will give you 100-
francs for your piece." " Oh, no, Sir," re
plied he, " it is my best friend." " I will give
you 500 francs." " No, Sir ; it has already
brought two of our foes to the ground, and it
will bring down more still. I shall keep my
good friend."
An unfortunate workman, covered with
blood and sweat, asked for a little nourish
ment. During the two days on which he
had been fighting he had eaten nothing. An
individual welcomed him. He was scarcely
seated, when a firing was heard. He-
threw away the bread, and, hastening to join
his countrymen, fell from exhaustion, and'
died. Some artizans passed along the boule
vards, under the command of one of their
comrades, who had been appointed their
chief on account of his good sense and ex
perience. At the point of their weapons were
loaves of bread and fowls, which had been
distributed among them. Several of the-
troop, finding themselves opposite a wine
vault, separated for the purpose of getting
some spirits, but returned to their ranks at
the voice of their Commander. "To-day,""
said he, " not one drop of brandy — not one
drop of wine, without water, must any of us

44

ANNALS OF THE

drink. We must carry all drunkards to the
guard-house." All the brave men set up an
immediate cry, " Our Captain is right," and
went their way to fight, without any other
than their generous and ardent love for
liberty and their country.
At night, when all was over, a person
going home overtook half a dozen workmen
of the Faubourgs St. Antoine and Marceau,
who, with the utmost gentleness, kept the
crowd from pressing on three other men who
were slowly moving in the centre. The de
meanor of those guards and the crowd indi
cated pity and respect. The group within
was composed of two of the men from the
Faubourg, and a wounded, trumpeter of the
Grenadiers a Cheval, who had fallen while
sounding a charge of his regiment. He had
been conveyed into a neighbouring house
after the battle by some of the combatants,
and was now deemed able to walk to the
Hotel Dieu. At the Place du Chatelet the
party halted, and something was said to the
wounded man, who wished to decline (grate
fully, however) an offer. " Bah !" said one
of his supporters, " a drop of good wine
never did any man harm," and they entered
a cabaret. His conductors were his captors.
A young National Guard, having com
mitted a mistake in one of the movements of
his exercise, was laughed at by the spectators.
" I made no mistake," said he, "in fighting
yesterday the enemies of liberty."

weltering in their blood. At one point a
woman .headed the bourgeois, and was the
boldest of the combatants— if degrees of
bravery can be admitted in this most memor
able conflict of modern times. A woman, in
man's clothes, fought at the attack on the
Swiss barracks in the Rue Plumet. Youths,
not more than from twelve to fifteen years of
age, were pushed out of their homes by their
mothers, who commanded them to go and fight
for their liberties. These women showed no
marks of fear ; they held loaded pistols in
their hands, and some were carrying paving
stones into the houses to dash upon the sol
diers. So great was the universal excite
ment, and the disregard of personal danger,
that many ladies in the second rank of life
accompanied and assisted their sons in
making common cause with the people, and
went from street to street encouraging their
relations during the hottest of the fight. At
the attack upon the Louvre, women advanced
during the firing of the troops to rescue and
pull out the wounded, and send them where
they could have surgical aid.

The hardihood of the children was a
striking feature to day, as it had been before.
The Marquis of Chabannes, who commanded
the Lancers, was killed by a boy of fourteen.
Armed with a pistol, he seized the bridle of
the Marquis's horse ; the horse, to disengage
himself, lifted his head violently, and raised
the boy from the ground. In that position
he blew out the Marquis's brains.
It was impossible for a man's courage to
fail him, seeing, as he went along, old men,
children, and women, of all classes, providing
for their defence by strengthening the barri
cades, opening all the doors of their houses,
and mounting stones up to their rooms to
whelm upon their enemies.

Women were eminently conspicuous for
heroism. At one of the barricades the
people were resisting the onset of a body of
Swiss Guards. A number of females, rushing
from a lateral street with pitch-forks and
knives, and similar instruments of destruc
tion, fell on the rear of the Swiss, and in the
twinkling of an eye numbers of them were

On this day the students ofthe Polytechnic
School made the most valorous attacks and
defence. They fired away and headed the
citizens two days and nights against.the
troops. Some of these boys of ten and twelve
years old, with pocket pistols in their hands,
crept under the muskets of soldiers, levelled
against the citizens, and, when near enough,
fired their pistols in the bellies of the sol
diers. A boy of less than ten returned from
a charge with two bayonet wounds in his
thigh, and yet refused to yield his arms.
At the capture of the Tuilleries another
pupil, who was also at the head of the armed
citizens, presented himself at the railings. A
superior officer immediately approached.
" Open," said the young commander, " if
you do not wish to be all exterminated; for li
berty, and force are now in the power of the
people." The officer refused to obey his
summons, and pulled the trigger of his pistol,
which did not however go off.. The young
pupil, who preserved all his coolness, seized
the officer by the throat, and directing his
sword against it, said, " Your life is in my
power ; I could cut your throat, but I will
not shed blood." The officer, affected by this
act of generosity, tore from his breast the
decoration which he wore, and presented to
his enemy, saying, "Brave young man, no
one can be more worthy than you to wear
such insignia; receive it from my hand. I
have worn it till now with some credit, and
I am certain that you will continue to do the

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

45.

same. Your name ?" — " Pupil of the Poly
technic School ;" and the young man imme
diately rejoined his companions.
In one of the skirmishes with the Royal
Guard, that body had, after its repulse by
the citizens, left a piece of artillery in an un
occupied area, to which, however, there was
still danger in approaching on account ofthe
firing. A pupil of the Polytechnic School,
who was at the head of the armed citizens,
ran up to the piece, which he seized with
both his hands. "It is ours," he said,
" I will keep it — I will die rather than sur
render it." A cry was heard behind him,
" The brave are dear to us — you will be
killed — return ! " The young man heard not
a word, but held the piece more tightly in
his embrace, in spite of a shower of balls
which rained around him. At last the Royal
Guard was obliged to retire still further by
the fire of the citizens, who kept continually
gaining ground, and who at length reached
the piece and saved the youth who had so
bravely seized it.
The gratitude of the people to the pupils
of the Polytechnic School almost reached
veneration. One of these fine young men,
who had taken no rest for the last three
nights, fell asleep from weariness on one of
the mattrasses designed for the wounded.
When evening arrived, he was taken, without
knowing it, to the Hotel de Ville, and when
the appearance of his uniform excited accla
mations wherever he passed, those who
carried him said, ' Respect his misfortunes.'
The crowd took off their hats, and passed on.

were without number. They did not even
maltreat one of their inveterate enemies — the
gens-d'armerie of Swiss. They took their
arms only to turn them instantly against the
troops who still continued to resist.

The feeling of honor among the people
respecting property which fell into their
hands was most remarkable. One man who
considered he had a right to a watch was
shot. A few who appropriated to themselves
some effects of the officers of a large depot
of gen-darmes were stripped, and some of
their clothes burnt, along with the epaulettes,
furniture, &c, of the officers. Where officers,
soldiers, &c, surrendered their posts, their
property was respected. Some poor work
men, having forced the shop of a gunsmith,
who had already surrendered his powder,
sought for more in all quarters, even among
his furniture. In one of his drawers they
found some money and a bill, One of them
shut the drawer instantly, and said, " This
is not what we were looking after."
Throughout the entire contest there was
no pillage, no disorder of any sort. The
wounded soldiers were taken as much care of
as the wounded citizens. In fact, the in
stances of generosity, of devotion to the
-" good old cause," and of respect to the laws,

Foreigners of all nations, English, Germans,
Russians, Italians, Spanish, and Portuguese
individuals of every country in Europe —
who happened to be at Paris, openly declared
for the people of Paris, and many personally
aided in the struggle.
Several young Greeks, residing in Paris to
finish their education, took a very active part
in the combats.. At the moment of danger
they got arms, and mixed themselves with
the masses of people who were courageously
fighting in the streets of the capital.
Many Italians were in the hottest of the
engagements, and some led ou the citizens.
An officer of the Royal Guard was about
to run M. Huet, an ex-serjeant of the 17th
light infantry, through the body, when Gio
vanni di Aceto, a brave Italian youth, only
seventeen years of age, levelled the officer
with his pistol, and saved Huet's life. This
courageous lad distinguished himself each
day, as the undaunted leader of thirty
citizens of all ages, and gallantly fought at
the Hotel de Ville, Port St. Martin, the Rue
St. Honore, the Tuilleries, and in other most
desperate engagements.
Mr. Lindo, an Englishman in the house of
Orr and Goldschmidt in Paris, voluntarily
entered his name on the list of the National
Guard, braved the fire of the common
enemy, and after the victory mounted guard
for forty-eight hours, without quitting his
post for a moment.

Mr. Bradley, an English physician, in Paris,
was prodigal of his professional care to the
wounded, al the capture of the Barrack ofthe
Rue Babylon. During the fight he went from
street to street, and from house to house, to
attend to the wounded, and continued to visit
them after their removal to the hospitals.
An Englishman who had been settled in
Paris for 10 years, as a wood-engraver and
type-founder, as soon as ,ne ordinance for
the suppression of the Press was issued,
apprehending that his business would be
uterly destroyed, and having private affairs
to arrange in London, took out his passport
for the purpose of removing his family and
other concerns to London. Being detained
by accident for a few days, he cast all the
materials he could convert into bullets for
the supply of the National Guard, and neither
his exertions nor his bullets were thrown

46

ANNALS OF THE

away. Our correspondent says he saw a
certificate in the party's favor, attested by the
constituted authorities of his district, relative
to his spontaneous and seasonable, as well
as disinterested and effective services, and
acknowledging them with thanks to his honor.
Another Englishman who had been estab
lished for a number of years as a printer in
Paris, and who has an establishment in
London, shut up his office, and fought in
the Boulevards, on the 28th, as a tirailleur,
and procured several muskets for his men.
On the 29th, accompanied by some friends
and several of his workmen, he was at the
attack ofthe Louvre, and among the first who
•entered the Tuilleries. He afterwards attacked
the Royal Guards intrenched in houses in
the Rue St. Nicaise and St. Honor6. From
the corner of the street they kept up an in
cessant fire for nearly an hour, till at length
he called on the others to follow him, and
rushed through a shower of bullets into the
house in possession of the guards, who,
seeing themselves thus assailed within and
from without, surrendered. He received
from them upwards of sixty muskets, officers'
sabres, &c, and employed every effort to
save the men ; but, the firing still continuing
from the third story, the people were so furi
ous that they slew every guard that they could
approach. Two of his men were killed ; one
of them has left three infant children. On
his return home at night, besmeared with
blood and gore, he was loudly greeted by
his fellow-citizens and neighbours. Mr.
Pouchee, formerly letter-founder in London,
was on the spot where the above workmen
were killed, and generously gave 200Z. to
the widow.

Whatever was the precise number of lives
lost, it is agreed on all hands to have been
much less than was expected, considering
the military force, and the multitude of peo
ple engaged in combat. It was remarked in
favor of the Life Guards, on the inquest held
on the bodies of Honey and Francis, who
were killed at Cumberland Gate, Oxford
Street, on the occasion of your late Queen's
funeral, that not a single cut had been given
by the soldiers, although it was proved that
they had struck down many of the people
with their sabres. The same remark is nearly
as applicable to the conduct of the cavalry
arrayed during " the three days" against the
people of Paris. The Lancers were engaged
throughout, and made frequent and furious
charges; they were shot and bruised, and
their horses killed or lamed under them by
bullets, stones, bottles, and other missiles.
The same may be said of the Cuirassiers and

the mounted gens-'d'armerie. Nevertheless
there were not, it is believed, twenty men
wounded by thrusts of the lance, or coups de
Sabre, during the three days. The horse
soldiers fired their carbines and pistols fre
quently; but the uncertainty of a shot fired
by a man on horseback is well known. The
comparative harmlessness of the operations
of the cavalry may be attributed partly to the
humanity of the soldiers, partly to the panic
with which they were struck in the unnatural
warfare, and partly to the impossibility of
acting with effect against such an enemy as
was opposed to them. In the midst of the
engagements, on each day, the streets were
crowded with spectators, and with men wait
ing for the chance of obtaining arms. The
cutting down these would have been useless,
as it would not have reduced the number of
their foes, and in the interim their own fives
would have been greatly endangered. The
truth is, that the troops were rendered power
less by the suddenness and astounding cha
racter of the circumstances in which they
were placed. Adjoining to the house which
forms the corner of the Rue de la Paix and
the Boulevard is a large house or hotel en
closed by a wall, which was surmounted by
wooden palisadoes, in which large spikes were
fixed. Immediately opposite to it was sta
tioned a Lieutenant's guard of Lancers. Far
ther on towards the Rue Montmartre, and on
the Boulevard Poissonniere, the battle raged.
The troops were consequently on the alert.
Notwithstanding which, the people in their
presence, and within five yards of them, tore
down the palings spoken of, and proceeded
deliberately to knock the spikes out of them
for pike heads, by striking them against the
large stones placed to prevent carriages inter
fering with the footpath. The Lancers oc
casionally galloped across to prevent them,
and the people fled ; but, as the Lancers
were obliged to resume their ranks, the peo
ple returned, and proceeded with their work
until the whole of the paling disappeared.
At another time, the Lancers charged up to
the Rue Richelieu, and returned on the "fast
trot." In the short interval a wall, made with
stone and mortar, three feet high, had been
built across the Boulevard, near the Rue de
la Paix. Thus divided, without communica
tion, and menaced with death in a thousand
shapes, the dispirited cavalry were almost
totally inefficient. If willing to wound, they
were afraid to strike. They might at the
swift gallop overtake the people, who gene
rally ran when about to be charged, but in
doing so the danger of a volley from a cross-
street, and from the houses, was imminent.
They rarely ventured, therefore, upon a real
attack. Twice or thrice in the course of the

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

47

same day they cleared the Quai Pelletier up
to the Place de Greve, but the murderous
fire of their assailants was insupportable, and
obliged them instantly to retreat.

On the first day, and even before they left
their barracks, the greater part of the officers
and soldiers of the line agreed among them
selves not to fire upon their fellow citizens.
The commandant Maillard, of the 15th light in
fantry, positively refused to order his battalion
to fire, in spite of the reiterated commands
which he received. At the same time, in
another quarter, the sub-lieutenant Lacroix, of
the same regiment, who commanded a detach
ment stationed at the prison of Montaign,
divided his time between preventing the pri
soners from escaping and inducing the sol
diers to meet the people as brothers. This
brave officer remained at his post till the
next day, and then delivered it up to the
National Guard.
In short, the military felt for their country,
and sympathised with the people. The
French army is recruited by conscription, a
species of ballot, by which an annual supply
is obtained from the ranks of citizens and
farmers. In time of peace it is composed
of the same order as our militia, if not of a
better. The privates of the line can all, with
a few exceptions, read and write ; and hence
the politics of the day make an impression
on the French soldiery that statesmen, ac
customed to -view them as passive instru
ments of power, can never bring themselves
to credit. The soldiers of the line are, for
the most part, well acquainted with both the
nature and extent of the prerogatives of the
Crown and their limitations, and the sacred
rights which the Charter purported to the
people. It was not, therefore, surprising
that upon Wednesday the 5th and 53rd re
giments refused to fire upon the people who
came in a mass to the hotel of Prince Po
lignac to demand the revocation of the ordi
nances of the 25th. On that occasion offi
cers of the line and of the staff were heard
to recommend the leaders of the popular
party to be firm in their demands ; but not
to proceed to violence whilst a hope of suc
cess was left by treating with the ministers.

There is in the following letter from an
officer of the Royal Guard to Prince Po
lignac an expression of feeling which ani
mated many of equal and superior rank in
the French army.
" Monseigneur, "After a day of massacre and dis
aster, undertaken against all laws, human

and divine, and in which I, took part only
out of human respect, with which I shall
ever reproach myself, my conscience impe
riously forbids me to serve an instant longer.
In my life I have given so many proofs of
devotedness to the King that I may be per
mitted, without it being possible for my mo
tives to be calumniated, to make a distinction
between what emanates from him and the
atrocities now committed in his name. I
have, therefore, the honor to beg you to lay
before his Majesty my resignation as Captain
of his Guards. "I have the honor to be, &c,
" Count RAOUL DE LATOUR DU PIN."

Notwithstanding the troops had retired,
there was some apprehension of a renewal of
the combat. The following conversation
passed between a gentleman and a general
officer in the Elysee Charles : —
Q. " Well, General, I am glad to see the
troops withdrawing : it is of course settled."
A. " Settled, indeed ! you are mistaken,
Sir. True, the troops have withdrawn for a
moment, but it is only to join other regiments
at St. Cloud, and commence an attack to
morrow." Q. "You surely do not mean to attack
your brothers and fellow subjects, unarmed
as they are, and seeking as they are to gain
the liberties taken from them."
A. " I know nothing of that, Sir, as a
soldier. But I tell you that, unless conditions
be arranged to-night, we shall bombard Paris
to-morrow." On the royal route to St. Cloud, which is a
back or bye road, estaffettes had passed every
half hour throughout the day to St. Cloud,
announcing to the King the movements of
the army, and the progress of the siege.

The Royal troops, driven from the capital,
were stationed in the Bois de Boulogne, ex
hausted by fatigue. The Mayor of Autueil
was required to provide them vvith provisions
and refreshments. He addressed himself ac
cordingly to the principal inhabitants of his
commune, who answered that in complying
with his request they should be furnishing
their own enemies with support, since these
troops had fired upon their brothers in Paris.
However, from motives of humanity, pro
visions and refreshments were provided. The
Duke d' Angouleme went in person to thank
the Mayor for the provisions given to " his
army." The Mayor could not help saying
that all the misfortunes which now afflicted

48

ANNALS OF THE

France, and were recoiling upon the Royal
Family, would not have happened had the
King governed constitutionally. At these
words the Prince turned his bridle and rode
off. In a minute afterwards he sent an aid-
dii-camp to inform the Mayor that if he had
any thing to communicate he would hear it
with pleasure, provided it was not in the pre
sence of his troops.
The. greater part of the troops of tlie guard
concentrated round St. Cloud. Their ad
vanced, posts occupied on one side a hillock
below Calvary towards Neuilly ; on the other
they extended towards Meudon. Means of
resistance were organised at Neuilly, to hinder
them from passing the bridge, which, how
ever, they did not appear disposed to force.
On the contrary, every thing seemed to be
preparing for a further retreat. Many of
the men loudly declared that they would join
the citizens if they were ordered to return to
Paris.

It is said that the duke of Ragusa pro
ceeded to St. Cloud, to render an account of
his services. The Duke d'Angouleme evinced
his dissatisfaction in unmeasured terms,
and said, " You have treated us as you
did others." The day before Marmont had
pledged himself to keep possession, of the
capital a fortnight longer,, and already came
to announce that it was in possession of the
rebels. Turning towards a guarde du corps,
the Prince directed him to bring the Marshal's
sword, which having received, he endeavoured
to break over the pummel of his saddle, and
ordered Marmont under arrest. Charles X.,
informed of what had happened, expressed
regret at his son's violence ; but, that the
Prince might not be injured in the eyes of
the court, the arrest was limited to four hours,
by which time dinner was ready. It was an
nounced to the Marshal that a cover was
placed for him at the royal table ; but he re
fused to appear.

formation of a new council. His next step
was to recall the ordinances of the 25th of
July. This was his first concession. — It was
forty-eight hours too late — on Tuesday it
would have satisfied the people. Yesterday
and to-day they had purchased with their
blood the power to dictate. He instructed
the Duke de Mortemart to treat with the new
authorities in Paris, and stipulate, on the
basis of his abdication and that of the Duke
d'Angouleme, that the Duke of Bourdeaux
should be proclaimed King. The Duke is
said to have expressed unwillingness to
undertake such a commission without a
written authority. The King swore on the
faith of a gentleman, a knight, and a Chris
tian (not on the faith of a King) that he
would abide by the engagements which the
Duke might enter into in his name. He was
affected even to tears ; and, when the Duke
de' Mortemart persisted in requiring his sig
nature, he replied by lifting up his trembling
hand, to show that it was incapable of holding
a pen !

On the return of the troops, the King re
viewed them. No one cried " Vive la Roi,"
and the line cried " Vive la Charte !" The
ministers, who, in pandering to the pleasure
of his unconstitutional will, had flooded the
capital with blood, now waited upon him and
resigned their portfolios of office. He imme
diately appointed the Duke de Mortemart
Minister of Foreign affairs, and Count Gerard
Minister of War; and charged them with the

At night, part of the town was illuminated,
particularly the streets St. Denis, St. Martin,
St. Jacques, and the neighbourhood of the
Hotel de Ville. Perfect tranquillity pre
vailed throughout the city. Strong patrols
silently paraded the streets, passed gently
from barricade- to barricade, and disarmed
individuals whom fatigue and the heat of the
weather, more than wine, had rendered in
capable of employing their weapons usefully.
Thus was a mighty revolution in behalf of
happiness for France effected in three days.
The press pointed out the danger, and urged
the people to save the commonwealth. The
first blow was struck by 400 or 500 men
deprived of daily bread by the suppression
of the newspapers ; aided by other working
people who had been thrown out of employ
ment. Every thing was effected by the great
mass of the laboring classes, assisted hy the
small shopkeepers, all led on by the students
of the Polytechnic school. Few of the
wealthier inhabitants made their appearance
until the danger was over.
The Hampdens of France were the
canaille of St. Antoine, St. Denis, and St.
Martin. 'High-born and high-bred' warrjors
never achieved a victory more beneficial to
mankind. The freedom, not only of France,
but of all the continent, was weighed -in the
balance against despotism, and prevailed by
the efforts of soiled and swarthy artisans.

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

49

SUMMARY ACCOUNTS OF THE PRECEDING DAYS.

M. Leonard Gallois kept an account
day by day, and hour by hour, of what
passed during the memorable days on the
Boulevard St. Antoine, the Place Royal, the
Place de la Bastille, and the Rue St. An
toine. This gentleman, deprived of the use
of his limbs, and confined by that infirmity
to his chamber, was deeply interested by the
important events passing in Paris ; and his
residence being in the quarter Marais, near
the Faubourg St; Antoine, the Place Royale,
and the Place de la Bastille, he took his sta
tion each day at the window of his chamber,
which looked upon that part of the Boule
vard where the Corps-de Garde were posted.
From thence he vigilantly observed all that
passed within sight, while his son, an intel
ligent youth, acted as his scout, and hrought
him intelligence. What M. Gallois saw, and
the information he obtained, he published in a
narrative (sold in London by M. Dulan,
Soho Square) from which a translation of the
important days is annexed.
M. GALLOIS' NARRATIVE.
Monday, July 26th.
About two o'clock I sent my son to the
Palais Royal for some books of which I had
need. In less time than he usually takes on
such an errand, I saw him returning breath
less and covered with perspiration. He
held in his hand the second edition of the
Messager des Chambres, in which the ordi
nances were published, but not the report of
the ministers. " I bring you," he cried,
" sad news."
I read the ordinances : and I could not
help thinking that I was dreaming.
In ¦ a state of stupid abstraction I read
them over even a third time, when some
persons living in the same house came and
convinced me that I was awake, by giving me
a cbpy of the Moniteur. The report of the
¦ ministers, which it contained, made the
whole matter plain. On reading each para
graph of this master-piece of Jesuitism, I
could not help exclaiming " It is false ! The
ministers lie ! Themselves have rendered
the revolution imminent ! "
Still I did not imagine it was so near
breaking out. Every countenance about me
was sad and downcast, and during the whole
day nothing was heard at the Marais but
imprecations against the Ministers. Some
said that the ordinances would certainly pro
voke a terrible movement; but many persons

thought that the sacred fire of liberty was ex
tinguished in the souls of the French. ' Thus
were my most cherished hopes damped.
However, the peaceable inhabitants of
the Boulevard St. Antoine manifested
a certain feeling of inquietude, which the
want of the liberal journals contributed
but little to allay. Like my son, they be
sieged the doors of the reading-rooms, ac
costed all persons coming from the central
parts of Paris, and wearied them with ques
tions. They learned nothing, except that the
King and the Ministers appeared determined
to employ rigorous measures against those
who did not choose to submit.
The day passed without my being able to
read a newspaper ; for I had no wish to look
at any in which I was sure to find only
apologies for the acts of the Ministry, and
attempts to excite the violence of the Coun
ter-revolutionary party. Tuesday, July 27th.
As early as five o'clock in the morning I
resumed my seat at the window, now become
my observatory, and my son took his post
at the reading-room door. I soon perceived,
by the movement in the Boulevard, that I
only was not anxious. Several of those
peaceable citizens, known by the name of
the Rentiers du Marais, paraded the cross
alleys of the Boulevard. Every one went in
the direction of the Bastille, whence I heard
a confused noise, indicative of a numerous
assembly. I saw great numbers of workmen,
mostly in their shirt sleeves, go up and down,
gesticulating and talking earnestly. A few
words, which reached my ear, convinced me
that they were discussing political subjects, and
I soon heard the cry of " Vive la Charte ! "
The insurrection, therefore, broke out as it
were from the midst of a calm.
About ten o'clock my son informed me
that all the shops were shut, and that it was
reported that the workmen of the Faubourg
St. Antoine were preparing to advance into
the heart of Paris. I confess I felt some de
gree of fear, lest this Faubourg, formerly
so terrible, should disgrace such a dignified
resistance as I had been informed was then
spontaneously organizing at Paris. I dreaded
again to behold those brigands who stained
the character of the first revolution. I ex
pected to see every moment file off bands of
those ill-omened and ferocious figures, as
difgusting' in appearance as in language,
whom I had seen exhibited in the plates re,-
E

50

ANNALS OF THE

presenting the scenes of that epoch. But,
during the whole day, none appeared on the
Boulevard St. Antoine, but respectable, look
ing workmen, by no means ill dressed,
though unencumbered by jackets or coats.
They seemed determined, it is true, and
even menacing ; but I could observe no prog
nostic of 'disorder. No where was to be
heard those rude expressions which were
formerly the common language of those who
were called " the people." The grossest
words used by this innumerable body of
workmen, while moving along the Boulevard,
were such as these : " Those * * * then
flatter themselves that they have to do with
imbeciles." — " Do the * * * * Jesuits take
us for Cossacks ? " — " They shall soon see
whom they have to do with. We will show
them our teeth, while they show us their
rumps." — " The whole canaille must be put
to flight again ! "
This language plainly showed that these
persons took the matter seriously, and were
full of zeal. I can affirm that I saw no one
among them who seemed above their own
condition, or who had the appearance of
heading or exciting them. They had neither
chiefs nor incendiaries. They consulted no
one, and no one volunteered to direct them.
All the workmen in the Boulevard seemed to
be waiting for some event, of which they
were not certainly the provoking party. Up
to eleven o'clock they raised no other cries
than " Vive la Charte ! " " Down with Po
lignac ! " " Down with the Ministers ! "
Immediately afterwards severaljpersons were
seen hurrying from the Boulevard du Temple
towards the Place de la Bastille, crying out
that a battle was begun in Paris, that the
troops had fired upon the inhabitants, and
that the Rue St. Honore and the environs of
the Palais Royal had become the theatre of a
horrible civil war.
This news electrified the workmen. They
called for arms and leaders. Some rushed
tothe gate Saint Antoine, others towards the
Boulevard of the Temple. In a moment the
Boulevard St. Antoine was empty. Not a
single person remained before my windows.
My son came to tell me that all was bustle
in the Place Royal and in the street St. An
toine ; that arms and leaders were called for ;
that the gun-makers' shops had been forced
open throughout Paris;' and, lastly, that
many inhabitants had assembled on the
Place Royale and the Place de la Bastille,
some armed with guns and rusty sabres, others
with pistols, swords, spits, pikes, and pitch
forks, crying out, " Down with Polignac ! "
" Vive la liberte ! " I found great difficulty
in restraining my son ; he wanted to look after
a gun, and set off, like all the rest, to the

place where the troops were firing on the
people. " The Porter's son is gone," said
he, " and I remain . behind ; the Porter
himself would have been off by this time
had not his wife detained him." I used per
suasion, and endeavoured to convince him
that I could not do without him. He yielded
to my intreaties, but disappeared every mo
ment under the pretext of going to obtain
news. What I heard from persons passing was
vague and confused. "There is a fight; the
people are being murdered." That is all they
deigned to tell me, while hurrying off in
search of arms.
My impatience and alarm now increased.
I saw many ready to fight, but very few
armed ! We had every thing to fear from
the numerous regiments in Paris with artil
lery. What is to become of the poor people
who are marching on to the very mouth of
the cannon? If Paris yields, the cause of
liberty, of reason, of humanity, is lost for
ever ! I remained for some moments over
come by mournful reflection.
The workmen re-appeared upon the Bou
levard, and I saw them descend in groups.
They proceeded towards the Porte St. Martin,
where, it was said, war was also raging.
This long procession did not raise a single
cry. A sombre appearance of despair clothed
the whole crowd. I remarked, however,
that those who possessed guns considered
themselves fortunate, and marched at the
head of bands, as fierce as Artabanes. It was
sufficient to have a gun and a cartridge box
to become the leader of a party. These
parties were, however, composed of men,
most of whom were not armed even with
sticks. They marched with their arms crossed
as if they were going to their work. All at
once I heard the cry raised,", To the docks!"
and the crowd immediately rushed to the
dock-yard opposite the Boulevard, and armed
themselves, some with logs of wood, others
with poles, which they flourished over their
heads, exclaiming, " Vive la liberU!"
What do these brave men mean to do with
a few rusty guns and cudgels? — It is out of
my power to follow them !
I see filing off even children, some of them
with pistols in their hands. I tremble for
them. I tremble -for the sacred cause which
they are going forth to defend.
Every moment I saw detachments of dif
ferent regiments pass along. The gen-d/armes
were hooted. The lancers and cuirassiers
were received with cries of" Vive la Charte !"
which a few of the military repeated. • The
galloping of horses every minute announced
that fatal orders were despatched to all the
posts.

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

51

What a day of anxiety ! No news of
what is passing; for every one leaves the
Boulevard, and no one returns from the heart
of Paris. I enquired of my son whether
there were any police ordinances, or pro
clamations from authority. He replied that
neither the police nor ministers showed them
selves. The culpable ministers then hide them
selves, after brandishing the torch of civil
war ! They hide themselves, after signing
an order for the extermination of a generous
population, only guilty of resisting their li-
berticide acts ! On all sides a unanimous
exclamation of indignation is raised against
them. As for Charles X. every one says
" this is what he wanted, and, those who
were royalists before the publishing of the
ordinances, repeat — It is indeed his work !''
About four o'clock my son returned with
a triumphant air. " The National," said he,
" has appeared, but I could not obtain one.
I bring you the Temps. It contains the pro
test of the journalists, the same as I read it
in the National, with the single exception
that it does not give the signatures." " Ho
nor to the editors of the National! Honor
to the editors of the Temps !" I exclaimed,
seizing at the same time the latter journal.
I read the protest of the editors of the liberal
journals. It gave me intense delight. " I
will not," said I, " despair of the public
cause." The clock has just struck five. Many per
sons are returning from the centre of Paris,
all of whom tell me that there have been
battles at different points, and that the fight
ing still continues ; but that it is difficult to
know what is doing, because the streets in
the neighbourhood of the Palais-Royal are
choked up with immense crowds.
At length I obtain positive news. M. De-
nain, the bookseller in the Rue Vivienne, ar
rived, and had the goodness to tell me all
that he knew, all that he had seen and heard.
This gentleman, an active and sincere pa
triot, assured me that there prevailed
throughout the whole population, not only
irritation, but real enthusiasm. He said that
every thing showed the existence of a spirit
of great determination, from which important
results might be expected; that the National
Guard was re-organizing itself, and would be
under arms to-morrow morning ; that no one
knew where the ministers were ; and that it
was even said that the king had set out for
Compiegne. Finally, he told me that
Rouen and Orleans had risen, and that
2000 men from Rouen were marching to the
assistance of the Parisians. He added that
it was the general opinion that the morning
of the 28th would be a hot one, and that he

and his friends had taken measures accord-,
ingly. M. Denain infused balm into my blood,
when he- assured me that the patriotism of
the Parisians would render the cause of
liberty triumphant.
I was confirmed in these agreeable ideas
by the patriotic traits which some women
displayed. One of them, a general's widow,
went to the Palais-Royal, declaring that, if
money was wanted to make a revolution, she
would give it to all who needed it. , I know
her to be a woman who would keep her word.
Two other women furnished traits worthy
of Spartan mothers. The first, Madame
R  , armed her two sons, and sent them
forth to defend the cause of liberty. This
patriot mother remained two days without
hearing any news of them. She was weep
ing for them, when she saw them return safe
and well.
The other Spartan mother, Madame Venot,
was asked where her son was : " My son," she
replied, " is among the combatants." " How,
Madam! do you allow him to mix in those
brawls!" "He must act like the rest; if
no one went, we should have to stretch
our neck quietly to the knife." " But if he
should be killed ?" " I should console my
self by reflecting that he died for his
country." It should be known that he is an only son
and a youth of great promise, the idol of his
mother ! She has been more fortunate than
many other mothers. Her son has returnedtri-
umphant, and the cause of liberty prospered
because the women embraced it with so
much ardor.
Before leaving me,; M. Denain brought to
my notice that fine prophecy in the sublime
political satire of our young and great poet,
Barthelemy, entitled, 1830:* ,
Vous done que le mnnarque a mis dans ce haut rang
Ou 1'od peut demander l'or et meme le sang ;
Hardis preparateurs qui, sans bien les connaitre,
Xriturez chaque jour la poudre et la saipetre,
Gardez-vous de tenter un frottement trop dur ; '. ,
Quand vous portez un coup, qu'il soit prudent et sur ;
Songez que sous vos pieds le calme est transitoire :,
Depuis les premiers terns de notre antique histoire,
11 existe toujours des Francs et des Gaulois,
Les amis du pouvoir et les amis des lois : ,
L'nn de ces deux partis soumis au plus habile
Comprime non sans peine une humeur indocile,
Et comme Tours captif, esclave independant.
Sous sa bride de fer obeit en grondant.
Que leur feinte union, treve indeterminee.
Dure, de jour en jour ou d'annee en annee ;
Que te faible, content de dominer le fort,
Perobe tout pretexte a sa haine qui dort ;
Que du serment commuu nul d'entre eux ne s'ecarle.
Tadt qu' armes de leurs droits, appuyes sur la Charte,
Nos ministres hautains, dispendieux commis,
Viendront nous demander leur salaire promis,
D'un pacte dur pour nons rigides signataires,
Livrons sans murmurer nos deniers tributaires ;
* This satire is sold at'Denain's, Bookseller, Rue Vivienne,
Paris ; and by M. Dulan, Solio. London.
E2

52

ANNALS OF THE

Malheur a l'insense qui viendrait a dessein
Du poids de son epee aggraver le bassin !
Au moment de Poser, qu'il medite et qu'il tremble !
On dit que du Conseil ou la n ait les rassemble
DYpou valuables bruits vers nous out circule,
Que les vagues echos de leurs murs ont parte
D'edit, deconp d'Etat ou de lit de justice 
Silence ! que jamais ce mot ue retentisse ;
Le pacte enfreint par eux serait rompu par nous ;
Lasse depuis long-tems de marcher a genoux,
An seul geste, au signal d'un ordre il legitime,
Ce peuple bondirait d'un elan unanimc,
' Et brisant sans retour d'arbitraires pouvoirs,
11 se rappellerait le plus saint des devoirs.1

This prophecy anticipated by several
months the catastrophe of the ministers.
During the same evening there were circu
lated many reports which my son communi
cated to me. It was affirmed that the consti-
tational Peers had wished to remonstrate
with the King, but that he had declined
receiving theni ; that the new Deputies who
had arrived in Paris had met and had pro
tested against the illegality of the ordinances ;
that in the course of the day many other
Deputies were expected, as well as the vene
rable Lafayette ; it was also asserted that M.
de Belleyme had been arrested for having
authorized the printing of the Journal du
Commerce; that all Paris was in the utmost
agitation; that the public indignation was
general ; and that some great disaster was
expected. Wednesday, July 28th.
At four on the morning of Wednesday, the
28th, I repaired to my observatory, and my
son went in quest of news. The usual noise
of coaches, - &c:, had ceased, and unusual
tranquillity prevailed on the Boulevards of
Paris. The Omnibuses and Dames Blanches
were no longer conveying the Parisians from
one extremity of the capital to the other for
thirty centimes, and the fiacres were all put
up ; the only vehicles to be seen were a few
cabriolets and calfeches driving in the direc
tion of the barrieres.
Before 6 o'clock the Boulevard was crowded
with working men. Some had arms, and
others were loudly demanding to be supplied
with them. They were informed that Fran-
coni's and the theatres la Gait'e et V Ammgu-
Comique were distributing the arms they
used in their military spectacles. The men
hurried towards the Boulevard of the Temple;
but all the arms were disposed of. Thus
disappointed, they renewed their cries for
"arms" and "comntenders," and many added
'" a provisional government !" Those who had
muskets descended from the Boulevard, and
many others followed them with sticks and
pikes. The crowd which hurried to the centre of
Paris did not consist entirely of the working

class of- people. I observed many well
dressed men, and even young men of fashion
able appearance. The latter were for the
most part armed with muskets and sabres,,
and were also furnished with cartridge-boxes.
Finding that myson did not return as soon
as I expected, I began to be alarmed. Ours
breakfast hour arrived and he was still absent.
None but those who are similarly situated
can conceive my anxiety! People were
constantly arriving; but I did not recognize,
in the men whom I saw defiling, the famous,
the redoubtable, Faubourg St. Antoine. I
had as yet seen nothing alarming, nothing
hideous. At length my son returned, covered with i
dust and reeking with perspiration. He had '
been at the Palais Royal, and he informed
me of all he had seen and heard. There had
been fighting until two in the morning in the
Rue Saint Honore, and many persons had
been killed. He assured me that preparations
were making for the most vigorous resistance ;
that some of the streets were unpaved ; that
the National Guard was about to appear in
uniform ; that general Lafayette was in Paris,
and whithCr the ministers had fled was un
known. There were no Journals, no docu
ments from authority. A provisional govern
ment was every where called for. The name
of Lafayette was repeated from mouth to
mouth among the National Guards, and the
people in general.
At eleven in the forenoon, ordinances and
patroles rapidly succeeded each other on the
Boulevard St. Antoine. The patroles con
sisted of a hundred men, and they marched
along the whole width of the Boulevard,
which by this means they cleared, whilst the
people took refuge in the back alleys, ex
claiming " Five la Charte ! " " Vive ta Li
berie. i"
I soon heard men coming from the centre
of Paris, crying, " Vive la ligne ! " " &. bas
le. Roi!" These new cries led me to suppose
that the troops of the line had fraternized
with the citizens, and that a great revolution
had commenced.
The wind, blowing from the east, prevented
the inhabitants of this quarter from. hearing
the fusilade in the Rue St. Honore, and its
neighbourhood. About one o'clock several'
discharges of musketry announced a skirmish
on the Boulevard St. Martin, or even
nearer. I was all ears ; and the populace,
both armed and unarmed, thronged in the di
rection of the firing.
The cannonade was now heard at a greater
distance : — it was therefore evident that there
was fighting at several points! The fusilade
approached the Boulevard St. Antoine ; and
the fires in file, and fires in platoon, were

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

53

distinctly heard. This firing lasted nearly an
hour. The people who were hurrying to the
Place de la Bastille informed us that there
had been an engagement at the Port St.
Denis, and on the Boulevard St. Martin ;
that the troops of the line had constantly
shown themselves disposed to disobey the
ministerial orders, but that the Royal Guard
had fired every where, even at the windows
which they saw open.
A lady, who lodges in our house, has just
arrived from the scene of action, where she
happened to be, greatly against her inclina
tion. She fancies she yet hears the balls
whizzing round her, for she had saved her life
by taking refuge in a stationer's shop ; and she
informed us that the troops were marching
towards our quarter, which had hitherto
been tolerably peaceable, compared with
the 'other districts of Paris. On the other
hand, I was informed that the inhabitants of
the Faubourg St. Antoine were organizing
themselves and preparing for defence. —
" Where then is your Faubourg St. Antoine,
of which so much has been said ?" enquired
I, in a tone of dissatisfaction ; " is it com
posed of the working people whom I have
seen passing by since the morning, and of
whom five-sixths are not even furnished with
sticks ? " " What you have seen is nothing,"
answered a person who came from that Fau
bourg ; " you will see the Faubourg St.
Antoine come down in the course ofthe day."
Al that moment discharges of musketry, at
the distance of about two hundred paces,
announced that there was an engagement
near at hand. There was a great com
motion in the back alleys of the Boule
vard, where there were still many working
people collected. There was a cry of " Close
your windows!" and immediately a vast
number of troops debouched, at a quick step,
marching in close columns, the whole width
ofthe boulevard. A party of soldiers, ranged
as sharp-shooters, preceded them at the dis
tance of twenty paces. These sharp-shooters
fired in the air, and often at the windows ;
they did not wish them to remain open, lest
the troops should be fired at. Unfortunately
the blinds of my chamber window were open
and fastened against the wall, and I could
not rise to close them. I was, therefore, ex
posed to danger ; for I was behind my win
dow, and a soldier of the Royal Guard, who
mistook my crutches for muskets on the ram
part, threatened me. I turned half round
and concealed myself behind the thick wall,
thinking that it would be doubly vexatious
to be killed so foolishly.
The sharp-shooters continued firing. The
chief portion of the troops marched forward

in silence. At the guard-house, which was
before me, the customary forms were ob
served. The word of command was given by
the advanced guard, and the troop defiled.
After a regiment of infantry came a squadron
of lancers, and then more infantry, and cuiras
siers. The dust, and the position in which
I was forced to remain, hindered me from
seeing whether there was any artillery ; but
a few moments afterwards I was convinced
that there was some.
This troop, all of the Royal Guard, foot,
as well as horse, which I estimate at about
2000 men, took up its position on the Place
de la Bastille. But no sooner had it arrived
there, than the firing of musketry was heard in
that direction. Firing in file and in platoon
succeeded each other without intermission,
and the report of cannon was heard every
three or four minutes ! There was loss of
life on both sides. The inhabitants, having
but very few arms at their disposal, were
forced to retire before the column, which then
advanced as far as the cross roads of Reuilly.
Here it was reinforced by a battalion and two
pieces of cannon from Vincennes.
I was afterwards informed that the dis
charge of musketry had been vigorously kept
up a little beyond the Rue de Charonne,
where many victims had fallen ; that the
houses at the corner, near the fountain, were
perforated with balls ; and that scarcely a
pane of glass remained in the windows. It
was at this fountain that the citizens made
the greatest resistance ; while the troops were
fired upon, stones, sticks, and every thing
that the inhabitants could collect, were thrown
from the windows.
The column advanced no further; but soon
returned to the Place de la Bastille, whence
it proceeded to the Place de Greve, by the
way of the Rue St. Antoine. The troops
fired in the street ; the people returned the
fire J and here, as well as in the Rue du
Faubourg, stones were thrown from the win
dows as well as from the roofs of the houses.
This column discharged several pieces of
cannon in the Rue St. Antoine : the traces
of balls are still visible on several houses ;
amdng others, on that at the corner of the
Rue St. Paul. Notwithstanding the sustained
firing of the musketry and artillery, the
Royal Guard could not advance farther than
the Rue Beaudoyer, whence it returned to
the Place de la Bastille.
All this transpired between two and three
o'clock. The firing then ceased ; but about
five o'clock the troop again entered the Rue
du Faubourg St. Antoine. The firing of
musketry .and artillery was again renewed in
that quarto?, and many citizens were killed
or wounded. The cannon, which were fired

54

ANNALS OF THE

against the windows, knocked down chim
neys, &c. A sign, at the third story of the
house called the soldat cultivateur, was
broken by balls, traces of which are also-
visible on several other houses.
This second discharge pf musketry lasted
more than three-quarters of an hour, and
cost, it is said, the lives of thirty or forty in
habitants, exclusive of the wounded, who
were still more numerous.
At six o'clock the column returned to the
Place de la Bastille, where it appeared dis
posed to bivouack. It was recalled by an
urgent order in the direction of the Place de
Greve, whither it repaired by the way of the
quays. This movement astonished me; I
could only account for it by supposing that
the people had obtained advantages in the
centre of Paris, and in the direction of the.
Tuilleries. From that moment there were neither
troops nor patroles in our neighbourhood :
nothing remained but the guard-house. Some
citizens collected, marched on the guard
house, and dismissed the guard, consisting
of troops of the line, but without doing them
any injury. The citizens kept possession of
that point until eight or nine' o'clock, when
some men returning from the centre of Paris
set fire to the guard-house, which, as it was
constructed of painted wood, was soon con
sumed. I was much gratified to observe
that these men who were so furiously de
stroying the guard-house took great pains
to preserve a small barrack adjoining, in
which a poor woman sold fried potatoes :
it was saved from the flames.
But, while the barrack of the Boulevard
St. Antoine was thus spared, that called the
Curtius, on the Boulevard of the Temple, un
derwent great vicissitudes, on account of the
busts ofthe royal family which were exhibited
there. The wax images of Charles X., the
Dauphin, the Dauphiness, the Duchess
de Berri, Mademoiselle and the Duke de
Bourdeaux, were broken to pieces, as well as
the busts of the Popes and holy Personages
by whom the royal family were surrounded.
Every one carried off a fragment, exclaiming,
" Down with Charles X. ! " " Down with
the Bourbons ! " " Down with the family
who are the enemies of our glory and liber
ties!" The evening concluded, in our part of the
town, with the breaking of a street lamp, by
some ill-looking laboring men, the only in
dividuals of that class whose appearance had
hitherto displeased me. They seemed
thoroughly intoxicated, and had, probably,
come from the cabaret and not from the field
of battle.
We now learned that there had been fight

ing all day in the neighbourhood ofthe Hotel
de Ville and the Louvre; but I was unable
to learn any particulars, I was, however,
assured that next day all the National Guards
would be under arms, that we should have a
provisional government, and that all would
go well. Thursday, July 29th-
This was a lovely morning. There was a
slight mist, and the heat did not promise to
be so great as on the preceding day, when it
had been 27°.
At five o'clock some musket shots, fired
pretty near me, made me feel some alarm.
The commotion, which prevailed every where
on the Boulevard, denoted an eagerness
and an enthusiasm which I had not yet ob
served from ray window. I soon learned
that the shots I heard had been fired at the
door of the gen-d'armes barracks, in the
Rue de Tournelles, which the people had
taken without resistance. The gen-d'armes,
who were there, surrendered their sabres,
carabines, pistols, cartridge - boxes, &c,
with which a great number of the citizens
had armed themselves. My son, who as
sisted at the distribution of the spoil of this
barrack, related to me many traits of the cap
tors' disinterestedness and humanity. What
ever hatred they entertained against the gen-
d'armes, as soon as they saw them disarmed
they helped them to carry their knapsacks
and all that belonged personally to them
selves, and no one attempted to purloin any
of their property. The fugitives were even
escorted to protect them from danger. The
agents and clerks in the post-office, which is
in front of the barrack, behaved admirably to
the gen-d'armes, some of whom were allowed
to deposit their uniforms in the post-office.
I soon saw a party of the victors passing
along the Boulevard Gendarmerie. They were
elated with the joy of their success.
Meanwhile other musket shots were heard
in the direction ofthe Faubourg St. Antoine.
The citizens were trying their muskets.
The collection of armed men, among whom
were many lads not more than fifteen or six
teen, momentarily increased beneath my
window. Enthusiasm was at its height. I
heard pries of " Vive la liberie!'' "A bus
les Bourbons !" " Vive la Charte !" " Vive
le drapeau tri-colori!" And. some even pre
sumed to raise the cry of " Vive Napoleon
II. !" I was informed that the famous Fau
bourg St. Antoine would appear at nine
o'clock. I now, for the first time, saw the National
Guards pass by in uniform. This gave me
great pleasure. • The people received them
with cries of " Vive la Garde Nationali!"

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

55

A moment after, cries of "Vive. la ligne!"
were addressed to some unarmed foot soldiers
who passed by with their knapsacks on their
backs. They enquired their way home.
Those who directed them, said, " Bon voyage,
bon voyage, comrades ; tell our friends there
that we shall speedily make an end of this, and
that, if France does as we do, the tri-colored
flag will be waving every where in a week."
These soldiers, I was informed, belonged to
one of the corps of the line which had
fraternized with the inhabitants.' In the
course of the day, many more of these troops
passed. Tlie sun, which until eight o'clock had
been concealed, shone out brightly about
nine o'clock. Many unarmed citizens were
still lingering on the Boulevard, when some
young men, with good muskets, passed, and
said, "Go to the Arsenal ! ¦ It has just sur
rendered, and they are distributing arms and
powder." On hearing this, all hurried off in
the direction of the Arsenal.
At this moment I heard drums beating a
quick march. They were those of the Na
tional Guard of the Faubourg. A quarter of
an hour afterwards cries of joy, and the
beating of a quicker march, announced the
approach of a citizen troop, which defiled by
the Rue St. Antoine. The National Guards
in uniform were at its head, a tri-colored
flag floated in the ranks, and the whole popu
lation greeted it with acclamations.
Let it not be said that a flag or a cockade
is merely a vain sign. Men become' at
tached to them, wear them with pride, and
often lose their lives rather than abandon
them. The glorious tri-colored flags are
noble national colors, awakening dear recol
lections in the mind of every Frenchman. I
could well conceive the transports of joy ex
cited by the sight of the tri-colored flag, in
asmuch as I myself shared them. I recol
lected that those colors had, as it were,
waved over my cradle. I had seen them
float amidst those demi-brigades which con
quered and regenerated Italy ; and, amidst
these glorious recollections, I thought of the
many hours which, since the restoration of
the Bourbons, I had passed on the quays of
Marseilles, gazing on the Dutch flag, the
three colors of which served to call up grati
fying illusions. I had always hoped that the
enormous fault committed by the Bourbons,
in proscribing the national colors, would
sooner or later furnish the friends of liberty
with a rallying point that might prove fatal
to those who had rejected the tri-color.
After this first national troop, which came
down from the Faubourg St. Antoine to the
centre of Paris, three numerous battalions
defiled successively, drums beating and

colors flying. Meanwhile the commotion
continued on the Boulevard St. Antoine.
Armed men continued to arrive from that
quarter until nearly noon.
An extraordinary calm now prevailed.
No vehicle was stirring, no noise disturbed
the silence which prevailed in the Marais ;
for the direction of the wind prevented us
from hearing the engagements at the Hotel
de Ville, the Louvre, and the Tuilleries. We,
in the Marais, were tranquil, whilst blood
was flowing in the centre of Paris, as it had
flowed the day before on the Place de la
Bastille !
The heat was excessive. A poor marchand
de coco* was passing along the Boulevard,
when two armed men approached him, and
each drank a glass of lemonade. One of the
two put his hand into his pocket for the pur
pose of paying. " Never mind, never mind,
said the marchand de coco, the republic will
pay for it." The men thanked him, and set
off at a rapid pace.
At the same instant two old men met each
other. " Whither are you going, neighbour V
enquired the one. " I am carrying some
dinner to my son, who has been down there
all the morning." Thus these brave fellows
went out to fight without knowing where
they were to get a dinner. And yet our
enemies scruple not to say that the revolu
tion of July, 1830, was bought by gold.
The brave artisans of the Faubourg St. An
toine, who repulsed the soldiers employed by
traitors, were obliged to journey a league to
get their dinners. They had not worked
during the week, and we know that summer
Sundays are fatal to their pockets.
About two o'clock, my son came to inform
me of some disasters which had taken place
on the Place Royale. One of the people,
armed with a musket, had killed an officer
of the National Guard carrying despatches ;
he had mistaken him for an officer of the
Royal Guard, and, being somewhat intoxi
cated, had fired his piece at the officer. But
no sooner had he committed this unwitting
assassination, when another citizen laid him
dead on the spot Soon after . a thief was
taken, and shot on the same spot. The peo
ple seemed indignant to find that there were
thieves among the ranks of the patriots, and
they made a prompt and severe example of
him. A man, in a state of intoxication, who had
menaced with his loaded musket the people
who were peaceably walking along the Boule-

* What are called marckands de coco in Paris are men
who carry on their backs vessels filled with lemonade
sweetened with treacle. They sell this beverage at two

liards per glass.

56

ANNALS OF THE'

vard, was disarmed before my eyes, in spite
of the resistance he made. The citizens who
seized him were mechanics. " No one,"
said they, " should drink to day ; to-morrow
we will drink success to 'the republic." The
piece thus obtained served to arm a youth,
who set off at full speed.
It was about five o'clock when discharges
of musketry, directed upon the Boulevard of
the Tempfe, again roused our attention. I
could not conceive the cause of the firing. It
was maintained without intermission ; but I
did not observe the firing in file and in platoon,
firing which I had noticed oh the preceding
evening. At the expiration of a few minutes,
shouts of joy, mingled with the discharge of
musketry, announced a victory.
A man, decorated with an order, exclaimed,
addressing himself to me, " It is all over.
The Hotel de Ville, the Louvre', and the
Tuilleries, , are taken. The Swiss, and the
Royal Guard, have retreated towards the
Champs-Elysee's  We have a' pro
visional government. General Lafayette is
at the head of the National Guard : he has
under his orders the brave General Gerard.
The pupils of the Polytechnic School, the
Students of Law and Physic, have immor
talised themselves. The National Guard is
covered with glory. In a word, the whole
population has shown itself truly heroic.
Old men, women, children, all have rivalled
each, other in ardor. This will be one of the
grandest festival days Paris ever saw. Liberty
is saved, and for ever will dwell with the
French." As the citizen pronounced these words,
I felt myself transported with joy. My
dearest wishes were near being accomplished.
I had again seen the tri-colored flag un
furled; it now floated over the Hotel de
Ville and the palace of the Tuilleries. I
saw at the head of the National Guard tha,t
venerable general whose very name struck
awe among the enemies of the people. I
felt my heart dilate, and yet I suffered some
painful feeling amidst all this happiness.
I was deprived of the most precious of bless
ings, health, without which I could render
my country no actual service. But, for a
moment, I felt my calamity lightened ; and I
thought I could have run and embraced all
'the citizens whom I saw returning. I heard
them cry, "A bas les Bourbons!" Several
rounds of musket shot, fired into the air, an
nounced to their wives and parents that vic
tory was with the people.
General Lafayette was proclaimed the
saviour of France; cries of "Lafayette for
ever !" " Liberty, for ever !" rent the air ; for
each company, each platoon, each groupe,

repeated them ,once, and they were answered
from the windows of the houses.
The conquerors continued to defile for a
considerable time. The first stanzas of the
Marseillais hymn were sung in chorus. I
remarked in every company women between
the ranks, carrying the muskets and swords
of their husbands and brothers. A great
many of the boys were furnished with car
tridge boxes; and some had put on their
fathers' fur caps. Never were my eyes so
blessed. I was still gazing with rapture, when
another spectacle, of a more affecting kind,
appeared in view. A platoon of twenty
armed men, preceded by some National
Guards in uniform, carrying, branches qf
laurel, and followed by many women with
children in their arms, issued from one of the
cross alleys of the Boulevard. In the midst
of this platoon was a bier, borne by several
men : it contained the remains of one of the
victims of the preceding day. In the course^
of the evening many similar funerals, passed
my window. The people cried out " hats
off!" and every one uncovered with a feeling
of religious respect.

ORIGINAL LETTER.
In the annexed letter from an English
gentleman to a friend there is matter of
amusement and interest. It has been obliging
ly communicated for this publication.

My Dear R-

August 2, 183Q.

As you may wish to get some account of
the. events which are now known over
Europe, I write for your satisfaction a short
notice of the circumstances which fell under
my own observation- After paying a dread
fully long bill at Calais, we took our seats in
the diligence, and in about thirty-sixSlours
arrived at Paris. On Monday the 26th we
took a warm bath and lodgings, and walked
through some of the streets before we retired
for the night.
On Tuesday we awoke, anticipating novelty
and . pleasure, and . saw more of the city.
We were rather disappointed by not finding
the gaiety and light-heartedness we expected;
there appeared bustle and anxiety rather
than amusement and absence of care. At
that time we little knew the cause. ,
About two o'clock, on our return, home,
we saw a large body of military, horse and
foot, drawn up in an open space near the
Champs Elysees. We stopped to observe
their appearance, and compare with our own

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

57

men at home, and came to the conclusion that
scarcely any troops could be found to beat
them. Some of the cavalry soon cantered
away, and we went to our lodgings.
To understand me perfectly, I must ac
quaint you that the Louvre, the Tuilleries,
and the Champs Elysees, are in a continued
line by the side of the Seine, and in the
order mentioned, aud that our lodgings are
near the quays, but not on them, on the op
posite side to the Louvre, &c. There are
broad quays on both sides.
After dinner we went to walk in the gar
dens of the Tuilleries, and spent some time
in admiring the novelty of the style. A
bustle at one end attracted our attention, and
we hastened to discover the matter. Near
some new buildings, in a state of progress,
were a set of men destroying the pipes for
water, and, at the end of this building, heap
ing up piles of stones, and making a breast-
high barrier across the street. This was in
the Rue St. Honored Not understanding the
language, and unwilling to expose our igno
rance by asking questions, we remained a
short time looking on, and then thought it
advisable to retire. There was the appear
ance of increasing tumult, and we moved
away until we came to a large church. We
stood on the steps three or four minutes,
busy in conjecturing the cause of what we
had seen, when a loud shout arose ; and, on
looking towards the barrier, we saw a body of
cavalry approaching it, and then we per
ceived the purpose for which it had been
thrown up. The troop of horse was met
with such a shower of stones and other mis
siles as quickly caused it to waver. Infantry
advanced from behind, and, when at the
barrier, fired ; and in a moment the crowd
was dispersed. We were within twenty
yards, and, hastily quitting the dangerous
position we had unwittingly taken up, we
hurried across the street, and found shelter
in a druggist's opposite. The firing con
tinued for a short time, and then the soldiers
occupied the place we had quitted. We
were still ignorant of what was the matter ;
for the druggist was in a dreadful state of
excitement, and, when the soldiers appeared
opposite his house, he had ordered a dead
silence to be kept. They marched off to ser
cure the advantage they had gained, and the
.door was once more opened. I should have
stated that the shops were all closed, and
our getting shelter was providential in the
extreme. As soon as the soldiers had left,
the man of the house approached Tom, and,
taking him by the shoulder, told him, in
English, "that he could not permit his stay
there; that his house was not provided"
(against a siege I suppose) "and that he could

not harbour us." We were obliged to leave
the house, and, as tumult and musketry
mingled their discordant sounds behind us,
we hurried forward, not knowing whither we
went, or how we could return. Our uncer
tainty and personal danger resulted from our
ignorance of Fretich, and consequently of any
cause existing for disturbance. We had con
vincing proof that child's play was not the
order of day. Before we went ten yards,
three men passed us covered with blood.
One was of Herculean frame apd colossal sta
ture. He staggCred towards us, exclaimed
something in French, and dropped. He had
been shot in the head; and a finer body I
never beheld. The other two hastened to
the druggist's shop we had quitted. After
making a circuit; we turned down a street,
presuming it might lead us to the river. At
the end a crowd was collected round a man
who had been shot through the breast, and
was receiving assistance. Eive minutes be
fore we came up the soldiery had passed this
spot, had been obstinately and bravely
resisted, but had forced their opponents to
retire. The wounded man we saw was one
of many whom they had left in that state;
this I learnt afterwards. You may imagine
how we, who had come to Paris for amuse
ment, were astonished and alarmed by the
" untoward events" in our first morning's
walk, during which musketry was constantly ,
ringing in our ears, mingled with execra
tions from the infuriated populace, and the
groans of wounded and dying men on all
sides around us ! We got home as soon as
we could in safety, and enquired im
mediately concerning what we had seen ; but
either our imperfect attempts at French
were unintelligible, or those in the house
were themselves ignorant of the cause, for
neither could understand the other. We de
termined to go the next day to Galignani's,
where we were certain of finding Englishmen
and obtaining information.
On Wednesday morning, after breakfast,
we set out. Paris was in a frightful state of »
agitation. We passed through files of soldiers
at the Pont Neuf. Within forty or fifty yards
a huge barrier was thrown up.. Paris is
paved with square stones like those in
Cheapside, but larger. These had been .
torn up and heaped together. Here there
was an immense concourse of people, armed
in every manner they could devise. We
passed through the crowd and reached Galig
nani's, and there learnt, for the first time,
that a great people were fighting for their
liberties, and that " war to the. knife" had
been determined on. Scarcely had we en
tered Galignani's when the . attack com
menced — this was about eleven o'clock. The

58

ANNALS OF THE

firing continued all day, and with frightful
exactitude. Cannon had not been used on
Tuesday. To-day they played a chief part.
Some gentlemen at Galignani's seemed much
alarmed. One of them mentioned that he
had applied for a passport and was refused.
The mails also had been stopped. The con
flict continued all day ; and I witnessed
many marks of its effects. Wpunded men
were carried along, and I remarked that they
were unaccompanied, except by those who
bore them. The bearers were generally two :
the unfortunate man was laid on a sort of
litter, made of two long poles, resting on the
shoulder of the two men, and the .sufferer
was borne gently, but quickly. At the end
of the Rue Vivienne is the Bourse, a noble
building answering to our exchange. At
this place I beheld a citizen bear the dead
body of a woman on his shoulder, and cast
it amongst the people collected to hear the
news. He spoke in French a few words;
which were answered by a loud and con
tinued shout, and the people hurried from
the spot. I, with a few others, remained to
gaze on the lifeless body. She was about
forty years of age, and had been shot by one
of the Swiss Guards. I learnt that the ad
dress, delivered the moment before, was to
the effect that the hearers would be justly
punished for their inactivity and debasement,
if the life or death of their mothers and wives
was of equal consequence in their eyes.
The sight of the dead body, and this address,
aroused the people to whom it was delivered.
They instantly rushed off to attack the Swiss
guard-house at the end of the Rue Richelieu ;
and, out of 300 men stationed there, twenty
only escaped death. The houses about this
place have marks of the balls in every part.
I made many excursions from Galignani's
during the day, and never without seeing
something indicatory of warfare. We re
turned home about five o'clock, and about
seven went to the quay. On the opposite
side of the river, near the Louvre, were the
King's troops, and on our quay were the
citizens and National Guard. They were
loading, firing, and falling. That more have
not been killed has astonished me ; for artil
lery was playing the whole time. I left this
place about eight o'clock, and retired to bed
at ten ; and the cannonade continued all
night. « |-
The" next morning, Thursday, I saw but
little change in the positions. The troops
were nearer to the entrance of the Louvre,
and the National Guard and the people
farther down the quay, showing that the latter
haj| gained some ground. It was here that
the military made their last stand. They were

beaten into the Louvre. It was stormed, and
the National Guard became masters of France.
When we heard that the citizens were
conquerors, we became anxious as to the fate
of the foreigners in Paris, and went to Galig
nani's. In every direction were the citizens
discharging fire-arms, shouting "Vive la
Charte!"-and forcing everyone they met to do
the same. We of course joined in the shout.
The first thing we beheld on crossing the
bridge, on the other side, was a heap of bodies
from yesterday's firing. We hastened from
the sight, but only to witness similar scenes
at every turn. One heap in particular at
tracted my attention. It was a small one —
All the faces were upwards, and covered with
blood : on the summit was a youth of about
sixteen, beautiful in face and with a skin like
snow — he appeared asleep — in one hand was
the remnant of some paper which he had
used perhaps for wadding. I could hardly
persuade myself that he was dead; he lay so
calm. We hastened on and lost ourselves in
endeavouring to find Galignani's. On enter
ing a street, we came upon a single body of
tremendous size ; I knew it at once — it was
the man that fell in the contest of Tuesday
from the first fire. We then discovered
where we were. At Galignani's they said a
siege was threatened, and that the English
were in great odium with the French.' The
tri-colored cockade was at this time worn by
every body, and of course by me. On our
return home we found the Place du Carousel,
which is the square of the Tuilleries, occupied
by the National Guard, who were then re
freshing themselves. Many hundreds had
neither taken food nor tasted drink for six
and thirty hours, and this in such scorching
weather as I never before endured. We
hastened to the Champs Elysees, but every
gate was occupied by citizens Of the National
Guard reeking from victory, and animated
with draughts of wine, which they were
obliged to take unmixed to slake their thirst; :
water could not be obtained to mix with it.
I presented myself boldly at one of the
gates : it opened ; I entered, and my friend
followed. We made for the other gate, not
doubting but that we could depart as easily
as we entered. What was our horror to
find that every person that presented himself
was searched ! I had about me our passports,
a letter to you giving some account of affairs
here, and some letters of introduction which
I had not yet delivered. My friend had also
letters of introduction to an officer of the
Royal Guard, which would have been Suffi
cient to seal our warrant, even could we have
spoken to them in French. To retreat was
impossible; I therefore assumed a bold ap-

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

50

pe'arance. One of the searchers was in a
state of intoxication. In his hands at that
moment was an old man with a small vessel
of earthen-ware containing sugar ; this was
dashed to the ground, after ascertaining that
no paper was concealed in it. In a side
pocket he had some printed papers which the
searcher paused to examine. Whilst engaged
in this work, a person came up briskly and
demanded instant egress. He was known,
and the gate immediately opened. I pushed
after him, and was stopped. The searcher of
the sugar vessel pulled open my coat, took
off my hat, pressed his hands down my sides,
and finally suffered me to pass. My friend
followed, and thus we got free : — he forgot
to examine our hind pockets.
In looking at all this extraordinary busi
ness; I know not whether more to admire the
determination and bravery of the people, or
the extreme mildness with which they have
used their victory. People goaded to resist
ance by arbitrary power, and maddened by
the loss of comrades, friends, and relatives
in the struggle, were likely to commit ex
cesses, while their excitation lasted. These
high-spirited men, who risked their lives for
liberty, showed that they wanted no more
than they claimed — they avenged themselves,
without revenge against their enemies.
We came to Paris for recreation, and in a
week saw the breaking out and termination
of a mighty revolution. On the Monday
following the shops were open, people at
their usual business, and gaiety, ' though
with a subdued mien,' presiding in the public
walks. The barriers in the streets are now
mostly displaced, and the lamps are restored.
I went on Sunday to view the place where
some thousands of the citizens who fell on
the three days are interred. Where the pit
was dug it is enclosed by a Tailing. Flowers
are suspended around, and there is intimation
that subscriptions will be accepted for the
widows and children of the deceased, and
for the wounded.
On the day of the victory, when all was
over, the National Guard marched to the
Bourse; they were well armed, and a young
girl, about seventeen years of age, and very-
handsome, was carried in triumph. She
fought like a man — a second Joan of Arc —
the whole time.

ANOTHER LETTER.
Mk. Philip Taylor, formerly of Norwich,
and long settled in the neighbourhood of
Paris, writes as follows to his brother, Mr.
Richard Taylor, of London, a gentleman well
known as a learned printer, and a resolute

asserter and defender of the principles of
civil and religious liberty.
Grenelle, Paris, August 9th. 1830.
My dear R.
On my return from Paris this evening, I
found your letter of the 6th instant. I wrote
to my nephew, J. E. T., on Friday the 30th
of July, while bullets were still whistling
over our heads, and while with my telescope
I could see the tri-colored flag on Notre
Dame, and the white one on the Palace of
St. Cloud. Expecting the Post would be in
terrupted, I took this letter to the English
Ambassador's and enclosed it in a cover to J.
We are all quite safe and well ; but you must
have been anxious about us. The incessant
roar of guns, the distant shouts, the tocsin,
and the very sight of men nobly fighting in
so sacred a cause, gave rise to feelings which
you may in some faint degree imagine. I
was much out of humor with the clogs
which prevented my lending a hand. Never
was a righteous end more righteously obtain-^
ed ! The praises bestowed on the people in
the newspapers are not more than they richly
deserve. In a letter which I wrote to my
nephew, just after the elections, I said that
these people knew, their rights and would
defend them. I told him that the French
army, that is, the line, could not be depended
upon in any attack on the people. I never
doubted as to the result, if such a conflict
was commenced ; but I certainly did not
calculate on such wicked fools as those who
brought all this about. I have often ex
pressed to you my opinion as to the sobriety,
prudence, and honesty of the lower classes
in- France; but I did not expect to see the
most undaunted valor united with such
moderation and forbearance. I myself have
seen what by some would be called the
rabble performing acts of the most generous
kindness even to the Swiss who had been
firing incessantly on them ! The instant
they struck the banners of despotism, every
angry feeling seemed to vanish. The last
body of troops were driven from l'Ecole
Militaire: I was among them, and the peo
ple, on the plain of Grenelle. They were
dreadfully cut up and exhausted. Wine
and food were liberally given to them while
their arms remained in their hands. During
this conflict every sort of restraint was at an
end, yet was every description of property
most religiously respected. After the fight
was won, I had a multitude of poor fellows
all around me in the Champ de Mars, &c,
absolutely in want of food. I expected they
would come and help themselves in my
potato field,, which was open to them. —
Nothing was touched— and, when I and my

60

ANNALS OF THE

man dug up a load and sent to them, a per
son instantly begged my name, and put it
down, stating the gift. Those who bore the
brunt of the battle were chiefly the working
men, and a vast proportion of these were
little more than boys. Still they all appeared
to know and feel why they ought to fight.
It was not for the sake of a row, nor had
personal animosity any thing to do with it.
All appeared anxious to give their lives for
their country.
I have always been the friend of the work
ing classes in England as far as I had power
of being so, and I do ardently wish that they
could be deeply impressed by the example
lately set them by the same class in France.
As to bravery and intelligence, I have no
doubt of their being equal ; but it is the in
dependence and manliness of character which
they should admire and imitate. It is this
which makes the lower orders in France
prudent, honest, and civil. This glorious battle
was fought during three of the hottest days I
ever remember. The quays were covered
with casks of wine and brandy ; none was
pillaged, nor did I see a drunken man during
the fray. They certainly have triumphed
most gloriously, and they appear delighted
with their victory: still .they can enjoy all
this without getting drunk and making a
tumult. This has been such a Cleansing
Week' as no Norwich man ever before wit
nessed ; but, alas ! as a Norwich man, I feel
mortified when I remember that in a mere
Ward election I have seen more that was
disgraceful, both in battle and triumph, than
has here taken place iri turning out a King
and all his vile crew.
I believe the working classes in England
are more to be pitied than blamed. They
are generally treated like an inferior race of
animals by the rich ; for mere money in
England produces the vilest of all aristocra-
tical feelings and conduct. These are most
naturally met by either servility or brutality.
If this haughty feeling on the part of the rich
were in a degree neutralized by an equal de
gree of virtue and honesty, there' might be
something to say for it: but look at the
English newspapers ; they are filled with
examples of infamy in- the higher classes.
Let us remember that there is scarcely a pa
rish in Great Britain in which you may not
find an unprincipled lawyer, ready to put all
the infernal machinery of English law in
motion, for the service of any rogue who can
pay him. Look to Poor laws ! Game laws !
and Excise laws ! which are enforced by
petty tyrants called Squires, or, worse, by

*A name given to the week appointed 'for the annual
election of the Common Council. ¦•

men who are called Ministers of the .Gospel. •
I don't wonder that the poor .are reckless m-
England ; — the more they are: enlightened,
the more will they feel indignant ; and it is
natural that they should be ferocious. All
these evils were put an end to by the former
revolution in France, and what has been the
consequence? The regeneration of the na
tional character, or rather the creation, of a
people virtuous enough to overthrow a bad
government, and wise enough to form a good
one, with the least possible quantity of
tumult or suffering. It is folly to say they
might have done all this in 1789; — it was
impossible, the.materials were not fit for the
work. Nor could such a change as this re
cent one in France be effected in England.
The very state of society is a bar to such a
change. You must go on quietly getting:
what you can, and you can aim at no objedt
more important than Election by Ballot..
Look at the present Chamber of Deputies,
actually elected during the reign of Charles X.,
who with his wicked Ministers did all they
could to trick, awe, and bribe the voters.
Yet this present Chamber has the full confi
dence of the people, and is equally well
suited to the present order of things. The
only change required is an extension of the
right of voting, which will be made. That
accursed contrivance to destroy both religion
and good government, by the union of
Church and State, is at an end. There will
no longer exist a political religion to disgust
men with the very name ; and the true spirit
of religion will soon find its place- in the
minds of the people.
As the newspapers have given you full
details as to what has been done, and is
doing, I have not thought it necessary to re
peat them. I saw Louis Philippe I. go
to the Chamber ; he is a fine hearty fellow.
I saw that man of men the good old General,
yesterday. Oh, he looks so happy ! What a
delightful finish to along and well-spent life !
I am glad to see that you have started a
subscription among the working classes.
Nothing is more important for the peace and
welfare of both countries than a friendly
feeling, and nothing will do more to bring
this about than the very thing you propose.
The number of subscribers is far more impor
tant than the sum subscribed ; I almost wish
a portion of this money could be employed
in placing some lasting memorial of the
English feeling on this occasion. I shall
call on La Fayette in a few days. " I believe
he is as anxious for peace abroad as for good
government at home, and this sentiment is
general. .
Let me hear how this subscription goes;
on ; and, if I can do any thing here, set melo

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

61

work. We are all quite well. All the young
ones are in high go. The boys came home
on Saturday with their colors mounted. S.
is playing La Marseillaise, and E. acts the
whole Garde Nationale. All is perfectly
tranquil ; the streets are repaving, and every
thing looks as gay and busy as if nothing
had happened. No one of my acquaintance
has suffered in any way. Public credit stands
higher than ever. The exchange with Eng
land is almost at par.
1 am glad to hear that the B. & W. cock

ade has triumphed in Norwich. I remember
wearing the tri-color there nearly forty years
ago. — May nothing soil this glorious badge
of liberty ! Send me if you can the music of
" Fall, Tyrants, fall !" O, how I wish you
and E. had come here, just for the revolu
tion ! You might have seen the whole per
formance in a week. He must come and see
us. This France will be a better country
than ever to live in. Believe me
Your affectionate Brother, P.

FRIDAY, JULY 30.

The Moniteur, in the absence of an ac
knowledged government, was not published
yesterday. This morning it appeared, bear
ing the dates of the 29th and 30th of July.
The following official article constituted its
entire contents : — •
"provisional government.
" The Deputies present at Paris have
found it necessary to assemble to remedy the
serious dangers which threatened the security
of persons and property. A commission has
been appointed to watch over the interests of
all, in the entire absence of a regular organi
zation. "Messrs. Audry de Puiraveau, Comte
Gerard, Jacques Lafitte, Comte de Lobau,
Mauguin, Odier, Casimir Perier, and De
Schonen, compose this Commission.
" General Lafayette is Commander-in-
chief of the National Guard.
" The National Guard are masters of Paris
at all points."

At two o'clock in the morning the mails
with yesterday's letters were despatched under
the protection of the National Guard. The
carriages were at the barriers, and the bags
were conveyed to them.
Not a soldier was to be seen in Paris, ex
cepting those of the line, who had refused to
fire. Yesterday evening the division of
General Bourdesouille appeared at the iron
gate of the avenue to Paris, desiring permis
sion to re-enter Versailles, in order to return
to its quarters ; but the National Guards in
formed, the General that his troops must not
return into the city unless they laid down
their arms, and that if they used force they
would be resisted. The General did not
venture an attack ; his troops bivouacked- on
the road, and this morning, after some par
leying, an arrangement was made, and the

whole division entered amidst cries of
" Vive la Charte ! " This division was
composed of a battalion of the gen-d'ar-
merie of Paris, both horse and foot; of a
regiment of grenadiers, on horseback ; of
a company of horse artillery ; and a regi
ment of cuirassiers.
The furious and deadly .struggle of yester
day had decided the question between
Charles X. and the people ; and they reposed
in security. This morning there prevailed a
perfect calm and stillness throughout the
city. Until a late Jiour the combatants for
liberty were reposing from fatigue and exr
haustipn. Some who lived in distant quar
ters, and had been too wearied to reach their
humble homes, threw themselves into recesses
or any places they could find convenient for
rest. At noon, on the stalls of the Palais
Royal, there were young men lying appa
rently dead, without their coats, with their
muskets across their breasts ; they were
buried ih profound^ sleep. It was a delicious
morning — as warm as during the three days,
when the glass, with little variation, was
at 86°.
Orders had been given the evening before
for military rations of provisions, and by noon
60,000 rations of bread were ready to be dis
tributed to the national volunteers, who had
left their work to fight for the " good old
cause." This precaution, in their behalf, was
prudent and just. They were workmen who
had been paid their wages on the Saturday,
most of which had been exhausted by claims
the same evening ; and, probably, little was
left on Monday for themselves or their
families, since when they had earned nothing
but laurels.
> The markets to day were well supplied with
provisions, which were sold with the same
security as usual. The vehicles which
brought provisions from the environs of Paris

62

ANNALS OF THE

remained at the barriers, because the streets
were barricaded and otherwise impassable.
The dealers went and fetched their supplies
in baskets.
To succor the wounded, and dispose of
the killed, were immediate cares. The dead
were buried in the streets, markets, and other
convenient spots. The number that perished
in the Louvre was great. Eighty were borne
to a spot opposite the eastern gate, and
buried with military honors. Those that fell
near the Seine were stripped and tied in sacks,
put on board lighters, carried down the
Seine, and interred in the Champ de Mars.
A considerable number, among whom were
four Englishmen, were buried in the Marche
des Innocens. In the Quartier des Halles
there had been terrible carnage. The in
habitants at the corner of the Rue de la Cor-
donnerie dug a temporary grave, which they
ornamented with flowers, laurels, and funeral
elegies, in honor of the brave defenders of
their country buried in that place.
The Bourse and other public buildings were
converted into hospitals, where the wounded
were attended by hundreds of ladies; for the
men were under arms, or occupied with other
important duties. The Rue Basse des Ram
parts was converted, even during the battle,
into one large receptacle for the wounded,
by extending sheets from the houses to the
wall of the Boulevards. At every instant
were to be met biers with such of the muti
lated defenders of public liberty as could be
transported to the hospitals with safety ; 1500
of all parties were in the Hotel Dieu alone.
While each of these unfortunates passed;
every man present spontaneously and respect
fully took off his hat. The galleries of
Vivienne and Colbert displayed a noble
sight. All the merchandise deposited there,
the linens, calicoes, &c, were torn up for
bandages for the wounded.
At an early hour the following address
was widely circulated : —
"OEDE OFFICIAL.
"Vive la patrie! vive la liberte! vive la
Charte! et a bas Charles dix !
"Vive le Due d'OaLEANs, notre Roi!"
This paper obtained great attention, be
cause it was printed at the office of the
National, a journal greatly esteemed by the
republicans, and usually deemed their organ.
The reflecting men of this party were for the
greatest happiness of the greater number;
and, being well acquainted with the charac
ter of the Duke of Orleans, they were con
vinced that all the advantages of a common
wealth, which France could enjoy, would be
ensured by calling him to fill the vacant
throne, upon conditions to be stipulated.
The ultra-republicans were fewer in number,

and not so well pleased. They cried,' es
pecially in*.the Faubourg, " Vive la Repub
lique ¦!" A few shouted, " Vive Napoleon II. !"
It was understood that Lafayette and the
Deputies of the Extreme Left, in the Cham
ber, had consented, on certain guarantees
for public liberty, to support the nomination
of the Duke of Orleans. The prospect of
this settlement was gratifying to the mer
chants, tradesmen, and wealthy classes, be
cause it promised security for property. No
one spoke of the return of Charles X. His
adherents, and the only contenders for suc
cession in his line, were returned emigrants,
or their descendants, born with hereditary
hatred to freedom ; and a band of slave-
making priests, who glorified the monarchy,
because it assisted them to dazzle the igno
rant with the scorching splendor of the
church, and obscure the light of the pure
and undefiled religion of universal liberty.
They were few in number, and desperate
in purpose, and, under a disaster that de
prived them of their rallying point, and which
seemed to portend an end to priest-craft, and
kings of the old school, they preserved a wily
silence. The National contained an article declara
tory of the general feeling, commencing as
follows : — " Paris, July 30.
" After fifteen years of an odious and dis
honorable reign, the house of Bourbon is for
the second time excluded from the throne.
The Chamber of Deputies has this day pro
nounced this grand resolution, by calling
the house of Orleans to the Lieutenant-
Generalship of the kingdom^
" This satisfaction was due to the French
people,, who have endured, during fifteen
years, a Government incapable, vexatious,
prodigal, and injurious to the country.
"For fifteen years past France has not
been at liberty to pronounce with eulogiunt
the glorious names of the men who delivered
her in 1789. The revolution was held to be
an act for which the country was bound to
repent, and to ask pardon. France was
obliged to apologize for having wished to be
free. ¦>
" The brave men of the old army were al
most compelled to find an excuse for their
victories, or were obliged to receive from
foreign hands the confirmation of their glory.
"Trade was without protection. Our
foreign interests were surrendered to the
chances of alliance, calculated according to
what was .called an interest of dynasty. It
is proper to be a friend of all, but it is not
well to be weak with respect to any one.
" Our finances were the prey of a frightful

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

63

system of waste ; our roads in. a woeful state
of neglect. France, the most civilized na
tion of Europe, has the worst roads. Our
fortresses were all dismantled. The milliard
which has been given to the emigrants would
have sufficed to put our roads and our for
tresses in the best possible condition.
"France was subject to the command of-
incapable and degenerate Princes, in no way
in harmony with the spirit of the nation.
" The throne was destined to pass from a
feeble and obstinate father, destitute of all
sort of knowledge, to a son without intelli
gence, and unacquainted with the interests
he was to direct.
"The future was as gloomy for France as
Ihe present.
" Finally, this deposed family shed oceans
of French blood for the cause of usurped
power, — that comprehended in the ordinances.
" But punishment was not long delayed.
Tlie ordinances subversive of our rights ap
peared on Monday, and this day, Friday, the
forfeiture is pronounced.
" The Chamber felt the necessity of estab
lishing a Government in lieu of that just
overthrown. We need a prompt, vigorous,
and active organisation. Situated in, the cen
tre of Europe, amidst a number of rival
powers, we require a firm and stable Govern
ment, 'f'rhe republic, which has so many at
tractions for generous minds, succeeded ill
with us thirty years ago. Exposed to the
rivalry of the Generals, it fell under the
blows of the first man of genius who tried to
make himself its master. What we want is
that republic, disguised under a monarchy,
by means of representative Government.
The Charter, always the Charter, with such
modifications as reason and the public in
terest indicate. In fine, the tri-colors7r7
The streets were crowded with people of
all classes ; sentinels of the National Guard
regulated the passage through them. The
barricades having been opened on each
side, the tide of passengers moved forward
on the one hand, and those descending the
street kept the other. There were no groups,
no shouting: not the least disturbance. If a
child had known its way, it could have
walked from one end of the city to the other,
unmolested ; if it had strayed, it would have
been conveyed to its home. The people, who
had been two days fighting, had become the
police. It is a fact sufficient to characterise the
glorious revolution which delivered France
from an odious and humiliating yoke, that
to-day the Bank was guarded in part by the
National Guard, and in part by those of the
people whom an insolent aristocracy called

canaille. The National Guard were mounted
at other public edifices, and at the barriers,
where neither exit nor entrance was allowed
without an order.
In different quarters of the city, the popu
lation endured severe privations. They
mostly declined to accept assistance from
those who were moved by their destitution.
A gentleman on several occasions proffeftd
money to persons who had hardly a shoe to
their feet ; in one instance only could he
prevail upon a poor fellow to accept money.
The man was offered five francs ; he refused
that sum, and consented to take twenty sous,
which he said was to buy a few glasses of
wine for himself and his comrades, who were
ready to drop down in the street.
There were scenes more agreeable and even
ludicrous. Processions of armed men car
ried bread and other provisions, with ex
ulting and whimsical devices, on the points
of their bayonets. Workmen were mounted
on the horses of Cuirassiers, and horses of
the Guard of Charles X., whom they had
defeated yesterday. Boys, almost clothelessj
wore the plumed hats of officers and generals,
and court swords dangled from the sides of
porters and kennel-rakers.
Whatever was the character of the Paris
populace under the former Revolution; when,
emerging from thorough slavery, its. passions
were suddenly let loose and excited, and suf
fered to rage uncontrolled, it is certain that
its moderation during the last three days of
sanguinary conflict is without parallel.-' The
peopled waged war with desperate determi
nation to conquer; but their vengeance was
without ill-blood. They were resolved to
destroy the system of oppression, but they
did not massacre its instruments. Many of
them led off wounded soldiers with as much
care as they did each other; and to-day,
after the victory had been achieved, they
met and mingled with those who had been
opposed to them in the onset with high-
minded generosity, and even kind feelings.
The 53rd of the line, a fine regiment,
upwards of 1000 strong, which had refused
to continue in arms against the cause of their
country; went to-day to receive its orders
from the Provisional Government at the
Hotel de Ville. The officers were cheered,
and returned the cheers with expressions of
good will : the soldiers and the people cor
dially grasped each other's hands. The
15th had been more hostile: small parties
of this regiment walked about this morning
-with a certain subdued air, characteristic of
the disarmed soldier. It was the business of
the people to lighten their care : they stopped
and talked; ana mingled and drank with
them, to put them at ease.

64

ANNALS OF THE

Yesterday the Hotel d' Invalides was not
summoned and had not surrendered. This
was memorable for having been the first
place which the people assaulted and obr
tained arms from in the Revolution of 1789.
To-day the white flag of Charles X. was not
flying, but it had not mounted the tri-colors.
A party of the people, headed by one of the
Polytechnic School, was ordered to march
there. The Governor refused to surrender it
to that force. General Gerard then sent one
of his Aides-de-Camp, and after some con
versation the gates were opened, and about
600 other persons entered. The arms, con
sisting of about 300 firelocks and as many
pikes, were given up. Several imagined that
there was a greater .stock, but the Governor
answered that all the arms belonging to the
hospital had been kept in the Salle d'armes,'
which had been attacked the day before, and
the arms carried away; The answer was satis
factory. Another commander was left, and
the tri-colored flag hoisted. When the
people were about to depart, the invalids in the
Court Yard said " Eh bien, Messieurs, have
you hanged our dog of a Governor." — " No."
— " You would have done him no great in
justice. He yesterday made ' us charge
the cannon, and the firelocks, to fire upon
you in case of your coming to attack the
Hospital, but he has given us no such orders
to-day, and we have assisted you in entering."
The people then, to the number of 800, drew
Up in order in the Court Royal, and pro
ceeded towards St Cloud, where the King's
troops were posted.
While the conflict was raging in Paris
yesterday, and the issue uncertain, some
young men, who wished to propagate the
impulse 'beyond the capital, hurried to the
communes in the neighbourhood of Paris,
and circulated proclamations inviting the
citizens to form themselves into national
guards. At half past four this morning the
tocsin was sounded at Mont Rouge, Vau-
girard, Isay, and Vanvres. At Versailles the
generate was beat at eleven, and the guard
house forced to surrender its arms. The
National Guard immediately occupied all the
posts. Yesterday a squadron of carbineers,
which fought with the Parisians before the
Hotel de Ville at Paris, arrived at Versailles,
so cruelly handled that out of 130 or 150
men it could not count more than forty.
Other squadrons, which charged in other
quarters of the capital masses of people
originally inoffensive, experienced losses in
the same proportion. To-day the Duke
d' Angouleme distributed money among the
defeated troops who fell upon the Parisians,
with a promise of more, if they succeeded
in re-entering Paris, and the soldiers filled

the public-houses at the neighbouring com'
munes, to which they effected their retreat,
eating and drinking away their gratuities.
At the Tuilleries was found the following
paper, referring to the services of the mili
tary :— " TO THE ROYAL GTJAKD.
", His Majesty orders the Duke of Ragusa
to inform the troops of the line of his entire
satisfaction at their good conduct during the
last two days ; and orders that they shall re
ceive one mouth and a halfs pay."
- It was ascertained that the soldiers of the
Royal Guard had already received, from the
Royal Treasury, thirty francs a man, in order
to induce them to fire upon the people. Tbe
soldiers of the 5th regiment of the line de
clared that they were promised five-and-
twenty, but had only received ten francs a
man. The retreat of the troops did not engender
security. General Gerard posted strong de
tachments along the road towards St. Cloud,
where there still remained the .King, the
Due d'Angouleme, and several of the Mi
nisters. All the heights, however, were
guarded, so as to prevent surprise from Paris:
Some little skirmishing took place between
the videttes of the people and the troops
which commanded the bridges of Sevres and
St Cloud.
At St. Cloud the king reviewed the troops
and harangued them ; but the soldiers were
silent as the grave. The officers informed
him that they were not to be relied on. He
again presented himself to the troops, and
told them he should abdicate in favor of
the Duke of Angouleme. This was received
with some applause. It is stated that he
said, " My ministers have deceived me ! My
army has deserted me! Nothing remains
but. to remain at St. Cloud." He then in
formed the troops that both himself and his
son would abdicate in favor of the " young
Duke of Bourdeaux, provided the Duke of
Orleans would be Regent for him !" This
proposition was received with coolness ; some
cried " Vive le Due de Bourdeaux," most of
them shouted " Vive la Charte !" " Vive la
Liberti ! " During the issuing of the ordi
nances, and the commencement of the con
flict, the Duchess of Angouleme had been at
the baths of Vichy. On Tuesday she had
gone to the theatre at Dijon, and was received
with cries of " Vive la Charte !" — " Vive le
221." To day, on arriving at Charenton, she
was informed of the defeat of the military
yesterday, and proceeded incognito in a close
carriage to St. Cloud. It is said that she re
proached the king for the ordinances' and the
attempt to enforce them by military execution.

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

65

GENERAL LAFAYETTE.

Her opportunities of knowing and her capa
city for judging of the people and the troops
were greater than the king's. In the after
noon Charles was walking melancholy aud
pensive with the Duchess of Berri and a
nobleman of the court. " I have but one
resource left," said Charles X. ; " it is, let our
troops make a last effort." The Duchess of
Berri threw herself at his feet to dissuade
him from this foolish idea. " But what can
I do?" said the King. " Send to the Duke
of Orleans," replied the courtier. , Charles X.
had sent the day before to arrest the Duke.
To the very Jast moment he believed that
force could subdue the feeling at Paris, and
render him master of the capital.

The appointment of General Lafayette
to the command of the National Guard had
the happiest effect. Forty years before, at the
beginning of the former Revolution, he had
called out and organized that national and
constitutional force for the preservation of the
public safety. Under the Republic he laid
down his hereditary title of Marquis, and
never resumed it. He was exiled and pro
scribed by factions of his native land, and
endured years of rigorous imprisonment in
the dungeons of foreign tyranny. He refused
to aid despotism whether under Napoleon- or

the Bourbons. He rejected place, command,
honors, and titles, whether offered to him by
usurped or right-divine royalty. Loving
liberty above all -things, this pre-eminent
patriot had reaped a rich harvest of its prin
ciples in America, carefully cultured the
seeds in France, and lived to see them take
root. As the undeviating and undaunted
champion of freedom, the people now hoped
for his assistance in preserving the fruit of
his labors. The public safety was com
mitted to his keeping as Commander-in-Chief
of the National Guard. His name and fame
electrified, the disbanded individuals of this
civic body; they rallied and resumed their
arms, and to-day Lafayette was at the head
of 80,000 enrolled citizens and tradesmen of
Paris, as its National Guard.

To day the first care of the Provisional
Government and the authorities in Paris was
to maintain order. The venerable and' good
Lafayette indefatigably engaged 'himself to
that end, and commenced by issuing the fol
lowing
" ORDER OF THE DAY, July 30.
" Let the means of defence be so organized
in each legion, and let communications be
established, so that the weakest points may
be most strongly guarded. Let a reserve be
F

66

ANNALS OF THE

made for such of the legions as are least in
danger, and be formed of a moiety of the
disposable force, and let the abandoned bar
racks be as much as possible re-established.
Let them be put into relation with the en
virons, so that no person may be permitted
to pass beyond the barriers without a. per
mission from the Commandant-in-Chief, or
from the Commission of Govermrient. Let
a daily return be made to head-quarters of
the numbers of each legion, and the- state of
the arms and ammunition. The Commandant
renews his order to the Commanders of le
gions for them to send daily an officer with
twenty-five men to form the guard at head
quarters. There shall be established at head
quarters a body of twenty-fiye; young men, to
be employed in carrying but orders, and who
shall be distinguished by a badge on the arm.
" From the Hotel de Ville, this 30th of
July. " LAFAYETTE."
The Municipal Commission of Govern
ment appointed Baron Louis Minister of
Finance. The troops of the Ministers had
not time to carry away the public treasure,
and this appointment was immediately requi
site. M. Bavoux, Deputy for the Depart
ment of the Seine, was nominated Prefect of
Police. M. Alexander Delaborde was ap
pointed Prefect Of the Seine, and he imme
diately issued the subjoined address.
" DEPARTMENTAL ADMINISTRA
TION.
" Brave Inhabitants of Paris !
"Dear Fellow-Citizens ! —
" The Municipal Commission, by investing
me provisionally with the Prefecture of the
Seine, has intrusted to me functions at once
delightful and difficult to fulfil. Who can
flatter himself with being worthy of the rank
of first magistrate of a population whose
heroic conduct has just saved France, free
dom, and civilization — of a population that
embraces within its bosom all that is most
worthy of distinction in commerce, property,
the magistracy, the sciences, and the arts ?
But it is you, of whom it is impossible to pro
nounce an adequate eulogy, or whose inter
ests can be sufficiently' promoted. Indus
trious citizens of every profession, — you
whose spontaneous efforts, without a guide,
without a plan, have found means to over
come oppression, without polluting Victory
with one single stain, — you have been found
ingenious and sublime in danger, generous
and modest in the midst of triumph. Ah !
believe me when I acknowledge . that from
amongst, you I have learnt the full extent of

my duties, by being taught to appreciate the
full extent of your sacrifices.
'" A detailed report of all the glorious
actions,of this day, and more particularly of
the losses and misfortunes they have occasion
ed, is in preparation. Already public bene
ficence is engaged in repairing them. We
will not remain behind in zeal.
" Electors of Paris, who, for the third time,
have called me by'a. free exercise of your
suffrages to the honor of representing you,
may I venture to hope for your continued
support in the new functions with which I
have just been invested ?
" Inhabitants of the capital, — Your ma
gistrates do 'not wish to make you feel their
presence but by the good they perform. You,
on your side, will second their endeavours ;
you will add double honor to your triumph,
by observing that calmness and order which
accords so well with success. Assist us in
rendering yourselves happy ; this is the only
recompense we will ask for our labors.
" ALEXANDER DELABORDE,
" Provisional Prefect of the Seine.
"Paris, July 30."

A deputation from Charles X. at St.
Cloud arrived at the Hotel de Ville, early
in the morning. It consisted of the Marquis
de Pastoret, Chancellor of France ; M. Se-
monville, Grand Referendary; and, Count
d'Agout, Peer of France. They announced
that Charles X. had named the Duke de
Mortemart President of the Council, and
that he had declared himself willing to ac
cept a Ministry chosen by him.

At eleven o'clock the Deputies and Pfeers
then in Paris assembled in their respective
halls and established regular communica
tions with each other. The" Duke de Morte
mart was introduced to the Chamber of
Deputies, and delivered four ordinances
signed yesterday by Charles X. One of
them recalled the fatal ordinances of the
25th ; another convoked the -Chambers on
the 3d; the third appointed the Duke de
Mortemart President of the Council; and
the fourth appointed Count Gerard Minister
of War, and M. Cassimir Ferrier Minister
pf France. The reading of these ordinances
was listened to with the greatest attention.
At the termination the profound silence con
tinued ; — no observation was made ! — the
Deputies passed to other business. The
Duke de Mortemart returned to acquaint
his master that he was no longer acknow
ledged as King of France. The manner

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

67

wherein the Duke and his communications
were received by the Deputies was an
announcement that Charles X. had ceased to
reign.

In the course of their proceedings a petition
was addressed to the Deputies which termi
nated thus : —
" On the 5th of July, 1815, the Chamber
of Representatives, under the fire of a foreign
enemy, in the presence of hostile bayonets,
proclaimed principles conservatory of the
rights of citizens, and protested against every
act which was calculated to impose upon
France a Government and institutions which
were not in sympathy with its wishes and
interests. " These are the principles which we ought
to adopt at present. Let them serve as a
rallying point. The Chamber of 1815 be
queathed them to afuturity which now belongs
to us. Let us enter into the enjoyment of
that inheritance, and turn it to the advantage
of the people and liberty.
" The members of a committee, named by
a great number of the different arrondisse
ments of Paris, meeting in the Rue de Riche
lieu, No. 47.
" Paris, July 30.
(Signed) " Chevalier, President."
The following are the guarantees which
the Representative Chamber, during the
Hundred Days, called upon Napoleon to ra
tify, and to which allusion is made in the
above petition : — The liberty of the citizens
— the equality of civil and political rights —
the liberty of the press — liberty of Worship —
the representative systern — the free consent
of the people to the Conscription and the
taxes— -the responsibility of Ministers — the
irrevocability of all sales of national property
of every description — the inviolability of pro
perly — the abolition of tithes, of the ancient
and the newly hereditary nobility, and of
feudality — the abolition of confiscation of
property — the entire oblivion Of all political
opinions and movements up to that day — the
institution of the Legion of Honor — com
pensation to officers and soldiers^-itistitutio'n
of juiy — judges for life— and the payment of
*he public debt.
A Commission of Deputies is appointed to
•Confer for the public safety with tire Peers,
assembled in their chamber. The Commis
sion of Deputies returned at nine o'clock in
the evening to give an account of their mis
sion. The Peers unanimously declared that
there was no <othef hope of safety but the in
tervention of the Duke of Orleans, andwefe
of opinion that he should be asked to assume

the government, in the character of LiCuten-
ant-^General of the kingdom; The Deputies
no longer hesitated, and hastened to devise
measures for calling in the Duke of Orleans
immediately.

To day Sevres, trom the commencement
of tbe park of St. Cloud to the bridge, was
occupied by battalions of the Royal Guard,
of the artillery, and of the Swiss regiments.
Two pieces of cannon were planted on the
road to Versailles, and two otheis towards
Paris. The Due d'Angouleme on horse
back, accompanied by two superior officers
of the Garde du Corps, walking on foot by
the side of his horse, and followed by seven
or eight Gardes du Corps, passed through
the midst of the troops. The Swiss alone
received him with cries of " Vive le Roi ! "
Throughout the afternoon the Swiss were
going towards Neuilly, throwing away their
arms, expressing the most poignant regret at
having fought, and vowing that they would
never fight again for the same cause. In the
morning and afternoon addresses to the sol
diers, from the provisional government, wefB
every where circulated, inviting them to join
the people; and great numbers came into
Paris unarmed. In the afternoon a deputa
tion of officers of the line and pupils of the
Polytechnic School waited on the officers of
the Guard, inviting their services to the
Provisional Government. They answered
that they were resolved not 16 bear arms
against their fellow-citizens : that they con
ceived themselves bound to respect oaths
which prevented them from joining their
brother officers in Paris ; but they hoped soon
to see themselves free.

Not a hand was lifted up, nor a word
uttered, in behalf of Charles X., during the
last three days or to-day. In the course of
the morning many remaining emblems of his
reign were removed ofeffaced, but not a single
insult or tterrh of offence Was offered to the
few who had been notoriously loyal to his
lawless power, and were justljr suspected of
desiring his restoration, or the restoration of
what was called the monarchy in the person
of any of his Une. Those who had the es
teem of the people, and appeared iii public,
were hailed with enthusiastic Cheers. JBenja-
min Constant, a consistent and firm friend to
freedom, was recognized at the Bourse, and
others were distinguished by the people; but
he whom th^y most delighted to honor, and
who most deserved their gratitude, was La
Fayette, and they loudly testified their affec
tion as often as they saw him.
The victory was achieved vesterday, anii
F2

68

ANNALS OF THE"

celebrated to-day by respect for order. Al
ready measures were taken for repairing the
streets, and the shops. were opened. There
was no appearance, of a recent — a mighty
Revolution, but of some great deliverance
having been effected. The people wore the
tri-colored cockade, and their countenance,
expressed satisfaction and happiness, rather
than tumultuous joy. The Provisional Go
vernment recommended that at night, in the
absence of the usual lamps, lights should be
placed in the windows. The illumination
was general ; it tended to the preservation of
order, and was the only demonstration of
public rejoicing. Along the quays and streets

the female inhabitants were seated in groups,
preparing bandages and lint for the wounded.
The passages (arcades) afforded striking
instances of this benevolent disposition. AU
the milliners, and their shopwomen and
. workwomen, were sitting outside their shops
(because those , heing closed afforded no
light), busily engaged in making lint. i
An estafet of the king's, disguised in a
smock frock, was stopped and conducted to
the Hotel de Ville. His despatches, addressed
to Vincennes, were delivered to the Provi
sional Government.
In the evening the mails were forwarded
at the usual hour.

SATURDAY, JULY 81.

'The Press to-day, by means of the Journals,
actively discussed and suggested different
forms of future government. There was no
propqsition for replacing Charles X. or Calling
either the Duke of Angouleme or the Duke
of Bourdeaux to the throne. That line of
the Bourbon family was hateful to every con
stitutional ear. The Messager des Chambres
said, " Let us trust to history. It shows us
that in England the substitution of the pat
riotic William for the hypocritical Stuarts se
cured both liberty and order. Every thing
was easy for the cause of the laws. Blood
ceased to flow, resistance became impossible,
and Europe and Foreign Powers opened
their negotiations and treaties with England
after it was regenerated."
In a nation which had been distracted forty
years by despotisms of all kinds, and with
successions of convulsive misrule under all
denominations of government, there were
philosophical theorists, and contenders for
theories utterly inapplicable at the moment,
and even adherents to one who shackled free
dom in the name of liberty. Some desired
• a republic and nothing but a republic : a few
desired nothing more than Napoleon II., —
a boy with a regency ! — to settle and to
govern France. The general disposition was
for a government that ensured freedom to all,
and this desire was well expressed in a Jour
nal of to-day. The following is an extract.
(From the French Globe.)
" AH compromise is now impracticable.
Some good meaning men have tried to bring
it about, but without success. Even were an
amnesty of certain acts just and moral, they
could not be forgotten :' a barrier pf blood
would rise between the King and the people.

Imagine a King guilty and humiliated,
stained with French blood, and conquered—
a King at once odious and degraded! No, no,
he must , depart, — he must bid au eternal
adieu to France. — The throne being vacantia
great question presents itself, — viz., what will
be the government of France? Only two
forms of government are possible — a republic
and a monarchy.
"Therepublic has but one fault, which is that
it is not deemed possible in France. Perhaps
it may one day become possible, — perhaps it is
the definitive government to which all nations
are advancing, but its time has not yet come.
The heroes of the few last days exclaimed
Vive la Charte ! What was meant by that
cry, which inspired such noble conduct? May
the Charter, developed and amended by vic
tory, prove an equivalent for the republic. —
Supposing this point decided, the next question
is, to whom shall the throne be given ?
"The name ofthe Duke of Orleans presents
itself. The necessity of speedily establishing
a government is universally felt. The Duke
of Orleans is among us, and his situation is
such that he may be the means of pacify
ing France, and saving us from the hostility
of the rest of Europe. — He has as yet neither
popularity nor power oh his side. This is an
advantage ; for he cannot presume to dictate
conditions to us, and must accept ours.
" These are circumstances which may turn
the scale in his favor ; but far more import
ant than all this are the constitutional stipula
tions which would precede his accession to
the throne. These must be thought of before
every thing, and their consideration will be
the first duty of the Chamber of Deputies as
soon as it shall be formed !"

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

69

- These expressions represented the feelings
and opinions that prevailed in Paris. Last
night M. Lafitte, and the other, deputies as
sembled at his house, sent an express to the
Duke of Orleans at Neuilly, summoning him
to Paris for the purpose of taking upon him
the duties of Lieutenant-General of the king
dom. Charles X. and his advisers at. St.
Cloud had deemed it probable that the Duke
of Orleans might be a rallying point in op
position to the court, and, while the deputies
were arranging for his reception in Paris, the
king ordered a body of troops to arrest him
at. Neuilly. He had already left that place :
this was reported to the king, and he, who
had lost a throne by ordinances, issued an
ordinance outlawing the duke, and autho
rizing his " subjects " to slay him. The im
becile king had abjects — but no subjects.
. In the course of the night the Duke of
Orleans arrived in Paris : he wore the na
tional tri-colors. Early in the morning the
committee appointed by the deputies waited
upon him, and represented that extreme dan
ger would arise from delay ; that agitators as
well as sincere enthusiasts would proclaim
a republic in the streets ; and that the fruit of
so just and dear a victory would become the
prey of a most frightful anarchy. Two hours
afterwards appeared. the following
PROCLAMATION OF THE DUKE OF
ORLEANS.
Paris, July 31, Noon.
" Inhabitants of Paris, — :
" The Deputies of France, at this moment
assembled at Paris, have expressed to me the
desire that I should repair to this capital to
exercise the functions of Lieutenant-General
of the kingdom.
1 " I have not hesitated to come and share
your dangers, to place myself in the midst of
your heroic population, and to exert all my
efforts to preserve you from the calamities of
civil war and of anarchy.
" On returning to the city of Paris, I wore
4 with pride those glorious colors which you
have resumed, and which I'myself long wore.
' " The Chambers are going to assemble ;
they will consider of the means of securing
the reign of the laws, and the maintenance
of the rights of the nation.
" The Charter will henceforward be a truth.
" Louis-Philippe D'Orleans."
The appearance of this proclamation was
hailed by the majority with, transport and
gratitude; but it was soon understood that,
on the preceding evening, a, number of, per
sons, excited by the, success of the conflict in
which they had been engaged, and fired by

natural resentment, had declared their dis
trust of both branches ofthe House of Bour
bon, and exhorted General Lafayette to be
come the President of at least a Provisional
Government. This portion of the populace
overpowered by clamor the rest of the public,
who were silent and willing to concur in
measures that might be adopted by the,
Deputies.

At one o'clock the Deputies assembled in,
greater numbers than before at M.' Lafitte's.
The principal object of the meeting was to
hear the report of the committee charged to
carry - to the Duke of Orleans a declaration
agreed to at their last sitting. The President
read the Duke's Proclamation. It was re
ceived with acclamation, and 10,000 copies
were ordered to be printed at the government
printing office. Messrs. Guizot, Villemain,
Berard, and Benjamin Constant, were ap
pointed secretaries.
General Sebastiani said, that the committee,
of which he was one, repaired the evening
before to the Palais Royal, but the Duke was
absent, and they wrote him a note, mention
ing the declaration of which they were the
bearers. The Duke had hastened to Paris,
where he arrived at eleven the same night. The
deputation were informed of it in the morn
ing, and assembled at nine o'clock. They
were admitted into the presence ofthe Duke,
and his language breathed love of order and
the laws — the ardent desire of sparing France
the scourge of civil and foreign war — the firm-
purpose of securing thelibertyof the country —
and as his- Highness had himself said, in a
proclamation full of clearness and frankness,
the wish to make the Charter, which was
long but a delusion, at last a reality. The
Geheraladded that the Duke was about to
take, without delay, the most urgent measures,
and especially that of the immediate convoca
tion of the Chambers.
The President said it was necessary to
consider the situation of the capital, and
whether it would not be advisable that some
address should be published, to quiet the
minds of the people as to what had been
done for the public good, at Paris and in the
departments. All had been surprised by the
late measures of the ministry, and waited in
security for the 3d of August. The letters
for their meeting were delivered to the de
puties at the same time with the prdinances
of the 26th. In such circumstances, it was
necessary to tell France what had been done :
it would be proper to draw up an accurate
account of the means by which the country
had been saved. In explaining their acts
they would reap a harvest of eternal praise
and public blessing.

70

ANNALS OF THE

On the motion of M. Benjamin Delessert,
the drawing up of this proclamation was in
trusted to the provisional Members of the Bu
reau. After some discussion M. Salverte de
sired that this manifesto should indicate in a
strong aud explicit manner the guarantees
which the people had a right to expect. M. de
Corceiles insisted on the necessity of these sti
pulations, in order to calm the effervescence
which appeared to him to show itself by
alarming symptoms. M. Benjamin Con
stant said it was indispensable that these
guarantees should be enumerated. At the
same time, it appeared to him easy to dissi
pate disquietude. He had passed through
the streets of the capital, and had1 found
every where a population full of enthusiasm
and energy, but enlightened and full of con
fidence in the wisdom and patriotisn of their
Deputies ; they wished for guarantees! they
wished for them strongly, but they wished
for nothing else. He addedi, that he had
thought it'his duty to make an enumeration
ofthe guarantees which he thought indispen
sable, and which the Bureau first, and then
the capsulated deputies would decide upon.
M. Villemain said they had only to make a
Commentary on the expression hi the procla
mation of the Duke of Orleans "< the Charter
shall be a truth." — M. Salverte thought that the
declaration of the Chamber of 1815 would
be a satisfactory text, and one in which only
slight modifications could be made. M.
Augustin Perier observed, that this was not
the time for entering into an endless discus
sion of principles; in the capacity of pro
visional Secretary M. Benjamin Constant
could communicate his ideas to his col
leagues, and cause them to be transfused into
the proclamation.
The President said the business of the day
would naturally open with the report of the
Secretaries, when they should submit to the
meeting the draught of the proclamation.
Among the numerous communications he had
received, there were two concerning which
he thought it his duty to speak to his col
leagues. Both had for their object to call the
serious attention of the Deputies to the acts
which might emanate from themselves, and
to the necessity of calming an effervescence,
dangerous in itself, but which he considered
as overcome and dissipated, because he re
lied on the efficacy of the proclamation
which the Deputies were about to issue.
The sitting of the Deputies was then 'for
some time suspenped, whilst Messrs. Guizot,
Villemain; Berard, and Benjamin Constant,
in the capacity of Secretaries, drew up the
paperfor which they had received instructions:
On the Deputies resuming their sitting, the
President communicated to the meeting some

information which he had received concern
ing the proclamation of the Duke of Orleans.
According to the account, great agitation
prevailed among the people, in consequence,
as it was presumed, of the omission of the'
date, and the want of the countersignature' of
the Municipal Committee. M. Persil wish-*
ed the Lieutenant-General of the Kingdom
to be invited to pass through the capital with
a deputation of the Chamber, or to cause the
proclamation to be countersigned by General
Lafayette. M. Jacqueminot thought the
first expedient quicker and more certain,
and suggested! that his Royal Highness
should get immediately on horseback, and
show himseMi to the people — M. de Laborde
conceived that the effervescence and dis
quietude were exaggerated. In his opinion
it would be sufficient- that the Deputies, after
the sitting, should repair to the Palais, Royal.'
There was a prevailing cry among the Deputies,
«* Let us go immediately ; let us all go,''' and
M. Bernard thought M de Laborde had been
wrong informed. He said the greatest alarm
agitated men's minds ; the most disquieting
rumors were in circulation, especially about
the Hotel de Ville. Many voices cried, "Let
us go, let us go." The president calmed the
meeting by say ing — " No precipitation in such
grave circumstances." M. Etienne represented
in a strong light the absolute necessity of an
immediate and decisive step. M. Charles
Dupin thought that the Deputies could
proceed to the Hotel de Ville after going
to the Palais Royal, and that their presence
and exhortations, would be sufficient
to silence, ^dissension and dissipate alarm.
M. Benjamin Delessert conceived that the
proclamation which the Bureau had drawn
up wa£ of a nature to exercise the happiest in^
fluence on the public mind. M. Guizot by,
desire of the Deputies, mounted, the tribune,
and read the following —
"PROCLAMATION ADDRESSED TO
THE FRENCH BY THE DEPUTIES
OF DEPARTMENTS ASSEMBLED
AT PARIS.
" Frenchmen ! —
" France is free. Absolute power raised.its
standard — the herpic population of, Paris has
overthrown it. Paris attacked, has made the,
sacred cause triumph by, arms which, had
triumphed in vain in the ejec,tipnsj, A power
which usurped our rights, and disturbed our
repose, threatened at once liberty and order.
We return to the possession of order and
liberty. There is no more fear for acquired
rights. — no more barrier between us and the
rights which we still want. A government
which may, without delay, secure to us these
advantages is now the first want of our coun-

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

try. Frenchmen, those of your Deputies
who are already at Paris have assembled;
and, till the Chambers can regularly inter
vene, they have invited a Frenchman who
has never fought but for France — the Duke
of Orleans — to exercise the functions of
Lieutenant-General of the kingdom. This is
in their opinion the surest means promptly
to accomplish by peace the success of the
most legitimate defence.
" The Duke of Orleans is devoted to the
national and constitutional cause. He has
always defended its interests, and professed
its principles. He will respect our rights ;
for he will derive his own from us. We
shall secure to ourselves by laws all the
guarantees necessary to liberty strong and
durable — viz.
" The re-establishment of the National
Guard, with the intervention of the National
Guards in the choice of the officers :
" The intervention of the citizens in the
formation ofthe departmental and municipal
administrations :
" The jury for the transgressions of the
press ; the legally organized responsibility
of the Ministers and the secondary agents of
the administration :
" The situation of the military legally
secured :
" The re-election of deputies appointed to
public offices we shall give at length to our
institutions, in concert with the head of the
State, the developments of which they have
need. "Frenchmen, — The Duke of Orleans him
self has already spoken, and his language is
that which is suitable to a free country.
"' The ^Chambers,' says he, 'are going to
assemble; they will consider of means to
insure the reign of the laws and the main
tenance of the rights of the nation. The
Charter will henceforward be a truth.' "
The reading of this manifesto was often in
terrupted by unanimous acclamations, and at
-the termination M. Girod de 1' Ain. demand
ed that, if the proclamation were adopted, it
should be instantly sent to the press, circulat
ed in thousands of copies, and that it should
be carried to the Lieutenant-General of the
kingdom. This was ordered, and the draught
of the proclamation put to the vote, and
passed with enthusiasm. It was then pro
posed to rise and go in a body to the Palais
Royal. The President observed that all the
Deputies, and himself among the rest, could
not go there, as the state of his health did
not allow it. Several voices cried, " Let us
go, all !"— " Yes, all !"— " Our President at
our head !" — " Let him come in a sedan."
M. Benjamin Constant observed — '.' It was
in that way that! came." President—" Very

71
well, be. it so. I shall open the march, and
M. Benjamin Constant will close it." The
sitting closed with these easy pleasantries,
and the Deputies left the hall together. On
their way to the Palais Royal the Deputies
passed through immense crowds, ¦ and were
greeted with tumultuous applause. This
first appearance of a public authority, in the
midst of disorder, brought with it hope and
security. Before the Deputies the barricades fell.
At the Palais Royal the Duke of Orleans
received them with extreme affability, and
with expressions which produced a marked
effect on every one. It was a happy meeting,
in which a glorious contract was about to be
concluded between a free people and a Prince
the friend of liberty. The manner in which
he addressed M. Lafitte, the President, added
-still more to the joy excited by the dignified
language of the assembly and the people whom
they represented. M. Lafitte read the Pro
clamation of the Deputies. The Duke listened
attentively, and seemed to punctuate it by the
marks of assent with which he noted each of
the guarantees stipulating for the rights of the
nation, and the maintenance and develop
ment of its liberties. His words, his gestures,
and his physiognomy contended in expressing
satisfaction and pride on being associated
in the regeneration of constitutional order.
To a speech by M. Viennet, in the name ofthe
Deputies, the Duke answered, "I deplore as a
Frenchman the injury done to my country,
and the blood which has flowed. As a
Prince, I am happy to contribute to the hap
piness of the nation. Gentlemen, we are
about to go to the Hotel de Ville." The
Duke had been going thither on horseback
and alone when the Deputies arrived at the
Palais Royal.
The passage of the Deputies and the Duke
of Orleans to the Hotel de Ville was long
and wearisome, across barricades, and in the
scorching heat of the sun. The people were
in immense multitudes, and constantly ac
claiming, with shouts of" Vive la Charte! " —
" Vive la liberte!'' — " Vive le Due d'Orleans!"
for nearly two hours, during which time the
procession was in motion. On arriving at
the Hotel de Ville, General Lafayette, as
Commander-in-chief of the National Guard,
attended by the pupils of the Polytechnic
School, advanced to meet the Duke of Or
leans in the greafchall of arms. A circle was
formed, and the deputy M. Viennet pro
nounced an address full of frankness. The
Duke replied with simplicity. He mentioned
all the guarantees which ought to be granted
to the country, and on this enumeration the
venerable countenance of Lafayette beamed
with joy; his hand approached that ofthe

72

ANNALS OF THE

Duke, and he grasped it heartily. They went
to a window and waved before them a tri-
colored flag to the people; who, by this
movement, were excited to indescribable en
thusiasm. They testified their joy by tre
mendous vociferations.
During these proceedings in Paris the
movements at St. Cloud were of a different
order. Until this morning Charles X. de
luded himself by believing that Paris could
be recaptured. Last night a large body of
citizens who had assisted in defeating the
Royal Guard, anddriving them and the other
troops from the Tuilleries and heart of the
metropolis, determined that ¦ he should not
remain another day undisturbed at St. Cloud.
Under the direction of three youths of the
Polytechnic School, they made preparations
for an early march and assault. Sevres was
fortified, and the military occupied Meudon
and other heights in the vicinity ofthe court.
No considerable number of these could be
prevailed on to attempt achieving " the down-
faU of Paris;" and news speedily arrived
that Paris itself was getting ready to send
forth its legions to attack St. Cloud. Flight
— the first and only successful resort of terri
fied tyranny — flight, was instantly resolved
on. The troops were withdrawn from the
heights, and posted around the royal abode.
About three o'clock in the morning the troops
quartered in the Bois de Boulogne were
called. At four o'olock the order was given
to march. The procession commenced with
a squadron of mounted gens-d'armes ; then
came a regiment of hussars, which arrived on
Thursday morning at four o'clock, when they
learnt the retreat of some ofthe King's troops
during the night ; next, a brigade of artillery ;
afterwards, a regiment of, the Royal Guard
(infantry) ; then two squadrons of cuirassiers,
followed by two brigades of (field) artillery.
These were succeeded by the Garde du Corps
a Pied (Cents Swisses), and these by a com
pany of the Garde du Corps du Roi. Im
mediately afterwards followed the carriages of
the King, the Royal Family, and the Ministers
and great officers, with two' companies of the
Garde du Corps, and 150 other carriages,
containing persons of distinction attached to,
or who wished to follow, the royal family.
The royal carriages, ten or twelve in number,
were, according to etiquette, drawn each by
eight horses. A large body of cavalry, in
fantry, and artillery, closed the procession.
With the exception of the 3d regiment, which
had been nearly cut to pieces, and the re
mains of the Lancers, who had so murder
ously manifested the royalism of their prin
ciples, extreme depression was observable
in the countenances of all. A great number
-of officers without soldiers accompanied them.

In Ville d' Array nearly an entire regimentof
the line threw down their arms and dis
persed. The progress halted at Versailles;
by desire of the King, but the towns-people
hoisted the tri-colored flag,and would notsuffer
them to enter. They breakfasted at Trianom
and proceeded to Rambouillet. Numbers of
the men deserted at every opportunity, in
defiance of the firing that was kept up after
them while flying. '. .
Immediately after the departure of Charles:
X. from St. Cloud, M. Collas, Mayor of Bo.u*<
logne, sent a detachment of the National:
Guard and firemen to the Palace; and in the
presence of two members of the.' Municipal
Council, and of several Officers, an inventory
of the plate was drawn up. This plate was
afterwards delivered, in the presence of the
Mayor of St. Cloud, to M. de Villeneuve,'the
Commissioner of the Government. When
the National Guard with the armed populace
from Paris arrived, they found a detachment
of the Royal Guards which had been left to
protect the retreat. They had been attacked
by armed citizens, from the neighbouring
communes, and, when the Parisians arrived at
day-break, the last remains of Royal power
retired, throwing away their muskets, after
taking the precaution to break their locks,
The National Guards when they entered the
palace took care, as they had ' done at the
Tuilleries, to hinder any thing being carried
aWay. • But the people visited the wine cellars
and larders, and, though no furniture or or
naments were damaged or removed, the
wine was drunk, and the preserves eaten, and
a few letters and papers which remained were
thrown out of the window. The Guards had
left their breakfasts uneaten on the tables, ^nd
the cooks in the Royal kitchen had fled in
such haste that the preparations for the
royal dejeuners remained on the stoves and
fires.' About 2000 excellent firelocks of the
body-guard were found in the palace. On the
return of the National Guard to Paris they
searched the environs of St. Cloud, and col
lected about 100 Swiss, who laid down their
arms and surrendered, on being assured that
they should be well treated. They said that
the King had reviewed them on the evening
before, and had given them thirty francs
a piece. Not one of them was deprived of a
sous. On their arrival at Paris, they were
conducted to the Louvre, where they were or
dered to sit down, and wine and victuals were
furnished to them. They were then conducted
to ¦ their barracks, Rue de Babylone, from
which, as the only punishment, they were or
dered not to come out, lest they should be at
tacked by the relations of some of their
victims: With the exception of the affair at' St.

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

7;3

Cloud there were no hostile movements. The
prisoners in la Force attempting to escape
were prevented , by the National Guard,
who were reluctantly compelled to fire, and
two convicts were killed and • about a dozen
•wounded. In the departments, wherever the
ordinances and the events at Paris were
known, the sentiments of the people had
been expressed with the same , indignation
against the measures of the Court, and the
same enthusiasm for the Charter and the li
berty of the press displayed. The following
letter from General Bourdesoulle to the Due
d' Angouleme was intercepted : —
" Versailles, July 31.
"Monseigneur, — Your Royal Highness has
no doubt received the report which I had the
honor to send you this morning, and in which
I gave you an account of the passage of a
considerable number of soldiers of the 50th
regiment ofthe line through this town, where
theywere introduced bythe inhabitants, with
out being presented at the gates, but all
passed over, and we have been tranquil all
night. — As I have received the letter of
General Cressot, which announced to me the
arrival of the King, I thought it my duty to
place the troops under arms, and in a position
to execute the orders of your Highness. I am
waiting for them. If your Highness orders,
I am ready to march where you may think
proper. In case your Royal Highness should
not order me to make any movement during
the day, I shall send the troops to their quar
tets to rest. — Their spirit is still firm, though
some discontent be already manifested in
different regiments which are almost with
out money, lt would be very desirable that
your Royal Highness should cause some ad
vances to be mad!|| particularly to the 4th
regiment of Infantry, and to the gendarmerie,
the men of which have only a white pair of
trousers, and no shoes. — I have the honor, &c,
" Lieutenant-General Bourdesoulle."
The King's appearance at VersaiUes on his
flight from St. Cloud, and the spirit prevail
ing among the inhabitants, convinced Bour
desoulle that he had nothing to hope and every
thing to fear, and in the course of the day he
made his submission to the Lieutenant-Gene
ral of the kingdom. Madame de Polignac in
passing through Versailles was recognised and
stopped by the people, but permitted to pro
ceed on her journey. " Go on, Madame,"
fl>ey said to her, " but let his Excellency, take
care!" General Gerard, at the head of the
troops of the line, fixed his quarters beyond
the Hospital of Invalids, where all stragglers
as well as old officers of the army, were di
rected to join, him. Inthe course of the day,
a workman, named John Grenie<\ nresented

himself to the Commandant of the- post of
the Hotel St. Aignau; and said, "Serjeant,
here is my sword. I have employed; it well
for three days; I now return to my work. It
is useless to me, and I make a gift of it to the
National Guard." ,The sabre was richly
mounted, and several of the National . Guard
wished to pay for it; "I do not sell my
sword," said he; "I give it:" and he imme
diately presented it to a grenadier who was
without a sword. The inhabitants of the en
virons emulated each other in enthusiasm
and patriotism. There was not a hamlet in
which the tri-colored flag had not been flying
since yesterday. Every where the National
Guards spontaneously organized themselves.
Had the capital been threatened, its outposts
were under arms. At Corbeil, the National
Guard took possession of 120,0001bs of gun
powder at the Vouchet, and immediately sent
9,000lbs. to Paris. These were the chief in
cidents of a warlike nature in the course of
the day ; but during the night some musket-
shots were fired against the posts of the
Natjonal Guard of Paris by several men,
some of whom were arrested. The old
Royal Police had given them money to excite
commotions in the capital. They might have
murdered some citizens, and that would have
been the utmost mischief they could effect.
There is no raising an insurrection against a
whole people.

As respects the Municipal Government to
day they had little of real difficulty, though,
from the state of affairs, they had much work.
The crown diamonds had been carried
off. The person who usually had the care of
them held a receipt for them, signed by M. de
la Bouillerie, who had withdrawn them and
then withdrawn himself. He had taken them
to the King, by whose order they had been
abstracted. It was determined to reclaim,
and, if refused, retake ihem. as belonging to
the crown, in which its wearer had onlya life
interest — subject to contingencies: In the
course of the day, the Archbishop of Paris
attempted to depart from the capital. At the
Te Deum sung for the capture of Algiers,
,this mischievous man told Charles X. he
hoped God would give his Majesty strength
to overcome his enemies at home as. well as
those whom he had conquered abroad. In
,his carriage the people found an enormous
sum in gold, which they brought away. Thjs
money, being the property of the prelate,
was ordered to be restored to him.
The municipal committee had to deter
mine what course should be adopted with
respect to commercial engagements, which had
bpen embarrassed and obstructed by the late

74

ANNALS OF THE

political derangement; and they resolved that
acceptances payable in Paris, arid due be
tween the 26th of July and the 15th of Au
gust inclusive, should be, extended ten days,
so that bills falling due pn the 26th of July
would only be payable on the 6th of August,
and so on. Conformably to this regulation,
the Tribunal of Commerce, ofthe department
of the Seine, issued an ordinance concurring
in the measure, and clearly stating the reasons
for its adoption in these terms : — " The tri
bunal, having deliberated, acknowledges that
the defence of our rights and liberties, called
forth by the Ordinances of the 25th of July,
was legitimate; that the necessity of resisting
violence and military force compelled the
Wiole population of Paris to arm them
selves ; that, the city having been placed in
a State of siege, the course of business has
b?en interrupted, the shops' and warehouses
have been closed, the tribunals have ceased
to administer justice ; and thus all commer
cial transactions having been forcibly sus
pended, and communications interrupted, the
pjyment of bills on the day of their being
due has become impracticable ; that superior
force has interfered ; that the necessity of the
case is of an imperious kind ; and that it au
thorizes a course which, though deviating
frpm the ordinary rules of trade and the pre
scription of the laws; insures against effects
wjiich would prove injurious to all." By
these proceedings of the municipal and legal
authorities, all protests and claims relative to
commercial bills were likewise, with strict
prudence and justice, suspended. The bank of
France and nearly all the private bankers
opened their counting-houses, and paid and
received as usual. The exchange had not
been opened since the 27th ; for, during the
panic, the prices could only have been no
minal.

Yesterday several of the clerks in the post-
office resumed their duty, and to day the
whole of them. In this department there
was found a list of forty^five peers whom
Charles X. and his ministers proposed to
exclude from the Chamber, and not only
deprive of their peerage, but bring to
trial. During the excitement, there had been
seized at the Post-office despatches intended
for the ambassadors. These were now de
livered to them unopened. The ambassadors
were sensible to the attention, and compli
mented the citizens on their bravery and
moderation in victory.
Except M. Count Appony, ambassador of
Austria, who opportunely went away on
the 25 th of July, to take the waters at
Dieppe, none of the ambassadors of foreign

powers quitted Paris. Witnesses of the per
fidious conduct of the ex-King, they expected
to see civil war break out, but they knew
that they should be respected in the midst of
disorder, and were enabled to state to their
governments that the French, in the exulta
tion and pride of victory, were as calm and
prudent as they were brave, and that the
tranquillity of Europe was not likely to ba
disturbed by such a people. The minister
plenipotentiary of the United States was
among the first diplomatic personages who
paid their respects to the Lieutenant-General
of the kingdom.
At his residence, the Palais Royal, the
Duke received numberless persons, whom
mere royalty would have excluded from its pre
sence. The wife of a citizen had distinguished
herself, in this sanguinary contest, by a
courage and prowess truly heroic. She never
for an instant quitted the side of her husband,
and, being armed with a musket, loaded and
fired with as much coolness and precision as
a veteran soldier. She mainly contributed,
by her aid and example, to the capture of a
cannon, entered the guard-house at the head
of the citizens, and fought hand to hand with
the troops till they were finally expelled.
Her grateful fellow-citizens were desirous
that she should be presented to the Lieute
nant-General of the Kingdom, who at the
first intimation directed that she should be
introduced. She was accordingly conducted
to the Palais Royal between nine and ten
o'clock this evening, where the Duke, stand
ing in a circle of the brave youths, of the
Polytechnic School, received her with the
utmost courtesy, and testified his admiration
of her prowess in the strongest terms. At her
departure the guard on duty received orders
to present arms to her on her passing, as if
she had been a general officer.
"Many who imagined France utterjy de-
'praved by the sanguinary scenes of her former
revolution, by her long wars and appalling
despotisms, now confess their error with
exultation, and hope that her present moral
elevation may be as secure as her present
political grandeur. The sight of public order
and respect for property, after three days'
battles, and in the absence of all competent
authority, inspired every foreigner at Paris
with the most lively admiration. The En»
glish, in particular, were astonished. They
took the liveliest interest in the important
occurrencess to day in- the Chamber of De
puties and at the Hotel de Ville.
Circumspection against the chance' of sur
prise stayed the destruction of the barricades.
An invader would have found1, not only in
the capital but in and near many-great towns,
the streets un paved, the roads obstructed, the

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

75

houses embattled, and obstacles of every
conceivable kind. To-day the municipality,
as a measure of salubrity during the neats,
requested the inhabitants to make gutters in
the streets, for carrying off the stagnant
water, without endangering the barricades.
They were also invited to open, their shops
and conduct business as formerly, and to light
up their windows until the lamps were re
paired. More subscriptions were opepedfar
the wounded,, the widows, and the fatherless.
Families requiring aid received bread and
other provisions. The men on duty, in like
manner, received bread, cheese, meat, and
wine, which different parties paraded through
the- streets, preceded; by a drum.
Since yesterday the streets were crowded
to excess with people going about from.
Curiosity : the fair sex almost out-numbered
the men. It was amusing to see them, in
full dress, skipping over wet trenches and huge
paving-stone defences, or creeping through
trees laid hastily across the ways. The
assemblages of armed people exceeded, in
grotesque character, whatever Hogarth ever
painted. Charcoal-men with cuirasses on,
slender lads with heavy helmets and mus
kets, a well-dressed man with, possibly, only
a pocket pistol, making it a point of honor to
place himself in the ranks with them; and
the whole directed by the will, perhaps, of
an old-fashioned drummer, elated with the
importance of his station.
An incident strongly exemplifies the cha
racter of things to-day; At about half past
eleven at night, the 53d1 regiment of the line
marched with their band playing along the
Rue Rivoli. A sentinel! stationed at the
corner of the Pavilion Marson awaited their
arrival. He was one of the captors of the
Tuilleries ; his age about twenty ; his cos
tume a blue linen blause (precisely the gar
ment worn by the Chinese we see in Lon
don), and trousers of the same kind. He
had a musket and bayonet, and an ample
canvass bag full of cartridges suspended by a
stout cord over his shoulder. The regiment
approached. With all th© gravity of a
veteran grenadier he stepped forward, Gocked,
his musket,, and challenged the approaching
column., The pass was given, the usual forms
were gone through, and the regiment marched
on, and, with their band playing, entered the
Place du Carousel, to occupy the barrack,
lately that of the Garde Royale.
This evening families promenaded much
as usual in the boulevards, and harps,
guitars, violins, and .other musical in

struments once more enlivened a scene
always unique in its kind. The only novel
ties were the absence of lamps (supplied,
however, by.gay illuminations) and the half-
peaceable and half-warlike sight of groupest
of females sitting on the trees which had been
felled for the purpose of forming blockades.
Here, on the. first evening of disturbance, a
wretched little Savoyard, in the midst of war
and bustle on his right and left, continued to
wind his little organ at his usual post — actu
ally playing, if not to empty benches, to
empty chairs.

Until tor-day carriages were not allowed to
quit Paris. This morning the barriers were
thrown open, and the Calais diligence of the.
Messagerie Royale was the first that left.
Several Englishmen availed themselves of
this opportunity to depart, and among them
Mr., Young-, the actor. Along the road, no
information, that could be relied on, had
been obtained from, the capital. At every
town and village the inhabitants crowded to
the diligence as a novelty, and most of them
were astonished on perceiving that the royal
arms had been effaced from tbe panels, and
after f Messager.ie, " the word "Royale,"
carefully scratched out. These appearances
excited enthusiastic shouts. The desire for
news was intense, and the enquiries were in
cessant. The duty of answering usually de
volved on the conducteur, whose intelh'gence
was received with rapturous cries of "Vive
la Charte!" Even during the night the-
country people were out awaiting an arrival.
After midnight, on the diligence proceeding
through Lillers, a village between Amiens and
St. Omers, there was an anxious assemblage'
of people who required the diligence to stop.
On the postillion attempting to pass they
seized the wheels, clung to his boots, and in
sisted on his telling the news. Others opened
the, doors and eagerly enquired of the pas
sengers, nor would they suffer the vehicle to
move until they gained their object, which
was. by slow degrees ; for their expressions of
pleasure burst out on the mention of each
fact. Mr. Young's observation while in Paris,
and his thorough knowledge of the French
language, enabled him to communicate the
news thoroughly, and at one or two. places
the popular exhilaration it produced animated
him to speeches which, produced vociferous
shouts of "Vive la Charte !"—« Vive l'An
glais ! "—"Vive la Patrie !"

76

ANNALS OF- THE

SUNDAY, AUGUST 1.

This was the first Sunday after a week of
wonders. ,. Last Sunday Charles X. signed arbitrary
ordinances ; on Monday they were published
and denounced by the press, and he declined
to receive a deputation of Peers ; on Tuesday
the press refused obedience, the people flew to
arms, and he refused to receive a conciliatory
deputation from their . representatives ; on
Wednesday he rejected renewed advice from
his peers, and his troops were in bloody com
bat with the people throughout the day ; on
Thursday'his palaces were stormed and taken,
and his military defeated and driven out of the
capital ; on Friday, when all political power
was in the hands ofthe people, and after the
provisional government had declared that he
had ceased to reign, he condescended to an
nounce that he had revoked the ordinances, and
was willing to form a new administration ; on
Saturday he fled, covered with shame and guilt,
and the provisional government entrusted the
lawful power he had abused to the Duke of
Orleans. All these astonishing events had
happened since last Sunday.
The power of Charles X. was at an end,
and the will of France was expressed by the
authorities in Paris who had restored order.
They issued the following Proclamation. : —
" Municipal Commission of Paris.
" Inhabitants of Paris ! — Charles X. has
ceased to reign in France. Not being able
to forget, the origin of his authority, he has
always considered himself aS the enemy of
our, country .and of its liberties, which he
could not understand. , After having secretly
attacked our institutions by every means that
hypocrisy and fraud furnished him with,
until he believed himself sufficiently strong to
destroy them openly, he had resolved to
drown them in the blood of Frenchmen.
Thanks to your heroism, . the crimes of his
power are at an. end.
" A few moments have been sufficient to
annihilate this corrupt Government, which
had been nothing but.a constant conspiracy
against the liberty and prosperity of France.
The nation only is stirring, adorned with its
national colors, which she has won at the ex
pense of her blood.1 She wishes, for a Go
vernment and laws worthy of her.
." What nation in the world deserves liberty
better than she does? In the battle, you
have been heroes.
" Victory has shown us in you those sen -
timents of moderation and humanity which
evidence in so high a degree the progress of
our civilization.

" Conquerors and deliverers of yourselves,
without police, without magistrates, your
virtue has taken the place of all organization,
and never were the rights of every individual
more religiously respected. Inhabitants of
Paris ! we are proud of being your brothers.
In accepting, under present circumstances,
a mandate so grave and difficult, your muni-
apal commission has desired to associate with
your devotion and efforts. Its members
want means to express to you the admiration
and gratitude of the country.
" Their sentiments, their principles,' are
yours. In place of an authority imposed on
you by foreign arms, you will have a Go
vernment which will owe its origin to you.
Merit is in all classes. All classes have the
same rights ; these rights are assured to them.
Vive la France ! Vive le peuple de Paris !
Vive la Liberte !'
" Lobau, Audry, De Puiraveau,
" Manguik, De Schonen.
" The Secretary of the Municipal Com
mission, " O'Dillon Barrett."
To-day, after the utmost order through
out the night, the National Guard and
armed citizens quietly occupied every point.
Each hour added proofs of the wishes
of the mass, lately so terrific, to conform to
whatever was necessary for the preservation
of tranquillity. Being Sunday, the churches
were opened, and the priests offered up pray
ers for the Lieutenant General of the king
dom, instead of Charles X. He had arrived
at Rambouillet, and in the course of to-day
sent commissaries to Paris, to ask for a
safeguard through the kingdom; with an offer
tojabdicate and a request for gold, in exchange
for Bank notes which the people refused to
take from- him.

In aid of the subscription for the wounded,
and the widows and orphans of the brave
men who distinguished themselves and fell in
the mighty struggle last week, the Duke of Or
leans subscribed 100,000 francs. As Lieuter
riant-General of the kingdom he issued the
following ORDINANCES.
" Ordinances of the Lieutenant-gene-"
ral of the Kingdom.
" Art. 1. The French nation resumes its
colors. No other cockade shall henceforth
be worn than the tri-colored cockade.

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

77

u 2. The Commissioners charged provi
sionally with the several departments of the
Ministry shall provide each, as far as he is
concerned, for the execution of the present
ordinance. . " Paris, Aug. 1, 1830.
" Louis Philippe D'Orleans.
" (Countersigned)
" The Commissioners charged provision
ally with the War Department, " Count Gerard.
" No. 2. The Chamber of Peers and
Chamber of Deputies shall meet on the 3d of
August next, in the usual place.
" The five following Ordinances appoint
the Commissioners for the several depart
ments of the Ministry, viz.—
" War — General Gerard.
" Justice — Dupont de L'Eure.
" Interior — Guizot.
" Finance — Baron Louis.
" Prefect of Police — Girod de L'Ain."
The first sentence of the first ordinance,
" The French nation resumes its colors," is ex
pressed by the Duke of Orleans as an ordi
nance of the French people, to which he, as
their executive power, ordains obedience.
Never will these colors — the " three bright
colors, each divine." — be forgotten, by either
friends or enemies to liberty. Lord Byron's
matchless verse describes them, in a poem of
great beauty on the decoration of an order
instituted by one who knew better how to
humble despotisms, and direct the energies of
France against confederated powers, than how
to restore its wounded liberty. The verses al
luded to are the fourth and fifth stanzas in the
poem.

ON THE STAR OF "THE LEGION OF HONOR.'
" Star of the brave ! — whose beam hath shed
Such glory o'er the quick and dead—
Thou radiant and adored deceit !
Which millions rushed in arms to greet, —
Wild meteor of immortal birth !
Why rise in Heaven to set on earth ?
Souls of slain heroes formed thy rays ,
Eternity flashed through thy blaze ;
The music of thy martial sphere
Was fame on high and honor here ;
And thy light broke on human eyes.
Like a volcano of the skies.
Like lava rolled thy stream of blood,
And swept down empires with its flood ;
Earth rocked beneath thee to her base,
As thou didst lighten through all space ;
And the shorn Sun grew dim in air,
And set while thou wert dwelling there.

Before thee rose, and with thee grew, '
A rainbow of the loveliest hue
Of three bright colors, each divine,
And fit for ulat celestial sign ;
For Freedom's hand had blended them,
Like tints iu an immortal gem.
One tint was of the sunbeam's dyes ;
One the blue depth of Seraph's eyes ;
One the pure Spirit's veil of white
Had robed in radiance of its light :
The three so mingled did beseem
The texture of a heavenly dream.
Star of the brave ! thy ray js pale,
And darkness must again prevail !
But oh, thou Rainbow of the free !
Our tears and blood must flow for thee.
When thy bright promise fades away,
Our life is but a load of clay.
And Freedom hallows with her tread
The silent cities of the dead ;
For beautiful in death are they
Who proudly fall in her array ;
And soon, oh Goddess 1 may we be
For evermore with them or thee !"

. During the day the Duke of Orleans showed
himself repeatedly at the balcony of the Pa
lais Royal, and threw his proclamations among
the people amid their loud acclamations. The
cries of "Vive le Due d'Orleans!" were in
cessant. People of eminence flocked to his
saloon of audience. The National Guard
were on duty outside ; he crossed their ranks
repeatedly, notwithstanding casualties to
which he was exposed from being surrounded
by a crowd of armed men, unaccustomed to
handle heavy arms, and most of them ex
hausted with fatigue. He often gently lifted
the sloping musket, armed with shot and
bayonet, which impeded his 'passage through
the mis-shapen ranks. The gate of the Tuil
leries was guarded by a man with bare arms,
without coat or waistcoat ; a strange, wild-
looking substitute for the spruce sentry for
merly there. The people with their arms
slung over a brown coat — some with no coat
at all, some with the tri-colored ribands
streaming from a helmet, others with a neat
cockade in a Sunday hat, and others again in
an enormous fur. cap stripped from some un
fortunate Royal Guard — had a much more
formidable appearance than regular troops.
Their brown coats seemed to speak of things
for which men fight better and longer than
for a soldier's pay and barrack room.
In the evening the crowd of promenaders
and loungers was immense. All Paris had
turned out ; the artisans and laborers to drink
the cheap liquors their scanty- means af
forded ; and the richer, to eat ices. . All the
bon-bons in the town must have been eaten up.

78

ANNALS OF THE
MONDAY, AUGUST 2.

To-day the weather continued as warm and
fine as it had been from the day Charles X.
signed the ordinances; the streets were
crowded, but without confusion, and every
where the pavement was renewing.
The journals had now re-appeared, except
the London Express, the Drapeau Blanc, and
Universe!, which were probably given up. The
National took a decided step at first, and
held its fearless course throughout the strug
gle. To-day it asserted, that if the king in
tended to abdicate in favor of the Du^e of
Bourdeaux, it was visibly for the purpose of
putting the crown on the head of a child to
whom no reproach could be applied, and of
preventing, by these means, the extinction of
the pretended rights of the Bourbon family.
But, says this Journal, " We have victory on
our side. Victory gives and takes away em
pires. It has placed in our hands the disposal
of the Crown of France. We shall do so
as we please, and in favor of a Prince ac
knowledging to hold it from us. This is an
important condition for France. The Duke
of Bourdeaux would still bold his crown ' by
the grace of God.' The Prince we shall
make choice of will hold it from us alone ;
we must therefore reject this wretched rem
nant of pretension. Once more we are the con
querors, and we ought to profit by our victory.
Tbe walls were placarded with appeals
in favor of investing the Duke of Orleans
with the sovereignty; among others, his
letter in 1815 to Marshal Mortier: but
there was a general conviction of the ne
cessity for leaving the discussion of all points
respecting the future King — the future consti
tution — and the future government — to the
Chambers. A commission consisting of M M.
Odillbn, Barrot, De Schonfen, Jacqueminot,
the Duke de Cdighy, and the Duke de Tre-
viso left Paris this afternoon for Rambouillet,
wih a safe-fconduct for Charles X., and to ar
range and forward his departure.
The judges of the ancient Cour Royale Of
Paris engaged in a small way to help the
lameness of legitimacy. On Friday the 30X11,
the day after Paris was delivered from its in
vaders by the energies of the people, and
when St. Cloud itself was about to fail into
thei* power, the Cour Royale kept up its in
tercourse with Charles X., whose very shadow
-inspired it with awe. Messrs. de Mortemart
and de Semonville requested M. Seguier, the
first president, to convoke the Court, and
prevail upon it to adopt some step favorable
to the Royal cause. M. Seguier consented,
and drew up with his own hand the draught

of the letter of convocation " in the name M
his majesty." When the letters were all {ire-
pared, the portets of the Court were not in
clined to carry them, for fear of beihg stopped
by the patrols of citizens ; but al length they
were prevailed upon, and the next day,
Saturday the 31st, the major part of the
Magistrates assembled to administer justice,
" in the name of his Majesty," to " his Majeity's
people." They assembled alohe — not a single
Advocate — not a single Attorney appeared.
This absence might have admonished the
ancient Court that it no longer existed. It per
sisted, however, in holding its important sit
tings, and to day sat again . A number Of advo
cates and solicitors appeared, but without
their robes. M. Seguier, discovering that the
ancient Cour Royale was as little agreeable
to the bar as to the people, closed the sitting
instantly. Two or three of the advocates,
famed for monarch-worship, defended the
Cour Royale, borrowing the hypocritical
phrases of the ex-king: — "Justice is the
prime want of the people ; the magistrates
are irremovable in virtue of the Charter " The
answer was — " It is true, justice is the prime
need ofthe people, but justice can only pro
ceed from pure lips ; true, the magistrates are
irremovable, but where is the principle of
their immovability? In the Charter. But
what has become of the Charter? It has
been torn to pieces by the late King, who has
violated his oath, and we are absolved from
ours. The Charter no longer exists; you,
magistrates of the Charter, have disappeared
along with it. A new Government is erect
ing on the will of the people — have you re
ceived your appointment from this new
Government 1" Thus terminated the attempt
of the ancient Cour Royale to disturb the
peace. To day the Lieutenant-General of the
kingdom issued an ordinance repealing con
demnations for political offences of the press,
directing the liberation of all persons con
fined for such offences, remitting their fines
and expenses, and quashing prosecutions.
Other ordinances appointed M. Bernard, of
Rennes, Procureur-General at the Royal
Court; M. Barthe, Procureur du Roi at the
tribunal of First Instance ; and M. Joseph
Morilhon, Secretary-General of the Ministry
of Justice. These appointments gave much
satisfaction, especially the latter.
On the Duke of Orleans becoming Lieu
tenant-General, General Lafayette had re
signed the command of the National Guard ;
but the Duke prevailed on him to accejpt it

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

7d

again, and thus continue to the. rising govern
ment the important sanction of his venerated
name. General Lafayette, on resuming his com
mand, issued the following —
ORDER OF THE DAY.
August 2.
" During the glorious crisis in which the
Parisian energy has conquered our rights,
every thing still remains provisional : there
is nothing definitive but the sovereignty of
those national rights, and the eternal remem
brance of the glorious work of the people ;
but, amidst the various powers instituted
through the necessity of our situation, the
re-organization of the National Guards is a
most necessary defence for the public order,
and one which is highly called for. The
opinion of the Prince exercising the high
station of Lieutenant-General of the King
dom, most honorable to myself, is, that I
should for tbe present take that command.
In 1790 I refused to accept such an offer,
made to me by 3,000,000 of my comrades,
as that office would have been a permanent
one, and might, one day have become a very
dangerous one. Now that circumstances are
altered, I think it my duty, in order to serve
liberty and my country, to accept the station
of General-Commandant of the National
Guards of France. " Lafayette."
Another order of the day directed the
general organization of the National Guards,
upon the principles of that formed in 1791,
without any change in the uniform, except
that of the cuff being white instead of blue.
In the National Guard consists the physical
strength of the people. The measure which
of all others most contributed to the preserva
tion of tranquillity was the promptitude with
which the Provisional Government, on the
recommendation of Lafayette, proceeded to
the organisation of twenty regiments of this
civic force. This arrangement had the effect
of clearing the streets of all who, in a moment
of excitement, might have become disturbers,
and converting, all into protectors of the pub
lic peace. The rapidity with which the lists
had been filled up assured the minds ofthe
most timid that, if danger were to arise, there
would be no want of a powerful body of able,
vakant, and disinterested defenders. This
morning there was a surplus, of 70,000 or
80,000 beyond the number requisite under
ordinary circumstances. A proclamation this
morning, from the Municipal Government,
invited patriotic offerings.
, The Peers and Deputies held separate meet
ings to-day, preparatory to the important

opening of the Chambers to-morrow by the
Lieutenant-General of the kingdom. The1
Deputies drew lots for a grand deputation to
receive him. Nearly all the members present
were of the centre and extreme left ; several
of the centre right attended. Very few of the
extreme right were expected to attend the
Chamber to-morrow.
The treasure of the Duchess d'Angouleme^
amounting to £60,000 sterling, fell into the
hands of the government. Among her papers
a plan of a counter-revolution was found.
The fall of the Court of Charles X. caused
confusion and alarm among the superior1
clergy. Several prelates fled from theilf
dioceses, loaded with the same maledictions
which accompanied the King's precipitate re
treat. His noted confidante and adviseri
M. Latiel, archbishop of Rheims, was stopped
at Vaugirard with a great quantity of churcft
plate in his carriage. This was taken awayj
and he was allowed to proceed.
During the whole day the roads leading
to Paris were covered with soldiers of ajj
descriptions coming in to join the populaf"
ranks : they were immediately directed to thp
various dep&ts appointed to receive them.
The arrival of old officers and sub-officer*
was also constant; all those in Paris hao
already submitted. The appearance of thp
old soldiers excited deep interest. They were
the remnants ofthe old grand army, and, ex
cited by recent and passing events, now di*-
played a spirit sometimes beyond their cor
poreal powers. This morning, at the Palafe
Royal, an elderly man, in the costume of a.
Colonel of the old army, was seen to limp alont
the galleries with great animation. He was at
tended by a man older than himself, in the
uniform of the Veterans, who seemed to act
as a species of orderly. They stopped at
several houses to leave orders, and were two
of the most interesting figures imaginable.
The sight of an old officer and an old soldier
in the Palais Royal, and on business, excited,
the attention and curiosity of the newsJovirig
citizens. The Colonel could not be ap
proached, and his Aid-du-Camp had such ain
air of importance and occupation as to repel
idle curiosity. A man at last ventured, wifii
great humility, to ask the veteran who was
the officer before them? The orderly ab
ruptly replied-i-" C'est un ancien' (He is an
old 'un)— " Comment .'"— " Mais oui," said
the Serjeant, -with a look of pity for the igno
rance of the enquirer, and of complacent
pride, " tous les anciens sont la" — (All the Old
'uns are here). This brusque reply diffused
pleasure among all who heard it. The old
arnjy lives in the affections and the confidence
of the French, They call the conscripts and
young French soldiers " Jean- Jean, pl*y-

so

ANNALS OF: THE'

fully, as we call our sailors "Jack." The
old soldiers are looked upon with great reve
rence by Jean-Jean, and are called in the
same way " les anciens" (the old fellows), or
"old 'uns.''
This morning the admirers of court dig
nity- received a dreadful shock. The Du
chess of Orleans and her daughters came to
the Palais Royal from their country seat near
Courvevoie, as simple passengers, in a Caro
line, a carriage similar to the omnibus. So
notorious an irruption upon etiquette, by a
lady of Royal Blood, crushed, all hope of
living under such an order of things as it
portended. It was clear that the world — the

great world — was at an end.- The Duchess of
Orleans, accompanied by her numerous family,
visited the wounded at the Hotel Dieu. They
there dispensed consolation and succor to the
wives and children of thebrave citizens. Enthu
siastic acclamations greeted this solemn ho
mage to courage in misfortune. The Duchess
replied by tears. In the evening the young
ladies of the Orleans family were employed
in making lint for the wounded. They sat in
the balcony of the terrace of the Palais
Royal, but were concealed from public view.
At night the National Guard were prepar
ing to assist in the solemn ceremony of the
opening of the chamber to-morrow.

TUESDAY, AUGUST 3.

The opening of the Chambers which had
been fixed for to day, and which, as it ap
proached, was anticipated with increasing
anxiety, now took place at the Palais du
Corps Legislatif, heretofore called the Cham
ber of Deputies.
There were present at the opening of the
session one hundred and ninety-four De
puties. They were chiefly of the extreme
left, consisting mostly of Republicans and
some Buonaparteans ; the centre left, con
sisting of moderate Reformers, and a few
opponents to ministers, desiring their places ra
ther than disliking their measures; and about a
dozen moderate adherents to the expelled dy
nasty : there were no ultra-royalists. The gal
leries were crowded with peers, general officers
ofthe old army, the diplomatic body, and other
auditors. In the body of the Chamber were
the deputies, who, instead of appearing in
their royal costume, preserved their ordi
nary black clothing. A few of them who
were generals appeared in uniform. The
most conspicuous military men was General
Sebastiani, who, though dressed in black,
wore over his coat the grand cordon of the
Legion of Honor. They awaited the ar
rival of the Lieutenant-General ofthe King
dom. There were about sixty-nine peers
"present. At one o'clock, the Duke of Orleans,
dressed in the uniform of a Lieutenant-Ge
neral, and accompanied by detachments of
the National Guard of each arrondissement,
left the Palais Royal. He was received on
his passage with enthusiastic cries of " Vive
d'Orleans !" and " Vive la Liberte !" On
arriving at.the Palais of the Legislatif body^
the music of the legions struck up (he air of
" La victoire est a nous." The Duke, pre*

ceded by his family,was ushered into the,
hall of the sittings, by the grand deputation
appointed to receive him. On their entrance
they were received by the Deputies standing,,
and with loud cries of " Vive d'Orleans !"
— " Vive La Liberte !" The Duchess of
Orleans appeared greatly affected by the
scene, and, notwithstanding the efforts she
made to conceal her feelings, the redness of
her eyes betrayed recent emotions, occasioned
by. the joyous acclamations of the people,
during the progress from the Palais Royal.
' The Duke of Orleans, as Lieutenant-Ge
neral of the Kingdom, opened the sittings by
the following speech : —
" Peers and Deputies, —
Paris,' troubled in its repose by a deplor
able violation of the Charter and of the laws,
defended them with heroic courage ! In the
midst of this sanguinary struggle, all the
guarantees of social order no longer subsisted.
Persons, property, rights, every thing that is
most valuable and dear to men and to citizens,
was exposed to the most serious danger.
" In this absence of all public power, the
wishes of the public citizens turned towards
me ; they have judged me worthy to concur
with them in the salvation of the country;
they have invited me to exercise the functions
of- Lieutenant-General ofthe kingdom.
" Their cause appeared to me to be just,—
the danger immense, — the necessity impera
tive, — my duty sacred. I hastened to the
midst of this valiant people, followed by my
family, and wearing those colors which, for
-the second time, have marked among us the
triumph of liberty.
" I have* come, firmly resolved to devote
myself to all that circumstances should re
quire of me in the situation in which they

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

81

have placed me, to establish the empire of
the laws, to save liberty, which was threaten
ed, and render impossible the return of such
great evils, by securing for ever the power of
that Charter- whose name, invoked during the
combat, was also appealed to after the vic
tory. (Applauses.)
" In the accomplishment of this noble
task it is for the Chambers to guide me.
All rights must be solemnly guaranteed, all
the institutions necessary to their full and
free exercise must receive the developments
of which they have need. Attached by in
clination and conviction to the principles of
a free government, I accept beforehand all
the consequences of it. I think it my duty
immediately to call your attention to the
organization of the National Guards, to the
application of the jury to the crimes of the
press, the formation of the departmental and
municipal administrations, and above all to
that fourteenth article of the, Charter which
has been so hatefully interpreted. (Fresh
Applauses.) "Tt is with these sentiments, gentlemen,
that I come to open this session.
"The past is painful to me. I deplore
misfortunes which I could have wished to
prevent ; but in the midst of this magnani
mous transport of the capital, and of all the
other French cities, at the sight of order
reviving with marvellous promptness,. after a
resistance pure from all excesses, a just na
tional pride moves my heart, and I look for
ward with confidence to the future destiny of
the country. »
" Yes, gentlemen, France, which is so dear
to us, will be happy and free ; it will show
to Europe that, solely engaged with its in
ternal prosperity, it loves peace as well as
liberty, and desires only the happiness and
the repose of its neighbours.
" Respect for all rights, care for all intei-
rests, good faith in the government, are the
best means to disarm parties, and to bring
back to people's minds that confidence, to the
institutions that stability, which are the only
certain pledges of the happiness of the people,
and of the strength of the states.
" Peers and Deputies,—
" As soon as the Chambers shall be consti
tuted, I shall have laid before you the acts of
abdication of His Majesty King Charles X.
By the same act His Royal Highness Louis
Antoine de France also renounces his rights.
This act was placed in my hands yesterday,
the 2d of August, at 11 o'clock at night. I
have this morning ordered it be deposited in
the archives of the Chamber of Peers, and I
-caused it to be inserted in the official part of
the Moniteur."
The Duke pronounced his Speech in a very

audible voice, and laid peculiar emphasis on
the passages in which he alluded to the vio
lations of the Charter, and the guarantees
against future encroachments. The instant
he concluded, the cries of " Vive d'Orleans !"
" Vive La Liberte' 1" were repeated more
loudly than before. The Duke appeared to
be deeply affected : he saluted the assembly
several times, and withdrew With his sons,
attended by the great deputation, which con
ducted him back to the door;
M. Lafitte then advanced towards the centre
of the assembly, and said, " I think, Gentle
men, that we ought to separate to-day, to meet
again to-morrow at noon." Some members
proposed to form bureaux (committees), and
appoint a President at once ; but the Cham
ber adjourned till to-morrow.
The opening of the chamber was of neces
sity an affair of mere ceremony, and in
five minutes the sitting was ended. The im
mense crowd which surrounded the Palace
filled the air with the loudest acclamations.
The National Guard alone, in their best uni
forms, lined the way ; but they seemed to have
come rather to take part in a fete than to
maintain order, for nobody thought of dis
turbing it. At the slightest injunction of a
citizen soldier, the groups dispersed as if by
enchantment to make room for the deputies.
An individual, who used some expressions of
loyalty to the ex-King, was escorted to the
guard-house : in the former revolution such
a manifestation would have conducted him
to the next lamp-iron. A single incident
interrupted tranquillity for a moment at one
point. Some persons carried about the square
a tri-colored flag covered with crape, crying
" Liberty or Death !" The National Guard
speedily dispersed this assemblage : a few of
them were for a moment arrested. They were
found to have pistols about them, but not
loaded, and the prisoners were immediately
released. The act of abdication of Charles X., and of
the Due d'Angouleme, referred to by thd
Duke of Orleans in his speech as having been
received by him at midnight, is annexed :—
It was addressed "To my Cousin, the Duke
of Orleans, Lieutenant-General of the King
dom :"— " Rambouillet, Aug. 2.
" My CousiS, — I am too profoundly
grieved by the evils which afflict ot might
threaten my people not to have sought a
means of preventing them. I have therefore
taken the resolution to abdicate the Crown
in favotof my grandson, the Duke de Bouk-
BB.AUX. "The Dauphin, who partakes my sen*
titnents, also renounces his rights in favor
of his nephew. G

82

ANNALS OF THE

" You will have, then, in your quality of
Lieutenant-General of the Kingdom, to cause
the accession of Henry V. to the Crown to
be proclaimed. You will take, besides, all
the measures which concern you to regulate
the form for the government during the
minority of the new King. Here I confine
myself to making known these dispositions :
it is a means to avoid many evils.
" You will communicate my intentions
to the diplomatic body ; and you will ac
quaint me as soon as possible with the pro
clamation by which my grandson shall have
been recognized King of France, under the
name of Henry V.
" I charge Lieutenant-General Viscount
de Foissac-Latour to deliver this letter to you.
He has orders to settle with you the arrange
ments to be made in favor of the persons
who have accompanied me, as well . as the
arrangements necessary for what concerns me
and the rest of my family.
"We will afterwards regulate the other
measures which will be the consequence of
the change of the reign.
"I repeat to you, my cousin, the assur
ance of the sentiments with which I am your
affectionate cousin, " Charles " Louis Antoine."
This act of a man in dotage was in exact
conformity with every movement of the weak
ness he had always evinced, and which seemed
to appertain to the family. When the for
tress of the Bastille was stormed and taken
in July 1789, and poor Louis XVI. was
informed of it, he thought it might be more
than a street riot and he called it " a revolt :"
the Due de Liancourt — with the honesty of
Trim towards his master my uncle Toby — said
to the king " Please your Majesty, it is a
revolution !" On Wednesday, when a terrified
miniature painter, covered with the gore of a
man shot by his side in Paris, told Charles X.
ofthe insurrection of the people, the king said
"It is nothing! — begin;" and he calmly sat
down to have his likeness taken. After the
insurrection had become a revolution, and the
provisional government appointed the Duke of
Orleans Lieutenant-General of the Kingdom,
Charles X. — at that time actually the creature
of the people's mercy— dreamed of still pos
sessing power, and he appointed the Duke
Lieutenant-General of the Kingdom. At St.
Cloud, where the people allowed him to re
main on sufferance, he imagined " his peo
ple !" would petition him to return ;— " his
people," whom his troops had been for three
days, by his order, endeavouring to butcher
into submission! This was too much to
bear, and, on " his people" preparing to force
him from St Cloud, he escaped to Rambouil-

let ; from thence he sent to the Provisional
government then established in Paris, and
got his bank notes changed, in order, as they
supposed, to enable him to continue his
flight to the coast. No. Still they were
" his people !" — still their loyalty might re
turn ! — still they might want him at Paris! He,
now, had a camp at RambouiUet, with several
corps of the Royal Guards around him. It
was impossible to suffer within thirty miles
of the capital an armed force which did not
depend upon the established Government,
and which, by its bare presence near Paris,
kept the people there in a state of dangerous
irritation. In fact, the agitation against him
increased alarmingly in the capital, and
there was every moment reason to fear that
masses of the population would, oftheir own
accord, march to attack him.
The Duke of Orleans perceived the
necessity of anticipating movements which
the prolongation of the abode of Charles X.
at RambouiUet could not fail to produce, and
he selected chiefs who, by regulating the
people, might prevent excesses. He felt also
that sentiments of affection and relationship
dictated to him the same measures that were
commanded by his public duties. The people
were ringing the tocsin, and arming of them
selves. The drum of the government called
the National Guards to their posts. It was
then announced to them that the attitude
taken by the King required that he should be
brought to reason — be compelled to go, or
surrender — and that, to effect one or the other,
the citizens of Paris were required by Govern
ment to march on RambouiUet. The com
mand of the force was given to General
Pajol, and under him were General Excel-
mans, Colonel Jacqueminot, and M. George
La Fayette. The pupils of the Polytechnic
School were to act as they directed, and
no regular or organised troops were to be
employed. Volunteers, including all those
who had retained muskets since the day of
their triumph, presented themselves in every
direction. Six thousand departed within two
hours. To despatch them quickly, and save
them from fatigue, the omnibuses, and all the
other carriages of that class, with hackney
coaches and cabriolets, were put in requisi
tion. Thousands of others set out on foot,
not in bodies, but in a continued stream.
They marched by the Champs Elysees to,
the Bois de Boulogne, where the first attempt
to reduce them to order was made, and from
thence by St. Cloud and Versailles. Hun
dreds of this multitude were burning with in
veteracy against a despot who, had remorse
lessly persisted in ordering the daily slaughter
of the people. The sons of an old man of
seventy, who was shot whilst standing, at his.

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

83

window, joined in the march, fully resolved,
if the slightest occasion should offer, to de
stroy some of the royal family. The equip
ments were motley in the extreme. Some
were armed with rusty bayonets, some with
swords of one shape, some of another ; some
with pikes at the end of a pole, some with
horse pistols; some were without shirts, some
without jackets, others without stockings ;
some were in aprons, with part of the spoils
of the soldiers over them-; some in ragged
caps, and some with the caps of the Swiss,
who, with hundreds of others, vvere in the
bed of the river. Had these people come in
contact with Charles X., whom they deemed
the author of the late scenes in Paris, his head
might probably have preceded them into Paris.
Such an act was happily provided against
by the Lieutenant-General. He had hoped
that the march of 6000 of the National Guard,
which was the force ordered against Rambou
iUet, would direct the popular movements,
and be such a demonstration as would induce
Charles X. to take the only step which so
many circumstances united to make him
adopt — that of retiring, and dissolving the
armed force with which he was still sur
rounded. The National Guard was joined by
between 50,000 and 60,000 men, with that
eagerness which distinguishes the French na
tion in its enterprises. But at the same time
that the Duke of Orleans fulfilled with reso
lution his duties as head of the State, he gave
every thing that he owed to misfortune and
to the dignity of France. Three Commis
sioners, Marshal Maison,M. de Schonen, and
M. Odellon Barrot, were ordered to go to
Charles X.,and proteclhim as far as the frontier.
These Commissioners preceded the column
advancing from Paris by some hours. They
saw the King, and urged him, in the name of
humanity, not to cause French blood to be shed
in vain, and at length induced him to depart.
There were previous stipulations on both
sides. Charles was to restore the Crown dia
monds, and the Provisional Government was
to furnish him with 4,000,000 of francs (about
£170,000 sterling); and one-fourth "of this
sum was required immediately. Such mat
ters were soon arranged, the Commissioners
obtained possession of the diamonds, and,
Charles having determined on proceeding to
Cherbourg, they notified it by the following
letter. to the lieutenant-general of the
kingdom.
" RambouiUet, Aug. 3.
" Monseigneur,— It is with joy that we an
nounce the success of our mission. The
King has determined to depart with all his
family. We shall bring you all the incidents

and details of the journey with the greatest
precision. May it terminate happily!
" We follow the route to Cherbourg. All
the troops are directed to march on Epernon.
To-morrow morning it will be decided which
shall definitively follow the King.
" We are, with respect and devotion,
" Your Royal Highness's
" Most humble and obedient servants,
" De Schonen,
" Le Marechal Maison,
'' Odillon Barrot."
After Charles X. had dismissed his in
fantry, the Royal Guard capitulated, and he
quitted RambouiUet, with all his family, aban
doning every thing, except however his hopes
that the Duke of Bourdeaux or himself might
regain the proprietorship of " his people."
The National Guards and the people had bi
vouacked at Coignieres, and at day-break de
sired to enter RambouiUet. They were re
strained by their commanders until after the
commissioners and their charge had left the
town, and the people even then had the good
sense to depute a vanguard of 300 men, who
entered alone. The only abuse of the victory
was the possession of some of the King's
bedizened carriages, which they drove back to
Paris in state, with eight horses in each, and
each with overfull loads of most ungenteel
passengers inside and outside. Meantime
Charles X., with his family and the commis
sioners, arrived at Dreaux, where the day's
journey was to terminate. The town had
hoisted the tri-colored flag. Its National
Guard occupied the out-posts, and had de
tained the officers who had been sent forward
to prepare quarters. The Commissioners ap
peared, and, at the sight of their tri-colored
scarf, the barriers were opened ; the commis
sioners entered alone, and announced to the
National Guard that hostilities had termi
nated, that Charles X. was no longer sovereign
of the country,. but unhappy, and had a claim
to all the attention due to misfortune. The
National Guard declared their assent by ac
clamations, and carried their delicacy so far
as to hide, as much as possible, their tri-
colored cockades when the King passed by.

In this posture of affairs all desired a per
manent government, but all were not agreed
as to the form it should assume. The real
state of the public mind, and the reasons of
each party, with suggestions calculated to
reconcile their differences, were set forth in
the following able article, from a careful
perusal of which sticklers for forms of govern
ment may gain knowledge, and, if they have
the power of reflection, derive wisdom.
G 2

84

ANNALS OE THE

(From the Journal des Debates.)
" A new order of things commences. We
think it our duty to explain openly our
opinions and principles upon the subject.
" The eldest branch of the House of Bour
bon has ceased to govern. His fall has been
rapid. In less than eight days he has fallen
from his throne. He departs to-day, carrying
with him from France only an eternal fare
well, mingled in compassionate minds with
pity, alas ! but without regret. He departs : —
he goes to seek his old exile. He is about
to cross the sea once more. No more France
for him ! No more country ! It was his own
seeking. He has by his errors defeated the
work of Providence, which had beyond all
hope recalled him from exile to place him on
the greatest throne in Christendom.
" However well deserved the catastrophe
may be, we cannot contemplate it entirely
without emotion. We pity the daughter of
Louis XVI., who has suffered so much, and
always heroically, and who returned hastily
from her journey to accompany the flight of
her family. We pity the Princess, whose
happiness her sister envied when she was
going to reign in Spain a few months since,
and who loses, at one blow, the Majesty of
her widowhood and the future Royalty of
her son. We commiserate so many rapid
changes of fortune, and we bring to mind the
expression of Massillon, " God is great." We
may add that if God alone is great, it is be
cause God alone is just, and that, according
to the words of the poet, —
" Sa parole est stable et ne trompe jamais."
" These are our sentiments. We do not
make a mystery of them, believing that we
should not offend that branch of the Bourbons
about to govern us by stating how very
fragile is the greatness of those whose oaths
are fragile ; believing also that we shall not
displease France by reminding it of misfor
tunes which it sought to prevent by its re
presentations, but which were doomed to be
accomplished, accompanied by the aggrava
tion of two crimes which can never be ef
faced — the violation of sworn faith, and the
effusion of French blood.
" We come now to the principles which
will be the rule of our conduct in the new
order of things.
" The eldest branch of the Bourbons fell
the first time in 1789, in conjunction with the
whole of social order. Notwithstanding the
violence ofthe revolution, it did not entirely
destroy the old social order. There were
opinions and powerful interests which clung
to it. These assisted the restoration. Now
the eldest branch of the same family falls ;
but falls alone. No part of our existing social
order has perished with it— nay, more, it is

because this branch wished to overthrow
social order, that it has been itself overthrown.
Its return, therefore, is impossible. Persons
are never considered for themselves, but for
the things which they represent and personify.
Now the eldest branch of the Bourbons rer
presents at the present time only itself, — it
self alone, and perhaps also the power of the
clergy ; that is to say, a thing which is more
superannuated and defunct in France than
absolute power — a thing which dates from
the middle age, whilst absolute loyalty dates
only from the sixteenth century. Its return
is therefore impossible, — nothing of our ac
tual social order having perished with it.
" But, in order that its return may be im
possible, it is necessary to maintain the ex
isting social order. We must maintain our
institutions, and only develop them accord
ing to the means which they themselves fur
nish us with for doing so. Let us maintain
what is, since what is is not opposed to what
ought to be, since what is favors the regular
development of society. Let us maintain
the Representative Government, which is at
once conservative and progressive.
" In France,, if our power is employed to
maintain the existing social order, it is in
vincible ; for it is supported by the wishes pf
the majority. If it be employed against the
maintenance of our institutions — if we desire
to establish the republic, this power becomes
more doubtful and uncertain, because it is
necessary to measure it no longer in its rela
tion with France but with Europe.
" In effect, every thing which is done in
France is a European event. We do not
labor for ourselves alone, but for all the con
tinent. Such is our destiny ; grand and ma
jestic, doubtless, but one which ought to
occasion us serious reflections. The French
revolution shook the whole continent, over
threw states, changed the old European so
ciety. What we do at this moment will also
have its effect on Europe : that we may be
certain of. The question to be decided now
is, whether the republic has the majority of
Europe in its favor.
" We believe, for our own parts, that a re
public has not the majority of France in its
favor ; but it is certain, it is evident, that it
has not the majority of Europe in its favor,
If, then, we form ourselves into. a republic,
we must republicanise the whole of Europe,
whether it will or no. The experience of the
revolution proves that it will be a necessity
more powerful than all the promises we may
make of occupying ourselves with our own
affairs, without concerning ourselves with our
neighbours. This selfishness is possible only
in England. In France it is impossible.
" To republicanise Europe is a formidable

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

85

task, when we reflect that representative go
vernment, the inevitable preface to a repub
lican state, has scarcely begun to exist without
strength and power in some of the small
states of Germany, and that it does not exist
at all in Prussia, Austria, Italy, and Spain. —
What wars, what blood, what money, would
it not cost to bring Europe to an order of
things from which she is Still removed ! — But
we will conquer as we have already done.
Yes ; but on what condition have you con
quered? On condition of having a Buona
parte. We will have one. Yes ; but at the
same price as the other — that is to say, at the
price of liberty ; so that, by an inevitable
circle, a republic brings war — war brings a
Buonaparte — and Buonaparte brings the abo
lition of the republic. But if we had a re
publican Buonaparte ! — It is impossible.
What made Buonaparte's power was his
having all the energies of France in his hands.
But in order to obtain them he was obliged
to protect the interests of the ancient regime,
to raise up the altars, to recal the emigrants,
and to do all this he was compelled to make
himseif Emperor. There is, therefore, always
the same inevitable circle — the republic, war,
the empire — thatis to say, the abolition of the
republic. " The maintenance of the existing social
order and its progressive and regular deve
lopment — those are our principles. Existing
society has for its object the union of liberty
and order. This union France has sought for
forty years. Under Buonaparte it had order
without liberty; under Louis XVIIL, an able
king, they succeeded each other in turn
rather than co-existed ; it was all, we believe,
that the difficulties of the times permitted.
To secure order, our first care should be to
get rid of provisional government; for that
would soon be anarchy ! It is for the Cham
ber of Peers and the Chamber of Deputies to
provide for the safety of France. We await
their decision."

An English lady, in a letter to her husband
in London, pleasantly expresses her opinion
of the important movements in Paris. She
saye^-" What a pity — you that are an ama
teur — that you have not been here to see a.
pattern revolution. The French, from being
a warning, have become an example — a glo
rious example to all nations. Never was
any thing, more prompt, more vigorous, more
intelligent, and, after the most triumphant
snccess, more moderate. And all conducted
by a populace unprepared, and absolutely
without Chiefs. Not a single act of unne
cessary destruction or violence of any sort

has been committed. Yesterday evening we
walked through crdwds of armed men in all
the intoxication of victory, without the slight
est inconvenience. The tri-colored flag
and cockade were displayed in all directions ;
the people were parading the streets with
garlands of roses hung on the points of their
bayonets, and from one end of Paris to the
other nothing was heard but one universal cry
of ' Vive la Charte !' " She then briefly relates
scenes that preceded this tranquillity, and
carelessly adds, the " Poor Garde Royale —
my good friends of Notre Dame — how bravely
have they sold their lives for sixpence a d ay, and
for that which they have been educated to be
lieve right. And this poor foolish King !' — can
you believe such profound infatuation ? — yes
terday, at noon, he graciously granted an am
nesty to his loving subjects ! I dare say the poor
man will retire toHartwell, or elsewhere, with
a conscience void of offence towards God and
man. In fact, the being a century behind
their subjects in knowledge is the only fault
of the Bourbons ; and, perhaps, they ought
no more to be held responsible for the cala
mities they have been the cause of, than the
bull Apis, if his worshippers had chosen to
cut their throats on his account. However,
it is to be hoped that the reign of oxen and
asses is nearly at an end all over the world.
— My brother Charles was at the taking of
the Tuilleries, and went in with the rest.
He brought me some scented wood from the
toilette of the Duchess de Berri. He said
the people did no mischief except tearing
down the curtains to make themselves scarfs.
Only one picture was shot through with hun
dreds of balls — it was the portrait of the
Due de Raguse. Notwithstanding their mo
deration, the people seemed to think that
they had a fair right to make themselves
welcome to the contents of the cellar. Charles
says a bottle which fell to his share tasted
exactly like the sacramental wine at Queen's
— It is now reported that the Due d'Orleans
is to be King; but I do not believe any
thing is yet known. As far as the nation is
concerned all is finished ; for it is little mis
chief that seven madmen, witVthe poor un
fortunate King at their head, could do. But,
if they should bring down others of their
clan from foreign countries, this may be only
the beginning of misfortunes. I cannot help
thinking it is lucky that George; IV. is
gathered to his fathers; for he might have
taken it into his head to meddle in the mat
ter. — The preparations for defence are not in
the least relaxed, and there are said to be in
Paris 70,000 men under arms. Except for
the 1500 killed and wounded, this would
almost have been what Mirabeau said was
impossible — a revolution of rose-water."

86

ANNALS OF THE

To-day, the duke de Chartres, eldest son
of the Lieutenant-General, entered Paris at
the head of his regiment, preceded and fol
lowed by the National Guards of Rouen and
Evreux, and a very considerable number of
young men. He proceeded along the boule
vards to the Palais Royal, with the duke of
Orleans, and the duke of Nemours, on his
right and left. The assembled crowd wel
comed him with the most lively acclamations.
The officers of the old army were flocking in
all day. It was amusing to observe with
what importance the old (private) soldiers
bore themselves. The " young ones," the
men who fought so bravely last week, were
still in possession of many of the posts they
took ; the Bank Guard was composed of them
aud the National Guards, half and half, and
the same in the Palais Royal ; but the Tuille
ries has been continued to themselves, with
the tri-colored flag they hoisted on it when
they took it, consisting of three pocket hand
kerchiefs, subscribed by the captors, pinned
together lo form the tri-color.
This afternoon the volunteers of Elbeuf
made their entree into the ci-devant caserne
of the Garde du Corps. They were a fine
body of men, about 400 in number, all
armed with muskets and bayonets, and more
than one half of them in the full uniform of
the National Guards. Immense bodies from
other quarters were on their march to suc
cor the Parisians, if necessary. An "old
'un," who stood to see the Elbeuf battalion
enter — a man of about sixty — his hair
black, but his moustaches and whiskers gray —
wore a sky-blue vest, a scarlet dolman or pe
lisse, buff leather breeches, boots, a square fur
cap, and sabretache — all ornamented with the
letter " N" and Bees. He said he had been

a Quartermaster of the Corps ;of Guides'.of
the Imperial Guard. He had resumed his
well-preserved uniform, and left his house at
Chaton, near St. Germaine-en-Laye, on Sun
day last, to join the " new army," as he
called it, and narrowly escaped a volley fired
at him by some retreating Swiss. He had
been restored to his old rank by the existing
Government. The careful preservation of
every article of their ancient costume, by
those veterans, tends to prove that what hap
pened last week would have happened, sooner
or later, even though the Charter had not been
openly violated.

An English gentleman relates an amusing
anecdote. He was walking to-day in the plain
of Grenelle, and met a countryman armed
with a fowling-piece accompanied by a tall
soldier-like young man, with his arm in a
sling. In reply^to enquiry for news of the king,
the countryman said the Sacre had fled. "This
man with his arm in a sling," added he, " is
my prisoner. Is it not true, Jean ?" "Yes,"
said the young man, with a humble shake of
the head. " He was a soldier, and so I fired
at him," said the countryman, " and shot him
through the arm, which reminded him that I
was the friend of his cousin. He told me he
was from Issy (a village near Paris,) and
would join the people ; so I took him into a
public-house, and gave him some wine, and
a pair of trousers and that jacket ; for I could
not bear the sight of his butcher's dress. I
then had his moustaches shaved, and we are
now on our way across the plain, to spend the
evening with his cousin." This incident
shows the kindly disposition that prevailed
among the people towards each other.

WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 4.

At noon to-day the Chamber of Deputies
met, and proceeded to business under M.
Labbey de Pompierre, President by seniority,
when the nine bureaux (committees) were
formed by ballot. The validity of the elec
tions was discussed. A great number of
members were declared duly elected, and
the decision upon others postponed. M.
Charles Dupin said that on account of the
crisis of affairs it was highly important to
proceed rapidly, and therefore to declare that
the Chamber would sit permanently till it
had verified the powers of all the members
who had presented their papers. This was
agreed to, and the Chamber proceeded to

vote for five candidates, one of whom was
finally to be elected President. The five
members chosen were M. Cassimir Perrier,
M. Jacques Lafitte, M. Benjamin Delessert,
M. Dupin, sen., and M. Royer Collard.
Towards the close of the sitting, M. Charles
Dupin said, " With the Charter in my
hand, I say  " M. de Corcelles inter
rupted him— "The Charter is defunct."
During the balloting, groups were formed in
different parts of the Hall, and, from some
words that fell, it was evident that they
were discussing the propriety of forming a
Secret Committee, to which the majority
evidently were opposed : the words "point

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

87

de Comite Secret ! jamais de Comite Secret !
set the question at rest. The abdication of
Charles X. offered matter for much remark :
a member of the extreme left exclaimed, with
vehemence, " We do not want his abdication:
in our quality of representatives of, the
French people, we have a right to impose
upon him the forfeiture of the throne."
In the Chamber of Peers, Baron Pas
quier, appointed President of the Chamber
by an Ordinance of yesterday, took the
Chair, and an Ordinance was read, by which
the Dukes de Chartres and Nemours, sons
of the Lieutenant-General, were authorised
to sit during the Session. The Chamber
appointed Secretaries, and a Committee to
draw up the Address, and balloted for the
bureaux.

It is not proposed to follow Charles X. in
his progress with the Commissioners. The
following document from Marmont, dated to
day, appears to have been the last document
issued in the ex-King's behalf.
"ORDER OF THE DAY.
" Moulins, August 4.
"Immediately after the departure of the
King, all the regiments of infantry and
artillery of the guards and ofthe gen-d'armerie
will commence their march to Chartres,
where they will receive all the provisions
necessary for them. Messrs. the chiefs of
the corps, after having called their regiments
together, will declare to them that His Ma
jesty, with the most profound affliction, finds
himself obliged to separate from them ; that
he commands them to express his satisfaction
to the troops ; and that he willialways preserve
the remembrance of their admirable conduct,
of their devotedness and their patience in
enduring the hardships and privations under
which they have labored during the late un
fortunate events.
"The King, for the last time, transmitted
his orders to the brave troops of the guards
and of the line who have accompanied him.
They are to go to Paris, where they will make
their submission to the Prince Lieutenant-
General of the kingdom, who has taken all
necessary measures for their safety and their
future welfare. (Signed)
" The Marshal Duke of RAGUSA.
(Countersigned)
"The Chief of the Staff, the Marquis de
CHOISEUIL."
A letter was seized from the Duchess
d'Angouleme to a friend, in which she says
that, " after such decisive steps as those, she
really commences to love her uncle." This
demonstrates her approbation of the man

ners of the ex-King, who is her uncle and also
her father-in-law. Papers were stated to
have been found} clearly establishing the fact
of the formation of prevotal courts, and of
the determination of the ex-minister to have
condemned more than forty peers to death.
Upon authority which the Journal du Com
merce believes authentic, it publishes a list
of persons for whose arrest warrants were
signed on the 25th of July. Many of these
were deputies duly elected, though in the
warrants they are styled " former deputies."
The warrants were dated on the 26th, in
order that the ordinances of the day before,
which annulled the rights of these deputies,
might color the disownment. A magistrate
of the Tribunal de Premiere Instance, whose
name the Journal du Commerce purposely
conceals, signed the warrants. The following
is the list of the individuals singled out for
court vengeance : — Messrs. Eusebe de Sal-
verte ; General Demarcay ; General Count
Glausel ; General Lamarque ; Tircuir de
Corcelles ; Benjamin Constant ; the Count
de Bondy; Duris Dufresne; Viennet;
Daunon ; General Mouton ; Count de Lobau;
Labbey de Pompieres : Manguin, Advocate ;
Devaux, Advocate ; the Marquis de Gram
mont ; Mercier, President of the Tribunal of
Commerce at Alencon ; Colonel de Brique-
ville; Colonel de Jacqueminot; Dupont (de
1' Eure); and Audry de Puiraveau, all
former Deputies ; Isambert, Advocate :
Odillon; Barrot, Advocate; Merilhon ; Ch.
Dunoyer, Publicist ; Lieutenant-General
Pajol ; Chatelain and de Lapenauze, editors of
the Courrier Frangais ; Ch. Fabre,editor ofthe
Tribune des Departemens ; Evariste, Dumou
lin, Cauchois, Lemaire, and Annees, editors
of the Constitutionnel ; L. Fillet, editor of the
Journal de Paris ; Roqueplan and Bohain,
editors of the Figaro ; Bert, editor of the
Journal du Commerce ; J. Coste, Baude, and
Barbaroux, editors of the Temps; Gauja,
editor of the National; and P. Leroux, edi
tor of the Globe. Five warrants of depot
were issued against Messrs. De Schonen,
Counseller at Paris; de Podenas, Counsellor
at Toulouse ; Chardel, Judge of the Tribu
nal of the Seine ; and Bavoux, Judge, all
former Deputies; and Madier Montjau,
Counsellor at Nismes. Orders were also
issued to exercise surveillance over Messrs.
Jacques Lafitte, Banker; Cassimir Perrier,
Banker ; Baron Louis, formerly a Minister ;
Lieutenant-General Count Gerard; Lieuten
ant-General Dumas ; General Lafayette ;
Destult de Tracy, jun.; and Vatismenil,
Minister of State, former Deputies ; Colonel
Fabvier ; Vice-Admiral Truguet, Peer of
France; Montalivet, Peer of France; Charles
Comte, formerly editor ofthe Censeur Euro-

88

ANNALS OF THE

peen ; Barthe, Advocate ; and Leon Thiesse,
Journalist. Among these will be perceived
the names of some of the ablest and most
venerated men in France..
Torday there was posted up in all the streets
of Paris the following PLACARD.
" Chailes X. can never again enter Paris :
he has caused the blood of his people to
flow. " A republic will expose us to dreadful
divisions and cause quarrels with Europe.
"The Duke of Orleans never fought
against us.
" The Duke of Orleans was at Jemajjpe.
" The Duke of Orleans is a Citizen King.
" The Duke of Orleans wore the tri-
colored cockade in battle, and he will wear
it again — we will have no other.
"The Duke of Orleans has not proclaimed
himself, but waits our wishes. Let us pro
claim him : he will accept the Charter, and
the French people will support his throne."
The Duke of Bourbon (Conde), an aged
prince of the blood, who kept at a distance
from the court of Charles X., declared his
adhesion to his relative the Duke of Orleans,
as Lieutenant-General of the Kingdom. He
was at St Leu, where he resided, on the 28th
and 29th July, when the inhabitants, irritated
at the ordinances of Charles X., rose and
resolved to overthrow the local authorities
and the ensigns of royalty. Their first care,
however, was to proceed to the residence of
the prince, and to assure him that they would
respect his person, offering him a guard. To
this offer the Prince replied that he was in
the midst of Frenchmen; that, being a citizen
like them, he had nothing to fear. The next
day they returned to him and said,--" Prince,
the tri-colored flag is hoisted on all the public
monuments and edifices. We should like to
hoist it in our Commune." " My friends,"
replied he, fastening a cockade to his button
hole, " these colors, which the nation has just
adopted, will henceforth be mine, and I shall
see them with pleasure at the Hotel of the
Mayor; fori shall readily wear them myself."
About three weeks afterwards, in a state of
nervous irritation, produced by harassing
taunts and reproaches of adherents to Charles
X., which the feebleness of age could not
sustain, he committed suicide.
Attention was now resumed to the regula
tion of the metropolis. The duties payable
to the city of Paris on the entry of goods and
merchandise were re-established. The serr
vice of water to the streets and houses was no
longer suspended. From the 27th of July to
the 4th of August* it was impossible for carts
to pass freely, and all merchandize was carried
on men's shoulders. The pavement, which in

every street had been simultaneously raised
and formed into barricades, was now re
placed. The boulevards were, in a great
degree, disencumbered from the trees which
had been felled, and which time only can re
pair. Tbe chief loss of these ornaments was
from the Rue Montmartre to the Cafe de la
Paix, where not a tree was left.
A Paris letter, dated to day, speaks of the
hope and alarm sometimes excited in the
city. — " When a drum beats the Royalists
run in doors and the Liberals run out. The
former imagine that they are about to [be
guillotined, whilst the latter know it is merely
the signal for the assemblage of the National
Guards." There was no ground for fear in
either ; for there was no enemy. Still, pre
cautions were adopted, and these kept on the
alert as many of the people as had taken an
active share in the struggle. It was wise to
use the unextinguished feelings in the agree
able service of civic duties. They were
employed during the day, and in the even
ing there were the recreations of the boule
vards, and the theatres. The Marseillais
Hymn was now resumed, and chanted with
fervor in every street and almost in every
house. It was the earliest and most popular
air ofthe old Revolution, never to be forgotten
by men who sung it, or remembered that
their fathers sang it in the first days of free
dom. The history of music records no production
of the science so wonderful in effect as the
Marseillais Hymn. When the sword was
drawn to cut down the pen — when the sove
reigns of Europe combined their armies to
conquer France, and the Duke of Brunswick
issued a manifesto, threatening to march to '
Paris — and France without a military force,
or a hand to help her, but. confiding in the
power of her will and the justice of her pur
pose to be free, indignantly defied the hosti
lity of her insolent invaders — the people
sang the Marseillais Hymn, and, shouting
" Death or Liberty," dealt death to the le
gions of despotism, and won liberty for
France. Early in that awful struggle the
population of Paris had yielded so largely
and frequently to the armies on the frontiers,
that the city was emptied of almost every
citizen that could bear arms. Fresh levies
were imperative, and attempted in vain,
until on one particular evening the Mar
seillais Hymn was sung at every theatre
in Paris. All the vocal performers at each
house appeared on the stage, and by voice
and gesture, and scenic accompaniment and
reference to the victories already achieved)
the feelings of the audiences were trans
ported. They sung with the performers, en
cored, sung again, and when they left the

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

89

theatre they still sung. On their way home
the different audiences met and joined in
the national song. The effect was electrical.
By day break the next morning 40,000 of
the people marched out of Paris, singing the
Marseillais Hymn, to join the armies oftheir
country. The air derives its name from its having
been the march played by the band of
the Marseillais Deputies on their entrance
into the Champ de Mars, at the Giand Con
federation ofthe French people, in 1790. It
was the cradle-hymn of new-born liberty.
The words were written by M. Rouget De-
lisle. For five and thirty years the sing
ing of the Marseillais Hymn was prohibited
by the ruling factions in France, while it was
equally honored by the detestation and op
probrium of tyranny abroad. In the mean
time its author lived in obscurity, and sur
vived to witness the present Revolution, and
to be sought and honored for his wonder
working words. The Duke of Orleans, on
becoming Lieutenant-General ofthe kingdom,
granted a pension of 1500 francs from his
private purse to M. Delisle. It was an
nounced by a kind letter from the Duke with
this passage — * The Hymn of the Marseil
lais has revived in the heart of the Duke
d' Orleans recollections that are dear to him.
He has not forgotten that the author of that
patriotic hymn was formerly his companion
in arms."

The Marseillais Hymn.
Allons, enfans de la patrie,
Le jour de gloiie est arrive ;
Contre nous, de la tyrannie
I/etendart sanglant est eleve —
L'etendart sanglant est eleve.
Entendez-vous, dans les campagnes.
Rugir ces feroces soldats ;
lis viennent jusques dans vos bras,
Egorger vos fils, vos compagnes.
Aux armes, Citoyens,
Formez vos battaillons;
Marchez, Marchez,
Q'uo sang impur
Abreuve nos sillons,
Que vent cet horde d'esclaves,
De traitres, de Rois conjures ?
Pour qui ces ignobles entraves,
Ces fers des long temps prepares ?
Ces fers des long temps prepares ?
Frangais, pour nous, ah ! quel outrage I
Quels transports il doit exciter !
C'est nous qu'on ose mediter
Be render a l'antique esclavage.
Aux armes, &c.
Quoi ! des cohortes etrangeres,
Feroient la loi dans nos foyers ;
Quoi! ces phalanges mereenaires,
Terrasseroient nos fiers gaerriers ;
Terrasse roient nos fiers guerriers;
Grand Dieu ! parties mains enchainees,
Nos fronts sou lejoug se ploieroient;
Des vils devotes deviendroient,
Les raaitres de nos destinees.
Aux armes, &c,

Tremblez, tyrans ! et vous perfides,
L'opprobre de tons les parties —
Tremblez, — vos projet parricides,
Vont, enfin, arecevoir leur prix.
Vont, enfin, recevoir leur prix.
Tout est soldat pour vous combattre,
S'ils tombent nos jeunes heros,
La France en produit de nouveaux,
Contre vous tous prets a se battre.
Aux armes, &c.
Frangais en guerriers magnanimes,
Fortez ou retenez vos coupt ;
Epargnez ces tristes victimes,
A regret s'armant contre nous,
A regret s'armant contre nous ;
Mais, les despots sanguinaire,
Mais, les complices de Bouille
Tous ces tigres, qui sans pitie,
Dechirent le rien de leur mere.
Aux armes, &c.
* Amour sacre de la patrie,
Conduit, soutiens nos bras vengeurs j
Liberte, Liberte t cherie,
Combats avec tes defenseurs.
Combats avec tes defenseurs,
Sous nos drapeaux, que la victoire
Accoure a tes males accents ;
Que les ennemis expirants,
Voient ton triomph et ta gloire.
Aux armes. &c.
This evening the Opera House was opened
with "La Muetto di Portici," an opera full
of sentiments applicable to the battles and
other events of last week; they were ap
plauded with tremendous energy. In a
rebellion scene there was a simultaneous de
mand throughout the house for the Marseil
lais Hymn. ' It was sung by the entire
strength of the company, the audience en
thusiastically joining and vociferating the
chorus. The opera terminated by M. Norritt
singing, in the uniform of the National Guard,
Casimir Delayigne's song, " La Marche
Parisienne." It was received with shouts of
delight. Norritt himself had valiantly fought
with his fellow citizens, and at the end of
the song the audience forced upon him a
crown of laurel : he modestly placed it on
the tri-colored standard — the noble senti
ment which inspired the act raised the rapr-
ture of the spectators to a height that defies
description. There is no passable translation of the
Marseillais Hymn. The following is a ver
sion of the popular patriotic effusion of M.
Casimir Delavigne.
The Parisienne.
Ye men of France ! the patriot brave !
See Freedom spreads her arms again;
The daring tyrants call'd ye slaves !
Ye answered, we are martial menl
And Paris, in her memory hoary,
Woke in her ancient shout of glory.
To the fight— the fight,
In their guns' despite,
And the clashing sword, and the flashing light,
To the victory of right !
Now close your ranks, heroic men !
On — on ! each cartridge that ye spread
Is incense of a citizen
Upon his country's altar-head.
O day, 'bove other days of story,
"When Paris heard her shout of glory !
To the fight, &c. .

90

ANNALS OF THE

The grape-shots' murderous harvesting
But wakens many an unknown name ;
And *neath the balls — youth's early spring
Ripens to autumn's steady fame\
O, day of bright and splendid story,
When Paris heard her shout of glory !
To tbe fight, &c.
Who, yonder marshall'd masses through,
Conducts our flags, with life-blood wet ?
The saviour of two worlds — the true,
The hoary-headed Lafayette.
O day of fame, of hallowed story,
When Paris heard her shout of glory!
To the fight, &o.
The glorious tints have hither march'd—
Again the blazing columns rise ;
And 'midst the clouds sees over-arch'd
Freedom's bright rainbow in the skies..
O day of fame — O pride of story,
When Paris heard tbe shout of glory !
To the fight, &c.

Thou, soldier of the tri-color—
Orleans ! — thy heart's blood thou would st spilt
With ours— for banners borne before,
Which thou art proud to honor still.
As in our brightest days of story,
Thou wilt repeat the cry of glory.
To the fight, &c.
But, hark ! the deep funereal drum !
sThey bear our brethren to their tomb !
And bearing laurel-crowns we come
To shrine them in immortal bloom !
Temple of sorrow and of glory —
Pantheon ! guard their sacred story !
We deposetthem here,
And our brows we bare ;
And we say live £or ever— while we drop the tear-
Martyrs of victory ! Morning Chronicle*

THURSDAY, AUGUST 5.

The Chamber of Deputies to-day was
chiefly occupied in deciding on the late
elections of Members for the Chamber,
and in formalities for the final election
of its president. In the preliminaries for
that office a circumstance of some note oc
curred. A deputation had waited on the
Lieutenant-General to present to him the list
of candidates, and on its return reported to
the Chamber that the Lieutenant-General
had said — "I should have wished that the
Chamber had made the nomination directly
itself, but we must submit to the law. Of
this I shall always give the example. I hope
that this will be the last time that this list
will be presented to me." This answer ex
cited strong marks of approbation in the
Chamber. In the Chamber of Peers there were no
proceedings of consequence.
Prince Talleyrand was this morning
amongst the number of persons received by
the Duke of Orleans.
The Bourse (Stock Exchange) opened to
day. Lord Cochrane sent to General Lafayette,
for the relief of the wounded, 5000 francs
from himself, and 5000 from Lady Cockrane.

Sieyes — Formerly a Member of the As
sembled Constituante, of the Convention,
and Directory ; afterwards a Senator during
the empire.
Merlin of Douay — Ex-Procurator General
of the Court of Cassation, and author of the
" Repository of Jurisprudence."
Berlier — Formerly Councillor of State.
Barrere — Formerly Member of the Com
mittee of Public Safety.
Mailles — Ex-Councillor of the Court of
Cassation. Ingraud — Formerly Member of the Com
mittee of General Safety.
Thiebaudeau — Formerly Councillor of
State and Prefect of Marseilles.
Gaultier.Levasseur of la Sarthe— Author of the
" Memoirs of the Convention."
Chazalle — Formerly Prefect of the Lower
Pyrenees. Pocholle— Formerly Sub-Prefect of Neuf-
chatel.

Amongst the exiled French Convention
alists whom the new Revolution may pro
bably allow to return to France are —

An incidenj of rather a ludicrous nature
occurred at a church in the neighbour
hood of Paris. A cur£, not remarkable
for his attainments in Latinity, in reading
the morning service, was staggered when
he came to the word regem, in the prayer
for the King, and after the words Domine
salvum fac, abruptly introduced the words le
gouvernment provisoire.

FRIDAY, AUGUST 6.

The proceedings of the Chamber of Depu
ties to-day were very important.
M. Labbey Pompierre, provisional presi
dent, opened the sitting by presenting an or

dinance of the Lieutenant-General appointing
M. Cassimir Perrier President ofthe Chamber,
in whose absence, from ill health, the chair
was taken by M. Lafitte.

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

91

The first vice president received from one
of the secretaries an open paper, which he
read as follows : —
" The Chamber of Deputies accuses of
high treason the Ministers who signed the
report to the King, and the ordinances, dated
the 25th of July, 183Q.
t " EuSEBE SaLVERTE,
" Deputy of the Seine."
On the left and in the centre there were
loud cheers. On the extreme right, a mourn
ful silence was observed.
M. Eusebe Salverte. — This proposition
must be submitted to the bureaux, according
to the usual form ; but as the Chamber, how
ever important this matter may be, has still
more important business to settle, I do not
wish to address the Chamber in explanation
of my proposition, supposing it to need ex
planation, until the expiration of eight days.
M. Berryer opened the important business of
the day by saying — " A solemn compact united
the French people to their Monarch. This com
pact has been broken. The violators of the
contract cannot, with any title, claim the ex
ecution of it. Charles X.and his son in vain
pretend to transmit a power which they no
longer possess. That power is washed away
by the blood of many thousands of victims.
The act of abdication with which you are ac
quainted is a fresh perfidy. The appearance
of legality with which it is closed is a decep
tion. It is a brand of discord which it is
wished to throw amongst us. The real ene
mies of our country, and those who by flattery
urged the last government on to its ruin, are
stirring in all quarters ; they assume all colors,
and proclaim all opinions. A desire of inde
finite liberty possesses some generous indi
viduals, and the enemies to whom I speak
hasten to encourage a sentiment which they
are incapable of comprehending,, and ultra-
royalists appear in the guise of republican
regicides. Some others affect to have for the
child of the forgotten conqueror of Europe a
hypocritical attachment, which would be con
verted into hate if there could be any ques
tion of making him chief of France. The
unavoidable instability of the existing means
of governing encourage the promoters of dis
cord. Let us hasten, then, to put an end to
it. A supreme law, — that of necessity ,— has
placed arms in the hands of the people of
Paris, for the purpose of opposing oppression.
This law induced us to adopt for a provision-
ary chief, and as the only means of safety, a
Prince who is the sincere friend of constitu
tional institutions. The same law would
lead us to adopt,^without delay, a definitive
head of our government. But, whatever may
be the confidence with which this chief in
spires us, the rights which we are called upon

to defend exact from us that we should fix
the conditions on which he shall obtain power.
Shamefully deceived as we have been repeat
edly, it is allowable in us to stipulate severe
guarantees. Our institutions are incompati
ble, — vicious even in many respects. It is
fitting that we extend and ameliorate them.
The prince.who is at our head is already aware
of our just wants. The principles of many
fundamental laws have been proposed by the
Chamber and recognized by him. Other prin
ciples, other laws, are not less indispensable,
and will likewise be obtained. We are
elected by the people. They have confided
to us the defence of their interests and the
expression of their wants. Their first wants,.
their dearest interests, are liberty and repose.
They have conquered their liberty ; it is for
us to secure their repose; and we cannot do
so except by giving them a stable and just
government. It is vainly pretended that by
agitating these questions we overstep our
rights. I would get rid of that objection, if
it were necessary, by referring to the law
which I have already invoked — that of impe
rious, invincible necessity. In this state of
things, taking into consideration the grave
and pressing situation in which the country
is placed, the indispensable necessity which
it experiences of changing its precarious po
sition, and the universal wish expressed by
France to obtain the completion of her insti
tutions, I have the honor to propose the fol
lowing Resolutions.
" ' The Chamber of Deputies, taking into
consideration, with a view to the public in
terests, the imperious necessity which results
from the events of the 26th, 27th, 28th, and
29th of July last, and the following days, and
the general situation of France, declare, 1st.,
that the throne is vacant, and that it is indis
pensably necessary to provide for that circum
stance. " ' The Chamber of Deputies declares, 2ndly,
that, according to the wish and for the interest
of the people of France, the preamble and
following articles of the Constitutional Charter
should be suppressed or modified in the man
ner here pointed out.  "
M. Berryer then detailed the proposed sup
pressions or modifications. Among the pro
visions were — the suppression of the article
on the religion of the state — that the King
is the supreme chief of the state, he com
mands the forces by land and sea, declares war,
makes treaties of peace, of alliance, and com
merce, nominates to all employments in the
public administration, and frames the regula
tions and ordinances necessary for the execu
tion of the laws, and for the safety of the

92

ANNALS OF THE

state, all under the responsibility of his
ministers — laws of impost to originate in
the Chamber of Deputies— peers to sit in
their chamber and vote at twenty-five years
of age — princes of the blood peers by right
of birth — sittings of the Chambers of Peers
to be public — deputies to be elected for five
years — deputies and electors to be twenty-five
years of age — the President of the Chamber
of Deputies to be elected by the Chamber,
and continue in office whilst the Chamber
lasts — no commission or extraordinary tribu
nals to be created under any denomination
whatsoever — "the King and his successors
shall swear, at their accession (instead of in the
solemnity of their coronation) faithfully to
observe the present Constitutional Charter :
the present Charter, and all the rights which
it consecrates, will remain confided to the
patriotism and courage of the National
Guards, and all citizens."
M. Berryer — " The Chamber of Deputies
declares, 3dly, that it is necessary to provide
successively, by separate laws, and with the
shortest delay possible, —
" 1. For the extension of the trial by jury
to correctionnel offences, and particularly to
those of the press ; ¦
" 2. For the responsibility of Ministers
and the secondary agents of power ;
"3. For the re-elections of deputies raised
to public offices ;
" 4. For the annual vote for the contin
gency of the army ;
" 5. For the organization of the National
Guard, with the intervention of the National
Guards in the choice of their officers ;
" 6. For a military code, establishing in a
legal manner the condition of officers of all
ranks ;
" 7. For the departmental and municipal
administration, with the intervention of citi
zens in their formation ;
" 8. For public instruction and the liberty
of teaching ;
" 9. For the abolition of the double vote,
and for the establishment of electoral condi
tions, and eligibility.
" And, besides, that all the nominations
and new creations of peers made during the
reign of Charles X. be declared null and
void." (Very warm marks of approbation
on the left and the centre left.)
" In consideration of these conditions
being accepted, the Chamber of Deputies
finally declares that the universal and pres
sing interest of the Freneh people calls to the
throne his Royal Highness Philip of Orleans,
Duke of Orleans, Lieutenant-General of the
Kingdom, and his descendants in perpetuity,
from male to male, in the order of primoge

niture, to the perpetual exclusion of females
and their descendants.
" In consequence, his Royal Highness
Louis Philip of Orleans, Lieutenant-General
of the Kingdom, shall be invited to accept
and swear to the clauses and engagements
above announced, to the observance of the
Charter, and the modifications stated ; and,
after having done so, take the title of King
ofthe French." (Loud cheers.)
M. Ayde de Neuville.— Will the Chamber
hear these propositions discussed imme
diately ? *
A voice on the right. — They completely
overthrow the Charter.
The Vice President. — At present nothing
can be done but to send these propositions
to the bureaux.
M. Aug. Perrier was of opinion that the
propositions should be maturely considered.
The committee appointed to draw up the
address would necessarily have to discuss a
portion of the fundamental questions. It
was unnecessary to do any thing with pre
cipitation. They could not forget the cele
brated revolution of 1688, which gave to the
English the same benefit which the French
nation was about to enjoy. The English
Parliment at that period, without forgetting
the situation in which it was placed, without
suffering itself to be led away by honorable
desires or laudable intentions, adopted the
wisest measures. He believed that, notwith
standing the prejudices and the fears which
he was astonished to see occasionally ex
pressed in the public journals, the Chamber
would not be wanting either to itself or to
the people, and that, profiting by victory
without abusing it, it would answer the just
expectations of the one party without justi
fying the apprehensions of the other. He
proposed that the project just read should be
sent to the bureaux, and afterwards submitted
to the committee for framing the address.
M. Eusebe Salverte thought that a special
committee should be appointed.
M. Hyde de Neuville said, he abstained
from speaking now, because these important
questions would be maturely examined in
the bureaux. He therefore hoped that no one
would condemn him for his silence.
M. Mathieu Dumas, as a member of- the
address committee, stated that the members
of the committee had no idea that they were
to be charged with the consideration of such
important propositions as those just submitted1
to the Chamber. It was not the object of
their appointment. He therefore thought'
that a special committee should be appointed
to consider such important and- salutary pro
positions.

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

93

M. Etienne wished a new committee to be
appointed instantly.
M, Villemain. — The proceedings of this
Chamber cannot be in vain. You have ap
pointed an address committee : that committee
is not charged with effecting merely a sort of
ceremonial. In a certain respect its functions
are elevated withxthe immensity ofthe circum
stances in which we are placed. I think, then,
that it was called upon by its first nomination
to discuss beforehand some of the questions
included in the propositions submitted to the
Chamber. ' If the committee restricted itself
to discussiug only the questions which were
presented to us in the speech delivered in
this place a few days ago, what would result
from it? An incomplete labor, worthy
neither of the Chamber nor of the committee.
The hon. deputy then expressed a wish that a
special committee for the consideration of
the propositions should be united with the
address committee (" To the vote.")
M. Demarcay said it was proposed to
preserve the Charter with the modifications
mentioned — (" Yes, yes ") ; but it would be
necessary to make much more important mo
difications still. The Charter contained dis
positions which were adverse to the French
people, to their opinion, to their interests.
That consideration induced him strongly to
oppose the proposition which had been sub
mitted. (Violent murmurs).
Many voices — "Allow the spirit of the
Charter to remain/'
M. Demarcay. — I consent that conditions
should be offered, and that upon acceding to
those conditions the Lieutenant-General
should be proclaimed King of the French ;
but I can never see retained in the Charter
dispositions which are adverse to the national
wish and the interest of the country.
Several voices — " That is not the question."
After some further discussion the proposi
tion of appointing a special committee, to
examine the articles presented by M. Berryer,
was carried by a great majority, composed of
the left and centre left, and a part of the
centre right. The remainder of the centre
right and the extreme right did not vote one
way or the other.
The proposal for joining the two committees
was carried by a majority rather less numer
ous, fifteen or twenty of the extreme left
having voted against it.
The deputies then retired into the bureaux,
and, when they returned, the Vice-President
stated that the following members had been
nominated to the special committee: — M.
Berryer, M. Perrier (Augustin), M. Humann,
Mj Benjamin Delessert, M. Count de Sade,
M. Count de. Sebastiani, M. Bertin de Veaux,
M. Count de Bondy, and M. de Tracy.

On the motion of M. Keratry, the Chamber
adjourned to eight o'clock in the evening.

At the sitting in the evening an assem
blage of young ' men went to the court,
before the Chamber of Deputies, in order,
as they declared, to protest against the
acknowledgment of an hereditary peerage.
They formed a double line, and, when a
deputy passed, saluted him with cries of
" Down with the hereditary peerage !" At
the same time the whole group took off their
hats, and mingled with their cries " Long
live the deputies !" " Honor to the deputies !"
The disorder increased, and many orators
appeared, j Several confused groups were
formed within the Chamber, in the space in
front of the tribune.
M. Aug. Perrier entered, evidently agi
tated. He repeatedly said to one of the
groups, " You announced this yesterday, and
it is realised to-day. Let us propose the ad
journment of every deliberation until the
mob disperse, and the tumult be appeased."
M. Benjamin Constant went to the outer door
and addressed the people. He said, " We
defended your rights and we were in a minor
ity. It is not necessary that now the minority
should oppress the only authority, although
provisional, which remains in existence."
M. Lafitte, the vice-president, took the
chair. General Lafayette conversed with
him, and afterwards went out upon the steps
and addressed the people. After bearing tes
timony to their noble conduct, he said, " I am
entitled to your attention, because the opinions
that have induced you to come here are my
own. I know how to support them, while I
fear you may fall into errors. Permit me,
in addition to so many motives, to require
you to consider my personal feelings. I
have engaged my honor that no disturbance
shall interrupt theproceedings of the Chamber.
If the Deputies should be interrupted, and
any painful scenes pass at the doors, I shall
be as it were responsible. It is with me a
point of honor, and I place my honor under
the protection of your friendship." This had
the desired effect, and the group dispersed,
singing the Marseillais hymn.
The Vice-President informed the Chamber
that the two Committees had examined M,
Berryer's proposition, and would report upon
it at nine o'clock. In the mean time he
begged to inform them that M. Guizot, the
Provisional Minister for the Interior, had,
by order of the Lieutenant-General, sent
him a copy of the abdication of Charles X.
and the Dauphin, which he desired to be
communicated to the Chamber. — (A great
number of voices — " We do not want it : it
is an act of no consequence.")

94

ANNALS OF THE

After some discussion respecting the act
of abdication of Charles X., it was resolved
to deposit it in the archives of the Chamber,
contrary to the opinion of some Members,
who would have passed to the order of the
day, considering that act as in itself a
nullity. On the motion of M. Bavoux, it was re
solved that the thanks of the Chamber
should be given to the city of Paris, and
that the Lieutenant-General should be in
vited to provide for the erection of a monu
ment, worthy to transmit to posterity the re
membrance of the events which it will be
destined to preserve. — " To the City of Paris,
the grateful country."
M. Dupin, Sen., Reporter of the Com
mittee, said — " I obey your Committee, and
the just impatience of the Chamber, by- pre
senting to you its report. I do not intend to
add any thing to the excellent reason so ably
developed by the author of the proposal
(namely, M. Berryer's proposal to revise the
Charter). I shall speak to you only of the
modifications made by the Committee on the
proposal itself. The Committee has unani
mously recognized the vacancy of the throne ;
but, at the same time that it recognizes it as
a fact, it has thought it its duty to declare it
as a right emanating from the legitimate re
sistance of the people to the violation of its
rights. For these fifteen years we have been
the victims of violation, sometimes of the
letter, and sometimes of the spirit of the
Charter." After mentioning alterations pro
posed by the Committee respecting Religion,
the Press, the Elections, the prohibition of
extraordinary tribunals, and other points
suggested by M. Berryer in his speech, M.
Dupin concluded by saying — " The 74th
article has undergone an important modifica
tion ; it is in the presence of the Peers and the
Deputies that the King at his accession will
swear to observe the laws confided to the
patriotism of the National Guard. The ar
ticle on the Chamber of Peers has drawn our
attention. That Chamber, the protector of
the laws, ceased to fulfil its duties on the
creation of the seventy-six new Peers : it
seems to us that the Chamber of Peers ought
to annul those nominations. The last part
of the proposal has for its object to found a
new establishment in favor of a Noble Prince.

This Prince is an honest man ; if he swears
the observance of the Charter, it will be a
truth. We act under the influence of a
great necessity, and our decisions will be
hailed by the public gratitude. The Chamber
of Deputies, taking into consideration the
urgency of the occasion, and the events of
the 26th, 27th, and 28th oft July, declares
that the preamble of the Charter is sup
pressed, and that the other articles may be-
modified as follows :" —
M. Dupin then read the proposal, as
amended by the Committee.
After some further debate it was resolved
to adjourn the discussions till to-morrow.

On the proposition for calling the Duke of
Orleans to the throne, a French journal makes
these judicious observations —
" It is said that the Chamber of Deputies
are to offer to the Lieutenant-General the
Crown of France, with the conditions on
which the country consents to nominate him
their head. This seems to us high and firm
policy. Some persons dispute the power of
the Chamber. However, it is undoubted
that this Chamber, legally elected, represents
the real opinion of the electors ; and it is for
the indirect defence of this principle that we
have struggled. We say to the dissentients
" In the danger of firing and balls did you
see any leaders legally chosen ? Did not
each receive his mandate from his courage ?
Did not he act the best who defended the
csuse with the greatest ardor and talent?"
" We have another danger at this moment.
The friends of the republic, men of pure and
generous feeling, publicly call upon their
followers; the partisans of a sinking ¦ power
may find recruits. One only mode, prompt,
expeditious, of cutting short the wild measures
of the one and the intrigues of the other is
to choose a chief, and that him whom France
demands. Let our deputies propose the
conditions ; let him sign them, and let him
be king; legitimate power is that which
comprises the state of the public mind, the
urgencies of the epoch, and will devote itself
to satisfy them. The French people have
shown their greatness, and are too just to
reproach any authority for having usurped'
the right of saving the state."

SATURDAY, AUGUST 7.
To day the sitting of the Chambers of At eleven o'clock the President took the
Deputies was still more important than the chair.
sitting of yesterday. The chamber of Peers, by a message; in-

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

95

formed the Chamber of Deputies that it was
regularly formed by the election of its Officers.
The Order of the Day was the debate upon
the Articles proposed yesterday.
M. de Conny. — In the terrible circum
stances in which we are placed, freedom of
debate is more than ever a sacred law. I
come forward at the voice of my conscience ;
silence would be cowardice. Social order is
shaken to its foundations. These tumultuous
commotions, which suddenly suspend the
action of the legitimate powers instituted to
establish order in society, are epochs of ca
lamity which exercise upon the destiny of
nations the most fatal influence. Inexorable
history, rising above contemporary passions,
will impress upon these lamentable days the
character which belongs to them, and the cry
of human conscience is raised to consecrate
this eternal truth— force constitutes no right.
In these times of trouble, liberty is invoked ;
but the expression of thought has ceased to
be free. Liberty is stifled by the sanguinary
cries which carry alarm in every direction.
You will not suffer yourselves to be subju
gated by the cries which resound around you.
Statesmen, remain calm in the midst of perils,
and when confused voices call to France the
son of Napoleon, invoke the Republic, and
proclaim the Duke of Orleans, unshaken in
your duties, you will remember your oaths,
and acknowledge the sacred rights of the
Royal .Infant, which, after so many misfor
tunes, Providence has given to France.
Think of the judgment of posterity — it would
be terrible. You would not wish that history
should say you were faithless to your oaths.
The eyes of Europe are upon us. We have
too . long exhibited to her a spectacle of
strange instability ; too long have we changed
sides, as often as victory changed colors.
Brought back to truth by misfortune, let us
remain calm in the midst of so many turbu
lent passions, and let us bestow our respect
and tears upon great and royal misfortunes.
By remaining faithful to our duties, I wish
to spare our country all the calamities and
crimes consequent upon usurpations. View
ing with an anxious mind the destiny of
France, I perceive, Gentlemen, the twofold
scourge of civil and foreign war threatening
our noble country; I perceive liberty dis
appearing for ever ; I perceive French blood
flowing, and this blood would recoil upon
our heads. The consideration of the principle
of legitimacy, of this principle established by
the Charter, can alone preserve our country
from this fearful destiny. All France is bound
by oaths ; the army, ever faithful, will bend
their arms before the young King ; I call to
witness our national honor. Let us not exhibit
to the world the scandal pf perjury. In the

presence of the sacred rights of the Due de
Bourdeaux, the act which should raise the
Duke of Orleans to the throne would be a
violation of all human laws. As a Deputy,
remembering my oaths before God, who will
judge -us, I have declared the whole truth.
I should have forfeited the esteem of my ad
versaries, if, in the perils which surround us,
I had remained silent. I declare the senti
ments which animate me in the face of
Heaven ; I would express them at the can
non's mouth. If the principle of legitimacy
be not recognised by the Charter, I must
declare that I have no right to participate in
the deliberations which are submitted to you.
M. Benjamin Constant said that, though
there was still some agitation among the
people, it was not sufficient to excite any
alarm. Proceeding to the question, he said,
we want a Prince of a different character
from him whose acts have been so deplorable
and afflicting. I will not anticipate the dis
cussion, but I cannot refrain from saying that
we want a citizen prince, who has fought in
our ranks and worn our colors. Legitimacy,
in its ordinary acceptation, can no longer be
invoked ; there is, in truth, no legitimacy but
that which is derived from the people and the
laws. All Europe knows that we are re
solved to «be free. We have no hostility
agaiust any nation. Proof of this will be
found in the moderation we have displayed
after the victory. I abhor and abjure legiti
macy, which has dyed our streets with the
blood of our citizens.
M. Hyde de Neuville — I judge nobody.
In politics, as in religion, all consciences are
not subject to the same influences. Men
seeking what is good may follow different
directions. Each of us follows his con
science : mine is my only guide. If you do
not. partake of my sentiments, you will not
refuse me your esteem. I have done every
thing which a Frenchman could do to pre
vent the calamities which we have experi
enced, i (Assent). I have been faithful to
my oaths ; I have not betrayed that family
which false friends have precipitated into an
abyss. (Cheers). I should contradict my
life and dishonor myself by changing my
sentiments were I to assent to the propo
sitions. With my hand upon my heart I
cannot but reject the dangerous sovereignty
which the committee proposes to establish.
The measure which you are going to take is
very serious, and ought to have been sub
jected to longer examination. It seems to
me that it would be dangerous to rest the
future destinies of a great people on the im
pressions of a moment. I have not received
from heaven the power to arrest the thunder
bolt. To the acts which are proposed to be

96

ANNALS OF THE

consummated I can but oppose my wishes.
I shall put up very sincere prayers for the
repose and liberty of my country.
M. Alex, de Laborde. — Do you know, gen
tlemen, what would be the consequence of
Tecognising the legitimacy of the Duke of
Bourdeaux 1 It would be to subject the vir
tuous prince whom we wish to place upon
the throne, as well as his family, to bow his
head before that child whose presence would
remind us only of crimes and misfortunes.
If you desire to attach yourselves to an histo
rical legitimacy, the prince, whom we are
anxious to seat upon the throne, descends
more directly than the fallen King from the
monarch whose memory the people cherish.
M. Lezardiere.— As deputy I have sworn
fidelity to the king and to the Constitutional
Charter ; and, having consulted my con
science, I feel myself bound, together with
every true Frenchman, to pay a tribute of
gratitude to the prince who has concurred in
maintaining tranquillity. I cannot go fur
ther, and change the order of succession ; for I
foresee heavy clouds of misfortune hanging
over France if the Chamber changes this
order. M. Eusebe Salverte. — I am sensible of the
full extent of the duties imposed upon me
this day. They have been augmented by
existing circumstances, and I do not hesitate
to incur all the responsibility that may fall
upon me from the votes I give. The Hon.
Deputy then came to the matter in question,
which he illustrated by referring to the course
pursued by England in 1688.
M. Pas de BeauUeu. — The sacred law of
my country teaches me that the Duke of Or
leans is capable, beyond all others, of restor
ing peace and happiness to France ; but I
have not been commissioned by my consti
tuents to pronounce upon this question. I
therefore refrain.
M. Anisson du Pevron. — The arrondisse
ment I represent is desirous of a monarchy
purely Constitutional. The gift is indeed
valuable, but our new King will make us a
more valuable return ; he will present to us
peace and liberty, which are not less difficult
to preserve than to gain.
M. Arthur de la Bourdonnaie. — More than
any other, I mourn the broken social com
pact, but this is not a reason that its frag- .
ments should be trampled under our feet. If
it is to be reformed, or modified, it can only
be done by the three powers united. (Inter
ruption). If the discussion is to be con
ducted in this manner, the Chamber will not
be astonished at our silence, and remaining
immovable upon our seats. (Several voices
— Be it as you please.)
M. Letou.— I have been, gentlemen, as well

as yourselves, attached to the dynasty; but
I was far from imagining that infamous mi
nisters were silently plotting the ruin of our
liberties, and preparing against us lists of
proscriptions. We have arrived at the point,
where we at this moment find ourselves,
through seas of blood, which have over
whelmed legitimacy.
M. Berryer. — I am as sincerely attached as
any man can be to our public liberties— I am
as fully inspired with the love of my country
— I equally feel the want of repose and secu
rity for all. I think, nevertheless, that the
proposition, as settled by the report, should
be divided. I admit that modifications are
necessary, but, as to the exercise of supreme
powers, I have referred to my conscience;
and I cannot believe I am warranted in voting
that the throne is vacant both in fact and law,
and in usurping the right of electing a new
King for France. I, therefore, feel it my duty
to abstain.
M. Villemain. — Montesquieu has said,
" During a frightful calm all combine against
the power that violates the laws." With us it
was not a frightful calm that followed the
irrevocable .deed which hurled the King from
his throne. Public authority was broken to
pieces by the thunders of the people's wrath.
The necessity of restoring public order calls
to the throne the Prince Lieutenant-General
of the Kingdom, Let a public act proclaim
our independence, and stipulating guarantees
for the stability of order, and protecting it
against all vengeance or re-action, be at Once
prepared. It is thus that the throne may be
nobly and securely offered to the Dnke of
Orleans. The President then read the first para
graph of the Report.
M . Podemos proposed the following amend
ment : — " The throne is vacant in conse
quence of the violation of the Charter and the
laws." He drew a striking picture of the
events which led to the fall of the ex-Kingt
who, he said, was the worthy heir of Charles
the IXth's ferocity, and had not the courage
to show himself in the hour of danger.
M. de Martignac. — I feel compelled! to
raise, in behalf of a family plunged in mis
fortune, a voice which forbade it to go* to
the height of its power. I could not hear,
without deep sorrow, the words that fell
from the last speaker. Ah ! gentlemen, I,
who knew this prince intimately, cannot hear
him accused of ferocity without indignation.
(Cheers from the right.) No, gentlemen,
this man was not ferocious — he was deceived.
(Ah I ah !) It was not his heart Which die*
tated the infamous ordinances. They were
the work of those perfidious councillors
Whom I abandon to you. Let not your in-

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830

dignation be raised against him. Ah!, be
heve me, gentlemen, believe me, who have
lived in close1 intercourse with him, that the
love of his country animated his heart.
(Murmurs from the extreme left.) I am not
astonished at the truly heroic resistance which
has been provoked by these infamous ordi
nances; for I do not hesitate to call them so :
but I ask again, after power is humbled, why
utter words which will give additional pangs
to a heart already crushed by misfortune?
I do not know, gentlemen, whether I have
followed the rules of prudence and modera
tion— (Oh ! Oh !) — It was my heart that
spoke. M. Bernard. — You have applauded what
has been said by M. de Martignac; in
France, the defence of misfortune will
always be heard with favor. But, on the
other hand, we could not with indifference
hear it stated that the heart of Charles
glowed with the sacred fire of love for his
country. The sceptre in his hand was the
sign of protection ; and he broke it in pieces
upon his people. No ! he never cherished
the love of his country. (Loud cheers.)
•M. Alexis de Noailles. — I support what
M. Martignac has said, and will mention one
fact. When it was proposed to revoke the
ordinances which had been the cause of the'
carnage, you all know, gentlemen, who re
plied, and took the results upon himself; it
was not the sovereign — it was the Minister.
— (Numerous voices — " Oh, oh ! what a sub
terfuge ! ")
" The first paragraph ofthe report was adopted.
It runs thus : — " The Chamber of Deputies,
taking into consideration the imperious (ne
cessity which results from the events of July
26, 27, 28, and 29, and regarding the situa
tion in which France is placed at the end of
the violation of the constitutional charter ; —
considering, besides, that in consequence of
this violation, and the heroic resistance of
the citizens of Paris, his Majesty King Charles
X., Louis Antoine his son, and all the mem
bers of the eldest branch of the Bourbons, are
leaving the territory, — declare that the throne
is vacant in fact and in law (en fait et en droit)
and that it is indispensably necessary that it
should be provided for." fk
M. Persil proposed, by way of amendment,
to declare that " The sovereignty belongs to
the nation : it is inalienable and imprescrip
tible." The President observed that this provi
sion was comprised in this paragraph : — " The
Chamber of Deputies declares that, accord
ing to the wish and in the interest of the
French people, the preamble of the consti
tutional charter is suppressed as injurious to
the national dignity, by appearing to grant,

to the French people, rights which essentially
belong to them."
The article concerning the support of the
ministers of the Catholic religion was then
discussed. M. Viennet. — In the number of French
men are included 150,000 Israelites, citizens
like ourselves ; like us they render homage
to the Sovereign, and defend their country
and liberty ; it is an odious prej udice which
excludes them. I therefore demand that
the, article be thus amended : — " The mi
nisters of every form of worship, legally
recognized shall be supported by the public
treasure." A warm conversation ensued. An amend
ment by M. Marschall was adopted, which
renders the article as follows : — " The minis
ters of the Catholic Apostolic and Roman
religion, professed by the majority of French
men, together with those of other Christian
doctrines, shall be supported at the public
expense." The article relating to the Press was voted
unanimously, with the following amendment :
— " Frenchmen have the right of publishing
and printing their opinions, in conformity
to the laws. The censorship shall never be
re-established." On the article regulating the Royal prero
gative, M. Jacqueminot proposed the follow
ing addition, which was immediately adopted
by acclamation : — " Nevertheless, no foreign
troops can ever be admitted into the service
of the state without an express law."
M. Devaux proposed an amendment to
submit treaties of peace and declarations of
war to the two Chambers. This was re
jected. M. Jacqueminot proposed that from the
article declaring that " the legislative power
is collectively exercised by the King, the
Chamber of Peers, and the Chamber of
Deputies of Departments," the words " of
Departments " be omitted, which amendment
was carried;
Other articles were discussed and agreed
to. By an article of the Commission — " No
deputy can be admitted into the Chamber
who is not of the age of thirty, and uniting
qualifications required by the law." M. Vil
lemain pressed to fix the age of eligibility at
twenty-five, which amendment, after a brief
discussion, was rejected ; as was also another,
by M. de la Rochefoucauld, for lowering the
qualification. Several succeeding articles were agreed to
without discussion.
The article of the Commission, "That the
King and his successors shall in future swear,
in the presence of the assembled Chambers,
to observe faithfully the present Constitu- li

98

ANNALS OF THE

tional Charter," was carried without discus
sion. Another article ofthe Commission — "The
present Charter, and all the rights which it
consecrates, remain confided to the patri
otism and courage of the National Guard and
all the citizens of France" — was adopted with
acclamation. Special provisions proposed by the Com
mission remained to be considered next — viz.
"All the creations of peers during the
reign of Charles X. are declared null and
void. " And, in order to prevent the recurrence
of the abuses which have destroyed the prin
ciple of the establishment of the peerage, the
article (27 of the Commission) which gives
to the King an unlimited faculty of creating
peers shall be submitted to a revision in the
course of the session of 1831."
M. Berard required that the right of pro
vision should be full and unrestrained, so
that not only the recurrence of the abuses
complained of might be rendered impossible,
but that the hereditary principle might be
submitted to examination.
. General Lafayette then mounted the tri
bune, and a profound silence prevailed. He
said, " On ascending this tribune, at this
solemn juncture, I do not yield to any mo
mentary excitement. I will not seek here a
popularity which I shall never prefer to my
duties. (Cheers.) The republican sentiments
which I have manifested in all times and un
der all powers are well known : but these
sentiments do not prevent me from being the
defender of a constitutional throne, raised by
the will of the nation. The same sentiments
animate me under the present circumstances,
in which it is judged fitting to elevate to the
constitutional throne the Prince Lieutenant-
General ; and I am bound to avow that the
choice coincides with my own desires, the
more in proportion as I, know him more.
(Cheers !) I do not share the opinion of
many of my fellow citizens with respect to
hereditary Peerage. *(Hear, hear.) I have
always thought it was necessary that le
gislative bodies should be divided into two
chambers differently constituted ; but I never
thought it useful to create hereditary legis
lators, who are in certain cases judges. I have
always thought that the introduction of aris
tocracy into a public institution was a bad in
gredient. It is, therefore, with great pleasure
that I find you engaged in a measure conform
able to sentiments which I have all my life
declared, and which I can now only repeat.
My conscience forces me to repeat this
opinion, and it is with pleasure that I hope
shortly to see the hereditary peerage sup
pressed. My fellow-citizens will do me the

justice to acknowledge that, if T have always
been the supporter of liberty, I have always
been the . supporter of public order. (Loud
cheers.) ,
M. Berryer. — Two questions occupy the
Chamber at this moment — the proposition of
M. Berard, and the amendment proposed
against the hereditary peerage. With regard
to the amendment, I oppose the method al
ready adopted by you. I demand the pre
vious question. It is not the time to discuss
the question of the peerage ; but we must
not lose sight of M. Berard's proposition.
As to the question of inheritance, it is not
possible to pronounce the annulling of the
acts done by virtue of the laws and the Con
stitutional Charter.
M. Peton voted for the amendment, and
urged the necessity of putting an end to the
agitation which prevailed in Paris.
M. A. Labourdonnaie. — You insult Paris.
M. Peton. — I know Paris and its wishes
better than you for these six years. I contend
for legality, and you  if my efforts had
been crowned with success, Charles X. would
still be upon the throne.
M. Sebastiani seconded the amendment.
. M. Berryer still opposed it, and contended
that to the King alone belonged the right of
creating or deposing peers.
M. Bernard. — The gentleman who spoke
last seems to have mistaken the atmosphere
of the Chamber. The throne has been over
thrown. Legitimacy no longer exists. As
to hereditary peerage, we are not sufficiently
prepared for the discussion. I propose to
replace the article and the amendment by the
following : —
"Article 27 of the Charter (on the King's
right to create peers) shall be the subject of a
fresh examination in the session of 1831."
M. B. Constant seconded the amendment^
and it was adopted.
The first paragraph, nullifying the peersof
Charles X., was adopted.
M. de" Brigode proposed the following
additional article : " The Judges shall receive
a new institution before January 1st, 1831"
(much agitation).
M. Guetan de la Rochefoucauld required
t|at they should not confound the appoint
ments made during the ministry of M. Por-
talis, with those made by M. de Polignac,
and moved the previous question.
M. Benjamin Constant opposed, the
previous question ; and required that M.
Brigode should be heard.
The President read the following amend
ment proposed by M. Manguin :— " The
present Magistrates shall cease their func
tions in six months from the present .time,
e before that period they do not re.-

if

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

99

eeive new appointments" [on the left sup
ported]. M. de Brigode. — The irremovability of
the Magistracy ought not to be separated
from the hereditary right of the Crown — the
former is a necessary result of the latter ; but,
if Jthere shall be a change in the race, there
is a rupture of all legitimacies. It was in
virtue of this principle that at the restoration
(of Louis XVIII.) a new appointment of
Judges took place At present the circum
stances are identical : and let it be remarked
that there will be no inconvenience from the
proposition we make ; for the present Judges
will continue to dispense justice till a deci
sion is come to with .respect to them; but
the character of irremovability cannot be
given to them but by the new King of the
French. M. Dupin (Senior). — When we are en
deavouring to settle France, and desire to
avoid every political shock, it would in my
opinion be very imprudent to meddle with
the institution of the magistracy — the only
organized body that we possess at this
moment. I do not deny that amongst them
may be found some improper selections, and
that often they have desired to connect them
selves with party excesses by a melancholy
exercise of power. I know, too, that every
¦one of the Governments which have succeed
ed each other in France has wished to make
itself master of the judicial mfluence by its
own appointments ; but it is necessary that
our conduct at present should be different
from what it was at former periods on this
point as on many others. Our object is to
put an end to a troublesome agitation? do
not let us make it more troublesome. I could
conceive that we should run the risk, if there
was any urgent necessity for this measure ;
but let us make good appointments in the
law officers of the Crown ; let us suppress
the juges-cmditeurs ; let us fill up with dis
cernment existing vacancies, and those which
may arise, and we shall have sufficient gua
rantees, with the immense advantage of giving
to the present change the particular charac
teristic that it in nowise resembles^a re-action.
You may, moreover, reckon ori the influence
of the atmosphere which surrounds the Ma
gistracy ; and which has, in itself, I know not
what sort of magic, that gives to them the
inspiration- of justice. Above all, remember,
if there are some men so base as to do evil
when they are commanded, they will be
much more ready to do good when it is re
quired of them.
M. Eusebe Salverte proposed to submit to
a new appointment the Magistrates appointed
during the reign of Charles X. Gentlemen,
he said, since you have meddled with the

Peerage, you can also change the Magistracy
and never was a wiser measure. We have
seen the Courts condemn the public papers
for having calumniated the Ministers, in at
tributing to them the project of committing
Coups d' Etat ; and you are sensible whether
they could or not be calumniated, while the
same Courts were acquitting or sentencing to
trifling punishments the men who, every day,
endeavoured to bring about a counter Revo
lution. You have been told that there are
amongst the Judges honorable men — let them
remain. You have been made to fear that
you may stop the administration of justice ;
but remember that we have arrived nearly at
the holidays, and that never were the circum
stances more favorable to effect a reform
without causing a shock.
M. Villemain. — If it were necessary to add
any thing to what has been said by an eloquent
representative of the judicial defence, I
might observe that when the Magistrates
know that they are only indebted for the
continuance of their offices to an effort that
we make against ourselves, and only for the
sake of stability, the necessity of which we
all feel, they will only be the more disposed
to proceed with the present movement ; and
the effect at which you wish to arrive will be
produced by the words which have been pro
nounced at the Tribune. In 1815 that was
demanded which you now demand, and then
some generous voices were raised against the
measure ; those voices which defended fallen
royalty and liberty which will not fall. It is
this irremovability which is strength to the
weak, and renders the selections that are ob
jectionable excellent ; and it is the less con
trary to the present order of things, inasmuch
as the courts have nothing to do with politics.
(Dissent.) At least they ought not to have,
and they will henceforward not have, because
you are about to assign to a jury the power
of judging the crimes of the Press. This ir
removability has already produced good
fruit. In the midst of many lamentable de
cisions, have you not known the Cours Roy-
ales, when other authorities were silent, de
clare that to suppose in the Ministers the
intention of being guilty of coups d' etat was to
suppose in them monstrous and crimi
nal projects, and to designate them as
capable of committing crimes. If the
Judges had been provisional, do you suppose
that they would have decided with so much
vigor? Above all, do not forget that in
England it was irremovable. Judges who
dared to refuse illegal taxes to Cromwell as
well as to Charles II. Do not proclaim, I beg
of you, the abolition of the conservative prin
ciple. (Several voices, " Never, Never.")
M. Manguin. — Gentlemen, when you are
H 2

100

ANNALS OF THE

engaged in such important business as that
now before you, you ought not to decide by
any considerations derived from sentiments.
« M. de Villemain (warmly). — These are not
considerations derived from sentiments but
from justice.
The President. — You ought not to inter
rupt. M. de Manguin. — You are, gentlemen —
do not forget it — you are the product of a
Revolution, and you organize a Revolution.
Will you establish ,on the one hand, and
leave on the other the germs of destruction ?
The principle ought to be followed out in all
its consequences. A fortnight ago you were
under the empire of Legitimacy, and of
Divine Right. Now you are acting in virtue
of, and under the influence of the principle
of National Sovereignty. When you place it
on the summit, do not leave at the base the
consequences of a hostile principle. (Lively
sensation.) Do you think that those who
have been appointed under the Empire of
Divine Right, and the Congregation, will
aid us in sustaining the principle of Na
tional Sovereignty ? When a Revolution
has been effected in the highest parts, it
ought to go through all the subordinate
ranks. (Murmurs in the centre. — M. Man
guin repeated the phrase without being
affected, and in the midst of applause from
the left side). What is this irremovability ?
It is the certainty of not being dismissed as
long as the principle of Government lasts
under which the appointment is made.
Charles X. could only promise irremovability
as long as his race was on the throne. The
irremovability instituted by the Charter of
Louis XVIII. could only last as long as that
Charter. The irremovability ceases since the
Charter is overthrown. (Many voices : " No,
no !"). , In the name cf God, gentlemen, let
us not dispute about words — compare —
look at the changes, and say if the Charter of
Louis XVIII. .still exists. In 1814 every
thing was renewed in the Magistracy.
(Dissent). The Judges were appointed for
a fixed period, and they were refused the
Royal sanction before the expiration of that
period. You are told to be aware of giving
yourselves up to a movement of re-action ;
but I ask, when the force applied has been
so violent, is not re-action a matter of
right? Are you ignorant what the courts
have dared to undertake ? Learn, then, gen
tlemen, that eight days ago, in consequence
of an extraordinary decree of the Cour
Royale at Caen, which declared the form of
oath of 1815 obligatory— that is to say, de
clared the necessity of acknowledging Ordi
nances and regulations — that one of your
colleagues, M. Mercier, President of the

Tribunal de Commerce of Alencon, was
obliged to appear before the Court of Correc
tional Police, because he would not adopt
that form of oath. (Agitation). You have
been told with confidence of that atmosphere
of justice which surrounds the magistrates.
He who told you of this has no doubt expe
rienced its effects ; but I must say that his
situation is very different from mine, for I
must say that even in civil causes political
opinions have exercised a considerable influ
ence. (Sudden interruption).
M. Dupin signified dissent. A member
near him cried out, with a loud voice, " At
Paris it is possible that it may not be so, but
nothing is more true in the provinces." ,
M. Madier de Montjau. — It is not only
the irremovability of the Magistrates which
is attacked, but the regulation of the Magis
trates of France ; they are calumniated
(murmurs) — they are unintentionally calum
niated. (Murmurs redoubled). M. Madier
de Montjau,' in the midst of interruptions
and conversation among the . Deputies, ter
minated his discourse by strongly opposing
the amendment.
The amendment of M. Brigode was re
jected by a majority composed of a small
compact number who sat on the right, and of
members in the two centres. It was sup
ported by forty members on the left side.
The amendment of M. Eusebe Salverte, to
submit to new appointments the Magistrates
appointed under Charles X., was rejected by
the same majority.
The Chamber of Deputies declared and
resolved, thirdly, that it was necessary to
provide successively by separate laws, and in
the shortest method possible, for several very
important objects. (These are set forth at the
end of the Declaration of Rights presented
by the Chamber to the Duke of Orleans.)
M. de Padenas proposed to apply the
jury to political offences as well as the
offences of the press. — Adopted.
M. E. Salverte proposed that " all laws
and ordinances contrary to the reformation of
the Charter be null and void." — Adopted.
The Pigsident read as follows :—" Upon
condition of accepting these dispositions and
propositions, the Chamber of Deputies de
clares that the universal and pressing interest
of the French people calls to the throne His
Royal Highness Louis Philippe d' Orleans,
Due d' Orleans, Lieutenant-General of the
Kingdom, and his descendants in perpetuity,
from male to male in the order of primo
geniture, to the perpetual exclusion of the
female branches and their descendants.''
The President proposed to vote by ballot
on the whole of the report, and that it should
be presented to His Royal Highness, not by

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

a deputation, but their whole Chamber in a
body. . M. Etienne moved, and the Chamber de
cided, " That no address should be carried up
in answer to the speech of the Duke of
Orleans, as the declaration they were about
to present would be the best address that
could be offered to him."
M. Dupin, Sen., proposed, "France re
sumes her colors. In future no other
cockade shall be worn but the tri-colored
one." — Adopted with acclamations.
The Chamber then proceeded to the ballot
upon the whole of the articles previously
agreed to, and forming the Declaration.
The result of the scrutiny : — Number of
voters, 252; white balls, 219; black balls,
33.— Majority, 186.
M. Le President. — The Chamber is now
going immediately on foot to convey this
message; we shall be accompanied by the
brave National Guard. To go in order, I
beg the Deputies to walk four and four
abreast. There will be no sitting to-morrow
(Sunday). On Monday, at noon, a public
sitting.

The Chamber of Peers had met at two
o'clock, and, after routine business, adjourned
till nine o'clock in the evening. There were
then 114 peers present, and the Chamber
received a communication of the Declaration
of Rights adopted by the Chamber of De
puties. Several peers briefly remarked upon
it, and M. de Chateaubriand delivered a re
markable speech.
M. de Chateaubriand. — "The declara
tion brought to this Chamber is much less
complicated with respect to me than to those
who profess an opinion different from mine.
One fact in the declaration predominates in
my eyes over every other, or rather super
sedes them. Were we under a regular order
of things, I should doubtless carefully ex
amine the changes proposed in the Charter.
Many of the se changes have been proposed
by myself. , 1 am, however, astonished that
the re-actionary measures respecting the
Peers created by Charles X. should be pro
posed to this Chamber. I cannot be sus
pected of any liking for these batches, and
you1 know that I combated even the menace
of them: but to render us the judges of our
colleagues, — to erase from the list of Peers
whom we please, whenever we happen to be
the stronger party, — too much resembles a
proscription. Is it wished to suppress the
peerage ? Sa be it. Better lose life than beg
for it. I reproach myself for these few words
on a point which, important as it is, disap
pears amidst the greatness of the event.

101
France is without a guide, and I am called
upon to consider what ought to be added to
or taken from the masts of a vessel which has
lost its helm. I lay aside, then, every thing
which is of a secondary interest in the decla
ration of the elective chamber, and fixing on
the single fact announced, the vacancy of the
throne, I advance straight to the object.
" A previous question ought to be discussed :
if the throne be vacant, we are free to choose
the form of our government. Before offering
the crown to any individual, it is proper to
ascertain into what kind of political order we
should constitute the social order. Shall we
establish a republic or a new monarchy ?
" Does a republic or a new monarchy offer
France sufficient guarantees for durability,
strength, and tranquillity ? A republic would,
in the first place, raise against it the recollec
tions of the republic. These recollections are
not effaced. The time is not yet forgotten.
when death walked between liberty and
equality, supported by their arms. When
you are plunged into a new anarchy, can you
re-animate on his rock the Hercules who was
alone capable of strangling the monster? Of
these lofty characters history contains some
five or six : in another thousand years your
posterity may see another Napoleon ; — you
must not expect it.
" In the existing state of our manners, and
in our relations with surrounding states, a re
public does not appear to me practicable.
The first difficulty is to bring Frenchmen to
a unanimous vote upon the subject. What
right has the population of Paris to constrain
the population of Marseilles, or of any other
place, to adopt a republic ? Is there to be a
single republic, or are we to have twenty or
thirty republics ? Are they to be federative
or independent ? Suppose we have a single
republic, do you imagine that a president, let
him be ever so grave, respectable, or able,
would be a year at the head of affairs without
wishing to retire ? Ill-protected by the laws,
insulted hourly by secret rivals and by fac
tious agents, he would possess neither the
dignity requisite to treat with foreign govern
ments, nor the power necessary to the main
tenance of internal order.
" I pass to a monarchy. A king named by
the Chambers, or elected by the people, will
always be a novelty. Suppose the object
sought be liberty, — the liberty of the press ;
every new monarchy will be forced, sooner or
later, to gag this liberty. Could, Napoleon
himself admit it? Offspring of our misfor
tunes, and the slave of our glory, the liberty
of the press lives in surety only under a go
vernment whose roots are deeply fixed. Will
a monarchy which has been the bastard
of a sanguinary night have nothing to dread.

102

ANNALS OF THE

from the independence of the opinions of the
press ? If one can preach up a republic,
and another some other system, do you not
fear to be soon obliged to have recourse to
laws of exception, in spite of the eight words
expunged from the eighth article of the
Charter? Then, O friends of regulated li
berty, what will you have gained by your
proposed change ? You will sink of neces
sity into a republic, or into legal slavery.
The monarchy will be overwhelmed and
swept away by the torrent of democratical
laws, or the monarch by the operation of
factions: " I exhibit to you only some of the inconve
niences attending the formation of a republic
or of a new monarchy. If either has its pe
rils, there remains a third course.
"There never was a more just and a more
heroic existence than that of the people of
Paris. They did not rise against the law,
but in support of the law. So long as the
social compact remained inviolate, thepeople
were patient. But when a conspiracy of
fools and hypocrites was suddenly revealed,
when the terror of the chateau, organized by
eunuchs, was to replace the terror of the re
public and the iron yoke of the empire, then
the people exerted their understanding and
their courage; and it was found that these
shopkeepers could breathe the smoke of gun
powder, and it required more than five sol
diers and a corporal to remove them. A cen
tury could not so have matured the destinies
of a people, as the three last suns which have
shone upon France.
"Charles X. and his son are dethroned, or
have abdicated, as you please ; but the throne
is not vacant. After them comes a child. Is
his innocence to be condemned ? What
blood now cries out against him? Will you
dare to say it is that of his father? This ten
der orphan, educated in the schools of his
country — in the love of constitutional govern
ment, and in the ideas of the age — might
have become a King in relation with the
the wants of futurity. It is to the guardian
of his minority that the oath you are about to
vote upon should be sworn. The present,
the actual King, should be the Duke of Or
leans, Regent of the Kingdom.
"It is through no sentimental devotion, or
nursery-affection transmitted from the cradle
of St. Louis to that of the young Henry, that
I plead this cause. I am no believer in the
creed of the right divine of. Royalty ; I be
lieve in the power of revolutions and of facts.
I do not even invoke the charter; I take my
ideas from a higher source ; I draw them
frbm the philosophical sphere — from the
epoch when my life expires. I propose the
Duke bf Bourdeaux solely as a necessity for

a better alloy than that on which we are ar
guing. " I know that by removing this infant the
object is to establish the principle ofthe sove
reignty of the people, that contemptible
nonsense of the old school, which proves that,
in respect to politics, our old democrats have
not made more progress than the veterans of
royalty. No where is there absolute sove
reignty ; liberty does not flow from political
right, as was supposed in the 18th century;
it springs from natural right, and therefore
exists under all forms of government : so that
a monarchy may be free, and much more free
than a republic. But this is neither the time
nor the place for a course of politics.
" I shall content myself with observing that,
when the people dispose of thrones, they
also often dispose of their liberty. The prin
ciple of hereditary monarchy, absurd as it is
at first sight, has been recognized in practice
as preferable to the principle of elective mo
narchy. The reason is so palpable that I
need not explain it. You choose a King to
day. What will prevent you from choosing
one to-morrow ? The law, you will say— the
law ! Ah ! but you are the makers of the
law ! There is still a plainer way of putting
the question. We will no longer have the
elder branch of the Bourbons. But why?
Because we are victorious : we have tri
umphed in a just and sacred cause, and we
exercise a double right of conquest. Well,
you proclaim the sovereignty of force. Then
take good care of that force ; for if it escape
from you in a few months you will have no
right to complain. But, though I were to
stir the dust of thirty-five Capets, I could
not draw an argument from it which would
be listened to. The idolatry of a name is
abolished. The monarchy is no longer a re
ligion ; but it is a political form preferable at
this moment to every other, because it best
introduces order into liberty. An unsuccessful
Cassandra, I have sufficiently fatigued the
throne and the peerage with my disdained
advice. I can now only sit down on the
ruins of a shipwreck which I havfe so often
foretold. I give to misfortune every sort of
power except that of releasing me from my
oaths of fidelity. I am bound also to make
my life consistent. After all that I have done,
said, and written for the Bourbons, I should
be the basest of wretches if I renounced
them at the very moment when they are for
the third and last time going into exile.
" Fear I leave to those generous Royalists
who have never sacrificed a farthing or a
place to their loyalty,— to those champions of
the throne and the altar who lately called me
renegade, apostate, and revolutionisti Pious
libellers, the renegade appeals to you ! Come

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

103

and join me, just to stammer out a word, a
single word, for the unfortunate master who
loaded you with favors, and whom you have
undone. Institutors of coups d'etat, preach
ers of the royal constituent power, where are
you now ? Your present silence is worthy
of your past language. What ! those Preux
Chevaliers whose meditated exploits have
made the descendants of Henry IV. be
driven away with pitchforks, now tremble
crouching under the tri-colored cockade ! This
is quite natural. The noble colors with which
they decorate themselves protect their per
sons, but do not conceal their infamy.
" In thus frankly expressing my opinion, I
do not conceive that I am performing an act
of heroism. We have nothing to fear from
a people whose judgment and courage are
equal, nor from the generous youth whom I
admire, with whom I sympathize with all my
soul, and to whom, as to my country, I wish
honor, glory, and liberty. Had I the right
to dispose of a crown, I would willingly lay
it at the feet of the Duke of Orleans. But I
see no vacancy, except that of a tomb at St.
Denis, and not a throne. Whatever destiny
may await the Lieutenant-General of the
Kingdom, I shall never be his enemy, if he
makes my country happy. I ask only to
retain the liberty of my conscience, and the
right of going to die wherever I may find
independence and repose. I vote against the
declaration." This speech of M. de Chateaubriand, es
pecially his sarcastic invective, produced a
great sensation. His chivalrous devotion to
the justly excluded line was poetical — his
logic amusing.
The chamber adopted all the articles of the
Declaration of Rights, except that which de
clared the creations of Peers by Charles X.
null and void. This question the Chamber
left to the decision of the Lieutenant-General.
Upon the ballot there were eighty Peers for
the Declaration, and ten against it. A grand
Deputation was appointed to carry it up to
the Duke of Orleans, and at ten o'clock the
Chamber •went to the Palais Royal for that
purpose.

In the mean time the Chamber of Depu
ties proceeded to the Palais Royal, attended
by the National Guards. The Duke, sur
rounded by his family, received them. M.
Lafitte having read to his Royal Highness the
act of the constitution, the Duke replied in
the following terms : —
" I receive with deep emotion the Declara
tion you present to me ; I regard it as the
expression of the national will, which ap
pears to me to be conformable to the poli

tical principles I have professed throughout
my life.
" Filled with recollections which have always
made me hope never to be called to ascend
the throne, exempt from ambition, and? ha
bituated to the life of peace which I led with
my family, I cannot conceal from you the
sentiments which agitate ray mind at this
great conjuncture; but there is one which
entirely predominates over all the rest — the
love of my country. I am fully impressed
with the duties it prescribes to me, and I
will perform them."
His Royal Highness was deeply affected.
Surrounded by his family, he embraced M.
Lafitte. Acclamations of " Vive le Roi !"
Vive la Reina !" " Vive la Famille Royale !"
burst from every voice present, and were re
iterated by thousands in the courts of the
palace. The voice of the multitude called
forth the Prince to the balcony, accompanied
by M. Lafayette. They were both received
with acclamations, which were redoubled
when the Duchess of Orleans presented her
children to the people. M. Lafayette, struck
by this unanimity of feeling, took the hand
of the Duke of Orleans, saying, " We have
done well ; you are the Prince we want ; this is
the best of republics !" After dinner, an in
numerable crowd demanded to see the Duke,
and he made his appearance at the balcony,
with his whole family.
At half-past ten the Chamber of Peers ar
rived to present the Declaration which they
had agreed to. Baron Pasquier, the President,
delivered the following address to the Duke
of Orleans.
"Monseigneur — The Chamber of Peers
are come to present to your Royal Highness
the act which is to secure our future destiny.
You formerly defended with arms our new
and inexperienced liberties; to-day you are
about to consecrate them by institutions and
laws. Your exalted understanding, your
inclinations, the recollections of your whole
life, promise that we shall find in you a
citizen king. You will respect our gua
rantees, which are at the same time your
own. This noble family we see around you,
brought up in the love of their country, of
justice, and of truth, will ensure to our
children the peaceable enjoyment of that
Charter you are about to swear to maintain,
and the benefits of a government at once
stable and free."
To this address His Royal Highness re
plied as follows : —
" Gentlemen. — by presenting to me this
Declaration you have testified, a confidence
which deeply affects me. Attached from
convictipn to constitutional principles, I de
sire nothing so much as a good understand-

104

ANNALS OF THE

ing between the two Chambers. I thank
you for affording me ground to reckon upon
it. You have imposed upon me a great
task; I will endeavour to prove myself
worthy of it."
There is only one thing remarkable in the
Duke's answer to the Baron's address ; it is
a word — the first word — he styled the peers
" Gentlemen."

Whatever was the difference of opinion as
to the form of government to be established,
at a moment when the nation was free to
choose between a limited monarchy and a
republic, it existed only among those classes
whose opportunities of appreciating the fit
ness or applicability of either system to the
situation of France had been limited by
youth and inexperience on the one hand, or
by a want of the necessary degree of political"
knowledge and information on the other.
The students, for instance, in the schools
of law and medicine, of whom there are many
thousands in Paris, were almost all, more or
less, deeply tinged with republican opinions.
Yesterday and to-day the courts and pas
sages connected with the Chamber of De
puties were crowded with these youthful pub
licists, in their anxiety to witness, and, as
some asserted, to overawe the important de
liberations of the representative Chamber.
A scene of an interesting" nature took
place this morning at the Palais Royal, in
consequence of their enthusiastic demonstra
tions in favor of what was thought to be
essential to public liberty. It strikingly in
dicates the sentiments entertained by those of
the French youth enjoying the greatest advan
tages in point of education, and throws light on
the plain good sense ofthe Duke of Orleans.
A number of these young men, most con
spicuous for the warmth with which they
had expressed their political sentiments, were
carried to the Palais Royal, and introduced
to the Duke of Orleans by a gentleman, who,
on presenting them, informed his Royal
Highness that he brought with him a few of,
his young friends, who, he observed, with a
smile, were all zealous republicans.
" That does not surprise me," replied the
Duke : " at their age I, too, was a republican.
I was a Girondist, but never a Montagnard."
" Cependant, Monseigneur," interposed one
of the young men, with some hesitation.
" The Montagnards have done a great deal
of mischief, gentlemen," continued the Duke.
" But," replied another of the party, " my
father was one of them."
" And so was mine," rejoined the Prince.
" We knovf very well," added the young
man who had previously spoken, ?that at
present a republic is out of the question ; but

we wish at least to see our liberties secured
by sufficient guarantees."
" On that point," said the Duke, " we per
fectly understand each other."
On this the young republicans withdrew,
expressing to each other much less exalted
opinions as to the nature and supremacy of
popular right than before their admission into
the presence of royalty. On descending the
last steps of the Palace, one of the most en
thusiastic of their number observed to his
companions, " Eh bien, mes amis, Le Prince
est un brave homme: c'est un 221."

The "221" was the number of a majority
of Deputies in the former Chamber, who
voted what was called an " insolent address"
to Charles X., against the measure of the
ministers, and defeated their desire of effect
ing unconstitutional purposes by legislative.
forms. The address was the main ground for
dissolving the Chamber, and having recourse
to a new election. The electors returned the
present deputies, the majority of whom, had
they been convoked, would have been as re
fractory as the Deputies ofthe former Chamber.
The last ordinance signed by Charles X.
was for the suppression of the Polytechnic
School. One of the pupils related, in con
versation, the feeling which induced the stu
dents to join the people of Paris, and the
manner in which the citizens received them.
" We knew that our school was soon to be;
abolished, and that the studies at which we
had so long burned the midnight lamp
would become useless to us. If we there
fore required any thing more than a love of
country to do our duty — and thank God,"
added he, striking his breast, "not one
amongst us did — we should have found it in
our own personal, interests. We had na
sooner received intelligence that from the ex
cessive state of excitement created throughout
the town, by the obnoxious measures of Po
lignac, a popular commotion was to be ap
prehended, than we sallied forth en masse.
We had scarcely traversed three streets, when
our further progress was arrested by an armed
mob. ' Is not (they said) the Ecole Poly
technique what it was in 1814? Do you
mean to sully its fair fame?' Our surprise at
first at such a reception, from those whose
interests it was our intention to espouse, was
extreme, until one of our companions fortu
nately perceived that in our hurry to partici
pate in what was passing, we had neglected
to take the fleurs-de-lis from our hats. To
give you an idea of the enthusiastic cheers
with which we were greeted when we dashed
this tyrannic badge to the ground, would be
in vain. Many amongst us were elected
chiefs by the people themselves, a still greater

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

105

number rose themselves unsolicited to that
dignity ; in the course of the day each leader '
succeeded in procuring a horse, the greater
number of which were taken from the gen
darmes, and, if we did not raise, we at least
maintained unsullied the reputation of the
Ecole Polytechnique. But, where all proved
themselves heroes, none deserve praise. A
companion of mine fought beside a wine-mer
chant; a Swiss aimed at him a sabre blow

with such violence, that the blade broke in
his chest ; the patriot's gun fell from his
hand, his lips quivered, and he remained
for a moment, as it were, unconscious of
what was passing around him ; but it was but
for a moment, for, with a resolution of pur
pose which mocks description, dragging the
broken sword from his mutilated body, he
handed it to my friend, " Apportez le a ma
femme, dis lui que je s'ai recu pour la patrie.''

MONDAY, AUGUST 9.

Yesterday, Sunday, nothing of public
interest occurred. It was the anniversary
of the accession of the Polignac adminis
tration. To-day the Duke of Orleans was to be en
throned King of the French, upon condition
of his accepting the Declaration of Rights.
By seven o'clock in the morning the peo
ple anxiously crowded round the gates of the
Palace of Deputies. At ten o'clock they had
occupied the tribunes. At noon all the De
puties were present. Only four or five mem
bers of the right were observed, Messrs.
Berryer de Lardemelle, Murat, Paul de
Chateaudouble, &c. At one o'clock the
Peers began to occupy the benches assigned
them on the right of the throne. The tribune
of the diplomatic body was almost entirely
filled with ladies. There were a few Charges
d' Affaires and a general officer, who ap
peared to be an Englishman.
The fleur-de-lis, which decorated the
velvet curtain ofthe throne, had been removed.
Four large tri-colored flags were displayed to
the right and left of the throne. Three red
velvet stools were before it. Lower down, to
the right and leff, were the benches for the
provisional Ministers. The National Guard
alone were on duty at the Palace.
Two seats covered with pink silk were
placed in the centre of the Assembly, on the
last bench generally occupied by the Ministers
Secretaries of State; they were for the Presi
dents of the Chamber of Deputies and the
Chamber of Peers. The Peers were to the
number of ninety.
Soon after one o'clock the provisional Com
missioners for the several departments of
Justice, the Interior, Foreign Affairs, War.
Finance, Public Instruction, entered the Hall,
The tribune intended for the family of the
Lieutenant-General was opened at a quarter
past two, and all eyes were turned to that
side. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of
Orleans entered first; Mademoiselle d'Or
leans, the Prince de Joinville, and the Duke
de Montpensier, seated themselves on her
right hand; Mademoiselles de Valois and
Baujdlais on her left. The Princess ap

peared to be greatly moved. She several
times saluted the assembly. Her dress and
that of the young Princesses were plain
white robes. The Princes were dressed in
sky blue frock coats.
The crown, the sceptre, the sword, and
the hand of justice were brought upon a rich-
cushion, and placed upon a table to the
right of the throne.
Four Marshals of France, the Dukes of
Treviso, Tarentem, and Reggio, and Count
Molitor, placed themselves standing behind
the throne.
At half-past two sounds of warlike music
were heard in the assembly, announcing the
arrival of the Prince. Profound silence en
sued. The great deputation returned to the
Hall. M. Cassimir Perrier, President of the
Chamber of Deputies, and M. Pasquier,
President of the Chamber of Peers, took the'
two seats prepared for them.
The Duke of Orleans entered' the Hall,
followed by his two sonsji the Dukes de
Chartres and Nemours, and took their places
some feet before the throne.
Cries, a thousand times repeated, of " Vive
le Due d'Orleans!" &c, were heard from all
the benches : the public in the galleries
joined in these acclamations. The Prince
bowed several times, and said, " Gentlemen,
be seated." The Prince himself sat down
and put on his hat, and requested the Pre
sident to read to him the declaration of the
Chamber of Deputies.
M. Cassimir Perrier, the President, then
read with a firm and loud voice, during a
most solemn silence, the Declaration of the
Chamber of Deputies. He then ascended
the steps, bowed to the Prince, who rose, re
ceived the declaration from his hands, and
said —
" Monsieur, the President of the Chamber
of Peers, I request you to deliver to me the
act of adherence given by the Peers of
France to the declaration of the Chamber of
Deputies." t
Baron Pasquier delivered to the Duke,
with the same ceremonial, the act of adher
ence ofthe Chamber of Peers.

106

ANNALS OF THE

, The Prince Lieutenant-General then said,
in a strong and sonorous voice,
"Gentlemen, Peers and Deputies,
" I have read with great attention
the Declaration of the Chamber of Deputies,
and the adherence of the Chamber of Peers.
I have weighed and meditated all the expres
sions of them. I accept, without restriction
or reserve, all the clauses and engagements
which this Declaration contains, and the title
of King of the French which it confers upon
me. I am ready to swear to the observance
of them."
Scarcely were these words pronounced,
when cries of " Vive le Roi ! " " Vive Phi
lippe 1. ! " resounded through the Hall. The
King bowed, and, raising his hand towards
heaven, pronounced the following oath : —
" In the presence of God I swear faithfully
to observe the Constitutional Charter, with
the changes and modifications expressed in
the declaration of the Chamber of Deputies :
to govern only by the laws, and according to
the laws ; to cause good and strict justice to
be done to every body# according to his
right; and to act in all things solely with a
view to promote the happiness and the glory
of the French people."
This solemn oath was received with new
acclamations. The Chambers and the gal
leries were turned towards the gallery of the
Royal family, and cries of " Viv&la Reine ! "
'f Vive la Famille Royale ! " arose from all
parts of the Hall, and were repeated by the
immense crowd that surrounded the Palace.

¦The.; King immediately signed the decla
ration, the act of adherence, and the oath.
Philippe I. then sat down on the throne,
and delivered the following speech :—
" Messrs. Peers and Deputies,
" I have maturely reflected on the extent
of the duties which are imposed upon me.
I have the consciousness of being able to fulfil
them by causing the compact of alliance
which has been proposed to me to be ob
served. " I should have ardently desired never to
fill the throne to which the national will calls
me; but I yield to this will, expressed to the
Chambers in the name of the French people,
for the maintenance of the Charter and the
laws. " The modifications which we have just
made in the Charter guarantee the security
of the future and the prosperity of France.
Happy at home, respected abroad, at peace
with Europe, it will be more consolidated."
Fresh acclamations rose in the Hall, and
did not cease till long after the departure of
the King and his august family.
M. Dupont de l'Eure, Commissioner for
the department of Justice, said — " The King
invites the members of the two Chambers to
meet to-morrow in their respective palaces
to make oath to the Charter, and to continue
their labors."
The crowd dispersed slowly to the sound
of military music, and the Queen mingled
in the Hall of conferences with the people,
amidst their acclamations.

DECLARATION OF RIGHTS.— THE CHARTER OF 1830.

The provisions and propositions upon
which, in behalf of the people, the Chamber
of Deputies called the Duke of Orleans to
the throne, and which, having been acceded to
by. the Chamber of Peers, he accepted and
swore to observe as the Charter ofthe nation,
are contained in the annexed document,
signed by the President, Vice-president, and
Secretary ; and signed by the Duke of Or
leans in the presence of the two Chambers,
in the morning above related, previous to his
taking the oath and being admitted to sit
down upon the throne.
" declaration of the chamber of de
puties.
" The Chamber of Deputies, taking into
consideration the imperious necessity which
is the result of the 26th, 27th, 28th, and
29th of July and the following days, and the
situation in which France is at this moment
placed, in consequence of this violation of
the Constitutional Charter ; considering,

however, that by this violation, and the he
roic resistance of the citizens of Paris, his
Majesty King Charles X., his Royal High
ness Louis Antoine, his son, and the senior
members of the Royal House, are leaving
the kingdom of France, — declares that the
throne is vacant de facto et dejure, and that
there is an absolute necessity of providing
for it.
" The Chamber of Deputies declare, se
condly, that according to the wish, and for
the interest of the people of France, the pre
amble of the Constitutional Charter is omitted,
as wounding the national dignity in appear
ing to grant to them rights which essentially
belong to them; and that the following articles
of the same Charter ought to be suppressed
or modified in the following manner : —
" Article 1. Frenchmen are to be equal
before the law, whatever may be their titles
or their ranks.
" Art. 2. They ave to contribute in pro-

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

107

portion to their fortunes to the charges of
the state.
" Art. 3. They are all to be equally ad
missible to civil and military employments.
" Art. 4. Their individual liberty is
equally guaranteed. No person can be either
prosecuted or arrested, except in cases pre
scribed by the law.
" Art. 5. Each one may profess his reli
gion with equal liberty, and shall obtain for
his religious worship the same protection.
" Art. 6. The Ministers of the Catholic
Apostolic and Roman Religion, professed by
the majority of the French, and those of
other Christian worship, receive stipends
from the Public Treasury.
, " Art. 7. Frenchmen have the right of
publishing and printing their opinions, pro
vided they conform themselves to the laws,
The Censorship can never be re-established.
" Art. 8. All property, without excep
tion, is to be inviolable ; of that which is
called national, the law makes no difference.
" Art. 9. The State can exact the sacri
fice of property for the good of the public,
legally proved ; but an indemnity shall be
first given to those who may suffer from the
change. " Art. 10. All searching into the opin
ions and votes given before the restoration
is interdicted, and the same forgetfulness is
commanded to be adopted by the tribunals
and by the citizens.
" Art. 11. The conscription is abolished;
the method of recruiting the army for land
and sea is to be determined by the law.
" Forms of the King's Government.
. "Art. 12. The person of the King is in
violable and sacred: his ministers are re
sponsible ; to the King alone belongs execu
tive power.
" Art. 13. The King is to be the chief su
preme of the State ; to command the forces
by sea and by land ;• to declare war ; to make
treaties of peace and alliances of commerce ;
to name all those who are employed in the
public administrations, and to make all the
regulations necessary for the execution of the
laws, without having power either to suspend
the laws themselves or dispense with their exe
cution. Nevertheless, no foreign troops can
ever be admitted into the service of the
state without an express law.
"Art. 14. The legislative power is to be
exercised collectively by the King, the Cham
ber of Peers, and the Chamber of Deputies.
' " Art. 15. The proposition of the laws is
to belong to the King, to the Chamber of
Peers, and to the Chamber of Deputies.
i Nevertheless, all the laws of taxes are to
be first voted by the Chamber of Deputies.

" Art. 16. Every law to be freely dis
cussed, and voted by the majority of each of
the two Chambers.
" Art. 17. If a proposed law be rejected
by one of the three powers, it cannot be
brought forward again in the same session.
" Art. 18. The King can alone sanction
and promulgate the laws.
" Art. 19. The Civil List is to be fixed for
the duration of the reign, by the Legislative
Assembly, after the accession of the King.
" Of the Chamber of Peers.
" Art. 20. The Chamber of Peers is to
form an essential portion of the Legislative
Power. "Art. 21. It is to be convoked by the
King at the same time as the Chamber of
Deputies of the Departments. The session
of one is to begin and finish at the same
time as the other.
" Art. 22. Any assembly of the Chamber
of Peers which shall be held at a time
which is not that of the session of the Cham
ber of Deputies is illicit, and null of full
right, except the case in which it is assembled'
as a Court of Justice, and then it can only
exercise judicial functions.
" Art. 23. The nomination of the Peers of
France is the prerogative of the King. Their
number is unlimited. He can vary their dig
nities, and name them Peers for life, or make
them hereditary, at his pleasure.
" Art. 24. Peers can enter the Chamber at
25 years of age, but have only a deliberative
voice at the age of 30 years.
" Art. 25. The Chamber of Peers is to be
presided over by the Chancellor of France,
and in his absence by a Peer named by the
King. " Art. 26. The Princes of the Blood are'
to be Peers by right of birth. They are to.
take their seats next to the President.
" Art. 27. The sittings of the Chamber of
Peers are to be public, as well as those
of the Chamber of Deputies.
"Art. 28. The Chamber of Peers takes
cognizance of high treason, and of atteigpts
against the surety of the state, which is to be>
defined by the law.
" Art. 29. No Peer can be arrested but by
the authority of the Chamber, or judged but
by it in a criminal matter.
"of the chamber of deputies or the
departments.
" Art. 30. The Chamber of Deputies will
be, composed of Deputies elected by the
Electoral Colleges, of which the organisation ¦
is to be determined by the laws.
"Art. 31. The Deputies are to be ejected
for the space of five years.

108

ANNALS OF THE

"Art. '32. No Deputy can be admitted
into the Chamber till he has attained the age
of thirty years, and if he does not possess the
other conditions prescribed by law.
"Art. 33. If, however, there should not
be in the department fifty persons of the age
specified, paying, the amount of taxes fixed
by law, their number shall be completed ;
from the persons who pay the greatest amount
of taxes under the amount fixed by law.
Art. 34. No person can be an elector if
he is under twenty-five years of age ; and if
he does not possess^ all the other conditions
determined upon by the law.
Art. 35. The Presidents of the electoral
colleges are to be named by the electors.
" Art. 36. The half at least of the Depu
ties are to be chosen from those who have
their political residence in the departments.
"Art. 37. The President of the Chamber
of Deputies is to be elected by itself at the
opening of each session.
" Art. 38. The sittings of the Chambers
are to be public, but the request of five
members will be sufficient to form a select
committee. "Art. 39. The Chamber to be divided into
secret committees, to discuss laws which
may be presented from the King.
"^Vrt. 40. No tax can be established nor
imposed, [if it has not been consented to by:
the two Chambers, and sanctioned by the
King. " Art. 41. The land and house tax can
only be voted for one year. The indirect
taxes may be voted for many years.
" Art. 42. The King is to convoke every
year the two Chambers, and he has the right
to prorogue them, and to dissolve that of the
Deputies of the Departments ; but in this
case he must convoke a new one within the
period of three months.
" Art. 43. No bodily restraint can be exer
cised against a memblr of the Chamber
during the session, nor for six weeks which
precede or follow the session.
"Art. 44. No member of the Chamber can
be, during the session, prosecuted or arrested
in a" criminal matter, except taken in the
act, till after the Chamber has permitted his
arrest. "Art. 45. Every petition to either of the-
Chambers must be made in writing. The
law interdicts its*being carried in person to
the bar. " of, the ministers.
" Art. 46. The Ministers can be Members
of the Chamber of Peers or the Chamber of
Deputies. They have, moreover, their en
trance into either Chamber, and are entitled
to be heard when they demand it.

" Art. 47. Jbe Chamber of Deputies Have
the right of impeaching the Ministers, or of
transferring them before the Chamber of
Peers, who alone can judge them.
" judicial regulations.
" Art. 48. All justice emanates from the
King; he administers in his name by the
judges, whom he names, and whom he insti
tutes. "Art. 49. The judges named by the King
are immovable.
"Art. 50. The ordinary courts and tri
bunals existing are to be maintained, and
there is to be no change but by virtue of a
law. - "Art. 51. The actual institution of the
Judges of Commerce is preserved.
" Art. 52. The office of Justice of Peace is
equally preserved. The justices of peace,
though named by the King, are not im
movable. \
" Art. 53. No one can be deprived of his
natural judges.
" Art. 54. There cannot, in consequence,
be extraordinary commissions and tribunals
created by any title or denomination what
ever. " Art. 55. The debates will be public in
criminal matters, at least when that publicity
will not be dangerous to the public order
and manners, and in that case the tribunal is
to declare so by a distinct judgment.
"Art. 56. The institution of juries is to be
preserved ; the changes which a longer ex
perience may render necessary can only be
effected by a distinct law.
" Art. 57. The punishment of the confisca
tion of goods is abolished, and cannot be
re-established. " Art. 58. The King has the right to par
don and to commute the punishment.
" Art. 59. The Civil Code, and the actual
laws existing, that are not contrary to the
presgnt Charter, will remain in full force
until they shall be legally derogated.
" particular rights guaranteed BY THE
STATE.
"Art. 60. The military in actual service,,
officers and soldiers, retired widows, officers
and soldiers pensioned, are to preserve their
grades, honors, and pensions.
"Art. 61. The public debt is guaranteed —
every sort of engagement made by the state
with its creditors is to be inviolable.
" Art. 62. The ancient nobility are to re
sume their titles; the new are to preserve
theirs ; the King is to create Nobles at his
pleasure ; but he only grants to them rank
and honors, without exemption from the

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

109

* charges and duties imposed on them as
members of society.
? " Art. 63. The Legion of Honor is to be
maintained. The King is to determine the
regulations and decorations.
" Art. 64. The French Colonies are to be
governed by particular laws.
" Art. 65. The King and his successors
are to swear, on their accession, in presence
of the assembled Chambers, to observe faith
fully the Constitutional Charter.
" Art. 66. The present Charter, and the
rights it consecrates, shall be entrusted to
the patriotism and courage of the National
Guard and all the French citizens.
" Art. 67. France resumes her colors ; for
the future there will be no other cockade
than the tri-colored. "special provisions.
"All the creations of Peers during the
reign of Charles X. are declared null and
void. "Art. 27 of the Charter will undergo a
fresh examination during the session of 1831.
"The Chamber of Deputies declare, thirdly,
that it is necessary to provide successively
for separate laws, and that with the shortest
possible delay.
" 1. For the extension of the trial by jury
to misdemeanors, and particularly those of
the press.
" 2. For the responsibility of Ministers
and the secondary agents of Government.
"3. For the re-election of Deputies ap
pointed to public functions.
" 4. For the annual voting ofthe army es
timates. " 5. For the organisation of the National
Guards, and for the choice of their own
officers. " 6. For a military code, ensuring in a le
gal manner the situation of officers of all
ranks. " 7. For the departmental and municipal
administrations. " 8. For public instruction and the free
dom of tuition.
"9. For the abolition of the double vote,
and for the fixing of the qualification for elec
tors and deputies.
"10. Declaring that all laws and ordi
nances which are contrary to the measures
adopted for the reform of the Charter are
thenceforward annulled and abrogated.
"Upon condition of accepting these pro
visions and propositions, the Chamber of
Deputies declares that the universal and
pressing interest of the French people calls
to the throne his Royal Highness Louis
Philippe d'Orleans, Due d' Orleans,
Lieutenant-General of the Kingdom, and his

descendants for ever, from male to male, in
the order of primogeniture, and to the per
petual exclusion of the female branches and
their descendants.
"In consequence his Royal Highness
Louis Philippe d'Orleans, Lieutenant-
General ofthe Kingdom, shall be invited to
accept and make oath to the above clauses
and engagements — the observance of the
Constitutional Charter, and the modifications
indicated — and, after having made oath be
fore the assembled Chambers, to assume the
title of the King of the French.
" Debated at the Palace of the Chamber
of Deputies, 7th of August, 1830.
" President and Secretaries.
" Lafitte, Vice-President,
"Jacqueminot.
" Pavee de Vendeuvre.
" Cunin-Gridaine.
" Jars. >
" Examined with the original by us, Presi
dent and Secretaries —
" Lafitte.
"Jars." Jacqueminot.
"Pavee de Vendeuvre, Deputy d l'Aube.
" Cunin Gridaine, Depute des Ardennes."

" FRENCH PRINCIPLES.'"^
The preceding, being the Constitutional
Charter of 1830, is grounded upon " French
Principles." Many persons in England
know nothing of these principles but the
familiar use of the term. Some may incline
to acquaint themselves with its meaning.
French principles are a series of Articles
which were drawn up and agreed upon by
the National Assembly at Paris in 1789.
These principles or articles they called "The
Declaration of Rights," and proposed as the
basis of a government they desired to es
tablish. The document is annexed, viz. —
"The Declaration of Rights.
" The Representatives of the people of
France farmed into a National Assembly,
considering that ignorance, neglect, or con
tempt of human rights, are the sole causes
of public misfortunes and corruptions of go
vernment, have resolved to set forth in a
solemn Declaration these natural, impre
scriptible, and unalienable rights — that
this Declaration being constantly present to
the minds of the members of the body social,
they may be ever kept attentive to their
rights and their duties— that the acts of the
legislative and executive powers of govern
ment, being capable of being every moment
compared with the end of political institu
tions, may be more respected j and also, —

110

ANNALS OF THE

that the future Claims of the citizens, being
directed by simple and incontestible prin
ciples, may always tend to the maintenance
of the constitution, and the general happi
ness. " I'or these reasons the National Assembly
doth recognize and declare, in the presence
of the supreme Being and with the hope of
his blessing and favor, the following sacred
rights of men and of citizens : —
" I. Men were born and always continue
free, and equal in respect of their rights.
Civil distinctions, therefore, can be founded
only on public utility.
"II. The end of all political associations
is the preservation of the natural and im
prescriptible rights of man ; and these rights
are liberty, property, security, and resistance
of oppression.
" III. The nation is essentially the source
•of all sovereignty ; nor can any individual,
or any body of men, be entitled to any
authority which is not expressly derived
from it.
" IV. Political liberty consists in the
power of doing whatever does not injure
another. The exercise of the natural rights
of every man has no other limits than those
which are necessary to secure to every other
man Jhe free exercise of the same rights ;
and "these limits are determinable only by
the law.
" V. The law ought to prohibit only
actions hurtful to society. What is not pro
hibited by the law should not be hindered ;
nor should any one be compelled to that
which the law does not require.
"VI. The law is an expression ofthe will
of the community. All citizens have a right
to concur, either personally or by their repre
sentatives, in its formation. It should be the
same to all, whether it protects or punishes^;
and all, being equal in its sight, are equally
eligible to all honors, places, and employ
ments, according to their different abilities,
without any other distinction than that created
by their virtues and talents.
"VLT. No man should be accused, ar-
Tested, or held in confinement, except in
cases determined by the law, and according
to the forms which it has prescribed. All
who promote, solicit, execute, or cause to be
executed, arbitrary orders, ought to be
punished : and every citizen called upon or
apprehended by virtue of the law ought im
mediately to ijbey, and renders himself
culpable by resistance.
"VIII. The law ought to impose no
other penalties than such as are absolutely
and evidently necessary ; and no one ought
to be punished, but in virtue of a law pro

mulgated before the offence,' and legally
applied. " IX. Every man being presumed innocent
till he has been convicted, whenever his de
tention becomes indispensable, all rigor to
him, more than is necessary to secure his
person, ought to be provided against by the
law. " X. No man ought to be molested on ac
count of his opinions, not even on account
of his religious opinions, provided his avowal
of them does not disturb the public order
established by the law.
" XI. The unrestrained communication of
thoughts and opinions being one of the most
precious rights of man, every citizen mayspeak,
write, and publish freely, provided he is re
sponsible for the abuse of this liberty in cases
determined by the law.
" XII. A public force being necessary to
give security to the rights of men and of
citizens, that fojpce is instituted for the benefit
of the community, and not for the particular
benefit of the persons to whom it is en
trusted. " XIIL A common contribution being ne
cessary for the support of the public force,
and for defraying the other expenses of go
vernment, it ought to be divided equally
among the members of the community, ac
cording to their abilities.
" XIV. Every citizen has a right, either
by himself or his representative, to a free
voice in determining the necessity of public
contributions, the appropriation of them, and
their amount, mode of assessment, and du
ration. " XV. Every community has a right to
demand of all its agents an account of their
conduct. " XVI. Every community, in which a se
paration of powers and a security of rights
is not provided for, wants a constitution.
" XVII. The right to property being in
violable and sacred, no one ought to be de
prived of it, except in cases of evident
public necessity legally ascertained, and on
condition of a previous just indemnity.
French Principles being thus stated by
the National Assembly of 1789, it is proper
to subjoin the motives by which, in their
first address to their constituents, they repre
sent themselves to have been actuated. Their
observations are applicable to the situation
of France in 1830. They say, —
" We should betray you, were we capable
of concealing the truth. The nation is at this
moment on the point of rising to the most
illustrious destiny, or of sinking into the gulf
of misfortune.

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

" A great revolution has been effected, the
very project of which, a few months ago,
would have appeared chimerical. Accele
rated by circumstances, which no human
prudence could calculate, this revolution has
involved the entire subversion of the ancient
system ; and, without leaving us the time to
prop up that part of the fabric which ought
still to be preserved, or to replace what ought
to be destroyed, it has on a sudden sur
rounded us with ruins.
" If you do not, by your immediate assist
ance, restore motion and life to the political
body, the most glorious of revolutions must
perish almost as soon as it saw the light ; it
will return into that chaos whence so many
genertfiis efforts have called it forth into ex
istence; and those who are determined to
preserve, for ever, the invincible love of
liberty, would not leave, even to unworthy
citizens, the shameful consolation of resuming
the fetters of slavery.
" Since the moment that your deputies,
forming a just and necessary union, have
sacrificed to concord every species of rival-
ship and opposition of interest, the national
assembly have not ceased to toil for the
establishment of laws, which, being the same
for all, should form the safeguard of all. The
National Assembly have repaired the most
important errors; they have broken the
bonds of a multitude of slavish oppressions,
which degraded humanity; they have filled
with joy and hope the hearts of the peasants,
those creditors of the earth and of nature, so
long discouraged and despised ; they have
established that precious equality too much
unknown to the French— -the common right to
serve the state, to enjoy its protection, and
to merit its favors ; in short, according to
your instructions, the National Assembly are
employed in erecting gradually, on the im
moveable basis of the unalienable rights of
man, a constitution mild as nature herself,
durable as justice, and of which the imper
fections, an unavoidable consequence of the
inexperience of its authors, will easily be re
paired. " We have had to combat with the invete
rate prejudices of ages, and great changes
are attended by a thousand uncertainties.
Our successors will be enlighened by expe
rience ; but we have endeavoured to trace a
new route-by the light of principles only. They
will fabor in peace, but we have been tried
with dreadful storms. They will know their
fights, and the limits ofthe several powers ; we
have recovered the first, and fixed the second.
They will consolidate our work— they will
surpass us ; and that shall be" our recom
pense. Who shall now presume to limit the
grandeur of France ? Who would not ele-

111
vate his hopes ? Who would not rejoice to
be a citizen of this empire?"
French Principles were frustrated in their
progress, and the objects of the individuals
who promulgated them were defeated, by-
circumstances which are now matter of his
tory. Some of the ablest men among those
that framed the Declaration of Rights fell iq
defence of their principles, by the axe of the
guillotine, during a reign of terror which
subdued order and virtue, and deluged
France with blood. The individuals perished,
but their principles survive.
French Principles have worked, are
working, and will work.

French Principles became the admira
tion of the enlightened and the wise. In
this excellent class ranked Roscoe of Liver
pool, — whose honored name will be ever
venerated by the lovers of literature and
liberty. He hailed the new birth of Free
dom forty years ago, in verses of lasting re
nown; and he yet lives — though gently fading
from the earth — to be revived by the re-ap
pearance and application of the principles
which, through good and evil report, he has
advocated during a long life of high-minded
philanthropy, and intense devotion to the
abolition of slavery all over the world.
SONG.
By William Roscoe, Esq.
O'er the vine-coverM hills and gay regions of France,
See the day star of Liberty rise,
Through the clouds of detraction unwearied advance,
And hold its gay course through the skies.
An effulgence so mild, with a lustre so bright,
All Europe with wonder surveys ;
And, from deserts of darkness and dungeons of night.
Contends for a share of the blaze.
Let Burke like a bat from its splendor retire,
A splendor too strong for his eyes ;
Let pedants and fools his effusions admire,
Entrapp'd in his cobwebs like flies ;
Shall Frenzy and Sophistry hope to prevail
When Reason opposes its weight,
When the welfare of millions is hung in the scale,
And the balance yet trembles with fate ?
Ah ! who, 'midst the horrors of night would abide,
That can taste the pure breezes of morn ?
Or who that has drank of the crystalline tide
To the feculent flood would return 1
When the bosom of beauty the throbbing heart meets,
Ah ! who can its transports decline 1
Then who, that has tasted of Liberty's sweets,
The prize but with life would resign t
But 'tis over ; high Heaven the decision approves,
Oppression has struggled in vain,
To the hell she has form'd Superstition removes,
And Tyranny gnaws his own chain ;
In the records of Time a new aera unfolds,
All nature exults in its birth,
The Creator benign his creation beholds,
And gives a new charter to earth.
O catch its high import, ye winds, as ye blow,
O bear it ye waves as ye' roll,
From regions that feel the sun's vertical glow
To the farthest extremes of the pole :
Equal laws, equal rights, to the nations around,
Peace and friendship their precepts impart ;
And, wherever the footsteps of Mao shall be found,
May he bind the decree on his heart ! ,

112

ANNALS OF THE

CONDUCT OF THE FRENCH.
Right thinking people in every country
have duly estimated the people of Paris, in
the noble stand they made for Liberty. —
Meetings were held at London, Liverpool,
Manchester, Birmingham, aud other towns
throughout the kingdom, to testify public
approbation of their conduct, and to raise
and transmit money for the relief of the
wounded, and the widows and orphans of
those who fell.

At a public meeting in Edinburgh,
Francis Jeffrey, Esq., Dean of Faculty,
moved the following noble resolution : —
" That the people of France having, with
unexampled efforts of courage, and under
every disadvantage of preparation, baffled
the profligate attempt of their late Monarch
to violate the sacred compact by which he
held his crown, and to support that aggression
by the most atrocious abuse of his military
authority ; and having, in the very moment
of their sudden triumph, and while yet ex
cited by the sanguinary struggle through
which it had been obtained, made no other
use of the power with which it invested them
than to exclude from the throne the tyrant
and his descendants, and to make such alter
ations only in the Charter of their liberties as
were calculated to prevent the recurrence of
similar calamities, and give security and per
manence to their free institutions ; have, by
thus uniting wisdom with heroism, and mod
eration with victory, not only vindicated their
own rights in a manner the most glorious,
but done all that in them lay to maintain the
peace of Europe, and have consequently en
titled themselves to the high admiration and
gratitude of all the friends of good order
and especially of the people of Britain, who
wrought out and established their own free
dom by kindred measures, and have, of all
nations, most cause to rejoice in the liberty
and happiness of France."
Mr. Jeffrey, in the course of an able
speech, delivered sentiments which in justice
to the French people and to ourselves it is
important to recollect, and therefore to record.
He said — " Let the meeting contrast there-
volution of 1790 with that of 1830. The
former characterised by insane councils, and
by the atrocities of those wicked instruments
by which those councils were carried into
execution — when every thing venerable —
every thing established — every thing sacred —
every thing human or divine which could
command veneration or respect — when re
ligion, dignity, rank — all that had pretensions
to superior worth, was levelled in one chaos
of min and disorder — when a series of abom

inations were committed, almost incredible
in a Christian land. Then no quarter was
given — np offence was requisite to justify the
slaughter of all who were suspected as being
defenders of ancient royalty : women and child
ren — ladies of rank, delicacy, and unimpeach
able virtue, were treated with cruelty, brutal?
ity,and insult, merely because they bore names
which had adorned the history of France —
the guillotine was the remedy for every ex
cess — the country was deluged by a sea of
blood— and all the porters at the gates or
hotels of Paris were indiscriminately mas
sacred in cold blood, merely because known
by the general name of Swiss, to which many
of them had no title. Look at the contrast
of 1830. Although employed in th'e first
days of the revolution in cutting down and
slaughtering the people, not one of those
same Swiss who asked quarter was refused
it — not a single atrocity — not a single excess
had been committed even in the excitement
of victory. (Applause.) As a consummation
of the whole, look at the treatment of Charles
X. and of Louis XVI. Contrast the total
forbearance from violence or even insult —
the respect and gravity with which that in
fatuated, he might say guilty tyrant, was
ushered out of that kingdom, the dominion
of which he had forfeited. Guards of honor
attending him — riding proudly in his carriage,
surrounded by his family, and conducted by
the representatives of the people, he passed
through the country, amidst a mixed feeling
of sympathy and contempt no doubt, but
unhurt by either insult or injury. (Loud
applauses.) Compare this proud triumph of
noble minds — this moderation in the exercise
of the rights of a free and magnanimous
people — compare this, he said, with the atro
cities which marked the conduct of their
fathers, and even of some of themselves, when
they brought to the scaffold a benevolent
Prince, whose whole reign had been marked
by a series of concessions to his people.
(Loud applauses.) This was well calculated
to command the admiration of the people of
this country, were the fact merely before
them. But they had the theory as well as the
fact to explain this extraodinary contrast.
The excesses of 1790 were those of slaves
broken loose, who were as unfit for liberty as
they were unworthy of it. (Cheers.) The
conduct of the French in 1830 was that of
men proud of rational liberty, and warned
by the excesses of their ancestors — aware
that the noblest attributes of a free people
were patience, long suffering, and abstinence
from vengeance on a fallen enemy. What a
glorious lesion did this afford to those who
were always afraid of the effects of liberty on
the people, who considered that there was no

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

113

safety but in bonds — and that, when the
people were entrusted with rights, nothing
could follow but disorder and bloodshed !
(Loud applause.) What a proof did this
afford that liberty was the only safe preven
tive of all excesses ! (Applause.) This was
not only the cause of France, it was the cause
of England, it was the cause of Europe, it
was the cause of the whole human race.
(Cheers.) It was a lesson which had now
been a second time repeated, and it was
wonderful how accurately it resembled that
shown by this country above 100 years ago.
Qn this occasion the people had been taught
a lesson ; and at last atoned for the crimes of
their fathers. (Applause.) On this occasion
the stability of the throne or the altar was
not aimed at; on the contrary, the throne and
the altar were more firmly established, and
on a basis of security on which they had
never stood before ; and .it would go far to
disarm all those prejudices which were en
tertained by some even in this country against
rational liberty, and to do away those jealou
sies of popular rights which occasioned
alarms in the minds of many by whom he
believed they were conscientiously entertain
ed. (Applause.) The example they had now
seen would do two things. It would illu
minate the people on the one hand, in giving
free vent to their opinions, — and, on the
other, thrones and altars, principalities and
powers, would be taught to look for an aug
mentation of their strength in seeking the
fair support and affections of the people.
(Loud cheers.) In this country even the most
devoted and inveterate Tories were found
congratulating themselves and their Sovereign
on the triumph which monarchy, principle,
law, and religion had obtained on this glorious
occasion ; and he looked forward to the time
when men of all parties, of all shades and
distinctions, would mingle in the expressions
of their opinions, free from all the acrimony
of party feelings and jealousies. This was
already effected in the religious, and why not
in the political world ? At home, this approx
imation of good feeling and good will had been
conspicuous of late years : men of different
designations in religion no longer denounced
damnation against each other; but treated
each other with Christian charity, although
some shades of difference might exist between
them on the less important and indifferent
points of religion ; and why should not po
litical parties exercise the same forbearance
and charity towards each other ? The time,
he hoped, was not far distant, indeed it was
almost present, when the names of Fox and
Pitt, and the designations of Whig and Tory,
as party distinctioas, would fall into utter
disuse ; and when, in all the practical points ^

of "good government, all parties would be
united. Party animosity was every day going
down ; and the same feelings which had now
directed the French people, he hoped would
soon draw all the nations of the earth into
one common union for the preservation of
rational liberty, and the interchange pf that
benevolence by which the whole race of men
would be exalted and ennobled. (Loud
cheering.) Why had we in this country
been so long accustomed to regard the French
people with contempt? Why, because we
thought them too submissive to arbitrary go
vernment, — too proud of their own national
character — too proud of conquest, and too
little fit to govern and restrain themselves.
They had on this great occasion shown the
reverse of all these faults ; they had been so
moderate and forbearing that he could not
help hoping that the two nations would be
henceforth so united, that there should be no
rivalry between them but in the practice ot
virtue and benevolence, and in the honor
able rivalry of philosophy and the arts.
(Loud cheers.) It had been insinuated in
some quarters that the British Government
patronized the measures of the French Minis
try. When Parliament met, he had no doubt
that the calumny would be put down. In
the mean time, he thought it was proper that
the sense of the nation should be expressed
upon the subject; and that meetings like the
present should take place in all quarters for
that purpose."

CHARLES X.
(From the " Chat ofthe Week.")
Charles Philip, formerly Count d'Artois,
brother and successor to Louis XVIIL, was
born at Versailles, the 9th of October 1757.
He married, in 1773, Maria Teresa of Savoy,
and had issue the Due d' Angouleme (late
Dauphin) the Due de Berri (assassinated),
and the Princess Sophia, who died young.
His wife is also dead. He was brought up
in the court of his grandfather, Louis XV.,
one of the most exacting, foolish, and dissi
pated men that ever existed, which ought to
be remembered in excuse of his grandson,
who showed from an early age all the fruits
of such a soil. He was a rake and a ruffler.
At a ball, when he, was nineteen, he publicly
tore a mask from the face of the Duchess de
Bourbon, for which he had to fight the
Duke. The moment the disorders began in
the state, the Count d'Artois set his face
against all change and all amelioration, and
became very unpopular. On one occasion,
when his brother, the late King Louis XVIIL,
was received with acclamation, it was with

114

ANNALS OF THE

Sifficulty that the count was escorted through
the indignant multitude. He affected to
treat the Revolution as a mutiny. The
destruction of the Bastille showed him that
it was something more. He began, with
alarm, to get a glimpse of the new power
coming up in tlie world, called public opinion,
showed symptoms of agitation at the National
Assembly, when he was obliged to appear
with Louis XVI., and two days afterwards
left France, to concert the means of invading
it with an army of foreigners, and of setting
up the first holy alliance, justly called at the
time a " conspiracy of kings." In the mani
festo published at his instigation, and in the
joint names of himself and his brother, by the
Emperor and the King of Prussia, the King
of France was declared to be an object of
common interest to "all the sovereigns of
Europe" (not to justice or humanity), and a
resolution was announced to restore the mo-
narchial government of France to a condition
" equally suitable to the rights of sovereigns,
and" — what? the happiness ofthe people?
no — "the welfare of the French nobility."
The manifesto came to nothing at the time ;
but the Count d'Artois made an incursion
into Champagne with a corps of emigrants.
The incursion came to as little. After other
ineffectual attempts to get up an army, he
returned into Great Britain, resided a long
time in Edinburgh, at Holyrood House, and
afterwards, with the rest of the family, at
Hartwell, where he remained till Buonaparte
overshot himself in Russia. He then went
poking about the French frontiers, to see
where foreign invasion could come in ; and,
upon Buonaparte's abdication, issued a
manifesto announcing, among other bless
ings, " the triumph of liberty, and the reign
of the laws !" It is needless to state the
particulars of either his subsequent flight and
return, as Napoleon came and went, or of
his various face-makings for and against the
Charter, in quality of prince and sovereign.
His public professions and his real feelings
were always well understood'. He took oath
upon oath to adhere to the Charter, and we
see what they have come to. He dissolved
the last Chamber, because it thwarted his
views ; and, upon seeing that the next was
likely to thwart them more, he dissolved that
before it had assembled !
The whole secret of the matter is, that
Charles X. is a common-place Prince of the
violent order ; an old rake who has become a
devotee, and who was willing to compound
for his own offences, and those of freedom,
by one grand coup-de-main in favor of
priestcraft and tyranny. The priests were
evidently at the bottom of it, from the bitter
ness of what is said against their adversaries <

in the Report of the ministers. The weak
obstinate King, took his feebleness for his
strength; and he had as weak a minister in
Polignac, to do likewise. Polignac seems a
simpleton like the rest of his family, whose
influence was wondered at when they helped
to ruin Marie Antoinette. Twice have his
family been obliged to quit France, and both
times with the Count d'Artois.
^harles X. has been a vain, head-strong,
unteachable man, badly brought up, torgetting
none of his old quarrels with freedom, and
resolved to have " that matter out," as the
phrase is, the first opportunity. He has had
it out, and is out himself.
Charles X. is not wanting in the physical
part of firmness and bravery. He keeps up
his strength and activity by hunting; and,
corporeally speaking, is a respectable old
prince of seventy-three, being intemperate in
nothing but his bigotries. His face is against
him. He shows his teeth like an old hyena,
and his smile is as silly as his purposes^
The duel between Charles X.,when Count
d'Artois, and the Duke of Bourbon, originated
in a masquerade frolic. The count having
a lady with him was followed by the Duchess
of Bourbon. She seized his mask by the
beard and the strings snapped ; the count
seized the Duchess's mask and broke it. The
Duke of Bourbon, conceiving that the sex of
the Duchess should have protected her from
rude retaliation, sent the count d'Artois a
message. The duel took place at the Bois
de Boulogne, near the Porte des Princes ;
and, as related by the Chevalier de Crussol,
the count's second, is a curiosity, as a speci
men of old court manners. The chevalier
says,— " When we reached the Porte des, Princes
I perceived the Duke de Bourbon ion foot,
surrounded by several persons. As soon as
the Count d'Artois perceived the Duke, he
got out of the carriage, and went straight up
to him, and said, smiling, ' Sir, it is said that
you and I are looking for each other.' The
Duke de Bourbon, taking off his hat, replied,
' Sir, I am here to receive your commands.'
'In order to execute yours,' replied the
prince, ' you must allow me to return to my
carriage.' He then went back to his carriage,
and, having taken from it his sword, he re
joined the Duke, and they entered the wood
for about twenty paces; they then stopped,
and each took his station opposite to the
other, sword in hand. They were on the
point of commencing the combat, -when the
Duke de .Bourbon, addressing the Prince,
said, ' Perhaps, Sir, you do not observe that
you stand in a very unfavorable position, as
the sun is directly in your eyes.' ' Right,'

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

115

said the Prince, ' there is as yet little or no
foliage on the trees, and the sun is inconve
nient ; — we shall, however, not find a shady
place unless in the shadow of yonder wall.
It is not far off — let us go to it.' Accordingly,
each put his naked sword under his arm,
and they walked to the proposed spot, side
by side, and conversing together. The
Duke de Bourbon asked the Count if he had
any objection to his (the Duke's) taking off
his coat. The proposal was immediately
agreed to by the Count, who took off his
also, and, their breasts thus entirely open, the
combat commenced. They were a long time
in position, without either of them making a
pass. Suddenly, however," continued M. de
Crussol, " I saw the blood mount to the
cheeks of the Count d'Artois-^from which I
could judge that he was growing impatient.
In fact, he now began to press upon the
Duke rather violently, with the view, as it
seemed, of causing him to lose his caution;
and I perceived the Duke waver a litle. At
this instant the Count d'Artois made a
lunge, in which his sword seemed to pass
under the arm of the Duke de Bourbon.
Believing that the Duke must have been
wounded, I now stepped forward with a
view of staying the proceedings. ' Stay, for
a moment, gentlemen,' said I ; ' it seems to
me that already more than enough has been
done to satisfy the trifling character ofthe dif
ference which led to this meeting. I appeal
to M. de Vibraye (whose judgment should
bear great weight in matters of this nature),
whether I am not correct in what I state.'
' I entirely agree with M. de Crussol,' said
M. de Vibraye, ' in thinking that enough has
been done to satisfy the most scrupulous
delicacy.' ' I am not entitled,' said the
Count d'Artois, ' to have any opinion on the
matter. It is for the Duke de Bourbon to
express his wishes. I am entirely at his dis
posal.' ' Sir,' replied the Duke de Bourbon,
addressing himself to the Prince, and at the
same time lowering the point of his sword, —
' I have only to say that I am overwhelmed
with gratitude for your kindness to me in
this affair, and shall never cease to remember
the honor you have conferred on me.' At
these words the Count d'Artois opened his
arms, and, running towards the Duke, they
embraced each other, — and the affair ended ."
It was the fashion in France, under the
eld regime, to elevate trifles : a courtier pre
sent at this duel, said, " They have fought
like a couple of grenadiers !" The Count
d'Artois' conduct was a topic for lavish en
comiums.

the measures of Charles X. and his ministers
had just become known. Mr. Brougham's
opinion upon the subject was requested and
he said, .with a power and energy peculiarly
his own, — " Alas ! the news has reached us
that a frantic tyrant (for I can call him no
thing else), bent upon mischief, and guided
by an ignorant and besotted priesthood — led
by the most despicable advisers — forgetful of
the obligation he owes to his people—forget'-
ful of the duty he owes to that Providence
which restored him to his throne, — has in the
face of that Providence, and in defiance of
that people, declared that he will trample on
the liberties of his country, and rule 30,000,000
of its people by the sword. I heartily pray
that his advisers will meet with that punish
ment which they so richly merit. The min
ister who could give such counsels deserves
that his head should be severed from his
body and rolled in the dust. If it were
possible that any one could dare to give such
advice to our King, the same punishment
ought to be inflicted upon him, and his head
should roll in the dust the same day, before
sunset, on which he gave that counsel.
Gentlemen, it is no business of ours to inter
fere with that country ; the French have
their own liberty in their own keeping, aud
no nation ever showed itself more disposed
to keep it, or seemed to me to have more
right to possess it. And I pray to heaven
that they may speedily crush their enemies
and establish their liberties."

To keep room for more interesting matter,
none has been appropriated to the progress
of the late King and his family from Ram
bouiUet to the coast. He landed at Poole, in
Dorsetshire ; and an alderman of that corpo
ration immortalized himself by handing him
to a carriage, in which he went to Lulworth,
where he cleanses himself with daily confes?
sion. For having ordered fusilades upon the
people of Paris, he appears to have been en
joined the penance of shooting all day at
English pheasants and partridges.

When Mr. Brougham visited Sheffield as a
candidate to represent the county of York,

Some of the Ministers who signed the or
dinances were discovered in different dis
guises and arrested. The premier, Prince
Polignac, assumed the character of a servant.
On being brought in strict custody to St.
Lo, he wrote a letter to Baron Pasquier,
which is subjoined, as published in the Chat
ofthe Week, side by side with an amusing
letter of the same tenor, pleasantly purport
ing to be from an Englishman under similar
unfortunate circumstances. I 2

116

ANNALS OF THE

LETTER OF THE PRINCE DE POLIGNAC,
Late Prime Minister of King Charles X., to
the President of the French Chamber of
" Saint Lo, Aug. 17.
" Monsieur le Baron,' "Having been arrested
at Granville, at the moment when I was
flying from the sad and deplorable events which
have just taken place, and seeking an oppor
tunity to retire to the island of Jersey, I have
surrendered myself a prisoner into the hands
of the Provisional Commission of the Pre
fecture of the department of La Manche,
neither the Procureur du Roi for the arron
dissement of Saint Lo nor the juge destruc
tion having any power, according to the
terms of the Charter, to commit me, in case
(of which, however, I am ignorant) the Go
vernment had given orders for my arrest.
' It is only by the authority of the Chamber of
Peers,' says article 29 of the Charter, and
which, in this respect, is conformable to the
old Charter, ' that a member of the Chamber
of Peers can be arrested.' I know not what
steps the Chamber of Peers may take on this
subject, or whether it will charge me with the
lamentable events of the two days, which I
deplore more than any man, which came on
with the rapidity of the thunderbolt in the
midst of the tempest, and which no human
strength nor prudence could arrest, since in
those terrible moments it was impossible to
know to whom to listen, or to whom to
apply, and every man's efforts were required
to defend his own life. My only desire, M.
le Baron, is, that I may be permitted to retire
to my own home, and there resume tfiose
peaceful habits of private life which alone are
suited to my taste, and from which I was
torn in spite of myself, as is well known to
all who are acquainted with me. Vicissi
tudes enough have filled my days, reverses
enough have whitened my head in the course
of the stormy life I have led. I cannot
in any degree be reproached with having in
the time of my prosperity preserved any
vengeful recollections against those who used
their power with undue severity against me
in adversity. Indeed, M. le Baron, in what
position should we all be placed, surrounded
as we are by those continual changes pre
sented by the age in which we live, if the po
litical opinions of those who are smitten by
the tempest are to become misdemeanors or
crimes in the eyes of those who have em
braced a more fortunate side of the question ?
If I cannot obtain permission to retire quietly
to my home, I entreat to be allowed to with
draw into a foreign country with my wife
.and my children. Lastly, if the Chamber of

LETTER OF JOHN TOMKINS
(Commonly called Prince Tomkins, or Folly-
Jack), aider and abettor of the cut-throat
Jenkins, or slaughtering Charley,
To the Recorder at the Old Bailey.
Newgate, August 17.
My Lord, —
Having been arrested at Houndsditch, at
the moment I was flying from the sad conse
quences of Mr. Jenkins's behaviour, and
seeking an opportunity to retire to my resi
dence in Five Thieves Alley, I have sur
rendered myself. How the constable could
take me up, I cannot conceive; for it is a
violation of the law to stop a man on the
high-way, and my attention to those matters
is well known. I know not what steps your
Lordship and the other Judges may take on
this subject, nor whether they will charge
me with the lamentable events of Mr. Jen
kins's two days, and of the terrible cutting
of throats produced upon his party as well as
those whom he attacked, — events which I
deplore more than any man, which were
quite unexpected (I believe, even on his
own part), and which no human fingers or
neckcloths could arrest ; for in those terrible
moments nobody knew what he had been
about, and every man's efforts were required
to defend his own neck. My only desire,
my Lord Judge, is, that I may be permitted
to return to my own home, No. 1, Five
Thieves Alley, aforesaid, and there resume
those peaceful habits of petty-larceny which
are alone suited to my taste, and from which
I was torn in spite of all my efforts against
Mr. Jenkins's gin and water, as is well-known
to all who are acquainted with my collection
of pocket handkerchiefs. I have had enough
of throat-cutting; I have had enough of
transportation, in the course of the life I
have led. I cannot in any degree be re
proached with having, in the time of my best
tattler-nimming (watch-stealiDg), any venge
ful recollections against those Who were un
duly severe upon me, when fL was last in
Newgate. Indeed, Mr. Recorder, what a
situation should we be all in, you as well as
I, surrounded as we are by the natural vicissi
tudes of human beings, if the lives of such as
get nabbed are to be brought against them by
those that have embraced a more successful
mode of helping themselves to people's
money. If I cannot obtain permission to
retire quietly to Five Thieves Alley, I en
treat I may be allowed to withdraw into
Rogues' Harbour. Lastly, if the Judges are
determined to put me in jail, I beg to men
tion York jail as a place I passed a good
part of my youth in ; or I hope that they

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

117

Peers determine to decree my arrest, I solicit
that they will fix as the place of my deten
tion the fortress of Ham, in Picardy, where I
was for a long time in captivity in my youth,
or in some other fortress at once commodious
and spacious. (Loud laughter.) That of
Ham would agree better than any other with
the state of my health, which has been for
some time enfeebled, and which the late
events have greatly injured. The misfor
tunes of an upright man ought in France to
meet with some sympathy ; but at all events,
M. le Baron, I may almost venture to say
that it would be barbarous to bring me into
the capital at a time when so many prejudices
have been raised against me — prejudices
which my unsupported voice cannot appease,
and which time alone can calm. I have
been long and too much accustomed to see
all my intentions misrepresented and placed
in the most odious light. To you, M. le
Baron, I have submitted all my wishes, not
knowing to whom I ought to address myself,
and at the same time I request you to lay
them before those to whom it of right be
longs, begging you to accept the assurance
of my high consideration.
(Signed) "The Prince de Polignac
"P.S. I beg you to do me the favor to
acknowledge the receipt of this letter."

will put me somewhere else, where the rooms
are well aired, and where there is every con
venience for getting gin smuggled in. Mr.
Newman's house, I think, would agree with
me better than any, my health having suffered
much of late from sitting up with Jenkins,
and also from the refusal of the constable to
let me drink. The misfortunes of a brother
Bailey, Mr. Judge, ought to meet with some
regard : but at all events I venture to say it
would be cruel to bring me before you at the
next sessions, when prejudice is so strong
against me, and there is no time to let talk
die away. I have been too much accustomed
to see men of my calling misrepresented, and
their practices brought shockingly to light.
To you therefore, my Lord Judge, I have
submitted all my wishes, not knowing who
can understand me better ; and I desire you
will lay them before the other Judges, begging
you to accept the assurances of my particular
esteem. John Tomkins.

P.S. An answer by return ot post would
be agreeable.

THE BOURBONS.
Charles (Louis Philippe) X. was the most
aged Sovereign in Europe, having been born
the 9th of October, 1757. He succeeded
his brother, Louis XVIIL, whose dissolution
occurred in the 69th year of his age, on the
16th of September, 1824, and made his
public entry into Paris, as King, on the 27th
of the same month. Charles X. ' (at that
period the Count d' Artois) married the
17th of November, 1773, when he was in
the 17th year of his age, the Princess Maria
Theresa, daughter of Victor Amadeus, the
third King of Sardinia, Louis XVIIL having
beenunited, in 1771, to the Princess Maria,
a daughter, of the same Monarch. By this
Princess, who died at Gratz, in Hungary,
June 2, 1805, Charles X. had issue Louis
Antoine, Due d'Angouleme, late Dauphin
of France, born August 6, 1775, mar
ried the 10th of June, 1799, Maria The
resa Charlotte, only surviving child of Louis
XVI., born the 19th of December, 1778 ;
Henry Charles, Due de Berri, married in
1818, Maria Caroline, daughter of Francis I.,
the late King of the Two Sicilies, by Maria
Clementina, sister of .the present Emperor of

Austria, by whom the Due de Berri had
issue, Maria Theresa Louisa (Mademoiselle)
born September 28,1819, and Henry Charles
Ferdinand, Dieudonne d'Artois (a posthumous
Prince), born the 29th of September, 1820.
The Due de Berri was assassinated, in Paris,
February 14, 1820.

While Charles X. and his profligate mi
nisters were cannonading the people of Paris,
William IV., who had recently ascended the
throne of England, animated the people of
London by appearing in public, and mani
festing a free-hearted and kind disposition.
The contrast was obvious, and stirred the
pen of Elia to the effusion below, which he
communicated to The Times.
THE ROYAL WONDERS.
Two miracles at once ! Compell'd by fate,
His tarnish'd throne the Bourbon doth vacate ;
While English "William,— a diviner thing, —
Of his free pleasure hath put off the king,
The forms of distant old respect lets pass,
And melts his crown into the common mass.
Health to fair France, and fine regeneration !
Bat England's is the nobler abdication. Charles Lamb.

118

7ANNALS OF THE

There' is an historical coincidence which
owing to existing circumstances strikes every
body as singular. Thrice has the crown of
the Capets fallen from the elder to the
younger branch, and the consecutive reigns of
three brothers have always preceded that
change in the reigning family. After Philip.
le Bel followed the reign of the brothers
Louis le Hutin, Philip !e Long, and Charles
le Bel. then the sceptre fell into the hands
of Valois. the three brothers Francis IL,
Charles IX., and Henry III., finished the
career of the royal family, and called the
Bourbons to the throne. Louis XVI., Louis
XVIIL, and Charles X., terminate the list of
the monarchs of that family, and the House
of Orleans rises in the midst of a tempest.—
The Times.

TO FRANCE.

Family of Orleans.
Louis Philippe (Due d* Orleans) born the
6th of October, 1773, married November 25,
1809, the Princess Maria Amelia, born De
cember 14, 1782, second daughter of Ferdi
nand IV., King of the Two Sicilies, sister
of Francis I., and aunt to the present Duch
ess of Orleans, and by whom his Royal
Highness has a surviving family of nine chil
dren — viz. 1. Ferdinand Louis Philip, Due
de Chartres, born the 8th of September,
1810 ; 2. Louisa Maria Theresa Charlotte
Isabella, Duchess d'Orleans, born April 3,
1 812 ; 3. Maria Christiana Caroline, Duchess
de Valois, born April 12, 1813; 4. Louis
Charles, Due de Nemours, born October 25,
1814; 5. Maria Clotilda, born June 3,
1817; 6. Francis Ferdinand Philippe, Due
de Joinville, born August 14, 1818; 7.
Charles, Due de Ponthievre, born July 1,
1820 ; 8. Henry, Due d'Aumale, born June
16, 1822; 9. Anthony, Due de Moritpensier,
bora July 31, 1824. Louis Philippe I. has
an Only sister unmarried, the Princess Ade
laide Eugene Louisa, Mademoiselle d'Orleans,
borri August 23, 1777.

FRANCE UNDER NAPOLEON.
Many excellent men viewed the admira
tion of the French nation for the military
power of Napoleon, and their acquiescence
in his despotism, as a national blindness,
which might end in utter dereliction from
the principles of Freedom. A prophetic an
ticipation that France would again break her
bonds, closes the following lay of a distin
guished minstrel of Liberty, the late Mr.
EiAvard Rushton, of Liverpool.

Canst thou, who burst with proud disdain1 l
Each high-wrought link of slavery's chain;
Canst thou, who cleansed, with noble rage
Th' Augean filth of many an age ;
Canst thou, whose mighty vengeance hurl'd
Destruction on thy foes— the world,
Yet bade the infuriate slaughter cease, *
When vanquish'd despots whined for peace;.
Canst thou, O France ! from heights like these descend.
And with each nerve unbraced — to proud N apoleon bend !
Was it for this thy warriors rose,
And paralyzed vast hordes of foes ?
For this, all prodigal of life,
They rush'd amid the bellowing strife,
Ana, like the desert's burning breath,
Where'er they rash'd, they scattered death (
For this, with many a gaping wound,
Thy daring sons have strewed the ground.
And girt with smoking gore, and hills of slain,
Have gloried in their cause, and spurn'd the oppressor's
chain !
When vaunting freemen join'd the array,
And gloomy squadrons prbwl'd for prey,
Was it for this, beneath the wave
Thy seamen found an oozy grave ?
For this, when all around was wreck,
And mingled horrors stain'd the deck,
When slowly setting towards their fate,
While the broad banners wav'd elate,
Wasitforthisthey Vite la Nation! cried,
Scorn'd the submissive act, and felt the 6'erwhelnring tide ?
Was it for this the sorrowing sire
Has seen his bleeding boy expire ?
For this, the matron, sad and pale,
Has told her son's disastrous tale ?
For this, the widow oft has press'd,
With tears, the nursling to her breast 1
Was it to lift the ambitious soul
Of one above the law's control,
That thus dire war left millions to deplore,
A nd the broad earth and seas were tinged with human gore ?
No ! — fearless France shall ne'er be found
Like the huge brute on India's ground,
That through the ranks impetuous sweeps,
And loads the field with mangled heaps,
And yet, each scene of carnage o'er,
Obeys that goad he felt before ;
No!— fearless France shall still maintain
Those rights that millions died to gain,
And soon, though laurel wreaths her chains adorn,
Shall show a grov'ling world that chains are still her scorn.
O France ! thy energetic soul
Will never brook unjust control ;
Will never crouch to Slavery's load,
Nor bear the oppressor's iron goad :
No ! — France, who bade her monarch fall, ,
Will ne'er before this idol crawl ;
Will ne'er receive with abject awe
A martial miscreant's will as law ;
No ; — banish fear, ye friends of human kind.
France to a giant's arm unites a towering mind.
He who o'erwhelms his country's foe, !
Yet lays his country's freedom low,
Must tear, though girt with guards and state,
From each bold arm the stroke of fate ;
And thou, usurping warrior, thou
To whom the weak and timid bow ;
Thou splendid curse, whose actions prove
That states may be undone by love :
Thou foe to man, upheld by martial breath,
Thy march is on a mine— thy every dream is death, -,
And when this meteor's baleful rays
Are lost in Freedom's ardent blaze,
Yes, when indignant France shall rise,
Her form all nerve, all fire her eyes.
And, scorning e'en the bayonet's sway, -
Shall sweep the audacious wretch away ;—
Then, with degraded mien, no more
Shall man his fellow-man adore ;
Then o'er his powers shall Principle preside, , ,
And the bright star of truth shall prove his polar guide. ¦

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830

119

FRENCH AND ENGLISH REVOLUTIONS.
The foUowing Historical Parallel is from Le Globe, a French Journal.

ENGLISH REVOLUTION.
THE STUARTS.
Charles-I.Resistance of the Parliament.
Refusal of Subsidies.
Parliament Dissolved
The Long Parliament
Increasing irritation
Charles I. at York
Civil war
Flight of Charles, taken at the Isle of Wight
Trial and death of Charles
English Republic
Oliver Cromwell, Protector.
Parliament dissolved
New Parliament
Military despotism and foreign aid
Alliance of Cromwell with Mazarin and
Louis XIV.
Fall of Richard Cromwell
General Monck
RestorationCharles II.
Promise to maintain the Constitution
Amnesty (excepting to Regicides)
Cromwell's army disbanded
Triumph of the Royalists
Parliamentary discussions
Whigs and Tories
Catholic and Royalist
Reaction
Death of Russell and Sydney
Influence ofthe Duke of York, brother to the
King
James II.
Fine speech on his accession ; deception
Triumph of the Catholics and Tories
Jefferies and his accomplices
National indignation
William of Nassau
Fall of James and the Stuarts, called the
Glorious Revolution

FRENCH REVOLUTION.
CAPETS.
Louis XVI.
Assembly of Notables
Refusal of Subsidies
Oath of the Tennis Court
Legislative Assemblies
Increasing irritation
Louis XVI. at Versailles
Emigration, Vendee, &c.
Flight of Louis, taken at Varennes
Trial and death of Louis
French Republic
Buonaparte, Consul
Eighteenth Brumaire
SenateMilitary despotism and foreign aid
Marriage of Napoleon with an Archduohess
of Austria
Fall of Napoleon
Talleyrand, Fouche, &c.
Restoration Louis XVIIL
Charter
Ditto
The army of the Loire, ditto
Triumph of the Royalists
DittoLiberals and Ultras
Catholic and Royalist
ReactionDeath of Berton, Bories, &c.
Influence of the Pavilion Marsan
Charles X.
Ditto
Triumph of the Jesuits and Ultras
Villele and Polignac's ministry
DittoPhilip of Orleans
FaU of Charles and the Bourbons, the
Glorious Revolution

Of all the authorities upon which people can rely, in a grand political crisis, history is the
most powerful. In the present state of affairs it will be seen on which side it leans.

EX-DEY, AND EX-KING.
At Paris, on the receipt of the news of the
surrender of Algiers, Charles X. resolved to
commemorate the event by a royal proces
sion of great pomp. A splendid pageant was
accordingly got up on Sunday, the llth July,
and the King, attended by an immense re

tinue of his Ministers and other officials of
his government, proceeded to the church of
Notre Dame, foUowed by 28 coaches, with
eight horses each; — altogether presenting a
spectacle calculated to call forth the enthu
siasm of the people. To add to the solem
nity mass was celebrated at #11 the other
churches. A great multitude coUected to

120

ANNALS OF THE

witness the procession; but although the
King had taken the precaution to avail him
self of the presence of the Duchess of Berri,
as a kind of protection, he was unable to
elicit any warm expressions of loyalty. There
was an occasional attempt at " Vive le Roi,"
but the exclamation, instead of spreading
throughout the dense mass, died away a so
litary sound. It was altogether one of the
most mournful rejoicings that can possibly be
imagined. Notwithstanding the event which
was the occasion of the procession, and the
means adopted to increase the splendor of
the show and render it imposing, yet the un
popularity of the King threw a gloom over
the whole proceeding, which no effort on the
part of the court could dissipate. So strong
and unconquerable, even then, was the feeling
of the French against Charles X. and his
Government.

On Wednesday the 28th of July, while the
people were braving his troops in battle, and
hurling him from the throne,'the Semaphore
of Marseilles published the following extract
of a document from Algiers : — " In the name
of God, &c, I renounce the absolute sove
reignty to the victorious and grand' Charles
the Tenth: and I agree to pay him the tri
bute ; and will also furnish him with the
contingent, obeying him in the same manner
and in the same form as my predecessors and
the Dey of Algiers. I also expect to receive
from the virtuous Charles the Tenth alL suc
cor and protection that a subject has to ex
pect from his legitimate King."
When the Ex-Dey of Algiers was informed
of the Revolution in France he excIaimed,->-
" God is Great! — the King of France de
throned me, and now he is dethroned him
self '.—God is Great!"

MEMOIRS OF THE DUKE OF ORLEANS— LOUIS PHILIPPE I.

Although the Duke of Orleans, now Phi
lippe I. King of the French, was usually
called a cousin of Charles X., the relationship
they bear to each other is very remote. The
common ancestor of both was Louis XIIL,
in 1640, and, consequently, as the line of
each lengthened from him, the consanguinity
of the descendants became more distant.
Louis Philippe eldest son of the late
Due d' Orleans, and of Marie Adelaide
of Bourbon Penthievre, was born on Oc
tober 6, 1773. At first he was named
Due de Valois; but afterwards Due de
Chartres. Early in the Revolution his father
dropped his title, assumed the name of Ega-
lite" (Equality), and under that denomination
associated himself with men of sanguinary
violence, in the horrible scenes of the first
Revolution. At nine years of age the Due
de Chartres and his brothers, the Due de Mont-
pensier and the Count de Beaujolais, were en
trusted to the care of the celebrated Madame
de Genlis, who conducted his entire education
upon the plan of Rousseau's Emilius, until
he was seventeen years old. She strengthened
both his body and mind. Early in child
hood, she taught him the principal modern
languages; accustomed him to serve himself
without assistance — to despise every kind of
effeminacy — to sleep habitually on a wooden
bed, merely covered with a straw mat — to
face the sun, cold, and rain — to habituate
himself to fatigue, by daily violent exercises,
and by walking five or six leagues with leaden

soles to his' shoes. By her aid he acquired
many branches of useful knowledge, and she
inspired him with a taste for travelling.
Since his great ancestor Henry IV. no other
prince had been so trained to hardihood ; and,
at the present day, few persons in any sta
tion have been so properly and so thoroughly
qualified to engage in the business of life.
When fifteen years old, during a tour' with
Madame de Genlis, and his brothers,-- and
their sister, Mademoiselle d' Orleans, into
Normandy, he was at Mont St. Michael, a
place then remarkable for a cage in which a
Dutch newspaper editor had been confined
seventeen years, for writing against Louis
XIV. Madame de Genlis acquainted her
pupils with every thing that could improve,
or usefully inform their minds, and, deem
ing this an opportunity for enabling them
to take a lesson, she enquired of the peo
ple in the neighbourhood respecting the
" prisoner's cage," which gave celebrity
to the spot. " I interrogated them," she
says, " about the famous iron cage. They
told me it was not of iron, but of wood,
framed of enormous logs, between which
were interstices of the width of three or four
fingers'-breadth. It was about fifteen years
since any prisoners were confined there
wholly, but they still put in those who were
obstreperous for twenty-four hours, or two
days, though the place was horribly damp and
unwholesome, and though there was* another
prison as strong, and more healthy. f I ex-

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

121

pressed surprize, and the Prior, assured, me
that it was his intention, at some future time,
to destroy this monument of cruelty..' Upon
this Mademoiselle d'Orleans and her brothers
cried out, that they should be delighted to see
it destroyed in their presence. The Prior
said that he could afford them the satis
faction they desired the next morning, and
that this would be assuredly the finest enter
tainment he could give- them. — A few
hours before our departure for St. Mi
chael, the Prior, followed by the monks, two
carpenters, one of the Swiss of the Castle,
and the greater part of the prisoners, who, at
our request, were allowed to be present, ac
companied us to the place containing this hor
rible cage. In order to reach it, we traversed
caverns so dark that we were obliged to. use
lighted flambeaux. After descending many
steps, we reached a frightfuL cavern, where
stood this abominable cage. It was ex
tremely small, and placed on ground so damp
that the water ran under it. The . Duke of
Chartres, with enthusiastic expression, and
with a force beyond his years, gave the first
blow with his axe to the cage, after which the
carpenters cut down the door, and removed
some of the wood. I never witnessed any
thing so interesting as the transports, the ac
clamations, and the applauses of the prison
ers, during this demolition. In the midst of
the tumult, I was struck with the melancholy
and miserable looks of the Swiss, who re
garded the operation with' the greatest signs
of grief. I mentioned this to the Prior, who
told me that the man regretted the destruc
tion of the cage, because he made money by
showing it to strangers. The Duke of Char
tres gave ten- louis to him, saying that for
the future, instead of showing the cage to
travellers, he would have to point out to
them the place where it once stood, and that
surely that view would be much more agree
able to them." At so early an age such an ex
pression bespoke a rectitude of mind which
marked the desire and act of destroying the
cage as more than boyish.
The destruction of the Bastille in July 1789
was another opportunity for the instruction
of youth upon Madame de Genlis' plan. She
says, " The desire I had of showing my pupils
every thing, induced me to come from St. Leu,
and. spend a few hours at Paris, to witness
frbm the garden of Beaumarchais the assem
bling of the whole population of the capital,
for- the purpose of pulling down and de
molishing the Bastille. It is impossible to
give an idea of the scene; you must have
seen it in order to conceive of it. This redoubt
able fortress was covered with men, women,
and children, working with unequalled ardor,

on the loftiest parts of the building, even on
its turrets. The astonishing number of these
voluntary workmen, their activity, their en
thusiasm, their pleasure at seeing the fall of
that terrible monument of tyranny, their
avenging hands, which seemed consecrated
by Providence, and which annihilated with
astonishing rapidity the work of many centu
ries — all this spoke at once to the imagination
and to the heart. No one had been more
shocked than I at the excesses committed at
tbe taking of the Bastille, but, as I had also
been witness for twenty years of many arbi
trary imprisonments, I never cast my eyes
on that fortress without shuddering, and its
demolition afforded me unspeakable delight."
It is not to be doubted that, in company
with such an instructress, whom he regarded
as a mother, the Due de Chartres witnessed
this extraordinary scene with equal pleasure,
and derived a moral from it which influenced
his public and private life. At this age, when
the passions develop themselves, he was train
ing in virtuous and manly habits, under a
woman of cheerful temper and excellent
sense. His conduct was amiable and prudentj
and he acquired a sedate and reserved char
acter, which subsequent events strengthened
and confirmed.
About the same time Madame de Genlis
received a letter from. him which she justly
calls " most touching," and cites the passage
from it by which she was most affected — " I
propose," he says, " to deprive myself of my
pocket-money up to the conclusion of my
education, that is to say, up to the first of
April 1790, and to devote that money to be
neficent purposes. On the first of each
month we will decide the use that is to be
made of it. I beg you to receive on this
subject my most sacred word of honor that
I should wish this to remain a secretbetween
ourselves; but you know well that all my
secrets are, and always shall be, yours."
When the Due de Chartres thus wrote and
determined, he was barely sixteen years old.
On attaining seventeen, his father, the Due
d'Orleans, informed Madame de Genlis that
the education of the Due de Chartres had
terminated. His father was immensely rich,
and according to a usage of the French court
the Due de Chartres was provided with
a separate establishment, and a large an
nual allowance, as a Prince of the Blood
Royal. It may be imagined that now, being
independent of control, he indulged in plea
sures usual to youth of high birth, and that,
dazzled by the attractions of a luxurious me
tropolis, and with the power of enjoying
its novelties* and charms to excess, he lost
sight and shunned the presence of his former

122

ANNALS OF THE

monitress. His course was highly honorable
to her and to himself. He had been taught
the importance, and now he realised the les
son, of self-control. The first use he made
of his liberty was to acquaint Madame de
Genlis that until he was eighteen he
should visit her daily at Belle Chasse, to take
his lessons as usual, and he kept his word.
By the wish of Madame de Genlis, her ex
emplary pupil became a member of the Phi
lanthropic Society. In her presence he was
informed of a decree of the National Conven
tion annulling the rights of elder brothers :
he embraced his brother the Due de Mont-
pensier, whom he tenderly loved, and ex
claimed, " All, how delighted I am !"
An earlier decree allowed colonels pro
prietors, the option of either quitting the
service, or assuming active command. In
consideration of his high birth, the court had
given two to the Due de Chartres. He
entered the national service, by retaining one
of the regiments, the 14th Dragoons, and in
June 1791 he joined it in garrison at Vendome.
Within a few days after taking the command
of his regiment, he had bathed in the river,
and was dressing on the shore, when one of
the bathers was seized with a violent cramp,
and cried for assistance ; the Duke instantly
j umped into the water, swam to him, seized
him by the hair, and, at the imminent hazard
of his own life, brought him to the shore.
The man was a custom-house officer, and the
next . day he went to the Duke's, with his
wife and children, and threw himself in
gratitude at his feet. The man was saved in
the middle of the day, in presence of many
Spectators, and the humanity and courage of
the Duke were rewarded with the solemn
presentation of a civic crown by the city.
He enclosed a leaf of it in an affectionate
letter to Madame de Genlis, and warmly
thanked her for having made him learn to
swim. " In fact," says Madame de Genlis,
" when I sent him and his brothers to the
swimming school, I often told them that it
was a branch of knowledge they ought to ac
quire, both for themselves and for others.
For the same reason I taught them to bleed
and to dress wounds. During a whole
winter I took them regularly to the Hotel
Dieu, to dress the wounds of the poor."
Such an education as Madame de Genlis
bestowed on the Duke de Chartres and his
brothers is unknown to England.
About this time the Due de Chartres, at
the: instigation of his father, the Due d'Or
leans, became a member of the Jacobin club ;
and at a meeting of the club in Vendome,
on the 7th of August, 1791, he acquiesced in
the principles of the revolution, and laid on

the table the decoration of the order of the
Holy Ghost, which he had been accustomed
to wear. > He was then in his nineteenth year.
That he had an enlightened love of liberty
was manifested by signal humanity and re
spect for order. A priest who had refused
to conform to the new constitution was ac
cused by the infuriated populace of Vendome
with having derided the procession of a cort
stitutional curate. The Due de Chartres
courageously interposed, and rescued the man,
at the moment he was about to perish under
their brutal rage.
The Duke marched with his regiment and
joined the army of the north. His first mi
litary achievements were under General
Biron. He fought in the action of Quico-
riun on the #28th of April, 1792, and in the
action of Bos'su the next day. As mareschal
de camp, under General Luckner, he com
manded a brigade of cavalry in the action
before Courtray. In July his brigade was
detached, and served with the army a 25,000
men ordered to oppose the Duke of Bruns-
tvick and 80,000 Prussians. In the different
engagements he was distinguished by valor
and penetration. He attained the rank of
lieutenant-general ; and, on the 20th of Sep
tember, commanded the second line of Kel-
lerman's army, at the battle of Valmy. His
obstinate defence of a mill in front of the vil
lage contributed mainly to the success of the
day. He was offered the post of governor of
Strasbourg, which he declined, because he
must have remained inactive. He joined the
army of Flanders, under General Dumoriez,
who entrusted him with the command of the
second column. On the 5th of November he
bivouacked with his division on the heights of
Jemappe, and, on the following day, com»
manded the centre of Dumouriez's army in
the decisive battle of Jemappe. He rallied a
body of troops which fled in the heat of the en
gagement, and led them back to the charge ;
his military abilities and persevering courage
were mentioned with high praise by Dumow-
riez in his despatches. On the 13th he
headed the right wing of the army at Ander-
lecht ; entered Brussels with Dumouriez the
next day; and, on the 27th, was engaged for
ten hours in the attack and route of the Ausr
trian rear-guard at Varroux, which put the
French in possession of Liege. On these
occasions his brothers also had commands.
In several other engagements the Due de
Chartres commanded with distinction. In a
memorial by Dumouriez against the Due
d'Orleans, he says, " his sons have effectually
served their country in the armies I command-
ed, without displaying, at any time, the least
tinge of ambition. For the eldest of them

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

123

[the Due de Chartres] I entertain the hignest
friendship founded on the best merited es
teem." After the execution of Louis XVI. Du-
mouriez, who had desired to see order re
stored to France under a constitutional mo
narchy, was unjustly suspected of designing
to place the Due d'Orleans on the throne;
'and the National Convention sent commis
sioners to arrest him. He seized the
commissioners, and sent them prisoners to the
Austrians, and, to save his own life, fled for
protection within the Austrian lines. About
the same time, the brave Due de Char
tres and his brothers had been unjustly
proscribed and declared outlaws, and a de
cree for their arrest was issued by the Na
tional Convention. Their crime was rela
tionship to the late King. On the 6th of
April, 1793, the Due de Chartres escaped
to Mons, the head-quarters of the Prince of
Saxe-Cobourg. , The Arch-duke Charles of
fered him a Lieutenant-Generalship, the
command of a division in the Austrian ser
vice, and the honors due to his birth.
These proffers be immediately declined ; for
he had resolved never to bear arms against
his country : the only favor he required or
accepted was a passport. His brothers were
less fortunate. They were seized at Nice,
and rigorously confined at Marseilles. Their
father, the Due d'Orleans, was dungeoned
in the Conciergerie at Paris. Their mother
had Wng been separated from him, and lived
secluded. While the brothers had been thus engaged
and were thus circumstanced, their sister,
Mademoiselle Orleans, with whom they had
been reared, was taken charge of by Madame
de Genlis, and brought to England in Octo
ber, 1791. The ladies resided about three
months at Bath ; several months at Bury St.
Edmunds, and made a tour through different
parts of the kingdom, and on account oftheir
Connection with the late Duke, and their
liberal sentiments, received many insults
from the insolence of emigrants of the old
Court of France. In September, 1792, the
Convention issued a decree respecting emi
grants,' which compelled Madame de Genlis,
for the sake of Mademoiselle d'Orleans, to
relurn with her immediately to Paris. On
the following day, they were ordered to quit
Paris, within forty-eight hours, and France
without delay. They retired to Tournay, and
from thence, on the reconquest of Flanders,
to a temporary asylum at Zug, in Switzer
land. The Due de Chartres remained at Mons
onty twenty-four hours, while his passport
was'^Veparing, and with less than a hundred
Louis-d^rs, being the whole of his- wealth, set

out for Switzerland, and joined his sister at
Zug. The magistrates of the town would
not permit them to remain, and they withdrew
to Zurich, whence they were also expelled.
From the moment of the Duke's arrival in
Switzerland, he was persecuted by the aris-
tocratical party there ; and, knowing that Ro
bespierre would hold his relatives in France
responsible for his flight, he determined
to disappear so completely that it should
be supposed he was no longer in existence.
He therefore placed his sister in a convent,
and afterwards journeyed on foot to the
loftiest mountains of the Alps; but, not
daring to show himself in places which are
commonly the resort of the curious, he pur»
sued an interesting and wholly unknown
route. As he had left with his sister the
little money which he possessed, he passea
four months of his retreat in extreme penury
and privation. On great days and holydays
his expenditure, the cost of lodging and diet
for himself and a faithful valet, who Could not
be prevailed upon to quit him, amounted to
30 sols. (Is. 3d.) ; but, being at length re
duced to his last louis, the Duke was obliged
to relinquish his only servant.
No man, more than the Due de Chartres,
preserved by firm and prudent demeanor
the respect due to great misfortunes. Persons,
who in the flourishing state, of the Orleans
family would have bent before him, had
dared to treat him arrogantly. He was now
scarcely twenty years of age; had com
manded in the field of battle, and shown the
most impetuous and distinguished gallantry ;
and at this age, when reason scarcely begins
to allay the heat of youthful blood, his firm
ness and constancy were unalterable. He
calmly suffered the severity of his lot and
harsh treatment without complaint, and with
out even seeming to regard them as out of
the ordinary course. On the departure of his
servant, which was about the end of the year
1793, he heard of a vacancy in the professor
ship of mathematics at Reichenau, a college
of the Grisons, and, with others, he became a
candidate for i^ under a borrowed name : he
satisfactorily replied to the questions of the
examiners, and obtained the appointment.
The name he assumed was Corby. He re
collected it as belonging to a shoe-maker in
the Palais Royal ; and it served to ' recal to
his mind his beloved country, and the palace
of his ancestors. About this time Robespierre
succeeded in obtaining the death of the Due
d'Orleans, and consequently the Due de
Chartres succeeded to his father's title.
In the college of Riechenau the Due d'Or
leans taught mathematics in the German lan
guage, besides geography, history, and the
French and English languages ; and so won

124

ANNALS OF THE

the affection of the pupils by his kindness,
and the respect of the masters by his intellec
tual attainments, that M de Salis, who had
persecuted him as Due d'Orleans without
having known him personally, entertained
great respect for the good sense and merits of
the young professor of Reichenau, whom he
knew only as M. Corby, and invited him to
become the preceptor of his sons. The
duke declined, and for eight months he
remained in his college, rising at four
o'clock every morning, and fulfilling his
iduties with scrupulous punctuality and care.
The death of Robespierre, and a more mode
rate exercise of power in the succeeding
government, removing his apprehensions for
the safety of his mother and brothers, he re
linquished his professorship, with an honor
able certificate, of the services and abilities
of M. Corby, from the authorities of the col
lege. The simplicity of his manners pre
vented the least suspicion of his rank, and he
withdrew to renew an affectionate corre
spondence with a few friends, who furnished
him with a small sum of money.
He desired to go to America, but there
were difficulties he could not surmount,
and he walked through several countries in
Europe. He economised and maintained
his health by travelling on foot, and in that
manner, about^the middle of 1794, arrived
at Hamburg. From thence he went to Copen
hagen, explored Denmark, Sweden, and Nor-
.way, and visited the Mahlstrom, or Great
Whirlpool, notwithstanding the dangers be
setting the approach. He penetrated to the
North Cape and within thirteen degrees of
the pole, wandered in Finland, and returned
,by the way of Sweden to Hamburgh. On
his route he had been recognised, and offered
military command, which he refused, in pur
suance of his resolve never to serve against
France. His mind had expanded with his
studies in the college of the Grisons, was
strengthened by self-examination and reflec
tion in solitude, and was elevated by the
sublime scenes of nature. Mixing with per
sons of all classes and opinions, he gained
such a knowledge of mankind as few can
attain. Perhaps such moral and physical
acquirements were never united in an indi
vidual of such station ; and certainly no indi
vidual of any station ever rose to such high
moral dignity without severe and long proba
tion in adversity.
On the Due d'Orleans contemplating re
tirement to America, it was with a view of
enabling himself to procure the means of
.existence. Some land in that country, which
required clearing, was offered to him by an
.American: in answering the proposition he
expressed himself in terms which beautifully

exemplify his character. He says, "I am
heartily disposed to labor for the acquisi
tion of an independence. Misfortune has
smitten, but, thank God, it has not pros
trated me. I a"m more than happy that
misfortunes in my youth prevented the for
mation of habits difficult to break through,
and that prosperity was snatched from me
before I could either use or abuse it." He
that has dispositions and feelings like these
may be injured, but cannot be destroyed.
A man that conquers himself is unsubduable
by the evils of life : in his integrity he smiles
upon afflictions, as an able commander in. an
impregnable fortress during an assault, and
holds out against the combined forces of the
world. From before the escape of the Duke of
Orleans to Mons in April 1793, and during
his pedestrian [wanderings, his brothers re
mained in prison, frequently apprehensive of
death from the factions alternately ruling in
France. In 1796, while the Duke was in
concealment in the duchy of Holstein, and
his brothers were in the fourth year of their
imprisonment, he received a letter from his
mother, in which she earnestly expresses a
hope "that the prospect of relieving the
misfortunes of his afficted mother and his
unhappy family may induce his generous
spirit to contribute to the peace and security
of his country " The Duchess had received
intimation that the French Executive Direct
ory would liberate his brothers on condition
that the Duke of Orleans left Europe, and
that his brothers followed his example. This
she informed him of, and his affectionate
answer to her letter, was: — "When my
dearest mother shall have received this
letter, her orders will have been executed; —
I shall already have departed for America.
I seem to be in a dream when I think how
soon I shall again embrace my brothers and
be re-united to them, — I, who formerly ima
gined that our separation was impossible.
Think not, however, that in anything I com
plain of my destiny. Oh, no ! I feel too
sensibly how much more frightful it might
really be — I shall not even deem it unfortu
nate, if, after being restored to my brothers,
I learn that my dear mother is also well and
comfortable, and especially if I may. indulge
the thought of contributing in any manner to
the tranquillity and happiness of France-
For my country I cannot feel any thing . per
sonal as a sacrifice — and, whilst I live, there
is none that I am not prepared to make for
her." He immediately prepared to embark
for America under the stipulations of the
Directory, and with their passport embarked
at Hamburgh for an asylum in the transat
lantic world.

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE; 1830.

125

In October, 1796, the Duke of Orleans ar
rived at Philadelphia, where in the course of
a few months he experienced the pleasure of
a most affectionate meeting with his brothers,
the Due de Montpensier and the Count de
Beaujolais, on their landing from France.
They mutually resolved to part no more, and
arranged a mode of living together in mutual
happiness. They kept one servant, and, at
tended by him, made an extensive tour, in
which they visited General Washington, who
cordially and hospitably received and enter
tained them at Mount Vernon. On parting
from their venerable host, they penetrated
into the interior, went to the great lakes,
traversed forests and savannahs, and spent
much time in living among the native Indians.
On returning to Philadelphia, their residence
in that city was enlivened by intelligent so
ciety, until they set out for New York, whence
they went to Massachusetts and other states,
leisurely sojourning in each, particularly at
New Orleans. They enquired into the insti
tutions and government of the union and the
different states, observed their operation, and
acquainted themselves with the laws and con
stitution of England. While thus occupied,
they learned that their mother, the Duchess of
Orleans, had been forced into Spain. Anxi
ously desiring to see her, they proceeded
down the Ohio and tbe Mississipi to the
Bavannah, where the Duke of Orleans wrote
to the King of Spain for permission to pass
into that kingdom for the purpose of visiting
her. After a tedious waiting of eighteen
months at the Havannah, an answer was re
turned to the application, and they embarked
for the Isle of " Providence, whence they
sailed in an English vessel to Halifax. On
their arrival they were kindly welcomed by
the Duke of Kent, then Governor of Nova
Scotia. Here they spent some time, during
which the Duke of Kent entertained them
handsomely, and frequently and pressingly
invited them to take up their residence in
England. They returned to New York,
whence they sailed in a packet-boat for
Falmouth.
• In February, 1800, the Duke of Orleans
with his brothers arrived in London, and was
formally introduced at the court of St. James's.
After a short stay, the Duke of Orleans made
an effort to see his mother, and sailed for a
Spanish port, but in consequence of the war he
was not allowed to land, the ship was ordered
away, and he returned, smarting with disap
pointment, to England. The three brothers
took up their residence at Twickenham, and
lived in retirement, frowned upon from Hart-
well, where Louis XVII. lived with the Count
d' Artois (afterwards Charles X.), the Due
d' Angouleme, and the rest of the Bourbon

family, in the midst of adherents to the old
regime. The independent spirit and known
liberal sentiments of the Due d' Orleans and
his brothers were not to be tolerated. Neither
of the brothers would accept a shilling from
the English Government, and the Royalists
at Hartwell were all in the receipt of pensions
— this was an additional offence — such an of
fence as could only have been committed by
those who loved their country better than
the " right divine of kings to govern wrong."
Slights of this kind such culprits were well
able to bear, and they spent their time in
mutual instruction and rational pleasures,
without an inroad upon their happiness until
the health of the two'younger brothers|gradually
declined. The Duke de Montpensier fell
into a consumption, and to the inexpressible
grief of his brothers died in May 1807. He
was buried in Westminster Abbey. This af
fliction increased certain symptoms of the
same disease in the Count de Beaujolais. In
the foUowing year he was advised to go to a
milder climate, and was attended to Malta by
the Due d'Orleans, whose attentions to him
were unremjtting and unavailing; for he died
a few days after their landing. Thus bereaved,
the Due d'Orleans left Malta for Messina,
and visited the court of Palermo. Thence
he went to Gibraltar, and then returned to
England. The Duke's sister, Mademoiselle d'Orleans,
whom in 1793 he had placed in a convent at
Bremgarten, had removed to the convent of
Fribourg undef the protection of her aunt the
Princess Conti. They afterwards went to Ba
varia and into Hungary, where Mademoiselle
d'Orleans remained until the Princess died.
In 1802 her mother, the venerable Duchess of
Orleans, then residing in Catalonia, wishing
to see her once more, sent a lady to conduct
her from Presburg, and in the month of March
they joyfully met after a separation of many
years, and lived togetheratFigueras. In 1808
the French invaded Spain, suddenly bom
barded Fjgueras, and the ladies were com
pelled to escape in the night, and seek shelter
with the Spaniards in arms. Information of
their situation reached the Due d'Orleans.
He arranged to convey them from the
scene of war. The Duchess preferred to
remain in Spain, but sent her daughter to
join the Duke. Mademoiselle d'Orleans*, ex
pecting to find her brother at Malta, arrived
there after his departure ; she sought him at
Gibraltar with like ill success; she then came
to England, and missed him at London.
Hastening to Portsmouth she met with him just
as he was about to embark in an English frigate
for the Mediterranean, and they sailed together ;
for Palermo. ' ' ' ¦ %¦ m"
At the former visft of the Due d'Orlean&to M

126

ANNALS OF THE

the court of Sicily, he had become attached
to the Princess Amelia, daughter of Ferdi
nand IV., who had been educated by a lady of
singular merit. This princess possessed many
amiable qualities and domestic qualifications,
which she had exercised in a season of ad
versity, to the astonishment of most, and the
admiration of all, of the court ladies. In
1798, on the invasion of the French, she had
been hastily driven from Italy, to take refuge
in Sicily with her brother, a child of six
years, who perished during the horrors
of a tempestuous and dangerous voyage.
On her landing, nothing had been prepared,
she was in distress from the death of her
brother — in a new residence — in a strange
country, with a trifling pittance. Notwith
standing rigid economy, she endured many
privations; but the qualifications she had
derived from an excellent education her in
dustry turned to account, and she preserved
herself from dependence. This was the lady
whom the Due d'Orleans esteemed, and she
equally esteemed hini. It was on a visit to
her that he embarked with his sister. At
Palermo the marriage between the duke and
the princess was settled. Besides his sister,
he had but one dear relative^— his mother;
and he was anxious that both should be pre
sent at the ceremony — the only ceremony in
the world,, perhaps, that contributed to his
happiness. He had commissioned the Che
valier de Broval to arrange the means of con
ducting his venerated parent from a Spanish
port to the island of Minorca ; and the duke
himself sailed to Port Mahon,' and conducted
her to Palermo, where, for the first time in
sixteen years, the members of the Orleans
family met together on the 25th of Novem
ber, 1809, when the duke's marriage was so
lemnized. In May, 1810, the regency of Cadiz sent a
frigate with despatches to the Due d'Orleans,
requesting him to accept of a military com
mand in Catalonia. He went on board— r
landed at Saragossa — was received with dis
tinguished honors — viewed the fortifications
of the place — hastened to Cadiz — but the
commission he had been solicited to receive
was withheld. The government of Spain
wis divided by faction, and he returned to
Palermo in September, a few days after the
birth of his first son. Shortly afterwards
political dissentions commenced in Sicily,
and agitated the island for four years. In
these the duke took no part except to con
ciliate. During this period he had another
son and two daughters.
On the recal of Louis XVIIL to France,
by the operations of the combined army, the
Due d'Orleans proceeded to Paris alone,
w|iere he made a short stay, and then returned

to Sicily for his family. Shortly after- their
arrival, Louis XVIII. appointed him colonel-
general, of the Hussars. On the news of
Napoleon's landing from Elba, in March
1815, the king ordered the duke to Lyons;
but effectual resistance could not be made in
that quarter, and the duke hastened back to
Paris. On the 16th the king appointed him
to command the army of the North, with the
Duke of Treviso (Mortar). The duke adopted
every possible means to secure the fidelity
of the troops to the royal cause. The king
was at Lisle, in person. It was his desire to
make a stand there with the household troops,
and the force that could be obtained from the
National Guard, but all endeavour was fruit
less, and to avoid capture he hastened away.
On the 24th the Due d'Orleans followed him.
A French paper reports that, when the duke
took leave of his officers, he said to one of
them, " Go, and resume the national cockade.
I feel honored by having worn it, and
would wish to wear it still." If he said this,
it was in reference to his having served under
the tri-color early in the revolution. On
quitting Lisle he addressed the following
letter to Mortier : —
" My dear Marshal, — I give up to you
entirely the command which I have had the
happiness of exercising conjointly with you
in the department of the North. I am too
good a Frenchman to sacrifice the interests
of France because new misfortunes compel
me to quit it. I go to hide myself in retire
ment and oblivion. It only remains for me
to release you from all the orders which I
have given you, and to recommend you to
do what your excellent judgment and pa
triotism may suggest as best for the interests
of France. " Louis Philippe D'Orleans."
On this letter being shown to Napoleon,
he turned to the Duke de Bassano and said,
" See what the Duke of Orleans has written
to Mortier. This letter does him honor ; be
always had a French heart."
During the Hundred Days, the Due d'Or
leans retired to England, and Louis XVIIL
was again seated on the throne of France.
The1 Duke returned to Paris, but visited this
country afterwards. In the summer of 1816
he was residing at Twickenham and received a
respectful invitation from the Society for the
relief of Distressed School masters to honor
their annual dinner in London with his com
pany. He addressed an answer to the Trea
surer of the Society, regretting his inability
to attend, inclosing a liberal donation for the
charity, and adding, " that among the
motives which made him feel an attachment
to school-masters was that of having hqen him-

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1830.

127

self once a member of the profession. It was
one of the many vicissitudes of fortune which
had fallen to his lot, that, at a period of severe
distress and persecution, be had the good luck
of being admittted as teacher in a college,
where he gave lessons regularly for the space
of eight months. He hoped, therefore, that
the Society for distressed Schoolmasters
would permit him to tender his mite as a
fellow-schoolmaster." It is affirmed that
some prophecies have a double sense. Mr.
Brougham's memorable saying " the School
master is abroad," and his views of what the
Schoolmaster was capable of effecting, were
in one sense almost prophetic. The Due
d'Orleans, of ancient royal ancestry, and
affianced to royalty-— with the blood of
Henry the Great running in his veins — with
a landed income far greater than the richest
in France to support his title — voluntarily
fell into the ranks of a Society of School
masters, and called himself " a fellow School
master." True, indeed, it is figuratively, that
" the schoolmaster is abroad ;" and that, figu
ratively and literally, " the schoolmaster is
enthroned," and teaching nations how to live.
It happened that, in the same year, 1816,
during the absence of the late Duke of Kent
at Brussels, his birth-day, November 2, was
celebrated by a splended public festival, at
Fishmongers' Hall, and the Due d'Orleans,
as a personal and warmly-attached friend of
the Duke of Kent, was one of the numerous
guests. On giving the health of the royal
visitor, the Lord Mayor, as chairman, particu
larly congratulated him on many circum
stances connected with his residence in Eng
land. The Due d'Orleans returned thanks in
a brief but elegant address, delivered with
peculiar fluency and force. He had been en-
gaged,'he said, as was flatteringly observed
by the Lord Mayor, in rearing his infant
family in this country, and the best acknow
ledgment he could make, in return for the
many kindnesses he had received here, was
the assurance that, in his parental instructions,
he should ever inculcate in the minds of his
children the purest principles of the British
constitution, and an endearing attachment to
its institutions and liberties. There existed
a warm friendship between the Due d'Orleans
and the late Duke of Kent, who a short time
before his death wrote a letter with this pas
sage : — "The Due d'Orleans is my particular
friend, and I consider him, without a single
exception, as one of the most judicious and
, sensible men that I ever knew, or can ever
hope to know. He is perfectly well disposed ;
but has many illiberal enemies among those
who, with most cruel injustice, visit upon
him their Just hatred of the father."

Paul Courier, vine dresser, a French
writer, distinguished for talent and honored
for honesty, two qualities seldom combined,
in a letter printed in 1822, says: —
"I love the Duke of Orleans, because,
although born a prince, he deigned to become
a man. He never made any promise to me ;
but, had the occasion occurred, I would have
trusted in him, and, the compact once made.
I think he would have adhered to it without
deception, without deliberating about it with
gentlemen, or consulting Jesuits on the sub
ject. My reason for thinking so is this : —
He is of our own time — of this age, not of
another ; and has seen little of what we call
the ancien regime. He fought in our ranks,
and therefore is not afraid of inferior officers.
He afterwards became an emigrant, contrary
to his wish ; but he never made war against
us, knowing too well what was due to his
native soil, and that one cannot be in the
right against one's country. He was aware
of that and many other things which are not
to be learned in the rank to which he be
longed. Fortune willed that he should
descend from that rank, and while young live
like ourselves. In France he fought our
common enemies ; out of France hfe labored
for his daily bread. It cannot be said of
him that ' he has forgot nothing, and learned
nothing.' Among foreigners his business was
instruction,, not asking alms. He did not urge
Pitt nor implore Coburg to avenge the cause of
aristocracy by ravaging our plains and burn
ing our villages. Since "his return he has not
founded masses and seminaries, nor endowed
convents, at our expense ; but, respectable in
his conduct and in his morals, he has given an
example which preaches better titan the mis
sionaries. In a word, he is a good man.
For my part, I wish that all princes were like
him : none of them would lose by that, and
we should be gainers. If he should ever
govern, he will put many things in order, not
merely by the prudence which he may pos
sess, but by another virtue not less consider
able, but too little celebrated — I mean his
economy ; a citizen-like quality, if you will,
which the court abhors in a prince, but
which is so valuable, so excellent, for us tax
payers. What do I say? — so divine, that
with it I would almost quit him for every
other' quality. While I speak of him in this
way,, it is not because I know him better than
you ; nay, perhaps I do not know him so
well, having never seen him. I know only
what is said; but the public is not stupid,
and can judge princes, for they live in public.
Neither is it because I am his partizan, for
I have never been of any man's party. I do
not follow any one ; for I do not seek my for-

12S

ANNALS: OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.

tune in revolutions and counter-revolutions,
whfcharways turn to the profit of some folks.
Born one of the people, I remain in my place
'by choice ; and, were I obliged to choose, I
Srnuld still be of the party ofthe people — of
the peasants like myself."'
I . When the Due d'Orleans settled in France,
after the Hundred Days, he quietly retired
within his domestic circle. His children
have been educated with the care which it
may be imagined such parents would affec
tionately bestow on the offspring of their
affection. Their mother, in every sense an
excellent woman, has found constant em
ployment in the regulation of her household,
and in the education and management of her
daughters. It is a happy family, charactizesed
by a simplicity of manners inexplicable to
people of fashion.
The chief estate of the Due d'Orleans
in the Palais Royal, so called from Louis
XIIL and Jhe Queen regent, with the
Royal Family, having taken ftp their resi
dence .there in 1643. It was originally
cqmmerieeE in 1629, by the Cardinal Riche
lieu, ...aS.; a-Jljiere hotel,.^but by his enlarge-
TO'eoS^fcat length assumed the name of. the
PslksfCaV^nal. It was presented ;by him
to . Louis .XIIL, who formed the Place dir
Pal^|(i^^al in front of it to afford apart
ments to'Louis XIV. He, on coming to the
throne,. increased the Palais Royalrin size, and
gave^ip Philippe of Orleans,Duc de Chartres,
upon his ^marriage with Marie Francoise de
Bourbon. It was afterwards successively mo
dified, rebuilt, and embellished. In the former
revolution it was called the Palais Egalite, and
after the death of the late Due d'Orleans
was converted into cafes, ball-rooms, and
places for gambling. In 1795 a military com
mission was established here, and it was the
residence of the president and other officers :
it was then called the Palais du Tribunat.
On the return of Louis XVIIL, in 1814, the
present Due d'Orleans furnished it for his
own residence. During the Hundred Days
Lucien Buonaparte established himself in the
Palais Royal and received the ministers and
grand dignitaries of Napoleon. On the return
of the King, the Due d Orleans resumed pos
session of the Palais Royal. The Duke's
principal business arid recreation in Paris
have consisted in • altering and improving
this edifice, and in planting and adorning the
gardens : his works of this kind have enabled
him to give daily employment to upwards
of 500 persons. He has been a judicious

promoter of art," and contributed largely to the
diffusion of useful knowledge and enlighten
ed opinions.
Since the Due d'Orleans finally settled in
France, he has appeared very little in pub
lic affairs; and was ¦ seldom heard of but
through the revilings of courtiers. The
breaker ofthe prisoner's cage at St. .Michaels,
the proscribed and exiled of his country, the
penniless wanderer in the high alps, .the
teacher of the mathematics in the Grisons,
the pedestrian traveller to the North Pole,'
the traverser of the American wilds, the
observer of the people of despotic and free
states, the student of the laws and usages of
nations, the valiant warrior, the accomplished
scholar, the lover of truth, the practical
phUosopher, the friend of Washington and
Lafayette, knew all that passed and said
nothing. The cherished advisers of the
living representative of divine right on the
throne of France were eminent intriguers and
fanatic priests, . hoary in ignorance and su
perstition — believers in few things credible
and in all things incredible, — ¦ confirmed
disbelievers of "facts and revolutions," which
they knew of and had witnessed. By them and
by their master the opinions ofthe Due d'Or
leans were derided, and his advice scorned.
Had he lifted bis voice aloud he would have ex
cited their imperishable hate, and perhaps fallen
a victim to precautionary malice. He could
not-be the counsellor of him who counselled
only with fools and flatterers, and he would
not be the instigator ofthe people. He knew
that the ripening of knowledge was not to be
hastened, and that until ripened it would not
work its perfect work. Wisely, therefore, he
had calmly observed in silence the march of
events which commenced with the principles
that he grew up with, and with which he
knew the procession would terminate. To
acknowledge these principles was not eti
quette at court. They had demanded introduc
tion and were refused. The people deter
mined to stay the plague of legitimacy — the
principles burst in — Charles X. bowed, and
fell before them, as Dagon fell before the ark
— and the schoolmaster of the Grisons be
came King of the French; An old courtier
eagerly knelt to kiss hands ; Philippe Louis
I., with the tri-color on his heart, drew back,
" We shall have done with this !" he said, and
offered his hand for a friendly shake; the
courtier drew back in return, "by the holy Jl
bottle of the holy oil of Rheims," exclaimed
the terrified ex-minion, " this is not a King!" t

J. H addon, Fruiter, Castle Street, Finsoury.

3 9002 04205 2911