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1

WALES AND THE
WARS OF THE ROSES

CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
C. F. CLAY, Manager
Hmtttmu FETTER LANE, E.C.
Eomtmrgf): 100 PRINCES STREET

#eto ffiorft: G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS
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©oronto: J. M. DENT AND SONS, Ltd.
Eoftno: THE MARUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISHA.

All rights reserved

WALES AND THE
WARS OF THE ROSES

BY
HOWELL T. EVANS, M.A.
St John's College, Cambridge

Cambridge :
at the University Press
J9l5

Canttr t&ge :
PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A.
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS

vW. 26»p

PREFACE
AS its title suggests, the present volume is an attempt to
¦**• examine the struggle between Lancaster and York from
the standpoint of Wales and the Marches. Contemporary
chroniclers give us vague and fragmentary reports of what
happened there, though supplementary sources of informa
tion enable us to piece together a fairly consecutive and
intelligible story.
From the first battle of St Albans to the accession of
Edward IV the centre of gravity of the military situation
was in the Marches : Ludlow was the chief seat of the duke
of York, and the vast Mortimer estates in mid- Wales his
favourite recruiting ground. It was here that he experienced
his first serious reverse — at Ludford Bridge; it was here,
too, that his son Edward, earl of March, won his way to
the throne — at Mortimer's Cross. Further, Henry Tudor
landed at Milford Haven, and with a predominantly Welsh
army defeated Richard III at Bosworth. For these reasons
alone unique interest attaches to Wales and the Marches in
this thirty years' war; and it is to be hoped that the
investigation will throw some light on much that has
hitherto remained obscure.

vi PREFACE
I have ventured to use contemporary Welsh poets as
authorities ; this has made it necessary to include a chapter
on their value as historical evidence. It was thought
necessary, also, to give some account of the state of things
in Wales during the first half of the fifteenth century, and
of the part played by Welshmen in the last phases of the
Hundred Years' War with France.
I am deeply indebted to Prof. J. E. Lloyd, M.A., of
Bangor University, for revising the proofs and for much
salutary criticism; and to Mr J. Alban Morris of Cardiff
for placing at my disposal his transcript of the manuscript
History of Wales, by Ellis Griffith, in the Mostyn Library.
The index has been compiled mainly by Mr T. L. Horabin
of the Board of Trade.
H. T. E.
January io, 1915.

The Historical Value of Contemporary Welsh
Literature ......
The Penal Laws .....
Wales and the French Wars — Mathew Gough
Herbert and Tudor .....
The Campaign of Ludford ....
Mortimer's Cross .....
The War in Wales .....
Warwick and Herbert — Banbury
The Return of Jasper Tudor — The Council of
the Prince of Wales . . .
Henry Earl of Richmond, and the March to
Bosworth 

List of original Authorities

i
1643
6689
114134157

202
231

The Vaughans of Bredwardine
The Tudors and Pulestons
Pedigree of David ap Einon
The Herberts
The Mansels
Family of Griffith ap Nicholas
The Dwnns .

113139
145
228 229229
230

CHAPTER I
THE HISTORICAL VALUE OF CONTEMPORARY
WELSH LITERATURE
In the course of the present narrative, an endeavour will
be made to show that Wales and the border counties exercised
a more formidable and decisive influence than is generally
believed, upon the course of the struggle between Lancaster
and York. The history of the period has been thickly
overgrown with the moss of tradition, romance, and myth,
most of which accumulated during the sixteenth and seven
teenth centuries. A great deal of the fiction was clearly
invented to inflate family pride ; some was due to a literal
interpretation of purely rhetorical passages in the panegyrics
of the poets. It is needless to say that such material,
except what can be shown to have a foundation of truth,
or at least of strong probability, is worthless as historical
evidence. Yet, it has held sway for many centuries, and
has given rise to considerable confusion. It will be essential
to our purpose to rely exclusively upon original documents
and contemporary sources of information. Amongst these
will be included certain Welsh records which have been
hitherto, and are still to a large extent, unexplored fields
of historical research. The greater part of this material is
in manuscript, scattered broadcast in public and private
libraries. Some of it is already in print, but in many
different publications, and consequently most inaccessible
to the average student.
In so far as events were recorded at all in Wales during
the second half of the fifteenth century, that function was
e. w. r. I

2 THE HISTORICAL VALUE OF [ch.
performed by the poets. Their chief interest, admittedly,
is literary and linguistic. Nevertheless, the student of
history may reasonably inquire what may be
The poets. , . . , , i a i • I.
their title to credence, what reliance can be
placed upon them, and with what abatements their
presentation of persons and events should be accepted as
truth. Let it at once be granted that these men did not profess
Their to write down facts, dry and ungarnished.
limitations. History would have gained much, and literature
lost little, if the bards, instead of writing historical poems,
had recorded their information in the form of annals or
chronicles. But they were primarily poets, not chroniclers.
As poets, they necessarily employ the artifices of their craft.
They exaggerate ; they invent ; they draw upon their
armoury of rhetoric. They colour, and frequently distort,
facts to suit the exigencies of the occasion, and in the interests
of those whose patronage they solicited. Their information
is often garbled.
Further, those portions of their writings which have any
value for the historian are not poems descriptive of events
and actions. They are odes and elegies for the glorification
of individuals, and only incidentally admit descriptive
narrative. The fabrications of rhetoric, therefore, are not
absent. There is little minuteness of detail ; rarely any
chronology or geography. Genealogies are plentiful, but of
family rather than of general interest. There is an amplitude
of vague, hazy allusions, which were doubtless perfectly
intelligible to that generation ; to us they are shades of
a vanished past.
Lastly, they are prejudiced, especially against the Saxon.
Many of their poems were written under the sting of humilia
tion, when the wounds of defeat were still open and sore.
Invective not infrequently descends to vilification. In this
respect the poetry of the period cannot be paralleled at any
epoch in the history of the literature of Wales.

CONTEMPORARY WELSH LITERATURE 3
This feature in the poets, however, has its value for the
National historian ; for it reveals the deep chasm which
prejudices. separated the two nations. Its most outspoken
exponent was Lewis Glyn Cothi, who could rarely hide
his invincible repugnance to the name of Saxon. It detracts
considerably from the historical value of his testimony that
he was himself a victim of persecution at the hands of
English residents in Wales. He tells us that, having made
preparations for taking up his abode in Chester, he was
unceremoniously expelled from the city, and his belongings
looted by the inhabitants. His fiercest attacks were dehvered
when his feelings were thus embittered by personal affront,
or by such a national disaster as that at Edgecote. The
same applies, though in a lesser degree, to the lambent
sarcasm of Guto'r Glyn. He had occasion to journey
through many parts of England, visiting among other places
Warwick, Stafford and Coventry. When he reached the
north of England, he experienced a very hostile disposition
towards his language and country. However, his weapons
are not poisoned, though his threats are generally well-
directed. These two are not the only poets that bear witness to
the estrangement between the nations. Ieuan Deulwyn,
smarting beneath the exclusion of his countrymen from civil
rights, implores Sir Richard Herbert " to lock the door of
privilege against the Saxon."
Chwi a ellwch a'ch allwydd
Roi clo ar sais rhag cael swydd.
Dafydd Llwyd appeals to Jasper Tudor to bring to an end
the days of official intolerance, and warns his countrymen
against " putting their faith in the signet of the Saxon."
But we are not surprised to find such bitterness in the poet
when we know that he was the friend of Griffith Vaughan,
who was brutally murdered by Lord Grey of Powys, in 1447.
Some of Tudur Penllyn's lines are equally acrid, and were
also largely the outcome of personal injury. The poets'

4 THE HISTORICAL VALUE OF [ch.
invective was thus sharpened on a whetstone of disappoint
ment, injustice, oppression, and cruelty ; their anger burned
fiercely ; yet the dregs of passion are of little value, for
serious history cannot be built on diatribes.
Whatever pretensions to historical verity these poets may
The poets- title have must rest mainly on their close acquaint-
to credence. anceship with some of the chief politicians of
the day. This enabled them to obtain infonnation at first
hand from the actors themselves. This is the most that can
be said on behalf of chroniclers in general, few of whom
were actual eye-witnesses of the events they describe.
The majority can claim no more than that they were con
temporary. The Welsh poet, on the other hand, was a
welcome guest at the homes of the gentry, whom he visited
at regular intervals.
Lewis Glyn Cothi's home was situated in the valley of
the Cothi, in Carmarthenshire. Close by lay Newton, the
home of his patron, Griffith ap Nicholas, who dominated
West Wales in the middle of the century. He was intimate
with the Herberts of Raglan, and with the Vaughans of
Bredwardine and Tretower. At times we catch glimpses of
him in Chester, Flint, Anglesey. His list of patrons, in fact,
includes every contemporary Welshman of note. Ieuan
Deulwyn, another Carmarthenshire poet, was a native of
Kidwelly. He also dedicated several odes to the Herberts.
Guto'r Glyn came from the neighbourhood of Llangollen,
in the valley of the Dee. He was as ubiquitous as Lewis
Glyn Cothi, and not less in demand as a household bard.
Dafydd Llwyd and Tudur Penllyn lived in Merionethshire,
on terms of friendship with the garrison at Harlech. There
are strong grounds for the belief that Robin Ddu, the
swarthy bard of Anglesey, met Owen Tudor when the latter
withdrew to Wales after his escape from Newgate.
It is to be observed, moreover, that the poets may have
obtained access to the chief English politicians. Humphrey,
duke of Gloucester, as earl of Pembroke, and for many years

ij CONTEMPORARY WELSH LITERATURE 5
chief justice either of North Wales or of the South, had
occasion to pay several visits to the country. He was an
ardent patron of letters. But though there appears to be
no evidence in his voluminous correspondence with men of
letters that he ever came into close touch with Welsh literary
circles, Lewis Glyn Cothi alludes to him in terms of sympathy
and admiration. The early promotion of Reginald Pecock,
apparently a native of West Wales, was due to the influence
and patronage of Humphrey. Griffith ap Nicholas, the
patron and neighbour of Lewis Glyn Cothi, together with
a large number of other Welshmen, was in the duke's
retinue when he appeared at the parliament of Bury, in
1447. '
In their writings these poets show abundant traces that
they were alive to the march of events. It was
Their J
sources of an essential part of their business to get infor
mation, and turn it to account. It is impossible
to avoid the conviction that Lewis Glyn Cothi derived the
raw material for his vivid description of the battle of
Edgecote directly from some of the Herberts or the
Vaughans, or their associates in that murderous fight. In
his ode to Thomas ap Roger, who was among the slain,
it is not difficult to discern what is intrinsically improbable,
or what is palpably the product of the poet's imagination.
When the poet asserts that the greatest carnage on that day
took place under his hero's standard, we are inclined to
ascribe it to a natural anxiety to magnify and applaud.
Even the professed historian cannot always avoid the
artifices of eloquence ; and fifteenth century chroniclers
are rarely impartial. But in this ode there are undoubted
germs of truth. A basis of fact underlies the amplifications
and excesses of rhetoric. The statements that part of the
Welsh army cut its way through the ranks of the northerners,
that Thomas ap Roger fought against desperate odds with
a broken lance, that the combatants amidst the clash and
clangour of battle shouted, some for Edward, others for king

6 THE HISTORICAL VALUE OF [ch.
Harry, some for Herbert, others for Warwick, have a note
of probability and truth. Facts are hard to hide ; fabrica
tion is not always easy. It is not strange, therefore, that
the above description is in many ways substantiated by Hall,
the Tudor chronicler. Guto'r Glyn's realistic version of the
campaign against Harlech castle by the Herberts in 1468 is
also a valuable piece of historical evidence which it would
be fastidious to ignore. Briefly, and divested of its trappings,
it amounts to this. One division of the attacking army
advanced along the coast of North Wales, leaving a trail
of devastation and ruin ; another advanced from the south ;
Harlech offered but a feeble resistance — " By a Herbert it
could be obtained for the asking " ; and the army numbered
about nine thousand, an estimate which, as we shall
see, is corroborated by Hall, and roughly by the Issue
Rolls. It has always been assumed that William Herbert, earl
of Pembroke, was a steady Yorkist. Lewis Glyn Cothi
implies the contrary, and further research has proved con
clusively that he was correct. The editor of the only edition
of the poet failed to appreciate this fact, and consequently
became enmeshed in a tangle of contradictions. The same
poet observes that the sons of Griffith ap Nicholas were on
the side of Lancaster, and William of Worcester agrees with
him. We must therefore dismiss as worthless the idle story
of the family biographer in the Cambrian Register, though
that document has been credited by so distinguished an
authority as James Gairdiner, and has been the favourite
resort of generations of less responsible writers.
One important function of the fifteenth century Welsh
The poets Poet should not be overlooked. He was an
as national instrument in the hands of the leader of the
leaders. . .
moment to advertise prospective political move
ments, sometimes openly, at other times in enigma.
Prophecies there are in plenty, the pardonable efferves
cence of a seething nationalism. But it would be a

i] CONTEMPORARY WELSH LITERATURE 7
mistake to regard these futurist proclamations as the
forecasts of partisans, destitute of foundation, and un
warranted in fact. In one of his poems Lewis Glyn Cothi,
apprehensive for the cause of Margaret and her son Edward,
alludes to Jasper Tudor's search for assistance in France
and Brittany, his forthcoming return to Wales by sea, and
his probable landing at Milford Haven about the Feast of
St John. No date is given ; but the facts coincide with the
movements of Jasper Tudor during the few months which
immediately preceded the battle of Mortimer's Cross. For
prophecy Jasper actually obtained help abroad ; he came
and fact. foy sea . ftye battle took place in the first week
in February. Now the Feast of St John the Evangelist
would be December 27, and the few intervening weeks would
enable Jasper to gather his forces and reach Mortimer's Cross,
in Herefordshire, by February.
Similarly, there are copious references to the prospective
invasion of Henry of Richmond in 1485, which we cannot
entirely ignore as vague and unreliable prophecy. It is a
curious coincidence that the cherished belief of the medieval
Welsh sage, that a Welshman would one day ascend the
throne of Britain, found its fulfilment in the person of
Henry Tudor.
It has been said — and this is the prevailing modern view —
_ . , that " during the civil war there was but one
The title °
•wars of rose, the white rose of York, there was no
Lancastrian rose : the red rose of the House of
Tudor first appeared on Bosworth Field." This may be true
of England ; it is not true of Wales. The red rose of the
Tudors had appeared in Wales long before it blossomed in
splendour on Bosworth field. From the very beginning of
the war the Tudors made Wales their special sphere of action.
Edmund, earl of Richmond, came here early in 1456, and
made Pembroke and Tenby his headquarters. On his death
the same year, his place was taken by his brother Jasper,
earl of Pembroke. From then till 1485 the history of the

8 THE HISTORICAL VALUE OF [ch,
war in Wales is largely a record of the movements and the
schemes, the failures and the successes of Jasper.
It is not surprising, therefore, that contemporary Welsh
literature should contain frequent allusions to the family
device. One or two instances shall suffice. In an ode to
Owen Tudor, written soon after the battle of Mortimer's
Cross, Robin Ddu, the Anglesey poet, while bewailing his
hero's death, transfers his hopes to Jasper, and prophesies
" the victory of the red dragon over the dishonoured white.^'
Draig wen ddibarch yn gwarchae
A draig goch a dyr y cae.
Although in this couplet the play between " red " and
" white " is unmistakable, the " dragon " as a substitute
for " rose " may not seem convincing. However, the same
poet in a poem written during the exile of the Tudors, looks
forward hopefully to the time when " red roses will rule in
splendour " : Rhos cochion mewn rhwysg uchel.
Guto'r Glyn, in an ode to Roger Kynaston, composed shortly
after the return of Edward IV, plays upon the conflict
between a " rose of silver " and " a rose of gold." The rose
is also a favourite emblem with Dafydd Llwyd, a warm
associate of Jasper. The white rose of York, too, had
its adherents. Lewis Glyn Cothi, exultant in praise of
Sir William Herbert's prowess in the north of England,
describes how " he triumphed with white roses " :
A oresgynodd a'i ros gwynion.
But as the white rose is acknowledged to have been a device
of the Yorkists, it is unnecessary to enlarge on this point.
The poets, moreover, were not ill-informed on events
The French *n France, in which hosts of Welshmen took an
wars. active share ; but their information is largely of
local interest only. How they obtained their knowledge
is not altogether a matter of conjecture. A constant
stream of warriors passed to and fro between the two
countries. Scores of French prisoners were at various

I] CONTEMPORARY WELSH LITERATURE 9
times lodged in the royal castles of North Wales. On the
conclusion of the war, although a few hke John Edward,
who had married a French wife, became subjects of the king
of France, the majority returned to their native land with
tales of plunder and adventure.
Guto'r Glyn voices the consternation with which the
news of Mathew Gough's capture was received in Wales, and
urges the collection of a ransom to redeem him. Lewis Glyn
Cothi hints at the same warrior's exploit at the battle of
Formigny in 1450, when, at the head of his men, he cut his
way through the French lines to safety ; and we see no
reason to reject the same writer's statement that Gough's
life on that occasion was saved by Gwilym Gwent. His
death on London Bridge, while endeavouring to save the
city from Cade's rebels, sent the nation into mourning, a fact
which is curiously corroborated by William of Worcester in
a quaint Latin couplet1.
The Anglesey poet already referred to appears to be our
earliest authority for the romance of Owen Tudor and
Catherine, the widowed queen of Henry V. Robin Ddu
was in close touch with the Tudors and the chief families
of North Wales. It is possible, probable even, that he got
his information from Owen Tudor himself. The version in
Stowe, which is the one generally accepted, is substantially
the same, but of a later date.
Enough has now been said to show at least that these
writers cannot altogether be ignored by the
LhdetPh°ets student of the history of the latter half of the
dynastic fifteenth century. But after all, the supreme
wars. J r
importance of the poets lies in another direction.
It is not theirs to record facts. It is theirs to give expression
to the debates and the promptings of the nation's soul. And
if we are to seek in them an accurate interpretation of popular
feeling, the dynastic question as such had no meaning in
Wales. Not one of them holds a brief to buttress either
1 See p. 62.

io THE HISTORICAL VALUE OF [ch.
Lancaster or York. They sing the glory of a Tudor or a
Herbert according as each rises to eminence, and bids fair
to become a national leader. Nor can it be said that they
exposed themselves to a charge of apostacy if their panegyrics
thus alternated between the one and the other. They were
consistent in their nationalism. To them Herbert and Tudor
were nationalists, not party leaders. Lewis Glyn Cothi saw
in Edward IV a descendant of Gwladys the Dark, daughter
of Llywelyn the Great ; and he appeals to him, " a royal
Welshman," to rid them of oppression, and ameliorate the
condition of the peasant. Similarly, Henry of Richmond
found in Wales enthusiastic support not because he repre
sented the claims of Lancaster, but because he was the
grandson of Owen Tudor.
No leader of dazzling pre-eminence had arisen in Wales
since Owen Glyndwr. " Those who are awake know that
Wales has long since fallen into a deep sleep, and awaits
an embraving champion."
Cysgu 'roedd Cymru medd sawl a'i gwyl
Yn hir heb flaenawr fau ragorawl.
These are the words of Lewis Glyn Cothi who knew the
Their nation's pulse better than any of his contem-
nationaiism. poraries. The wars of Owen Glyndwr had left
the country bruised, and shackled by an oppressive penal
code. The people were restive, and in the second half of
the century became animated by a profound, sustained
passion to rid themselves of the incubus of alien officials.
They were no longer inspired by false hopes of an independent
nationality. That ideal had perished. Yet Wales a nation
was as virile a principle as in the days of the last Llywelyn ;
and to advocate it was the touchstone of true worth in her
leaders. The poets tuned their harps to blazon the nation's
name, and to proclaim the chieftain best fitted to deliver
them from bondage.
The first of such men was Griffith ap Nicholas. He
died about the time that Jasper Tudor came to Wales. In

i] CONTEMPORARY WELSH LITERATURE ii
Jasper the poet saw two important qualifications for
leadership : he was related by birth to the reigning sovereign,
Henry VI ; and he was the son of Owen Tudor. Accordingly,
all were urged to unite beneath his standard. Not in vain ;
a fact which is forcibly exemplified by the campaign of
Ludford. When Jasper's cause waned, the mantle of
leadership was transferred to Wilham Herbert, whose star
rose rapidly above the horizon after the battle of Mortimer's
Cross. After the death of Herbert at Edgecote, in 1469,
the poets centre their hopes once more in Jasper and his
young nephew, Henry of Richmond.
In some poems the prospective saviour of his country
is designated " Owen the Deliverer." That this belief in
" Owen " was not a delusion finds curious illustration in
the Welsh Tudor chronicler, Ellis Griffith, whose History of
Wales is still in manuscript only, in the library of Lord
Mostyn. For the general history of the period under con
sideration this history must be consulted with caution. In
many respects it is worthless. The following story, however,
is interesting and suggestive.
" William ap Griffith was a chieftain of North Wales.
Deeply disappointed by the death of Edmund Tudor, earl
of Richmond, before a son had been born to him, he threw
his bard, Robin Ddu, into prison, exclaiming angrily : ' You
made me believe that a scion of the House of Owen would
one day restore us the crown of Britain. You now perceive
that your prophecy was false, for Edmund has left no son
to succeed him.' Soon it became known that the duchess
was about to give birth to a child. Robin Ddu was immedi
ately set free and despatched to Pembroke. A son was born,
and they called his name Owen, by which name young Henry
Tudor was for many years known among the Welsh1."
On the social life of Wales at this period the poets are
invaluable. They throw interesting light also on ecclesi-
1 The above is a brief summary of the tale which is given in full, in the
original text, in an appendix to this chapter. For an excursus on authori
ties, other than those of Wales, see Appendix at the end of the book.

12 THE HISTORICAL VALUE OF [ch.
astical affairs. Lewis Glyn Cothi is trenchant in his satire
upon the friars and the travelling minstrels, though his
lampoon is often less robust than that of Guto'r Glyn. The
sale of indulgences, and even the papacy itself, come beneath
their scourge. " The Church is as impotent as the Govern
ment," says Tudur Penllyn, " and armies have become
the instrument of the devil." Dice, chess, carol-singing,
cards, and dancing relieved the monotony of everyday Hfe.
The " Life of Sir Rhys ap Thomas " in the Cambrian
"The Life Register (1795) is a work which has enjoyed
of sir Rhys much popularity, and has formed the basis of
almost everything that has been written on
Wales during the second half of the fifteenth century.
The original manuscript appears to have been written in the
early part of the seventeenth century by one who claimed
some relationship to Rhys ap Thomas, in order, as he states,
to dash in pieces some false, forged traditions respecting
him. The writer traces the history of the family from the
time of Griffith ap Nicholas, the grandfather of Rhys.
The style is attractive, and characterised by unusual
dramatic power. The writer was familiar with the chronicles
of Hall and Holinshed ; in fact his account, when it deals
with the general events of history, is largely a reproduction
of Hall. He has also perused some of the fifteenth century
Welsh poets, but not critically ; for he presumes that they
give the literal truth and translates them accordingly. He
states, for example, that Griffith ap Nicholas possessed seven
strong castles, and that three great dukes with two other
great judges of the realm attempted and failed " to crush
and tread him under foot." These statements are a transla
tion of an ode to Griffith by Gwilym ap Ieuan Hen1.
1 Gorcheslion Beirdd Cymru, 142-4.
Saith gastell sy i'th gostiaw,
A saith lys y sy i'th law;
Tri dug a brofes trwy dwng
A dau ustus dy ostwng;
Nes iddynt na'th ddiswyddaw
Dramwy ar draed dri mor draw.

I] CONTEMPORARY WELSH LITERATURE 13
The writer then proceeds to amplify. The three dukes
were " Richard, duke of York, Humphrey, duke of Bucking
ham, and Henry, duke of Warwick, or rather Jasper, earl
of Pembroke, to whom he had just cause of quarrel because
Jasper took a liking to Griffith's castle of Cilgerran." It is
no doubt true that these lords had large interests in Wales ;
and further, that Griffith was actually engaged in strife with
Jasper's brother, Edmund. But Jasper's relations with the
family were friendly, and Griffith's sons fought with him
against the Yorkists at Mortimer's Cross ; while it is certain
that Cilgerran did not belong to Griffith ap Nicholas.
Moreover, the account given here . of the attitude of
Griffith towards the rival houses of York and Lancaster is
seriously at variance with that given by Lewis Glyn Cothi ;
for it states that Griffith, having been found guilty of felony,
offered his services to the duke of York, and fought and died
at Mortimer's Cross. To this we shall return. There are
many adventurous tales which we have no means of verifying,
but they are of personal, rather than general interest. Some
of them, indeed, bear a striking resemblance to those con
nected with other individuals at this period. Like Lord
Stanley, Rhys ap Thomas is required by Richard III to give
his son as a hostage ; while the story that Rhys, having
promised Richard that whoever, ill-affected to the state,
should dare to land in Wales where he (Rhys) had any
employments under his majesty " he must resolve with
himself to make his entrance and irruption over my bellie,"
and that, to verify his oath, he suffered Henry of Richmond,
on landing at Dale, to pass over his body — this story also
has its counterpart in the annals of Shrewsbury. The
author asserts, further, that Rhys was absolute in the neigh
bourhood of Milford Haven where Henry landed, that he
kept Carmarthen castle, that Richard required him to safe
guard Milford Haven against foreign invasion, and that he
joined Henry at Dale, all of which are either contradicted
by known facts or unsubstantiated by independent evidence.

14 THE HISTORICAL VALUE OF [ch.
It would therefore be unsafe to take this work as a reliable
guide. The recognised contemporary chroniclers have very little
English to say of Wales. Their references are few and
authorities. shadowy— the impressions of men who view
things from afar. There is not a single continuous record.
We have therefore to gather the sequence of events from
a mass of material drawn from such official documents as
the Rolls of ParUament, Rymer's Foedera, the Patent Rolls,
Acts and Proceedings of the Privy Council, the Deputy
Keeper's Reports, Inquisitiones post mortem, Statutes of the
Realm, the Paston Letters and other correspondence,
Municipal Records, and the original material to be found
in the publications of various societies. Such material,
though disconnected, is on the whole beyond suspicion, and
it is possible to obtain from them a tolerably clear idea of
the march of events1.

APPENDIX
Extract from the MS. " History of Wales," by Ellis
Griffith, in the Mostyn Library.
Genedigaeth Henri ap yr Edmwnt a dreith ym mlaen hyn o lafur.
Yn y pryd a'r amser yr ydoedd brudiwr a bardd mawr o vewn tir
Gwynedd y neb a elwid Rhobin Ddu brydydd. . .yr hwn ynn hyn
o amser ynny blaen a ddywedasai i Syr William Gruffuth yr hwn
yn y cyfamser aoedd ben Siambyrien o Wynedd i dygai Rishmwn
goron tyrhas lloygyr am iben or achos yngydrym ac ir marchog
gafel y gwirionedd o varwolaeth Iarll Ritsmwnt y vo a ddanvones
i gyrchu y bardd wrth yr hwn y dywed ef drwy ymravaelion eiriau
gwattwarus yn y modd yma. Aha Hrobin deg. Weie mor deg
i mae ych brudiau chwi ynn dyvod tydi a wnaethost i mi ac i lawer
dyn goelio i dygai Ritshmwnt goron y dyrnas. Megis ac i dangosais
di imi yn fynnych o amseroedd or blaen. Neithyr yrowan ir wyf
1 For an account of the original authorities of the period the reader is
referred to Historical Literature of the Fifteenth Century, Kingsford ; and
Ramsay, Lancaster and York.

i] CONTEMPORARY WELSH LITERATURE 15
i ynn gweled yn amlwg nad oes onid fluent a chelwydd oth ymddi-
ddanau di. Or achos y djrwed y prydydd drwy gythrudd a llid ynn
y modd hwn. Serre pette iarll Richmwnt gwedi marw ag wedi
llosgi i gorff ef ac wedi boddi y lludw etto i mae i wraig ef yn feichiog
ar ettivedd mab, yr hwn a fydd brenin o loygyr or achos yma, megis
ac y mae'r chwedyl yn sathredig ymysg y Cymru, y vo a gedwis y
Siambyrlen y bardd megys ynn garcharor oni gavas ef wir wybodaeth
fod yr iarlles yn feichiog ac yna y vo a ollyngodd Robin yn hrydd
yr hwn o fewn ychydig o amser ynnol a gymerth i shiwrnai o Wynedd
i ddeheubarth. Ac ir oedd ef ynghastell Penvro pan oedd yr Iarlles
yn travaelio oi chlevyd ac wrth i gynghor ef i kymerth hi y Siambyr
o fewn y twr a dreithir uchod yn y lie y ganned iddi vab. Megis y
mae gwyr hen o Gymru yn dywedud a hennwyd ynni vedyddio
Ywain. Neithyr pan ir goshibion ddangos ir iarlles i henw ef y hi
a beris ir esgob droi i henw ef ai hennwi ef Henry neithyr val kynt
gwyr Cymru ai galwai ef Ywain yn vynnych no henri yr hwn wedi
i ddyvod ef mewn oedran affoes allan or deyrnas i dir ffrainck rhag
ofn brenin Edwart.

CHAPTER II
THE PENAL LAWS
The rising of Owen Glyndwr in the first decade of the
century was in some respects the greatest social calamity
that the country ever experienced. The wide-spread ruin
of monasteries, and the relentless devastation of lands, were
the least among the evils which it brought in its train. In
the first place; Wales was for many years afterwards regarded
as an active volcano which might at any moment break
out in violent eruption.
Beware of Walys, Criste Jhesu mutt us kepe
That it make not oure childeis childe to wepe,
Ne us also, if it go his waye
By unwarenesse ; seth that many a day
Men have beferde of here rebellioun.
Loke weie aboute, for, God wote, we have nede1.
The English Government considered it necessary to
Results of maintain a considerable force of archers and
Giyndwr-s men-at-arms in the most disaffected districts.
rising. Apart from the castle garrisons at Carnarvon,
Harlech, Carmarthen and other royal strongholds, a force
of about a thousand men was stationed in the very heart
of the country, at Cymmer and Bala in Merionethshire,
and at Strata Florida in Carmarthenshire. Even when
England was being drained of its fighting men for the French
wars of Henry V, Wales could not be left without a guard
1 " The Libell of English Policye," circ. 1436, in PoHtical Songs and
Poems, 11. 190. Rolls edition.

ch. n] THE PENAL LAWS 17
of nearly a thousand men1. In the eyes of patriotic Welsh
men this military occupation served as a mark of abiding
captivity and national subjection.
Henry V, who had acquired an invaluable military
training in Wales during his youth, was statesman enough
to perceive that a disaffected Wales was a menace he could
not afford to ignore, or treat with indifference. And so,
being engrossed in plans of foreign conquest, he became
anxious for a complete reconciliation. Owen Glyndwr
himself was still, apparently, at large, and the possibility
of a renewal of active hostilities not altogether remote.
Thus, on the eve of the campaign of Agincourt in 1415,
just before the army embarked from France, David Howel,
a Welshman of note, was charged with complicity in the
conspiracy of the earl of Cambridge. In his confession
Cambridge stated that the earl of March, who was to replace
Henry V on the throne, was to be taken to Wales, and there
proclaimed king ; that the royal castles in Wales were to be
seized ; and that David Howel was to engineer a rising in
North Wales. David Howel's complicity in the affair could
not be proved ; for, in the following year, he complained
in parliament that he had been indicted of treason by one
John Eliot before the king's justices, and that Eliot did not
appear to support the charge2.
Aware of the intractable temper of his Welsh enemies,
the king sent repeated offers of pardon to Owen Glyndwr
or his representative. A few weeks before his departure for
France he sent Gilbert Talbot on a peaceful mission to Wales,
with authority to pardon any rebels who might be disposed
to submit. The following year Talbot went on a second
embassy of a similar nature, armed with power to negotiate
1 In 141 1 there were 300 men-at-arms, and 600 archers ih these places.
In 1415, Strata Florida had 40 men-at-arms, and 80 archers; Cymmer
and Bala 300 men-at-arms and 60 archers each. Acts and Proceedings of
the Privy Council, n. 14-18, 37-38, in. 146.
2 Rymer's Foedera, ix. 300-1. Rot. Pari. 4 Henry V, 64-6, 102.
Appendix to Nicholas, Agincourt, 19. David Howel was accused ' sans
aucune manere de droit.' For his subsequent history see chap. in.
E. W. R. 2

18 THE PENAL LAWS [ch.
with Owen's son Meredith, as Owen himself could not be
found1.
Moreover, it stands recorded that Henry gave instructions
for the rebuilding of some of the monasteries that had been
destroyed in the war. The abbey of Llanfaes in Anglesey
was to be restored, and at least two of the monks were to
be Welsh2.
HJ The rising of Owen Glyndwr, in the second place, left
a bitter heritage of feud among the Welsh families them
selves. Many of them had been opposed to Owen's action
from the beginning, and none more vehemently than David
Gam, whose daughter Gwladys became the mother of the
Herberts of Raglan. These loyalists were proscribed and
ruthlessly persecuted by what may with propriety be called
the patriots : their lands were devastated ; many were
imprisoned ; not a few escaped vengeance by enlisting for
the wars in France. For more than a generation frequent
complaints were made to Parliament that those who had
been loyal to the Government were the victims of ill-treat
ment by Owen's partisans and those of their blood3. Some,
apparently, found refuge in the old Welsh custom of rhaith,
according to which three hundred men were required to
swear to the loyalty or innocence of the accused*. However,
the feud between patriot and loyalist was fiercely active
long after the accession of Henry VI5.
But blood-feuds and the establishment of a species of
martial law throughout the land were not the only or the
1 Rymer, ix. 283, 330. July 5, 1415, and February 24, 1416.
2 Rymer, ix. 147-8. July 3, 1414.
8 Rot. Pari. (1413-14) 1 Henry V. 10. " Plusieurs des dits
rebelles 6taient encore en vie, et autres de sang prochain a ceux rebelles ou
leurs amis font graunde pursuite envers les loiaux lieges, surmettant en eux.
lis demandent haute amende. Les dits loiaux lieges sont grevousement
vexes en plusieurs parties et seigneurs de Galles, aucuns de eux par endite-
ments, acusements. ou empechements, et aucuns par menaces et distresses
prises, et aucuns par leurs corps prises et emprisonnes." See also, ibid.
1427, 329.
1 Rot. Pari. 1413, 10. See also the complaint of William ap William
ap Griffith. Rot. Pari. 1439-42, 16.
6 Ibid. 1427.

n] THE PENAL LAWS

19

least of the evil results of Glyndwr's rising. It produced
a code of penal laws which increased in severity until the
cataclysm of the Wars of the Roses swept away the old
order of things, and ushered in a new era of coalition and
prosperity. For many generations Welshmen were denied
the ordinary privileges of citizenship : they could not acquire
property in land within or near the boroughs ; they could
not serve on juries ; intermarriage between them and the
English was forbidden ; they could not hold office under the
Crown ; no Englishman could be convicted on the oath of
a Welshman1. These protective walls, which sought to guard the
interests of English residents in Wales, could
Welshmen ° '
who received not long withstand the assaults of social and
'zeas ip' political storms. The peasant fought for a
path to freedom; his lord hungered for more land;
the artisan was rising to a position of independence ; the
merchant opened up new avenues of trade ; home and
foreign wars created a demand for Welsh soldiers ; in the
midst of all came a prolonged strife which finally shattered
the filigree of social distinctions between the two nations.
But while these forces were gathering strength the average
Welshman was grievously handicapped by the penal laws.
It would have been inexpedient, if not difficult, to withhold
citizenship from a Welshman of commanding local influence,
whose power and interests could be enlisted on the side of
order by granting him denizenship. This appears to have
been the position of Rees ap Thomas, a Cardiganshire
1 Que nulle homme Galeys desormes soit Justice, Chamberlain, Chaun-
celler, Seneschal, Resceivour, chief Forestier, Viscompt, eschetour, ne
conestable de chastel. . ; mais, soient angloys en mesmes les offices. . ;
Item que nulle homme Engloys par touz les partiez de Gales soit enditS ou
attache1 par hatie et envie de Galoys, . . soit convict par enquest des Galoys
de nulle chose a luy surmys ; Item que nulle homme ne femme Engloys
se marient a nulle homme ne femme Galoys ; Item, que les Burges Englois
de Villes ne receveint nulle homme de demy sang del partie Galois destre
enfranchiez deinz leurs villes.
Ordinates Walliae. 2 Henry IV, March 18. Record of Carnarvon,
•239, seq. See also " Statute of Wastours and Rymours " 4 Henry IV.

20 THE PENAL LAWS [ch.
chieftain, who was admitted to the full rights of a citizen
in 1413, and was the first thus to be favoured, unless we carry
our history further back than the accession of Henry V.
Rees subsequently held an official position of some moment
in West Wales and received the alien priory of St Clear's1.
Some years later; Griffith ap Nicholas was granted the
privileges of Englishmen for similar reasons. To have made
him the victim of a harsh penal code would have been unwise,
perhaps dangerous. The same may be said of Griffith Dwnn
to whom, in 1421, Parliament granted the full liberties of
a loyal subject2. His family played a conspicuous part in
the politics of the second half of the century.
The penal laws, in that they forbade a Welshman to
hold or purchase lands in England, affected, more by chance
than by design, the civil rights of those who had migrated
from Wales to England before the passing of the statutes,
and had acquired a territorial interest there. But for their
petitions to parliament, we might never have suspected
their Welsh origin. Such was Lewis John, who is described
as having been born of a Welsh father and mother. He
had acquired a status in England as a freeman of the city
of London ; he possessed estates in Essex, and was Warden
of the Mint in London and Calais3. John Montgomery4
and John Steward were Welshmen who found themselves
in the same difficulty. Both served with distinction at
Agincourt, and afterwards in Normandy. The rights of
such men were separately safeguarded by parliament on
petition. 1 In 1438 he was made Steward of Cardigan, Cantrefmawr, and Glyn-
cothi. In 1441 he and a few others received the alien priories of St Clear's
and Llangenneth. In 1444 he received Gerardston, Cardiganshire. Rot.
Pari. iv. 6; and Cal. Pat. Rolls, passim.
2 Rot. Pari. (1413-37), 130.
8 Letters of Margaret of Anjou, 34. Rot. Pari. iv. 44-5.
4 Rot. Pari. iv. 45, Nicholas, Agincourt; 379-85. Record Reports
( 3:885), 546. which state that John Montgomery was bailiff of Calais and
captain of Domfront. In 1430 he was on an embassy to the duke of
Burgundy. Proceedings, iv. 72, 324. Rymer, ix. 594-5 ; x. 458, and passim.

«] THE PENAL LAWS 2r
It is beyond the scope of the present inquiry to follow
the careers of these men in detail, or investigate the extent
to which the people of Wales sought and found a larger
ambit of enterprise in the general affairs of the country. In
the Church they are represented by Reginald Pecock, the
most daring thinker of his age, and by the astute diplomatist
Philip Morgan, who became Bishop of Worcester and
Chancellor of Normandy. In war, no soldier of the day won
greater fame than Mathew Gough ; and but for his brilliance,
a host of lesser lights from Wales would burn more brightly.
Owen Tudor gave proof of courtly quahties by winning the
affection of Queen Catherine. Few mastered the shifts of
statecraft more successfully than William Herbert. Some
of these, on account of the eminence they achieved in the
Wars of the Roses, or the splendour in which they are
wreathed in contemporary Welsh literature, will appear often
in our story. Others, hke Pecock and Philip Morgan, who
do not directly affect the story of Wales, have no claims upon
the present narrative.
To resume. Many obtained emancipation from civil
thraldom by their eminent services in the French wars ;
for example, David ap Thomas of Cardiganshire, in 1427,
for his unswerving loyalty to Henry V. In this instance
the liberation was not made hereditary1. A few years later
he was to suffer imprisonment for his adherence to Humphrey,
duke of Gloucester. In 1430, Rhys ap Madoe " born in
Wales" received denizenship at the special request of the
House of Commons for his sovereign heroism at Crevant
and Verneuil. He appears to have been in personal atten
dance upon the duke of Bedford when the latter crossed
from France to England to compose the differences between
Cardinal Beaufort and the duke of Gloucester2. The yoke
next fell from the shoulders of Morgan Meredith. He
1 Rot. Pari. 1427, 325. Cal. Pat. Rolls, sub ann.
2 Rot. Pari. 1430-1, 372. Record Reports (1887). He received
protection to cross to France in the duke of Bedford's retinue on February
7, 1425-6.

22 THE PENAL LAWS [ch.
marked his deliverance by a prosperous trade in barley
with the Netherlands, and later acquired some ascendancy
in the local affairs of Kent1. In 1432 the franchise was
bestowed upon Owen ap Meredith, who was probably the
romantic Owen ap Meredith ap Tudor, better known as
Owen Tudor2. There is a forbidding leanness about this
grant which betokens flagrant insincerity of
intriguing suspicion. He could not become a
citizen or a burgess, nor hold a Crown office in any city,
borough, or market town. By a process of elimination we
infer that he could bear arms, acquire land, intermarry,
and serve on a jury. He might hold a household appoint
ment, a fact of outstanding significance in his particular
case. As we shall see, he was already the husband of Queen
Catherine, though the fact was not generally known.
Another illuminating case is that of William ap William
ap Griffith, who described himself as " English on his mother's
side, being son to Joan, daughter of William Stanley, knight,
and part English on his father's side." His father, he
declared, had been loyal to the Crown against Owen Glyndwr,
and had been despoiled of his lands in consequence. Parlia
ment gave a guarded assent to his request ; for Wilham
was not to marry a Welsh wife, and he was not permitted
to hold any royal office in Wales3. Three years later,
however, these embarrassing restrictions were removed. The
Government became more liberal under Edward IV. In
1468 Morgan ap Meredith of Carnarvonshire, and one
David Canons, were enabled to become burgesses of any
Carnarvonshire boroughs, or of any other town in Wales and
the Marches, with freedom to hold office and carry arms4-
1 Record Reports (1887). January 5, 1442-3. He was on a commis
sion to investigate disturbances in 1456. Proceedings of the Privy Council,
vi. 289. June, 1456. Also, Morgan Meredith of Carmarthen; 1441.
C.P.R., 560.
2 Rot. Pari. 10 Henry VI. 415. The relations between Owen and
Catherine are discussed fully in another chapter.
8 Rot. Pari, 1439, 16; and 1442, 45. See his pedigree in Dwnn, 11. 89.
* Cal. Pat. Rolls, September 26, 1468, 107-8.

n] THE PENAL LAWS 23
But of those that were formally emancipated by parlia-
Griffithap ment the most aggressive was Griffith ap
N1Choias. Nicholas, a remarkable character who domin
ated West Wales in the middle of the fifteenth century. No
reliable account of him is extant, for the spurious biographical
sketch in the Cambrian Register, which was written more
than a century and a half after his death, is a picturesque
web of fancy woven to embellish a family pedigree1. His
grandson was that Sir Rhys ap Thomas who is said to have
deceived Richard III by an ingenious piece of sophistry,
and who afterwards won a knighthood on Bosworth field.
Griffith was intensely national, and in his generous
patronage of the bards faithfully mirrors the Welsh aristo
cracy of his day. He is the subject of many a panegyric in
contemporary poetry where, with pardonable poetic licence,
he is extolled as the autocrat of the south and the ruler of
the west from Carmarthen to Anglesey2. His home was
Newton, now Dynevor, near Llandilo, in Carmarthenshire.
He held the position of approver for the king in Dynevor
as early as 1425 ; so that he must have obtained release
from civic servitude before that date, although the parlia
mentary recognition of it was only recorded twenty years
afterwards. Moreover, he was farmer of the lordship of
Dynevor in 14403.
A curious instance of the abduction of a woman of
property gives him a lurid ascendancy which is not sub
stantiated by the little we know of him. Margaret, the
widow of Sir Thomas Maliphant, was journeying from
Pembrokeshire to London, when she was seized by an
unscrupulous adventurer Lewis Leyshon, who speciously
1 I refer to the account of him in the Life of Sir Rhys ap Thomas in
the Cambrian Register, 1795. The original MS. appears to have been
written in the early part of the reign of James I, as already stated, Ch. 1.
2 Lewis Glyn Cothi, 11, 1. See also Iolo MSS. 699, a poem by
Iorwerth Fynglwyd. Gorchestion Beirdd Cymru, 155, a poem by Gwilym
ap Ieuan Hen. The historic eisteddfod at Carmarthen, 1451, was held
under Griffith's protection.
8 Minister's Accounts, 1166-8. John Perot was associated with him.

24 THE PENAL LAWS [ch.
represented himself as her protector against the violence of
Griffith ap Nicholas. Lewis escorted her in the guise of
a friend as far as Twygeston, near Bridgend, the home of
his accomplice, Gilbert Turberville. He then unmasked his
dark purpose, which was to force her to become his wife.
Margaret's honour, however, defied imprisonment, brutality,
as well as the hypocritical pleadings of the parish vicar1.
A similar case of abduction occurred in Lancashire about the
same time, when Lady Butler was taken from her chamber
at Bartonwood, and carried off in " her kirtle and her
smokke " by one William Pulle of Wirral, who compelled
her to say the words of matrimony in the parish church of
Bidstone2. In 1443, by a royal grant, Griffith ap Nicholas was
invested with the town of Tregaron, and the commote of
Pennarth in which it was situated, a large district in the
upper valley of the Teivy, during the minority of Maud,
daughter and heiress of William Clement3. We shall
probably not be far wrong in attributing this grant to the
favourable influence of Humphrey, duke of Gloucester, who
had been made Chief Justice of South Wales in 1440, and
who spent some time in Carmarthenshire and Cardiganshire
during these years, for Griffith soon became one of the
duke's most devoted followers.
He continued to advance in power and position in
subsequent years. In 1444 he was formally admitted as
a fully privileged English subject4. The penal code was
by this time tottering ominously : " Welshmen in increasing
numbers seek to be citizens and to have the same freedom
as Englishmen, which will be to the utter destruction of
all Englishmen." Such were the words of the burgesses
1 Rot. Pari. 1439-40, 14. Lewis Glyn Cothi, i, ioo. Arch. Cambrensis,
1864, 247.
2 Rot. Pari. 1436-37 ; July. 497-8.
3 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 29 April, 1448. See a grant to Lewis ap Meredith,
esquire of %he household, of £20 yearly rendered by Griffith ap Nicholas
for Tregaron and Pennarth. The grant to Griffith bears date Tulv 24 144*.
4 Rot. Pari. 1444, 104, w

H] THE PENAL LAWS

25

of North Wales who, becoming alarmed at the robust vitality
of the Welsh, petitioned parliament to put an end to it.
Parliament, in acquiescing, specifically exempted Wilham
Bulkley of Anglesey, " an Englishman who had married
a woman of half-blood Welsh," and Griffith ap Nicholas.
This indirect allusion is our only official record of Griffith's
denizenship, but it implies that he had received it some years
previously. At a later period his name appears on a
number of commissions. For example, in 1445, he was
authorised with a few others to inquire into the felonies
of one David ap Meredith of Aberystwyth1.
The number of those thus formally unfettered by parlia-
The towns ment was comparatively few. Nevertheless, it
ofthe should not be assumed that the laws against
Marches. TTT , .. -
Welshmen were equally stringent throughout
Wales. Their own selfish propensities, and the struggle for
existence in the turbid pools of riot, compelled the lords-
marcher to lean towards tolerance ; for the greater the
number of law-abiding burgesses, the greater the security
in the towns on their demesnes, and the greater their
revenues. It may be asserted with a fair degree of probability, that
the early towns of Wales were not so exclusively foreign as
they are sometimes represented to have been. It is certain
that there was no general prohibition against the Welsh on
the part of the lords-marcher, in whose demesnes most of the
towns came into existence. Nor did the unfortunate results
of Glyndwr's rebellion operate for any length of time so as
to exclude Welshmen from the towns of the Marches. In
1406 Edward Charlton granted a charter to Welshpool,
according to which only Welshmen " who were with us in.
the rebellion shall be taken into the liberty." There were
Welsh bailiffs in Tenby in the first decade of the fifteenth
1 Cal. Pat. Rolls, sub ann. 369 ; Stephenson, 11, 508. Other members of
the above commission were Owen Dwnn, David Morys, Morgan Doe ( ? Dwnn)
and William Burley.

26 THE PENAL LAWS [ch.
century. A charter of the Mortimers to Usk about the
same time declares that the corporation " having obtained
our licence may freely make any Welshman a burgess of our
town1." But if there was a less stringent regime in the
Marches, it cannot be too strongly emphasised that the penal
code perpetuated the cleavage between the two nations,
discouraged the Welsh from peaceful enterprise, and produced
considerable irritation, especially in the shires.
So far we have dealt mainly with those causes of unrest
which might be traced directly to Owen
Welsh and , 5 . . J
English Glyndwr s rising. There were others of a
more remote origin. Since the conquest of the
Principality by Edward I, Wales had been divided into
shire-ground and the Marches. The shires were Anglesey,
Merionethshire. Carnarvonshire, Carmarthenshire, Cardigan
shire and Flintshire. There were two counties-palatine,
namely, the earldom of Pembroke, and the lordship of
Glamorgan. In all these the organisation was in every
respect similar to that of an English county. The rest of
Wales was known as the Marches. Here every lord was
a law unto himself.
Throughout the Marches Welsh and English customs
existed side by side, but the tendency was for the latter
to encroach upon the former. Thus, in 1415, the Welsh
chieftains on the estates of the duchy of Lancaster in West
Wales petitioned that they should hold their lands according
to the custom of their forefathers, and that estates should
not escheat to the Crown in default of heirs direct2. Some
times dues exacted according to English law were super
imposed upon those exacted by Welsh law. In 1417,
Edward Stradling and the tenants of Bassaleg, in the seignory
of Newport, were distrained upon for a tallage ; but the
1 For a fuller treatment of this question see an article by the author
on " The Welsh and the Early Municipalities," in Celtic Review ; Jan. 1908.
2 Rot. Pari. 3 Henry V, 91. Humphrey, duke of Gloucester, was their
overlord. His tenants petitioned that " I'avant dites terres ne serroient
seisez en vos mains autrement que la loi Galoise demande."

"] THE PENAL LAWS

27

seizures were afterwards restored to them on the ground
that the tallage had not been paid in ancient times except
when the lord attained his majority1.
There were instances where the burden became intolerable,
and many of the villeins were driven to seek elsewhere a
more lenient rule, or a more adventurous existence. In 1446,
the king's bondsmen of North Wales were absolved from
the duty of executing felons, to which they were compelled
by the sheriff, " by reason whereof bondmen have gone
from the counties to divers parts of England, so that many
towns are desolate, and rents and services and pence are
taken away2." In some parts villeinage was rampant in
its most hideous form. In 1449 a number of villeins were
sold to Wilham Griffith of North Wales '* with their suc
cessors procreated and to be procreated, and all their
goods3." Of all the plagues that infested the stricken land the
official worst was that of official tyranny. Tnis state-
tyranny. ment applies more especially to the royal shires.
Here the officials from the " Warnester," or watcher at
the town gate, to the constable of the castle, from the bailiff
to the sheriff, were aliens whose sympathies were rudely
antagonistic to Welsh sentiment. Only in the lower orders
of the Church did the native element predominate. During
the first half of the century all the sheriffs of the counties
of North Wales were English. So also were the constables
of the castles, the chamberlains and the justices. The
same is true of South Wales. Whenever we meet with the
constables of Cardigan, Aberystwyth, Dynevor, Dryslwyn,
Carmarthen, Laugharne, or even with such minor officials
1 Acts and Proceedings ofthe Privy Council, n. 215-6. February, 1417.
See a writ issued to the Sheriff of the seignory, Morgan ap Evan ap Jankyn
his lieutenant, and Morgan ap Roger (Rosser) his coroner. The lord of the
seignory was the earl of Stafford.
2 Cal. Pat. Rolls, March 29, 1446. 426. Cf. Wynne, 83.
3 See the original document printed in Beaumaris Bay, 25, bearing the
date 20 June, 1449. For this William Griffith see ante. Compare this with
the tendency to emancipate bondmen in England, e.g. on the lands of the
monastery of St Albans. Whethamstede, 11, passim.

28 THE PENAL LAWS [ch.
as porters, they are invariably English. It is not until the
accession of Edward IV that a change appears.
The cleavage between the two peoples, and especially
the clash between the native element and
ofhconum-n" their English officials, is faithfully mirrored in
Ht«aTure contemporary Welsh literature, one of the chief
features of which, as we have already remarked,
is its hostility towards the Saxon. The poet Lewis
Glyn Cothi, for example, exults in the rise of Griffith ap
Nicholas to official status because he views it as the opening
of a new era, when " the Saxon will no longer be found
presiding over the Sessions or holding, an official position
amongst us1." It is in the poets of the period, too, that we
must seek a true expression of the temper of public opinion
in face of the disabilities under which the people laboured.
Although contemporary poetry was produced largely at the
command of the rich, and to eulogise them, and thus savours
of a fawning timidity in dealing with social evils, nevertheless,
there are many suggestive references to a deep and wide
spread unrest. " Life is sad and heavy, men who were
formerly in bondage are gradually becoming more enslaved,"
says Lewis Glyn Cothi2.
The same poet frequently calls upon his heroes to draw
their swords in defence of the common people and the
innocent3. Similarly Guto'r Glyn, in a glowing panegyric
to Edward IV : " Woe betide us who have been born in
1 Ni welir Sais diddirwy
Na Saison mewn Sessiwn mwy,
Na dyn o Sais yn dwyn swydd.
Lewis Glyn Cothi, Works I. xxiv.
2 Mae bywyd trist, mae byd' trwm ;
Meibion a gweision oedd gaeth
Myned weithion maent waethwaeth. Ibid. I. xx.
8 A'th gledd bydd geidwad
Ar gwmmin werin hyd gaer Warwig gron
Ac ar y gwirion o'th gaer gerrig.
Glyn Cothi, Ode to Watcyn Vaughan.
" From thy stone castle come forward, sword in hand, to defend the
common people and the defenceless."

n] THE PENAL LAWS 29
servitude, and are the prey of strong thieves. Restore order.
Come thyself, valiant Edward, and check the oppressors1."
Nor did the overbearing temper of the nobility, and the
dechne of Welsh law and custom escape the poets Lewis
Glyn Cothi implores Owen ap Griffith " to mete out justice
to the proud, and restore their ancient customs to the
timid2." Similarly he appeals to another patron to " restore
to Wales her own law3." Guto'r Glyn bewails the social
restrictions which debarred anyone not of baronial lineage
from rising above bis station, and vigorously assails the
ineffectiveness of the ecclesiastical law to curb the im
moderate licence of the clergy. One of the noblest features
of Thomas ap Rosser, a chieftain slain at Edgecote, was that
he evinced practical sympathy for the common people4.
Bearing these circumstances in mind, it is not difficult
to realise that contempt of law, which was
general throughout the country, found most
congenial soil in the Marches, where every lord was responsible
for the maintenance of order within his own territories, and
was frequently not without reason to subvert it. It is a
commonplace of history that the Marches experienced every
species of lawlessness which national acerbities, official vindic-
tiveness, and the negation of effective judicial administration,
could engender in a land of pathless woods and inaccessible
mountains5. The Marches were deluged by all the barbarous
1 Gwae ni o'n geni yn gaeth
Gan ladron ; gwna lywodraeth.
Dyred dy hun, Edwart hir,
I ffrwyno cyrph rhai anwir.
Guto'r Glyn, MSS., Cardiff. Hafod, 3.
2 Rhoi cyfraith berffaith i'r beilch
Rhoi devawd i'r rhai diveilch. Glyn Cothi, 1. 139.
8 Enyn y gyfraith unig i Gymru.
Ibid. 1. 35. Also Cein. Lien. 11. 193.
4 Lewis Glyn Cothi. Ode to Thomas ap Rosser.
8 It is not our intention to digress upon the constitutional position of
the lord-marcher. For a full exposition the reader may be referred to the
admirable work of Morris, Welsh Wars of Edward I. See also Skeel,
Council of Wales, Introduction ; George Owen's Treatise on the Government
of Wales, in the Cymmrodor, vols. xii. and xiii. ; etc. For the lawlessness-
of the Marches, see Wynne's History ofthe Gwydir Family, Wright's Ludlow*.

30 THE PENAL LAWS [ch.
evils of a degenerate feudalism, countless in number and
variety. Scientific atrocity had almost become an axiom of
life. The savage licence and wolfish avarice of the strong
were let loose upon the weak and the law-abiding. No
recorded deed of romantic heroism relieves the abject bru
tality of a Lord Powys, the murderer of Griffith Vaughan1,
or the dexterous perfidy of a Grey of Ruthin. There is no
splendid villainy even, such as is recorded in the annals of
some of the Italian states during the century, unless it be
the murder of Sir Christopher Talbot who was struck to
the heart at his own castle of Caws2. Official records present
nothing better than a frightful spectacle of barbarity, a
catalogue of robberies and tragedies.
The chief sufferers were the inhabitants of Herefordshire,
Gloucestershire and Shropshire, who frequently reported
their grievances to Parliament. Their cornfields were
ruined, their stock reduced to ashes, their cattle driven to
the mountains ; and not infrequently they were themselves
imprisoned until heavy ransoms were paid. Merchants who
plied their trade in the west were the prey of a godless
nobility and a brutalised peasantry. Security of transit
was impossible where the king's writ did not run3- The
estuary of the Severn swarmed with pirates, every creek
giving shelter to its seadogs who had their accomplices in
the towns.
They issued forth like an armed fleet in battle array4.
The merchants of Bristol were not more immune than those
of Ireland or Denmark5. Stolen cattle and stock were
transferred recklessly by night from one side of the Severn
Eyton's Shropshire. Archaeologia Cambrensis, vols, n., in. Rot. Pari.
Statutes of the Realm, etc.
1 There are many references to the affair in Trevelyan Papers (Camden
Society). Powy stand Collections, I. 335-8, n. 139-168 ; xrv. 126-1*8
2 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 21 Henry VI, 397.
8 " Ou le brief du roy ne court." Rot. Pari. 1413-37, 52.
4 Rot. Pari. 1430-31. " En grande nombre arraiez en faire de
guerre." Ibid. 1427; 332.
6 Acts of the Privy Council, iv. 208. April 28, 1434.

n] THE PENAL LAWS

3i

to the other, and robbers were not to be deterred by legislation
forbidding night-ferrying. The peasantry retaliated upon
the insolence and ferocity of the municipal officials of North
Wales by organised raids upon Conway, Dolgelly and
Beaumaris on market days, which sometimes ended in
bloodshed1. If the people were wronged they were not
so servile as to return thanks for it.
It need hardly be stated that this bewildering lawlessness
was not the work of irresponsible hordes of outlaws and
hardened ruffians. Those who were not to be constrained
to the mean duties of villeins, when villeinage was fast
becoming an anachronism, simply became the retainers of
a depraved nobility whose predatory habits they aped.
John Talbot of Goodrich Castle was a valiant soldier. In
1424 his services were required in France to assist in rescuing
Crotoy. He refused to go until he had indemnified himself
for the arrears of his wages, as constable of Montgomery
Castle, by a profitable raid upon the prosperous citizens and
farmers of Herefordshire2. Sir Reginald Grey and Hugh
Wenlok were also among his unfortunate victims3. William
Fitzwarren levied a body of armed men in Wales and de
prived Richard Hankford of Whittington of his castle. The
Corbets were bold enough to abuse and rob the collectors
of the fifteenth in Shrewsbury4. John ap Meredith, a cousin
1 Lewis Glyn Cothi, vn. iii ; v. vii. A dark episode called the " Black
Affray of Beaumaris " between the burgesses of that town and the Welsh
of Anglesey ended in the death of the leader, David ap Ieuan of Llwydiarth.
For more minute details of the lawless state of the Snowdon district, see
Hengwrt MSS. in Arch. Cambrensis, 1846-8 ; viz. the Records of Inqui
sitions for Merionethshire (1452-4).
2 Ordinances ofthe Privy Council, February 14, 1424 ; in. 138. Rot. Pari.
1424 ; 254. The names of some of the retainers may be of some interest :
William ap Rees, David ap Jankyn, Thomas Walter, John Rotherwas,
John Gam, John Roger, William Prees, Philip Madoe. David Miskyn,
Jankyn ap Adam, Hugh ap Adam, John Gronowe, Walter ap Hugh,
Griffith Kilbrest, Howel Sheplod, John ap David, Ieuan ap Gronowe,
Ieuan Vaughan, Philip Iorwerth, Morys Penreth, Thomas ap Richard,
Griffith Elvel.
8 Rot. Pari. 1425, 275 and 312. Both petitioned Parliament to compel
Talbot to give security that he would keep the peace.
4 Rot. Pari. 1422, 193 ; and ibid. 1414-5, 30, 87. Also, Record Reports,
1419, 709.

32 THE PENAL LAWS [ch.
of Owen Tudor, fought out his feuds alternately with William
Griffith, chamberlain of North Wales, and the Thelwalls of
Dyffryn Clwyd1.
About the year 1442 the blaze of riot raged with amazing
fury, private property and public finance being
multiply equally involved in the general ruin. It was
'" "'"'" found impossible to arrest miscreants. They
passed from one lordship to another, and " having
no place certain to tarry " transferred their ill-gotten wealth
to places of security, and themselves beyond the reach of
law and justice2. There was no decent reverence for the
monasteries. Some years previously a papal bull had
empowered the abbot of Margam to excommunicate a number
of people who had despoiled the abbey of Neath3. But the
pope's curse could not kill a fly, and his servants could be
bought for a song4. The abbey of Strata Florida was placed
under the care and government of the abbots of Whitland
and Margam because the abbot could not guard it against
strong thieves and robbers5. The abbot of Basingwerk,
in Flintshire, complained of his losses through riots and
robberies6. The abbot of Vale Royal in Cheshire lodges a
similar complaint that " whereas he is fiefed of Llanbadarn
and other property in the counties of Cardigan and Carmar
then, and as in the said shires are some Welshmen to whom
the said abbot has not given such rewards as they desired,
they have indicted him at the sessions of divers felonies to
compel him to give them rewards and fees ; and when he
came to appear to the indictment he could not pass through
certain lordships without being assaulted and beaten7."
Moreover, " Welshmen accused of treason have been
found to come into the towns and markets and stay there
1 Wynne, History ofthe Gwydir Family, 44-7.
2 Rot. Pari. I44I--2, 53-4 etc.
8 Glamorgan Charters, 1500 (1423).
4 Lewis Glyn Cothi, passim.
6 Glamorgan Charters, 1590 (1443, March 3). Cal. Pat. Rolls, 95 (1442).
6 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1442, 42.
7 Rot. Pari. 1442 ; 42-3.

n] THE PENAL LAWS 33
for several days without being arrested, because the sheriff
and his ministers oftentimes have no knowledge of their
persons nor of their being within the said county, some for
favour and amity, some for doubt of hurt1." Such obliquity
of conduct as these extracts reveal necessarily affected the
royal revenues. The Exchequer suffered by an extensive
evasion of customs' dues on merchandise passing through
Wales and the Marches. Tenants and others in North and
South Wales2 were frequently summoned to pay their debts
by instalments, or otherwise to answer for the amounts due
from them.
Further, a number of native chieftains were about the
same time outlawed or placed under arrest. The ringleader
in Carnarvonshire was Evan ap Robin3 ; in the valley of the
Dee, Sir Griffith Vaughan4; in Carmarthenshire, Owen, the
son of Griffith ap Nicholas. The Privy Council ordered
Owen to be placed under arrest ; Griffith himself and the
Abbot of Whitland were summoned to appear before the
Privy Council ; while some militant monk who had been
traversing North and South Wales holding riotous assemblies
called cymmorthau, narrating Welsh chronicles and traditions,
and stirring up the people to rebellion, was immediately
" to be found out and taken5." That this agitator was one
of the bardic fraternity may be presumed with a fair degree

1 Statutes of the Realm, 1444-5 ; Rot. Pari. 1444-5, 106.
2 Proceedings of the Privy Council, v. 209. 29 August, 1442. " A
levy to be made of various sums due to the king from South Wales. Rhys
ap Thomas ap David, 10 marks ; John ap Rees ap Thomas, 10 marks ;
David ap Thomas ap David ap Llewelyn, ^71. 13s. $d. ; Meredith ap Owen,
^133. 6s. Sd. ; Rees Vaughan ap Rees, £90 ; Maredydd ap Ievan ap Rees,
£22. 13s. 4d. ; Llywelyn ap David ap Rees, if11.2s.oi." Also, ibid. ill. 78,
1423. Rot Pari. 1442.
3 See document in Wynne's Gwydir FamUy, 34-5, note 3.
4 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1444, 281. In July of that year Griffith Vaughan of
Treflidyan, Kt, Ievan ap Griffith of Gildesford, Reynold ap lord Griffith of
Treflidyan, and David Lloyd ap Ievan ap Griffith of Gildesford, etc. were
outlawed, and their property (Breamiarth, in Pole) given to John Sutton,
Lord Dudley. — See above for the murder of Griffith Vaughan by Henry
Grey, Lord Powys, in 1447.
6 Acts of the Privy Council, v. 244, 233. 5 March, 1443. Griffith ap
Nicholas was in London in January, 1442. Cal. Pat. Rolls, 12.
E. W. R. 3

34 THE PENAL LAWS [ch.
of certainty. He may, indeed, have been Lewis Glyn Cothi,
the most fervid nationalist of his time, whose spirit chafed
beneath the miseries and humiliations of pohtical and social
servitude. For he himself admits that he was at one time
hunted down by the officers of justice, and that he was then
sheltered by Owen ap Griffith ap Nicholas1. As we have
just remarked, Owen was also under the ban of the law at
this time ; and as Glyn Cothi was his neighbour, both may
have been acting together.
This defiance of law and order continued with varying
success until the Tudors finally smothered it through the
instrumentality of the Court of the President and Council
of Wales and the Marches. Meanwhile, the administration
of justice rested with the sheriffs of the counties and the
lords of the Marches. They failed notoriously, either from
self-interest, or gross absenteeism, or ineptitude. Conse
quently the Privy Council was constrained to interfere.
Although empty proclamations rather than energetic
Attempts to action generally characterised its proceedings,
restore order. ^ Pj-jvy Council was obviously apprehensive
about Wales. One of the royal castles might at any time
fall into the hands of the lawless element ; and a reduction
of castles held by Welsh rebels had been a costly business
during Glyndwr's wars2. The efficiency of the castle
1 Lewis Glyn Cothi, n. ii.
A mi'n nhiredd Gwynedd gynt
Yn herwa, yno hirhynt,
Owain i gadw fy einioes
Ei aur a'i win i'm a roes.
" When formerly I was wandering in Gwynedd, Owen gave me his gold
and his wine to save my life."
I can see no evidence to support the generally accepted view that
Lewis Glyn Cothi was hunted as a Lancastrian partisan. See the editor's
note on the above passage, for example.
2 Ordinances of the Privy Council, 23 Jan. 1415, 339. See a petition
from Gerard Strong praying that a warrant might be issued commanding
the exchequer to grant him a discharge for the metal of a brass cannon
called " Messager " weighing 4480 lbs, which was burst at the siege of
Aberystwyth ; of a cannon called the " King's Daughter," burst at the
siege of Harlech ; of a cannon which burst in proving it ; of a cannon
with two chambers ; of two iron guns, and three other iron guns ; with

n] THE PENAL LAWS 35
garrisons in North Wales, therefore, had been a matter of
concern to Henry V. He stipulated that no burgess
should be received into the king's wages at the castle,
and any who had been so received were to be discharged
and replaced by others. The burgess was not as efficient
as the professional soldier ; and as the burgesses constituted
themselves into an armed force at need, the employment
of a burgess as a castle soldier implied a weakening of the
combined force of town and castle. Another difficulty
which Henry V had tried to grapple with was the absen
teeism of sheriffs, for it was enacted that none were to be
appointed to that office who would not perform their duties
in person1. On the death of Henry V, the minority of his son and the
continuance of the French war multiplied the difficulties of
the Privy Council. Sometimes, as in 1422, commissions
would be appointed to try and secure peace. But, with grim
irony, the chief members were themselves the advocates and
propellors of incendiarism, such as the Talbots2. On one
occasion it was proposed to place the administration of
private lands, viz. those of the Skydmores of Herefordshire,
in the power of the Council itself, " lest riots and other
inconveniences should arise3." But there were too many
cross currents of interest, and privilege was too well fortified,
for the extension of such a project. Another time an attempt
was made to check absenteeism : all the constables of castles
in Wales were directed to return to their posts, and the lords-
marcher to hold their courts on one day, and to see that the
law was duly obeyed within their own jurisdictions4.
gunpowder, cross-bows and arrows delivered to various captains of castles
or used at the aforesaid sieges.
1 Ibid. 25 October, 1417, 238-9.
2 Rymer's Foedera, x. 254. 3 Oct. 1422. John Talbot, William Talbot,
and Edmund Ferrers of Chartley were on this commission.
8 Proceedings ofthe Privy Council. 9 Feb. 1422, 320-1. Cal. Pat. Rolls,
1446, 264.
4 Proceedings of the Privy Council, v. 3. 21 Nov., 1436. Minutes on
the Government of Wales.

36 THE PENAL LAWS [ch.
In 1437 a more comprehensive scheme was lodged. It
a proposed was proposed to ascertain who the lords-
councii. marcher were, and to appoint a special com
mittee to deal solely with the affairs of the Principality and
the Marches1- In pursuance of this plan, the lords were
summoned to the Privy Council in the following year to
assist in the formation of the proposed committee2.
But, probably on account of the lethargy and the selfishness
of those concerned, nothing was done. Nevertheless, the
proposal is of constitutional interest as being apparently the
first suggestion that the affairs of Wales and the Marches
should be administered by a distinct council, the plan which
subsequently materialised in the shape of the Council of
Wales and the Marches. Five years later, in 1442, when
the political temperature of the Marches was inordinately
high, the laws of Edward I with regard to the administration
of justice in Wales were examined, and the lords of the
Marches were ordered to confer and take instant action,
a task in which the duke of York promised actively to assist;
In case they refused the Government threatened to find
some drastic remedy. This was no empty boast. For on
August 12, 1443, a conference actually took place at Harlech
between Henry Norris, the deputy-chamberlain of Carnarvon,
and the gentry of Merionethshire, to try and still the
tempest of feud and riot. In October they came before
the Council3.
It may be remarked that other provincial assemblies
provincial are recorded in the reign of Edward IV. But
assemblies. tney were stnnm0ned to vote money rather
than to restore order. In 1466 the freeholders and towns
people of Anglesey agreed upon a subsidy of 400 marks to
1 Proceedings of the Privy Council, v. 81-2. 25 Nov., 1437.
2 Proceedings of the Privy Council. 16 Feb., 1438, vol. v. 92. Ibid.
1442, 211-213.
8 For a history of the Council of Wales see Skeel's Court and Council
of Wales and the Marches ; The Cymmrodor, xn.-xv. and xix. ; and the
authorities quoted. For the above conference see Medieval Boroughs of
Snowdonia.

n] THE PENAL LAWS

37

be paid within six years ; while in 1473 Cardiganshire and
Carmarthenshire voted a tollage to the Prince of Wales in
honour of his first visit to the country1.
One result of the prevailing anarchy was a periodical
tightening of the penal fetters. The statutes "against the
Welsh were confirmed in 1431, and again two years later2 ;
though it was not until 1447 that the most elaborate and
ponderous engine of oppression which the bigoted tyranny
of officials could conceive was brought to bear upon the
native element. This was at the parliament of Bury, which
was assembled at the time of the death of Humphrey, duke
of Gloucester ; and we shall be able to understand the
circumstances more clearly if we consider the relations
between Wales and the duke.
Humphrey had acquired a personal interest in Wales as
far back as 1414, when he was created earl of
dukTofrey Pembroke. He was lord of Tenby and Cilger-
wlies. ter m ran > and his possessions included the castle of
Llanstephan, near Carmarthen, which he had
obtained as a reward for his services at Agincourt. The
place had been forfeited to the Crown by the treason of
its possessor, Henry Gwyn, who had fought for the French
in that battle3. In 1427 Gloucester was made justice of
North Wales. He came to Chester in that year, presumably
in his capacity as chief justice4, while in the following year
we find him holding an inquisition at Bala5. In 1433 he held
a court at Pembroke, and investigated a case of disputed in
heritance. In 1437 he was appointed a justice in Anglesey6.
1 Antiquary, vol. xvi. Ministers' Accounts.
2 Statutes of the Realm, 1431, C 3. Rot. Pari, sub ann. 377. In 1442,
at the instigation of the border counties. Parliament passed a number
of laws against the harbouring of robbers, and called upon the sheriffs
to be more alert and stringent.
8 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1415-16, 129. Nicholas, Agincourt, 175. Cf. Ap
pendix I, p. 63.
4 Vicker's Humphrey, duke of Gloucester, Appendix A, 437.
6 Powysland Collections, 1. 254.
6 Rot. Pari. iv. 474. Cal. Pat. Rolls, 19, 376, 452 ; Mathew Wogan and
Thomas Perot were present at the investigation.

38 THE PENAL LAWS [ch.
In 1440 the office of chief justice of South Wales was
conferred upon him, and in August of the following year
he held sessions at Carmarthen and Cardigan " to settle the
disturbances and quarrels which existed between the in
habitants ©f those parts," a task which involved him in
" great costs and labour1."
As we have seen, the years 1441 to 1443 were a period
of unusual unrest and insecurity. Gloucester hoped to
turn it to some advantage and to release his wife, Eleanor
Cobham, who had been removed from Kent to Chester
in 1442. At least, the wording of a pardon which was
granted to Thomas Herbert, one of Gloucester's retinue,
after the duke's death, states as much ; and it is significant
that Eleanor was removed from Chester to Kenilworth next
year, although she again returned to Wales (probably Flint
Castle) in 1447, the year in which Humphrey died2. It is
unnecessary to enter fully into the bitter court factions
which culminated in the death of the duke of Gloucester.
He condemned the cession of Maine, and led the opposition
to Queen Margaret and Suffolk, who were determined to
silence him. His impeachment was prepared. Parliament
was summoned to meet at Bury St Edmunds in February,
1447. Gloucester came to Bury with a bodyguard of eighty
horsemen3. One authority states that he came up directly
from Wales, a statement to which the large number of
Welshmen in his retinue lends support4. On his way he
passed through Greenwich5.
On their arrival at Bury on February 18, Gloucester and
His weish some of his most prominent attendants were
retinue. arrested. Amongst these were Sir Henry Wogan,
1 Proceedings, v. 138-9 ; Introduction, lxxxvi. and in. 267. See also
Doyle n. 23.
2 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1447; 68, 74-5. Vicker's Humphrey duke of
Gloucester, 273-4.
8 English Chronicle, edited Davies, 116.
4 Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles, 150.
6 Rymer, xi. 179 ; a pardon to Thomas Herbert " armiger, formerly
of Greenwich," which states that Gloucester proceeded from Greenwich
to Bury. He appears to have passed through Wiltshire. Stow, 386.

ii] THE PENAL LAWS

39

the duke's steward in the earldom of Pembroke1, Thomas
Herbert, the elder brother of William Herbert (afterwards
earl of Pembroke), John Wogan and Howel ap David ap
Thomas2. Three days later, which was Shrove Tuesday,
twenty-eight more of his retainers were sent to various
places of confinement. Gloucester died on the 23rd February
and was buried at St Albans, being accompanied thither
by about twenty of his own entourage3.
One of the charges levelled by his accusers against
Humphrey was that he had endeavoured to raise a rebellion
in Wales. They " enfourmed falsli the king, and sayde that
he wolde raise the Welshmenne for to distresse him (Suffolk)
and destroie him4." There is no reliable evidence of the
existence of such a plot ; his servants certainly did not
suspect that anything untoward was maturing until they had
been placed under arrest5. On the other hand it is easy
to realise how plausible such a charge would appear when
once put forward. Wales had acquired unenviable notoriety
as the nursery of treasonable enterprises. Dark suspicion
attached to the very name. Throughout the reign she had
been the cause of much anxiety to the central government.
At this very moment the Marches were a welter of implacable
feuds and national acerbities. A few years before one of
Gloucester's retinue, Griffith ap Nicholas, had been summoned
before the Council, and the family implicated in riots.
Moreover, Humphrey's enthusiastic and liberal patronage
of learning appealed with special force to the Welsh poets,
1 Welsh MSS. British Museum, Edward Owen, I. 618. Sir Roger
Chamberlain and one Thomas Weryot were also among those who were
arrested that day.
2 This is probably an error for David ap Thomas. There is no son
Howel in the list given by Ellis, although there is a David ap Thomas,
and his two sons Griffith and Rees.
This Thomas Herbert, according to William of Worcester, Itinerarium,
122, had fought in France under Richard, duke of York, and in Portugal
at the head of 300 men. He was a brother to Wilham Herbert, and died at
Troye. He appears in a plea of debt in 1442. Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1442, 14.
8 English Chronicle, edit. Davies, 11 7-8.
4 Ibid. 62.
6 Gregory's Chronicle, 188.

40 THE PENAL LAWS [ch.
and he found favour amongst them. Lewis Glyn Cothi, in
an ode to Roger Kynaston, alludes to him in terms of
admiration1. One of these bards had been traversing the
country preaching insurrection, and that about the time
when Eleanor Cobham was removed from Chester to Kenil
worth. The duke of Gloucester was chief justice of South
Wales, and, as we have seen, paid several visits to the
country. Such a combination of circumstances made
admirable soil in which to sow the seed of a charge of con
spiracy. Of the prisoners, Sir Henry Wogan and Thomas Herbert
were sent to London, Owen Dwnn to Wallingford, and
Griffith ap Nicholas and David ap Thomas to the king's
Bench2- David ap Thomas had been a prisoner in the
Fleet in 1443. He may have been involved in the distur
bance in Wales at that period. He was removed to Car
marthen Castle where he was detained until Sir William ap
Thomas found the necessary security of a thousand marks3.
In the following July, five members of Gloucester's retinue,
including Richard Middleton and Thomas Herbert, were tried
1 Lewis Glyn Cothi, v. i. Ode to Sir Roger Kynaston.
Wyr y Dug, a vu wr da
O Glousedr, myn bagl Assa.
" He (Kynaston) was a grandson of the duke of Gloucester, who was an
honourable man." This Kynaston had married Elizabeth, daughter to
Henry Grey, Lord Powys, who was created earl of Tankerville by Henry V,
and who had married Antigone, a daughter of Humphrey, duke of Glou
cester. 2 The full list of prisoners is as follows, the names in brackets showing
where they were imprisoned : Sir Henry Wogan, Thomas Herbert, Griffith
ap David ap Thomas, and Evan ap Jenkyn (London) ; Jenkyn Thawe,
Jankyn Lloyd Wogan, and John Wogan (Berkhampstead) ; William Wogan,
Evan ap Jankyn ap Rees, and William ap John ap David ap Thomas
Lloyd (Reading) ; William Wogan, William ap Thomas ap Robert ap Rees,
and Henry Wogan (Leeds Castle, Kent) ; Alun ap Meredith ap Philip Madoe,
Rees ap David ap Thomas, and Thomas ap Jankyn ap Rees (Norwich) ;
Owen Dwnn, and Hugh Bennoth (Wallingford) ; John Eynon, and Hugh
ap Thomas (Guildford) ; John ap Rees, Richard ap Robert, and WiUiam
ap John (Southampton) ; David ap Thomas, Hugh ap Thomas, and Griffith
ap Nicholas (King's Bench) ; Morgan (Nottingham). Ellis Letters, second
series, I. 108-9.
8 Proceedings, v. 229, 272. He appears as a pledge for Griffith ap
Nicholas on the latter's appointment as farmer of Dynevor. West Wales
Hist. Society Transactions, n. 107-111.

n] THE PENAL LAWS 41
for treason at Deptford, a special commission presided over
by Suffolk having been appointed for the purpose. They
were sentenced to death, and were already strung up at
Tyburn when Suffolk arrived with a pardon from the king.
Accordingly they were released and for the most part restored
to their possessions. Suffolk succeeded Humphrey in the
earldom of Pembroke1, although he had been made earl in
reversion as far back as 1443.
It is an instructive commentary upon the nervous
statutes apprehension of parliament with regard to Wales
against that it now confirmed all the statutes against
Welshmen, ordaining that " all grants of fran
chises, markets, fairs and other freedoms to buy or
sell, or bake or brew to sell in the towns of North Wales,
made to any Welshmen before this time, be void and of no
value ; and that all bondmen of the king be compelled to
such services and labours as they were accustomed to ;
and that the officers have power to compel them to do such
labours and services2." Moreover, in March a special edict
was issued by the Privy Council enjoining the constables
of castles in Wales to see to the safety of their charge3.
These drastic measures were in all probability due
directly to the number of Welsh squires in the duke of
Gloucester's retinue, and indirectly to the state of anarchy
in Wales during the four or five years which immediately
preceded his arrest. There is not sufficient evidence to
prove that Humphrey schemed to turn this anarchy to
Suffolk's disadvantage. That seems to have been a mis
chievous fabrication emanating from the cunning brain of
Suffolk. Its only support are the statements in Herbert's
pardon that Gloucester had endeavoured to release Eleanor
1 English Chronicle, edit. Davies, 118, Appen. Three Fifteenth Century
Chronicles, 65. Gregory, 188. Lords Reports, v. 254-5. Cal. Pat. Rolls,
174. Suffolk also got some of the lands of Herbert. Rymer, 1447, 178.
Cal. Pat. Rolls, op. cit.
2 Statutes of the Realm, n. 344. Rot. Pari. 1447, 139.
8 Proceedings, vi. 60. March 19, 1447.

42 THE PENAL LAWS [ch. ii
Cobham, and the allegation of Suffolk himself at Bury.
At the same time, it must be admitted that the circumstances
were such as to make the allegation plausible enough.
The state of Wales did not improve afterwards. " Mis
governed persons take divers persons and cattle under colour
of distress where they have no manner, fee, or cause to make
such distress, but feign actions and quarrels. And many
times for taking of such distresses and in such resistance
of them, great assemblies of people, riots, maims and murders
be made, and if it be not hastily remedied other incon
veniences be like to follow, of which takings, bringings, and
carryings in this behalf no due punishment is, whereof the
people of the said parts daily abound and increase in evil
governance1." In 1449, therefore, the duke of Buckingham, who wielded
a wide territorial influence in Mid- Wales, was sent to deal
with the matter, while the king traversed the Marches to
lend support if necessary. But the Wars of the Roses were
already at hand to make confusion more confused2.
1 Rot. Pari. 1447 ; and 1449, 154. Statutes of the Realm, 27 Henry VI,
c. 4. The Justices of the Peace were again given additional powers to deal
with the disorder.
2 Paston Letters, 11, 113. October 16, 1449.

CHAPTER III
WALES AND THE FRENCH WARS— MATHEW GOUGH
The part played by Wales in the fifteenth century wars
Welshmen between England and France has not hitherto
abroad. received even a cursory examination. During
the prolonged duel which followed the battle of Agincourt
thousands of Welshmen crossed the sea, the nation's activity
expending itself freely in the game of war. Archers and
men-at-arms were greatly in request. The archer's pay was
twice that of a labourer. Service abroad was a relief from
disabilities and bondage at home. The lust for booty added
zest to a life not otherwise unattractive. Such were the
causes which allured Welshmen to France ; and their deeds
of valour contributed materially to amplify the little glory
which relieves the monotonous dreariness of those arid
years. Although a detailed examination of the Agincourt
campaign as it affected Wales is beyond the pale of the
present work, it may be of interest to mention the most
prominent Welshmen who shared in that triumph.
Sir John Devereux is stated to have brought a force of
2c;o men-at-arms and a similar number of foot
The
battle of archers1 ; Sir John Skydmore of Herefordshire
Agincourt. ^^ ^.^ ^^ ^^ men.at.arms an(J twelve
1 Nicholas, Agincourt, 334-384. The lists have been taken from Harl.
MS. 782, collated with a copy of the MS. marked 1 in the College at Arms.
Also the unpublished collections for Rymer's Foedera, Sloane MS. 4600,
British Museum. Calendar of Norman Rolls. See also Royal Historical
Society Transactions, 3rd series, vol. v. 1911. It states that the retinue
of Devereux as given in the lists is impossible.

44 WALES AND THE FRENCH WARS [ch.
foot-archers1; John ap Henry2 and Thomas ap Henry two
men-at-arms and six foot-archers each ; David Gam, esquire,
three foot-archers. The greatest number of Welsh levies,
however, was drawn from Cardiganshire, Carmarthenshire
and Brecknock, and served under John Merbury who was
Chamberlain of South Wales at the time3. He is credited
with having had beneath his standard over five hundred
Welshmen4. Thomas Carew also had with him a large body
of Welshmen5. Edward Stradling6 of Glamorgan, John Perot7 of Pem
brokeshire, and William Wogan were with the duke of
1 Skydmore remained at Harfteur to garrison the town. Royal Hist.
Soe. Trans. 1911, 112. Sir John Skydmore of Kenchurch had married
the daughter of Owen Glyndwr.
2 John ap Henry received protection, July n, 1415, and Thomas on
July 12. Record Reports, 1885.
8 Exchequer Accounts 46/20 ; 45/5.
4 Merbury's retinue came from Cardiganshire, Brecknock, and Car
marthenshire, for whose wages he received £436 at Hereford. For in
dentures, with seals signed at Carmarthen and Brecknock, January 26,
1415, see Exchequer Accounts 45/5 (10), 46/20. The following are the names
of the men-at-arms. From
(a) Carmarthenshire : John ap Rys, Henry ap Ievan, Gwyn Rys
ap Llywelyn, Griffith Vychan, David ap Ievan ap Trahaiarn, Griffith ap
Meredith ap Henry (total 5 + 102).
(6) Cardiganshire : Meredith ap Owen, Owen Mortimer, Owen ap
Jankyn, Yllort Llywelyn ap Cliffort, Walter ap Ievan ( = 5 -)- 238, thirteen
of whom were wounded).
(c) Brecknock : Watkin Lloyd, Andrew ap Lewis, Ievan ap Richard,
Jankyn ap Meurig ap Richard, Jankyn ap John ap Rhys, Philip ap Griffith
Bras, Richard ap Rys, Meurig ap Rys, Richard Prys ( = 9 + 160, fourteen of
whom were wounded).
Of the above 5 + 54 were on the sick list at Harfleur. SeeExch. Accts.
45/1. Hunter, 51. The West Wales men came from Gethinog, St Clear's,
Llanstephan, Emlyn, Penryn (Pemb.), Tallagharn, Elvet, Wydegada,
Trayne and Osterlo (Pemb.), Iskennin, Maenordeilo, Penarth (Cardigan),
Hyrcoryn, Cayo, Isayron, Mabwynion, Caerwedros, Uwchcerdyn, Iscerdyn,
Iswyle, Uchayron : and the men of Mid- Wales from Glyncawy, Cantrecelly,
Hay, the Forest, Ystraffelte, Llywch, and Conwt. See Trans. Roy. Hist.
Soe. 1911, 135. Penryn and Osterlo are now in Carmarthenshire.
6 Cal. French Rolls, 718.
6 Sir William Stradling (temp. Richard II) had two sons, Sir Edward,
and Wilham. Edward married Jane, a daughter of Cardinal Beaufort.
Their son was Sir Henry Stradling who married Elizabeth, a sister of
William Herbert, earl of Pembroke. They had a son Thomas Stradling,
and a daughter who married Miles ap Harry. The other son of Sir WilUam
Stradling had a daughter Gwenllian, by whom Anthony Woodville, earl
Rivers, had a daughter Margaret.
7 He was farmer of the lordship of Dynevor. 1433-52. West Wales
Hist. Soe. Trans. 162-3.

ni] MATHEW GOUGH 45
Gloucester ; Henry Wogan1 with the duke of York ; John
Griffith and John ap Thomas with Sir William Bourchier ;
John Glyn and Nicholas Griffith with Lord Talbot ; John
Edward2 with Michael de la Pole, son of the earl of Suffolk ;
Rees ap Rhydderch with Sir Rowland Lenthal of Hereford
shire ; John Lloyd3 and John ap Rhys4. of Carmarthen were
with the king. Sir Rowland Lenthal subsequently became
lord of Haverfordwest.
Of these warriors none perhaps are so well known as
„ _„ David Gam, the ancestor of William Herbert,
David Gam. -
earl of Pembroke. He was one of the few men
of note who were slain at Agincourt5. There is extant a
tradition that he was knighted as he lay expiring on the
field of battle. There is no conclusive evidence that the story
is true. But the anonymous priest who accompanied the
expedition, and afterwards gave an account of it, makes
a vague statement that two newly-made knights were
included among the slain6. The only knight mentioned by
him is Sir Richard Kighley, and it may be presumed that
he had been knighted before. Now, if two of the three of
inferior rank who were slain were knighted on the battle
field, we may reasonably suppose that David Gam was one,
for he is given pride of place by every writer of the period.
Our inference is strengthened by the fact that his son-in-law,

1 Received protection July, 1415. Record Reports, 1885. Cal. French
Rolls. 2 Ibid. June 1, 1415. He received protection again on May 2, 1416,.
being then in the retinue of John, earl of Huntingdon ; and again on
February 5, 1416, in the retinue of Thomas Carew. Ibid. He was then
designated " armiger." Rymer's Foedera ix. 249.
8 Received protection May 22, 1415. Cal. French Rolls, in Record
Reports, 1885. 545-637, passim.
4 Received protection, August 6, 1415 ; ibid. He is perhaps the
John ap Rys given in Merbury's list. See ante.
6 Nicholas, Agincourt, 369. Hardyng, note.
• The men of note slain were the duke of York, duke of Suffolk,
Sir Richard Kighley, David Gam, esquire, Thomas FitzHenry and John de>
Peniton The account referred to is British Museum, Cottonian MS.
Julius E iv. and Sloane MS. 1776. See Nicholas, Agincourt, Intro, ix. and.
136-7. Also Harl. MS. 782.

46 WALES AND THE FRENCH WARS [ch.
Sir William ap Thomas, was soon afterwards a favourite at
court, and was knighted at the same time as Henry VI.
The belief is fondly cherished that a number of other
Welshmen were honoured with a knighthood on this historic
field, notably Roger Vaughan of Bredwardine, Watkin
Vaughan of Brecknock, and Watkin Lloyd of the same
county. But we cannot escape a strong suspicion that
these knighthoods have been fathered upon history by
family pride. There certainly exists no reliable evidence.
Indeed, Watkin Lloyd alone of the trio figures in the list
of warriors1 which has survived.
On the death of Henry V the control of Enghsh affairs
in France fell to the lot of the duke of Bedford who, during
the first few years of the reign, wrested from the French
practically all districts north of the Loire. Meanwhile, a
large number of Welshmen had joined the standards and
a few were already holding responsible positions as captains
and commanders.
One of these was Sir David Howel whom we have already
had occasion to mention in connection with the conspiracy
of the earl of Cambridge. He was a native of Pembroke
shire. He went abroad on the king's service in June, 1416,
fought at Verneuil, and was a captain under the duke of
Bedford in 1435 2. Sometime afterwards we find him in
the retinue of the duke of York, designated as a knight.
The records do not reveal the time or the occasion of his
knighthood. In the following year, 1438, he was associated
with Sir William Pyrton3.
Another who wrote his name in the annals of the time
sir Richard and in the literature of the land of his birth was
Gethin. g^,. Richar(i Gethin. He was a son of Rhys
Gethin, a native of Builth, although one authority describes
1 Nicholas ; Appendix, 60 ; and Dwnn's Visitations 1. 107, note.
See the list of Brecknockshire squires above.
2 Record Reports, 1885, 545-637 ; William of Worcester's Itinerarium,
161 ; Stephenson, Wars of the English in France, n. 437.
8 Record Reports, 1887, February-May, 1435-6 ; May-August 1437-8.

iii] MATHEW GOUGH 47
him as of North Wales1. He fought at Crevant (1423) and
at Verneuil (1424) 2. After Verneuil he was made captain
of St Cales, one of the towns captured by the earl of
Salisbury3. He was also captain of Hiemes in 1424. In
1428 he played a distinguished part at the siege of Orleans
with the earl of Salisbury, and four years later was raised
to the command of the important fortress of Mantes4,
where, in 1433-4, he had under his command twenty-one
mounted lances, twelve foot lances, and one hundred and
forty-five archers. Guto'r Glyn commemorates in song his
elevation to this post, and elsewhere mentions a rumour
that he had been taken prisoner in Normandy5. The fact
affords additional evidence of the frequent and reliable com
munications between the Welsh bards and their heroes abroad.
Of the rest6 a few played a prominent part in the later
events of the period, notably Sir John Skydmore, and the
Wogans of West Wales. Sir John Skydmore received
protection to cross over to France with his son John, in the
king's retinue, on April 8, 1422. He was retained, as we
have seen, with ten lances and thirty archers for service at
Harfleur7. Later (May, 1435-6) he was in the retinue of
the duke of York8. Sir John Wogan was in the service
of the duke of Clarence in 14189. He held a commission
to array the duke's troops in 1419 (August 9)10. In 1420
he appears in the king's retinue11. Owen Tudor was in
the retinue of Sir Walter Hungerford.
1 Stephenson n. 436. The poet Guto'r Glyn is more reliable. See
MSS. Cardiff, 2114/96.
2 Stephenson, 11. 394, 543. * Hall, 127.
4 Quicherat, Prods, rv. 14,. note 1 ; 17, note 2. Wavrin, 282.
B Guto'r Glyn, MS. Cardiff, op. cit. 6 See Appendix I.
' Ordinances of the Privy Council, Feb. 1422, 320.
8 Appointed to take the muster of the Earl Marshal etc. at Dover,
and of the duke of Exeter at London. May 28, 1423. Ordinances of the
Privy Council, 100.
9 Rymer, ix. 595. 10 Record Reports, 1885, 715, 314.
11 On Nov. 18, 1419, he was appointed guardian of the lands of John
Wogan deceased, of Carmarthenshire, during the minority of the heir.
Record Reports, 1880. A John Ogan received a commission to array the
men of Gournay and Neaufle, March 27, 1420. Ibid. 1881.

48 WALES AND THE FRENCH WARS [ch.
None of his compatriots, however, and few of his con-
Mathew temporaries, achieved the fame of Mathew
Gough. Gough. The lustrous splendour of his deeds
shone in almost solitary brilliance in those sunless days.
The prominence given to him by the chroniclers of the
Tudor period, from whom Shakespeare drew the material
for his historical plays, is such that Gough may well have
inspired the dramatist in the creation of Fluellen. A native
of Maelor, in the lower valley of the Dee, he crossed to France
in the enthusiasm of youth. His father was Owen Gough,
bailiff of the manor of Hanmer, near Whitchurch, in North
Wales. His mother was a daughter of David Hanmer, the
nurse of John, Lord Talbot, afterwards earl of Shrewsbury.
It is not unlikely, therefore, that Gough from the first came
into close touch with that gallant soldier.
His name first appears in the list of the principal person
ages who fought at Crevant and at Verneuil, where fell
two of his countrymen, Richard ap Madoe and David Lloyd1.
He may have joined the English forces in France with the
levies of the Earl Marshal which were mustered by Sir John
Skydmore in May, 1423 2- This was the army which, rein
forced by some Burgundians, gave battle to the French at
Crevant and routed them3. Gough distinguished himself in
the pursuit and capture of the Bastard de la Baume, a brave
Savoyard ally of the French. For this exploit the earl of
Salisbury gave him " a goodly courser4." After Verneuil
we find him captain of some of the fortresses which had been
taken by the earl of Salisbury. He then played a prominent
part in the military Operations which culminated in the
reduction of Maine and Anjou5.
In 1428 he was put in command of the important fortress
of Laval, on the border between those two provinces, which
1 Stephenson, 11. 385; Hall, 118, 121. William of Worcester, Itinera-
rium, 357.
2 Proceedings ofthe Privy Council, hi. 66, 87, 101.
8 Wavrin, 47-69. 4 Hall, 121.
5 Stephenson, n. 411. Hall, 127. Issues, Easter, 1425.

ill] MATHEW GOUGH 49
had been captured by Talbot in March of that year. At
this period the most trivial incidents in his life are not
allowed to pass unnoticed, an infallible symptom of growing
popularity or accomplished fame. During the military
operations in Maine in that year, he was sent out by Talbot
to reconnoitre the enemy's position on the borders of Brittany.
He set off in the dead of night, achieved his object by
consummate tactics, and returned with complete information,
having in the meantime " eaten only a little bread and drunk
a Uttle wine to comfort his stomach1."
In the same year he and his countryman, Richard
Gethin, accompanied the earl of Salisbury in his advance on
ithe Loire. On September 25, Salisbury captured the castle
of Beaugency, and pursued his advantage by laying siege
to Orleans. The relief of that fortress by Joan of Arc is
one of the romantic chapters in French history. Beaugency
had been placed in the keeping of Gough as Talbot's
lieutenant, but the relief of Orleans seriously imperilled
its safety. In June, 1429, it was completely surrounded
by the triumphant Joan of Arc. Gough's position became
precarious, and Talbot sent him an assurance that he would
immediately be reinforced.
Sir John Fastolf, realising the hopelessness of holding
' the place against such odds, although it was defended by
" men of good stuff," advised the garrison to surrender2.
The impetuous Talbot, however, resolved to challenge the
supremacy of the French with a relieving force. But his
army was soon in retreat, and Gough had no alternative
but to sign articles of surrender. The French took pos
session on June 18, the garrison being allowed to carry out
all their belongings. On hearing of this disaster, Talbot
and the whole army retreated towards Patay where he
was himself defeated and taken prisoner3. Gough then tried
1 HaU, 138, 143.
2 Wavrin, 287. " Gens de bonne estoffe."
8 Ibid., 294. Monstrelet. Hall, 141.
E. W. F. 4

50 WALES AND THE FRENCH WARS [ch.
to stem the French advance at Senlis ; and while he was
there engaged, Laval was betrayed to the enemy by a neigh
bouring miller.
The swelling tide of French advance rolled onward with
Gough a resistless force towards the Norman frontier.
prisoner. The war n0 longer provided material for heroism.
It had become a dreary succession of sieges and the
raising of sieges. After the loss of Laval, Gough en
deavoured to raise a bulwark of defence in Maine. For
six weeks in the summer of 1432 he and Lord Willoughby
pounded fruitlessly at the citadel of St Ceneri. At the end
of that period, a French relieving force which offered
battle near Vivain on the Sarthe, opposite Beaumont,
was repulsed with considerable loss. On returning with
their spoils and a number of prisoners Gough and Willoughby
were unexpectedly attacked by another division of the
French army under Ambrose Delore. Gough was taken
prisoner, and the siege was abandoned in consequence1.
Great was the distress in Wales when news of his captivity
reached the circle of bards. Their solicitude found expression
in a chorus of grief, panegyric and appeal. Ieuan Deulwyn
soars to lofty heights of eulogy. Lewis Glyn Cothi sets him
up as a standard of valour. Guto'r Glyn appeals for funds
to ransom him. Gough was not long in captivity. He was
redeemed, and it is not impossible that he may have found
financial assistance in his native land2.
During the next few years the records are all but silent
with regard to his movements. When he does appear, he
is in the vortex of the storm on the borders of Normandy
and Maine ; now with Thomas Kyriel as captain of St Denis,
a place which was yielded to the French in June, 1435 ;
1 Wavrin, 46-50. Monstrelet, i. 630. Hall, 165. Polydore Vergil 42.
2 At St Denis Gough was taken "by founderyng of his horse." Hall,
175. Polydore Vergil 79.
Bu ar gler bryder a braw
Ban ddaliwyd, beunydd wylaw. Guto'r Glyn. Hafod MS. 3.
" The bards were disconsolate, and there was universal sorrow when
Mathew Gough was taken prisoner."

iii] MATHEW GOUGH 51
at another time as joint lieutenant of the important fortress
of Le Mans, under Sir John Fastolf, governor of Anjou
and Maine1. An official attestation of two indentures
relative to the custody of this stronghold enumerates his
personal bodyguard : sixty mounted lances, fourteen foot-
lances, and two hundred and twenty-two archers2.
Meanwhile, Joan of Arc, after the defeat of Talbot near
Patay, had met with a series of glittering successes. But
she failed in her assault on Paris and thereby lost prestige.
In 1430 she escaped from the French court, was taken
prisoner by the Burgundians, and in the following year
burnt by the English at Rouen. In 1435, at the Congress
of Arras, the English refused conditions of peace, and in
consequence lost the alliance of Burgundy. In 1436 they
were expelled from Paris. During the next fifteen years
the interest of the war was concentrated in Normandy.
In 1440 Gough assisted Somerset and Talbot in the
reduction of Harfleur which had been captured by the
French in 1435 . The French garrison made a gallant defence.
A relieving force was despatched to raise the siege under
Gaucourt, one of the most distinguished of those who took
part in the reduction of Normandy. Gaucourt3 was lagging
behind when he was unexpectedly set upon by a body of
Welshmen under Griffith Dwnn, and taken prisoner4. The
reverse was such a severe blow to the garrison that they
were immediately forced to surrender.
In 1442 Gough was at Chartres, and was one of the
commanders to whom a large sum was paid by Dunois
touching the demolition of the two fortresses of Gallardon
1 Wavrin, 66, 88-93. Fabyan 608. Hall, 185. Wavrin, 274.
2 Paston Letters, 1. 37. September 30, 1435.
3 Blondel, Reductio Normaniae, 277, 287-8, 375. Wavrin, 28, 222, 276.
9 Wavrin, 278-9. This was the Griffith Dwnn of the district of Kid
welly, who, as we have seen, was denizened in 1421. The names are given
in Itineranum, William of Worcester, 118-9. Homines lanceati Gryffith
Don armiger apud capcionem domini Gaucourt : Johannes Mabbe de
KedweUylond, Johannes Whyte, • Galfridus Doore, Geffrey Harflete,
Johannes Davy, Johannes ap Gryffyth, Howel ap Gryffyth, Davy frater
ejus, Jevan de Vawres (i.e. Ievan Vawr), Jevan Ragland.

52 WALES AND THE FRENCH WARS [ch.
and Tourville, the surrender of which had become the
military necessity of a languishing cause1.
English dominion in France now gasped fitfully to its
close. The need for reinforcements and a directing genius
had become an imperative necessity. Thus it was that in
June, 1441, the duke of York, having been appointed Lieu
tenant and Governor-General of Normandy, sailed from
Portsmouth. He landed at Harfleur, and marched through
Rouen to take part with Sir John Talbot around Pontoise.
Amongst those who constituted his retinue were Sir Walter
Devereux and Sir John Skydmore, while Sir William ap
Thomas of Raglan was a member of his military council2.
Sir William ap Thomas was the father of William Herbert,
sir wiiiiam afterwards earl of Pembroke. He was a courtier
aP Thomas. an(j councillor rather than a warrior. We
have no record of his having achieved military fame.
The prowess of Mathew Gough was popularised in the odes
of an enthusiastic bardic circle. A curious tale of a later
day immortalised David ap Einon, the hero of Harlech.
Sir William ap Thomas can claim neither the real glory of
the one, nor the legendary renown of the other.
Early in the century, his family had cast their lot with
the English opposition to the rising of Owen Glyndwr.
David Gam, Sir William's father-in-law, had carried his
enmity to such lengths that he made an ignoble and malicious
attempt to assassinate the Welsh leader, a dark project
which almost succeeded. The renewal of the French war
by Henry V opened out for him a more honourable field
of enterprise which he and his immediate descendants
turned to considerable advantage. In the course' of years,
1 Stephenson, 11. 331-2.
'' He held one knight's fee in Raglan in 1425 from Edmund, earl of March.
See Calendar Inquis. post mortem, 96, 141. Sir John Skydmore received
letters of attorney on going abroad, in February, 1440-1 ; and Richard
Hare of Laugharne, Carmarthenshire, in February. Record Reports, 1887.
Sir William ap Thomas was infeoffed of Bassaleg, in Gwent, by the duke
of York. For the close relationship which subsisted between them, see
Proceedings (1441) 136-7.

iii] MATHEW GOUGH 53
the family regained their esteem in the public opinion of
Wales. Sir Wilham ap Thomas was familiarly known as
the " Blue Knight of Gwent," while his wife Gwladys was
hailed as the lodestar of a new nationalism1.
Authentic details of his career are few and unimportant.
He served on a number of commissions in South Wales,
which throw a lurid light on the flagitious piracy that
infested the estuary of the Severn. In 1426 he was enrolled
among the thirty-six young gentlemen who were knighted
in honour of Henry VI's knighthood2. The prevailing
opinion that he was knighted by Henry V for his valour
in the wars of France is therefore erroneous3. It is con
ceivable that his path to honour was largely paved by the
prowess of David Gam. We see no reason to refuse to
identify him with the person of the same name and title
who was sheriff of Glamorgan in 1440, a position which
was held by his more distinguished son, William Herbert,
some years later4. In 1450 he was joint ward of the lands
of the countess of Warwick. This is apparently the last
recorded notice of him in published records.

1 Lewis Glyn Cothi, I. i. 3. Dwnn's Visitations, 1. 292-3. Proceedings,
v. In 1420 he served on a commission in South Wales with Maurice ap
Meurig, John ap Howel ap WiUiam, and John Dansey " to arrest Thomas
Wykeham." Also on a commission concerning the acquisition by John
Havard from WUUam ap Thomas of the royal lordship of Talgarth. Also
in 1432 with Humphrey, duke of Gloucester, " for the keeping of certain
monasteries " ; also with Gloucester, Sir Edward StradUng, and Griffith
Dwnn " for the custody of St John's, Carmarthen," 1432. Also with Strad
ling and others " to enquire as to the malefactors who took at sea a ship
caUed Le George of Sluys laden with wines and honey of certain merchants
of Flanders and Picardy, and brought her to Tenby, sold the ship
and distributed the wines " (1432). Also, in 1434, with StradUng and
Sir James Audley " to make inquisition concerning acts of piracy, the
goods having been carried to CornwaU and Wales and disposed of." In
1442 he and a few others investigated treasonable proceedings in West
Wales. Cal. Pat. Rolls, passim.
8 Wardrobe Account, 1426. Q. R. Misc. Wardrobe. Hall, 138. Cal.
Pat. Rolls.
3 ColUns, Peerage, in. 25 ; and Dwnn's Visitations, 1. 292, are both
misleading. The Ust of knights in Rymer, x. 357, is incomplete.
4 Clark, Glamorgan Charters, v. 1539, 1635-7, refuses to identify them
on the ground that it would be below Sir William's dignity. We need
only remark that a Neville was sheriff in 1450. Cardiff Records, v. 536.

54 WALES AND THE FRENCH WARS [ch.
To return to the war and Mathew Gough. In 1444,
a truce was agreed upon at Tours between
and the England and France to celebrate the betrothal
Mate"01 of Henry VI and Margaret of Anjou. One of
the conditions of this marriage alliance was the
cession to the French of Anjou and Maine. The duke of York
endeavoured to reap personal advantage from the alliance
by a projected betrothal of his own son to a French princess1;
and to enhance his prospects, in that object he sent Gough
to assist the dauphin in an expedition against the Swiss in
Alsace2. The negotiations for the cession of Maine did not find
Gough in any humour of acquiescence. His conduct on this
occasion exhibited a tenacity as inflexible as his patriotism
was fervid. It was a galling experience to so valiant a
captain to be summoned meekly to transfer to his enemy
a district through the conquest of which he had won for
himself undying renown ; and it did not fail to reveal in
him a resourcefulness worthy of a better cause3 He
doubted the expediency of such a surrender. The glory of
British arms had not shone brightly since Crevant and
Verneuil, and he dreaded the pernicious effects of a diplo
matic check. Even Margaret, herself not devoid of com-
bativeness, was captivated by his vigour and zeal4-
The fateful promise to concede Maine was extorted from
Somerset in 1444. It had not been fulfilled a year later,
and the French began to press their demand. In December,
1445, Henry signed an undertaking to surrender Le Mans
and his possessions in Maine by the following April. Mean
while a truce was agreed upon. Gough was now captain
of Bayeux5 1 Stephenson, I. 79-86, 160, 169.
2 Escouchy, 1. 11 ; Vallet de Viriville, m. 47.
8 Stephenson, 363-8.
4 Letters of Margaret of Anjou, 109-10. In one of her letters to the
earl of Northumberland, Margaret evinces much concern for the safety of
Gough. 5 Record Reports, 1887, sub ann. 1446.

in] MATHEW GOUGH

55

In July 1446 it appears that he was in England1, perhaps
in connection with the surrender. In the following year the
question had already assumed an exacting predominance.
On July 28, 1447, he and Fulk Eyton were commissioned
to receive Le Mans from the hands of the earl of Dorset
(afterwards earl of Somerset) and deliver it to the repre
sentatives of Charles VII of France2. They were to use
force if necessary. Gough adopted dilatory tactics and, far
from appealing to the sword, did not even present his demand
till September 23 s. When this was formally done, Osbern
Mundeford, Dorset's lieutenant in Le Mans, refused to
surrender on the technical ground that no letters of discharge
were enclosed for him.
On October 23, Henry VI wrote to Gough and Eyton :
" We have been informed of the diligence which by our
command you have done to have and recover unto our hands
the town and castle of Le Mans4." But if Henry and his
advisers thus put a specious interpretation upon their
conduct, the king of France was nettled by their arbitrary
and fearless evasiveness.
On November 1 a conference was held at Le Mans between
the French and English representatives to discuss the
question of compensation. Gough and Eyton, who were
to have made the formal surrender, conveniently absented
themselves, and the cession was again postponed. French
authorities interpreted their conduct as deliberate shuffling.
Charles wrote to Henry complaining of their delay and
studied disobedience : " And seeing the subterfuges, pre
tences, and dissimulations to which they resorted, we sent
our accredited messengers to your great Council at Rouen ;
and, in consequence of the wrong, we have been moved to
proceed against them5."
On December 30, the Count of Dunois extracted from
1 Record Reports, 1887. He received letters of protection, July 5, 1446.
2 Stephenson, 11. 696-7. * 3 Ibid. 693-8. * Ibid. 702.
6 Stephenson, n. 361-5. Rymer, xi. 204, 216.

56 WALES AND THE FRENCH WARS [ch.
Gough a promise that he would surrender the town on
January 15, 1448. Gough again prevaricated. Conse
quently Charles obtained from the English Council at Rouen
an undertaking that if the province -was not delivered into
his hands by February 10, Gough would be held guilty of
treason. The French were now prepared to enforce their
demands at the point of the sword. On February 13, an
army under the count of Dunois appeared before Le Mans.
Gough was still stubborn, alleging that he awaited further
orders from Adam Moleyns. On March 16, however, he
yielded. He was allowed to march out with bag and baggage
and substantial compensation. On the previous day he
issued a protest in the king's name that the cession was
only made in consideration of a secure peace, and that
Henry did not resign the sovereignty of Maine1- Such
a protest did not weigh a feather with the aggressive captains
of France, but it revealed the bitter distress with which
a born soldier accepted a rebuff of the making of others.
It was sorry consolation to him that the Council issued a
proclamation that he had done his duty as to the delivery
of this rich province2.
The disbanded garrison of Le Mans endeavoured to
counterbalance this loss by establishing a new fortress at
St James de Beuvron, in Brittany. Charles protested, and
lengthy discussions followed. The question was still in the
crucible of debate when the English sacked Fougeres. In
the meantime Gough had tried to rescue Giles of Brittany, a
loyal ally of England, who had been cast into prison when the
duke of Brittany threw his influence on the side of the French3.
Charles of France, resolved on the complete expulsion of
the English from Normandy, suddenly put an end to this
travesty of a peace, and in July active war once more began.
1 Record Reports, 1884, 330. Mathew Gough signs his name " Matheu."
Stephenson, 11. 333.
2 Ibid. 1887, June 12, 1447-8. Stephenson, n. 702-14. A John
Morgan witnessed the surrender.
8 Stephenson, 1. 280.

iii] MATHEW GOUGH 57
St James de Beuvron had been recaptured a few weeks
previously, the garrison being allowed to leave
become with all their goods1. On the resumption of
fubTectB. hostilities the English strongholds submitted
in rapid succession, among them La Roche
Guyon, an almost impregnable fortress in central Normandy,
situated on the Seine. Its captain was the Welshman,
John Edward, who had so far advanced his personal fortunes
that he had married a French woman of considerable
property, and a relative of the powerful French count,
Denis de Chailly. Perceiving that English dominion in
France was nearing its close, and being anxious not to
jeopardise his wife's property, Edward, with tender dis
cretion, became a vassal of the French king, and surrendered
the fortress, " at the advice, prayer and entreaty of his
wife, on condition that he should enjoy his wife's lands,
and become a subject of king Charles2." We may assume
that he was the same person who fought at Agincourt in
the retinue of the earl of Suffolk's son. There were doubtless
many other Welshmen who now transferred their allegiance
to the French king3.
St Lo surrendered on September 15. Gough, who was
Gough at a* the time captain of Bayeux, was so in-
Bayeux. censed at the conduct of the burgesses in
admitting the French that he threatened to put their town
and its suburbs to the flames4. Carentan submitted to
the duke of Brittany on September 30. Gough shared the
command of this fortress with his countryman, Wilham
Herbert. This, apparently, is the first, and one of the very
few authentic notices we have of the latter in connection
with French affairs5.
1 Blondel, Reductio Normaniae, 76, 621.
2 Blondel, 88-9, 277. Wavrin, 134. Stephenson, n. 621.
8 Stephenson, 1. 311-3. An Ap Madoe was among the French men-at-
arms in Normandy after the conclusion of the war.
4 Blondel, 95. HaU, 214-16.
6 Stephenson, n. 625. Herbert apparently crossed the Channel about
1440. See later.

58 WALES AND THE FRENCH WARS [ch.
Meanwhile, the duke of Alencon surrounded Bellerne, of
captain of which, too, Gough was captain and bailly.
Beiieme. -phe garrison, numbering about two hundred1,
seeing that resistance was futile unless reinforcements arrived,
of which they had no hope, surrendered the J town by
composition. They were allowed to leave with their goods
and chattels. This was November 20. Before the close
of 1449, Renneville, the captain of which was " Griffith
ap Meredith, Welshman," surrendered by composition2.
Gough was now approaching the zenith of his splendid
military career. His heroism flowed like an
" Matago." ^
electric current through those who served
beneath him. To have passed unsinged through a furnace
of hostile French criticism could not have been expected of
a far less vigorous protagonist. Blondel, a contemporary
writer, was especially inflamed against Gough. With him
Gough's rigour spelt savagery, though he could not deny
the stout hardihood with which he inspired his men. Wavrin
makes the interesting admission that for years afterwards
the name " Matago," a French contraction of " Mathew
Gough," was fondly cherished by the inhabitants of Bellerne
in memory of their erstwhile captain3.
On March 15, 1450, Sir Thomas Kyriel landed at Cher-
Battieof bourg with reinforcements, and proceeded to
carentan. lay siege to Valognes4. The duke of Somerset
immediately sent him assistance under Sir Robert Vere,
while Gough had to proceed from Bayeux, in command
of about 800 men. Their combined efforts compelled the
garrison to submit, on April 10, 14505. The English forces
1 "Droit bons combatans dont estoit capittaine Mathieu Gone,"
Wavrin, 150. " Ducentis enim barbaris sub Mathaeo Goth belUgerantibus,"
Blondel, 156. Berry, 329. Stephenson, 11. 625-8.
2 Stephenson, op. cit.
8 " The name ' Matago ' is to this day retained at BeUeme in memory
of this vaUant Welshman," Wavrin, 150 ; and note, 282.
4 Hugh Donne of Wales, in the retinue of the duke of Somerset, and
John Hokes of Tenby, in the retinue of Henry, Lord Bourchier, received
protection, Oct.-Nov. 1448-9. Record Reports, 1887.
5 Blondel, 160. Berry, 331. Wavrin, 155.

"1] MATHEW GOUGH 59
then set out in the direction of Bayeux. Along their line
of march they had to ford the quicksands between the sea
and Carentan, leaving this town on the right. The
inhabitants of that place made a strenuous effort to cut
off their rear, but Gough's irresistible dash swept them
aside. " We have crossed in spite of the dogs," he exclaimed
on reaching safety, and thereupon kissed the ground he
had won1.
They reached Formigny without further mishap, though
the rapid concentration of French forces prevented any
further general advance. Gough's contingent proceeded on
its way to Bayeux, but were immediately recalled when it
was seen that an engagement was imminent at Formigny.
Here, on April 15, 1450, English domination in Normandy
closed for ever. The French historian makes Gough address
his troops on the eve of battle as follows :
" Your valour, my brave men, has been steeled in many
fires. Show how unconquerable it is in this
Gough's 1
speech at day's conflict. Vengeance, rather than courage,
inspires your foes. Let strength of limb and
intrepidity of heart win for you a glorious victory. If you
play the lamb they will savagely cut your throats with
blood-stained knives. Remember that your fathers, greatly
outnumbered, vanquished countless hosts of Frenchmen.
Your ranks are firm, and if you have the same indomitable
spirit as they, you will scatter in headlong flight yonder
disorderly and unbridled host. Flight on your part can
only mean captivity or ,death. Seize the spoils of the
Frenchmen ! See how they glitter effulgent in silver and
gold ! Enrich yourselves abundantly, or embrace death2."
Thus does the French writer of those days conceive Gough
to have been swayed by alternating moods of fear, doubt,
hope, cupidity, and the memory of past glory. That the
1 Blondel, 169.
2 Berry, 333. Blondel, 171-2. The text is a free translation of the
original. See Appendix II.

60 WALES AND THE FRENCH WARS [ch.
speech was put in the mouth of Gough rather than of Kyriel,
the nominal leader, shows how the former had captured the
imagination of his enemies.
The day served to give additional proof of his courage.
When the last gleam of hope of victory had
William ° \ *
Herbert a disappeared, he cut his way through the French
lines at the head of the left wing, which con
sisted of about 1500 men, and reached Bayeux in safety.
The bulk of the forces under Kyriel were either slaughtered
in position or taken prisoners1. William Herbert and Kyriel
were among the captured2. Gough himself all but fell into
the hands of his enemy. He was rescued in a moment of.
extreme peril by his comrade and countryman, Gwilym
Gwent, who was perhaps William Herbert ap Norman, a half-
brother of William Herbert, afterwards earl of Pembroke3.
The remaining English strongholds fell in rapid succession.
Gou h's ^n ^ay I^' ^ough surrendered Bayeux to the
march to count of Dunois, "after severe assaults and
skirmishes, the walls being pierced by great
cannon4." The pitiful sufferings of the garrison on their
march to Cherbourg form one of the saddest episodes in
this tale of disasters5. They were eight or nine hundred in
number6, including the best and bravest of the Englishsoldiers
in Normandy. They were allowed a white staff for their
weary way. There were about three hundred women besides
children. Some of the latter were carried in little cradles
on their mothers' heads ; others clung around their mothers'
1 Blondel, 175. Wavrin, 153.
2 Stephenson, 11. 630. Paston Letters, 1. 67-8 ; n. 147.
3 Lewis Glyn Cothi, 1. viii, vn.
Y vo gedwis ei vywyd
I Vathew. Goch vyth i gyd.
" It was he who then saved the life of Mathew Gough."
See also, WiUiam of Worcester, Itinerarium, 120-2, where this Herbert
is described as " consanguineus domini Herbert locum tenens de Penigele."
This " Penigele " is probably " PengeUy " in Breconshire.
4 Stephenson, 11. 630, 730.
6 Stephenson, 1. 502. Hall, 216. The governor of Cherbourg in 1449
was Sir John Gough.
8 Ibid.

1"] MATHEW GOUGH 61
necks. Some were led by the hand ; many had to shift
as best they could. Moved by their wretched plight, com
passionate Frenchmen came to their assistance, some with
horses, others with conveyances; for many of the women
were French born, and were now abandoning their country
for a foreign land1.
" What great booty dost thou, O Mathew Gough, thus
ignominiously expelled from France, now carry to England ?
Bereft of thy plunder, thou, a weary wayfarer, seekest thy
home, wielding a slender staff, not a quivering lance. Thy
miserable end is an example to tyrants, who always die in
the midst of calamities2." Such were the biting comments
of the French contemporary historian.
The remnants of the English forces gathered around
Somerset at Caen after the defeat at Formigny. On June 24,
that city capitulated3, and Somerset retired for a while to
Calais. On August 12, Cherbourg, the last English foothold
in Normandy, submitted to Charles of France. Sir John
Gough refused to surrender without adequate compensation.
To bring Gough's career to a close. After the fall of
jack cade's Bayeux he crossed immediately to England
rising. from Cherbourg. He was then placed in com
mand of the Tower of London with Lord Scales. Early
in July he was called upon to defend the city against
the insurgent Kentishmen under Jack Cade, "because he
was of manhood and experience greatly renowned and
noised4." Cade's rebels entered the city on July 2. Three days
later Gough issued forth by night at the head
Death of ° J . ° .
Mathew of a body of troops, dispersed the rioters, and
Gough. attacked London Bridge, which was in the
hands of Cade's men. The battle raged fiercely through
1 Wavrin, 154-5. Berry, 342.
2 Blondel, 212. See Appendix III.
8 Polydore, 78.
; Hall, 221. In Lewis Glyn Cothi's ode to Gwilym Gwent (op. cit.) there-
are possible references to the engagement on London Bridge.

62 WALES AND THE FRENCH WARS [ch.
the night1, and many were hurled into the Thames to receive
a watery grave in their heavy armour. Meanwhile, in the
darkness lit up only by the blaze of burning houses,
Mathew Gough was slain, fighting desperately to hold the
bridge which he had succeeded in wresting from the men of
Kent. He was honourably buried in the choir of St Mary's,
of the Carmelite Friars. William of Worcester gave ex
pression to the grief in Wales on the death of the hero in
a curious Latin couplet :
On the death of Mathew Goch
Wales, in deepest gloom, cried, Och!2
" He was a man of great wit and much experience in
feats of chivalry, the which in continual wars
Contemporary ^ .
opinions had valiantly served the king and his father
beyond the sea3." Contemporary chroniclers
unite in a chorus of praise and admiration. A native of a
land of mountains and castles, he possessed in an eminent
degree those qualities which make for success in a system of
guerrilla warfare, in which the assault and defence of castles
were the outstanding features. He warred in France for
more, than a quarter of a century ; and he was one of the
very few who emerged from that cauldron of blundering,
incapacity, waste and havoc, with a name resplendent with
brilliant achievements4.
Contemporary poetical allusions to him are numerous
in the vernacular, and afford ample proof of his popu
larity in Wales, though, as far as we know, he never
re-visited the land of his birth. Ieuan Deulwyn, Guto'r
Glyn, and Lewis Glyn Cothi are unanimous in appraising
1 Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles, 68, 151. Gregory, 193.
2 Itinerarium, 357. Morte Matthei Goghe
Cambria clamitavit, Oghe !
8 English Chronicle, edit. Davies, 67. Stephenson, 11. 768. Hall, 221-2.
Polydore, 86.
4 WUUam of Worcester, Annates, 768. See also the wiU of Sir John
Fastolf for a proof of his affection for Gough. Paston Letters, 1. 456.
November 3, 1459.

"1] MATHEW GOUGH 63
him as the most daring and successful soldier of his
day. A number of Welshmen sought means at the conclusion
of the war to defray their ransom. Edward Stradling and
his family were given licence to ship wool to Brittany for
this purpose ; Robert Dwnn traded with Normandy to defray
Lord Falconberg's ransom. His vessel, the James of Tenby,
whilst coming to England laden with wines from Bordeaux,
was captured by the French near Winchelsea, which involved
him in another journey to France. John Derell exported
wool to ransom his son who was a hostage in France. Lewis
Howel traded with Normandy through certain merchants1.

APPENDIX I
For a list of those who received protection see Calendar French
Rolls in Record Reports 1885, 545-637, and Calendar Norman Rolls,
Record Reports 1880, 1881. The following is a list of the Welshmen;
the dates given in brackets are those on which they received pro
tection : Thomas ap Prene of Aberystwyth (March 23, 141 8) ;
David ap Rhys of Pencoed, Herefordshire, who was on a commission
to redress infractions of the truce with Burgundy, June 2, 141 8.
He was in the retinue of Thomas Barre (Feb. 21, 1419) and with
John, Lord Furnivale (June 2, 1421) ; John Hall of Wales, in
Gloucester's retinue (May 15, 1421) ; John Henbury of Denbigh
in Lord Scales's retinue (May 14, 1431) ; David Gronow of Tenby in
Sir John Kyderowe's (May 28, 1421) ; Owen ap Thomas in the
earl of Worcester's (June 8, 1421) ; various Welshmen (unnamed)
in the king's and Lord Audley's retinues (July 6, 1417 and Feb. 16,
1 41 9) ; Wilham Porter of Cardigan in John Popham's (Feb. 2.3, 1416) ;
John Aylward of Kidwely in Henry Gwyn's (August 4, 1419) ;
William ap Griffith of Iscennin, Carmarthenshire, in Sir John
Steward's ; Meredith ap William ap Patrick of Carnwallon, Car
marthenshire, in Thomas Rempston's, who was captain of Meulan,
Nov. 22, 1419 ; Henry ap Walter of Llanelly (Aug. 16, 1419) ;
Henry ap Ieuan Gwynne in the king's (Oct. 18) ; Thomas ap David
ap William of Wales, yeoman in Sir John Steward's retinue in
1 For the above detaUs see Record Reports, 1887, 387, 388, etc. Also
French Rolls, 1459-61. . .
Other Welsh ships mentioned are the Trinity of Newport and the
Mary White of Tenby.

64 WALES AND THE FRENCH WARS [ch.
Normandy (June 26), who was then captain of Nully-L'evSque.
In 1418, Thomas Carew had a band of Welshmen in his retinue.
Rymer ix. 596. During 1420-1 several commissions were issued
to array Welsh archers. Sir Edward Stradling of Glamorgan received
letters of attorney (May 24, 1426-7) j Roger Cause of Tenby in
Sir John Kighley's retinue (Dec. 8) ; Thomas Llywelyn in the
earl of Ormond's (Mar. 13, 1429-30) ; Ithel Llywelyn of Flintshire
and Hugh Penllyn in Lord Fitzwalter's (Feb. 1430-1) ; Lewis ap
Rhys Gethin of South Wales in Walter Cressener's (Jan. 1437-8) ;
Edward ap Howel assessor of taxes in Normandy (1430) ; Stephenson
n. 130, also 299, 437 ; Thomas Griffith, in Bedford's retinue (1435) ;
John Vaughan, in Bedford's retinue (May 1422-3) ; David, son of
John Parker of Chirk, in John de Burgh's, captain of Vernon on the
Seine (May 7, 1424-5) ; Thomas Toker of Tenby, merchant, in
Wilham FitzHenry's, captain of Honfleur (Dec. 12, 1422-4) ; William
Wolf of Wales, knight, in Bedford's (1435), Stephenson 11. 433 ;
Geoffrey Dwnn and William Vaughan of Cheshire (May 13, 1421,
and May 1435-6) ; Gregory ap Heulyn of Denbigh, and Owen Dwnn
in Lord Talbot's (Feb. 8, 1434-5) > Ednyfed Vaughan of Anglesey
(Jan. 1435-6) in the earl of Mortain's retinue; Thomas Gamage
of Caldecot and Cardiff in the earl of Suffolk's (May 1435-6) ; Geoffrey
ap Rhys accompanied the bishop of St David's to the Congress of
Arras in 1435. Robert Lewis of Cardiff, alias Vaughan of London,
in Somerset's retinue (1442-3, May- June) ; Henry Michael of
Cardiff in the retinue of William Pyrton, lieutenant of Guisnes
(Feb. 1, 1443-4) ; Stephenson 11. 331-2. Lewis ap Meredith was
Marshal of Mantes in 1444, ibid. 1. 461 ; and in the special service of
the queen. Letters of Margaret of Anjou, 116.
APPENDIX II
Virtus enim vestra, fortissimi viri, hodierno conflictu quanta
sit in hostium pugnam variis periculis retro probata ostendet. Si
virili animo et corpore robusto adversus istos plus vindictae calore
quam virtute concitos dimicet, ab hostibus praeclaram victoriam
reportabit. Si ignave, veluti pecorum hostes inhumani versa guttura
cruentis mucronibus abscindent. Estote memores ut vestri patres
cum paucis innumeram Gallorum multitudinem vicerunt et nunc
multo plures si animi vigor insit istam effraenatam turbam sine
ordine in vos ruentem maximam in fugam disperget, a qua fugax
nullus strictam captionem aut subitam mortem evadere potent.
Nam vada jam mari cumulata Carentonium fugientibus viam
praecludent. Fusis enim Gallis omnis vobis et posteritati vestrae
comparata anircu praestantia perpetua nobilitatis insignia conse-
quemini. Ditia Gallorum spolia, quae argento auroque praefulgere

iii] MATHEW GOUGH 65
conspicitis, non mediocri sorte vestras fortunas augebunt, quae vos
non ambigo consecuturos si animi praestantia in conflictu, veluti
fortes proavi, in adversos pedem teneat fixum. Blondel, 171-2.
APPENDIX III
O Matthaeum Goth ! Spoliis agrorum et urbium raptu et
tortura exactis tuas fortunas fecisti locupletissimas ; an ista affiicti
populi oppressione cumulatas annis conservare potes ? Quid de
tanta praeda nunc de Francia foede expulsus in Angliam defers ?
Fractis enim corporis robore et animi virtute, armaturam, equos et
quaecumque castrensia patriae direptione extorta victori Karolo, ut
vitam a stricto gladio redimas compulsus cessisti ; et raptis omnibus
exutus, non eques vibratam lanceam manu, sed tenuem stepitem ad
tuos penates pedester portas. Pro sorte gloriae regni tui extoUenda
vincula, carceres, wilnera, et gravissimas labores, noctu diuque
tolerasti. Pro tantis rebus angore gestis, tametsi exteriora fortunae
caduca amisisti, saltern summum virtute praemium honorem con-
secutus es, et labore tot periculis repetito tui principis gratiam et
popuh AngUci favorem habes, ut beneficiis pro remuneratione
elargitis tuae calamitati condoleant. Tua enim foeda a bello Fonni-
niaco fuga sempiterna ignominiae sorde tuam famam, tui nominis
aestimationem deturpavit. Et quia fugiens proeliorum ordines dis-
solvisse accusaris (cujus oecasione aiunt conflictum exitu sibi
adversum et Gallis prospenim fuisse) et ob hoc tuo principi invisus
et a populo implacabili furore concito reversus caede ferocissima
necaris. In armis igitur perniciosus tibi, Mathaee, labor fuit, qui
egestatem non divitias, qui dedecus non laudem, qui tandem
crudele exitum non vitae securitatem attulit. Exitus vitae tuae
miserrimus tyrannum semper emori calamitose ostendit.
Blondel, 211-212.

e. w. R.

CHAPTER IV
HERBERT AND TUDOR
Of the luminaries who appeared in the political firmament
during these stormy days of faction and war,
none shone with a steadier light than Jasper
Tudor. He was the son of Owen Tudor, an Anglesey
gentleman who traced his descent from the old Welsh king,
Cadwaladr. Owen was tall, handsome, and endowed with
extraordinary charm of manner. He was also imbued with
a lofty chivalry that continued to ennoble his life in spite
of many hazardous vicissitudes during a period of fierce
political convulsions, when chivalry degenerated into bruta
lity and selfish lust of power. {
It has been supposed that he was J one of the band of
hardy Welsh warriors who did service at/Agincourt1. Reliable
records, however, do not carry us back further than his
appearance in the retinue of Hungerford late in the reign
of Henry V2 He must soon have abandoned the fields of
war for the alluring avenues of court life ; for during the
infancy of the king he was at Windsor, in close attendance
upon Queen Catherine and her child.
It appears that Catherine might have married Edmund
Beaufort, earl of Mortain (afterwards duke of
His marriage v
with Queen Somerset), but for the opposition of Humphrey,
duke of Gloucester, who saw in the proposal
the dangerous ascendancy of the family of his rival,
1 Stow. Strickland, Queens of England, n. 150, passim.
* See ante, Chapter 11.

ch.iv] HERBERT AND TUDOR 67
Cardinal Beaufort. Accordingly it was decreed by act of
parliament, apparently about the year 1427-8, that a
marriage with a Queen Dowager without a special per
mission should be illegal. But it could not have been
many years after the death of Henry V before Catherine
bestowed her affections upon Owen Tudor in bold defiance
of parliamentary decrees and courtly traditions. They were
married secretly. We need not suspect the validity of the
marriage1, though we cannot trace any legal ceremony.
During the proceedings instituted by the Privy Council
against Owen there was no suggestion of illicit relations
between him and the Queen Dowager. Nor was there any
question raised as to the legitimacy of the children. In fact
the legality of the marriage is tacitly admitted. However,
when the relations between rival parties became more strained,
Edmund and Jasper Tudor, who had then been raised to
the earldoms of Richmond and Pembroke respectively,
deemed it prudent to obtain a parliamentary ratification
of their titles, and a formal declaration that they were the
king's half-brothers. A technical illegality may, indeed,
have been committed if, as has been generally supposed,
the marriage took place about 1430. Intermarriage with
Welshmen was contrary to law, and Owen did not receive
denizenship till 1432. The date of this grant, and the un
usually stringent conditions attached to it, suggest that the
marriage was known to a limited circle of courtiers who were
not averse to shielding Owen while Catherine lived2. The
statement of the London chronicler appears to corroborate
this view3.
1 Ramsay, Lancaster and York, I. 496, seems to cast doubt upon it.
It is suggestive of the admitted legality of the marriage that not even
Richard III, in his proclamation against Henry Tudor, attempts to dis
credit the marriage.
2 Revenues from the following Welsh estates were assigned to Queen
Catherine on the death of Henry V : , Hawarden, Montgomery, Builth,
TalyboUon, Lleyn, Maltraeth, Menai, Cemmaes, Newburgh, Beaumaris,
Aberfraw, Flint, Coleshill, Mostyn, Englefield, Caldecot, Newton. Rot.
Pari. 1. Henry VI. 203.
8 landon Chronicle, 123. Stow, 377.

68 HERBERT AND TUDOR [ch.
Four children were born to Owen .and Catherine, three
sons and a daughter, " unwetyng the common people tyl
that she were dead and buried " : Edmund of Hadham,
who was afterwards created earl of Richmond and married
Margaret Beaufort (their son was Henry VII) ; Jasper Tudor
of Hatfield who became earl of Pembroke ; Thomas who
was a monk at Westminster and " lived a small time " ;
and a daughter Margaret, who died young1. Hadham and
Hatfield were royal residences. Many stories have naturally
gathered around the romance of Owen and Catherine.
Among the tares of tradition must be assigned the tale
that Owen on one occasion introduced to the queen a number
of his compatriots whom she playfully described as the
" goodliest dumb creatures she ever knew," on account of
their ignorance of any language but Welsh2.
Soon after the death of Catherine, in January, 1437,
Owen Tudor was summoned before the Privy Council to
answer for his conduct. He was then at Daventry, and
refused to come without an assurance that he would be
allowed " freely to come and freely to go3." Though he
received a verbal promise to this effect from the duke of
Gloucester, he justly refused to admit the vahdity of it
unless it were put in writing. Having thus incurred the
danger of arrest, he came up to London and took sanctuary
in Westminster. He remained there for some days, refusing
to abandon his refuge, " eschewing to leave it although
many persons out of friendship and fellowship stirred him
to come out thereof and desport himself in a tavern at
Westminster gate4." Malicious representations were then
circulated accusing him of disloyalty. In his eagerness to
belie his traducers he came but of sanctuary and appeared
before the council, where he protested that he had done

1 HaU, 185. Miss Strickland gives the name Owen instead of Thomas.
8 Wynne, History of the Gwydir Family.
* Acts and Proceedings of the Privy Council, v. 46.
4 Proceedings, v. 46-49.

IV] HERBERT AND TUDOR 69
nothing to give offence to the king, and offered to " byde
the law " with reference to any charge brought against him.
He was then permitted to retire to Wales.
He was not allowed his liberty for long. In contravention
Owen of the assurance which had been given him he
imprisoned. was piace(i un(ier arrest, taken to London, and
consigned to Newgate. The council, recognising that an
unwarranted breach of faith had been committed, drew up
a statement, as lame as it is laboured, to prove that the
royal assurance had not been violated. The charge preferred
against him was that he had married the Queen Dowager
without the king's consent. It was stated that the under
taking given by him to answer any indictment involved the
forfeiture of the royal promise of safe-conduct ; that at the
time the promise was given neither the king nor Gloucester
was aware of his hostile designs ; and that having already
appeared before the council and been allowed to retire to
Wales, he had forfeited the benefit of the assurance given1.
The document is unconvincing. In February of the foUowing
year, Owen Tudor and his servant contrived to break out
of Newgate " in the night at searching time through the
help of his priest, and went his way, hurting foul his keeper2."
Having been recaptured by Lord Beaumont who was given
a special grant of twenty marks for his expenses in the
business3, he was once more summoned before the council.
The priest was found to have £90 in his possession, which
was confiscated to the Exchequer4. The priest
His escape. . , ,
was sent to Newgate, whither Owen ludor also,
after having been placed temporarily under the charge of
the duke of Suffolk at Wallingford, was eventually removed.
1 Proceedings, v. 46-50. Introduction, xvii. It appears from the Clous
Rerum, 239, that he was at one time a prisoner " notabiUs " in Windsor
Castle. No date is assigned.
2 London Chronicle, 123. " Fraudulenter et subtiUter." Rymer, x. 709.
3 Rymer, x. 685-6.
4 Rymer, x. 686, March 24, 16 Henry VI. Miss Strickland suggests
that this may have been the priest who married Owen and Catherine.

70 HERBERT AND TUDOR [ch.
He contrived to elude his keepers once again and escaped to
Wales, where, presumably, he remained till the outbreak
of civil war1- He received a full pardon in November
I4392- The intimate knowledge of Owen's misfortunes possessed
by the swarthy bard of remote Anglesey, Robin Ddu, suggests
that Owen repaired to his native land on his first release.
In an angry lament, which internal evidence proves to have
been written during Owen's captivity, the poet mourns his
champion's confinement. " Neither a' thief nor a robber,
neither debtor nor traitor, he is the victim of unrighteous
wrath. His only fault was to have won the affection of
a princess of France." The bard further gives vent to his
anxiety for the welfare of Owen's children in lines which
show that the soul of chivalry had not departed from the
hills, though courtly circles knew it no more. The ode also
corroborates the assertion of the annalist Stow, that the
attachment between Catherine and Owen began at a
dance3. 1 A formal pardon was granted to the sheriffs of London for their
negligence in the matter. Cal. Pat. RoUs, July 29,. 1438. Rymer x.
709-10. 2 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 344 General pardon to Owen Meredith for all offences.
3 Robin Ddu. Ceinion Llenyddiaelk Gymreig. 217-8.
Yr un dyn o'i rieni,
Blodeuyn oedd blaid i ni,
Sy' ngharchar, gyfar gofid,
Yn Nghaerludd, anghywir Ud.
Gwae fi fod ym margod mur
Yn eu tid, Owain Tudur.
Nid am ddwyn march mewn ffrwyn ffraeth
Yn Uedrad anUywodraeth ;
Nid am ddyled ef am credir
Y mae'n y rhest, y meinwr hir ; .
Ni bu leidr pan filiwyd,
Na thraetur, lUn Tudur Llwyd.
Er iddo gynt, ar ddydd gwyl,
Fwrw ei serch frowys archwyl
Ar ferch brenin y gwindir
Oedd yn hardd wiw addwyn hir.
Duw a ro rhag cyffro cur
Iddynt hoedl, wyrion Tudur ;
Y mab y mae genym obaith
A ddel cynt o ddwylo caith.

iv] HERBERT AND TUDOR 71
An entirely different, though hardly less romantic, tale
of their early relations is given by the Welsh Tudor chro
nicler :
" Now Catherine had been a widow for some years.
The council forbade her to marry again, a pro-
Griffith on hibition which she openly resented. At that
°man«udor s **me a S(luire °* Gwynedd, who was chief
butler at court, conceived an attachment for
the queen's maid of honour. One day in summer he and
his friends were bathing in the stream which skirts
the castle walls. The queen, observing them, saw that
Owen — for that was the squire's name — surpassed the others
in skill, and was more handsome of figure. Whereupon she
turned to her maid and said, ' Yonder then is thy lover ? '
' In truth,' replied the maid, ' no sooner am I alone than
he plagues me with his attentions.' ' Let me,' replied
Catherine, ' take your place in disguise to-night, and he
shall harass you no more.'
" Now Owen and the maid used to meet on the gallery
not far from the queen's chamber. Thither the queen
made her way stealthily at nightfall. Owen had already
arrived: Only a few words had passed between them when
they saw a light approaching as though the queen, as Owen
thought, was on her way to her chamber. The maid's
demeanour was strange, he thought, and he began to suspect
that he was being deceived. He would have kissed her hps ;
but Catherine, who wished to conceal her face, struggled,
and received a slight wound on her cheek. Meanwhile the
light was coming nearer, and they parted.
" Next day Catherine instructed her chamberlain to
command Owen to serve her in person at dinner. Then
it was that Owen discovered that the queen herself was
the fair intruder, and he bent his head at the thought that
he had wounded her. According to some, he would immedi
ately have returned to his native land ; according to others,
the queen herself detained him at court, and having ascer-

72 HERBERT AND TUDOR [ch.
tained his descent from the old British kings, married him
secretly1." After the disgrace of Owen, his two sons were placed
under the care of the abbess of Barking, Catherine de la Pole,
sister of the earl of Suffolk, who occasionally complains of
the non-payment of arrears that were due on their account2.
The boys apparently remained there until 14403- Although
Catherine made no direct reference to the Tudors in her
will, it is conceivable that her appeal to Henry VI to fulfil
" her intent tenderly and favourably " had a direct bearing
upon the lot of the unfortunate boys4. It is certain that
he afterwards shadowed their education and welfare with
a tenderness and solicitude which were perhaps the Only
gleams that played upon their early life. He placed them
under the guardianship of " discreet persons to be brought
up chastely and virtuously5."
Nor did the king, Henry VI, neglect their father, Owen
Tudor. He allowed him an annuity of £40, " which for
certain causes him moving he gave out of his privy purse
by especial grace6." The generosity of his royal half-
brother was not lost upon Jasper, who served the dynasty
of the Lancastrians in its hour of need with unflinching
loyalty and exemplary devotion. The support which the
Lancastrians found in Wales was due primarily to him.
When his power waned, pubhc opinion veered largely to

1 History of Wales, ElUs Griffith MS. in the Mostyn Library. EUis
Griffith was a soldier in Calais. The above account is a summary trans
lation. (The original is given in the Appendix.) It should be observed
that the History is unreliable in many details. For example, it states
that Owen Tudor was put to death for marrying Catherine, that the marriage
took place in 1425, and that Edmund Tudor and Jasper Tudor were raised
to the peerage in 1436.
2 Rymer, x. 828.
* In 1440, Catherine petitions the king to pay her the £52. 12s. od.
which is due to her for the upkeep of Edmund ap Meredith ap Tudor and
Jasper ap Meredith ap Tudor, this amount being arrears since the last day
of February, 17 Henry VI. Rymer, x. 828.
4 The wiU is printed by Miss Strickland, vol. 11. 153.
6 Ibid.
• Issue RoUs. Cal. Pat. Rolls.

iv] HERBERT AND TUDOR 73
William Herbert, who had meanwhile risen to eminence in
the councils of Edward IV.
Wilham Herbert was one of the few men who left an
wimam abiding impress on the history of his time.
Herbert. jj]je jaSper Tudor he did not catch the ima
gination of contemporary writers except during the last
few years of his life, for his work was more in secret than
in the open. The ponderous tread of armies of retainers
afforded a more effective means of publicity ; his was the
silent voice of the inner council chamber. The eyes of
generations of historians have been so dazzled by the glamour
of a Warwick that they have failed to see in Herbert the
forerunner of the Tudor ministers. It is agreed that the
absolutism of the Tudors originated with Edward IV, but
the part played by the ministers of that monarch has not
been adequately appreciated.
We need not inquire into the ancestry of William Herbert.
His The task is the province of biography rather
pedigree. than of history The Welsh gentry of the six
teenth Century, anxious that their family trees should appear
to have their roots deep in the annals of old Wales or Norman
England, forged pedigrees which gave many of them a
spurious origin. The existing pedigree of William Herbert,
which traces him back to the FitzHerberts of the twelfth
century, cannot escape this taint of forgery. It is based
on a manuscript which is supposed to have been in the
possession of Lord Herbert of Cherbury, who flourished in
the seventeenth century1.
1 The curious may consult Dugdale's Baronage, n. 256. Jones, History
of Brecknockshire, vol. n. pt u. 449-51. Arch. Cambrensis, 3rd series,
iv. 16-30. Hist. MSS. Commission, 8th Report, Ashburnham Collection,
vol. viii, 35 6, and 6th Report, 454 a. The story goes that when Herbert
was made earl of Pembroke and installed at Windsor, Edward IV com
manded the earl and his brother Richard to take their surnames after their
first progenitor Herbert Fitzroy, and to forego the Welsh method of
retaining pedigrees ; and that the king under his first great seal com
missioned Ieuan ap Rhydderch ap Ieuan Lloyd of Gogerddan, Cardigan
shire, to summon the bards to Pembroke, and to certify the Uneage of
Herbert and his brother. "Thereupon the above Ieuan ap Rhydderch,

74 HERBERT AND TUDOR [ch.
He was the son of Sir William ap Thomas and Gwladys,
the daughter of David Gam1 ; and it is purely a matter of
conjecture why the children were given the name of Herbert.
It is possible that they wished to avoid the cloud of
suspicion which enveloped their countrymen after the
cataclysm of Glyndwr's wars. A Welsh name had a foreign
sound, and was to many suggestive of rebellion. The
family had been vigorous and aggressive in their hostility
to the Welsh leader, and had in consequence been anathe
matised by their countrymen. It was therefore a stroke
of discretion to enter into a wider and more remunerative
field of activity than Wales could afford, and to parade an
English name.
Sir William ap Thomas must have spent much of his
His interest time In London. His eldest son Thomas,
in commerce. W^Q fjgUred prominently among the followers
of Humphrey, duke of Gloucester, first appears as " Thomas
Herbert of Greenwich " ; while William is introduced on
the stage of history as " William Herbert of London, chap
man." This epithet suggests — and the fact is corroborated
by the contemporary Welsh poet Howel Swrdwal, — that
the Herberts entered into those commercial activities which
did much to undermine the ascendancy of the feudal nobility,
and to lay the foundations of the new. It was in 1440 that
Wilham Herbert received the epithet " chapman2." The
Howel Swrdwal, Ieuan Deulwyn, and Ieuan Brechva, having traced the
pedigree, presented to their majesty their certificate in Welsh, Latin,
English, and French, which stated that Herbert was descended from
Peter Fitzherbert in the reign of king John, and from Herbert, son of
Godwin, son of Elfrid, who had married a sister of Earls Harold and Tostig.
Dated Aug. 12, 1460." Of course the earldom was not conferred upon
Herbert till 1468. He never was named Welsh fashion even before 1460.
There is no such commission upon the Patent, Close, or Exchequer RoUs.
See also Catalogue Welsh MSS., British Museum.
1 Lewis Glyn Cothi and other poets. The editor identified " y G windy
Gwyn " of one of Glyn Cothi's poems as the London residence of Sir
WilUam ap Thomas, but gives no authority, 1. xvin. There was a house
in London caUed le Herbert, but apparently it did not belong to the
famUy. Rymer, 1461, 473.
2 Cal. Pat. RoUs, Feb. 2, 1440, 374. Record Reports, 1887. Dec. 26.
John Stradling of Glamorgan was also in Kyriel's retinue at this time.

IV] HERBERT AND TUDOR 75
protection which he had received two months before "as going
to Calais, there to abide in the company of Thomas Kyriel,
knight, lieutenant of the town, and engage in •victualling the
same " was revoked, because he tarried in the city of London
and its suburbs. This was the time when the duke of York
and Sir Wilham ap Thomas went over to Normandy. A few
years later we find him engaged in importing Gascon wines
into the port of Bristol1. Moreover, the Herberts, in 1462,
were in command of certain vessels for the defence of Bristol
and other ports in the west against the Lancastrians2.
We cannot be certain whether William Herbert accom-
Herbertin panied York on his expedition in 1440, or
Normandy. whether he joined Kyriel in Calais, and we
need not attempt to erect an aerial fabric of assump
tions. He is lost to view for some years. When he
reappears towards the close of the Hundred Years War,
when the French were following hard upon the track of the
retreating English, he was under the vigilant eye of his
distinguished countryman, Mathew Gough, as joint-captain
of Carentan, in 1449 3.
1 Pat. RoUs, May 22, 1457, 353. On Oct. 10, 1457-8 protection
was given to his brother " Thomas Herbert of Troye, Wales " in the king's
service on the high seas. William of Worcester, Itinerarium, identifies
him with Thomas of Greenwich. Record Reports.
Howel Swrdwal refers to Herbert's commercial enterprise in the Unes :
Dau lu ami dal o iwmynn
Dwy long yn dyfod ai lynn.
" He has two armies of taU yeomen, and two ships trading in wines."
Swrdwal's poems have recently been pubUshed by the Bangor Welsh MSS.
Society. The poem from which the above Unes are taken is dated 1450.
This is impossible. There are references to Edward of York, which could
not apply at least before 1461. There are indications that it may have
been written just before Mortimer's Cross.
2 Cal. Pat. RoUs, March 1, 1462. Perhaps it should be stated that
the name is variously spelt as Herbert, Herberd, Herbard, and even Here-
bard, though Herberd is more common at first. It is not easy to distinguish
the many Herberts of contemporary records. A WilUam Herbert of
Gloucester kept Newport Castle in 1468-9. A Thomas Herbert of Glou
cester was constable there in 1468-9, sheriff of Somerset 1468, High Bailiff
of Guisnes 1468. There was another of the name in Salop and Staffordshire
(1443), while Thomas, GUbert and WiUiam Harbard of Strood supported
Cade in 1450. Cal. Pat. Rolls, passim.
8 WilUam of Worcester, Itinerarium, 122, as we have seen, mentions a
WUUam Herbert ap Norman who fought under Mathew Gough in France,
and describes him as "locum tenens de Penigele." Elsewhere, ibid. 120,

76 HERBERT AND TUDOR [ch.
From this circumstance it may safely be inferred that
he had been in Normandy for some time1. After the reverse
at Carentan he may have served with Gough at Fougeres
and Belleme. He was taken prisoner at Formigny. For
this reason he probably did not return to England until
the remnants of the English army crossed the Channel under
Somerset, in September, 1450. Henceforth we must follow
his course in the main stream of political life.
On the expiration of the duke of York's term as lieutenant
The duke of °* France> in I445» Dorset, who soon after-
York, and wards was raised to the dukedom of Somerset,
Somerset. .
was appointed to succeed him. York was
made lieutenant of Ireland for 10 years, a specious form
of exile. Certain individuals were appointed to seize and
imprison him at Conway on his way to his new post in 1447,
Sir John Talbot at Holt Castle, Sir Thomas Stanley in
Cheshire, and one Richard " groom of our chamber " at
Beaumaris. Sir Walter Devereux also was to be arrested.
Nothing untoward happened2. Meanwhile the government
of Margaret and Suffolk went from bad to worse. The
popular opposition to them culminated in the banishment
and death of Suffolk in 1450. Events then rushed onwards
with perilous foreboding. Jack Cade raised the Kentishmen
with temporary success, and was killed in a scuffle in July.
In the confusion the duke of York abandoned his post with
the avowed object of reforming the ministry, and landed
in Beaumaris in August3. The duke of Somerset, who had
succeeded Suffolk as leader of the court party, was summoned
from Calais to deal with him, and was made constable of
England in September4. This grant further inflamed pubhc
resentment against the queen and her friends.
he is called " WiUelmus Norman consanguineus domini Herbert." He
fought at Banbury. Ibid.
1 "He may have accompanied Gough. See ch. in.
8 See the duke of York's letter to Henry VI, printed in Paston Letters,
Introduction ; and also in HoUnshed.
8 Ibid. Also WilUam of Worcester, Annates, ii. 769. Hall, 225.
4 Rymer's Foedera, xi. 276.

iv] HERBERT AND TUDOR tj
Instructions had been issued to Henry Norris, deputy to
the chamberlain of North Wales (Sir Thomas Stanley),
Bartholomew Bold, who had succeeded John Norris as
Captain of Conway in 14411, William Bulkeley, who was
a sergeant-at-arms in Anglesey and may have held some
office at Beaumaris2, and a few others, to arrest the progress
of the duke of York on his return, and prevent his entry
into Chester, Shrewsbury and the border towns. But York
once again eluded their vigilance, reached his estates in the
Marches of Wales, collected a strong body of followers and
reached London safely3.
However, there was bloodshed. Sir Wilham Tresham,
Speaker of the House of Commons in the parliament of Bury,
and one of York's most prominent supporters, was hastening
to join his leader when he collided with the retainers of
Lord Grey of Ruthin near Moulton, in Northamptonshire.
Tresham was murdered4. In Wales, at least, the name of
Grey of Ruthin was already synonymous with perfidy. There
is hardly a more revolting figure in the annals of the war.
Parliament met in November, William Oldhall, formerly
a colleague of Sir William ap Thomas on the duke of York's
council in Normandy, being chosen Speaker. Violent scenes
took place between Somerset and York, the latter having the
House of Commons on his side, the former relying on his
supremacy at court. York subsequently retired to Ludlow5,
Early in September an attempt was made to arrest Somerset
at Blackfriars. It proved futile, and Somerset remained at
the wheel during the Christmas adjournment.
1 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 497. He had eight soldiers. November 21, 1441.
2 Ibid. 129, August 16, 1448. He succeeded one Meredith ap Cynwric.
8 The garrison of Beaumaris Castle was increased to twelve in 1446,
and to twenty-one in the foUowing May. This was probably the garrison
till 1460. The constable was WilUam Beauchamp. The author of
Calendars of Gwynedd gives no authority for making Bulkeley constable of
Beaumaris in 1440. Beauchamp was followed by John Butler in 1460,
who was supplanted by WiUiam Hastings on the accession of Edward IV.
In 1451 an annual sum of £20 was aUowed out of the issues of the borough
for four years for repairs. Minister's Accounts, in Medieval Boroughs of
Snowdonia. Hall, 226. Paston Letters, op. cit. C.P.R. 1439; 3°i. 3°8.
4 WiUiam of Worcester, Annates, 769. 6 Hall, 226.

78 HERBERT AND TUDOR [ch.
This fact is of importance ; for it shows that the flash
of Athenian acuteness which illumined the
attitud^ s recess emanated apparently from the favourite;
s°omaereet. We re*er to ^e h°n°urs conferred during the
Christmas festival at Greenwich. The king's
half-brothers, Edmund and Jasper Tudor, two sons of the
earl of Salisbury, viz. Thomas and John Neville, and
William Herbert, were knighted1. It has hitherto been
supposed that Herbert was knighted at Christmas 1449.
This is an impossible date ; for, apart from the fact that
Herbert was then in Normandy, authorities are clear in their
assertion that the knighthoods were bestowed after the
return of York from Ireland and Somerset from Calais.
Except perhaps the Tudors, these were men whose sympathies
were presumably with the duke of York. In conferring
favours upon them the court party may have hoped to
detach the Nevilles and Herbert from their friendship with
the duke, and thus to weaken his influence at a most vital
point, viz., the Marches. The position in South-east Wales
was as follows : In 1449 Richard, earl of Warwick, had
become possessed of the rich lordship of Glamorgan and
Morgannwg2. The numerous ramifications of the families
of Herbert and Roger Vaughan dominated Raglan and the
surrounding district. Monmouth was part of the Lancas
trian heritage 3. Abergavenny was held by a Neville in the
person of Edward Neville, son of Ralph, first earl of West
morland4. Humphrey Stafford, duke of Buckingham, was
1 " Festum natalis Domini rex tenuit apud Grenwych, ubi fecit duos
fratres uterinos milites et comites, viz. Edmundum Richemund et Jasper
Penbroch, ac Thomam et Johannem Nevyle, fiUos comitis Sarum, ac etiam
Wyllelmum Herberd, Roger Leuconer et WyUelmum Catysby, miUtes,"
WilUam of Worcester, Annates, n. 770. (The Dictionary of National
Biography, Doyle's Baronage etc., sub William Herbert, are misleading.)
It will also be noted that WiUiam of Worcester asserts that the king's
half-brothers were made earls on this occasion. This piece of evidence
has been discarded on the ground that Edmund's charter is dated Nov. 23,
1452. Vide later.
2 See table on page 100, note 3, showing how Glamorgan came into
Warwick's possession.
' It was annexed to the earldom of Lancaster by Henry IV.
4 He was summoned to parUament as Baron Bergavenny (Sept. 5, 1450)

iv] HERBERT AND TUDOR 79
lord of Brecknock and Newport, and an adherent of the
House of Lancaster1. The Mortimer estates of the duke of
York lay to the north, stretching roughly from Builth to
Denbigh and including Builth, Clifford, Ewyas Lacy,
Maehennydd, Radnor, and Denbigh, with Ludlow as their
centre, and at times Montgomery2.
The court party realised that these estates, extending
in an almost unbroken phalanx from Cardiff to Chester,
would, if united under the duke of York, constitute a very
serious danger. For, apart from the personnel of the
leaders, these March lordships harboured a restless population
whose chief occupation was petty warfare. On the other
hand, if Somerset could retain the allegiance of the Nevilles
and Herbert, the Marches would be divided almost equally
into two opposing camps. This circumstance will serve tc
explain also the unusual activity of Margaret on the borders
of Wales during the next five years.
The duke of York did not remain idle. When the feud
York-s between the earl of Devon and Lord Bonville
waiesT '" broke out in the west in 145 1, he took Herbert
with him to settle the dispute3, though the
importance of this association need not be over-estimated,
in right of his wife, EUzabeth Beauchamp, daughter and heiress of Richard,
earl of Worcester.
1 Humphrey de Bohun, earl of Hereford, left two daughters, Eleanor
and Mary. Mary de Bohun married Henry IV, so that her portion of the
estates, which were in Herefordshire and Monmouth, was annexed to the
Crown. Eleanor de Bohun was married to Thomas of Woodstock, duke of
Gloucester (d. 1397). They had a daughter, Anne, who married Edmund
Stafford, killed at Shrewsbury, 1403. Anne received from Henry VI the
lordship of Brecon and the patronage of Llanthony Abbey for her and
her son. Their son was Humphrey Stafford, lord of Brecon, created
duke of Buckingham in 1444. He was killed at Northampton in 1460.
He was married to Anne Neville, daughter of Ralph, first earl of West
morland. Their son was Humphrey Stafford, who was killed at St Albans
in 1455. His wife was Margaret Beaufort, daughter of Edmund, first duke
of Somerset. Their son was Henry Stafford, duke of Buckingham and
lord of Brecon. He married Catherine WoodviUe, Uved in retirement at
Brecon during Edward IV's reign, and was executed in 1483.
2 He gave charters to Ceri and Cedewain from Montgomery in August,
25 Henry VI. Collections of Powys Club, vol. 11. 388.
8 William of Worcester, Annates n. 770. Chronicle of the White Rose.
BonviUe was besieged in Taunton.

80 HERBERT AND TUDOR [ch.
inasmuch as the duty of suppressing riots in the west
would naturally devolve upon the lords of those parts.
In the winter of 1451-2 York's designs assumed a
more menacing aspect. From Ludlow he issued a mani
festo to the burgesses of Shrewsbury denouncing Somerset,
and proclaiming his intention of marching on London to
destroy him1. Having collected an army in the Marches2
he advanced on the capital. He found less encouragement
than he had anticipated from the citizens, and was placed
under arrest. Soon he was released and pardoned. His
release is said to have been due to the rumour that another
force was being mustered in Wales under his son, Edward,
earl of March3. In the summer of 1452 the court party
began their activities in the Marches. In July the king,
accompanied by the queen and Somerset, went on a progress
through the west, visiting Gloucester, Ross and Monmouth,
in order to strengthen the fibres of loyalty and punish the
guilty4- Walter Devereux of Weobley in Herefordshire, who
was sheriff of that county in 1447, and some others were
indicted for treasonable acts committed in the previous.
February. Bearing in mind that this was the month in
which the duke of York issued his manifesto to the burgesses
of Shrewsbury, the charge- in all probability referred to the
active participation of Devereux with York. Devereux was
arraigned before justices Audley and Yelverton, but obtained
the benefit of the act of grace pardoning all who had abetted
York on that occasion5.
In October a general pardon was granted also to " William
Herbert of Ragland, in South Wales, of all offences before
August 8 last, and any subsequent outlawries and for-

1 Ellis, Letters, 1st series, I. 11-13, dated Feb. 3, 1452.
2 HaU, 226. We seem to have no reUable means of estimating the
numbers of troops raised during these wars.
8 Hall, 226 ; Fabyan, 626-7.
4 Privy Seals and Wardrobe Accounts.
6 The pardon was subsequently confirmed in the parliament which met
immediately after the first battle of St, Albans, 1455. Rot. Pari. v.

iv] HERBERT AND TUDOR 81
feitures1 " ; and shortly before to Owen ap Griffith, the
son of Griffith ap Nicholas, and Philip ap Rees, " for tres
passes against the statute of liveries2." These were also the
outcome of the king's visit, and may reasonably be regarded
as part of a deliberate plan to conciliate the minor gentry
Herbert and undermine the predominant influence of the
implicated. duke of York whether these had shared in
York's immature enterprise the previous winter is a matter
of conjecture. There is a strong presumption that Wilham
Herbert was implicated. We have seen that he accompanied
York to the west in the previous year. He was also on terms
of intimacy with Devereux. Moreover, there is extant a
proclamation against him in which he is denounced as
a notable rebel and forbidding any to give him encouragement
or support. The proclamation is undated ; but as this
appears to have been the only occasion on which he was
thus circumstanced, the reference is doubtless to his associa
tion with York3.
Further to strengthen and consolidate South Wales in
the interest of the Crown, the king conferred
made eari the earldom of Pembroke .upon his half-brother
Jasper Tudor, Edmund at the same time receiv
ing the earldom of Richmond4. Their titles and legitimacy
were confirmed in the parliament which met at Reading,
1 Cal. Pat. RoUs, 1452-1461, 17. Dated Oct. 10, 1452.
2 Cal. Pat. Rolls, Sept. 30, 1452, 17. It appears that the earl of
Warwick was at Cardiff on October 31, 1452. Clark, Glamorgan Charters,
1632. 8 " Rex Vicecomiti London — nos nuper per considerantes quae et
quanta mala gravamina Wilms Herberd, miles Ugeis et subgitis uris in
diversis partibus fecit et perpetravit per vobis precepimus quod statim
post receptam in singuUs locis infra civitatem, praedictam et suburbia
ejusdem publice proclamari faciatis.
Ne quis prefato WiUo ahquod receptamentum aut auxiUum praebit —
sed ipsum WiUum tanquam notabilem rebeUem ab omni gratia nostra —
privatum fore et exemptum habeat et reputat." Claus Rerum, 300.
4 As has already been stated WiUiam of Worcester gives an earUer
date. But the date of Edmund's charter is Nov. 23, 1452, and the two
may have been ennobled at the same time. Jasper's creation appears
under a parliamentary ratification of both titles on March 6, 1453. See
Paston Letters, II. 285. Rot. Pari. 250.
E. W. R. 6

82 HERBERT AND TUDOR [ch.
March 6, 14531. In this declaration the name of their
father, Owen Tudor, is significantly omitted, although there
is a veiled reference to the fact that some of their ancestors
were not English born, and to the disability under which
they might have laboured as Welshmen2, disabilities which
perhaps occasioned this strange declaration. It states that
the king confers these grants upon his half-brothers of his
own free will, and not at the instance of any other person.
They were to take precedence of all other earls3.
It is important to observe that the earldom of Pembroke
was given to Jasper in spite of Margaret's having hitherto
enjoyed the issues thereof4. The important castles of
Pembroke, Tenby, Cilgerran, and Llanstephan were now
therefore in Jasper's hands5.
Henceforth he took an active part in the deliberations
of the Government. In this parliament he introduced a bill
into the Lower House asking, among other things, for a grant
of the priory of St Nicholas at Pembroke. Intercession was
made in favour of the monks of St Albans to whom a
previous grant had been made by Humphrey, duke of
Gloucester, and a provision was inserted in the bill saving
the rights of the monastery6. When parliament rose for
1 " Quod Edmundus et Jasper declarentur vestri fratres uterini in
legitimo matrimonio infra regnum vestrum predictum procreati et nati
ac indigine regni vestri supradicti et nedum sic declarentur verum etiam
sic auctoritate supradicta realiter et in facto existant." Rot. Pari. 250.
2 Rot. Pari. 251-3.
3 " motu proprio non ad ipsius vel alterius pro eo nobis super hoc
oblate petitionis instantiam sed de nostra mera UberaUtate in comitem
Pembroehie prefecimus." Ibid.
4 " non obstante jure titulo et interesse Margarete Regine Anglie
precarissime consortis vestre, si que habeat in eisdem." Ibid.
6 Included in the lordship and members of Pembroke were, " Pembroke,
Castle Martin, St Florence, Coedraeth, Tenby, Roos, Kemmaes, Burton,
Milford, Cilgerran, Emlyn, Llanstephan, Dyffryn Brian, St Clear's," etc.
Rot. Pari. 253.
6 Wethamstede, 1. 92-93. Jasper is described as " vir Ulustris frater
regis ex parte matris qui de novo per ipsum regem in comitem Pembrochiae
erectus." The chronicler remarks on the incident " a friend at court is
often better than a fig on a plate, or a penny in a purse." It wiU be observed
that the quotation suggests the " recent " creation of Jasper as earl of
Pembroke.

iv] HERBERT AND TUDOR 83
the Easter recess the Tudors kept in close touch with the
king. One of them was at Norwich on April 20, 14531, and
in communication with the Pastons.
Meanwhile the Government became alive to the need of
Government stringent supervision in Wales. Sir Thomas
activity in Stanley, chamberlain of North Wales, was
commissioned to compel the payment of arrears
of debts and revenues from Merionethshire, Carnarvonshire,
and Anglesey2, and to make inquisition in those counties
touching trespasses, services, and customs concealed from
the king, officers negligent of their duties etc.3 Cymmer
Abbey was committed to the charge of the duke of Somerset,
and Ellis ap Griffith ap Einon, which abbey " was endowed
to the sum of £60 a year, though now the endowment does
not exceed the value of 20 marks a year ; and the abbey,
through dissensions between certain lords of the marches
there, has suffered distraints at the hands of persons on
either side and abductions of goods and chatties so that
no ministers thereof dare occupy the lands of old collated
to the abbey4."
During the year 1453 the court party made renewed
sir waiter efforts to strengthen their hold on Wales.
Sir Walter Devereux had risked his hfe in
the cause of York when the latter passed over to Ireland.
In spite of this he was now favourably entertained by
Margaret and Somerset. In March he was allowed to
enter into possession of his wife's lands ; in May he was
given a moiety of the castle and lordship of Narberth ;
in December he was commissioned to make inquisition in
Herefordshire touching all escapes of prisoners. Jasper
Tudor received in addition to numerous grants in Warwick
shire, Herefordshire, Lincolnshire, Surrey and elsewhere,
the confiscated lands of Wilham Oldhall who was accused
1 Paston Letters, I. 253-4, and note to letter 187.
2 Cal. Pat. Rolls (1452-1461) 124. Aug. 12, 1453.
8 Ibid. 173. Sept. 12, 1453.
* Ibid. 65. March 4, 1453.
6—2

84 HERBERT AND TUDOR [ch.
of treason* and. a fee farm of £113. 6s. 8^., paid by the heirs
of Roger Mortimer for the castle of Builth, and of £42 of
the farm of Hereford, paid by the citizens1, as well as the
lordship of Magor, in South Wales2.
Jasper Tudor had not as yet definitely associated himself
with Margaret and Somerset. He was con-
andthe duk" stantly at the king's side, and it is a tribute
ofvork. tQ the genumeness 0f the duke of York's
protestations of loyalty that Jasper Tudor inclined to
his side during this period of uncertainty and suspense.
While York had no deeper purpose than the deposition
of Somerset, he could, apparently, rely on the half-
brothers. The birth of a prince to Queen Margaret in October, 1453,
intensified an already strained situation. In November
Jasper attended the council for the first time as a privy
councillor, York being present, and Somerset absent ; and
he attended again in December3. A more significant proof
of the half-brothers' faith in the duke of York occurred
a few weeks later. For when, in January 1454, the nobles
were swept to London by the news of the king's imbecility,
both were reported to have come in the company of the duke
of York and the earl of Warwick with a large following, and
to have been in danger of being arrested4- York was
1 Cal. Pat. RoUs, 1452-1461 ; 49-112 ; passim.
2 Ibid. 104, July 24, 1453. Edmund Tudor was given " a house in
London caUed Baynard's Castle." Ibid. 79, March 30. Both received the
keeping of the possessions of John, duke of Somerset, during the minority
of Margaret. Ibid. 79 ; March 24. Two Welshmen, Morgan Meredith
and John Roger, were keepers of the armoury of all the king's castles
in South Wales. Morgan Meredith was in the service of Humphrey, duke
of Gloucester, and held this' post in 1442. Ibid. (1441-1447) 65. Cal.
Pat. Rolls, 106, July 5, 1453. A certain Henry ap Griffith of Backeton,
Herefordshire, late of Newcourt, received a pardon. Ibid. March 26. He was
steward of Usk and Caerleon. Welsh MSS. British Museum, 1. 643.
3 Proceedings of the Privy Council. At the P. C. meeting, Nov. 21, 1453,
York again protested that he had come to do all he could for the king's
welfare. See Paston Letters, Introduction, and Appendix.
4 " The erls of Warwyk, Richmond, and Pembroke comen with the
Duke of York, as it is said, everych of them with a godely feleschip, and
as Geoffrey Poole seithe, the Kynges bretherne been like to be arrested at
their comyng to London, yf they come." Paston Letters, 1. 266. Jan. 19, 1454.

iv] HERBERT AND TUDOR 85
expected in London on January 25th1. There is no valid
reason for doubting this statement as to the friendly relations
between the Tudors and York. The grant of the Pembroke
estates to Jasper probably gave offence to Margaret. There
is no evidence to show that he had the least sympathy with
Somerset, whose unpopularity increased with the final loss
of France in the previous year ; while during York's pro
tectorate, although many Lancastrian lords were placed
under guard, Jasper and Edmund were in attendance on
the king2.
The duke of York became Protector in March, 1454.
Somerset was put in prison. Jasper Tudor frequently
attended the meetings of the privy council3, and in November
signed a series of arrangements for regulating the royal
household, although in effect they considerably reduced the
retinue of the king4.
Henry recovered in December ; Somerset was released
First battle of an<l acquitted of the charges brought against
st Aibans. him5. In May, 1455, a council was called to
meet at Leicester, nominally " to provide for the safety of
the king's person against his enemies." The duke of York
looked upon it as a declaration of war, marched on London
from Wales6, and defeated the royal troops at the first
battle of St Albans (May 22, 1455). Somerset was
slain. The duke of Buckingham, lord of Brecknock, was with
1 Paston Letters, Intro. This Geoffrey Poole was perhaps the king's
servant and keeper of tents. Patent RoUs, 1459, 499- A Geoffrey Pole
was constable and steward of Haverfordwest, after the death of Sir Rowland
Lenthal. Cal. Pat. RoUs, Jan. 28, 1442, 67.
2 Edmund was Lord Attendant on the king Nov. 13, 1454. Proceedings,
vi. 222.
3 Proceedings, vi. 167, passim.
4 Ibid. He was absent on April 1, 1454. when George Neville was
recommended for the next vacant bishopric. ..,,,.
5 York and Jasper were present at a Council at Greenwich, March 4,
1455, when Somerset was cleared. Ibid.
« Whethamstede, n. 161. He coUected his army "in finibus Walhae
et de prope infra regnum AngUae exercitum fortem et grandem." See also
Fabyan, 629.

86 - HERBERT AND TUDOR [ch.
the royalists. Jasper possibly accompanied the king to
St Albans1 though he does not appear to have taken any part
in the fight. He was among those who took the oath to
Henry VI soon afterwards2. His brother Edmund's name
does not appear ; nor did he subscribe to the general oath
of allegiance. As we shall see he was busy in West Wales.
Jasper meanwhile remained in attendance on his royal
master. In June, 1456, he was at Sheen with the king, and
no other lords were present3-
Among the offices assumed by the duke of York after
the battle of St Albans were those of constable of Carmar
then Castle, steward of Wydegada and Elvet, and captain
and constable of Aberystwyth4, with as many soldiers as
were wont to stay there. Jasper Tudor did not witness the ,
grant of the protectorate to him5.
York summoned parliament, and part of its business
was " to ordain and purvey for the restfull and sadde rule
in Wales, and set apart such riots and disobeisances as have
been there afore this time6." Lawlessness was everywhere
rampant in Wales, and Merionethshire subsisted on cattle
stealing, private feuds, burning of houses and murders.
Market day at Dolgelly and Conway was a festival of looting
and plunder7.
1 Paston Letters, I. 327. Though his name is not on the Ust given on
page 332, he was probably in attendance on the king.
2 Rot. Pari. 282. July 23, 1455.
3 Paston Letters, I. 392. June 7, 1456.
4 Pat. Roi. June 2, 1455, 245. These offices were re-granted to
Jasper on AprU 21, 1457. The earl of WUtshire, a royaUst at St Albans
and afterwards, was at this time sheriff of Carmarthen and Cardigan shires ;
see Act of Resumption, The constable of Aberystwyth since 1443 was the
duke of Somerset. In that year he was ordered to appoint no man his
deputy without the authority of the councU. He succeeded Sir John
Griffith. The castle had one man-at-arms and twelve archers. Pro
ceedings, v. 134, 244.
s Rot. Pari. 453.
8 Rot. Pari. 279, 1455.
' Arch. Camb. 1. i — iii-; passim.

iv] HERBERT AND TUDOR 87

APPENDIX
Y modd i doeth kariad hrwng Ywain Tudur ar vrenhines.
Ynn ol proses hrai o lyvre lloygyr ac opiniwn y saesson ni oddevai
y kyngor o loegyr ir vrenhines gattrin briodi neb yn Iloegyr ac ir
ydoedd hi ynni chwnnychu or achos i bu hi yn weddw serttain o amser
ynn yr amser ir ydoedd ysgwier o wynedd yn wasnaethwr ac yn
sewer i ennaur vrenhines yr hwnn a oedd yn karu un o law vorynion
y vrenhines yr hon a ganvu y matter. Ac ar ddiwrnod garllaw uys
y vrenhines ynn amser haaf i digwyddodd ir asgwier hwn vynd i
novio i avon a oedd yn llithro gan ysdlys mur y Uys y neb a ganvu
Haw vorwyn y vrenhines yn vuan yr hon a ddanges y mater ir
vrenhines yr hwnn a ddoeth i ffenesdyr i edrych ar y gwyr yn novio
ymysg yr hrain i gwelai y vrenhines un or gwyr yn rhagori i gym-
deithion o degwch knawd or achos i govynnodd y vrenhines wel
dackw wr ysydd yn yckaru chwi yn vawr yn wir heber y verch von-
heddig velly i mae ef yn dywedud ac yn wir ni chaaf i fynned i le
ynn y byd och golwg chwi ar ni bo ef ynn vyngorllwyn i. Weie
hebyr y vrenvines gad imi vynned noswaith yn dy rrith di ynnUe
y boch i ynn arver o gyvarvod a myvi a wnaf iddo ef nad amyro
ef arnatti o hynny allan ac o vewn ychydig o amser ynnol hyn i
gwnaeth y llaw vorwyn oed ar gyvarvod ac ywain mewn galerie
gerllaw sdavell y vrenhines Ir hon i dangoses y Uaw vorwyn gwbwl
or kyvrang a oedd hryngthi hi ac ywain : ar vrenhines a gymerth
archennad i llaw vorwyn ac ynny ty wyll y hi a aeth ir galerey ynnyman
ir ydoedd ywain yn disgwyl i gariad yn Ue yr hon i kymerth ef y
vrenhines erbynn i mwnnwgyl i ymkannu hroddi kussann yw gennau
hiyr hon a droes i grudd att i enau ef ac ynnol uddunt hwy ymddiddan
serttain o eiriau bob un ai gilidd y vo a ganvu oleuad yn dyvod
megis pedviasai y vrenhines ynn dyvod yw shiambyr or achos i
keishiodd ef roddi kusan yw min hi wrth ymadel yr hon a droes i
grudd atto ef ynnyr un modd or achos i tybiodd ef nad y hi aeodd
i gariad ef or achos y vo a vrathodd i grudd hi ai ddannedd megis
ac i gallai ef wybod a gweled yn ynnysbys pwy a oedd ynni watwar
ef ynny modd ar yr hyn yr ymadewis ywain ar vrenhines arsswyd
y goleuad ynnol yr hyn Ir aeth y vrenhines yw shiambyr ac ywain
yw letty. A thrannoeth i gorchmynodd y vrenhines yw shiambyr
len orchymyn ywain i vod yn sewr iddi hi ar ginnio y dethwn hwnnw
yr hyn gyvlownoedd. Ac ynnol i ywain osod y bwyd ar y bwrdd
ynni ordyr megis ac ir ydoedd i swydd ef yw wneuthud y vo a droes
i wyneb at y vrenhines yr hon aoedd yn ymolchi i vynned yw chinio
yn yr amser ir adrychodd hi'n ffyrnig ar ywain drwy roddi i bys
ar i grudd ar yr hwn i gwelai ef blasdyr or achos i gosdyngodd ef

88 HERBERT AND TUDOR [ch. iv
i ben drwy aadde ynnigalon mae y vrenhines a vrathassai ei i grudd
ynnos ynnyblaen or achos ynnol opiniwn hrau o lyvre ir ymkanodd
ef gymerud i varch a marchogaeth yw wlad hrag ovon y vrenhines
yr hon ynnol opiniwn hrai eraiU or bobyl a ddanvonasai orchymyn
ar y porthorion ar gadw ywain o vewn pyrth y llys onnid ni wna
mater pa un or ddau vodd i dykpwyd y vo garbron y vrenhines
yr hon o vewn ychydig amser ynnol a wnaeth gymaint o honaw
ef ac iddi ymkanu i briodi ef or achos ynnol opiniwn y bobyl y hi
a ddanvones un oi herawds i Gymru i ymovun pa wr i gennedlaeth
oydd ef yr hwn a ddoeth i dy i fam ef ynn ddisymwth ac y hi yn
eisde wrth y tan ac yn bwytta i chinio oddiar i gliniau ai harffed
ar neb ac ymhlith boneddigion y wlad ir ymovynodd yr herawd am
i ach ywain. (Owen's genealogy foUows.)
Ac ni bu haiach o ennyd ynol hyn nes ir vrenhines briodi ywain
yn ddirgel. Mostyn MS. 158; p. 306.

CHAPTER V
THE CAMPAIGN OF LUDFORD
It has been customary, in dealing with the disposition
Lancastrians °^ f°rces in Wales during the Wars of the Roses,
and Yorkists to assign the west to the Lancastrians and the
east to the Yorkists. Broadly speaking, this
division represents accurately enough the strength of
the rival parties at the commencement of hostilities ; for
the extensive Mortimer estates gave the duke of York a
striking predominance in the Marches ; while the Lancas
trians could claim supremacy in the Principality (Anglesey,
Carnarvonshire and Merionethshire), in the royal counties
of South Wales (Cardiganshire and Carmarthenshire), and in
the county-palatine of Pembroke under Jasper Tudor. But
when we come to details the Marches do not present a uniform
political complexion. The wide lordship of Brecknock
belonged to the Staffords, at the head of whom was the duke
of Buckingham, a prominent and consistent Lancastrian.
He was thus wedged in between the earl of Warwick in
Glamorgan and the duke of York in Mid-Wales. There
were Lancastrian estates, too, at Monmouth and in the
lower valley of the Wye. The loyalist Talbot, earl of
Shrewsbury, was situated between Shrewsbury and Mont
gomery, and was supported by the Beauforts and the
Mowbrays in the valley of the Dee. Of the lesser gentry
in the Marches, the Skydmores of Herefordshire and the
Pulestons of Denbighshire gave effective support to the
cause of the dynasty. On the other hand, South-west Wales

90 THE CAMPAIGN OF LUDFORD [ch.
from Gower to Pembroke and northwards to Aberystwyth
was more uniformly Lancastrian, the Dwnns of the neigh
bourhood of Kidwely being the only conspicuous Yorkists.
For a few years after the battle of St Albans the centre
The of gravity of the war was transferred to Wales
importance of and the Marches. York's chief citadels were
at Wigmore and Ludlow, which dominated
Mid- Wales. Margaret, with a skilful analysis of the military
situation, realised that if she would triumph she must
challenge him where his resources were greatest. To do this
it would be necessary to mobilise her friends there and
brush up recruits, a task in which she showed conspicuous
ardour and resolution. She could naturally rely upon the
Principality ; and she became personally responsible for the
loyalty of Cheshire and the border counties. In Cheshire
and the surrounding districts she was conciliatory ; in Mid-
Wales, where York was most powerful, exacting and defiant.
With profound tact and practical sense she sent Edmund
Tudor, earl of Richmond, to Wales. Nothing could have
been more opportune than the choice of a Tudor for a
recruiting mission in these parts. Edmund's Welsh pedigree
was a key which would throw wide open the hearts of men.
His father, Owen Tudor, had within recent years come
amongst them as a refugee, a fact which rendered still more
charitable the public conscience of the Welsh.
Edmund Tudor came to Pembroke early in 1456. The
most representative chieftain in these parts was
Tudo"rnand Griffith ap Nicholas, with whom Richmond
Ntehoh.s!' would have to reckon sooner or later. It
happened sooner. Griffith's unhappy entangle
ment in the affairs of Humphrey, duke of Gloucester, had
revealed to him the treacherous quicksands of politics,
though it lifted him to a higher plane of public recognition.
In 1449 ne came under the vigilant eye of the duke of York,
who entrusted him with the important castle of Narberth
in Pembrokeshire. In October 1450, he was on a com-

v] THE CAMPAIGN OF LUDFORD 91
mission " to array all men-at-arms, hobelers and archers
in West Wales, and bring them to the sea-coast to expel
the king's enemies, and to set up beacons and survey the
muster and keep watches." Others on the commission were
Sir James Audley, Sir Henry Wogan, Sir John Skydmore
and Thomas ap Griffith ap Nicholas1. Griffith was thus
at the zenith of his power when he presided over the famous
eisteddfod of Carmarthen, which is said to have been held
about 1453, and the proceedings of which constitute an
important landmark in the history of Welsh literature. In
such circumstances the advent of Edmund Tudor was not
altogether free from embarrassments. Heroes of small
communities are proverbially intolerant of rivals, and Griffith
at first regarded the earl of Richmond as a rival. The
latter may have been insidious, and was certainly rash ; for
within a few months of his arrival there was a fierce clash
between him and Griffith, which resounded in the east of
England. Although ten years had elapsed since the Glou
cester affair, Richmond may have viewed Griffith as a
prospective adherent of the duke of York, the pohtical
successor of Humphrey. On the other hand, he might have
reflected that on the commission of 1450 Griffith was the
colleague of such unflinching loyalists as Audley and Skyd
more. However, in June, 1456, Griffith and the earl of
Richmond were " at war greatly2." Whatever may have
been the origin of the feud there were no dregs of bitterness.
In October Griffith and his two sons Thomas and Owen
received a full pardon, which emanated from the new
Government of the queen3. The Yorkist ministry had been
dismissed earlier in the month. Henceforth the family
was loyal to the cause of the Tudors. The allegiance of
such an enthusiastic and enlightened patriot as Griffith ap
Nicholas was a guarantee that the bards whom he liberally
patronised would be won over ; and they could become
1 Cal. Pat. RoUs (1446-1452), 432. 2 Paston Letters, I. 392.
3 Cal. Pat. Rolls (1452-1461) 326; Oct. 26, 1456.

92 THE CAMPAIGN OF LUDFORD [ch.
a powerful weapon in the hands of a capable leader. They
traversed the country frequently, and with great industry
and ingenuity preached the fiery doctrine of nationality.
In doing so they, for the time being, necessarily cried up
the cause of the dynasty as represented by the Tudors.
For the first time, though not for the last in the history of
Wales, Welsh nationalism was used as a lever in the party
politics of England.
Edmund Tudor was not destined long to remain at the
head of the Lancastrians of West Wales. Within a month
of the peace between him and Griffith he died at Pembroke,
in November, 1456. At the same place two months later
(January 28, 1457) his wife, Margaret Beaufort, gave birth
to a son, Henry Tudor, afterwards Henry VII. Edmund's
place was immediately taken by his brother Jasper, who
continued and amplified the project already begun. Hitherto
Jasper had kept in close touch with the king1.
Jasper Tudor has not received from historians in general
the attention which he deserves. He certainly
Jasper Tudor. _. _ _ ,
did not dazzle contemporary chroniclers. With
modern writers he cuts a meagre figure, and has been
relegated to a series of brackets or a note of interrogation.
It is the penalty he has had to pay for having chosen Wales
as his sphere of action. None showed more unselfish loyalty
to the cause of the Crown, or greater resource in defending
it. Sleepless in his devotion to his party for nearly thirty
years, he laboured more assiduously than any other to shape
its destiny. His achievements in the open field were
negligible ; the only victory in which he could claim a share
was the final triumph of his cause at Bosworth. But,
from his entry into political life he displayed extraordinary
skill and tenacity in reorganising his forces after defeat, as
well as a keen zest for the shifts of statecraft. His strategy
1 His name appears on numerous commissions in London, Kent and
Sussex in 1456. Cal. Pat. Rolls (1456-1461), 306-7. See also ibid. 359,
viz. a grant to him and the king's sergeant, Thomas Vaughan, of Garlek
and Stebenhithe. See Glyn Cothi's ode to Edmund Tudor (vra. x.).

v] THE CAMPAIGN OF LUDFORD 93
was that of timely retreat when victory had eluded his grasp.
He alone of the leaders on either side lived through the
struggle and witnessed its close. Sometimes lurking in
caverns and woods, sometimes traversing lonely mountain
paths, sometimes stranded on a deserted shore, he continued
to hold in his hands the thread of Lancastrian hopes. Shrewd,
adroit, and persevering, he was undaunted by the caprice
of fortune, and successfuUy braved the perilous vicissitudes
incident to his arduous undertaking. And in an age of brutal
passion he emerged with his fame untarnished by any deed
of cruelty or wrong ; while the affectionate care which he
bestowed upon his fatherless nephew, Henry Tudor, throws
into relief the hideous ferocity that surrounded him1.
Ther is a sayle-yeard fuUe good and sure,
To the shyp a grete tresour,
For aUe stormes it woUe endure,
It is trusty atte nede.
Now the sayle-yeard I wolle reherse,
The Erie of Pembroke, curtys and ferce,
Across the mast he hyethe travers,
The good ship for to lede2.
His first task was to fortify the allegiance of Griffith
ap Nicholas. That he succeeded in this there
Griffith ap r .
Nicholas a can be no doubt ; for, apart from the evidence
of Wilham of Worcester, there is sufficient
testimony in contemporary Welsh writings. It will be
necessary to substantiate this, because the only existing
Hfe of Griffith portrays him as a martyr in the cause of York
at Mortimer's Cross3
In an ode written about 1457-8 Lewis Glyn Cothi says :
" That warrior we love who will bring support to the Crown4."
1 There are glowing panegyrics on Jasper in Lewis Glyn Cothi and other
contemporary Welsh writers.
2 Pohtical Poems, Archaeologia, 1842, 328.
3 The Cambrian Register, already alluded to.
1 Y gwr hwnnw a garwn
A dry gwyr gyda'r goron. Lewis Glyn Cothi, 1. 133.

94 THE CAMPAIGN OF LUDFORD [ch.
Again, " He (Griffith) is staunch and faithful to the throne1."
In another ode written about the same time, the poet refers
to Owen, the son of Griffith ap Nicholas, as a captain in the
royal army2
Under the influence of the same set of circumstances
the poet wrote an ode to Jasper, in which he does something
more than eulogise the generosity of his subject after the
fashion then in vogue. He gives proof of profound intimacy
with the political situation in that year — the hopes centred
in the young Prince Edward, the memory of Queen Catherine,
the care of Jasper for his young ward Henry of Richmond,
the treasonable designs of the Yorkists, the royal blood in
Jasper's veins, his Welsh extraction, and above all his
efforts to unite Wales for his king3. It is characteristic of
the poet to appropriate him as a Welshman, and to make
him the leader and champion not of a faction, but of the
Welsh against the English4. Other contemporary Welsh
poets also give indirect evidence of Griffith's loyalty to
Henry5. The most influential Yorkist in West Wales was John
1 Cywir a gwirion yw'r gwr i'r goron,
Cynghor fydd i hon ger bron brenin. Lewis Glyn Cothi.
The editor of Lewis Glyn Cothi states that the poet is here advocating
the rights of Richard, duke of York, and that Griffith was preparing to
assist the Yorkists at Mortimer's Cross, as if that event could have been
foreseen. He takes his cue, it need hardly be said, from the biography
of Griffith already criticised.
2 Mastr Owen o'r mwstr reial. " Owen of the royal army." Lewis
Glyn Cothi, i. 139.
The editor gives a curious interpretation to reial in these lines, which
we cannot admit. He translates it strong or very good.
% Aeth dano mTago ! egin Deheubarth,
Hebog y Queen Catrin ;
Un brawd ynn a barai win,
Un fron yw hwn a'i frenin.

Henri frenin fordd ydd €1 hinon
Ev a a'r gwareu, ev a'r goron,
Edwart dywysog heb dretusion
A gieidw'r ynys a gwaywdur union.
Lewis Glyn Cothi.
This ode contains an inspiring panegyric on Jasper.
4 Ev a wery'r sies vry a'r Saeson. Ibid.
6 Cardiff MSS.

v] THE CAMPAIGN OF LUDFORD

95

Dwnn, although he does not figure prominently till later in
jasper the struggle. However, on March i, 1459, Jasper
w UI«, , Tudor, Owen Tudor, and the two sons of Griffith
West Wales. - T. , , ™ , ^
ap Nicholas, Thomas and Owen, were com
missioned to arrest certain individuals, amongst whom were
some of the servants of John Dwnn1. We may not be
justified in attaching political significance to the affair ;
but it certainly affords additional evidence of a complete
reconciliation between the Tudors and the family of Griffith
ap Nicholas ; while its chronological proximity to the
Ludford campaign gives it additional piquancy. By that
time Jasper's sleepless assiduity had achieved the virtual
unity of South-west Wales.
It is not always safe to argue from marriage alliances
at this period. StiU, it is suggestive that Maud, a daughter
of Griffith ap Nicholas, was the wife of the consistent Lan
castrian, Sir John Skydmore of Herefordshire, who held
Pembroke castle for Jasper Tudor against Herbert a few
years later than the time with which we are now dealing.
Another daughter married Philip Mansel, also a consistent
Lancastrian. Having secured Griffith, Jasper entered upon another
phase of activity, namely, to strengthen his own earldom
and take possession of other strongholds in West Wales.
His immediate predecessors in the earldom, Humphrey,
duke of Gloucester, and the earl of Suffolk, did not appreciate
its military value. Humphrey, indeed, had drawn a con
siderable following from the surrounding districts, but his
visits and those of his successor were casual. The Tudors
made it their base of operations. It was the expansive
genius of Jasper that realised the vast importance of Pem
broke and Tenby castles, and how they might be made
a connecting link between England on the one hand, and
France, Ireland and Scotland on the other. By means
* Cal. Pat. RoUs (1452-1461) 494.

96 THE CAMPAIGN OF LUDFORD [ch_
of them he was able, on many occasions, to escape his-
pursuers and draw support from beyond the sea.
Assigning Pembroke to the countess of Richmond and her
son, he apparently made Tenby his own headquarters. His
letters that have survived the destructive hand of time are
both dated from there. He devoted considerable time and
expense to raising and strengthening the walls with a view
to establishing the place as an important military and naval
post1. Moreover, in April of that year he seized personal
control over the outlying castles of Carregcennen, Carmar
then, and Aberystwyth, by securing the constableship of
each for himself2. The duke of York, whom he displaced
in these vital fortresses, was reported as having relinquished
them at the king's desire, receiving in lieu thereof a grant
of forty pounds a year3. But it is impossible not to perceive
in the transaction a hypocritical and intriguing bargain
for the aggrandisement of the Tudors in this part of
Wales. Meanwhile the queen herself was in a state of nervous
activity. In March, 1456, she took measures to
Margaret in J ^^
the Marches, put Flint castle in a state of defence4, while
she spent the greater part of the spring in the
neighbourhood of Chester. She returned again in the
autumn, was at Chester on October 24, and at Shrewsbury
from October 31 to November 4s. The duke of York
diagnosed the situation in the Marches with equal skill.
On the fall of his protectorate early in October he retired
to Wigmore. Each kept a close watch on the other, though,
1 Arch. Cambr., Vol. xni. 5th series (1457). The castle-walls of Tenby
even to this day bear witness to his activity.
2 Cal. Pat. Rolls (1452-1461).
8 Ibid. 340, AprU 21, 1457. Rymer, xi. 388. It has been stated,
without authority, that Jasper received Denbigh in this year. Diet. Nat.
Biog. sub nom. It seems impossible, for Denbigh belonged to York.
Jasper received the constableship of it after Ludford.
4 Cal. Pat. RoUs, 280. March 12, 1456. Sir Thomas Rempston was
constable. For a number of commissions to Jasper Tudor and others see
ibid. 1456 (April-June), 306-7.
6 Privy Seals, 1456-7.

v] THE CAMPAIGN OF LUDFORD 97
as events proved, Margaret acted with greater resolution
and used her time to greater advantage.
In the spring of the following year Margaret, accom-
wiiiiam panied by the king, the duke of Buckingham,
Herbert's and the earl of Shrewsbury, once more traversed
activity the borders. They were at Hereford during
April (1457) ; from there they had removed to Worcester
by May 41. In these parts Sir William Herbert had begun
to display sinister manifestations of restlessness. For some
years after his return from Normandy his lot was cast in
the eddies of local affairs rather than in the main stream
- of political controversy and feud2. Basing her judgment on
the friendly relations which she knew had subsisted between
the duke of York and Herbert's father, Margaret may have
looked upon him as a presumptive opponent3. On the other
•hand there is reason to suspect an early friendship between
the Herberts and the Tudors. In 1454 Edmund Tudor,
earl of Richmond, had made William Herbert a grant of
ten pounds a year, to be taken from some of the former's
Enghsh estates4 ; while in the same year one of the Herberts
secured an interest in the royal lordship of Dynevor6.
With a clear prevision of the balance of forces in the
Marches Margaret spared no effort to attach the Herberts to
her chariot, for the many branches of his family and of that
of Roger Vaughan would be a valuable asset on one side
or the other. With the assistance of Jasper in West Wales,
of the duke of Buckingham in Brecknock, and of the Herberts
in Gwent, she might reasonably hope to overwhelm the duke
1 Privy Seals, Fabyan, 630. Paston Letters, 1. 416-7.
a Clark, Glamorgan Charters, op. cit. v. passim.
3 Paston Letters. The correspondent apparently regarded him as such.
4 Dated Oct. 1, 1454. The grant was ratified in Oct. 1460. Cal. Pat.
Rolls, 627. The same year he and Sir Walter Devereux, Sir Henry Wogan,
Henry Stradling, and Walter Devereux were associated in another grant.
Ibid. 215.
6 Minister's Accounts, 1168, No. 8. West Wales Hist. Soe. Trans., n.
112, Lewis ap GwUym ap Thomas was associated with him, with Henry ap
Gwilym as a pledge. The Herbert referred to is designated " WUUam
Herbert, armiger."
E. W. K. 7

98 THE CAMPAIGN OF LUDFORD [ch.
of York. Circumstances favoured her project. The Her
berts and Vaughans became involved in some disturbances
on the borders in the early part of 1457, and Margaret's visit
to those parts between April and May was made ostensibly
with the object of suppressing them1.
It is true that at the sessions of oyer and terminer held
at Hereford in that year Herbert was adjudged guilty of
treason, and seven tuns of Gascon wine belonging to him,
then lying at the port of Bristol, were forfeited2. On
May 22, this property was restored to him ; and on June 7,
at Coventry, he was admitted to a general pardon3. A
number of his relatives and associates in Brecknock, Mon
mouth and Herefordshire, notably his brothers Richard
Herbert of Abergavenny and Thomas Herbert, and the sons
of Roger Vaughan of Tretower, were among those who were
pardoned at the same time4. It must be admitted, however,
that the duke of York did not anticipate any wavering
-.allegiance on the part of Herbert, for he was steward of
York's lordship of Usk as late as Dec. 11, 14585.
The reference by a London correspondent to these
disturbances suggests that they were of more
Herbert's than local significance, and that the allegiance
Lancaster °^ ^e Herbert connection was important ; but
the chief point to be noted is that Herbert
promised fidelity to the Crown. Of this the correspondent
1 The reference in the Claus Rerum to Herbert's treason, already
mentioned, may be in connection with these events. It any case it cannot
affect the argument in the text.
2 Privy Seals, May 22, 1457. Cal. Pat. RoUs, 353.
3 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 360. Among those pardoned were : WiUiam ap
Morgan ap David Gamine, gentleman, late of Raglan ; John ap Richard,
late of Weobley, clerk ; John ap Robert Raglan, late of Llantwit, gentleman ;
John ap Gwilym, late of Chepstow, gentleman ; Thomas Herbert of
Little Troye, the elder, squire ; Adam ap Howel, late of Cardiff, gentleman ;
PhiUp Vaughan, late of Llamekon, aUas LlameUon ; Roger ap Rosser
Vaughan, late of Tretower ; Richard Herbert of Abergavenny ; MUes ap
Harry of Newcourt ; Thomas Trahaiarn ap Ievan ap Meurig of Usk ;
Thomas ap Roger Vaughan of Hergest ; Hugh ap Jankyn ap Ievan ap
Madoe of Usk ; Thomas Herbert the younger of Little Troye ; WiUiam ap
Rees and Henry Griffith of Herefordshire. Ibid. 367.
1 For the Vaughans of Bredwardine see end of chapter.
5 Catalogue Welsh MSS. British Museum, 1. 667.

v] THE CAMPAIGN OF LUDFORD 99
referred to, as well as subsequent events, leaves no doubt1.
Herbert, it is stated, would appear at Leicester on condition
that his life was spared and his estates secured to him.
The letter is as follows : " The Queen and the King at
Hereford, the lords Buckingham, Shrewsbury and others 
And now it is stated that Herbert shall come in and appear
at Leicester before the King and the lords, his life granted
and goods, so he make amends to them he hath offended.
Many be indicted, some causeless which maketh Herbert
party strong. And the burgess and gentlemen about
Hereford will go with the King, wife and child, unless a peace
be made before the King depart thence ; for else Herbert and
his affinity will acquit them, as it is said  I send a bill of the
names indicted to my master and you to see and laugh at
their Welsh names descended of old pedigrees2." Henceforth,
till after the panic at Ludford in 1459, he was an associate
of Lancaster rather than of York, a fact which helps partly
to explain that calamity.
There is striking evidence of Herbert's loyalty to the
throne at this period in contemporary Welsh literature. In
one of his odes Lewis Glyn Cothi refers to Gwilym Gwent
as an ardent partisan of Jasper Tudor. " If Jasper should
strike, Gwilym also would strike for the Crown, a mighty
eagle in the ranks of Jasper of Pembroke." In another
couplet of the same ode the poet states Gwilym was also
one of the party of Herbert : "A thousand blessings on
William, a party to the earl Herbert3."
-1 Paston Letters, I. 416-7. Written at London, May 1, 1457.
2 Gairdiner refers to Herbert as " a steady Yorkist." Ramsay, Oman,
and others have taken the same view, which is not strictly accurate.
Editors of fifteenth century Welsh poetry have laboured under the same
delusion, and have thus been compeUed to distort obvious references to
him as a Lancastrian.
3 O bai ar Siasper daro,
Trwy fU y t'rawai fo.
Again, I'r goron, rywiawg eryr,
Vry i IarU Penfro a'i wyr.
Lewis Glyn Cothi, viii. vn.
This GwUym Gwent I identify with WiUiam ap Norman who is
7—2

ioo THE CAMPAIGN OF LUDFORD [ch.
The same poet has another ode to one Henry ap Gwilym,
probably the same who became a pledge for the Wilham
Herbert who was farmer of the lordship of Dynevor1. In
this ode the poet states in effect that the lord of Gwent,
William, entered the service of Prince Edward2. When we
come to deal with the disposal of the lands and offices of
the Yorkists after the panic of Ludford there will be forth
coming still more definite proof of Herbert's attitude during
these few years.
The situation in South-east Wales was very complicated,
and it was evident that Herbert would have to steer his craft
very warily for some time. He was surrounded by formidable
partisans. The earl of Warwick, York's most powerful ally,
held the rich and compact lordship of Glamorgan, with its
strong piles at Cardiff, Caerphilly, Neath, and Llantrissant.
The constable of Cardiff at this time was William's brother,
Thomas Herbert3. On the north stretched the lordship of
mentioned by WilUam of Worcester, Itinerarium, 122. He had fought
shoulder to shoulder with Mathew Gough in France, vide ante.
Again, Bendith canmU i Wilym,
Barti i'r iarU Herbert rym. Ibid.
The editor interprets " parti " as " opponent," an impossible translation.
He wrongly supposed that " Herbert was a Yorkist to the last and of course
an opponent of Jasper." The Welsh epithet " iarU " was a mark of respect
to a patron.
1 Vide ante. His home was in the vale of Towy. From evidences
in contemporary poetry we gather that he was a partisan of Jasper.
2 Iesu gwyn i wisgo ei art
A geidw y t'wysawg Edwart.
IarU o Went arall aeth
Yn oes hwn i'w wasanaeth,
Iarll WiUiam . . Lewis Glyn Cothi, vm. viu.
That the poet here refers to Prince Edward, and not to Edward IV,
may be inferred from another ode to Jasper, written about the same time,
in which Jasper is eulogised as the defender of the rights of King Henry
and Prince Edward. In the poem Edward is called duke of Cornwall.
This can only refer to Henry's son, who was created duke of Cornwall,
earl of Chester, and prince of Wales in March, 1454. The son of Edward IV
was made duke of Cornwall in July, 1471. Vide ante. Henry ap GwUym
was of Court Henry in Carmarthenshire and remained true to Lancaster.
Jaspar wayw Uachar myn %edd Llechid !
O dir Gwynedd y darogenid,
Henri a'i deulu'n hir au dilyd
Ai wayw du Uyfn wedi y Uivid. Ibid. in. iv.
' Clark, v. 1638. See also Cal. Pat. RoUs, 518. Warwick obtained

v] THE CAMPAIGN OF LUDFORD 101
Brecknock, the patrimony of the duke of Buckingham, who
was a conspicuous Lancastrian. In Herefordshire, Sir Walter
Devereux had already ranged himself on the side of York,
and Sir John Skydmore on the side of the queen. Being thus
enveloped Sir William Herbert might easily have become
a victim to the Lancastrian Scylla or the Yorkist Charybdis,
for his resources were as yet very limited. Devereux lost
his estates after the Ludford campaign in 1459, and Skyd
more suffered confiscation after Mortimer's Cross. Herbert
trimmed his sails so dexterously that he profited from both
storms. He was able to convince Margaret of his loyalty
without forfeiting the friendship of York and Warwick.
Meanwhile, the range of Jasper Tudor's influence grew
apace. In November, 1457, he was empowered to cut down
for sale two hundred acres of wood in Sherwood forest,
Notts.1 In the following January he and John Talbot,
earl of Shrewsbury, were put in possession of the lands of
Henry Tudor, earl of Richmond, during his minority2. In
April 1459 he has made quit of all fines for charters, letters
patent, and other writs in Chancery. In May he was given
" a tower in the lower end of the great hall within West
minster Palace, for the communication and easement of
the earl and his council, to hold as the Queen holds the other
tower at the end of the hall at the entry of the Exchequer
for her and her council3." These grants were undoubtedly
part of Jasper's equipment for the struggle which was now
impending. In the spring of 1459 the queen turned her attention
once more to Cheshire, where she allied " to her the

Glamorgan by marriage. His wife was Anne Beauchamp, heiress of her
niece of the same name who died in 1449. This niece was the daughter
of Henry Beauchamp, earl of Warwick and lord of Glamorgan (d. 1445).
This Henry was the son of Richard Beauchamp, earl of Warwick and
lord of Glamorgan (d. 1439), and Isabel Despenser, heiress of Thomas,
earl of Gloucester.
1 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 398.
2 Ibid. 433, " except those in Lincolnshire."
3 Ibid. 486-7.

102 THE CAMPAIGN OF LUDFORD [ch.
knights and squires in these parts, for to have then-
benevolence, and held open household among
^•f™' them, and made her son give a livery blazoned
of wales"8 with a swan to a^ gentlemen of the country,
trusting through their strength to make her son
king ; for she was making privy means to lords of England
to stir the king to resign the crown, but she could not bring
her purpose about1."
The duke ot York was then at Ludlow where " he gathered
Bioreheath to him a strong host of marchmen and other2."
23 sept. 1459. xhe earl of Salisbury, while hastening from
Middleham in Yorkshire to join him there, was intercepted
at Bioreheath by Margaret's Cheshire levies under Lord
Audley (September 23, 1459) 3. The Lancastrians, though
considerably outnumbering their opponents, were repulsed.
The main army of Margaret was close at hand4. Salisbury
therefore discreetly retired under cover of darkness, " while
an Awstin friar shot off guns all that night in a park at the
back of the field, and by this means the earl came to the
duke of York. And on the morrow they found neither man
nor child in that park save that friar only, and he said it was
for fear he abode in that park all that night5."
Sir John Dwnn of Cheshire, who was knighted on that
day, was one of the victims on the Lancastrian side. " In
the morning, between the battlefield and Cheshire, his son,
who was at home in his father's place, had word that his
father was slain. Anon he raised his tenants, and beside
a little town named Tarporley took Sir Thomas Neville,
Sir John Neville, and Sir Thomas Harrington, and brought
them to Chester, and there they abode till the battle of
1 English Chronicle, edit. Davies, 79-80.
2 Fabyan, 634.
8 English Chronicle, edit. Davies, 80. Audley held the barony of
Cemmaes, Pembrokeshire. He was the great-great-grandson of Joan,
daughter of WiUiam, baron Martin of Cemmaes, and Nicholas Audley.
* Gregory's Chronicle, 204. She was at Eccleshall about five miles
distant. 6 Gregory, 204.

v] THE CAMPAIGN OF LUDFORD 103
Northampton was fought1." Hall, in commenting on their
release, says, " Such favour had the commons of Wales to
the duke of York's band and his affinity that they could
suffer no wrong to be done nor evil word to be spoken of
him or his friends," a remark which is not void of truth
when applied to( Mid- Wales.
*^ JSsdStanley!' whose influence in North Wales and Cheshire
was considerable, set an example of gross double-dealing
during this campaign. He had about two thousand men
within six miles of Bioreheath when the fight was in progress.
He afterwards excused himself to the queen for his dilatori-
ness, and at the same time despatched a message to the earl
of Salisbury thanking God for his success2.
Roger Kynaston of Middle, Salop, Constable of Denbigh
Roger for the duke of York (1454), and eulogised in
Kynaston. contemporary Welsh poetry as a scion of the
house of Powys, is said to have added lustre to the name
under Salisbury's flag on that day ; and it is asserted that
in honour of his deeds the Audley arms were inscribed on
the Kynaston shield3. He was afterwards, at any rate,
1 It has been supposed by some writers that Thomas Salesbury
of Denbigh distinguished himself on that day. I can find no authority
for it. ' A Roger Salesbury was made Chief Forester of Denbigh soon after
the accession of the Yorkists to power (May, 1461). Thomas Salesbury
the younger was made Constable of Denbigh in January, 1466. Cal. Pat.
RoUs, 24, 421. Gregory, 204. HaU, 240.
2 Rot. Pari. 369-370. On December 15, 1459, a pardon was granted
" to WiUiam Stanley of Chester of £166 on his petition showing that as
late receiver of Richard duke of York, of the lordship of Denbigh, he was
ih arrears of ^278 of which he paid £166 which is due to the king by the
treason of the Duke of York, and remains in the hands of the tenants
of the lordship and cannot be levied because the custom of Wales is that
arrears due to any lord are wholly lost by the removal of the lord." Cal.
Pat. Rolls, 570.
3 Roger Kynaston was the son of Griffith Kynaston of Stokes and
Margaret, daughter of Roger Hoord of Walford, Salop. He married
EUzabeth, daughter pf Lord Powys. Another son was PhiUp Kynaston
of Walford, who married a daughter of Robert Corbet of Moreton, Salop.
Others on the commission (July 10, 1453) were WUUam Kynaston,
John Hanmer, and Nicholas Eyton. Cal. Pat. Rolls (1452-1461). See
also an Indenture in Ancient and Modem Denbigh, 91. On January 12,
1459, Richard Grey, Lord Powys, was Ucensed to grant to him and others
a moiety of a manor in Southampton. Ibid. 475. Lord Powys was a
Yorkist at Ludford. See also Montgomery Collections, Vol. xv. 5.

104 THE CAMPAIGN OF LUDFORD [ch.
a steady Yorkist, and may well have helped Salisbury in
the fight. On the other hand, the queen had not at first
distrusted him. For in July, 1453, when she was battling
vigorously with the flames of disorder, he was associated
with the stout Lancastrian John Hanmer on a commission
" to bring certain people before the king's Council to answer
certain charges."
The earl of Salisbury reached Ludlow in safety after
Bioreheath. A few days later he was joined by his son,
the earl of Warwick, who, at the head of a well-disciplined
body of veterans from the Calais garrison, had traversed
the breadth of England unmolested. Edward, earl of March,
eldest son of the duke of York, was also at Ludlow. So also
were Lord Grey of Ruthin, Richard Grey (Lord Powys)1,
and Sir Walter Devereux. In fact the duke of York had
summoned hither the stoutest of his supporters, " that
their coming together might make a mightier array2." It
appears from what immediately followed, however, that the
response to his appeal was very disappointing.
The Lancastrians, having concentrated at Worcester,
The Yorkists marched on Ludlow with a numerous army, " for
at Ludford every town hath waged and sent forth, and are
ready to send forth, as many as they did when
the King sent for them before the field of Ludlow3. ' ' The duke
of York took up an entrenched position at Ludford Bridge, in
front of Ludlow, digging a deep ditch and fortifying it with
1 They were attainted at Coventry. Devereux and Grey of Ruthin
submitted the morning after Ludford. It is therefore not strictly true
that, apart from the NeviUes, Lord CUnton was the only nobleman with
the duke.
Richard Grey (d. 1466) was the son of Henry Grey, earl of TankerviUe
(d. 1450) — this earldom lapsed with the loss of France — and Antigone,
a natural daughter df Humphrey, duke of Gloucester. Henry Grey was
the son of Sir John Grey, who was created earl of TankerviUe by Henry VI
(d. 1421) and Joan, daughter and co-heiress of Edward Charlton (d. 1421)
the great-grandson of Sir John Charlton (d. 1353) who married the sister
and heiress of Griffith de la Pole, Lord of Powys. Powysland Collections, 1.
passim. Cal. Pat. Rolls, 121.
8 Rot. Pari. v. 348.
3 Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles, 168 ; " cum grandi comitatu."
Paston Letters, 11. 4.

v] THE CAMPAIGN OF LUDFORD 105
guns and stakes1. On October 9 the king was at Leominster.
Next day the duke of York issued a manifesto protesting
his loyalty to the king's person. He was already aware of
his weakness. On previous occasions, notably in 1452 and
I455. he had raised in the Marches a force sufficiently strong
to overawe the Government ; yet now, in his own stronghold,
reinforced by Salisbury's victorious contingent and Warwick's
veterans, he could muster only " such as he had blinded and
assembled by wages, promises, and other exquisite means."
His " party was over-weak," says Gregory. He was so
despondent that on the near approach of the enemy he
" brought in certain persons before the people to swear
that the king was deceased, doing mass to be said, and
offering all, to make the people the less to dread to take
the field2." Henry offered a pardon to all who would join
his standard within six days. On October 12, the two
The rout, armies were posted one on each side of the
12 °ct- 1459- Teme, and at dusk a few shots were exchanged.
During the night the Yorkist force dissolved. Taking
advantage of the royal pardon many deserted to the king,
among them some of the troops brought by Warwick from
Calais. Others fled under cover of darkness, including the
Yorkist leaders. The duchess of York and her two youngest
sons, George and Richard, became prisoners and were placed
under the care of Anne, duchess of Buckingham, the duke
of York's sister. " There was not so much a battle as
a semblance of a battle3."
The duke, with his second son Edmund, earl of Rutland,
" fled from place to place in Wales, and broke down the
bridges so that the king's men should not come after
them," and having " bought a ship for much money, passed
over to Ireland4." When parliament met at Coventry on
1 Gregory, 205.
2 Rot. Pari. v. 348-9. Whethamstede, 1. 343.
3 Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles, 168. Gregory, 205. English
Chronicle, edit. Davies, 83. Rot. Pari. 348. Third Croyland Continuator
453-4. Hearne's Fragment, 284.
* Gregory, op. cit. Polydore, 104.

106 THE CAMPAIGN OF LUDFORD [ch.
November 20, it was as yet uncertain whether he had suc
ceeded in escaping the clutches of the pursuing Lancastrians.
Salisbury, Warwick, and the duke of York's eldest son
Edward, earl of March, fled to Calais.
When the Lancastrians reached Ludlow " they drank
enough of wine that was in taverns and other places, and
full ungodly smote out the heads of the hogsheads of wine,
that men went wet-shod in wine, and then they robbed
the town and bare away bedding and other stuff1." The
morning after the calamity, Lord Grey of Ruthin submitted
to the king ; also Walter Devereux, " and with him many
knights and squires in their shirts and halters in their hands,
falling before the king, and all had grace and mercy both
of life and limb2."
The traditional view ascribes the rout of the Yorkists at
Ludford to the sudden defection of the professional troops
which, under the command of Andrew Trollope, had been
brought over from Calais by Warwick. " That made
the Duke full sore afraid when he wyste that sum olde
soudyers went from him unto the kynge3." The moral
effect of the discipline of a few professional soldiers upon
amateur retainers would be considerable. Wavering or
defection on their part would have enormous influence,
and might easily have provoked a rout. It is likely, too,
that his father's contingent of Yorkshiremen would be
particularly sensitive to the conduct of Warwick's veterans.
So much must at once be admitted.
But why should this abrupt and damaging treachery
have occurred at this particular juncture ? The Croyland
Continuator attributes it to the fact that Trollope had been
deceived by Warwick into believing that they had been
brought over to fight for the king. " For finding that
1 Gregory, 207. Chronicle, edit. Davies, 83.
2 This was Edmund Grey, afterwards earl of Kent ; " to the king's
grete plesir," Paston Letters, 1. 500. Also Gregory, 207. For the close
relationship between Devereux and the young earl of March, during the
latter's residence at Ludlow, see Ellis's Letters, First Series, 1. No. 5.
3 Gregory, 207.

v] THE CAMPAIGN OF LUDFORD 107
contrary to their expectations they had really been brought
to act against the king they left the duke1." This explana
tion cannot be entertained with confidence ; for Trollope
must have been well enough acquainted with the trend of
party feud, and the unequivocal position of Warwick as
a partisan of York, not to be deluded so easily. Two
important contemporary writers pass by the defection in
silence2 ; most of them emphasise the weakness of the duke
df York's own following. We shall probably not diverge far
from the truth, therefore, if we ascribe both the defection
and the rout to this primary cause, — the weakness of
York. The abject expedients to which the duke resorted on
the near approach of the royalists suggest very forcibly
that the desertion was part of the general demoralisation
which had been apparent for some time. Hitherto he had
always found in the Marches an enthusiastic response to
his appeals, and had relied upon them with complete assur
ance and security. Devereux and Lord Powys had, indeed,
shown a tardy adherence, but the aloofness of Sir William
Herbert was probably typical of the attitude of many others.
This freezing apathy, where he had been wont to find such
warm sympathy, was due to the foresight and assiduity of
Margaret and Jasper during the three preceding years.
The completeness of their triumph now was the measure of
the success of their preliminary efforts there.
The queen, during her frequent visits to the borders, had
jasper Tudor-s temporarily undermined the Mortimer influence
movements. jn ^g Marches. Nor should we underrate
the invaluable contribution of Jasper Tudor. His diligence
in West Wales not only secured those parts for the
Lancastrians, but also provided a force which threatened
the Yorkists in the rear. His movements are no doubt
obscure. There is no record of him till his arrival at the
1 Third Croyland Continuator, 454.
2 English Chronicle, edit. Davies. Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles.

108 THE CAMPAIGN OF LUDFORD [ch.
Coventry parliament on December 6, a few weeks after
Ludford. But he could hardly have been inactive while
such great events were on the anvil. His force must have
been advancing upon Ludlow from Pembroke while the
king and queen attacked in front ; and we may reasonably
argue that his was the army that went in pursuit of the duke1.
If this was so, it accounts for two significant facts in the
situation which have hitherto been neglected, namely,
that Jasper did not appear in the parliament at Coventry
till a fortnight after the opening of the session, and that
he came there with a large following2. It is conceivable,
and not at all improbable, that the Yorkists had become
aware of his approach, and that this inspired them with
additional fear, and increased their panic.
Immediately after their triumph the king and queen had
summoned a parliament at Coventry. Here the Yorkist
leaders were attainted. Lord Powys and Sir Walter Deve
reux were spared their lives though their estates were con
fiscated; Richard Croft of Herefordshire and Roger Kynaston3
were pardoned. Among those attainted was Sir Thomas
Vaughan4. Sir Walter Devereux had apparently been
active gathering men for the duke of York ; for on November
8, 1459, certain persons were indicted before Sir John
Fortescue for having each received at Weobley5, Hereford
shire, " a gown of Walter Devereux contrary to the statute
of liveries." He was bound to the king in 500 marks for
his rebellion, which sum was paid to Humphrey, duke of
1 Polydore, 104. Gregory.
2 Paston Letters, 1. 499, Dec. 7, 1459. " Yesterday in the mornyng
came inne th' erle of Pembroke with a good feleschip."
3 Rot. Pari., 368. Roger Kynaston, having "rered werre ayenst youre
Highnes in the Feld of Luddeford," was pardoned, but fined.
* Paston Letters, 1. 499. Chronicle, edit. Davies, 84. WiUiam Worces
ter, 771. Rot. Pari. 349, 368. Cal. Pat. Rolls, 536, 539. See a letter
from the two sons of the duke of York to their father, written from
Ludlow, complaining of Croft's " odious rule." Ellis's Letters, First Series,
1. 9-10. 5 Cal. Pat. RoUs, 531. Weobley was of course the home of Devereux.
The date given is April 1, 1459. The activity of Devereux was therefore
a few months before the Ludlow campaign.

v] THE CAMPAIGN OF LUDFORD 109
Buckingham, " for his costs in attendance on the king in
Kent and against other rebels1."
A glance at the grants bestowed by the Crown in the
„ ,„.„. flush of victory will help us to understand who
Sir William J *
Herbert's were its friends at this period. Of these the
most prominent in Wales was unquestionably
Sir William Herbert. And if we had no further proof of
his Lancastrian proclivities, the favours showered upon him/
on this occasion should be sufficient. His reward was
a grant for life of the offices of sheriff of the county of Gla
morgan and Morgannwg, steward of the lordship and its
members2, steward of the lordships of Abergavenny, Elvel,
Ewyas Lacy, Dinas, Usk, and Caerleon, and constable of
Usk, " in the king's hands by the forfeiture of Richard,
duke of York, and Richard, earl of Warwick." The grant
was amplified in the following March, when he received power
to appoint to all offices in these lordships3.
Owen Tudor received an, annuity of one hundred pounds
weish from certain manors in Kent and Surrey4.
loyalists. a little later he was given the custody of Moel-
wick and other parks in the lordship of Denbigh5. While
the court was still at Coventry (12 Dec. 1459) Sir Henry
Wogan esquire, and William ap Owen of Pembrokeshire,
were commissioned to investigate the treasonable pro
ceedings of certain individuals in the lordship of Haver
fordwest6. Therefore, the Wogans who later became
1 Ibid. 548, 552.
2 Ibid. February 5, 1460.
3 Cal. Pat. Rolls ; ibid. 574, March 5, 1460. It appears from this
entry that Sir WUUam Herbert was already in possession of these offices in
virtue of grants from York and Warwick. The fact only shows how skil-
fuUy he had manoeuvred during these years of crisis. Sir Thomas Neville,
a younger brother of the earl of Warwick, was sheriff of Glamorgan in 145 1.
Cardiff Records, I. 51.
4 Cal. Pat. RoUs, 532. Dec. 19, 1459-
6 Rymer, 435. Cal. Pat. RoUs, 547. The date, February 5, 1460, was
that on which Herbert received various offices in South Wales.
• The persons mentioned are Ievan ap Ievan Gadarn and David ap Rees
ap Llywelyn. Cal. Pat. Rolls, 561. The entry gives additional proof of
the success of Jasper in West Wales.

no THE CAMPAIGN OF LUDFORD [ch.
enthusiastic Yorkists were so far supporters of Jasper and
the king. John Owen was made steward and constable
of Narberth, forfeited by the duke of York1. John Milewater
was made receiver of the duke's lands in the Marches and
Herefordshire, and of Warwick's lordship of Glamorgan2.
John Middleton, " king's yeoman harbinger," became keeper
of Cleobury Park, Salop, York's confiscated property3.
Henry ap Griffith, who was amongst the Welsh squires
pardoned by the queen in 1457, at the same time as Herbert,
and who, like him, was on the Yorkist side at 'Mortimer's
Cross, was given the stewardship of Ewyas Lacy4. Builth
was reserved for the Prince of Wales, as well as Montgomery,
Ceri, and Cedewain ; and he was also given 500 marks
yearly out of the issues of Usk, Caerleon, Glamorgan, and
Abergavenny, " to the intent that knights and squires may
be retained with the king and prince, that the said lordships
may be brought back the more speedily to the king's obedi
ence5." Lastly, Nicholas ap Rees, " for his good service
in the repression of the rebellion," was granted the office
of rhaglaw of the lordship of Denbigh6.
The arduous task of reducing the Marches to subjection
had yet to be accomplished. Bands of rebels wandered
through Wales inciting the people to rebellion, while the
castle garrisons on York's estates refused to surrender.
Consequently, frequent commissions were issued to bring
the recalcitrant lordships to obedience, and to reduce the
castles to the king's hands7.
1 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 585. May 29, 1460.
2 Cal. Pat. RoUs, 530, 533. Dec. 13-18, 1459.
3 Ibid. 548-9. Dec. 12, 1459. In the foUowing February a
general pardon was issued to a Sir John Middleton and his son John, and
to Richard Middleton.
4 Ibid. 554. March 22, 1460. Cf. ibid. (1453) 51.
6 Ibid. 550. Feb. 5, 1460. These also were forfeited by the duke of
York. Thomas CornwaU became steward of Radnor.
6 Ibid. 543. Jan. 13, 1460.
' Cal. Pat. Rolls, 602-6. Among those appointed on commissions in
Wales and the borders were Jasper Tudor, the duke of Buckingham,
Sir John Skydmore, Thomas CornwaU, Richard Croft, Thomas ap Roger,
Maurice ap Griffith, Thomas FitzHarry.

v] THE CAMPAIGN OF LUDFORD nr
Denbigh1 offered a stubborn resistance to the victorious
Denbigh. Lancastrians. Jasper may have begun the
siege before leaving Wales for the Coventry parliament.
On the rising of parliament, and having signed the oath of
allegiance, he immediately repaired to Wales to extinguish
this last flame of rebellion. Meanwhile, he had been appoin
ted constable of the castle and steward of the lordship2.
At the end of seven weeks the garrison was still defiant.
On February 22, Jasper was given a special commission
with extensive powers to bring about its speedy reduction.
When this had been done he was to hold the town " as
of our gift," to take all the movable goods belonging to the
garrison, and to distribute them according to his own
discretion among the soldiers. Meanwhile he was assigned
a force of men-at-arms and archers3, with full power to raise
more troops in Wales, and to pardon or execute the rebels,
" and on the first approach of our first-born Prince Edward
in Wales, to receive into our favour any rebels of the castle
of Denbigh or outside, except certain English and Irish
holding and defending the same castle against us ; except
also certain Welshmen outlawed and attainted." These
measures proved effective. The castle submitted before
March 134. On that day a special grant of £1000 was made
1 Denbigh was given to Henry de Lacy, earl of Lincoln, by Edward I
in 1284. He restored the castle or rebuilt it on a new site, for there is
apparently a Norman motte three mUes from Denbigh. Rhuddlan also was
not on the site of the ancient motte. He parceUed the estate among vassals
with the exception of a few manors. He died in 1310. According to the
Inquis. post mortem, the lordship embraced Abergele, Rhuvoniog, Cymmerch ,
etc. The next lord was Thomas, earl of Lancaster, who married Alice Lacy.
He was succeeded by Hugh Despenser, from whom it passed to Roger
Mortimer. He was executed in 1330. On his death, Denbigh was bestowed
upon WUUam de Montacute (d. 1344), but on the reversal of the Mortimers'
attainder in 1356, it was restored to that family. By the marriage of
Anne Mortimer (daughter of Roger Mortimer, earl of March, d. 1398)
with Richard, earl of Cambridge, Denbigh passed to the duke of York,
and thence to the Crown. See Ancient and Modern Denbigh, passim. It
seems to be a unique instance of Lancastrian land not restored to Lan
caster. 2 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 534. Jan. 5, 1460.
3 Rymer, xi. 445. Cal. Pat. Rolls, 550, 565.
1 Rymer, xi. 444-446. Cal. Pat. Rolls, 574-578.

112 THE CAMPAIGN OF LUDFORD [ch.
on account of the expenses incurred in reducing the town
and other places in Wales, the sum to be raised from the
Welsh estates of the duke of York and the earl of Warwick.
In April, Jasper was made a knight of the Garter in recog
nition of his splendid services.
The Coventry parliament had to consider a novel petition
from Wales1. It stated that in Chester, Flint,
Official
extortions and other counties m Wales great extortions
and misprisions" were continually being done
by the sheriffs and other royal officers " which have estate
term of hfe in the said offices, and that the king's subjects
dare not sue nor complain upon the said misdoers for the
defaults as long as those men are in office." The petition
was received sympathetically. Former petitions from Wales,
almost without exception, were directed against Welshmen,
and proceeded from the official element in town and shire.
This petition, on the contrary, made direct reference to the
" unjust exactions and cruelties of English officials in Wales."
The voice of Wales was beginning to be heard, and it may
not improbably have been due to the influence of Jasper
Tudor, and to the assistance he had already received in
Wales. It is instructive to compare with this petition a " precipe "
of Richard, earl of Warwick, to his sheriff and officers in
Glamorgan, saying that he had received complaints of official
oppression of the abbots of Margam abbey by " certain
of our bailiffs and ministers with a great multitude of men
and horses2."
1 Rot. Pari. 366. Cf . Glamorgan Charters, 1618, March 24, 1450. Another
petition, Robert Whitney of Hereford being one of the petitioners, appealed
for more drastic action against lawlessness. Rot. Pari. 368, 1459-1460.
2 Glamorgan Charters, loe. cit.

v]

THE CAMPAIGN OF LUDFORD

H3

APPENDIX.

The Vaughans of Bredwardine.
Sir WUUam Walbeoffe
I
Rosser Vawr m. Joyce
Roger Vaughan m. Jane, daughter and
co-heiress of Ralph
BaskerviUe
Florence m. Walter Sais (temp. Edward III)
heiress of
Bredwardine Roger (H&i) m. dau. of Sir John
\ Devereux
Gwladys m. Roger Vaughan
dau. of David Gam.
Her second husband
was Sir WiUiam ap
Thomas

Watcyn Vaughan Sir Roger Vaughan
of Bredwardine of Tretower 1

Thomas ap Rosser
slain at Banbury

1

| 1
| Watkin Vaughan
| of Herast
1

1
Richard
Vaughan

Roger Vaughan
of Clairow

Thomas Vaughan Watcyn
\ Vaughan

1
WiUiam
Vaughan

1 1
Roger Watkin
Vaughan Vaughan

1
Henry
Vaughan

E. W. R.
CHAPTER VI
MORTIMER'S CROSS
At Ludford Bridge the Yorkists received a short but
rude shock. Nearly a year elapsed before their complete
recovery. Meanwhile vague rumours were on the wing that
a mysterious conference had taken place at Dublin, the vast
import of which was not revealed till Warwick, Salisbury,
and the earl of March landed at Sandwich, towards the end
of June, 1460, and thence marched to London, which they
reached on July 2nd. Warwick had risked a perilous voyage
from Calais to the Irish capital to contrive this new scheme
with the duke of York. .
Leaving his father, the earl of Salisbury, to blockade
Battle of the Tower, Warwick advanced swiftly on
Northampton. Northampton, then the Lancastrian head
quarters. Margaret was taken completely unawares and
fled to Wales, trusting to the Lancastrian lords to do battle
for the dynasty. On July 10, 1460, the battle of North
ampton was fought. The air was thick and dark with
treason ; for hardly had the fight begun when Lord Grey
of Ruthin1 admitted the earl of March and the Yorkist
vanguard into the royalist entrenchments. In the sordid
annals of even these sterile wars there is no deed of shame
so foul. The Lancastrians were overwhelmed. The duke
of Buckingham, lord of Brecon, was among the slain. King
Henry, a pitiable wreck, had to accompany Warwick to
London. 1 This lord was the murderer of Tresham in 1450.

ch. vi] MORTIMER'S CROSS 115
Queen Margaret, who had moved to Eccleshall, reached
n Cheshire in safety. " Beside the castle of
Queen J
Margaret Malpas a servant of her own1, that she had
in Wales. made both yeoman and gentleman, and after
wards appointed to be in office with her son, the prince,
spoiled her and robbed her and put her so in doubt of her
life and her son's life also. And then she came to the castle
of Harlech8 in Wales, and she had many great gifts and was
greatly comforted ; for she had need thereof, for she had
a full easy many about her, the number of four persons3.
And most commonly she rode behind a young poor gentleman
of fourteen years of age. And there hence she removed full
privily unto the Lord Jasper, lord and earl of Pembroke,
for she durst not abide in no place that was open, but in
private. " The cause was that counterfeit tokens were sent unto
her as though they had come from her most dread lord the
king, Henry VI ; but it was not of his sending, neither of
his doing, but forged things ; for they that brought the
tokens were of the king's house, and some of the prince's
house, and some of her own house, and bade her beware
of the tokens, that she gave no credence thereto. For at
the king's departing from Coventry toward the field of
Northampton he kissed her and blessed the prince, and
commanded her that she should not come unto him till
that he sent a special token unto her that no man knew
but the king and she4."
With the assurance of one who had rendered his cause
unquestionable service Warwick seized the government and
immediately gave his attention to Wales and the Marches,
1 WiUiam of Worcester, Annates, gives the name of " John Cleger,
a servant of Lord Stanley." 773.
2 See also English Chronicle edit. Davies, 98-9, which states that she
was robbed of ten thousand marks. Stow, 409, and Chron. of the White
Rose. 8 " Eight," according to Eng. Chron. edit. Davies.
* Gregory 208-9. WiUiam of Worcester, Annates, 773-4. Eng. Chron.
edit. Davies, 98-9.
8—2

116 MORTIMER'S CROSS [ch.
the vital importance of which had been forced upon him
warwick-s ™ ^e campaign of the preceding autumn.
activity in In July commissions were issued to Walter
Devereux, Henry Griffith, and Richard Croft in
Herefordshire, and to Roger Kynaston, Corbet, and others
in Shropshire1. A fortnight afterwards Devereux was com
manded to seize Thomas Fitzharry2. Acting through the
Privy Council, the earl of Warwick called upon Jasper Tudor,
earl of Pembroke, and Roger Puleston, his deputy at Denbigh,
to surrender that fortress to the duke of York's nominee,
at the same time assuring them of his belief in the loyal
intentions of the duke3. The constables of Beaumaris,
Conway, Flint, Hawarden, Holt, and Ruthin, were directed
to provide for the safety of those places. This precaution
may have been considered especially important in view of
the fact that the duke of York would soon be returning
from Ireland. Also Richard Grey, Lord Powys, who had
submitted to Henry VI after Ludford, was enjoined to
surrender Montgomery castle to Warwick's nominee, Edward
Bourchier4. Policy dictated that such wavering allegiance
as that of Lord Powys should not be sheltered in so im
pregnable and advantageous a fort.
Sir Walter Devereux was similarly circumstanced5. He
sir waiter naci acted with the Yorkists in the recent
Devereux. campaign and had been attainted at Coventry.
Both had escaped the full penalties of treason. Yet on the
return of the Yorkists to power Devereux was admitted
to their confidence, while Lord Powys was visited with
disfavour. It is conceivable that the indulgence shown to
Walter Devereux was in some measure due to Herbert.
1 Cal. Pat. RoUs, 607, 608. July 28.
2 Ibid. August 13,, 612.
8 Proceedings, vi. 393. Aug. 9, 1460.
* In the records the name is given incompletely as " Edward Bou — ."
Probably Edward Bourchier is intended. He was a son of Viscount
Bourchier, earl of Essex, and Isabel, daughter of Richard, earl of Cambridge.
He was slain at Wakefield, 1460. Proceedings, vi. 303.
0 Rot. Pari. 38 Henry VI, 349.

vi] MORTIMER'S CROSS 117
For, in the course of the year 1459-60, Herbert had married
Anne Devereux, sister of Walter1. This was a stroke of
address in that the Yorkists may have regarded it as the
first link which bound the fortunes of Herbert afresh to those
of the duke of York, while Margaret may easily have inter
preted it as a step towards the complete reconciliation of
Devereux with the Lancastrians. As late as June, 1460,
William Herbert was a reputed Lancastrian ; for, while the
king was at Coventry, almost on the eve of the battle of
Northampton, a further bond of union was effected be
tween Herbert and the court party2. Unlike Sir Walter
Devereux, he had veiled his own political intentions in such
mysterious secrecy that he was able to shield his brother-
in-law from the consequences of his apostacy as well with
the Yorkists as with the Lancastrians.
Yet, when the moment for an irretrievable decision came,
Herbert ^ir Wilham Herbert struck boldly. Family
becomes associations, fear, ambition, stratagem, the
slender thread upon which hung the royalist
hopes, everything conspired to urge him to throw aside his
Lancastrian weeds. His transitory association with that
party had been elusive, though sufficient to humour Mar
garet without alienating York. He had steered his craft
skilfully between the rival sirens of faction. The new
situation which was created by the overwhelming victory
of the Yorkists at Northampton offered him boundless
scope, and a rare opportunity which he seized with prompti
tude, and pursued with an intrepidity all his own.
Two circumstances now favoured his rise to eminence.
The death of the duke of Buckingham at Northampton left
the lordship of Brecon in the hands of a minor, Henry
Stafford, whose father Humphrey, the duke's son and heir,
had been slain at St Albans in 1455 ; this removed from
- Doyle's Baronage. " Before July, 1460." Sir Walter Devereux was
the first Lord Ferrers of Chartley.
2 Cal. Pat. RoUs, 594. June 26, 1460. Thomas Herbert was associated
with his brother on this occasion.

ti8 MORTIMER'S CROSS [ch.
Herbert's neighbourhood the most considerable Lancastrian
in the Marches. If the duke had hved, Herbert would have
found himself between the hammer and the anvil — Bucking
ham at Brecon, and Warwick at Cardiff. The removal of
the one and the favour of the other enabled him to extend
his influence in South-east Wales just as the attainder of
Jasper, at a later period, brought him to Pembroke. The
other circumstance was the proximity of Herbert's patrimony
to Warwick's lordship of Glamorgan. It enhanced his value
to the earl as an ally.
Warwick was the first to appreciate his supple genius
as a most formidable asset in Wales. Whether
The earl of
Warwick and aware or not of his Lancastrian leanings during
the Ludford campaign, he now gave him his
unqualified confidence. He gave him priority even over
Sir Walter Devereux. He threw upon him, primarily, the
responsibility for the loyalty of South Wales, a task in which
his Welsh birth gave him an advantage over Devereux.
On August 17 Warwick, through the Privy Council, gave
William Herbert, Walter Devereux, and Roger Vaughan
authority to prevent all unlawful assemblies, arrest all such
persons as should, in defiance of the king's commands,
attempt to victual or fortify castles, towns, or strongholds
in Wales, and adopt adequate measures for the safe custody
of those castles, until they received further instructions.
The trend of the letter leaves no doubt that Herbert and his
associates were vested with absolute and practically un
limited powers of raising troops and extinguishing the
embers of rebellion in South Wales. It is a curious document
when we bear in mind that Herbert at that moment held
as a gift from Margaret certain offices in Warwick's Welsh
dominions1 :
1 Proceedings, vi. 304-5. In Paston Letters, 1. 538, there is reference
to a " Richard Harbard " who was evidently familiar with the Pastons
and at the time (Oct. 29, 1460) in communication with Warwick. But
there is nothing to show conclusively whether the brother of WiUiam
Herbert or some other of the name is intended. He may have been the

vi] MORTIMER'S CROSS 119
" To Sir William Herbert, Walter Devereux and Roger
Vaughan. We have understande by audible reporte made
unto us nowe late how that divers persons without our will
or commandement and expressly contrary to our laws and
place usurp and take upon them to victual and fortify divers
castles, places, and strengths in our country of Wales and
over make great assemblies, routes and gaderyng of people
in riotous wise whereby, unless than it were soon purveyed
for the ceasing thereof great hurt and inconvenience is
like to ensue both to our said countrie of Wales, and to all
this our land. Wherefore we straightly charge you and each
of you and give you full authority and power that in all
possible haste after the sight hereof ye putte you in effectual
devoir and diligence by all ways and means possible to you
to repress and subdue all those persons — not only letting
them of their purpose in that behalf, but also putting such
as are the leaders, principal doers, and stirrers of them
in sure hold and keeping, so to remain and dwell till further
knowledge from us — unless ye can without danger or peril
bring or send them to us — the which if ye may we will
ye do so — and ye take all manner such castles unto our
hands and surely keep them to our use till we have ordained
otherwise. Besides we command all sheriffs, mayors,
bailiffs, constables, etc. — to assist you, and that ye and they
and none of you fail herein as our perfect trust is in you
and as ye desire to be recommended of good and diligent'
obeissance and to stand in our especial favour and have
singular thanks of us."
In the beginning of September the duke of York landed
at Redcliffe in Lancashire1. On previous journeys his
Richard Heberd mentioned in another letter, the date of which is not
established; ibid. I. 76. Apparently the only other person of the name
Herberd or Harbard mentioned in this correspondence is JuUan Herberd
of Thornham (March 1, 1426) and one " of my in adversaries " ; ibid. I. 26.
1 Gregory 208. The Paston correspondent was under the beUef that
York had landed at Chester. Paston Letters, 1. 525-6. Oct. 12, 1460.
" My lord of York hath dyvers straunge commissions fro the kyng for to
sitte in dyvers townys comyng homeward ; that is for to sey, in Ludlow,

120 MORTIMER'S CROSS [ch.
route had been through North Wales. The change was
The duke of a reflex of his bitter experiences during the
York returns. previ0us autumn. Wales was still more insecure
now, for Denbigh was in the hands of Jasper Tudor's lieu
tenant, Roger Puleston, and probably harboured some
Lancastrian refugees. Realising the insecurity of his hold
on the affections of the Marches the duke of York traversed
the borders leisurely and cautiously, holding sessions af
Shrewsbury, Ludlow, and Hereford, where he was to be
joined by the duchess. Having confirmed the loyalty of
these parts he marched on London, and reached the city
on October 9th, accompanied by a strong bodyguard of
Welshmen from his estates in the Marches1.
Parliament had already assembled, Sir William Herbert
being member for Hereford2. To the amazement of the
lords the duke of York laid claim to the throne. Friendly
representations, in which the earl of Warwick played a
prominent part, convinced him of the unpopularity and
unwisdom of the step. He therefore agreed that Henry
should be king during his lifetime, and that he should
succeed him. York therefore became Protector. The Prin
cipality of Wales was assigned to him. When parliament
was dissolved he left London for his Yorkshire estates, on
December 9th. Warwick remained in London. York's
eldest son, the earl of March, came to the Marches of Wales
to raise forces.
On October 12, Queen Margaret and her son were still
in Wales. The duke of Exeter was with her with a good
following3. Her headquarters were probably Pembroke,
whence she sailed to Scotland4-
Shrewsbury, Herford, Leycestre, Coventre." See also WilUam of
Worcester, Annates, 774.
1 Waurin, 312, which states that York sent to many of the Welsh chief
tains for help and came up to London with a large foUowing of Welshmen.
2 He was summoned in October, 1460.
8 Paston Letters, 1. 525-6.
* William of Worcester, 774. Gregory 208-9. Ramsay, Lancaster and
York, 11. 236, states that Margaret moved from Harlech to Denbigh, but
the authorities quoted do not warrant the statement.

vi] MORTIMER'S CROSS 121
The most explicit statement as to her movements in
Lancastrian Wales comes from Gregory, who says that she
movements. moved to Jasper, lord of Pembroke. Denbigh
had been reduced by the Lancastrians since March, 1459,
but Jasper Tudor made Tenby and Pembroke his headquar
ters. From Pembroke Margaret could sail to Scotland more
conveniently than if she had been at Denbigh. Before
sailing she had sent urgent messages to Somerset and Devon
to join her as speedily as possible " with their tenants as
strong in their harness as men of war1." It was reported
that the great muster was to be in Wales2, but the activity
of the queen's friends in the north of England drew the duke
of Somerset and the earl of Devon thither. They passed
through Bath, Cirencester, Evesham, and Coventry on their
journey northwards, but did not touch the Welsh border3.
Apparently Margaret intended Yorkshire to be the venue of
the next campaign, for she hoped to bring reinforcements
from Scotland4. Jasper Tudor was to remain in Wales.
While Margaret was recuperating in Scotland the duke
of York was attacked by her northern suppor-
wakeneia ters with disastrous promptitude at Wakefield.
30 Dec. 1460, xhere, on December 30, his army was annihi-
"JefctJjT' lated, and he himself put to death. Next
morning the earl of Salisbury was beheaded.
Seven weeks later, on February 17, Margaret with an army
of " Scots, Welsh, and Northmen5 " defeated Warwick at
St Albans and put him to flight with a remnant of
his host.
Such in brief are two of the acts of this drama of feud,
Mortimer's which were enacted in the winter 1460-1461.
cross. jjjg third, and the most decisive, took place
1 Gregory, 209.
2 Paston Letters, 1. 525-6. " They seythe here he (the duke of Somerset)
propose hym to go to Walys to the Queen."
• WiUiam of Worcester, 774-5 ; " cum multis militibus et generosis de
partibus occidentalibus."
4 Gregory, 209. Stowe.
6 Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles, 155. Brief Notes.

122 MORTIMER'S CROSS [ch.
on the borders of Wales, at Mortimer's Cross. Let us
consider it.
News of his father's death at Wakefield reached young
„. . . Edward, earl of March, at Gloucester1. He
The earl of '
March's thereupon set about gathering an army in the
Marches and the border counties, and was soon
at the head of a numerous host. He had been well
acquainted with the borders from his boyhood, having been
under the tutelage of Richard Croft of Herefordshire. He
was a lusty youth of nineteen, but he had not yet organised
a campaign in person, although he had taken a prominent
part at Northampton. He was now the chief of the
Yorkist faction, and under his standard Wales wrote her
self in capital letters.
Of Edward's lieutenants and advisers the most con-
The weish spicuous were Sir William Herbert, Sir Walter
Yorkists. Devereux (Lord Ferrers of Chartley) and Sir
Roger Vaughan2, the three who had been collectively
commissioned to look after Yorkist interests in Wales in
the previous August ; and of these the recognised chief
was Herbert. To him, who had an end in view and an eye
to means, the fact that Edward was heir to the title and
1 WiUiam of Worcester, Annates, 775-6. Three Fifteenth Century
Chronicles, 76. English Chronicle, edit. Davies 203, states that Edward
received news of his father's death at Gloucester, and then moved to
Shrewsbury. The Annates put him at Shrewsbury.
2 WiUiam of Worcester, Itinerarium, 328, gives him a knighthood.
I can see no evidence to show when he had been knighted. In addition
to those given in the text, the same authority mentions the following as
being with Edward at Mortimer's Cross — " Stafford, Dom. Audley, Reg.
Gray, Sir John Skydmore, Sir Wm. Skydmore, Sir Morys Skydmore, fratres,
miUtes in armis in Francia." This Stafford may have been Humphrey
Stafford of Southwick, son of that WiUiam Stafford who was kiUed during
Cade's rising in 1450, and who, at the coronation of Edward IV, was raised
to the peerage as Lord Stafford of Southwick. There is a good deal of
confusion about the Skydmores. Sir John and Sir WiUiam are given
in the list of prominent Lancastrians as weU. Sir John Skydmore held
Pembroke Castle for Jasper and could not have been among the Yorkists.
We may safely dismiss these three brothers from WiUiam of Worcester's'
Ust. PhiUp Vaughan of Hay is described as " homo guerrae in Francia,
nobilior armiger lanceatus inter omnes alios, fuit occisus apud obsidium
castri de Harlaugh per Ubrillam et nullus homo honoris occisus ibidem
praeter ipsum."

vi] MORTIMER'S CROSS 123
pretensions of Richard, duke of York, appealed with tremen
dous force. To be associated with his prospective sovereign
in his first campaign, and to turn that campaign into a
triumph, was an alluring prospect for future eminence. He
therefore threw himself with inflexible resolution into the
task. He and Walter Devereux were men of experience.
Both had served in the French wars, Herbert under the
most daring and consistently successful captain of his day
in France, Mathew Gough. What was more important for
the enterprise then being forged, both were familiar with
the turbid politics of the Marches. Moreover, Herbert and
Roger Vaughan especially could appeal with effect to Welsh
sentiment, which was never more intense or more general
than in the second half of the fifteenth century. With them
were William Herbert's brother Richard, Henry ap Griffith,
Philip Vaughan captain of Hay, William Thomas, John
Dwnn, and three knights from Herefordshire, viz., Sir
Richard Croft, Sir John Lynell and Sir William Knylle1.
In a letter written a few weeks after the engagement Jasper
Tudor attributes his reverse to " March, Herbert, and the
Dwnns2." It will thus be seen that the forces of Edward, earl of
March, in this campaign were drawn mainly from what
are now the shires of Glamorgan, Brecknock, Monmouth,
Radnor, and Montgomery, and the border county of Hereford.
Lord Audley, the son of him who was slain on the Lancastrian
side at Bioreheath, is also mentioned as having been with
Edward. He had estates in Cemmaes, Pembrokeshire ;
but as Jasper, earl of Pembroke, was gathering fuel for war
in these parts, it is hardly possible that Audley could have
sought material there. He had been taken prisoner by the
earl of Warwick in Calais after the panic of Ludford, had
crossed the Channel with him in June 1460, and was with
' the Yorkists at Northampton. He may therefore have
1 WUUam of Worcester, Itinerarium.
2 See a letter from Jasper to Roger Puleston, given later.

124 MORTIMER'S .CROSS [ch.
accompanied the earl of March to the borders of Wales at
Christmas. Against this compact, homogeneous force, the Lan-
The castrians brought a motley body of Welsh,
Lancastrian Irish, French and Bretons, under the leadership
of Jasper, earl of Pembroke, and the earl of
Wiltshire and Ormond (James Butler)1- With them were
Jasper's father, old Owen Tudor2, Sir John Skydmore, who
had a personal bodyguard of thirty men3 ; Sir Thomas Perot
of Haverfordwest ; two of the sons of Griffith ap Nicholas,
Owen and Thomas ; Lewis ap Rhys of Carmarthen ; Philip
Mansel and Hopkin ap Rhys of Gower ; Rheinallt Gwynedd
of Harlech ; Lewis Powys of Powysland ; Hopkin Davy
of Carmarthen ; Thomas Fitzharry ; James Skydmore and
Sir Harry Skydmore, sons of Sir John Skydmore ; Sir
Wilham Skydmore, his brother4-
If we except the Hereford contingent these men were
drawn mainly from Pembrokeshire and Carmarthenshire.
There was also a large body of foreigners who came by sea,
and who formed the bulk of the Lancastrian army. At least
they were so numerous that one contemporary chronicler
makes no mention whatever of the Welsh contingent6.

1 Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles, 76, describes the army as " French
men and Bretons and Irishmen " who came by sea. Engl. Chron. edit.
Davies, no, describes them indiscriminately as " Walsshemen."
2 " Who had been dragged from a seclusion of three and twenty years
to do battle for the dynasty " — an unfortunate gloss in Ramsay. Lancaster
and York, 11. 243. As we have already seen, Owen Tudor had left his
seclusion before this.
8 \ViUiam of Worcester, Itinerarium, 328, whence the list is taken.
Skydmore had endeavoured to recoup himself for his losses in the French
Wars by exporting tin. Record Reports, July 30, 1455-6. He was
reckoned the most influential knight in Herefordshire. Proceedings, vi. 341.
* WiUiam of Worcester, Itinerarium, 327-8.
B Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles, "jd-rj. It is there stated that
Wiltshire was present at Wakefield. It is difficult to reconcUe these
assertions. So also Hall, 250. If he was at Wakefield there was no need
for him to have come by sea to join Jasper in Wales. Moreover, it is
impossible that he could have transferred an army by such a circuitous
route in less than five weeks (Dec. 31-Feb. 2). A short time previously
he had been in Ireland stirring up Irish opposition to Yorkist rule. Chro
nicle, edit. Davies, 87, seq.

vi] MORTIMER'S CROSS 125
These Irish, French, and Bretons were probably the re
inforcements brought by the earl of Wiltshire, unless we may
suppose, what is quite feasible, and actually suggested by
Lewis Glyn Cothi, that Jasper himself had left for Ireland
and perhaps for France, when Margaret sailed for Scotland1.
Moreover, it is suggested by Lewis Glyn Cothi that
Jasper landed at Milford Haven about December 27. If so,
there arises a strong presumption that his attack from
Wales and that of his allies from the north were timed to
take place simultaneously; for the battle of Wakefield
was fought on December 30.
The most probable conclusion from the few fragments
jasper Tudor's °f records that are available seems to be that,
march. while Jasper mustered his supporters in Wales,
the earl of Wiltshire, having enlisted troops on his Irish
estates and abroad, landed in Wales, probably at Milford
Haven2 ; that the combined force, moving up the valley
of the Towy, passed through Radnorshire, and, having
reached Presteign, which is about seven miles from Aymestrey,
followed the valley of the Lugg in the direction of Leominster.
But they found their further progress barred by the Yorkists
at Mortimer's Cross. This route would serve to explain the
predominance of the levies of Carmarthenshire and Pembroke
shire. The earl of Wiltshire was sheriff of the former county
as well as of Cardiganshire3. It should be remembered, more
over, that some time previously he had fitted out a fleet
of five ships at Genoa, with which to act against the Yorkists ;
and, having been appointed captain to guard the sea in
April, 1454, he was presumably in command of a fleet4.
1 Lewis Glyn Cothi, viii. i. seq.
2 I have already shown in the first chapter that Lewis Glyn Cothi was
aware that Jasper had gone abroad to seek reinforcements and that he
would land at Milford Haven about the end of December (the Feast of
St John). See ibid. viii. i., Ui., iv.
8 Cal. Pat. RoUs, 1442.
* Rot. Pari. v. 244. Carte's Life of Ormond, Vol. 1. Ixxx. He was
lord-deputy of Ireland in 1451, in the absence of the duke of York. See
EUis, Letters, Second Series, 1. 117 ; it refers to the activity of the Wogans
in Ireland.

126 MORTIMER'S CROSS [ch.
In short, the Lancastrian plan of campaign was a repetition
of what we conceive to have been their strategy during the
manoeuvres which culminated at Ludford.
Edward, earl of March, was advancing eastwards when
The battle of he heard of the Lancastrian advance in his rear.
croS,"1" s He turned to meet them, advancing probably
a Feb. 1461. from Hereford and Leominster towards Pres
teign1. The two armies came face to face at Mortimer's
Cross on the Lugg, about six miles north-west of Leominster,
on February 2, 14612. About ten o'clock on the morning
of the day of battle a strange portent was seen in the heavens ;
for " there were seen three suns in the firmament shining
full clear, whereof the people had great marvel, and thereof
were aghast. The noble earl Edward them comforted and
said, — ' Be of good cheer and dread not ; this is a good
sign3.' " Another reports " a shower of rain of the colour
of blood," as well as a three-fold sun4.
The Yorkists, who considerably outnumbered their
opponents5, obtained the victory, and a large number of
the Lancastrians were slain. Jasper Tudor and the earl
of Wiltshire stole away in disguise ; and Sir John Perot also
made good his escape6.
1 Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles^ 76-77.
2 This is the date given by Gregory, 211. He places the portent on
the same day. Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles, 77, also states that
the portent and action occurred on tie same day, though " Sunday,
Candlemas Day," which was February 1, is self-contradictory. English
Chronicle, edit. Davies, 110-111, gives February 3, and places the atmo-*
spheric phenomenon on the day before the battle, Monday. WilUam of
Worcester, Annates, 775, gives February 3.
3 English Chronicle, edit. Davies, no. " By the morrow appeared
the sun as three suns sundry on him in the east and closed again together."
Gregory says that the Yorkists were mustered " withoute the towne waUys
in a mersche that ys caUyd Wyg mersche " ; i.e. Wigmore, which is a few
miles to the north.
4 Whethamstede. 6 WilUam of Worcester, Annates, 776.
6 Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles, 77. I find no contemporary
authority for Ramsay's statement that they were pursued as far as Hereford.
Lancaster and York, 11. 243. On the contrary, considering the directions
along which the two forces respectively were moving, the Lancastrians
were pursued, if at all, towards Presteign and the Welsh border. It was
reported that Pembroke was taken near Nottingham. Brief Notes, in
{Three F. C. C. 155. Itinerarium.

vi] MORTIMER'S CROSS 127
Owen Tudor was among the prisoners who were taken
Death of to Hereford and there put to death. It is
owen Tudor. said that he was brought to the place of execu
tion by his countryman Sir Roger Vaughan1. " And he
was beheaded in the market-place, and his head set upon
the highest grise of the market cross ; and a mad woman
combed his hair and washed away the blood of his face.
And she got candles and set about him burning, more than
a hundred. This Owen Tudor was the father unto the
earl of Pembroke and had wedded Queen Catherine, King
Henry VI's mother, weening and trusting all the time that
he should not be beheaded, tiU he saw the axe and the block ;
and when that he was in his doublet he trusted on pardon
and grace till the collar of his red velvet doublet was ripped
off. Then he said, — That head shall he on the stock that
was wont to lie on Queen Catherine's lap ; and put his heart
and mind wholly unto God, and full meekly took his death."
He was buried in the chapel of the Grey Friars in Hereford2.
Owen Tudor typifies that spirit of adventure and chivalry
which in the fifteenth century sent Welshmen abroad to
win fame on the battlefields of Europe or in the courts of
princes. He carried to the grave that intrepidity and
dignified bearing which had characterised him in hfe. But
he mistook the age, not indeed in which he had lived, but
in which he was to die. The age of chivalry was passing by
and giving way to the ungovernable passions and truculent
savagery of meaner days. Owen Tudor bridges the two ; he
lived in the one, and died in the other.
1 That is, if we may identify him with the Sir Richard Vaughan of
Stow, 377, quoted in Proceedings, v. Intro, xix.
2 Gregory, 211. Stow. The bard Robin Ddu makes a touching aUusion
to the death of Owen and then turns his hopes to Jasper, whom he styles
Owen, and refers to as :
Draig wen ddibarch yn gwarchae,
A draig goch a dyr y cae.
Ceinion Llenyddiaith Gymreig, 219.
" The dishonourable white dragon has triumphed.
But the red dragon wiU yet win the field."
It is interesting once more to note the play on " red " and " white."

128 MORTIMER'.S CROSS [ch.
It has been supposed that eight other captains were
put to death at Hereford with Owen Tudor1. It can be
shown, however, that the lists of the chroniclers are in
accurate in many respects. It is certain that there escaped
several of those whose names are given as having been either
beheaded or captured. For instance, Phillip Mansel, Hopkyn
ap Rhys of Gower, and Lewis ap Rhys of Strata Florida
were in the field again a few years after these events ;
Sir John Skydmore subsequently held Pembroke castle
against Sir William Herbert, and must have made good his
escape ; the two sons of Griffith ap Nicholas also found
safety in flight2.
The battle aroused even less interest in Wales than in
England. There are but few references to it in the poets.
In one of his odes Howel Swrdwal alludes to an important
fight in Herefordshire, in which Watcyn Vaughan of Bred
wardine was slain. He may have Mortimer's Cross in mind,
1 WUUam of Worcester, Annates, 776. " Ac Owenus Tedere et Johan
nes Throgmertone, armiger, cum aliis captaneis decoUati sunt apud
Herforde." In the Itinerarium, 327, the same chronicler gives the foUowing
list of captured :
Owen Tudor, about fifty age years of, beheaded.
Reginaldus Gwyneth, camerarius Gwynneth landes jacente prope
castrum Harlegh, beheaded.
Master Lewis Powes, armiger, de Powesland, beheaded.
Hopkyn Davy, Carmarthenshire, arm. cum comite Pembroke, be
headed. Philip ManseU, armiger, v mark annui valoris de Gowerland,
beheaded. Lewis ap Rhys, armiger of Carmarthenshire, beheaded.
Thomas Fitzharry, jurisperitus.
Hopkyn ap Rhys of Gowerland comitatu, de Carmarthen, beheaded.
James Skydmore, occisus, son of Sir John Skydmore.
Sir Harry Skydmore of Herefordshire, son of the same Sir John
Skydmore, beheaded.
Sir WilUam Skydmore, brother of John Skydmore, miUtis, obiit in. ..
Sir John Skydmore, chevaUer.
Stow, 413, gives the foUowing as having been taken and beheaded.
David Lloyd, Morgan ap Rhydderch, Sir John Skydmore and two sons,
Thomas Griffith (? Thomas ap Griffith ap Nicholas), John Throgmorton,
Thomas Fitzharry, and another. Both lists are somewhat inaccurate.
See text.
2 HaU, 252, copying Stow, says that David Lloyd and Morgan ap
Rhydderch were put to death. David Lloyd was probably the same who,
for his services in the French wars, was made a royal official in the Forest
of Glyn Cothi, Carmarthenshire ; March 20, 1444. Cal. Pat. RoUs, 259.

vi] MORTIMER'S CROSS 129
but there is nothing to prove it1. But the very paucity
of allusions to the fight shows how little the country generally
was moved so far by the quarrel between the factions.
A spurious tale gained currency in later years with regard
Griffith to Griffith ap Nicholas and his son Owen, which
aP Nicholas. ft WQUi^ be absurd to notice but that responsible
writers have given credence to it. It has been stated that
Griffith brought to Mortimer's Cross a force of seven or eight
hundred followers to assist the Yorkists, men " well-armed,
goodly of stature, and hearts answerable thereto." When he
received a mortal wound his second son Owen stood at the
head of his troops and pursued Jasper. When he returned
to acquaint his father of the victory the latter exclaimed
" Welcome death, since honour and victory make for us2."
As has already been said a vein of unreality runs through
the whole biography ; and its details cannot stand the
limelight of historical criticism3. Griffith is not mentioned
by any contemporary chronicler, though many Welshmen of
far less distinction are named. His sons are recorded, but
on the Lancastrian side. If the family had accomplished
the deeds attributed to them they would probably have found
their reward on the accession of Edward IV, as did, for
instance, their neighbours, the Dwnns of Carmarthenshire4.
1 A diwedd braint, a dydd brawd
Yn Henffordd, mawr yw'n hanffawd. Howel Swrdwal.
" The day of judgment and the end came in Herefordshire.
Great is our distress." Ode to Watcyn Vaughan.
Watcyn Vaughan was the son of Roger Vaughan and Gwladys.
Swrdwal has been pubUshed by the Bangor Welsh MSS. Society.
2 Life of Sir Rhys ap Thomas, in the Cambrian Register.
3 Lewis Glyn Cothi refers to Griffith at an earlier period as one of the
" party of the Uly," an allusion to the fleur de lis of Margaret. Deio ap
Ieuan Hen also has a reference to the Uly in a poem to Sion ap Rhys of
Glyn Neath : Tri fflowr de Us gedwis gwart,
Maes hyder grymus Edwart.
This is the poem which contains the Welsh motto :
Y ddraig goch ddyry gychwyn.
The poem of Gwilym ap Ieuan Hen entitled " Cywydd i ddau Gar-
charor," may possibly refer to the retreat of Owen and Henry ap Gwilym
to Harlech at this time. Gorchestion Beirdd Cymru, 156, 170—2.
* The Dwnns are generaUy known as the Dwnns of Kidwely, where
they obtained an official status later.
E. W. R. 9

130 MORTIMER'S CROSS [ch.
As a matter of fact Griffith had probably been dead a couple
of years. There is no mention of him in authentic records,
local or general, after 1456. Moreover, though his two sons,
Owen and Thomas, were mentioned in 1459 as assisting
the Tudors against the Dwnns, Griffith himself is not men
tioned1. Soon after his victory Edward was given a commission
„ . bv the Privy Council to raise fresh levies in
Edward and J J
Warwick Bristol and the border counties2, he having
in the meantime moved on to Gloucester3. It
was on the day on which Edward received his commission that
Warwick moved from London to St Albans, accompanied
by the king, to meet the hosts of Margaret which were then
advancing on the city. As already stated, the earl was defeated
by the Lancastrians on February 17, and, having escaped
westwards with the remnants of his army, met Edward
five days later at Chipping Norton4, or at Burford5, in
Oxfordshire. Edward was now accompanied by William
Hastings and John Wenlok, who must have joined him
after the battle at Mortimer's Cross ; for they are not
reported to have been present at that action.
Margaret apparently had begun her" southward march
before news of Jasper's defeat had reached her.
Why Edward J r .
delayed in Warwick may have received mf ormation of her
approach on January 28, the day on which
commissions were issued in the king's name to noblemen
and sheriffs to raise troops6. She was at St Albans before
Edward had left the Marches. Edward, who was at the
head of a more amenable following than the queen's in
toxicated host, must have surmised that the Lancastrians,
1 A Griffith Nicholas appears as farmer of Dynevor, 1485-1490, but
he cannot be the same person. Ministers' Accounts. See West Wales
Historical Society's Transactions.
2 Rymer, xi. 471, February 12, 1461. Three Fifteenth Century Chro--
nicies, 77. " And forthwith he made again ready in the march."
* WiUiam of Worcester, Annates, 777.
« Ibid.
6 Gregory, 215.
* Proceedings, vi. 307-310. English Chronicle, edit. Davies, 107.

VI] MORTIMER'S CROSS 131
in the flush of their brilliant triumph at Wakefield, would
advance on the capital. And he was not a man who lacked
courage in a crisis. Why then did he not strike directly
for the seat of government which was still in the hands of
his friends, and where his party was strong, so as to endeavour
to be in time to assist Warwick ? Instead of doing so he
tarried on the borders of Wales. From Hereford he moved
to Gloucester, where he was on February 12. These ten
days (February 2-12) would have enabled him to cover the
distance between Gloucester and London with comparative
ease. Yet he delayed another week, received intimation
of Warwick's defeat about the 19th February, and three days
later had only reached the confines of Oxfordshire, meeting
Warwick on February 22.
His movements leave an uncanny suspicion that he
was anxious neither to assist nor even to meet Warwick.
Warwick's voice had been raised with success against the
usurpation of the throne by Richard, duke of York ; Edward
had no reason to hope that he would adopt a different attitude
towards himself. The only circumstance that would render
Warwick less dictatorial would be a defeat, and Edward
astutely let him run the risk. If Warwick were victorious,
Edward too had a victory in hand — a valuable asset when he
claimed the throne. Fortune, by giving victory to Edward
and withholding it from Warwick, made Edward doubly
independent1. Mortimer's Cross was sufficient to retrieve the double
disaster at Wakefield and St Albans, and Edward did
not fail to appreciate it at its true value. It is significant
1 Oman (Warwick, 108) loosely states that " the moment that he had
crushed the Welsh Lancastrians and settled the affairs of the March,
Edward had set out for London. He had hoped to arrive in time to aid
Warwick ; he could not achieve the impossible." There is no evidence
whatever that Edward made any attempt to settle the affairs of the March.
He did not even go in pursuit. If that had been his aim, Edward could
have reached London in a week after Mortimer's Cross, the time he actuaUy
took after hearing the news of the second battle of St Albans. Ten years
later he covered forty miles a day ; on this occasion he had covered less
than forty mUes in three weeks.
9—2

132 MORTIMER'S CROSS [ch.
of the importance which he attached to it that he
afterwards assumed as his peculiar war-badge
Importance *¦ ^
ofMortimer's " the rising sun," in allusion to the portent on
the day of battle1. The measure of its impor
tance was nothing less than the accession of Edward. He
could not fail to compare his own success with the failure
of Warwick ; and it is certain that he afterwards commented
upon the earl's want of resource at St Albans. From that
moment Warwick ceased to conjure up terrors for either
Edward or his associates from the Marches.
On February 26 the combined armies reached London.
Edward pro- Margaret had already gone north. On March 1
claimed king. t^e citizens joined Edward's Welsh army in
St John's Fields, Clerkenwell, and, under the guidance of
the Chancellor, George Neville, proclaimed Edward king.
Two days later the Yorkist leaders met at Baynard's Castle
and formally offered Edward the crown2. There were
present the Chancellor, Archbishop Bourchier, the bishop
of Salisbury, the duke of Norfolk, the earl of Warwick,
Lord Fitz-Walter (Sir John Ratcliffe), Lord Ferrers of
Chartley (Walter Devereux), and Sir William Herbert. It
is noticeable that special reference is made to Herbert as
one of the " chosen and faithful " of Edward3. The political
and military storms of the winter had swept him to the
highest council in the realm. Edward had already hinted
broadly at his appreciation of the services of his friends from
the Marches ; for on meeting with Warwick in Oxfordshire
he had referred to them as men who had come at their own
cost4. Warwick raised no objection to Edward's accession.
1 Gregory, 211.
a Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles, 77, 155, 173. Chronicle, edit.
Davies, 108, no. Gregory, 215.
8 Rymer, xi. 473, " dilectis et fideUbus." The above Ust of those
present at the Council is that given by WiUiam of Worcester, 775. Rymer
gives the archbishops, the. bishops of Salisbury and Norwich, Grey of
Ruthin, Viscount Bourchier, WiUiam Herbert, John Wenlok, and WiUiam
Falconbridge. * Gregory, 215.

vi] MORTIMER'S CROSS 133
Edward's father owed much to Warwick ; Edward himself
little, at any rate before his accession. The earl presumed
upon his victory at Northampton to resist Richard, duke of
York, when he claimed the throne. His defeat at St Albans
gave him no alternative but to concede to the son the
acquiescence which he had withheld from the father.
Edward was now king. As such he hurried northwards
after Margaret. Victorious at a skirmish near Ferrybridge,
he completely overwhelmed the Lancastrians at Towton
(March 29, 1461). Edward had won a throne at Mortimer's
Cross ; Towton made his throne secure.

CHAPTER VII
THE WAR IN WALES
It is unnecessary to enter into a minute description
The weish \f>f Edward's campaign in the north of England.
at Towton. jje was accompanied by Sir Wilham Herbert ;
and the Welsh foot-soldiers, the force that had triumphed
at Mortimer's Cross, reinforced by the levies of Kent, con
stituted the nucleus of the army which completed the
annihilation of the Lancastrians at Towton1- It has been
freely assumed, presumably on the authority of Wavrin,
not a very faithful chronicler of English affairs, that the
Lancastrian army comprised a large body of Welshmen who,
led by Andrew Trollope, displayed magnificent dash in the
teeth of a blinding snowstorm. Flattering though it be to
national pride, it lacks corroboration. Indeed, there could
have been but few Welshmen under the banner of Lancaster
at that battle. Only a few weeks had passed since Jasper had
brought the flower of Lancastrian Wales to Mortimer's Cross ;
and in spite of his steadfast and insistent zeal he could
not possibly have recovered in so short a space. Even now,
1 Hearne's Fragment — " The kinges footemen (were assembled) in a
gTete numbre of which the moost parte were Wallshmen and Kentishmen."
Wavrin, 340. It is generaUy supposed that David Mathew of Llandaff
was Edward's standard-bearer at Towton. I find no authority for it.
In fact, according to Rot. Pari. vi. 93, tlie king's standard-bearer on that
occasion was Ralph Vestynden who got an annuity of £10 for his services.
An old political song refers to some important Yorkist personage from
Wales, as follows : The Dolfyn cam from Walys
Three carpis be his syde.
Political Songs, Archaeologia, 1842, 346.

ch. vii] THE WAR IN WALES 135
when the clash of battle resounded in the north, he was
quietly engaged in the task of reorganising and encouraging
his adherents in Wales. If any Welshmen were arrayed
against Edward at Towton, it seems that they must have
been raised either by Margaret when she sought refuge in
Wales after Northampton, or by Exeter and others as they
passed along the borders of Wales towards Wakefield.
But there is no peg on which such an assumption can hang.
After his victory at Towton Edward, leaving to the earl
Grant to °^ Warwick the task of reducing the Lancastrian
sir wiiiiam strongholds of the north, returned to the Welsh
border, and threw upon Sir William Herbert
the responsibility of bringing Wales to obedience. With
this object in view he began to invest him and his brothers
with considerable power. When at York, on his way to
the south, he made Wilham Herbert chief justice and
chamberlain of South Wales, and steward and chief forester
of Carmarthenshire and Cardiganshire1. On the following
day (May 9) a commission was given to him and his two
brothers Thomas Herbert2 and John Herbert8, and Hugh
Huntley, " to take into the king's hands the county and
lordship of Pembroke, with all members in England and
1 Cal. Pat. RoUs (1461-1467), May 8, 1461. Ibid. 7, 30.
a This Herbert is also known as Thomas Herbert of Troy. A Thomas
Herbert the elder was constable of Gloucester in 1461 (June 23). They
are apparently the same ; for on July 10, 1461, he was given an annuity
of 50 marks from Gloucester, being designated as Thomas Herbert, esquire
of the body ; while on July 12, 1462, a grant was made to the king's
servant, Thomas Herbert the elder, esquire of the body, of certain manors
in Gloucestershire, and of the lands of Sir WilUam MuUe in Herefordshire,
lands which Sir WiUiam Herbert was empowered to seize. In 1462 and
1464, he was on a commission of array in Gloucestershire. December 13,
1461, he was given a messuage (Garlik) in Middlesex. May 27, 1465, he
received a pardon for the escape of one WiUiam Glover from Gloucester.
In August, 1467, " Thomas Herbert the elder " was made chanceUor of
the earldom of March, receiving the profits of Usk. On February 12, 1470,
the reversion of the office of constable of Gloucester was given to Richard
Beauchamp. Thomas Herbert died before June, 1471. On his death
the lands of WilUam MuUe were given to his son who died without male
heir. Cal. Pat. RoUs, passim.
3 He was a younger brother of Sir William, and was made king's
attorney in the counties of Carmarthen and Cardigan. Cal. Pat. RoUs,
August 12, 1461, 69.

136 THE WAR IN WALES [ch.
Wales and the Marches of Wales, late of Jasper, earl of
Pembroke ; the castle of Dunster, county Somerset, and other
possessions late of James Luttrell, knight ; and the castles
and lordships of Gooderich and Archenfield in the county
of Hereford and the Marches of Wales adjacent to the county
of Gloucester, and all advowsons late of John, earl of Shrews
bury, rebels, with power to appoint stewards and all other
officers." Herbert was also to take possession of the lands
of Sir Wilham MuUe ; and two days later, May n, authority
was given to him and Thomas Herbert and John Dwnn
" to take into the king's hands and demise at farm the
castles and lordships of Laugharne and Walwyn's Castle,
late of James, earl of Wiltshire, in South Wales1." Moreover,
Thomas Herbert became constable of Gloucester, while
a half-brother William Herbert was made constable of
Cardigan. These offices and honours were conferred on Sir William
Herbert Herbert while the king was at York. Shortly
raised to afterwards both returned to London, passing
through Chester on May 28, and making a
circuit of the Welsh border. A month later Edward was
crowned with more than usual pomp and splendour. In
honour of the occasion the most prominent of his friends
from the Marches were raised to the peerage. Sir Wilham
Herbert became Lord Herbert of Raglan, Chepstow, and
Gower ; Sir Walter Devereux was formally recognised as
Lord Ferrers of Chartley2 ; Sir William Hastings and
1 Cal. Pat. RoUs (1461-1467) 30, at York. Also ibid, sub dat. This
John Dwnn was one of the Dwnns of Carmarthenshire, who took part
at Mortimer's Cross and became prominent later. On March 11, 1461,
a John Dwnn, usher of the chamber, was made Serjeant of the Armoury
in the Tower of London. Cal. Pat. Rolls, 9. He was on many com
missions with the Herberts, and is not to be confounded with the Dwnns
of Cheshire. He is sometimes referred to as John Dwnn of Kidwely, but
it does not appear that he was given official interest there tiU 1463-4.
See later. He was constable of Kidwely in 1485. Laugharne is in Car
marthenshire, and Walwyn's Castle in Pembrokeshire.
2 In July 1461, Devereux received a grant of the king's brewhouse
caUed " le Walsheman," without Ludgate in the ward of Faryndon. Cal.
Pat. Rolls, 126.

vn] THE WAR IN WALES 137
Sir John Wenlok became Lord Hastings and Lord Wenlok
respectively. Richard, earl of Warwick, was not made a
duke as had been confidently anticipated in some quarters.
This disappointment was the first drop of the torrent which
engulfed the Nevilles.
Immediately after the coronation a considerable re
distribution of power took place in Wales. Lord Hastings
was made chamberlain of North Wales1; Richard Grey,
Lord Powys, became steward of Ceri, Cedewain, and Mont
gomery2 ; John, earl of Worcester, became justice of North
Wales3 ; John Dwnn was made constable of Aberystwyth
and Carmarthen, and sheriff of Carmarthenshire and Car
diganshire, ''with all profits of pasture of Aberystwyth,"
and the custom called " prysemayse4."
Preparations now sped onwards for the immediate
invasion invasion of Wales. On July 8 Lords Herbert
of waies. an(j Ferrers were empowered to array all able-
bodied men in the counties of Hereford, Gloucester, and
Salop5. Early in August they were appointed to inquire
into all treasons, insurrections, and rebellions in South Wales,
and to pardon all who submitted, except Jasper Tudor,
John Skydmore, Thomas Cornwall, and Thomas Fitzhenry6.
1 Cal. Pat. RoUs, July 31, 1461, 26.
2 Ibid. July 1, 1461, 17. It thus reversed the decree of a few months
earUer. * Ibid. November 25, 1461, 62. Hastings, Audley, and WiUiam
Stanley were given possession of Hope and Hopedale in the Marches, and
of Manorbier and Pennaly in Pembrokeshire. Ibid. 9. July 16.
4 In the same manner as Sir John Griffith, Edmund Beaufort, duke
of Somerset, late severally held Aberystwyth. Cal. Pat. Rolls, Sept. 9,
1461, 40. ' Among other grants in Wales were the foUowing : Rees
Vaughan was made provost of Raydirgey ; Richard Croft the younger,
receiver of the possessions of John, earl of Shrewsbury ; Roger Eyton,
constable of Shrewsbury ; Thomas Sandeland, cannoneer and master-
plumber in the royal castles of North Wales ; John Moyle of Denbigh,
an annuity of ten marks for his good services to the king's father ; and also
letters of denizenship. Cal. Pat. Rolls, passim.
5 Ibid, sub ann. 36.
6 With the two lords on this commission were Lord Herbert's brother,
Thomas Herbert ; a half-brother named WiUiam Herbert, and John Dwnn.
This William Herbert was made constable of Cardigan on August 2, 1461.
On August 27, 1464, the king's servitor, WiUiam Herbert, esquire, one of
the clerks of the signet, was appointed escheator within the county of

138 THE WAR IN WALES [ch.
On August 12 Roger Kynaston and a number of others were
commissioned to urge the king's subjects of Shropshire to
array a force at their own expense for the defence of the
county and the adjoining parts of Wales. On that day,
also, separate commissions were issued to Thomas, John,
and Richard Herbert, to act against Jasper Tudor. The
general muster was to be at Hereford1.
Parliament was not to meet till November, and Edward
decided to spend a considerable portion of the interval in
the Marches so as to keep in close touch with the progress
of events in Wales ; and his movements appear to have
attracted considerable attention2. He had reached the
borders before the end of August. On September 4 he was
at Bristol, where he was " most royally received." Four
days later he left for Gloucester, whence he moved to Ross,
Hereford, and Ludlow. He remained at Ludlow for nearly
a week, till September 26 s. Meanwhile Herbert and Ferrers
had gone into Wales to extinguish the few flickering Lancas
trian lights, with every prospect of success. " As for any
grete doing in Wales I trust God we shal not doubte. The
Lord Herbert and the Lord Ferrers of Chartley with divers
many other gentihnen ben gone afore to dense the countreye
afore us4."
Carnarvon. In January, 1462, he was given KUpek castle, eight mUes
from Hereford, the confiscated property of the earl of Ormond. The
reversion of his lands was bestowed upon Lord Herbert, should he die
without male heir. A WiUiam Herbert was comptroUer of Bristol in 1466.
On July 20, 14 61, the half-brother and Lord Hastings were empowered
to seize certain lands in Northamptonshire. Cal. Pat. RoUs, passim.
1 Kynaston was sheriff of Merionethshire. In the meantime Lord
Herbert's influence increased rapidly. On September 7, 1461, he received
the custody of the Welsh estates of the duke of Buckingham during the
minority of Henry, the heir. It included the lordship of Brecknock,
Newport, and certain other parts of Gwent. By another grant he became
steward of the royal lordships of CUfford, Glasbury, and Wynfurton in
the Marches. His brothers, Thomas and Richard, and Lord Ferrers, were
associated with him. Cal. Pat. RoUs, 13, 43, 98.
2 Paston Letters, n. 38, 41 ; August 23, 1461.
* Ellis, Letters, First Series, 1. 15-16. "And there he wiU abide tiU
Parliament time." He was at Gloucester on the 11 Sept. Privy Seals.
Stow, Annates, 416.
* ElUs, Letters; op. cit. 15-16. Written at Bristol, Sept. 9, 1461.

vh] THE WAR IN WALES 139
After the reverse at Mortimer's Cross, 'Jasper Tudor had
jasper's retired to his estates in Pembrokeshire. On
movements February 25, three weeks after that battle,
Mortimer-s he wrote to his stewards at Denbigh, Roger
Puleston1 and John Eyton, exhorting them to
be faithful. The letter was written from Tenby ; and it
shows, what we have already pointed out, that the Herberts
and their connections were regarded as the chief engineers
of that campaign on the Yorkist side.
" To the right trusty and well-beloved Roger a Puleston
and to John Eyton, and to either of them. We suppose
that ye have well in remembrance the great dishonour and
rebuke that we and ye now late have by traitors March,
Herbert, and Dwnns with their affinities, as well in letting
us of our journey to the kinge, as in putting my father your
kinsman to the death, and their trayterously demeaning we
purpose with the might of our Lord and assistance of you
and other our kinsmen and friends within short time to
avenge. Trusting verily that you will be well willed and
put your hands into the same, and of your disposicon, and
with your good advice therein we pray you to ascertayne
us in all hast possible as our especiall trust is in you. Written
at our town of Tenby the xxv February2."
On a previous occasion the Yorkists had held Denbigh
with grim tenacity against Jasper. It was now as stubborn
on his behalf. The castle was still holding out in July as
appears from the letter which follows.
1 The famiUes of Tudor and Puleston were connected.
Mallt m. Tudor ap Grono m. Margaret, dau. of Thomas ap
| | Llywelyn ap Owen
GwervU m. Griffith Hanmer '  >
Angharad m. John Puleston Meredith ap Tudor m. Margaret
I dau. of David Vaughan
Roger Puleston Owen Tudor
In 1456 the earl of Richmond gave Roger Puleston an annuity of
10 marks for his services. Arch. Camb. i. i. 146-7. Dated September 10.
* Ancient and Modern Denbigh, 86 ; where the original letter is given as
above. It is dated now for the first time.

140 THE WAR IN WALES [ch.
" To Roger Puleston, Keeper of the castle of Denbigh.
We have received your letters by Hugh and understand the
matter comprised therein ; and as touching the keeping of the
castle of Denbigh we pray you that you will do your faithful
dihgence for the safeguard of it, taking the revenue of the
lordship there for the vittaling of the same, by the hands of
Griffith Vaughan, receyvour there, — we have written unto him
that he should make p'veyance therefore ; and that ye will
understand the goodwill and dispossicOn of the people and
that country towards my Lorde Prince, and to send us word
as soone as you may. Written at my town of Tenbye,
the xxiii July1."
Edward, with commendable clemency, had already made
overtures of peace to the Pulestons and Griffith Vaughan ;
for early in July he had enrolled them on a commission in
Chirkland with a number of other staunch royalists of North
Wales. But his conciliatory efforts were for the present
unavailing2. Lords Herbert and Ferrers had already entered upon
their task of reducing Wales on September 9, 1461. They
had two important strongholds to deal with besides Denbigh ;
for Harlech was held by David ap Eynon and some English
Lancastrian refugees, notably Tunstal, while Pembroke
castle was held for Jasper by Sir John Skydmore.
Herbert attacked Pembroke first. It was the most
Herbert formidable, and consequently the greatest
attacks prize. The fleet was sent to co-operate so that
Pembroke. ^ . r
no assistance might reach the castle from beyond
the sea3. Philip Castle of Pembroke and Thomas Mansel
1 Ane. and Mod. Denbigh, 87. Hitherto it has been found impossible
to give the correct date to this letter.
2 The commission was to receive attornments from the tenants of Chirk.
Others on the commission were John, abbot of Llaneguyfall ; David Kyffin,
doctor of Laws ; John Hanmer ; John Trevor ; John Puleston, and Robert
ap Howel. John Hanmer and Griffith Vaughan afterwards assisted in
defending Harlech. Cal. Pat. RoUs (1461-1467), 37.
a Th'erU of March (i.e. Edward IV, the Lancastrian writer of the letter
not recognising him as king) is into Wales by land and hath sent his navy
thiderbysea. Paston Letters, 11. 46. August 30, 1461. The ship for which

vn] THE WAR IN WALES 141
were empowered to man some ships for the purpose. The
Yorkist leaders would find no opposition on their march
westwards ; Oystermouth castle, near Swansea, one of the
gates of Gower, had been placed in the hands of a local Yorkist,
Sir Hugh ap John1. Like so many others of the Welshmen
engaged in these wars he had fought in France, and had been
one of the council of Robert Norreys. He was now constable
of the castle, and reeve of the lordship of Gower. He it
was on behalf of whom the earl of Warwick used his influence
with Elizabeth Woodville, afterwards the queen of Edward
IV, to get her to accept him in marriage2.
Tenby apparently offered no resistance, although much
Pembroke care had been bestowed upon its fortifications
submits. by jasper. Pembroke, too, was " victualled,
manned, and apparelled for a long time after3." These
preparations notwithstanding, Skydmore, when summoned
by Herbert to surrender the castle into his hands, obsequi
ously delivered it " without any war or resistance4." This
took place on September 30. Skydmore's conduct was in
complete harmony with the general practice during the wars.
Impregnable as were many of the castles of England at this
period, their history is an uninspiring recital of slavish
deference to the will of the conqueror of the moment.
The betrayal was inspired by a natural desire for personal
safety and the security of his estates, though it availed him
nothing for the moment. He received a written pledge
from Herbert and Ferrers that his life would be spared
and that his lands would not be confiscated. Both promised
Castle and Thomas Mansel were caUed upon to provide mariners was the
Trinity of Minehead. Cal. Pat. RoUs, 99 ; September 5.
1 Cal. Pat. Rolls (1461-1467), 81. April 1, and November 25, 1461.
He was granted a yearly grant of 20 marks. See also Glamorgan Charters, v.
1664. Proceedings of the Privy Council, 1453, 138. Another of the famUy,
apparently, was David ap John of Swansea. See a revocation of a protec
tion lately granted to him to stay in the king's service because he delayed
in the city and suburbs of London instead of victuaUing Calais. Cal. Pat.
RoUs, February 7, 1464.
2 Archaeologia, 1842; 132-3.
3 Rot. Pari. 483.
* Ibid.

142 THE WAR IN WALES [ch.
to intercede with the king on his behalf. But in spite of
this guarantee, when parliament met, a bill of attainder
was brought against him. It failed to pass. Nevertheless,
at the latter end of the parliament, his estates were forfeited
by royal ordinance1.
The lords promised that " he should have better than his
sir John livelihood, and he was then admitted unto the
skydmore. kyngs good grace as he hath redy to showe in
writyng under the seale of the said Lord Herbert." Herbert
was present in the parliament in which the attainder was
moved and rejected. But " after many lords and knights
had departed, by mervelous pry vat labour," a bill signed
by the king was brought to the Commons containing an
ordinance that Sir John Skydmore should forfeit his livelihood
saving his life and goods. At the time he was at home
in the country " trusting to the promise of Lords Herbert
and Ferrers."
Jasper probably superintended the affairs of his party
in North Wales in person. He was assisted by the duke
of Exeter2, and Thomas Fitzhenry of Hereford, who had
fought with the Lancastrians at Mortimer's Cross. On
October 4 it was reported that all. resistance was at an
end, and that Jasper had taken refuge in the mountains
of Snowdon, the last stronghold of so many lost causes,
and the nursery of as many new enterprises. " And all
the castles and holds in South Wales and in North Wales
are given and yielded up to the king. And the duke of
Exeter and the earl of Pembroke (Jasper) are floon and
taken the mounteyns and divers lords with great puissance
are after them ; and the most part of gentlemen and men
1 Rot. Pari. 483 contains his Act of Attainder. Also ibid. (1472-1503)
29, which contains his petition. A schedule annexed to tie petition
notifies that WiUiam Herbert by the authority given to him by letters
of Privy Seal, dated May 13, 1461, received Skydmore into the king's
grace on September 30, 1461, at Pembroke. The attainder was reversed
in 1472 (October 6). Rot. Pari. See an exemplification of it ; ibid.
July 1, 1474.
2 He was Henry HoUand who married Anne, sister of Edward, but
who remained a Lancastrian and was attainted this year.

vii] THE WAR IN WALES 143
of worship are comen to the king and have grace, of all
Wales1." The writer was premature. Denbigh seems to have
yielded without further pressure. It must have suffered
considerable damage during these years. As we have
seen, in the previous year a substantial grant was made
to repair the disastrous effects of the Lancastrian siege.
Early in 1462 Edward IV advanced a sum to enable the
burgesses to rebuild their houses " brent by certain rebells
and traytors2."
But Harlech had not yet submitted, and was to remain
Battle of inexorable for seven. years more. Jasper Tudor
Tuthiii. an(j f^e North Wales Lancastrians were brought
to bay near Carnarvon. They made a last stand at Tuthill,
just outside the walls of that town, on October 16, 14613.
As the duke of Exeter had fought at Towton it is probable
that he had brought reinforcements to Jasper by sea.
The Yorkists once more triumphed, though Jasper again
displayed his wonted subtle resourcefulness in eluding
pursuit. He escaped to Ireland, where he stirred up strife
during the winter4. It is curious that the engagement
at Tuthill has escaped the notice of every historian of the
Wars of the Roses.
The Yorkists did not pursue their advantage by compell
ing Harlech, the only remaining Lancastrian stronghold
in Wales, to surrender5. It may be that, the day for the
opening of parliament having been fixed for November 4,
they were more desirous to appear there than to traverse
the bleak and pathless regions of Snowdonia on the approach
1 Paston Letters, n. 52 ; October 4, 1461.
2 The original document is given in Records of Denbigh ; dated February
23, 1462.
3 Rot. Pari. 1461, 477-8. In 1455 there were 20 soldiers at Carnarvon,
including men-at-arms and archers. In May 1460, there were 18, including
five soldiers of the town, who were distinct from the castle garrison and
had their own captain. Mediaeval Boroughs, Lewis.
* Paston Letters, 11. 118.
5 Harlech had a garrison of 12 soldiers in 1442. Edward Hampden,
governor in 1444, increased the number to 24.

144 THE WAR IN WALES [ch.
of winter. Edward's supine indifference to the existence
of this remote garrison kept North Wales in a state of war
for several years after the rest of the country had been
brought into subjection. An echo of the prevailing anarchy
was heard in his first parliament in the form of a petition
from the " Tenants and Commons of North Wales," as
foUows :
" Where many and divers of them been daily taken
The Hariech prisoners and put to fine and ransom as it
garrison. were m \ancl of war ; and many and divers
of them daily robbed and spoiled of their goods and cattle
contrary to the law by David ap Ieuan ap Eynon, Griffith
Vaughan ap Griffith ap Eynon, Jenkyn ap Iorwerth ap
Eynon, Thomas ap Ieuan ap Eynon, Griffith ap Ieuan
ap Eynon, John ap Ieuan ap Eynon, John Hanmer, Morys
ap David ap Griffith, David ap Ieuan ap Owen, David ap
Einon ap Ieuan, Grommys ap Ieuan ap Eynon ap Ieuan,
Grommys ap Howel ap Morgan, Edward ap Morgan, John
Tother, clerk, Griffith ap Ieuan ap Iorwerth, and Rheinallt
ap Griffith ap Bleddyn, and Morys Robert ; and over more
the said David ap Eynon calleth himself by the name of
Constable of Harlech, and that kepeth to the use and behove
of him that he calleth his sovereign lord King Henry VI,
saying as well by his mouth as by his writing that the said
castle was committed to him by his sovereign lord aforesaid
and by his sovereign lady Queen Margaret and his right
and gracious lord Prince Edward, and sworn to keep it
to their use and will not deliver it to no other person saving
to such as one of them will assign, notwithstanding the
King's commandment is the contrary. And daily the said
David and all the aforesaid other misdoers take and repute
in all their demeanour the said late king for their sovereign
lord and not the king our sovereign lord that now is as
their duty is. And moreover all the said misdoers taketh
oxen, sheep, wheat, and victuals of the said poor tenants
for stuff of the said castle with strong hand and will not

VII]

THE WAR IN WALES

145

deliver it to no such person as the late King hath deputed
to be his constable there."
Then follows a specious proclamation that David must
surrender the castle before the Feast of Purification ; and
that if he came to Carnarvon in peaceable wise, and there
before the king's justice or chamberlain found sufficient
security for his future good conduct, he would be pardoned ;
otherwise he would be attainted of treason and his lands
and title forfeited. This proclamation was to be made
in the counties of Carnarvon and Merioneth1.
The garrison defied the proclamation, and during the
next few years Harlech remained a safe refuge
for the Lancastrians, and a convenient hnk
with Ireland and Scotland. Contemporary Welsh poets
are unanimpus as to the assistance rendered by it to the
cause. That it inspired the Lancastrians to renewed efforts
became evident very soon. For a new scheme issued
from their busy forge, according to which Jasper and the
duke of Exeter were to land at Beaumaris, " by the appoint
ment of Robert Gold, captain of the duke of Burgundy2 " ;
while simultaneous attacks were to be made from the north
and the south-east of England. Edward acted with decision .
The scheme was destroyed before it matured. In February
1 Rot. Pari. 1 Edward IV.
Einon ap Griffith (temp. Richard II)

Lancastrian
schemes.

I 
Dayid ap
Einon
(Eynon)

Ievan ap Einon

daughter

Rees ap
Ievan

daughter m.
Ievan ap
Meredith

Meredith ap
Ievan

Howel
Vychan

Meurig Vychan
David ap
Meurig
Vychan

1 —
Morris

John ap Meredith

Ievan

1 
Robert Owen

Griffith Wynne, Gwydir Family, 28.
2 Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles, 158, 175. ¦ Also Paston Letters, 11.
45. 91. 93 ; February, 1462.
E. W. R. 10

146 THE WAR IN WALES [ch.
1462, the earl of Oxford and a few others were executed
as accomphces. On March 1, Lord Herbert and Lord
Ferrers were commanded to array all able-bodied men
in South Wales and the Marches, the former and his brother
Thomas Herbert being also commissioned to equip a fleet
from Bristol and neighbouring ports to clear the coast
of Wales of Lancastrian ships1. It is not certain whether
Jasper actually landed in Wales. During the early part
of the year, as we have seen, he was in Ireland causing
trouble. " These three weeks came there neither ship
nor boat out of Ireland to bring no tidings, and so it seemeth
jasper in there is much to doo there by the earl of
Ireland. Pembroke2." Leaving him there for the pre
sent, we shall consider what rewards were bestowed upon
the Yorkists of Wales for their valuable services to Edward.
A wide re-distribution of lands, and consequently of
political power, now took place in Wales. The lavish
profusion with which Edward enriched the Herbert family
is a lucid commentary upon the value which he attached
to their services. It was also an augury, clear and palpable,
of Edward's intention to raise up a new aristocracy whose
secret counsels were to aid him to outwit the old.
The lands of Jasper, earl df Pembroke, the earl of Wilt-
Welsh shire, and Sir John Skydmore had already
Yorkists' been confiscated. Lord Herbert received those
of Jasper and the earl of Wiltshire in South
Wales. They included Pembroke, Tenby, Emlyn, Cilgerran,
Llanstephan, and Walwyn's Castle3. A few days later, on
February 12, he was given the custody and marriage of
1 Commission to William Herbert, knight, and Thomas Herbert, to
take vessels and ships within the port of Bristol and other ports of the west
towards Wales and ports in Wales to resist the king's enemies. Cal. Pat.
Rolls, March i, 1462 ; 100, 132. A fortnight later, Thomas Herbert was
given the custody of Bekford, Gloucester. Ibid. 18 r.
2 Paston Letters, n. 118.
8 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 114; February 3, 1462. In South-west Wales
Herbert was invested with the manors of Magor and Redwyk, the town
and lordship of Caldecot, the castle and manor of Archenfield, late of James,
earl of WUtshire. Walwyn's Castle was also forfeited by Wiltshire.

vii] THE WAR IN WALES 147
Jasper's nephew, Henry, earl of Richmond, then a child
of four, "for a thousand pounds in hand paid." It was
Herbert's intention, as we shall see, to marry him to his
daughter Maud.
A few days later he received the custody of the lordships
Lord of Swansea, Gower, and Kilvey, during the
Herbert. minority of John, son and heir of the duke
of Norfolk, rendering the king two hundred marks a year ;
also the town and castle of Haverfordwest for twenty
years, rendering the king one hundred marks a year1.
In April he appeared in the House of Lords, and was made
a knight of the Garter.
Richard Herbert received the confiscated lands of
Richard Jasper's faithful adherent Fitzhenry, as well
Herbert. ^ those of Sir John Skydmore, in Hereford
shire, including the lordship of Moccas2.
Roger Vaughan of Tretower, in Brecknock, received
Roger extensive lands in Somerset, Devon, and Dorset3.
vaughan. jjjg son jhomas ap Roger Vaughan became
receiver of the lordships of Brecknock, Hay, and Huntingdon,
during the minority of the heir to the dukedom of Bucking
ham4. John Dwnn received Laugharne, the confiscated
property of the earl of Wiltshire, as well as some lands
in Northamptonshire, " for good service to Richard, duke
of York, and against Henry VI and Jasper5."
The lands of Thomas Cornwall, in Devon, were shared
1 Cal. Pat. Rolls, February 12, 1462; 114, 119. On August 26, 1462,
Herbert was granted the custody of the lands of one Nicolas Iwardby,
during the minority of the heir; Ibid. 211.
John Mowbray, third duke of Norfolk, died November 6, 1461. He
was succeeded by his son John (born October, 1444), the fourth duke of
Norfolk, baron of Gower, Bromfield, Chirk, and Yale, on November 6,
1461. He died January 17, 1476, leaving an only chUd, Lady Anne
Mowbray, who was betrothed to Richard, second son of Edward IV. On
her death the dukedom escheated to the Crown. Doyle's Baronage.
2 Cal. Pat. RoUs, February 20, 1462 ; 77.
8 Ibid. July 11, 1462; 192.
4 Ibid. August 12, 1461 ; 43. B Ibid. February 24, 1462 ; in.
On February 10, the office of master of the king's armoury in the
Tower was confirmed to him. One of the name was also comptroUer of
customs at Bristol. Ibid. 143, 188.

148 THE WAR IN WALES [ch.
between John ap Jankyn and Trahaiarn ap Ievan ap Meurig1,
while one David Gough received Stapleton in the Marches2.
Thomas and Richard Croft received lands in Oxfordshire ;
John Milewater found his reward in the receivership of
confiscated castles in Wales ; Lord Ferrers received Richard's
Castle in Herefordshire3. Amongst other grants one of
the most interesting was that of " letters of denization
as Englishman for the king's servitor David Middleton
one of the yeomen of the Crown, born a Welshman," to
him and his heirs4. The Middletons of Denbighshire wrote
their names large in the annals of the seventeenth century
as scholars, engineers, and sailors.
Another recipient of grants was Sir Thomas Vaughan
sir Thomas who piloted his craft with much skill through
vaughan. many storms. His parentage is uncertain,
though it seems to be generally agreed that he was a son
of Sir Roger Vaughan. By some means he came under
the protection of the duke of Somerset and Adam Moleyns,
through whose influence the Privy Council reheved him
of his disabilities as a Welshman. In 1450 he was master
of ordnance and was commissioned to equip Carisbrook
castle, Isle of Wight, against the attacks of the French.
In 1458 we find him as treasurer of the king's household.
Like his kinsman William Herbert he was associated with
Jasper Tudor for a time ; but he soon took the badge
of York, and was attainted at the Coventry Parliament.
Edward gave him lands in Surrey, and in 1463 he was sent
on an embassy to the duke of Burgundy5.
1 Cal. Pat. RoUs, January 20, 1462; 76. Trahaiarn was on a com
mission with the Herberts in June 1463.
2 January 23, 1462. Ibid. 114, 428. In March 1465, he is stated to be
possessed of Stapleton, lately the lands of Thomas CornwaU.
8 Ibid. 91, 153.
* Ibid. September 6, 1462; 198. One Thomas Banon received Llan-
Uwch, Carmarthenshire. Ibid. 112.
6 Dwnn's Visitations, 1. 42, 106. Jones, Breconshire, in. 507. Pro
ceedings of the Privy Council, v. 256. Stephenson, in. 475. In 1453 he
received certain grants in Middlesex, being associated with Jasper Tudor ;
also 50 marks a year. Cal. Pat. Rolls, passim. Act of Resumption,
1455. His career is not easy to follow; for he appears sometimes as

vii] THE WAR IN WALES 149
To return to the main stream of events. Though
Jasper Tudor had been driven out of Wales, Edward con
tinued to keep a strict watch on the borders. On November
1, 1462, John Paston, junior, who was staying at Holt
castle in Denbighshire, wrote to his father saying that
the duke of Norfolk was likely to keep his Christmas in
Wales, " for the king hath desired him to do the same1."
Soon, however, Edward summoned him to the north where
the scattered Lancastrian parties were once more con
centrating. The king was at Durham on December 11.
With him were Herbert, Ferrers, and others of the " Kyngys
house2." This description of the two lords is strikingly
suggestive of what they had so far achieved, a position
pregnant with superlative possibilities.
We left Jasper stirring up strife in Ireland. We next
Herbert and ^ear °^ ^im *n Scotland assisting Somerset,
jasper in the at the head of three hundred men, to defend
Bamborough castle, which was being besieged
by the earls of Worcester and Arundel 3. The castle sur
rendered on Christmas eve 1462, whereupon Jasper, unable
to obtain the clemency proffered to Somerset and others,
retired to Scotland under safe conduct, " unarmed, with
Thomas Vaughan of Brecknock, and at other times as Thomas Vaughan
of London. For the embassy see Rymer, xi. 504-7; and Wavrin, 412.
The lands in Surrey were formerly the property of his wife's former husband
Thomas Brown, who was attainted. Rot. Pari. v. 534. In 1462 he
received the lordship of PenkeUy in Brecknock. Cal. Pat. RoUs, passim.
He was keeper of the Great Wardrobe in September, 1460. On November
9, 1464, there is noted a "Pardon to Thomas Vaughan, esquire, keeper
of the Great Wardrobe of Henry VI, one of the mainpernors of Jasper,
for the custody of Cantrecelly and PenkeUy." He and WUUam Hastings
were coupled in a grant of tie presentation to the next vacant prebend
in the coUege of St George's, Windsor.
On March 29, 1465, certain lands in Cardiganshire were granted to
Thomas Vaughan "one of the yeomen of the king's Chamber" for his
services to the king and his father. Cal. Pat. RoUs, 438. This apparently
was he of the name who was kUled at Edgecote.
1 Paston Letters, 11. 119. But Norfolk did not stay in Wales, for he
was at Newcastle on December 11, 1462. Ibid. 121-123. He was at
Holt again in March, 1464.
2 Paston Letters, op. cit. Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles, 157.
Lewis Glyn Cothi, 1. xvui.
* William of Worcester, 780. Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles, 158.

150 THE WAR IN WALES [ch.
white staves in their hands1." Subsequently he assisted.
in the operations which culminated in the taking of Alnwick
in May, 1463.
Lord Herbert's exploits in the north are duly recorded
by contemporary Welsh poets. Lewis Glyn Cothi nowhere
gives a more glowing picture than that in which, with
pardonable poetic licence, he describes his hero urging
forward his men, " his frame ablaze on prancing steed,
and his eyes glistening like glowing embers2."
In the summer of 1463 Herbert's attention was once
„ . , „ more directed to Wales, where the ashes of
Herbert's '
power in war were still smouldering. In June he was
made constable of Harlech and chamberlain and
chief justice of Merionethshire, with all powers pertaining to
the office of chief justice of North Wales, so as to be able
to deal more effectively with the recalcitrant garrison
there3. During Herbert's lifetime the country was to be
separated from the jurisdiction of the justice of North
Wales. Vindictiveness was certainly not a feature of
Edward IV's treatment of his Welsh Lancastrian foes.
If any of them even now were disposed to give in their
allegiance Lord Herbert, Lord Ferrers, Richard Herbert,
and Trahaiarn ap Ievan ap Meurig were empowered to
grant them a full pardon4
1 William of Worcester, Annates, 780. Margaret had already sailed
for Brittany, "going between Wales and Ireland with four ships."
2 A'i wyneb yn dan ar farch anwar,
A'i olwg mawrwych val dig marwar,
A'i fon, a'i ddwyfron, a'i ddar, a'i saled,
A'i wayw yn lluched neu yn dan Uachar.
Lewis Glyn Cothi, 1. xvin.
* At the same time he became steward of Carmarthenshire and Car
diganshire, Usk, Dinas, Caerleon, Builth, Ewyas and CUfford, grants
which had been previously conferred upon him by Margaret. Cal. Pat.
RoUs, June 17, 1463; 271.
4 Ibid. June 23, 1463 ; 280. This Trahaiarn, whom we have met with
before, is addressed by Guto'r Glyn as one of the loyal supporters of
Herbert, "his lance and his shield." Iolo MSS. 705.
It is worthy of notice that some of the powers conferred upon Herbert
encroached upon the jurisdiction of Lord Hastings, chamberlain of North
Wales.

vii] THE WAR IN WALES 151
But in spite of Herbert's vigilance and Edward's clemency,
Further Jasper's enthusiasm, his hardihood, and his
trouble in towering gift of patience, had not yet failed
to inspire his followers to indomitable resistance.
During the winter of 1463-4 material was laid for another
conflagration. The duke of Somerset who, since his pardon
by Edward at the end of 1462, had been kept in semi-
confinement, became privy to a scheme which involved
simultaneous risings in Wales and in the north of England.
He was to engineer the rebellion in the northern counties
of England ; while Roger Puleston and John Hanmer
were entrusted with the leadership in North Wales. In
South Wales Jasper relied upon Philip Mansel of Gower,
Hopkyn ap Rhys of Llangyfelach near Swansea, and Lewis
ap Rhydderch ap Rhys of Strata Florida1. They were
probably assisted by Phihp Castle of Pembroke who was
attainted soon afterwards " because, in spite of previous
pardons, he assisted Jasper2." It will be recollected that
he and Thomas Mansel had been commissioned to equip
some ships during the siege and reduction of Pembroke.
The rising in Wales was apparently premature. John
Battle of Dwnn, who was now sheriff of the two West
Drysiwyn. Wales counties, and captain of Carmarthen and
Aberystwyth, with the help of Roger Vaughan, overwhelmed
the insurgents at Drysiwyn in the valley of the Towy,
between Carmarthen and Llandilo, before they could become
dangerous. These Yorkists were subsequently rewarded
with the confiscated estates of the luckless Lancastrians3.
#1 This Lewis we presume to be the Lewis ap Rhys of Strata Florida,
designated "armiger of Carmarthenshire," who was reported to have been
executed with Owen Tudor after the battle of Mortimer's Cross.
2 Rot. Pari. (1464-5), 511-512.
• Rot. Pari. (1464-5), 511-512. In the records the name is given as
"Dryffryn." and is stated to be in Carmarthenshire. The spot aUuded
to is no doubt that mentioned in the text. Drysiwyn was a royal castle.
Its constable in 1439 was Thomas Staunton, who was also master-forester
of Glyn Cothi. Cal. Pat. Rolls, 245.
Lord Ferrers was constable of Aberystwyth in 1463. Record Reports,
1887, 423. Cal. Pat. Rolls, 270, 336.

152 THE WAR IN WALES [ch.
m
It was this engagement at Drysiwyn, probably, that
phuiip brought Edward once more to the borders
Mansei. 0f Wales. He was at Gloucester on February 9,
and " punished his rebellious against the law1." Phihp
Mansel and Hopkyn ap Rhys were attainted and their
estates forfeited2. Roger Vaughan entered into possession of
the former's lands, namely, Oxwich, Scurla Castle, Nicholston,
Reynoldston, Manselton, parts of Llanrhidian, and certain
rents from Kidwely ; and also of Llangyfelach and Kilvey,
near Swansea, the property of Hopkyn ap Rhys3 John
john Dwnn received two parcels of the duchy
Dwnn. 0f Lancaster in the lordship of Kidwely.
Henry Dwnn received an annuity of £20 from the issues
of Kidwely, Carnwallon, Iscennin, which were also parcel
of that duchy in West Wales4.
We have no details to show how widely the infection of
disloyalty spread in North Wales. Even the measures
taken to combat it are swathed in a mantle of obscurity.
Whatever was done fell to the lot of the duke of Norfolk,
as appears from the following letter, which was written
on March 1, from the duke's headquarters at Holt castle :
" My lord (the duke of Norfolk) hath great labour and
North cost here in Walys for to take divers gentlemen
Wales. which were consenting and helping on to the
duke of Somerset's going, and they were appealed of other
certain points of treason, and this matter. And because
the king sent my lord word to keep this country, is
the reason why my lord tarryeth here thus long. And
now the king hath given power to my lord whether he will
1 Privy Seals. Paston Letters, n. 144-5; and supplement to Intro
duction, 82.
2 Rot. Pari. 511-2. The attainder was reversed by Henry VII. Ibid.
x483> 278-9. Their confederate Lewis ap Rhydderch is not mentioned
there. For detaUs of the local history of the Mansels, see Glamorgan
Charters, passim.
* Cal. Pat. Rolls, March 23, 1465; 426. A PhUip ap Rhys was
Governor of Strata Florida in 1443, with Lord Audley and Meredith ap
Owen. Glam. Charters, v, 1590.
* Rot. Pari. v. 534. Also Cal. Pat. RoUs, March n, 1465.

vii] THE WAR IN WALES 153
do execution on these gentlemen or pardon them, as he
pleases, and as far as I can understand yet they shall have
grace. And as soon as these men come in my lord proposes
to go to London which will be probably in a fortnight.
The men's names that be impeached are these, — John
Hanmer, Wilham his son, Roger Puleston, and Edward
ap Madoe. These be men of worship that shall come in."
The writer was John Paston, the younger1.
Somerset's hazardous undertaking in the north of
England also met with disaster. He had drawn a large
contingent from North Wales with the assistance, as we
liave seen, of those patient and energetic kinsmen of Jasper
Tudor, Roger Puleston and John Hanmer. " He stole
out of Wales with a prevy many toward Newcastle2."
At Durham he was detected and barely escaped being
arrested in bed. " He escaped away in hys schyrt and
barefote, and ii of hys men were take3." He then took
a leading part in the campaigns of Hedgeley Moor (April),
and Hexham (May). After the latter engagement he
was captured by the servants of John Middleton4, and
executed. The temporalities of the sees of St Asaph and
Bangor were forfeited on account of the bishops' participation
in these Lancastrian movements5.
Herbert was once more empowered to pacify the Lan
castrians of Wales. In October, 1464, he obtained a com
mission to receive into the king's allegiance all rebels,
with few exceptions, within Harlech castle and Merioneth
shire6. Jasper as usual kept in the background during these
commotions. He was a consummate engineer of rebelhon,
1 Paston Letters, ii. 151-2.
2 Gregory, 223. Rot. Pari. 511-512, which gives his attainder.
3 Gregory, op. cit.
4 WiUiam of Worcester, Annates. Brief Latin- Chronicle, 178.
6 Rymer, 1464—5 ; 534, 539. A Ust of the chief men in the north after
Hexham does not contain the names of either Jasper or Herbert. Ellis,
Letters, Second Series, 1. 131.
6 Cal. Pat. RoUs, 355.

154 THE WAR IN WALES [ch
who considered his own person too valuable an asset to
jasper Tudor-s his cause tp allow himself to fall into the
adventures. clutches of his enemy. Fortunately for him he
had many friends in the Principality, while Harlech was
still a haven of refuge. His comrades, though dwindling
in numbers, were sufficiently loyal to ensure his safety.
If we are to credit contemporary poetry, his bard Tudur
Penllyn, and his intimate friend Griffith Vaughan of Corsy-
gedol, North Wales, could have revealed his places of hiding.
They knew where he slept the night before his departure,
and from what spot on Barmouth shore he sailed away to
bide his time, and await the morrow of better hope1. " He
moved," says Hall, " from country to country in Wales,
not always at his heart's ease, nor in security of hfe or
surety of living. Such an unstable and bhnd goods is
fortune2." Ellis Griffith, the Welsh Tudor chronicler, gives more
specific details, if we can trust them : " In that time (after
the pacification of the north) Jasper, according to what
I heard from my elders, took the ship which belonged to
a gentleman who lived at Mostyn, in the parish of Chwitford
in Flintshire, at a place called Pwll Picton. The earl
(Jasper) was constrained to carry a load of pease-straw on
his back as he went to the ship lest he should be recognised
because there were not wanting those who searched for
him, and he betook himself to Brittany more by his own
naval skill than by the skill of the sailors of Picton3."
Lord Herbert was now further enriched with a grant
1 Cardiff MSS. Tudur PenUyn.
2 HaU, 261.
8 "Yn yr amser y ffoes Jasbar. . . .y neb megis ac i klywais i vy henna-
viaid yn dywedied a gymerth ysgraf i wr boneddic a oedd 3m trigo yn
Mostyn o vewn plwyf Chwitford yn sin y fflint ynny man a elwir pwU
pictun yn yr amser y gorvu ar yr iarll ddwyn baich o weUd pyse ar i gefyn
wrth vyned ir ysgraf hrag ovon i neb i gannvod ef kannis nid oedd eissiau
pobyl ynni esbio ef ar hyd y gwledydd ynno neithyr y vo a ddiengis ir
mor ynnyr sgraf hon ai harweddodd ef oddiynno i vryttain vechan yn
vwy drwy gowreindeb yr iaril nog o gowreindeb Uongwyr picktun."
EUis Griffith, History of Wales, in the Mostyn MSS.

vii] THE WAR IN WALES 155
of Crickhowel and Tretower, to be held in chief by the
service of one knight's fee ; also of the " honour, castle,
manor and borough of Dunster, together with other posses
sions of Sir James Luttrell, Sir Walter Rodney, and Sir
John Seymour, in Somerset and Devon1." The text of the
grant is instructive in parts :
" Whereas William Herbert holds to himself and his
heirs the castles manors and lordships of Crickhowel and
Tretower as of the king's castle and lordship of Dinas and
Blaenllyfni which are parcels of the earldom of March,
the king now releases all claim in the said castles, and grants
that he may hold them in chief by the service of one knight's
fee. His tenants shall be quit of attendance at courts
within the said lordships, and he shall have power of ad
ministering justice."
In 1464 parliament again called upon the Harlech garrison
to submit. It was now known that John Dowbeggyng and
Thomas Daniel, among the most unpopular of Henry VI's
ministers, had taken refuge there. The summons stated
that David ap Ieuan ap Eynon and Rheinallt ap Griffith
ap Bleddyn harboured refugees, that they inspired commo
tions and gatherings against the king, and that the castle
was used as a means of enabling the Lancastrians to enter
the kingdom at their ease. Edward also issued a proclama
tion to the Mayor and Sheriff of Chester, which was to be
read in the city on three consecutive days, threatening the
defenders with the penalty of death unless they submitted
before January 1, 1465 2.
During these years the garrisons of the North Wales
towns were strengthened on account of the ever-present
danger from the Lancastrians, and from Harlech in particular.
Thomas Montgomery, constable of Carnarvon, had to keep
24 soldiers there throughout the reign, while from 1455
to 1458 there existed a separate town garrison of 12 under
1 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 268; June 12, 1463. Also ibid. 286; June 16, 1463.
2 Rot. Pari. 512.

156 THE WAR IN WALES [ch. vii
a distinct captain1- At times the two garrisons were united.
There were similar town and castle garrisons at Beaumaris
during these years, numbering 12 and 24 respectively,
under the direction of the constable. So also at Conway.

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VII
The following were protected in the Act of Resumption of 1464-5.
John Wynne, officer of the household ; Walter Mathew, Richard
Gwynedd, Howel David, and John Howel, officers of the household ;
John Goch, yeoman of the larder ; Morris Gethin, of the amobrship
of the North Wales counties ; William Gronow, of an annuity of
six marks of the toll of Presteign ; Rees Vaughan, of an annuity
of £7 of the toll of Radyr ; John Newborough, keeper of the artillery
and gunner of the North Wales towns ; John and Hugh Lloyd of
Denbigh, of an annuity of 5 marks granted by Richard, duke of
York, from the lordship of Denbigh ; Henry Trahaiarn ap Ievan
ap Meurig, John ap Jenkyn ap Madoe, WiUiam Cemmaes, William ap
Howel ap Thomas, John ap Morgan, Jankyn ap Thomas, John ap
Jankyn, Meredith ap Morgan, WiUiam ap Morgan ap David Gam,
John ap Gwilym, William ap Morgan, William ap Hopkyn, Howel
Davy, Jankyn ap Howel ap Ievan, Jankyn ap Ievan ap Llywelyn ;
WiUiam ap Morgan, David ap Gwilym, Thomas Herbert esquire
of the body, of 50 marks a year ; Sir Thomas Vaughan, of lands
in Kent, etc. ; Thomas the elder, of the constableship of Gloucester ;
Thomas the younger, of the baiUwick of Guisnes in Picardy ; John
Davy, of an annuity of £20 from the town of Montgomery ; Morris
Arnold, Howel ap Meredith ap Howel, David Vaughan, Howel
Swrdwal, Thomas ap Rosser, Thomas ap Madoe, Henry ap Griffith
ap (? of) Ewyas, Griffith ap Richard of Builth, of an annuity of 100s.
Of the above, Thomas Herbert, the younger, was probably the
son of Lord Herbert's brother ; while Howel Swrdwal was the poet
of that name, whose works have recently been edited for the first
time, though this fact has escaped the editor.
!/t% 1 See Lewis, Mediaeval Boroughs. Henry Bolde was Governor of
Conway in 1461.

CHAPTER VIII
WARWICK AND HERBERT— BANBURY
At the accession of Edward IV " old maxims of govern-
Anew ment and policy were tardily expiring, and
era- the forces of a new era were in their season
gathering to a head." The old maxims implied baronial
and feudal supremacy, buttressed by serried ranks of
retainers ; the new era implied the absolutism of the king,
guided by the dark and labyrinthine manoeuvres of men
of inteUect, many of whom were raised from obscurity
for the purpose. " The king " said Warwick, when he
could no longer tolerate the arrogance of the new men,
" estranges great lords from his council and takes about
him others not of their blood, inclining only to their counsel."
Against the peril of the new monarchy the ponderous energy
of the old aristocracy revived and struggled with desperate
resourcefulness and heroism under the leadership of that
feudal Gohath, the great earl of Warwick, until, after
a last fleeting success at Banbury, it reached its dramatic
close at Barnet.
The most aggressive exponent of Edward IV's new
. . , principle of absolute rule was Wilham Herbert,
Constitutional r r .
position of his confidential friend and adviser. Others
Lord Herbert. .... , .
were raised to eminence as a counterpoise
to the prodigious might of Warwick, but none from such
meagre beginnings as Herbert. Of him it must be said
that he owed his advance less to lineage than to sheer
ability and proficiency in the tortuous paths of intrigue.

158 WARWICK AND HERBERT— BANBURY [ch.
He suited the temper of the times. We must regard him
as the forerunner of Wolsey and Thomas Cromwell. The
victory at Mortimer's Cross, opportunely foUowed by the
accession of the Yorkists, opened before him a starthng
vista. A man of his silent assiduity and serpentine methods
was not slow to grasp opportunities thrown in his way.
Herbert and Warwick, then, dominated the crisis which
was already looming large in the political firmament, and
by a strange irony both protagonists perished in the strife,
though it was the cause of Herbert that triumphed.
In some measure Herbert owed his rise to Warwick.
Herbert's debt After his triumph at the battle of Northampton
to Warwick. the iatter was supreme in England. His
glory had then reached its mid-day splendour. At that
very moment Herbert, as we have seen, held in Glamorgan
as a gift from the Lancastrians positions which were Warwick's
to bestow. The earl could easUy and rightfully have
reclaimed them, and given the leadership of South Wales
to another. He did not do so. Instead, he commissioned
Herbert to arm South Wales against Jasper. The tale
of how that commission fructified at Mortimer's Cross
has already been unfolded.
From that moment onwards Warwick and Herbert
took divergent ways. Warwick fought the king's battles
and largely managed his diplomatic affairs. He therefore
cut an imposing figure in the pubhc eye. Herbert, on the
contrary, was the courtier. He had the ear of his king.
We get a ghmpse of his power in the inner circle of court
life in 1463. This record narrates how Lord Clynton,
in advancing his claim to the patronage of the Benedictine
priory of Folkestone, threatens the town with reprisals,
and clinches his threat by saying that he had the support
of " Lord Herbert and others of the king's council1." It
is a brief though illuminating illustration of the part Herbert
was already playing.
1 Hist. MSS. Commission. Fifth Report, 590-1 (1463).

viii] WARWICK AND HERBERT— BANBURY 159
We suspect too that the commercial legislation of this year
His com- found in Herbert a strong advocate if, indeed,
merciai it was not actually inspired by him. It must
interests. . J J
certainly have been due to the initiative of men
who, like himself, were interested in commerce. Parhament
enacted, for instance, that trade with foreign countries
should not be carried on in foreign bottoms if native ships
were available ; and Herbert owned a number of merchant
ships which traded with Ireland and foreign parts. In
this connection we may note a curious piece of information
contained in a grant to Lord Herbert " of all gear, fittings,
wines etc. on a great ship caUed the Gabriell which he had.
sent at great expense to foreign parts and which on its
return from thence to England laden with divers wines and
merchandise was wrecked on the coast of Ireland1." The
king, too, alive to the interest of commerce, did not disdain
to take part in trade and to compete with other merchants.
The traders were rapidly rising in influence and wealth,
and they found in Edward and his confidential adviser
not only active supporters, but also at times dangerous
competitors. This common interest, while it bound the
king and Herbert, was directly antagonistic to the
interests and traditions of Warwick and the old
aristocracy. It served Herbert's purpose that the king cherished
with enduring loyalty those whom he chose to honour with
his friendship. Thus, when the estrangement between
Edward and Warwick began to sweU to a flood of enmity
on the secret marriage with Elizabeth Woodville in May
1464, Herbert's position was strengthened in proportion
as that of the earl was weakened. To celebrate the king's
The marriage wealth and honours were showered
woodviiies. upon the queen's relatives. One was married
to the young duke of Buckingham ; another to a Bourchier,
1 Cal. Pat. RoUs, March 23, 1465 ; 427. All wrecks of sea were the
property of the king.

160 WARWICK AND HERBERT— BANBURY [ch.
the son of the earl of Essex ; a third to a Grey of Ruthin,
the son of the earl of Kent1-
Such aUiances were a servere strain upon the loyalty
„ t , of the mightiest baron in England. But what-
Herbert's son ° _ . , .
marries the ever Warwick's mortification on their account,
queen sis , ^ ^^ deepiy embittered by the favour shown
to Herbert ; for Herbert had none of the halo of ancestry
which encircled a Stafford or a Bourchier. At Windsor,
in September, 1466, Herbert's son and heir, WiUiam, was
married to the queen's sister, Mary Woodville, amid profuse
magnificence. He was also given the title of Lord Dunster.
At the same time Herbert's daughter was given in marriage
to the young Lord Lisle. These arrangements, we are
told, gave secret displeasure to Warwick2.
Now Warwick, as heir to the earldom of Salisbury, could
have preferred a claim of his own to the title
Herbert as
the king's of Lord Mohun of Dunster ; and, as already
stated, the Dunster estates in Somerset, Dorset,
and Devon had already been bestowed upon Lord Herbert
in June 1463. Every favour given to Herbert seemed,
with peculiar insolence, to detract from the prestige of
Warwick. There can be no doubt that the former was
now to a large extent wielding the destinies of the House
of York. Others might wear the trappings of office, but
Herbert was the man at the wheel. He was, as Wilham of
Worcester describes him at this period, the king's most
trusted adviser ; not a plaything like a Gaveston or a
1 WUUam of Worcester, Annates, 786. It has already been stated
that Warwick had endeavoured to influence Elizabeth WoodvUle to
marry Sir Hugh John of Swansea. See a letter from Warwick to her
in Archaeologia, 1842, 132-3. The partiaUty of Edward for new men is
reflected as early as the winter of 1461. Paston Letters.
2 WiUiam of Worcester, Annates, 786. [ ] Septembris factum est mari-
tagium apud Wyndesore inter fiUum et heredem domini Herberd et Mariam
sororem reginae EUzabethae, ac inter juvenem dominum de Lisle et
fiUam ejusdem domini Herberd. Fecitque dominus rex haeredem Herberd
miUtem ac creavit eum dominum de Dunstarre, ad secretam dispUcentiam
comitis Warrwici ac magnatum terrae. Lord Lisle was the son of John
Talbot, Viscount Lisle, who was kiUed at ChatiUon in 1453. He was
ten years of age when he succeeded to the viscountcy in July 1453.

viii] WARWICK AND HERBERT— BANBURY 161
Despenser, but a silent, calculating, resolute agent in the
hands of Edward to extricate the Crown from the meshes
of feudahsm. His was the task of fashioning a new monarchy
and not of rejuvenating the old.
In 1467 events developed with alarming rapidity.
Early in the summer of that year gorgeous jousts were
held at Smithfield to grace the visit of the Bastard of Bur
gundy with whom Edward was negotiating an alliance.
The Nevilles stood severely aloof, while Herbert figured
prominently among the king's inner circle of friends. Of
more sinister significance was the removal of Warwick's
brother George, archbishop of York, from the chanceUor-
ship. On June 8 Edward, accompanied by Herbert and
a few others, went in person to the archbishop's inn at
Charing Cross to demand from him the Great Seal1.
The archbishop was impeached, and some time later
Sir Thomas Vaughan and Sir William Parr were sent
by the king to take possession of his manor of
Moore2. Edward's resolve, on commercial if on no other grounds,
to stand for friendship with Burgundy rather than with
France, widened the breach between Warwick and Herbert ;
while the blunt diplomatic proceedings which produced
it gave unnecessary ruggedness to the severance. For
Warwick, who had been in France negotiating with Louis XI,
and incidentaUy intriguing with him, had been kept in
ignorance of the Burgundian embassy to England. When
he returned with the French ambassadors Edward treated
them with gross incivility. They had brought with them
presents of gold and jeweUery ; Edward sent them back
with presents of hunting-horns and leather bottles.
1 WilUam of Worcester, Annates, 786.
2 Warkworth, 25. January 5, 1467-8, Thomas Vaughan was Treasurer
of the Chamber, and treated for peace with Burgundy. On February 4,
1470, the duke of Burgundy acknowledges the receipt of the order of the
Garter from him at Ghent. Rymer, xi. 651. He was appointed on the
council of the Prince of Wales, July 8, 1471. Cal. Pat. RoUs. See also
Grants of Edward V, xvi; and Archaeologia, xxvi. 277.
E. W. R. II

162 WARWICK AND HERBERT— BANBURY [ch.
" As they rowed home in their barge the Frenchmen
Warwick's had many discourses with each other. But
resentment. Warwick was so wrath that he could not contain
himself ; and he said to the admiral of France, ' Have
you not seen what traitors are about the king's person ? '
But the admiral answered, ' My lord, I pray you, wax
not hot ; for some day you shall be weU avenged.' But
the earl said, ' Know that those very traitors were the men
who have had my- brother displaced from the office of
chancellor, and made the king take the seal from him1.' "
These events, doubtless, convinced Warwick that he
Warwick must eventually appeal to the arbitrament
wfth^he3 °f the sword. Then an unusual circumstance
Lancastrians, occurred which made the antagonism between
him and Herbert at once more personal and more envenomed.
A certain person was captured in Wales carrying letters
from Queen Margaret to Harlech. Lord Herbert, whose
unsleeping vigilance was equaUed only by his unscrupulous
daring, had him sent up to London to be examined. In
consequence of his depositions Warwick was accused of
treachery, and of being in secret communication with the
Lancastrians, accusations which the earl indignantly repeUed.
The prisoner was sent to Middleham to be interrogated
by the earl, and the accusations were dismissed as
frivolous 2-
The incident served to sharpen the blade of Warwick's
anger against the courtier through whose instrumentality
the charge had arisen. The charge raised in his breast
a tempest of warring emotions that carried him in poignant
rage, away from court to his seat at Middleham. For some
time he refused to return even under safe conduct. Perhaps
1 Wavrin, 1447-71, 545.
2 WiUiam of Worcester, Annates, 788-9. Quidam fuit captus in
WaUia (portans) Utteras a regina Margareta ad castrum Hardlaughe,
missusque Londinium per dominum Herberd ad regem, qui accusavit. . . .
inter alios comitem Warrwici quod audivit suspiciosa verba ultra mare
quod idem comes faveret parti reginae Margaretae.

viii] WARWICK AND HERBERT— BANBURY 163
this was Herbert's stroke of retaliation ; for Warwick,
it seems, had been the main obstacle in preventing him
receiving the wardship of Lord BonviUe's daughter and
heiress for his eldest son1. Not long afterwards (January,
1468) a reconciliation was effected between Warwick,
Herbert, and others at Coventry. The reconcUiation was
short-lived. The situation was now becoming critical.
Herbert had been assiduously endeavouring to raise the
temperature that his projects might prosper ; but the
fuel which the spy had added to the flame was such as
consumed Herbert himself.
If Herbert was gifted with the more subtle inteUect,
The lordship Warwick was better harnessed for war. The
of Ragian. king, no doubt, realised this, and set himself
to remedy it as far as possible by lavishing grants upon
his favourite. In 1465 Herbert received part of the royal
lordship of Usk, " with certain viUeins, bondmen, and bond
women of the king with their issues2 " ; and also part of
the royal lordship of Monmouth. These, being added to
the Raglan estate, considerably enlarged that patrimony :
" They shall form one united royal lordship caUed the lord
ship of Raglan held in chief by the service of one knight's
fee, and the said William and his heirs shaU have within
the said limits aU royal rights." On September 26, 1466, he
was given other lands in South Wales, as weU as the reversion
of the estates of his half-brother William Herbert if he
should die without heirs3.
1 HaU, 273-4. CeciUe BonviUe, the only cluld of VvilUam BonviUe,
Lord Haryngton, was the heiress of the BonviUe and Haryngton estates.
WilUam BonviUe was married to Catherine NeviUe, Warwick's sister.
Worcester, 790-1.
s Cal. Pat. RoUs, March 9, 425. The patent gives a minute description
of the boundary. "And whereas Herbert holds in chief the lordship of
Raglan and the manors of Penclauth, Metheny, as of the lordship of Usk,
and the manor of Dyngestowe as of the lordship of Monmouth, the king
releases him of aU rents and services," etc.
3 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 533. AnabiU, PyU, Steynton, Copped Bush, Thywode,
Lamburston. The manor of Haverfordwest, and a third of St Briavel's.
His offices of chamberlain and chief justice of South Wales, and steward
of royal lordships, were confirmed at the same time. 11 — 2

164 WARWICK AND HERBERT— BANBURY [ch.
On August 28, 1467, he became constable of Denbigh,
Herbert's an(^ steward °f Denbigh, Montgomery, Ceri and
power " Cedewain, and chief justice of North Wales1.
The chief justiceship of North Wales had pre
viously (1461) been given to John, earl of Worcester, who now
in compensation received a grant of £200 from the issues of
South Wales. About the same time Herbert received the
wardship of the lands of Richard Grey, Lord Powys, and of
the lands of Sir Thomas Talbot2 Further illustration of how
the Herberts dominated Wales may be found in the names
of the commissioners for North and South Wales touching
clippings and falsifications of money. These were Lord
Herbert, Devereux, Sir Richard Herbert, Sir Roger Vaughan,
Thomas Herbert, John Herbert, Thomas Morgan, John
Milewater, Thomas ap Rosser, Henry Griffith, and Morgan
ap Jankyn ap Philip3.
In North Wales the chief men upon whom Edward could
rely were David Mathew, WiUiam Griffith, WiUiam Bulkeley,
and John ap Meredith. In 1466 the three last mentioned,
together with Griffith ap Robin, were ordered to inquire
into the report that the greater part of the revenues and
rents of Carnarvonshire and Merionethshire, and the fines
of the great tourns in North Wales had not been paid during
the reign and that the tenants refused to pay their rents4.
Harlech largely accounted for this defiance of authority.
The reconciliation between Warwick and the court

1 Cal. Pat. RoUs, 41, 136; Thomas Salesbury, younger, was made
constable of Denbigh on January 23, 1466.
2 Cal. Pat. RoUs, 1467 ; 41, 49. Viscount Lisle was Talbot's heir.
8 Ibid. 54, 57. October 27, and August 14, 1467. For confirmation
of grants to Richard Herbert, see ibid. February 5, 1465, e.g. Grove,
Monnington, etc. Henry ap Griffith was on a. commission, March 28,
1465, to ascertain what castles and manors had belonged to WUtshire.
Ibid. 451. Thomas Morgan, and Herbert's half-brother, John ap GwUym
(or WiUiam), were on another commission touching felonies in Chepstow
on May 11, 1467. Ibid. 29.
4 Cal. Pat. RoUs, 529. WilUam Griffith and Middleton took a muster
of 700 archers of the earl of Worcester's retinue at Beaumaris, August
18, 1467, ibid. ; and on August 3, 1475, inquired into all shipments of
wool, hides, etc. from North Wales. Ibid. 490.

viii] WARWICK AND HERBERT— BANBURY 165
party was not only short-lived but superficial. The hostility
to the WoodvUles was deepening. Edward's alliance with
Burgundy, and especially the marriage of his sister Margaret
to Duke Charles the Bold, brought Edward to the verge
of war with France, whose wUy sovereign once more stirred
up the dynastic strife in England. There was an active
correspondence carried on between the Lancastrian exiles
and their friends at home. Several arrests were made
in the early summer of 1468.
On this flood-tide of dissatisfaction, intrigue, and
jas er Tudor revolt, Jasper Tudor, about the end of June,
lands in landed near Harlech, probably at Barmouth
North Wales. , , , F ,, J _, .„ ,
where he had a steady adherent m Griffith
Vaughan. Jasper had with him " fifty persons and a few
pence1." The little force had been conveyed in three
ships, one of which, on its return to Normandy, was captured
by a skUful manoeuvre on the part of Lord Herbert2.
Jasper probably proceeded to Harlech for reinforcements,
for the garrison there was stiU unsubdued3.
We fail to see any authority for Ramsay's statement
that Jasper " was unable to make his way to Harlech
because the fortress was beleaguered by Lord Herbert."
As a matter of fact Herbert's force did not arrive in North
Wales till later. If Herbert had been there at the time
of Jasper's arrival he ought surely to have been able to
prevent the landing of such an insignificant party. Tudur
Penllyn states that Griffith Vaughan was Jasper's chief
agent in North Wales — and he certainly' was one of the
defenders of Harlech — and that he had a fortified home
stead near Barmouth, a convenient landing-place a few
mUes south of Harlech. It is most likely, therefore,
1 WilUam of Worcester, Annates, 791.
Yno i daw'n arglwydd llawen. Tudur PenUyn, MSS.
i.e. "There (Harlech) our chief wiU land."
2 WiUiam of Worcester ; subtiU modo.
8 WilUam of Worcester, Annates, prope Hardlaughe. Tudur PenUyn,
MSS. Ramsay, Lancaster and York, 11. 333, is misleading.

166 WARWICK AND HERBERT— BANBURY [ch.
that Jasper landed at Barmouth. Nor was his progress
stayed ; for he traversed North Wales as far as Denbigh.
The people flocked to his standard, and he was soon
His at the head of a considerable force1, with
success. which he attacked that town. Denbigh was
once again plundered and set on fire. The castle, of which
Lord Herbert was now captain, apparently did not surrender
to the Lancastrians, though Jasper was so far successful
that he was able to hold sessions in the name of Henry VI2.
It would be fastidious altogether to discard the evidence
of contemporary Welsh poets on these events, some of
whom give ample evidence of a close famUiarity not only
with the projects of Jasper himself, but also with the move
ments, prospective and otherwise, of the Lancastrians
in England. Thus, Dafydd Llwyd, who was a man of
estate as well as a poet, was obviously aware of Jasper's
projected invasion. " The brave, long-haired invader wiU
come with a fleet, and will hover around the North Wales
coast after the Feast. Meanwhile, there will be disturbances
in Kent before harvest-time, and the world will be in a
turmoil. David ap Eynon (the ode is addressed to him)
will keep Harlech true to Jasper and defy Edward3." This
statement is substantially verified by WiUiam of Worcester
who gives the date of Jasper's landing as " immediately
after ti\e Feast of Saint John the Baptist4" (June 24).
Moreover, there actually were disturbances in the south-
1 WiUiam of Worcester estimated them at 2000, which is probably
an exaggeration, though he is roughly in agreement with contemporary
poets as to the number of Herbert's force which took Harlech soon after
wards. 2 Gregory, 237. " He rode ovyr the contraye and helde many cessyons
and cysys in Kyng Harry's name."
3 Dafydd Llwyd, Cardiff MSS.
A daw herwr dewr, hirwaUt,
A'i dai ar hyd y dwr hallt.
Wedi'r wyl i daw'r eleirch
I dir Kent cyn medi'r ceirch
O flaen y byd aflonydd
Coedcrai ar Fenai a fydd.
* WiUiam of Worcester, Annates; cito post festum nativitatis Sancti
Johannis Baptistae.

viii] WARWICK AND HERBERT— BANBURY 167
east of England, as a result of which the earl of Oxford
was sent to the Tower, and a few were put to death.
Edward now realised the supreme importance of
Hariech reducing Harlech. On July 3, 1468, he com
missioned Herbert to array the border counties
of Gloucester, Hereford, and Salop, as well as the Marches,
against Jasper1. There appears to be no record that any
previous organised attempt had been made by Edward to
subdue Harlech. A number of proclamations had been issued
calling upon the garrison to surrender, but nothing further
had been done ; and every overture had been met by
an unequivocal refusal. The captain of the castle, de facto,
was David ap Eynon, about whom there is no lack of fitting
panegyrics in contemporary Welsh literature2, as well as in
the prose writers of a later day. The latter especially can
be consulted with amusement by those who are interested
in the picturesque fables which gathered around his name
a century or so later. He is supposed to have held castles
in France until all the old women of Wales spoke of it3.
Strangely enough, among the glistening array of Welsh
captains who distinguished themselves at one time or another
in the French wars, the name of this hero is found wanting.
HistoricaUy his fame must rest upon his unrivaUed loyalty
to the cause of Lancaster when every fortress in the kingdom
had long since thrown in its lot with the fortunes of the
House of York.
Jasper Tudor was stiU at large in North Wales when
he was attacked by the Herberts with a considerable
force variously estimated at between seven and ten
1 Cal. Pat. Rolls (1467-72), 103, 127. The date of Herbert's com
mission again falsifies Ramsay's statement already aUuded to.
2 For example, Dafydd Llwyd :
Ni bu erioed a barr on
Wr gowirach i'r goron. Cardiff MSS.
8 Pennant, 11. 121-2. Autobiography of Lord Herbert of Cherbury
(Lee), 6-8. I see no evidence that David ap Eynon ever held a castle in
France. * His name appears in records of Inquisition for Merionethshire,
1453-6. Arch. Camb. 1848, 69.

168 WARWICK AND HERBERT— BANBURY [ch.
thousand1. There is no great disparity between the estimates
jasper Tudor °f ^e poets and the chroniclers. The army
defeated. was divided into two, possibly three, invading
forces. One, under Richard Herbert, approached Harlech
along the North Wales coast. Having reached Denbigh
this force appears to have coUided with Jasper's some
where between that town and the Conway valley. A
number of prisoners were taken and twenty of them put
to death. There is significant allusion to the executions
in the tales of a later day. One story narrates how seven
brothers were executed in Anglesey in spite of the prayers
and earnest entreaties of the mother that at least one should
be spared. Thereupon, with a pair of wooUen beads on
her arms, she fell on her knees and cursed the earl (Herbert) ;
" which curse fell upon him at Banbury2."
The army pursued its course up the Conway vaUey,
ravaging it with fire and sword. The entire Snowdon
district experienced such unparalleled desolation that it
had barely recovered more than a century later. Echoes
of the slaughter still survive in song and story. Wynne,
writing nearly a century and a half after the events, says
" the print is yet extant, the very stones of manie habitations
in and along my demaynes carrying yet the colour of the
1 WilUam of Worcester, Annates, 791, gives 10,000: ad custus domini
regis, cum numero decern miUium armatorum. Guto'r Glyn says " 9000
yeomen." See poem in Records of Denbigh, 202-3. Another bard of the
time, Hywel Dafydd ap Ieuan ap Rhys, estimates the force at 7000.
Tynu a gwyr tonau gwin.
Also: Saethu 'mhob parth saith mil pen.
"Men draw from men waves of wine, arrows fly in every quarter from
7000 men."
The above poem is quoted in Warkworth, 33, 35, notes; but is attri
buted wrongly to Lewis Glyn Cothi. The sum paid to Herbert for the
siege of Harlech, £7177, also suggests a large force. Issues, 9 Edward IV.
On December 6, 1468, Lord Herbert was given the reversion of certain
manors because the king owed him ^3168. Cal. Pat. Rolls, 132.
2 WUIiam of Worcester, Annates, 791. Guto'r Glyn suggests three
divisions of the army. Tair cad aeth o'r teir gwlad tau
Trwy Wynedd fel taranau.
There is much tradition in Wynne's Gwydir Family, and in Lord
Herbert of Cherbury's Autobiography, 6-8.

viii] WARWICK AND HERBERT— BANBURY 169
fire." The whole borough of Llanrwst in the Conway
vaUey was consumed, and the devastation was followed
by a plague1.
While Richard Herbert had been dealing with Jasper
Harlech Lord Herbert himself had advanced north-
surrenders. wards from Pembroke, taking the old Roman
road, Sarn Helen. There was very httle resistance, though
one experienced warrior in Herbert's army, Philip Vaughan
of Hay, was kiUed during the siege2. On August 14 the
castle surrendered at discretion. " That castyUe ys so
stronge that men sayde that hyt was impossybyUe unto
any man to gete hyt3."
Fifty of the garrison were taken prisoners and conveyed
to the Tower of London by Lord Herbert. Amongst them
were three knights, namely, Sir Richard TunstaU, Sir
Henry Bellingham, and Sir WiUiam Stoke. Two of the
prisoners, Troublote and Thomas Elwick, were executed
by Rivers who was constable of England4. It is noteworthy
that the captain David ap Eynon did not suffer the extreme
penalty, and tradition ascribes the leniency with which
he was treated to the influence of the Herberts. He was
Edward's received into favour and actually found reward
clemency. a xew years jater5 ; as also did the famUy
1 Wynne's Gwydir Family, 49-50, 66. Guto'r Glyn :
Tros greigiau mae d'olau di;
Tir ar i gwnaent Eryri.
Od ennynaist dan ennyd
Drwy ladd ac ymladd i gyd,
Dyrnod anufudd-dod fu,
Darnio Gwynedd a'i dyrnu.
Harlech a Dinbech pob dor 3m cynneu,
Nanconwy yn farwor.
Also, Hywel Dafydd ap Ieuan ap Rhys :
Dareni daiar Wynedd.
2 Guto'r Glyn, in Records of Denbigh, 202-3. WiUiam of Worcester,
Itinerarium, 328.
3 Gregory, 237, and WiUiam of Worcester, Annates.
4 Gregory, 237. Brief Latin Chronicle, 182, states that TunstaU was
pardoned by the king ; WUUam of Worcester, 791, says that he was executed.
6 In 14 Edward IV Prince Edward gave him licence to hold lands in
Kynnowys. Hist. MSS. Commission; Puleston MSS., in Arch. Camb.
1880, 150. Autobiography of Lord Herbert of Cherbury, 6-8.

170 WARWICK AND HERBERT— BANBURY [ch.
of Jasper's ardent follower, Griffith Vaughan1. Ievan
ap Robert ap Meredith of Carnarvonshire was also invited
to accept a pardon2. He was a sturdy adherent of Jasper,
and had wrought considerable mischief to those who had
yielded to Edward in North Wales. It is obvious, there
fore, that Edward dealt with commendable clemency
with this recalcitrant garrison. On December i, 1468,
he issued a general pardon to aU.
Herbert found his reward in the earldom of Pembroke,
„ ,_ to which he was raised on September 8, 14683.
Herbert made * ,
earl of The wily Jasper once more evaded his pursuers.
" The olde Lorde Jasper and sum tyme erle
of Pembroke was in Walys. Men wene that he was not
oute of Walys whenn that the Lord Herberde come with
hys oste ; but favyr at sum tyme dothe grete ease, as hit
jasper ys prevyd by the hydynge of that lorde sum
escapes. tyme Erie of Pembroke4." Tradition says
that he escaped to Brittany from the house of Griffith
Vaughan. The young earl of Richmond, whom a stroke of luck
The eari of was soon to make the most important Lan-
Richmond. castrian in the realm, came now, if he had
not come before, into Herbert's hands.' As we have seen,
Herbert had already been given the custody of the earl's
estates during his . minority ; but the boy's movements
are wrapped in obscurity, and we cannot be certain that
Herbert secured his person untU after the fall of Harlech.
It is interesting to note that Herbert intended to marry
him to his daughter Maud ; for one of the clauses in his
will states " I will that Maud my daughter shall be married
to the Lord Henry of Richmond5." This project, dictated
1 His son Reginald received an annuity of four marks from the issues
of Chirk, from Richard, duke of Gloucester, March 26, 1471. Arch. Camb.,
1863, 55; and 1875.
2 Original document in Wynne, 50.
8 WiUiam of Worcester, 791. * Gregory, 237.
6 Herbert's wiU ; Powys Club Collections, 11. Appendix, xvni. Another
daughter was to be married to Lord Powys.

viii] WARWICK AND HERBERT— BANBURY 171
alike by a natural solicitude for the welfare of his children,
and by a clear perception of the possible contingencies
of the future, was not too ambitious even for a new man
who had married his son to the queen's sister ; while it
was certainly in harmony with the king's own policy of
courting the Lancastrians.
Herbert may have been alive also to the passionate
Herbert as appeal of the leaders of Welsh public opinion
a national that Wales should not be made the cockpit
leader. of contending Enghsh factions, but should
seek to unite in an endeavour to rid the country of the
baneful rule of English officials. To the poets there
was no dynastic question. Now that Herbert stood in
sohtary pre-eminence, they appealed to him as fervently as
they had appealed to Jasper to achieve unity in Wales. As
far as Wales was concerned there could be no happier union
than that of the Tudors and the Herberts. In the whole
range of fifteenth-century Welsh literature there is no more
fervent longing for leadership, unity, and patriotism, than
that of Guto'r Glyn in an ode written immediately after
the faU of Harlech. " Tax not Anglesey beyond what
it can bear. Let not the Saxon rule in Gwynedd and
Fhnt. Confer no office upon the descendants of Horsa.
Appoint as constables of castles throughout Wales men
of thine own nation. Make Glamorgan and Gwynedd,
from Conway to Neath, a united whole. And should
England resent it, Wales wUl rally to thy side1."
1 Na fwrw dreth ar Fon draw
Ni elUr ei chynnuUiaw.
N'ad trwy Wynedd blant Rhonwen
Na phlant Hors yn y Fflint hen.
N'ad, f'arglwydd, swydd, i un Sais,
Na'i bardwn i un bwrdais.
Kymmer o wyr Kymru 'rowron
Bob cwnstabl o Fenstabl i Fon.
Dwc Forgannwc a Gwynedd,
Gwna'n un o Gonwy i Nedd.
O digia Lloegr a'i dugiaid,
Kymry a dry yn dy raid.
Guto'r Glyn in Cein. Lien. Gymreig, 192.

172 WARWICK AND HERBERT— BANBURY [ch.
The interests of a large number of Edward's Welsh
adherents were safeguarded in the parliament of 1467-8 1.
Many of them received additional grants. In September
Rewards and Lord Herbert acquired Chepstow castle by
pardons. a grant from the duke of Norfolk2 ; in October
he was given power to make a weir across the Thames
from Paternoster Lane to the Surrey side3 ; in November
he was made master-forester of Snowdon, and constable
of Conway, and captain of the town ; in April, 1469, he
was made chamberlain of North Wales4.
Another Welsh Yorkist who remained in favour was
Roger Kynaston. He and Roger Eyton, late sheriff of
Salop, were given a general pardon in March, 14665. In

1 Rot. Pari, sub ann.
Sir Roger Vaughan, of the lands of Philip Mansel and Hopkyn ap
Rhys ; CantreUy, Llangoid, Alexander's Town, reversion of PenkeUy.
Morris Arnold, of 40 marks from Monmouth town.
Thomas Herbert of the lands of MuUe in Gloucester.
Thomas Vaughan, son of Sir Roger Vaughan. He, together with Lord
Dunster, and John Herbert, were on a commission on December 6, 1468,
to hold the reversion of certain manors for Lord Herbert, on the death
of the wife of Sir WilUam Beaumont. Cal. Pat. Rolls, 132.
John Dwnn of Laugharne (Talaugharne), Cleygyn, Pybour, "for his
services to the duke of York, and against Jasper." See also Cal. Pat.
Rolls, November 9, 1467 ; and March n, 1465; 430-1. On August 9, 1463,
a John Donne was on a commission to investigate complaints of Spanish
merchants. Ibid. 301.
Thomas Vaughan, yeoman of the Crown, of Gerardestown, in Car
diganshire (granted, 1465-6).
Richard ap Rhys, of 10 marks a year (granted, 1465-6).
Hugh Lloyd and John Lloyd, of grants in the counties of Carnarvon
and Merioneth.
Howel Davy and John Howel his son, and John Davy, of grants in
Montgomery. Morris Gethin, of the amobrship of North Wales counties.
Richard Herbert.
John ap Ieuan ap Llywelyn, of an annuity of 10 marks from Radnor.
2 Cal. Pat. Rolls, September 12, 1468.
8 Ibid. October 12, 1468; 11 1.
4 Ibid. 113, with payment for 24 soldiers. On May 3, 1469, he was
confirmed in the possession of Chepstow, Gower, Swansea, Kilvey, and
Lougher, which places he acquired by a writ "precipe in capite." Ibid.
154, 163 ; and passim, for grants to Devereux.
6 Ibid. 98, 518. A commission was given to Herbert and Shrewsbury
to arrest Kynaston and bring him before the CouncU, August 28, 1467.
Eyton was constable of Shrewsbury in June 1467. Distinguish this
Kynaston from one of the same name, of Walford.

viii] WARWICK AND HERBERT— BANBURY 173
March of this year Edward pardoned a Pembrokeshire
gentleman, Richard Bennet or Hugh of Monkton, who
apparently had been Jasper's adherent1. His clemency
extended even to Roger Puleston2, Jasper's old friend,
also described as Roger ap John.
The winter of 1468-9 was characterised by disturbances,
Warwick's arrests, and executions, which were due largely
grievance. ^0 fjjg dark machinations of Warwick. Herbert's
supremacy in the councUs of the king was now an abiding
chaUenge to aristocratic self-esteem, and Warwick was deter
mined to remove him and his chief associate, Lord Rivers3.
For their " mischievous rule, opinion, and assent have caused
our sovereign lord and the realm to fall in great poverty,
disturbing the ministration of the laws, and only intending
to their own promotion and enriching. The said seditious
persons have caused our sovereign lord to spend the goods
of our holy father, and have advised him to give of his
livelihood to them above their degrees. The king estranges
great lords from his councU and takes about him others
not of their blood, inchning only to their counsel4." Although
there were other grievances such as the close friendship
between Edward and Charles, duke of Burgundy, the kernel
of Warwick's complaint was the king's partiality for the
new men. "It is to reasons of this nature that may be
attributed the overthrow and slaughter of the Welsh5."
Warwick succeeded in detaching Edward's brother,
the duke of Clarence, from the court party, and before
committing himself irretrievably he made certain the
aUegiance of his royal aUy by marrying him to his daughter,
IsabeUa NeviUe, which was accomplished at Calais on
] Ibid. 515.
2 Ibid. 152, March 28, 1469.
8 Third Croyland Continuator, 457-8. Paston Letters, 11. 326. From
the latter it appears that Herbert was at court on October 28, 1468, and
about to depart, probably for his Welsh seat. '¦' Sende me worde if my
lorde of Pembrok be go."
* See the letter of Clarence and Warwick, 12 July, 1469 ; Warkworth, 46.
6 Third Croyland Continuator, 45 7-8.

174 WARWICK AND HERBERT— BANBURY [ch.
July ii, 1469. On the foUowing day the letter or manifesto
already referred to was issued in the names of Clarence
and Warwick, allusion being made also to the " covetous
rule and guiding of certain seditious persons." The two
announced their intention of appearing at Canterbury
on July 16, to lay their grievances before the king.
MeanwhUe the earl of Warwick had already set his
Robin of northern friends in motion under the standard
Redesdaie. of « R0bin of Redesdale1." These marched
southwards in strong force. On hearing of their advance
Edward summoned Herbert with reinforcements from Wales,
whither he had repaired towards the end of October2.
He himself set out on a progress through the eastern counties,
going northwards as far as Stamford and Newark. The
attitude of the people becoming increasingly hostUe, he
returned to Nottingham3. There he appears to have stayed
for some days after July 9 awaiting reinforcements. Hum
phrey Stafford of Southwick, who had recently (May)
received the earldom of Devon, was ordered to enrol the
levies of Somersetshire and Devonshire*. These consisted
mainly of archers. It is curious, in view of the prominence
of the Welsh archer in the French wars, that there were
few, if any, of this arm in Herbert's contingent5-
Guto'r Glyn introduces us to a feast held by the Herberts
„ . on the eve of their departure. Internal evidence
Herbert sets r
out towards proves that the poem was composed at the
Gloucester. r
time, or shortly afterwards, and certainly
before the catastrophe at Edgecote. It is here stated
that Herbert, at the head of a strong force, marched to
Gloucester ; and that his objects were the suppression
of a rising of the common people, and to defend the king
' Warkworth, 6-7, says Sir WiUiam Conyers adopted this name.
See also Introduction to Paston Letters. Hearne's Fragment, 24, mentions
Lord Latimer as the captain of the band. He was Warwick's uncle.
2 See ante. HaU, 273-4.
3 Third Croyland Continuator, 445-6.
4 Hearne's Fragment, 24.
6 Warkworth. Hearne's Fragment.

viii] WARWICK AND HERBERT— BANBURY 175
against the earl of Warwick. The poet, moreover, is sincere
and candid in his admission that Herbert was the object
of intense hatred in England. And there can be no reason
able doubt that Guto'r Glyn derived his information from
the Herberts themselves1.
From Gloucester the earl of Pembroke (Herbert) advanced
to a place called Cottishold2. Perhaps the chronicler
refers vaguely to the Cotswold HiUs. Very possibly the
aUusion may be to the spot where Cotswold House now
stands, five miles from Cirencester, on the line of the Roman
road (Ermin Street) from Gloucester, which joins the Fosse-
way at Cirencester. Curiously enough, there is a lane
called the " Welsh Way " joining the two roads a little
above Cirencester. At Cottishold Pembroke was joined
by the earl of Devon. The combined armies thereupon
continued their march towards Northampton. It seems
impossible to give an exact estimate of the numbers of
the troops employed ; chroniclers' figures are always suspi
cious, and there appears to be no means of checking them.
The estimates of Herbert's contingent vary from 6000
(HaU) to 13,000 (Warkworth). MeanwhUe, the northerners
were said to be making for the same point as the royalists —
Northampton. The Welsh contingent were said to be " the best in
The weish Wales." They were drawn mainly from Gwent
force. (Monmouthshire), Brecknock, Gower, Pem
brokeshire, and the neighbourhood of Kidwely. There
were no men of note from the royal counties of Carmarthen
1 Guto'r Glyn, "I Wledd." Cardiff MSS.
Wrth ofn Iarll yr aeth fy ner
I Gaerloyw a'r gwyr lawer.
Ofni Lloegr, ein un Uygad,
Ai bribwyr oU yn bwrw brad.
Blino y maent o'm blaenawr
Blant Ronwen, genfigen fawr.
"My lord with many troops advanced to Gloucester on account of the
Earl. I fear lest he be the victim of treachery. The people of England
have harassed our leader, and he is the object of deep maUce."
2 HaU, 273.

176 WARWICK AND HERBERT— BANBURY [ch.
and Pembroke ; while Glamorgan, which belonged to the
earl of Warwick, could not be expected to provide fighting
material to do battle against its lord. Pembroke county,
of course, was represented by its earl, Lord Herbert. With
him were John Wogan, son and heir of Sir Henry Wogan1,
and John Eynon, a warrior who had had experience in
France under the duke of York. Kidwely sent another
old French warrior in the person of Henry Dwnn, son
of Owen Dwnn; also Henry Dwnn of Picton, Meredith ap
GwUym, and Hoskyn Hervey, a companion in arms with
Griffith Dwnn in France2.
Brecknock was represented by the Havards — Wilham,
Lewis, and Thomas; by the Morgans — William, Walter,
Walter (another), and Henry: Gwent by Thomas Huntley,
another of York's retinue in France ; Thomas ap Harry,
one of Lord Herbert's retinue ; and Thomas Lewis of
Chepstow. The Herberts and the Vaughans, whose many
ramifications had now spread throughout South Wales,
were represented by Sir Richard Herbert ; another Richard
Herbert, probably of Ewyas, . the ancestor of the second
line of Herberts, a natural son of Lord Herbert ; another
WiUiam Herbert3, a half-brother of Lord Herbert ; John
ap William, by whom is meant presumably Lord Herbert's
brother John ; Thomas ap Roger Vaughan, the son of
Herbert's mother Gwladys by her first husband Roger
Vaughan ; and William ap Norman, another of the earl's
relatives. The last three are said to have fought in the
French wars*.
1 WUUam of Worcester, Itinerarium, 118. Sir Henry Ogan chevaUer
fuit in Francia, de Pembrokeshyre, et maritavit filiam WiUiam Thomas,
chevaUer ; qui Sir John Ogan, chevaUer, obut apud Banbery felde.
2 Ibid. Griffith Dwnn habuit 3 fiUos in Francia: Robertus Dwnn
non maritavit; Henricus Don in Francia maritavit fiUam Sir Roger
Vaughan, chevaUer, et mortuus (est) apud Banbery felde; tercius filius
minor Johannes Don, qui maritavit filiam domini de Hastynges, cham-
berlayn regis.
8 WilUam of Worcester, Itinerarium ; fuit occisus BristoUiae in cras-
tino Sancti Jacobi. This may be an error for the Thomas Herbert slain
there according to Warkworth, 7.
* WiUiam of Worcester, who also mentions a Thomas Glys.

viii] WARWICK AND HERBERT— BANBURY 177
HaU, the chronicler, therefore, was not far from the
literal truth when he stated that Herbert came "with
the extremity of aU his power." He adds that the earl
" was not a little joyous of the king's summons, partly
to deserve the king's liberality which of a mean gentleman
had promoted him to the estate of an earl1."
The earls of Pembroke and Devon came into touch
A preliminary Wlt^ ^eir enemy Somewhere in the neigh-
skirmish, bourhood of Northampton. On Monday, Tulv
July 23, 1469. J ' J J
23, the earl of Pembroke's brother, Richard
Herbert, and the earl of Devon, with a strong force of
cavalry went on in advance to reconnoitre. They un
expectedly collided with the northerners, and a sharp
fight ensued in which a number of Welsh gentlemen were
slain, notably Thomas ap Roger, son of Roger Vaughan
of Bredwardine, Herefordshire. In consequence of this
shock the whole force was compelled to retire2, and fell
back upon the main body, which had taken up its quarters
at Banbury3. Meanwhile the northerners must have come into touch
with the citizens of Northampton, and perhaps even with
the earl of Warwick, who could not have been far distant.
The earl, as we have seen, had announced his intention
of being at Canterbury on July 16, his daughter having
been married to Clarence five days before at Calais ; and
he was certainly on the scene the day after the battle.
1 HaU, 273-4.
* Guto'r Glyn, in Ceinion Llenyddiaith Gymreig, I. 193.
Dyw Uun y bu waed a Uadd.
" On Monday there was blood and carnage.''
Ieuan Deulwyn, Bangor Welsh MSS. Society.
Dyw Uun rwi'n deaU as
Yno yternwyd yn tyrnas.
"On Monday, I understand, our nation was repulsed."
Guto'r Glyn is our authority for the death of this Thomas ap Roger
on the Monday. Dyw Mawrth gwae ni am Domas;
Dyw Llun, gyda'i frawd, y Uas.
" On Tuesday we mourn for Thomas, on Monday he was slain whUe
fighting at his brother's side."
3 HaU, 273. Warkworth, 7.
E. W. R. I2

178 WARWICK AND HERBERT— BANBURY [ch.
It was probably the assurance that they would receive
reinforcements from Northampton that emboldened the
northerners to pursue the royahsts, a task which they had
refrained from attempting after the first day's engagement.
It is possible, too, that having ascertained Edward's
whereabouts, they hoped to prevent a junction between
him and his friends by an immediate attack. At' any
rate, they moved towards Banbury, and took up a strong
position on the hiUs around Edgecote Lodge, about five
mUes from that town.
If the earl of Pembroke expected support from Edward
t , he was soon to be disillusioned. Most of
Pembrokeand Devon the courtiers had fled. Lord Rivers, whose
qu,ane influence in that neighbourhood should have
been sufficient to caU forth a strong force, had gone to
Chepstow ; others had found refuge in Norfolk " with the
connivance of the king as it is generaUy said1." To add
to the difficulties of the royahsts Pembroke and Devon
engaged in an unseemly quarrel about quarters and a comely
wench. The earl of Devon, it appears, had found lodgings
before Pembroke's arrival ; but the latter managed to
oust him. According to HaU's version, who alone narrates
this incident, Pembroke was the chief offender. A fierce
altercation ensued. " After many words and cracks "
the earl of Devon gave rein to his irritation and marched
away from the battlefield with all his men a distance of
ten or twelve miles2. Whatever may be thought of Pem
broke's arrogance and his indecorous gallantries, nothing
can justify Devon's conduct in aUowing a personal insult
to over-ride his loyalty. Less than two months had elapsed
since Edward had bestowed an earldom upon this nobleman.
This defection inflamed the anger of contemporary writers
in Wales more perhaps than the loss of the battle itself ;
and many are the envenomed allusions to it. The death
1 Croyland Continuator, 445-6. Wavrin, 580.
2 Hearne's Fragment, 24. HaU, 273-4. Warkworth, 7.

viii] WARWICK AND HERBERT— BANBURY 179
of the earl of Devon soon afterwards did something to sweeten
Guto'r Glyn's cup of bitterness1.
This occurred on July 25, the day before the great
The Welsh battle, according to Hall, although it seems
attack. more probable that it took place on the 24th,
the day after the first skirmish with the northerners, when
the two sections of the royalists had once more joined
hands. However, on July 25 (Wednesday) the earl of
Pembroke once more offered battle in spite of his ally's
treachery. He may have hoped to destroy the northern
army before any reinforcements should reach them from
Northampton. If he anticipated that they would receive
such assistance his surmise proved to be accurate. There
may be some force, too, in the statement of the English
chronicler that the Welsh, inspired by the prophecies of
their poets that they would one day vindicate their rights,
were impetuous and eager for battle, confident of the issue
" as their unwise prophesiers promised them before."
"The truth is that in those parts and throughout Wales
there is a celebrated and famous prophecy
to the effect that, having expeUed the English,
the remains of the Britons are once more to obtain the
sovereignty of England, as being the proper citizens thereof.
This prophecy, which is stated in the chronicles of the
Britons to have been pronounced by an angel in the time
of king Cadwalladr, in their credulity receives from them
universal belief. Accordingly, the present opportunity
seeming to be propitious, they imagined that now the long-
wished-for hour had arrived, and used every possible
exertion to promote its fulfilment. However, by the
providence of God, it turned out otherwise, and they
1 Guto'r Glyn, Ceinion Llenyddiaith Gymreig, i. 192, 200.
Ni aned twyll ond ti,
Ni bu unbrad ond Banbri.
Arglwydd difwynswydd Defnsir
A ffoes; ni chaffas oes hir.
"There never was deceit or treachery Uke that of Banbury. The
earl of Devon fled ; he did not live long afterwards."

180 WARWICK AND HERBERT— BANBURY [ch.
remain for the present disappointed of the fulfilment of then-
desires1." Pembroke had no other alternative than to fight. Like
a true soldier he did not think the battle lost
Why Pembroke until it had been fought. Devon s force had
been withdrawn, including the main body
of archers. The Welsh were now the only loyal troops
in arms. The king was without an effective foUowing
and, as events proved, in extreme personal danger from
the earl of Warwick and his rebels. An inglorious retreat
might have been as disastrous as the battle itself proved
to be. In any case, it would justify Edward in impugning
the loyalty of one upon whom he had lavished unprecedented
wealth and honour. Pembroke was spurred by duty as
weU as by his innate courage. On July 25, therefore,
he sent forward his vanguard. Some fighting took place.
Sir Henry NeviUe, son of Lord Latimer, was taken prisoner
and put to death. The advantage was with the Welshmen,
who succeeded in occupying the hUl at Upper Wardington
before the close of the day2.
On the following morning, Thursday, July 26, the
_,..,, two armies were in position to renew hostihties.
The battle of r
Edgecote, HaU describes the scene of this day's battle
as " a fair plain near to a town called Hedge-
cote, three mUes from Banbury, wherein there be three
hiUs, not in equal distance, nor yet in equal quantity,
but lying in manner although not fuUy triangle." Edgecote
lies about five mUes from Banbury, almost in a direct line
between it and Northampton. The three hiUs referred
to are those at Upper Wardington, which we are to under-
1 Croyland Continuator, 446-7.
2 HaU, 273-4. Hearne's Fragment, 24. Guto'r Glyn refers, presumably,
to the death of Sir Henry Neville in the line :
Marchog a las ddyw Mercher.
"A knight was slain on Wednesday" (July 25).
Ieuan Deulwyn also aUudes to this fight :
Ag yn nos Iago nesaf.
"On the evening of St James's day."

viii] WARWICK AND HERBERT— BANBURY 181
stand as the west hill ; at Culworth, the east hiU ; and
at Thorpe MandeviUe, the south hill. From these hiUs
there extends a gentle slope towards Edgecote and the
river Cherwell, a tributary of the Thames. This was the
" fair plain " or moor, caUed Danesmoor, which also has
given its name to the battle. Upper Wardington, on which
The the Welshmen were encamped on the morning
battlefield. 0f f^g battle, is about three miles from Thorpe
MandeviUe where the northerners had taken up their
position, and about a mile from Edgecote. The distance
between Thorpe MandeviUe and Edgecote across the moor
is about two and a half miles, and that between Wardington
and Culworth, whence Warwick's auxUiaries advanced,
about three1.
On the morning of July 26 the northerners opened the
_. . attack with a shower of arrows. The Welsh,
Richard Herbert's being deficient in this arm, were compelled
to abandon their stronghold and descend
to the plain, where a fierce conflict was waged for several
hours. " Pembroke behaved himself like a hardy knight
and expert captain ; but his brother Sir Richard Herbert
so valiantly acquitted himself that with his poleaxe in his
hand he twice by fine force passed through the battle of
his adversaries and returned without mortal wound. When
the Welsh were on the point of victory John Clapham,
esquire, servant of the earl of Warwick, mounted the eastern
hiU with only five hundred men and gathered all the rascal
of Northampton and other viUages about, bearing before
them the standard of the earl of Warwick with the white
bear, crying, A Warwick ! A Warwick ! 2 "
1 Ramsay^s suggestion (vol. n. 342, note 4) that the action must
have taken place within an area of half a mile, or three-quarters of a mUe
at most, in depth, by a quarter of a mile in width, therefore seems wide
of the mark. There were two actions even on this day, the one between
Thorpe and Wardington, and the other between Wardington and Culworth.
2 Hall, 274. Guto'r Glyn states that the action took place on a Thursday :
Duw a ddug y dydd ddyw Iau.
"The field was lost on Thursday."
So, too, Ieuan Deulwyn. There is no reliable authority for the state-

18a WARWICK AND HERBERT— BANBURY [ch
Some writers have maintained that these reinforcements
were royal levies who turned traitors. But, apart altogether
from its inherent improbability, the assertion is disproved
by Hall, who is substantiated by William of Worcester1.
Whatever the strength of these auxiliaries it was sufficient
Death of *° nu^fy ^e splendid valour of the Welshmen,
Pembroke and who broke, fled, were pursued, slain, and
captured in large numbers. About one hundred
and sixty-eight Welshmen of note are said to have fallen2.
Pembroke and his brother Richard Herbert were among
the prisoners, and were taken to Banbury. The next day
the earl made a codicil to his will (July 27) . On the foUowing
day both were executed at Northampton by the orders of
Warwick and Clarence without any opportunity of ransom3.
" Entreaty was made for Sir Richard Herbert both for his
goodly person which excelled all men there, and also for
his chivalry on the field of battle. The earl when he should
lay down his head on the block said to John Conyers and
Clapham ' Let me die for I am old, but save my brother
which is young, lusty, and hardy, mete and apt to serve
the greatest prince in Christendom.' This battle ever
since has been, and yet is continual grudge between the
northernmen and the Welsh4."
Wavrin's account5 of the battle appears to agree in
ment of Oman that Clapham was at the head of the vanguard of the
royal reinforcements, and treacherously fell upon the flank and rear of
the Welsh whom he had come to assist. Oman's Warwick.
1 WilUam of Worcester, Itinerarium, 120-1 ; per exercitum comitis
Warici. 2 Ibid. 119. Quam plures alu de valoribus gentibus Walliae ad
minimum 168 vel circa. He estimates the slain at 1500; Warkworth
at 2000. 8 Croyland Continuator, 446.
« Hall, 275. Cf. Polydore, 122. Wavrin, 584, states that the Herberts
were stoned to death by the people. "Le comte de Warwic commanda
que on les emmenast morir, et ainsi furent les deux bons chevaUiers Uvrez
au peuple, qui piteusement les lapiderent."
6 Wavrin, 581-2. He does not give the name of the stream, but he
obviously refers to the Cherwell. According to this account Devon
retreated on the day of battle when he saw that the northerners had been
reinforced.

vm] WARWICK AND HERBERT— BANBURY 183
the main with that already given. He states that on the
wavrin-s evening before the day of battle a preliminary
account. skirmish took place between the combatants
along the banks of the river Cherwell. This was the fight
already alluded to, as a result of which the Welsh occupied
the hiU at Upper Wardington. They also seized, according
to Wavrin, the passage over the river, presumably at Edge
cote, and compelled the northerners to retire with great
loss. This was on the following morning. In the afternoon,
however, the northerners were reinforced to such an extent
that the Welsh were considerably outnumbered, and had
to retreat with immense loss. Thomas ap Roger was slain,
while the two Herberts were taken prisoners.
Guto'r Glyn also gives an interesting account of the
weish battle. Judging from its wealth of detail
accounts. an(j jts accuraCy on points of chronology,
it must have been obtained from some of the Welshmen
who took part on that fateful day. We have already
quoted largely from him in so far as he is corroborated
by Enghsh authorities. Lewis Glyn Cothi alludes to the
Welshmen's onslaught when they cut their way through the
enemy's lines, and is confirmed by the graphic account
given by HaU. He adds that in the heat of battle " amidst
the clash of lance and shield and the loud clangour of
battle, hoarse shouts were heard on every side, some
shouting ' Herbert,' others ' Our Edward ' ; some ' Warwick,'
others ' King Harry1.' "
Earl Rivers and his son John were captured at Chepstow
and, having been brought to Kenilworth, were executed
1 The above is a free translation of the Unes :
Yno clywid yn unawr
Griaw maes rhwng gwewyr mawr:
Rhai Herbert, rhai 'n Edwart ni,
IarU Warwic, eraiU Harri. Lewis Glyn Cothi, I. 17.
The poet ends his poem by calUng upon the three sons of Thomas ap
Roger who, as we have seen, was slain, to take vengeance for their father's
death. The poet was present at this hero's pubhc funeral.

184 WARWICK AND HERBERT— BANBURY [ch.
on August 12. The earl of Devon was also taken in Somerset
shire and put to death at KenUworth. King Edward was
seized not far from that town.
Of the Welshmen who were either slain at Banbury
The or subsequently put to death, the foUowing
siain. names are given by both WiUiam of Worcester
and Warkworth, and they are the only names common
to the two lists : Lord Herbert and his brother Sir Richard
Herbert, Thomas ap Roger Vaughan1, Henry Dwnn of
Picton2, John Eynon of Pembrokeshire, and WiUiam
Herbert half-brother to Lord Herbert3. Of the rest, the
following are mentioned by Wilham of Worcester : Richard
Herbert, bastard ; John ap WiUiam, a brother of Lord
Herbert, who had fought in France4; John Wogan, son
and heir of Henry Wogan ; WiUiam Herbert ap Norman ;
Henry Dwnn of Kidwely ; Thomas ap Harry ; Thomas
Lewis ; Wilham, Lewis, and Thomas Havard ; William,
two Walters, and Henry Morgan ; Thomas Glys ; Hoskyn
Hervey ; Meredith ap Gwilym ; and . Thomas Huntley.
Warkworth adds the foUowing : Sir Roger Vaughan ;
Henry Wogan son and heir5 ; Watkin Thomas, son of Roger
Vaughan6 ; Ivan ap John of Merwyke ; David ap Jankyn
1 A charter to Neath abbey by the earl of Warwick, June 24, 1468,
is witnessed by Sir Roger Vaughan, chanceUor, and Thomas ap Roger,
coroner. Thomas, as we have seen, was slain in battle. Clark, op. cit.
2 See ante for grants to him in South Wales.
8 WiUiam of Worcester, Itinerarium, 119, says that he was slain at
Bristol on the foUowing day. Warkworth says that it was Thomas Herbert
that was slain there, and that this WUUam was of Brecknock. HaU says
that ten others were executed, but does not give their names.
1 Probably John GwUym of Ytton. He and Thomas Lewis and
Thomas ap Morgan were on a commission touching felonies in the lordship
of Chepstow, May 11, 1467. Cal. Pat. RoUs, 29.
6 I am inclined to the opinion that Warkworth means the son and
heir of Henry Wogan, i.e. the John Wogan mentioned by WUUam of
Worcester. He was the son of Sir Henry Wogan and Margaret, daughter
of Sir WiUiam ap Thomas.
8 He cannot be the son of Thomas ap Roger, for this Watcyn was
addressed by Lewis Glyn Cothi (1. vi) together with his two brothers,
after Banbury. Watcyn, son of Roger Vaughan, was slain in Herefordshire,
perhaps at Mortimer's Cross. He is not specificaUy mentioned as having
been at Banbury by either Glyn Cothi or Guto'r Glyn, though both mention
Thomas.

viii] WARWICK AND HERBERT— BANBURY 185
of Lymerwyke ; John Dwnn of Kidwely ; Rice ap Morgan
of Ilston ; Jankyn Perrott of Scottesburght ; John Contour
of Hereford. Of these it is probable that Sir Roger Vaughan
did not take part in the battle1 ; he certainly was not slain
there, for Lewis Glyn Cothi calls upon him to avenge Banbury,
and a few years later he was executed by Jasper at Chepstow.
Nor was John Dwnn of Kidwely slain at Banbury, for he,
too, played a prominent part later.
When we contemplate this formidable hst of dead,
The defeat comprising the cream of the aristocracy of
a national South Wales, it is easy to understand why
the defeat was regarded in Wales as a national
calamity. It was not a party reverse. Of this there
is no suggestion. " Let us hasten to the north to avenge
our country. My nation is destroyed, now that the earl
is slain " said Guto'r Glyn2. " This greatest of battles
was lost by treachery ; at Banbury dire vengeance fell
upon Wales " wrote Lewis Glyn Cothi3. The defeat con
vulsed Wales more profoundly than any other battle in
which the Welsh had hitherto been engaged, and evoked
a universal outburst of fierce, passionate, and tearing rage.
It is not difficult to explain the summary execution
Warwick's °f Wilham Herbert by the earl of Warwick.
conduct. ^ a critical period in Herbert's career it was
Warwick, as we have seen, who supphed the bridge over
which he passed to the Yorkist fold ; and Herbert had
become the chief instrument in driving Warwick himself
1 Lewis Glyn Cothi, i. viu. He is not mentioned by WiUiam of
Worcester. 2 Awn oU i ddial yn iaith
Ar ddannedd y nordd uniaith.

Ef am Uas i a'm nassiwn
Yn awr y lias yr iarll hwn.
Guto'r Glyn; Cein. Lien. Gymreig, 192-3.
Y maes grymusa o gred,
Ac o wall ef a goUed.
Yn Manbri y bu'r dial
Ar Gymmru deg, a mawr dal.
Lewis Glyn Cothi, 1. 17.

186 WARWICK AND HERBERT— BANBURY [ch.
from that very fold. Edward had chosen to entrust to
this meanest born of his courtiers the confidence which
the NeviUes regarded as their right by birth, by wealth,
and by power. Warwick could not forget the part played
by Herbert in displacing his brother from the chancellorship.
It was Herbert's informer, too, who had first openly accused
Warwick of treachery. It was Herbert who had received
the earldom of Pembroke which had long since become
the heritage of scions of the royal house. Warwick had
crossed the Rubicon with the avowed resolve of destroying
him and his associates ; and having once launched his
craft on a sea of disloyalty, he had no logical alternative
but to remove his opponents. We do not thereby justify
his rebeUion. But if the above considerations, and the
death of Sir Henry Neville, gave Warwick sufficient cause
for putting the earl of Pembroke to death, for the execution
of Richard Herbert there was not a shadow of justification.
This was the brood of malice.
WiUiam Herbert was the ablest of those subtle advisers
who stood around the royal person and gave the reign
its most distinctive constitutional feature. Warwick, doubt
less, with his glittering phalanx of retainers, dazzled his
contemporaries ; but the statesmanship of the future was
to move along the tortuous paths of intrigue, and to depend
less on the armoury of feudalism than on the inteUectual
equipment of royal favourites. The Tudor monarchy
had not yet come, but Edward IV and Herbert were its
harbingers. Herbert had many of the characteristics
of Tudor ministers, not the least of which were his un
popularity and his devotion to the king's service. He
justified the confidence reposed in him even
estimate of on military grounds ; for at the moment of
greatest peril to the Yorkist dynasty he risked
all while Hastings stood aloof and Lord Rivers took igno
minious flight. His unpopularity was that of the parvenu
who rises to eminence. The eminent churchman who

viii] WARWICK AND HERBERT— BANBURY 187
said of another distinguished Welshman of the period,
Reginald Pecock, that he was instigated by the devU,
said of Herbert that he was a fierce oppressor of churchmen
and others for many years1. But there appears no evidence
to substantiate the aUegation. His interest in commerce
coincided with that of Edward and may have inspired it.
It certainly foreshadowed the basis on which England's
greatness was to rest.
It is easy to over-estimate racial characteristics in
judging character. But there were moments in Herbert's
career when the fire and impulsiveness of the Celt dominated
his actions. There is hardly a historic paraUel to the
fateful explosion of passion which took place on the roadside
inn on the eve of Banbury, and culminated so tragicaUy
on the morrow. On the other hand, the general tenor of
his conduct along the perilous and giddy paths by which
he ascended to power discloses a cool, calculating circum
spection. The spite of fortune brought him into conflict
with the most commanding of medieval barons, and few
men would have dogged the track of a Warwick with such
inflexible resolution. The son of a Welsh knight, he forged
a career which made him the first statesman of a new era,
and the most redoubtable antagonist of the last and most
formidable of the old.
1 Brief Latin Chronicle, 183. Hie W. Harberde, gravissimus et op
pressor et spoliator ecclesiasticorum et aUorum multorum per annos
multos, hanc tandem, justi Dei judicio pro suis sceleribus et nequicus
recepit mercedem.

CHAPTER IX .
THE RETURN OF JASPER TUDOR— THE COUNCIL
OF THE PRINCE OF WALES
A few days after the defeat of the royahsts at Edgecote
Edward himself was taken prisoner at Olney, three miles
west of KenUworth, and thence removed successively to
Coventry, Warwick, and Middleham. That the king should
thus unceremoniously be paraded over his kingdom at the
whim of one of his subjects revealed the obhquity of the
political situation. Comedy succeeded the tragic excesses
of faction in close proximity.
For the moment Warwick wielded official patronage
Warwick's ^y "g^t of conquest, and the discomfiture
interest of the most favoured among; his rivals put
in Wales virtually within his gift a number of advanta
geous positions in Wales. Lord Hastings recovered his
former office of chamberlain of North Wales. He was
made also constable of Beaumaris1. Severe as had been
the strain upon his loyalty, the earl of Warwick in the moment
of triumph displayed no vindictiveness. The events of
the last few years, nevertheless, must have taught him
that South Wales was a vast field of combustible material
which he should have under his personal control, and his
interest in the lordship of Glamorgan gave him a plausible
excuse for seizing certain offices. He became justiciar
and chamberlain of South Wales, constable of Cardigan
and Carmarthen, steward of the two counties, and seneschal
1 Cal. Pat. RoUs, 165; August 12, 1469.

ch. ix] WARWICK AND JASPER TUDOR 189
of Cantref Mawr, the forest of Glyn Cothi, and of the Welsh
courts1, offices which had been vacated by the death of
Lord Herbert.
Edward's incongruous position soon came to an end.
He returned to London in October free from the tutelage
of his proud subject, and immediately commenced operations
with his usual vigour in a crisis. Eighteen months of strange
flux and reflux of fortune followed. He sent the foUowing
order to Lord Hastings within a few days of his arrival
in the capital :
" We charge you that ye make proclamations on our
behalf in aU necessary places in the shires of Anglesey,
Carnarvon, and Merioneth, that they obey the laws and
pay their duties of the country ther yerely growing as hath
been of old time due and accustomed, certifying us the
names of those who were disobedient ; and inasmuch as
we are informed that Sir Henry Bolde, sheriff of Anglesey,
payeth not his duties belonging to his office of sheriff we
charge you to put another in his place in that office unless
he pays, until ye have other commands from us2."
On November 7 Edward made his brother Richard
Lord Ferrers chief justice of North Wales3. In South Wales
of chaniey. he rehed largely upon Lord Ferrers of Chartley.
This man had not figured conspicuously for some time,
having been completely overshadowed by Lord Herbert.
But he had served on a number of commissions ; in October
Edward gave him a commission of array in the border
counties, and a few weeks later the constableship and
stewardship of Brecknock, Hay, and Huntingdon during
the minority of the duke of Buckingham4, and power to
seize the lands of rebels in the border counties. Lord
Herbert's widow, a sister of Lord Ferrers, received the
1 Ibid. August 17, 1469. Rymer, xi. 647.
2 Welsh MSS. Brit. Museum; part 1. 1900, 26-7. Edward Owen.
8 Cal. Pat. RoUs, 179. In the previous year he had received the
wardship of the lands of Sir Roger Corbet. Ibid.
1 Ibid. October-November, 1469.

igo WARWICK AND JASPER TUDOR [ch.
custody of her late husband's lands during her son's
minority1. The most consistent Yorkists in West Wales were the
Revolts in Dwnns. In November John Dwnn was ap-
west waies. pointed constable of Haverfordwest, and steward
of Llanstephan and Cilgerran castles. The Lancastrian
malcontents in this remote district chafed at the ominous
rise of the family into favour, and the kindred of Griffith
ap Nicholas under the leadership of his two grandsons,
Morgan ap Thomas and Henry ap Thomas, seized Carmarthen
and Cardigan castles and held them against royal authority2.
Richard, duke of Gloucester, was caUed upon to deal with
the danger, and we may presume that his intervention
reached its mark. We cannot say whether the outbreak
was incited by Warwick and Clarence, but in February
the constableship of Cardigan was taken away from Warwick
and given to the steady Yorkist Sir Roger Vaughan, whUe
the duke of Gloucester now became chamberlain and
steward of Cantref Mawr and the other estates of the duchy
of Lancaster in those parts3. Further to strengthen his
hands in Wales Edward gave John Dwnn, Ferrers, John
Herbert, and the young earl of Pembroke power to array
men for service, and Robert Griffith similar power in Shrop
shire. Even Lewis Glyn Cothi urges Sir Roger Vaughan
and his son Watkin to stir their kindred on behalf of Edward
and to avenge Banbury4.
1 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 175, 204. Margaret, the wife of Sir Richard Herbert,
was given custody of her son. She afterwards married John Herle. Lord
Herbert, in a codicil which he added to his will on July 27, had given
charge of his son, then nine years of age, to his brother Thomas Herbert,
with a present of "two gilt pots that came last from London, and his
great courser." Collins, Peerage, in. 113; Warkworth, 44; see also his
wiU. John Herbert was one of his executors.
2 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 175, 180, 181. Hist. MSS. Commission Report,
1. 407. ' Cal. Pat. Rolls, December to February, 1469.
1 Dwnn married a daughter of Hastings. For the prominence of
Dwnn in court functions see Record of " Bluemantle Pursuivant," in English
Historical Literature of the Fifteenth Century, Kingsford. Young Pembroke
was knighted in 1466. In 1470 he was invested with a number of his

ix] WARWICK AND JASPER TUDOR 191
Meanwhile there had become apparent symptoms of
john impending trouble in various parts of the
Dwnn. kingdom. The most serious outbreak took
place in Lincolnshire early in March, under the leadership
of Sir Robert WeUes, one of Warwick's henchmen. The
rebels were scattered in an engagement afterwards known
as Losecoat Field. Next day (March 13) "the king, nothing
mistrusting the duke (Clarence) and the earl, sent from
Stamford toward them John Dwnn, one of the squires
of his body, with two letters in his own hand, telling them
to come to him and disband their levies. John Dwnn
found them at Coventry. The duke and the earl told
him that they would come to the king with a thousand
or at most fifteen hundred men. Dwnn, noticing that
they were not going in the direction of the king, told them
of it1." In fact they took the road to Burton to gather
troops. Edward thereupon proclaimed them traitors.
They fled to France, where the cynical Louis XI contrived
Warwick t° bring them and Queen Margaret into hne.
allies with The queen and Jasper met their new aUies at
Amboise and came to an understanding — a sort
of paradox which, though temporarily successful, produced
another furious conflagration. The aUiance was sealed by
the betrothal of Margaret's son to Warwick's daughter,
Anne2. In due time Jasper and other Lancastrian leaders
prepared to launch their craft on an unfathomable sea
of uncertainties, piloted by their erstwhile enemy. They
landed at Dartmouth on September 13 and proclaimed
Henry king. Edward was taken unawares and, being
deserted by his northern followers, narrowly escaped capture
by crossing the sea. Warwick marched leisurely to London
and restored Henry VI. For this reason, and for no other,
father's offices. Ferrers was made sheriff of Carnarvon and master-forester
of Snowdon in 1470. Cal. Pat. Rolls, passim. Wethamstede, n. 103.
Rymer, xi. 656. Lewis Glyn Cothi, 1. vui.
1 Rebelhon in Lincolnshire, Camden Miscellany, 1. 10—12, No. 39.
2 Warkworth, 12. Polydore Vergil, 13 1-2.

192 WARWICK AND JASPER TUDOR [ch.
can the earl of Warwick be caUed the king-maker. For,
as we have seen, he cannot justly claim to have placed
Edward IV on the throne. When Edward
The title of . .,
"King^ was proclaimed king, Warwick was virtuaUy
a fugitive seeking shelter beneath his standard.
To attribute the victory of Towton to Warwick is to discount
unjustifiably the generalship of Edward who was admittedly
the better soldier. And with regard to this second en
thronement of Henry, it was so fleeting that a title based
upon it becomes a grotesque caricature.
The government of the kingdom now devolved upon
jasper in Warwick and Jasper Tudor. The latter; with
Wales. discerning promptitude, returned to Wales.
We find him at Monmouth on December 16, writing to his
devoted foUower, John Puleston, appointing him sheriff
of Flint " for his good services1." On January 23 he was
commissioned to array South Wales and the Marches.
On February 14 he took the constableship of Gloucester2.
At Pembroke he found his nephew Henry, earl of Richmond,
" who was kept in manner hke a captive but weU and
honourably educated by Lady Herbert3." The tale runs
that he took him to London and presented him to Henry
who foretold that he would heal the breach between the
factions. This prophecy was of course manufactured after
the accession of the Tudors.
In March, 1471, Edward returned, landing at Ravenspur.
With cool audacity he prevaUed upon the
citizens of York to receive him, not as king,
but as a loyal subject of Henry VI. He then passed on by
a circuitous route to London, which he reached on April 11.
1 The original letter is printed in Arch. Cambrensis, I. i. 146-7.
2 Rymer, xi. 680-1. Cal. Pat. RoUs, 233, 236, 252.
8 HaU, 285-7. Polydore, 134-5. According to a petition of Sir Richard
Corbet to Henry VII, Corbet brought Richmond to Hereford after the
death of Lord Herbert at Banbury, and there handed him over to J:asper.
But Jasper was out of England during that campaign. If it refers to
1471 the petition is very vague and loose. Owen and Blakeway, Shrews
bury, 1. 248.

ix] WARWICK AND JASPER TUDOR 193
His backsliding brother Clarence had now come over to
his side. Three days later, on Easter day, Edward and
Warwick met at Barnet. After a few hours' fight Edward's
strategy prevailed and the earl was slain. That afternoon
Edward marched back to London in triumph. He was
accompanied by the young earl of Pembroke1. The victory
kindled a bright flame of enthusiasm in Wales; for Guto'r
Glyn, one of the most representative writers of the period,
regarded it as an occasion for national rejoicing and the
death of Warwick as just retribution for the death of
Herbert2. Margaret landed at Weymouth on the day of Barnet.
Her chances of success, now very remote, depended largely
on her being able to unite her forces with those of Jasper
Tudor in Wales. The latter had raised Herefordshire
and had seized the castles of Richard Grey, Lord Powys.
Edward relied upon Sir Roger Vaughan assisted by Devereux,
Roger Kynaston, and Richard Corbet, to thwart the efforts of
Jasper, while he himself, having assembled a great muster at
Windsor, advanced by long, rapid strides against Margaret8.
News of the crushing blow to her cause at Barnet reached
the queen soon after her landing. At Cerne abbey she
took counsel with Somerset and other Lancastrian leaders.
It is generaUy assumed that Jasper came from Wales to
take part in the conference. But contemporary writers
are silent with regard to any such movement on his
part, and such an enterprise was practicaUy impossible
in so short a time ; for only nineteen days intervened
between Margaret's landing and the battle of Tewkesbury,
1 Political Songs and Poems, n. 280.
2 Ode to Roger Kynaston :
Llyma faes llawen fu ynn

Ar ddyw Pasc arwydd paham
I dialedd Duw WiUiam.
"This was a happy victory. On Easter day God avenged WiUiam."
The poem adds that Roger went to meet Edward on his return from
abroad. 8 Cal. Pat. RoUs, March-April. Rymer, xi. 681.
E. w. R. 13

194 WARWICK AND JASPER TUDOR [ch.
which hardly sufficed for the news to reach Jasper in Wales
and for him to travel to the south of England and again
return to levy troops.
Having gathered a considerable army in Somerset,
Tewkesbury, Wilts, and Dorset, the Lancastrians marched
May 4,1471. towards Gloucester "trusting to be assisted
by Welshmen by means of Jasper Tudor who had been
sent to array them1." But Edward came across their path
at Tewkesbury, and completely routed them. Margaret
was taken ; and her son Edward, who seems to have faUen
into the hands of Sir Richard Croft, was slain. So also
weish was Wilham Hanmer, probably a member of
knights. that devoted North Wales Lancastrian house2.
But Wales was more conspicuously represented on the
side of the victors. John Dwnn and Roger Kynaston
were knighted on the field of battle3.
The hopes of Lancaster once more found refuge in Wales.
jasper's In spite of the vicissitudes of a long and bitter
activity. experience Jasper's faith in the ultimate success
of his cause remained constant and undimmed. It was his
lot again to avoid the zone of greatest peril, and with
prescient wisdom he rescued his party from a third con
secutive calamity. He was at Chepstow on his way to join
the queen when he received news of the fight at Tewkesbury.
To retrace his steps and spin new webs was therefore the
better course. Rumours of risings in other parts of the
country prevented Edward advancing to Wales, though
spies had kept him well informed about the movements of
the Welsh Lancastrians4. He commissioned Sir Roger
1 Arrival of King Edward IV, 22-27, HaU, 297. Croyland Continuator.
2 Paston Letters, m. 8-9.
8 Kynaston was made sheriff of Merionethshire for Ufe in 1473, a
former grant to him of that office having been annulled by a grant made
in the same parliament to the Prince of Wales. He also became constable
of Harlech. Paston Letters, in. 8-9. Cal. Pat. Rolls, passim.
* Restoration of Edward IV, 27. Polydore, 154-5. HaU, 302-3. As
we have seen he was commissioned to array South Wales for Edward on
April 25. See a poem on Roger Vaughan by Huw Cae Llwyd.

ix] WARWICK AND JASPER TUDOR 195
Vaughan "a man there both strong of people and of friends
to the intent by some guile or engine suddenly to surprise
and trap the earl." But Jasper was sufficiently powerful to
overawe South Wales. He seized Roger Vaughan and put
him to death at Chepstow. But the bishop of Llandaff,
who seems to have assisted Jasper, lost the temporalities of
his see, though on the accession of Henry VII Jasper gave
ample proofs of reciprocal gratitude in lavish grants to
the cathedral, which still cherishes his name1.
From Chepstow Jasper retreated to Pembroke. It has
been said that he was there besieged "with ditch and trench"
by Morgan ap Thomas, a grandson of Griffith ap Nicholas,
and a supposed adherent of the House of York ; and that
Morgan's brother David, a Lancastrian, contrived to gather
a strong force, securing many of his brother's supporters by
disseminating a false report that Morgan did not reaUy
wish to capture Jasper, but only to make a pretence of
investing him ; and that thus with the assistance of a rude
rabble armed with hooks, prongs, and glaives, he succeeded
in rescuing him after a siege of eight days2. But it may be
well to observe that this family had been consistent sup
porters of Jasper, and that only in the previous December
this Morgan ap Thomas had given conspicuous manifesta
tions of hostility to Edward's government. Moreover, if
Jasper could have held his own in East Wales where the
Herberts and Vaughans were all-powerful, he was not
likely to find much difficulty in the west.
Jasper sailed from Tenby to Brittany, taking with him
his nephew, the earl of Richmond. They found refuge
with Duke Francis II3. The escape of Henry, which proved
1 Rymer. Proceedings of the Privy Council. Cal. Pat. RoUs, 1471.
Cardiff Records, iv. 40. Jasper gave the beUs to Llandaff cathedral, and
to numerous churches in Glamorgan: Cardiff, Cowbridge, Aberdare,
Llantwit, St Fagans, GelUgaer, Llancarvan, etc.
2 Polydore, 155-6. Hall, 302-3.
8 Restoration of Edward IV. Warkworth seems to suggest that
Henry of Richmond had come over from France with Jasper and Warwick.
Stowe states that Jasper found him at Raglan. See also Polydore, 158-9,
and note above. 13 — 2

196 WARWICK AND JASPER TUDOR [ch.
to be a far more momentous stroke than Jasper could have
foreseen, was galling to Edward, who made
Tasper and
Richmond immediate efforts to get hold of him and his
elusive uncle. He sent secret messengers to
the duke of Brittany, offering lavish rewards for their
apprehension and dehvery ; to which the duke rephed
that he could not honourably surrender them, but promised
to guard them vigilantly so as to prevent them engaging
in any movement hostUe to Edward's government. Edward
sent again "promising yearly to reward him with a fuU
hand and a weU-stuffed purse." A rumour took wing
that Edward was likely to succeed before the year was
out: "Men say that the king wiU have dehvery of him
(Jasper) hastUy ; and some say that the king of France wiU
see him safe and shaU set him at liberty again1."
During the next few years Edward's friends in Wales
obtained their rewards2- Robert Dwnn was made constable
of Cardigan. John, earl of Shrewsbury, became chief
justice of North Wales, with power to suppress rebels.
The earl of Pembroke entered into most of his father's
offices " without proof of age3." Wilham Vaughan received
an annuity from Glasbury and other manors in Brecknock.
Others who received favours were : Thomas Vaughan, son
and heir of Sir Roger Vaughan ; David Middleton ; John
Howel of Montgomery ; Wilham Herbert, son and heir of
Sir Richard Herbert4 ; Sir John Dwnn ; Hugh Conway ; Rice ,
Griffith ; Richard ap Rhys ; and Lord Ferrers of Chartley.
The Stanleys were invested with considerable power in
1 Paston Letters, Sept. 28, 1471, and November 4, 1472, in. 59. Issues,
11 Edward IV. HaU, 302-3. Polydore, 158-9.
2 Rot. Pari. 12-13 Edward IV, 46-76, and passim. Cal. Pat. RoUs,
June-August, 1471.
8 He shared with the duke of Gloucester the offices of chief justice and
chamberlain of South Wales. Cal. Pat. Rolls, 275 etc.
* In July 1471, John Devereux and John Herbert were ordered to
find out what lands belonged to the late Richard Herbert in Herefordshire.
They both with Thomas Perot, John Wynne, Thomas Vaughan (son of
Sir Roger Vaughan), and Thomas Morgan were on various commissions of
array in Wales and the borders in 1472.

ix] WARWICK AND JASPER TUDOR 197
North Wales and Anglesey. On August 27, 1471, Lord
Ferrers and the earl of Pembroke were given authority to
pardon all rebels except Jasper Tudor, the earl of Exeter,
John Owen, Hugh MuUe, and Thomas Fitzharry1.
The chief interest of the latter part of the reign of Edward
The ad- IV in its bearing upon Wales lies in the attempts
o?thetrat'on made to secure a more effective administration
Marches. 0f f^g iaw_ -p^e government of Wales was a
thorny question, and Edward was no doubt conscious of
the magnitude of the task of initiating reforms. Since
the time when Earl Warrenne defied Edward I with a
rusty sword no king had seriously contemplated any radical
changes in the administration of the Marches. The privy
councU of Henry VI groped along many obscure paths
before it hit upon the principle of a separate council,
which adumbrated what proved to be the real solution. But
though the shaft traveUed in the right direction it had not
sufficient momentum to reach its aim. Years of almost
incessant warfare had now wrought abiding change. Though
the traditional privileges of the lord-marcher were not yet
effete, and alien officials were as narrow and irascible as
ever, the numbers of the former had ominously declined,
whereas the opponents of the latter had gathered sufficient
confidence to render the irritating anti-Welsh laws an
anachronism. Moreover, Wales had almost become one
vast lordship-marcher. The broad lands of the duchy of
Lancaster had faUen to the Yorkist Edward. The rich
lordship of Glamorgan had met a similar fate. So that the
king, already lord of the Mortimer estates, stood unassaUable
even as a lord-marcher, his only imposing rival being the
duke of Buckingham.
As the chief -seat of the Mortimers was Ludlow, that
town became a sort of capital for Wales and the Marches
when Edward conceived the happy idea of making it a
residence for the Prince of Wales, to whom he gave a
1 Rymer, xi. 719.

198 WARWICK AND JASPER TUDOR [ch.
separate court. The heir-apparent was created Prince of
Wales on Tune 26, 1471. He was then nine
The Council J ' , ~" , ,
of the Prince years of age. In July1 he received a formal
grant of the principality of Wales and the
counties-palatine of Chester and Flint ; and a council was
assigned to him for the management of his household and
the general control of his education, the chief members
of which were the queen, the archbishop of Canterbury,
the dukes of Clarence and Gloucester, Earl Rivers, Lord
Hastings, and Thomas Vaughan, the prince's chamberlain.
Any four of these could form a quorum, and their authority
was to continue tiU the prince was fourteen years of age2.
The position of Edward as the most considerable of the
lords-marcher would naturaUy invest the council with
authority over the greater part of Wales. And there was
plenty of work to do, for the volcanoes of anarchy were
active. In July it was reported that " the Walyshemen be
busy ; what they meane I can not seye " ; whUe in the
foUowing January the king himself intended going to Wales3.
Further general instructions were issued to the councU
in February, 1473. In the spring of the same year its
activity was directed specificaUy to the pacification of the
Marches. This appears to have been its first organised'
effort in the suppression of disorder. The circumstances
were as foUows :
"On account of the robberies and murders especiaUy in
the counties of Hereford and Salop as well by men of those
shires as by men of the Marches of Wales, for which before
1 July 17, 1471. The councU was ordained on July 8. Cal. Pat.
RoUs, 283.
2 Other members were Robert StiUington, bishop of Bath and WeUs,
the abbot of Westminster, Lord Dacres, Sir John Fogge, Sir John Scotte,
John Alcock, and Richard Forster. The appointment of Thomas Vaughan
as chamberlain to the prince "who is so young and tender of age that he
cannot guide himself" is noted again in January, 1474. In July of that
year record is made of a house buUt by him at great cost within Westminster
abbey for him and the prince. Cal. Pat. RoUs, 414, 455. Grants of
Edward V, vm. For other ordinances see HaUiweU, Letters of the Kings
of England, I.
• Paston Letters, ill. 11.

ix] WARWICK AND JASPER TUDOR 199
there was no penalty or remedy, the king sent his queen
and the prince with many lords spiritual and temporal, and
judges, as commissioners to inquire and determine these
defaults ; and furthermore for the reformation of the same
within the said shires." The lords put their commission
into execution at Hereford. Inquiries were made by a
grand jury of 18 knights and squires in one inquest ; "which
persons with great difficulty and long tarrying at last
appeared before the said commissioners, and before taking
oaths said openly in the presence of the commissioners that
they dared not tell the truth for dread of murder, and to be
mischieved in their own houses, considering the great
number of misdoers and the bearers up of the same." Before
presenting they demanded a special pledge "of the king's
good grace and assistance of the lords," and a promise that
the persons presented should not be lightly dehvered without
due examination. Certain individuals were thereupon
indicted before William Alyngton, justice of the peace for
Hereford, and the records were delivered to the king's bench.
In spite of this, at the sessions held at Ross, in Hereford
shire, "on the Thursday before the Feast of AU Hallows,"
1473, before Thomas Braynton and John Wynne, justices
of gaol delivery, a number of miscreants were secretly
acquitted1. There is no reason to suppose that the lawlessness here
Rhys aP referred to had anything to do with the decrepit
Thomas. cause of Lancaster, or with the machinations of
the duke of Clarence who was now restive and quarrelsome2.
It was probably nothing more than a local riot. Miles ap
Harry of Newcourt, the only man of position among the
1 Rot. Pari. vi. 159-60. Cal. Pat. RoUs, 366. Paston Letters, in.
83. Their names were MUes ap Harry, Robert ap Rosser, John Vawr,
Morgan Vaughan, Henry ap Roger, and about eighteen others, mostly
yeomen and labourers.
2 Ramsay seems to associate the two. It wiU be recoUected that the
duke of Clarence, in spite of his previous desertion and subsequent re
conciliation with Edward, quarreUed again with his brother, and was put
to death.

200 WARWICK AND JASPER TUDOR [ch.
accused, had been an associate of the Herberts in similar
trouble in 1457. He received a formal pardon in June,
1473. There was also some trouble in West Wales where
Rhys ap Thomas, grandson of Griffith ap Nicholas, who
afterwards figured prominently in the general history of
the times, took the lead. One of the charges against him on
this occasion was that he entered into his inheritance without
licence1. These events, if only of local significance, were
not without anxiety to Edward, for in the Easter of this
year the prince and his court could not leave Wales2.
In the winter there was further disorder in which the
Herberts were concerned ; and an order was issued to Lord
Rivers, Walter Devereux, John Devereux, and Richard
Croft to array the county of Hereford to suppress them
"because they did not appear before the king and council
when summoned, to answer for divers offences committed
by them in Wales and the Marches, but withdrew to
Wales and stirred up rebelhon3."
In 1475 we have another iUuminating document :
"Whereas there have been perpetrated great and heinous
complaints of robberies, murders, manslaughters, ravishing
of women, burning of houses by the inhabitants of the
Marches and now of late by errant thieves and rebeUious of
Oswestry hundred and Chirksland ; for redress of same I
am commanded to assemble the people to punish the
misdoers, and I entrust Thomas, marquis of Dorset and
Richard Grey, knight, to do the same. Therefore aU men
in your bailiwick between 60 and 16 should array them
selves as soon as possible4."
,1 Cal. Pat. RoUs, 360, 388.
2 Paston Letters, in. 83, April 2, 1473.
3 Cal. Pat. RoUs, February, 1474. The rebels were WiUiam Herbert,
John Herbert, and Thomas Herbert, two natural sons; and John and
Roger, two sons of Roger Vaughan. Paston Letters, m. 107.
For the Welshmen who took part in Edward's expedition to France
in 1475 see Rymer, 846.
4 Letter of Prince Edward to the Shrewsbury bailiffs from Ludlow,
June 8, 1475. Owen and Blakeway's Shrewsbury, 252.

ix] WARWICK AND JASPER TUDOR 201
The king summoned the council of the prince to be at
Ludlow on March 24, 1476, to discuss with
Concentration '' "
of authority the lords of the Marches, to whom the king
had sent separately, the best means of restoring
order, intimating that he would be there after Easter1.
In 1478 he required the earl of Pembroke to exchange that
earldom for that of Huntingdon, assigning as his reason
that it was "for the reformation of the weie pubhque,
restfuU governance, and ministration of justice in South
Wales ; and for the satisfaction of grete and notable sommes
of money diewe by the said earl of Huntingdon' ' to the king2.
The earldom of Pembroke was given to the Prince of Wales.
With a similar object the king purchased Holt castle from
Lord Abergavenny.
These fragmentary details serve to prove how active
were they who would establish the negation of order. They
manifest also a sincere desire on the part of Edward to
evolve order out of chaos. And there seems no doubt that
he was to some extent successful, for we hear very httle of
riots and disorder during the last few years of his reign.
1 Cal. Pat. RoUs, 574.
2 Rot. Pari. 203. Lords Report, Appendix, v. 417, 419. Ramsay,
11. 431. See also Cal. Pat. RoUs, 566.
In the ordinances for the prince's councU in 1473 a more special charge
was given to Rivers and John Alcock than in 1471. In November of that
year Rivers was made the prince's governor and Alcock the president
of the councU. In January, 1476, the prince was made justiciar of Wales ;
and in December he was given power to appoint justices in the principaUty
and the Marches. In 1478 the councU drew up certain regulations for
the better government of Shrewsbury. See the Cymmrodor, xn.-xv.
Welsh MSS., British Museum, Part 1. 1900.

CHAPTER X
HENRY, EARL OF RICHMOND, AND THE MARCH
TO BOSWORTH
We need not enter into the general history of the reign
of Richard III, except in so far as that may be necessary to
explain events in Wales. At the time of his father's death
Prince Edward was at Ludlow with his uncle Earl Rivers,
Sir Thomas Vaughan " an aged knight1," and other members
of his council. They left immediately for London. Richard,
duke of Gloucester, who was at York, also hurried to the
capital. At Northampton he met Henry, duke of Bucking
ham, "with whom the duke of Gloucester had long confer
ence, in so muche that as is commonly beheved he even
then discovered to Henry his intent of usurping the king
dom2." Buckingham had hved in obscurity during Edward
IV's reign although he had married the queen's sister,
Catherine Woodville.
The prince's party had reached Stony Stratford when
Rivers and Vaughan were seized by Gloucester and the
councU of the prince dismissed. The queen, on being
informed of these proceedings, took sanctuary at West
minster. Shortly after reaching London Richard was made
Protector. He was assisted in his designs by Lord Stanley,
the son of the man who was guilty of double-dealing at
Bioreheath. Stanley was justiciar of Chester, and he had
married Margaret, the countess of Richmond. He was
thus step-father to Henry Tudor.
1 Croyland Continuator, 486; miles seniUs aetatis.
2 Polydore, 174.

ch. x] HENRY TUDOR 203
But of Richard's accomplices the most favoured was the
The duke of Buckingham. In his anxiety to carry
dukeof the duke with him Richard sacrificed the
Buckingham. advantages which Edward IV had gained m
Wales by concentrating authority in royal hands, for he
made Buckingham chief justice and chamberlain of North and
South Wales, and constable of all the royal castles in Wales
and the border counties — Carmarthen, Pembroke, Cardigan,
Aberystwyth, Tenby, Dynevor, CUgerran, Llanstephan, Wal
wyn's Castle, Haverfordwest, Narberth, BuUth, Monmouth,
Usk, Caerleon, Dinas, Ewyas Lacy, Ludlow, Clifford,
Radnor, Montgomery, Wigmore, Carnarvon, Conway, Beau
maris, Harlech, Denbigh, and Holt ; he had -power to
garrison these forts, to appoint sheriffs and other officials ;
to take the customs at Tenby and Milford ; and to
levy troops. He was made steward and seneschal of the
vast Mortimer estates and of the lands of the duchy of
Lancaster1. Certain precautionary measures were taken to secure the
effective transference of this authority. Thus Richard
sent the foUowing order to the auditors of Wales: "We
considering that the due shaU sustain great costs in executing
his authority have granted that he have and retain in his
own hands such money as he shall receive to our use by reason
of the said office of chamberlain." The inhabitants of
Gower were charged to vacate aU offices in that seigniory, to
take the duke of Buckingham as their ruler, and to suffer
any whom he would appoint to enter into their tasks
"peasibly without interruption." Hugh Bulkeley, the
deputy-constable of Conway, was not disposed to acquiesce
in the new arrangements, and Richard wrote to Hugh's
father, Wilham, teUing him to see that his son gave up
possession of the castle. A mandate was given to the
people of Carnarvonshire to assist the duke as their sheriff.
1 Rymer, xii. 180. Grants of Edward V, 7-10, May 15. Ibid. 13.

204 HENRY TUDOR [ch.
Somewhat similar measures were taken in Pembroke and
the Forest of Dean1.
Meanwhile the revolution which Richard and Buckingham
Richard contemplated was rapidly maturing, and the
becomes latter summoned troops from Wales. The young
king was now removed to the Tower and dis
appeared. Richard preferred a charge of treason against
Lord Hastings and summarily put him to death. John
Morton, bishop of Ely, who might have proved an obstacle,
was sent to Brecon a prisoner. A few days later the queen
was prevailed upon to give up her second son, the duke
of York, who was with her in sanctuary. Buckingham
received him in Westminster Hall and handed him over to
Richard, by whom he was placed in the Tower to share his
brother's fate. Then Shaw preached a notorious sermon in
St Paul's advocating the claims of Richard to the throne ;
after which Buckingham held a meeting of the citizens in
the GuUdhaU where he made an eloquent appeal to the
Protector to accept the crown. Richard thereupon became
king on June 26. About the same time Sir Thomas
Vaughan was put to death at Pontefract, Lord Rivers
having suffered a similar fate2.
Buckingham continued to advance in favour. In June
he was made great chamberlain, and shone conspicuously
at the coronation festivities. It was he who bore the king's
train in the procession from the palace to the abbey. In
July his powers in Wales were confirmed and he became
constable of England. He accompanied the king in his
progress westwards immediately after the coronation, but
at Gloucester he took leave of Richard and retired to Brecon.
His departure was the beginning of Richard's anxieties3.
1 Grants of Edward V, May. Excerpta Historica, 17. Richard
WiUiams was constable of St Briavel in the Forest of Dean. In Pembroke
the king reUed upon Richard Newton, Richard Mynors, Hugh Huntley,
and the Perot famUy.
2 Polydore, 182. A monument was erected to Vaughan in the chapel
of St Paul's, Westminster Abbey.
» Cal. Pat. RoUs, July 15. Hall, 382.

x] HENRY TUDOR 205
From that moment Henry Tudor, earl of Richmond,
Hen becomes the central figure in the opposition to
eari of' the new king: Buckingham and Morton had
Richmond. , , n
not been long together at Brecon before they
agreed upon a combined movement to dethrone Richard,
place Henry on the throne, and marry him to Elizabeth of
York, daughter of Edward IV. The late king, as we have
seen, had made repeated attempts to get hold of Henry.
In 1476 he had sent Dr Styllington and two others to
Brittany "laden with great substance of gold, and that his
demand might seem more honest he commanded them to teU
the duke that he desired earl Henry because he might make
some match with him in marriage, by affinity, whereof the
roots of the adverse faction might be utterly pulled up."
The duke at first refused, but "at the last, wearied with
prayer and vanquished with price, he delivered the earl to
the ambassadors, not supposing that he had committed the
sheep to the wolf, but the son to the father, as one who
thought that king Edward meant simply to marry with
Henry, Elizabeth, his eldest daughter." Richmond was
taken to St Malo whence he was to be shipped to England.
But at that place Henry was overtaken by fever " through
agony of mind" which necessitated the postponement of
the voyage across the channel. Meanwhile it was represented
to the duke by John Chenlet what was likely to be the fate
of Henry if he fell into Edward's hands, for Henry VI had
recently been put to death. In consequence of these
representations the duke once more yielded and sent Peter
Landois "who, counterfeiting some business, while that by
long talk devised of purpose he hindered them of their
intended voyage, he caused earl Henry, almost dead, to be
brought politicly into a most sure sanctuary within the
said town and not long after reduced him again to the duke1.!'
Henry and his Lancastrian friends were now joined by
the Woodvilles whom Richard's tyranny had sent abroad.
1 Polydore, 164-6; Hall, 322-3; Rymer, xn. 22-24.

206 HENRY TUDOR [ch.
Soon after his accession, therefore, Richard sent Thomas
Hutton to Brittany instructing him to propose a conference
on commercial affairs between England and the duchy and
"to understand the mind and disposition of the duke anent
Sir Richard Woodville and his retinue, and to enserche and
know if there be intended any enterprise out of land upon
any part of this realm, certifying with all dihgence aU the
news and disposition there from time to time1."
Some weeks elapsed before the duke replied that the
king of France had made him substantial offers for the
delivery of Henry and threatening war if he refused ; and
that alone the duke would not be able to withstand the might
of- France, but would be compeUed to deliver Henry unless
Richard sent him 4000 English archers paid for six months,
and if necessary 2000 or 3000 more at the duke's expense.
If Richard agreed to this he would await the fortunes of
war rather than deliver Henry2. Whether the duke was
sincere in his protestations may be doubted ; for he actuaUy
authorised his treasurer to lend Henry ten thousand crowns
of gold to enable him to join Buckingham's enterprise
against Richard.
The causes which led Buckingham to desert Richard
Buckingham's are obscure. It has been said that the king
conspiracy. had refused him the Lancastrian half of the
Bohun estates in the Marches3, which had become vested in
the Crown, the other half being already held by Buckingham
as heir of Eleanor Bohun and Thomas of Woodstock. But
Richard had virtually conceded this demand in July. It is
probable that, being aware of the murder of the two princes
in the Tower, Buckingham joined a widespread conspiracy
which had already been set on foot by the Lancastrians and
1 Letters, etc., Richard III, 1. 22-23. Polydore, 191.
2 Letters, etc., 39-43; 54.
3 Humphrey Bohun, earl of Hereford, left two daughters, Mary and
Eleanor. Mary married Henry IV, and so her part of the inheritance
had become vested in the Crown. Eleanor married Thomas of Woodstock
earl of Buckingham, and her portion had descended to Henry, the present-
duke of Buckingham.

x] HENRY TUDOR 207
the discontented WoodviUes to place Edward V on the
throne ; and that plan having fallen through by the death
of Edward, he entered into Morton's project at Brecon of
placing Henry of Richmond on the throne.
It is certain that while Buckingham and Morton were
maturing their plans in Wales, Queen Ehzabeth and Henry's
mother, Margaret, were plotting in London on the same lines
through the medium of a learned Welsh physician named
Lewis. When the queen had fuUy concurred Margaret
summoned her friends, raised money, and appointed her
servant Reginald Bray to be her chief agent in the con
spiracy. She sent Hugh Conway to Brittany with a large
sum of money, telhng him to advise Henry "to arrive in
Wales where he should find aid in readiness." When
Richard became aware of the conspiracy Buckingham was
summoned to court but excused himself " alleging infirmity
of stomach1." On October 15 Richard issued a proclama
tion against him.
Three days later there were simultaneous revolts at
Exeter, Salisbury, and Brecon. From Brecon the duke
marched towards the Severn with an army of Welshmen
"whom he as a sore and hard-dealing man had brought to
the field against their wiUs and without any lust to fight for
him, rather by rigorous commandment than for money2."
Buckingham's movements were made known to Richard
who contrived that armed men should be set around him.
In Wales the king rehed upon Thomas, son of Sir Roger
Vaughan, and his kinsmen. They were to hang on his rear
if he should endeavour to advance from Brecon across the
border, while Humphrey Stafford was to watch the passes
over the Wye and the Severn. Buckingham managed to
1 Polydore, 195-8. Croyland, 491-2. For Hugh Conway see ante.
He was treasurer at Calais under Henry VII. He was previously keeper
of the wardrobe, and in i486 commissioner of mines. Letters of Richard
III, etc. 1. 231; Campbell, 1. 26, 317. Rot. Pari. 250, 361. Reginald
Bray was afterwards knighted. Rot. Pari. 342.
2 Polydore, 199. Croyland. Rot. Pari. vi. 245.

208 HENRY TUDOR [ch.
reach Weobley, the home of Lord Ferrers1, where he had
to remain for ten days on account of the floods, which
carried away bridges, and otherwise made it impossible for
him to cross into England. Gradually this enforced
inactivity demoralised his army which, having fingered idly
and without money, victuals, or wages, suddenly departed.
Morton made good his escape to Brittany. Buckingham
fled in disguise to Shrewsbury, and was sheltered for some
time by Ralph Bannister. Being discovered he was brought
to Richard at Salisbury by John Mytton, sheriff of Shrop
shire, and executed in the market-place there2.
It appears that Buckingham had shown favour to the
The Vaughans and might reasonably have counted
vaughans. upon their assistance. But no sooner was he
weU out of reach than they attacked Brecon and robbed
the place.
' 'Before my Lord of Buckingham departed out of Weobley
Brecon was robbed, and the young ladies and gentlemen
were brought to Sir Thomas Vaughan's place, the traitor
who was the captain of the said robbing, with Roger Vaughan
of Talgarth his brother, and Watkin Vaughan his brother,
and John Vaughan ; having been rewarded by my lord
every one of them, and the least of them had £zo of fee of
my lord with other diverse gentlemen which some been
alive and some dead3."
The Vaughans then went in pursuit of the duke and Sir
WUIiam Knyvett, a gentleman whom Richard had made
steward of Castle Rising4. After the duke had been taken
they searched for Lord Stafford and Sir Wilham Knyvett,
both of whom were in the keeping of Elizabeth Delabeare
and William ap Symon. His friends had shaved Lord Staf
ford's head, dressed him in a maiden's raiment, and conveyed
him to Newchurch. They fetched him and Knyvett again
1 Croyland, 491-2. Ferrers does not seem to have participated.
2 HaU. Rymer, xn. 240. Owen and Blakeway's Shrewsbury, 236-7.
3 Document in Owen and Blakeway, 241.
4 Grants of Edward V, 1. 18.

x] HENRY TUDOR 209
to Kynnardsley and kept them there untU David Llywelyn
Morgan1 came and placed Delabeare under arrest. But
Elizabeth and WiUiam ap Symon stealthUy conveyed the
fugitives to Adeley where they remained four days. Then
there came a great army out of Wales, but eventuaUy
Stafford and his companion escaped to Hereford, " Stafford
riding behind WiUiam ap Symon aside upon a pillow like a
gentlewoman rode in gentlewoman's apparel2."
It is necessary here to remove a slight misapprehension.
Sir Roger Vaughan of Tretower, the father of Thomas
Vaughan, was slain not, as has been supposed, at Edgecote,
but at Chepstow by Jasper Tudor in 1471. The assist
ance given by this family to Richard is the subject of an
ode by Lewis Glyn Cothi, where it is stated that Vaughan,
having given valiant support to Edward, would help Richard
to keep the Rose3. The attitude he took up was not
unnatural in view of the circumstances in which he was now
placed. The extraordinary authority with which Richard
had vested Buckingham in Wales was a serious menace to
the smaller gentry, and particularly to the Vaughans, not
only in Brecknock but also in Gower, where Thomas Vaughan
was lord of Oxwich4. Men hke WUIiam Herbert and Jasper
Tudor could appeal to a strong national sentiment ; Buck
ingham had no such qualification. Moreover, throughout
the reign of Edward IV the Vaughans and the Herberts had
1 This Morgan was afterwards made constable of Hay. Welsh MSS.,
Brit. Museum.
2 Stafford MSS. n. 24. The three brothers Vaughan were pardoned
by Henry VII. Campbell, Materials, etc. 1. 408.
3 Lewis Glyn Cothi, 1. xv :
Cryv oedd ar gadoedd, deunaw gwart gadarn,
Gyda'r brenin Edwart;
A chwedi ev o awch dart,
I gadw rhos gyda Rhisiart.
The editor misinterprets the poem on account of his faUure to dis
tinguish between this Vaughan and the Thomas Vaughan executed at
Pontefract. 1 Glamorgan Charters, v. 1713. Gower was part of the confiscated
estates of PhiUip Mansel, which had been given to Sir Roger Vaughan.
Polydore Vergil, as we have seen, suggests that Buckingham had been
oppressive.
E. w. R. 14

210

HENRY TUDOR [ch.

been Yorkist, and to this was attributable the predominance
they now enjoyed. Buckingham's sympathies, on the other
hand, had been Lancastrian, and his sudden rise could not
have been welcome to the earl of Huntingdon (WiUiam
Herbert). Huntingdon was actually justiciar of South
Wales when the position was given to Buckingham. After
the latter's death the office was again given to him as well
as the stewardship of Usk, Caerleon, Ewyas-Lacy, and
other Mortimer-Lancastrian estates in South-east Wales x.
Thomas Vaughan became steward of Brecknock, while
Roger Vaughan received PenkeUy in Brecknock and Brynllys
in Radnor2. In West Wales, Rhys ap Thomas received an
annuity of forty marks, while Richard Wilhams became
constable of Pembroke, Tenby, Cilgerran, Haverfordwest,
and Manorbier.
Apart from the above grant, which was not given to him
immediately after the rebellion, there is no authority for
1 Welsh MSS., British Museum, 350 seq. Cal. Pat. RoUs.
2 The following were also rewarded by Richard: John Huddleston,
offices in Monmouthshire; Thomas ap Morgan, ^40; PhiUp ap Rhys,
parcel of Knighton ; Morris ap Rhys, portreeve of Presteign; John Edwards,
constable of Usk. Annuities varying from forty marks to ^100, receivable
from the lordship of Usk were granted to Sir Thomas Bowles, John ap
Jankyn, William Lewis, Morgan Gamage, WiUiam Herbert of Raglan,
Robert ap Jankyn, Phillip ap Morgan, PhiUp Kemys of Shirehampton,
Morgan Rhydderch, Edward ap Jankyn, John Morgan, PhiUp Kemys
of Caerwent, and Morris Lewis. Annuities from Abergavenny to John
Vaughan, John Thomas, Rice Llywelyn ap Morgan, and David PhiUp.
Annuities from Monmouth to Hopkyn ap Howel, PhiUp Herbert, WiUiam
Herbert esquire of the body, John Hewes, and WiUiam Serjeaunt. Others
in South Wales were Walter Endreby of Kidwely, William Kemys of
Newport, and Walter Wynston of Ewyas.
The foUowing found favour in North Wales: Richard Vaughan
received Aber in Carnarvonshire and Kemes in Anglesey, David Vaughan
several offices in those two counties, Hugh Lloyd offices in Carnarvon
and Merionethshire, WilUam Hanmer the wardship of Robert Puleston,
Thomas Tunstall constable of Conway, Sir Richard Huddleston constable
of Beaumaris, Sir Roger Kynaston constable of Harlech and sheriff of
Merionethshire with payment for sixty soldiers at Harlech, Thomas
Salesbury constable of Denbigh with twelve soldiers, Lord Powys an
annuity of £100, Sir William Stanley chamberlain of Cheshire and constable
of Carnarvon, WilUam Griffith an annuity. William Griffith was one of
the ushers of the chamber. Edward IV had given him the fee farm of
Monmouth. Ievan ap Tudor ap Owen received protection.
Welsh MSS., British Museum. Cf. Gairdner, Richard III, appendix,
342. Rot. Pari. 22 Edward IV, 203, for grant to Herbert.

x] HENRY TUDOR 211
Gairdner's statement that Rhys ap Thomas gave active
assistance to Richard. It is true that the
Attitude of
Rhys ap' " Life " of Rhys in the Cambrian Register sug
gests that he was won over through the medium
of the countess of Richmond's physician, Lewis, but there
is so much deliberate fabrication in that document that it
would be dangerous to place any reliance whatever upon it1.
Meanwhile the earl of Richmond had set sail from
Henry,s Brittany with a fleet of fifteen vessels. For
adventures. SOme reason he had been delayed ; and when
at last he took to sea his ships were scattered by a violent
tempest which drove some of them back on the French coast
and others on to the coast of Cornwall and Devon. Henry,
however, succeeded in coming to anchor off Poole or Plymouth
about the time that Richard had reached Exeter (November
12th). Henry "seeing the shore beset with soldiers which
king Richard had everywhere disposed, commanded that no
man should land before the residue of his ships should come
together. While he tarried he sent out a boat to see whether
they were his friends who were arrayed on land. They
were informed that they were sent from the duke of Bucking
ham to be ready to accompany Henry safe unto the camp.
But Henry, suspecting it to be a trap, as it was indeed,
lioisted sail and returned to Normandy. Thence he returned
on foot to Brittany, having received permission to pass
through Normandy from the king of France, and also money
to bear his charges2."
When he reached Brittany he received inteUigence that
the duke of Buckingham had been beheaded, and that a
large number of English refugees were at Vannes, in Brit
tany. At Rennes during the Christmas of 1483 he was
joined by his friends, who proclaimed him king, he promising
to marry Elizabeth of York. He received further promises
1 Richard III, 133. Gairdner quotes the introductory sketch to the
Works of Lewis Glyn Cothi. But the editor, as has been pointed out,
jreUed on the Cambrian Register.
2 Polydore, 201-3. Croyland, 495.
14—2

212 HENRY TUDOR [ch.
of help from the duke of Brittany, and prepared for another
invasion. Parliament met in January, 1484. Henry and Jasper
were attainted, whUe Henry's mother, the countess of
Richmond, was declared incapable of holding or inheriting
any estate or dignity. Her husband, Lord Stanley, had
proved loyal to Richard thus far. It was anticipated that
another attempt would be made by Henry in March, and
the king became increasingly anxious for his expulsion from
the confines of Brittany. He offered the duke the revenues
of the Enghsh estates of Henry and the refugees if he kept
them in ward. At last, in June, 1484, Peter Landois, on
behalf of the duke, negotiated a truce favourable to Richard1.
But Henry, through the sleepless vigUance of John Morton,
became aware of it and decided to cross into France. Jasper
and a few friends immediately entered Anjou. Henry,
"two days after departing from Vannes, and accompanied
by only five servants, feigned to go unto a friend who had
a manor not far off, and, because a huge multitude of
English people were left in the town, nobody suspected his
voyage ; but when he had journeyed almost five mUes he
withdrew hastily out of the highway into the next wood,
and putting on a serving-man's apparel, he as a servant
foUowed his own servant (who was his guide in that journey),
as though he had been his master and rode on with so great
celerity, keeping yet no certain way, that he made no stay
anywhere, except it were to bate his horses, before he had
gotten himself to his company within the bounds of Anjou2."
The company then proceeded to Angers and thence to
Paris, passing the winter as the guests of Charles VII of
France. Richard's anxious suspicions were intensified when Lord
Stanley wished to excuse himself from court, a request
1 Rymer, xii. 226.
2 Polydore, 206-8. Richard had endeavoured to get the mediation
of Austria between him and Brittany with regard to Henry. Letters of
Richard III, 11. 4.

x] HENRY TUDOR 213
which Richard granted only on condition that he left his
son Lord Strange behind as a hostage1. In June, 1485, he
issued a proclamation against Henry, in which it was stated
that Jasper, John earl of Oxford, Sir Edward Woodville,
and others had fled from Brittany because the duke would
not agree to their plans ; that they had taken refuge in
France ; had chosen as their leader Henry Tudor who, in
return for the assistance he was to receive, was prepared to
relinquish the claim of the kings of England to the title of
king of France. It is to be observed that this proclamation,
though it asserts that both Owen Tudor and Henry's
mother were of iUegitimate descent, does not impute any
iUegahty to the marriage of Owen Tudor and Catherine, the
widow of Henry V2.
Richard's activity was not confined to proclamations.
Richard-s There seems to have been current a prophecy
preparations that Richmond would land at Milford. There
in Welles is a smaU viUage of that name in Hampshire,
and Richard may have been deceived into believing that
that was the place intended, for Lord Lovel was sent with
the fleet to the Solent. More probably the object of this
move was to keep an eye on Henry's preparations at the
mouth of the Seine on the opposite coast. At any rate,
Richard did not lose sight of the magnificent natural harbour
of Milford Haven in Pembrokeshire as a possible landing-
place. For ' 'he commanded noblemen and gentlemen dweU-
ing about the seacoast, and chiefly the Welshmen, to keep
watch by course after their country's manner, to the intent
that his adversaries should not have ready recovery of the
shore and come a land ; for the inhabitants about the
seacoasts place, in the time of war especially, on the hiUs
adjoining, lamps fastened upon frames of timber, and when
any great or notable matter happeneth, by reason of the
approach of enemies, they suddenly hght the lamps, and
1 Croyland, 501 ; Stow, 467 : Polydore, 214.
2 Paston Letters, in. 316. EUis, Letters, 1. 162.

214 HENRY TUDOR [ch.
with shouts through town and field give notice thereof ;
from thence others afterwards receive and utter unto their
neighbours notice after the same sort. Thus is the fame
thereof carried speedily to all viUages and towns, and both
country and town arm themselves against the enemy1."
In West Wales Richard, took very minute precautions
Richard which he might reasonably have expected would
wiiiiams. have made it invulnerable. In Pembrokeshire
he placed his trust in Richard Williams, whom, as we
have seen, he had made constable of the important castles
of Pembroke, Tenby, Manorbier, Haverfordwest, and of
Cilgerran, the gate to Cardiganshire. Elaborate prepara
tions were made to put Pembroke castle in a state of defence.
The woods around Narberth were cut down to supply it
with fuel. The chamberlain of Carmarthen, Richard Mynors,
paid Richard Newton £113. 14s. 6d. for the expenses which
he had incurred in strengthening the castle; and Henry
Wogan, the treasurer of Pembroke, by an order in council,
was requested to provide it with war material2.
Richard also relied upon Wilham Herbert, earl of
Huntingdon, whose official position in South Wales as
justiciar gave him considerable power in the royal counties
of Carmarthen and Cardigan. By another grant he became
possessed of the castles of the late duke of Buckingham,
which gave him a starthng pre-eminence in Brecknock.
Sir James TyreU controUed the upper valley of the Towy
from Builth and Llandovery, as well as the lordship of
Glamorgan, for though TyreU had been ordered to Guisnes
the levies of the lordship were to take their instructions
from him3. The Vaughans (Thomas, Walter, William, and
1 Polydore, 213-14.
3 For this he was paid £100 and 20 marks. Richard Owen was receiver
of Kidwely. Richard Williams was to hold Manorbier and Penally by
knight's service. Another recipient of favours was Howel ap John of
Llanllwch in Carmarthenshire. A Hugh ap John was denizened. Richard
also gave grants for the rebuilding of churches at Llandovery and Hirwaun
in Carmarthenshire. Welsh MSS., British Museum.
3 Welsh MSS., British Museum. Roger Bikley was constable of
Llandovery.

x] HENRY TUDOR 215
Richard) were induced by various grants to continue in their
loyalty and secure the valleys of the Wye and the Usk.
It wUl thus be seen how little, if any, foundation there is
for the statement that the chief authority in South Wales
was divided between Rhys ap Thomas and Walter Herbert
in so far as that authority could be based on official status1.
Neither had any official position of consequence. Walter
Herbert may have represented his kinsman, the earl of
Huntingdon ; but Rhys ap Thomas had no such connection.
The Tudor chroniclers wrote of him in the knowledge of
the strong support he undoubtedly gave Henry at Bosworth.
The influence of Rhys was based on the predominance of
his family ; and whatever forces he gathered during his
journey through Wales was a tribute to his own personal
ascendancy and to the strength of national sentiment.
In North Wales Richard's supposed friends were the
chamberlain William Griffith, Huddleston constable of
Beaumaris, and Sir William Stanley constable of Carnarvon,
and lord of Bromfield, Yale, Holt, and Wrexham. The
garrison at Beaumaris was strengthened ; Denbigh was
granted 200 marks to repair its walls2.
Meanwhile Henry's preparations were advancing at the
Henry,s mouth of the Seine. From Paris he had moved
movements. toRouen. There he heard that Richard intended
marrying Ehzabeth of York, and that the other daughter
was to be married to an obscure man. "This matter
pinched Henry by the very stomach, because thereby he
saw that he could not now expect the marriage of any of
1 Gairdner takes this view on the authority of Polydore.
2 The foUowing were Richard's grants in Wales this year: Walter
Vaughan, steward of Elvel; William Vaughan, a brother of the Thomas
Vaughan who had opposed Buckingham, an annuity; so also did Walter,
the son of that Thomas ap Roger who was slain at Banbury, and Richard
Vaughan; John ap Morgan of Usk; Robert ap Howel, constable of
Skenfrith ; David Goch of Radnor ; Richard and Roger Baker of Breck
nock; Sir Richard Croft was told to repair Radnor and Elvel castles;
Nicholas Spicer, receiver of South Wales, was to give the burgesses of
Brecon ^60 towards repairing their town waUs ; David Vaughan received
denizenship and the ferm of Caerwys and Conway ferry. Welsh MSS.,
British Museum. Pat. RoUs.

216 HENRY TUDOR [ch.
king Edward's daughters, wherefore he thought it was to
be feared lest his friends should forsake him. Therefore it
was thought to stand with their profit if by affinity they could
draw into surety of that war Walter Herbert, a man of
ancient authority among the Welshmen, who had with him
a sister marriageable ; and to procure the same, messengers
were sent to Henry earl of Northumberland, who had in
marriage Walter's other sister, that he would deal in that
cause ; but the ways were so beset that none of them could
come to him1."
This Walter Herbert was a natural son of Lord Herbert,
the first earl of Pembroke. There can be no doubt that he
gave support to Henry, for he was afterwards knighted and
made steward of Talgarth and CantreceUy2. It wiU be
remembered that Lord Herbert, in his wiU, intended that
his daughter Maud, now the wife of the earl of Northumber
land, should be given in marriage to Henry. Henry was of
course well acquainted with the famUy under whose care he
had been for some time before his departure for Brittany.
The marriage proposal does not seem to have reached
Walter Herbert. However, a messenger came to Henry
from Morgan of Kidwely, a lawyer, who informed him that
Rhys ap Thomas and Sir John Savage were whoUy devoted
to his cause ; that Reginald Bray had gathered no small
sum of money for his service ; and that he should therefore
set out for Wales at the earhest opportunity3.
This Morgan belonged to a Tredegar famUy. Llywelyn
sir john ap Morgan of Tredegar had two grandsons, who
Morgan. were C0USmSj Evan Morgan and Jankyn ap
Phihp. Evan Morgan had a son Sir John Morgan of Tredegar
who, as we have seen, had already received small grants in
the lordship of Usk. He was one of the receivers of petitions
in the first parhament of Henry VII by whom he was
1 Polydore, 215.
2 Campbell's Materials, etc. 1. 108 ; 11. 443. Rot. Pari. vi. 379.
3 Polydore, 215-16. Croyland.

x] HENRY TUDOR 217
knighted, made steward of Machen, sheriff of GwenUwg
and Newport, and constable of Newport "with the making
of all particular offices in those lordships during the minority
of Edward duke of Buckingham1." He brought Henry
military assistance soon after the landing at Milford.
Jankyn ap PhUip had a son Morgan ap Jankyn ap
Morgan of PhUip of Langston who was on a few com-
Kidweiy. missions with the Herberts under Edward IV.
He was pardoned by that king in 1475 for some unknown
offence2. He had two sons : Trahaiarn Morgan, "skiUed and
qualified in the laws of England3"; and John Morgan,
who afterwards became bishop of St David's. Polydore
appears to confuse these two brothers when he states that
it was John Morgan, a lawyer, who negotiated with Henry.
The lawyer was Trahaiarn. Polydore is similarly in error
with regard to the Christian name of Rhys ap Thomas,
whom he calls Richard. Neither Hall nor the author of
the. Life of Rhys ap Thomas faUs into the same error. They
caU him Morgan Kidwely and Morgan of Kidwely respec
tively. This Trahaiarn had married a co-heiress of Henry
Dwnn, and had thus become possessed of Mothscwmb, a
place within a mUe or so of Kidwely ; and hence he is called
Morgan of Kidwely. On the accession of Henry he became
chanceUor of Glamorgan with a fee of £20 -a year, whUe his
son, Henry Morgan, was in close attendance upon that^
sovereign4. However, the most active plotter in Henry's favour was
the brother John Morgan, whom Henry afterwards presented
to the parish church of Hanslap in the diocese of Lincoln,
1 CampbeU, I. 94, 584. Rot. Pari. 336-384- 2 Cal. Pat. RoUs, 561.
3 Dwnn. 11. 218; "yn ddysgedig ac yn raddol ynghyfraith Lloegr."
There is no John Morgan of Kidwely among those who received favours from
Henry VII.
Gardner's Richard III, foUowing Polydore, gives the Christian name of
Morgan of Kidwely as " John." Ramsay confuses Morgan Kidwely the
Attorney-General with (Trahaiarn) Morgan of Kidwely, the Welsh lawyer.
* CampbeU. 1. 77-91, 230, 555, 597- October — December, 1485.
Cardiff Records. Letters etc. of Richard III, 11. 90. Henry Morgan,
Sir David Owen, and Hugh Vaughan held household appointments.

218 HENRY TUDOR [ch,
made dean of St George's chapel Windsor, and of St Mary s
Leicester, and also clerk of parliament with a fee of £40 a
year. This Morgan of Kidwely has also been confounded with
Morgan Kidwely the Attorney-General. But that official
had no connection with Wales, and he is not mentioned by
any authority. His connections were mainly with Dorset
and the south of England1-
To resume. Henry, accompanied by Jasper Tudor,
Henr lands J0*111 Morton, and the earl of Oxford, set sail
at Miiford from the mouth of the Seine on August ist
Haven. . . - "
with a few ships and a force of about 2000 men,
whom a French authority describes as the worst rabble
that one could find2. They were under the command of
Philibert de Shaunde. The weather was very favourable and
he arrived at Milford Haven on August 7th, a little before
sunset. He landed at Dale on the northern shore of the
entrance to the haven, though Richard was informed that
the landing took place at Angle on the opposite shore. It
is possible that a detachment landed at Angle so as to
advance on Pembroke and Tenby castles. Richard had
kept a close watch here during the winter-
On the following morning, at break of day, the invaders
1 In May 1480 he was on a commission to investigate the conceaUng from
the king of lands belonging to the manor of Dorset. In July he was on
another commission to find out what lands belonged to Henry, duke of
Somerset, in Herts and to the Earl of Wiltshire in Dorset. He was on
commissions of array in WUts and Dorset in 1484. He helped Richard
against Buckingham, and was rewarded with a grant of certain manors
in those two counties. In February 1485 he was on a commission in
Yorkshire. He was attorney-general after the accession of Henry. There
were others of the family : Geoffrey Kidwely was comptroUer of the port
of Southampton. Maurice Kidwely was another. Grants of Edward V,
30-1 ; xxxi. Cal. Pat. Rolls, passim.
2 Comines Dupont, 11. 246. Molinet, 11. 406.
3 Polydore, 216. Hall, 409-10. Bernard Andre\ Memorials of
Henry VII, 24-5. Croyland, 500-1. See also a letter of Richard to
Henry Vernon on August n, 1485; Hist. MSS. Commission Reports,
MSS. of the duke of Rutland, I. 7. "departyd out of the waters of the
Seine the first day of this present month and landed at Nangle beside
Milford Haven on Sunday last passed, entending our destruction." Sunday
would be August 7. Soon after the landing Sir David Owen was knighted.

x] HENRY TUDOR 219
marched to Haverfordwest and, meeting with no opposition,
The loyalty proceeded five miles beyond. The association
of Richard of the Tudors with Pembroke told immediately
Williams. . , . , ,
in their favour; for Arnold Butler brought
inteUigence that the inhabitants of the town " were ready
to support Jasper their earl." Richard III found at least
one loyal Welshman in these parts in the person of Richard
Williams, the constable of Pembroke. It is noteworthy that
here alone during his march to Bosworth, at least until he
reached Shrewsbury, Henry met with any opposition, though
it was suppressed without difficulty1. WiUiams had no
force at his command which could resist an army of 2000.
He himself probably hastened to Nottingham where the
king received news of the landing. This fact has never
been fuUy appreciated, that though Nottingham is nearly
200 miles distant from Milford, Richard was informed of
Henry's coming within four days of the actual event, surely
a tribute to the loyalty and expeditious movements of
WiUiams. He fought with Richard at Bosworth and was
attainted in the next reign2.
Henry was stiU in the neighbourhood of Haverfordwest
when he was informed that Rhys ap Thomas and Sir John
Savage were hostile to him ; and on the following day
(August 9th), when he had entered Cardigan, a similar
rumour reached him that Rhys ap Thomas and Sir Walter
Herbert were at Carmarthen prepared to chaUenge his
progress. These rumours caused him some anxiety. "He
resolved to go against them, and when he had either put
them to flight or received them into his obedience, to make
haste against king Richard."
He sent forward a body of cavalry, but they soon
returned with the information that no danger was to be
apprehended from Carmarthen. On the contrary, Richard
1 It is significant, too, that in the Ust of those who were rewarded
by Henry VII there appears to be only one Pembrokeshire man. The
Arnold Butler of the text was of Dunraven in Glamorgan.
2 Rot. Pari.

220 HENRY TUDOR [ch.
Griffith, " a man of high parentage," joined him with rein-
. J forcements from that very town. He is said
The attitude J
of Rhys ap to have " revolted to Henry, from which we
are to infer, presumably, that the troops there
with Rhys ap Thomas and Herbert were supposed to be loyal
to Richard. Sir John Morgan also came in with a few
followers. Was it with, or without, the connivance of
Rhys ap Thomas and Herbert that these two men joined
Henry ? Polydore leaves the impression that it was without
their connivance ; and that Henry, when he left Cardigan
for Shrewsbury, was uncertain of the allegiance of Rhys
and Herbert.
On the other hand, there can be no doubt that Rhys
intended ultimately to attach himself to Henry. The family
had always supported the Tudors and the House of Lancaster.
His father and uncle had fought at Mortimer's Cross. Rhys
himself and his brothers had coUided with Edward IV ;
and on one occasion Richard, then duke of Gloucester, had
been called upon to suppress them. Richard III had given
him a small annuity but no official status, though his family
prestige in West Wales was such that he would at once have
become the leader of any important enterprise among the
Welsh of those parts1.
It is instructive to note, moreover, that Polydore couples
Rhys Rhys ap Thomas with Sir John Savage. The
and the latter was a son of Lord Stanley's sister, and
Stanleys. , , , , J
drew a stipend from Holt castle, the property
of the Stanleys; and the Stanleys were deeply implicated
in Henry's enterprise2. We may, therefore, fairly suspect
1 One of the inaccuracies of his "Life" in the Cambrian Register is
to make him at this period constable of Carmarthen castle. That office
was held by Sir John Dwnn who was also sheriff of the two counties. We
hear nothing of Dwnn during these great events. He was probably
away, as he was an officer at Calais and deputy of Risbank. He retained
his positions under Henry VII. Rot. Pari. 341. Letters of Richard III,
etc. 1. 15.
2 Polydore, 216 seq. Cal. Pat. Rolls. "BaUad of the Lady Bessy."
When Lord Strange unsuccessfully tried to escape from court he confessed
that his father was implicated and threw himself on the king's mercy.

x] HENRY TUDOR 221
that Rhys ap Thomas and Sir John Savage were agents in
a common intrigue, and the suspicion is confirmed by the
" Ballad of the Lady Bessy." The plot was deep and dark.
It seems to have been arranged that when news of Henry's
landing would be passing through Carmarthen on its way
to Richard's headquarters at Nottingham, it would be
noised abroad that Rhys ap Thomas and his confederates
would oppose Henry, in order that Richard might be luUed
into a sense of false security, as indeed he was ; for though
he heard the news on the nth he did not move tiU the
15th. Further to disarm suspicion they joined Henry at
intervals, Rhys two days before he reached Shrewsbury,
Sir John Savage between Shrewsbury and Bosworth, and
Stanley on the battle-field.
Henry had already sent messengers to inform the
Stanleys, the Talbots, and his friends in North Wales, that
he was making for Shrewsbury along the vaUey of the Severn.
His letter to his kinsman John ap Meredith1 has been
preserved, and is as follows :
"By the King.
"Right trusty and weU-beloved, we greet you weU. And
whereas it is so that, through the help of Almighty God,
the assistance of our loving and true subjects, and the great
confidence that we have to the nobles and commons of this
our principality of Wales, we be entered into the same,
purposing, by the help above rehearsed, in aU haste possible
to descend into our realm of England, not only for the
adoption of the crown, unto us of right appertaining, but
also for the oppression of the tryant, Richard late duke of
Gloucester, usurper of our said right ; and moreover to
reduce as weU our said realm of England into its ancient
estate, honour, and property and prosperity, as this our
said principality of Wales and the people of the same to
their erst liberties, delivering them of such miserable
servitude as they have piteously long stood in : We desire
1 Wynne's History of the Gwydir Family, 55-56.

222 HENRY TUDOR [ch.
and pray you, and upon your allegiance strictly charge and
command you that, immediately upon the sight hereof,
with aU such power as ye may make, defensibly arrayed
for the war, ye address you towards us, wheresoever we shaU
be, to our aid, for the effect above rehearsed, wherein ye
shall cause us in time to come to be your singular good lord ;
and that ye faU not hereof as ye wiU avoid our grievous
displeasure, and answer it unto your peril. Given under
our signet at our ( ).
"To our trusty and weU-beloved John ap Meredith ap
Ievan ap Meredith1."
From Cardigan Henry proceeded northwards "through
Henry-s rugged and indirect tracts." His natural line
march. 0f march would be through Strata Florida,
Aberystwyth, MachynUeth, and thence to Newtown and
Welshpool in the upper vaUey of the Severn ; but, local
tradition apart, there is no data which wiU enable us to
describe his itinerary between Cardigan and Shrewsbury.
But he knew enough of the temper and history of the people
among whom he had landed to realise that his descent from
Cadwaladr and the kings of old would win him support ;
and that the display of a fiery red dragon would fire enthu
siasm2. This standard was offered at St Paul's after the
victory. He was also conscious of the influence of the
poets, and had utihsed them to prepare the people for his
reception. One of these was Robin Ddu3, to whose
writings we have already referred in connection with
Owen Tudor.
During his progress through Cardiganshire he was joined
1 It will be observed that the date and place are left blank. I do
not find John ap Meredith's name among those who were rewarded by
Henry, which is curious if he assisted him.
2 ,Hall, 410. Bernard Andre1. 9. Croyland, 501.
3 Y mae hiraeth am Harri,
Y mae gobaith i'n hiaith ni.
"We look forward to the coming of Henry; our nation puts its trust in
him." Robin Ddu, in Ceinion Llenyddiaith, 221.
See also the unpubUshed poems of Bedo Brwynllys (Cardiff MSS.),
and other contemporary poets.

X] HENRY TUDOR 223
by a few local squires who were afterwards rewarded1.
On reaching the confines of Merionethshire he probably
received a North Wales contingent, several of whom were
signalled out for distinction after Bosworth "for true and
faithful service done as weU in this our late victorious field
as otherwise2." The tale runs that at MachynUeth he was
sheltered by Davydd Llwyd, the poet, who was uncertain
whether to prophesy faUure or success, until his wife
solved the difficulty by saying that he could lose nothing
by predicting success ; for if it proved true he might be
rewarded, and if it proved false Henry would not hve to
reproach him. The tale is one of many fables of a later
day, and is discredited by the fact that the Tudors had
found no more stalwart supporter than Davydd Llwyd.
When Henry was a two days' journey from Shrewsbury
Rh s he came to an understanding with Rhys ap
joins Thomas, whom he promised the lieutenantship
of Wales in return for his support. Rhys had
now an effective argument for a bargain in an imposing
array of followers, "a great bande of soldiers3." It was
now about August 12 or 13, and Henry might be in the
neighbourhood of Newtown or Welshpool. Rhys had
traversed Mid- Wales with the black raven as his standard*.
Among the Carmarthenshire people who were rewarded by
Henry after his accession were Adam ap Evan ap Jankyn
1 The chief of these were Rhys ap PhUip, who became rhaglaw of
the county; Owen Lloyd, who was made constable of Cardigan, where
he was foUowed by Rhydderch ap Rhys next year ; David Glyn ; PhiUip
ap Rhys ap Thomas Vaughan of Mabwynion, who became steward of that
district and baiUff of Isaeron. Rot. Pari. vi. 363. Cal. Pat. RoUs, passim.
2 The foUowing came from North Wales : Edward ap Ednyfed, who
received the woodwardship of Merioneth; Howel ap Griffith ap Howel
who received the fee-farm of PenmaenUwyd; Richard Pole, who became
. sheriff of that county ; RheinaUt Davy, who got an annuity of 100/- from
Pennal; Robert Gethin of Snowdon; Edward Morgan of Aberffraw;
WiUiam Eynon; WiUiam Griffith ap Robin, and Rhys ap Llywelyn, who
became sheriff of Carnarvon and Anglesey respectively, and both of whom
received denizenship early in i486. Also Piers Stanley and Piers Egerton.
CampbeU, 295, etc.. Rot. Pari. 353, seq. ; Rymer xii. 89 ; Cal. Pat. RoUs,
passim. 3 Polydore, 217. * "Ballad of the Lady Bessy."

224 HENRY TUDOR [ch.
"in consideration of his true service unto our noble progen
itors of long tyme passed, and to us nowe late in our victorious
journey and field, to his great costs and damages" ; and
Philip ap Howel and his wife "sometime our nurse," an
interesting fact of Henry's childhood1.
Of the assistance rendered by Rhys ap Thomas there is
ample evidence besides what is contained in the Patent
RoUs. There is striking testimony, for example, in the
Enghsh baUads of Tudor times, allowance being made of
course for exaggeration. The " BaUad of the Lady Bessy "
alludes to him thus :
Sir Rhys ap Thomas, a knight of Wales certain,
Eight thousand spears brought he ;

Sir Rhys ap Thomas shall break the array,
For he wiU fight and never flee2.
Again, the " Rose of England " :
Then Sir Rice ap Thomas drawes Wales with him,
A worthy sight it was to see
How the Welshmen rose wholly with him,
And stogged them to Shrewsburye3.
1 The Carmarthenshire grants are as foUows: John ap Thomas, who
became steward of the Welsh courts of Carmarthenshire and Cardiganshire ;
•Morris Lloyd of Wydegada, for service in our late triumph; Owen ap
Griffith, who was made steward and constable of Laugharne; Geoffrey
Rede, receiver of Kidwely with an annuity of £20, and with Rhys ap
Thomas and Morris ap Owen supervisor in the duchy of Lancaster; Adam
ap Evan ap Jankyn, attorney in the two counties; his brother David,
rhingyU of Kidwely and CarnwaUon, escheator in South Wales, and the
amobrship of Iscennin; Richard Owen, receiver of Kidwely; Morris ap
Owen, a simUar office in CarnwaUon and Iscennin, for his services ; Hugh
Vaughan forester in Kidwely lordship ; John Aubrey, rhaglaw in Carmar
thenshire for his services at Bosworth; Walter ap Lewis, baiUff and
attorney in Kidwely and the district; PhUip ap Howel and his wife an
annuity of ^20 "for true service done unto us." Rot. Pari. vi. 350. Cal.
Pat. RoUs, passim ; September — December, 1485. CampbeU, passim.
2 Early English Poetry, xx. (1847).
8 Child's Popular Ballads, in. 331-3. The Lady Bessy also teUs
Lord Stanley : Your brother dwelleth in Holt castle

All the Welshmen love him weU;
He may make a great company.

X] HENRY TUDOR 225
Moreover, Rhys himself was generously rewarded — the first
of the family to receive conspicuous favour from the English
Government since the time of his grandfather, Griffith ap
Nicholas, in the reign of Henry VI. Amongst other marks
of favour Rhys was knighted on Bosworth field, and was
made constable, steward, and lieutenant of Brecknock,
steward of Builth, and chamberlain of Cardigan and Car
marthen counties1.
It is probable that Sir Walter Herbert joined Henry at
the same time as Rhys, and brought with him the levies of
south-east Wales, notably of Monmouth and the surrounding
districts2. When Henry reached Shrewsbury, about August 15th,
Henry at ne found the gates shut and the portculhs let
Shrewsbury. down ; and so he fell back to Forton for the
night. The town subsequently surrendered and gave him
a contingent of men at its own cost. Henry was now
joined by those to whom he had sent messages soon after
his landing. From Shrewsbury he marched to Newport
where he encamped for the night. That evening he was
joined by Gilbert Talbot and a few hundred Shropshire men.
Thence he proceeded to Stafford where he had an interview
with Sir Wilham Stanley. Stanley's men were drawn largely
from North Wales and the valley of the Dee. From Stafford
Henry moved to Lichfield.
Richard heard now for the first time that his rival had
traversed Wales unopposed. It threw him into a fierce
1 Campbell, i. 105-9; n. 91. He was also a commissioner of mines.
2 Evan Lloyd Vaughan, constable of Neath and Aberavon, for service
etc. Hugh ap Howel, £20 out of the fee-farm of Monmouth for service
at Bosworth "where it happened him to be sore hurt and maimed";
John ap Howel, steward and receiver of Monmouth; Walter ap David
ap John, coroner of Gower; WUUam Llywelyn of Newport and Thomas
ap Morgan ; Hugh Richard of CantreceUy ; Nicolas WiUiams of Monmouth ;
Mathew Cradock, constable of CaerphUly; WUUam Herbert, receiver of
Monmouth, Whitecastle, Skenfrith; others in Glamorgan and Aber
gavenny. The affairs of the earldom of March were to be managed by
nine commissioners including Jasper, Morgan John PhiUp, and Thomas
Morgan of Gloucester. Cal. Pat. Rolls, passim. Campbell, 253, 298.
Jasper became lord of Glamorgan.
E. W. R. I5

226 HENRY TUDOR [ch.
rage, for he had believed "that his men whom he had disposed
for defense of that province wer ready in aU respectes."
He had been informed that Henry had such a small company
that he " should surely have an eveU ende whan he showld
come to that place, where either he should be forced to fight
against his wiU, or taken alive by Walter Herbert and
Rhys ap Thomas1." He immediately set out for Leicester.
Meanwhile a strange chance happened to Henry. Being
stiU in doubt as to the disposition of Lord Stanley he
fingered, accompanied by only twenty armed foUowers, in the
rear of his army, dehberating what he should do ; for he
now knew that Richard was at hand. In the neighbourhood
of Tamworth he lost aU trace of his army at nightfaU and
had to pass the night in deadly fear in a viUage, perhaps
Whittington, three miles away from them. The army was
equaUy anxious about Henry until he returned to them
early next morning, excusing himself that he had been
consulting some of his friends in secret. ^He then had a
private interview with the two Stanleys at Atherstone, and
a httle before evening on the same "day Sir John Savage
came over to his side2.
From Leicester Richard advanced to Bosworth where he
pitched his tent for the night. A terrible dream disturbed
his rest, "for he thought in his sleep that he saw horrible
images as it were of evU spirits haunting evidently about
him, as it were before his eyes, and that they would not let
him rest ; which vision truly did not so much strike into his
breast a sudden fear as replenish the same with heavy
cares3." On the morning of August 22nd he drew up his men
with John, duke of Norfolk, on the left, the earl of Northum
berland on the right, and himself in the centre. Henry,
having rested his men during the night, also drew his men
1 We have already shown that Richard had no real grounds for this
reUance on Rhys ap Thomas at least.
* Polydore. HaU. Croyland.
8 Polydore, 222.

x] HENRY TUDOR 227
out for battle. The earl of Oxford was chief captain of
Bosworth. tlie army- GUbert Talbot commanded the
right, Sir John Savage the left, and Henry the
centre " trusting to the aid of Lord Stanley, with one troop of
horsemen, and a few footmen." Lord Stanley was mid-way
between the two hosts; and when Henry asked him to
arrange his men for battle he sent an evasive answer that
he would join him "with his army weU appointed," and that
Henry should "set his own folks in order1."
Richard's troops attacked with great shouts and a flight
of arrows. The battle was raging when the king was
informed of Henry's vulnerable position. Giving spurs to
his horse he issued from the flank and made for Henry's
standard. But Henry and his men withstood him manfully
untU WUIiam Stanley came to their assistance. In the
thick of the fight Richard was slain. Norfolk and Lord
Ferrers (Walter Devereux) were slain. A few took sanctuary,
but the greater part threw down their arms. The earl of
Northumberland was received into favour.
Henry was crowned on the battle-field. In the evening
he came to Leicester. Thither also was brought Richard's
body "naked of all clothing, and layd upon an horse back
with the arms and legs hanging down on both sides," and
buried at the Franciscan abbey.
Rhys ap Thomas was knighted on the battle-field, and
gave considerable assistance to Henry in subsequent years.
Jasper Tudor became duke of Bedford, and married the
widow of the late duke of Buckingham2. The later history
1 Bernard Andr6, 29. Polydore, 222-6.
2 The foUowing Welshmen found favour with Henry in the first year
of his reign in addition to those already mentioned: Morris ap David
ap Griffith of Knighton; David ap Madoe Gough of Ceri and Cedewain;
WiUiam Lloyd, constable of Denbigh; John Thomas, constable of Hay;
Hugh Lloyd, escheator of Denbigh ; John ap Evan ap Llywelyn of Radnor ;
Thomas Havard of Caerleon; Hugh Lewis of Denbigh; David Middleton,
escheator of Denbigh; John ap Meredith ap Ieuan Lloyd of Denbigh;
David Lloyd, one of the keepers of the Tower of London; David Owen,
chief carver of the king. Rot. Pari., 344-66. CampbeU, 208-30.
Robert ap GwUym ap Thomas of Hereford, Walter ap GwUym of Archen-
field, and the Vaughans who opposed Buckingham, were pardoned.
15—2

228

HENRY TUDOR

[CH.

of Jasper and Rhys is beyond the pale of the present work.
The new king inaugurated an era of internal peace, so that
Lewis Glyn Cothi a few years later was able to say with
truth, "The boar is cold in his grave ; the world is stiU,
and envenomed feuds asleep."
A'r baedd oer i'r bedd a aeth
A'r egwyd a'i rywogaeth.
A'r byd es enyd y sydd
A'i holl wenwyn yn llonydd.

THE HERBERTS.
GwUym ap Jankyn

David Gam

Thomas

Roger
Vaughan of
Bredwardine

Howel

Jankyn

Gwladys m. Sir William1
ap Thomas

Evan
 l 

Thomas of
Raglan

Jankyn of
Llantwit

Tohn

Thomas EUzabeth Margaret
Herbert m. m.
(died Sir Henry Sir Henry
at StradUng Wogan
Troye)

WUUam2 Sir
Herbert Richard
earl Herbert
of of
Pembroke Colebrook

John WiUiam
Herbert Herbert
(John ap
WiUiam)

1

i

1

E

1 I
Richard Sir

i
1
WiUiam

i
Sir

ir

Herbert William

Herbert

Walter

Richard

of Herbert

earl of

Herbert

Herbert

Ewyas of

Pembroke

of

Troye

Montgomery
WilUam
Herbert
earl of
Pembroke
(new
creation)
John Wogan Thomas Wogan
i
Henry Wogan
dau. m
John Wogan
Sir John Wogan
David ap
Jankyn
Thomas ap
David I
John ap
Thomas
dau. m. Sir WiUiam Perot
Sir Owen Perot
Thomas Perot
1 Cal. Inquis. post mortem, 47 : EUzabetha quae fuit uxor GuUelmi app Thomas,
armigeri, — nuUa tenuit in com. Hereford nee march.
2 He had other sons : George, John, PhUip, Thomas, WiUiam, Richard.
x]

HENRY TUDOR

229

THE MANSELS.

Richard m. Lucy, dau.
Mansel of PhiUp
of Scurlage
Isabel, dan. m. Sir Hugh Mansel
of John of
Penrice

Sir Richard Mansel m. dan. of
GUbert
TurberviUe of
Penlline | 
John Mansel m. Cecily

WUIiam Beauchamp
earl of Warwick

Isabel m. Sir Roger
Umfraville of
Penmarch

CecUy m. Sir WiUiam
Cantelupe of
Cantleston

dau. of m. PhUip (1420 — 1471) m. dau. of
Griffith I Mansel Sir PhiUp
ap Long
Nicholas Jenkyn Mansel

FAMILY OF GRIFFITH AP NICHOLAS.

MabU, dau.
of Meredith ap
Henry Dwnn
Gwenllian m.

Nicholas m. dau. of Griffith ap
| Llywelyn of Newton
Griffith
m. ap m. dau. of Sir
Nicholas Thomas Perot

Griffith
ap David
ap Thomas

Thomas ap
Griffith

Owen ap
Griffith

-r

Morgan David Henry Jankyn

Sir Rhys
ap
Thomas

Thomas ap
Griffith

Rhys ap
Griffith

 1
David I
Nicholas

230

HENRY TUDOR

[ch. x

THE DWNNS.

Griffith Dwnn
 i  , 

Robert Dwnn

Henry Dwnn

Henry Dwnn
Meredith
 l 

David

 1
Sir John
Dwnn I
Sir Edward
Dwnn

Owen I
Harri Dwnn of Picton

Daughter m. Trahaiarn
ap Morgan
ap Jankyn

LIST OF ORIGINAL AUTHORITIES
Acts and Proceedings of the Privy Council. H. Nicolas. (Record
Commission, 1834.)
Ancient and Modern Denbigh. John WUliams. Denbigh, 1856.
Andr6, Bernard. Vita Regis Henrici Sepiimi, Memorials of
Henry VII. J. Gairdner. (RoUs Series, No. 10.)
Antiquary. Vol. xvi. etc.
Archaeologia. Vol. xxix. etc.
Archaeologia Cambrensis.
Basin, Thomas. Histoire de Charles VII et Louis XI. J. Quicherat,
(Soci6t6 de l'Histoire de Paris, 1855.)
Beaucourt, G. du Fresne de. Histoire de Charles VII. (Paris, 1885.)
Bekyngton, T. Letters of. G. WiUiams. (RoUs Series, No. 56.)
Berry. See Blondel.
Blakman, J. Liber de vita et miraculis Henrici VI. Printed by
Hearne (1734).
Blondel, R. De Reductione Normanniae. J. Stevenson. (RoUs
Series, No. 32.)
Brief Latin Chronicle. See Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles.
Calendars of Gwynedd. Breece.
Cambrian Register, 1795. Life of Sir Rhys ap Thomas.
CampbeU, Materials for the History ofthe Reign of Henry VII. 2 vols.
(RoUs Series.)
Capgrave, John. De Illustribus Henricis. (RoUs Series, No. 7.)
Cardiff Records.
Ceinion Llenyddiaith Gymreig.
Chartier, Jean. Chronique de Charles VII. (Edit. VaUet de
ViriviUe, 1858.)
Chronicle, Davies. EngUsh Chronicle, printed for the Camden
Society, by Sylvester Davies. No. 64.
Chronicle, Giles. A Chronicle (Henry IV — Henry VI) printed by
Dr Giles from MSS. Sloane 1776, and Reg. 13. C. 1.

232 LIST OF ORIGINAL AUTHORITIES
Chronicle, London. English Chronicle of London, printed by Sir
H. Nicolas, 1827.
Chronicle of the Rebellion in Lincolnshire. J. G. Nichols. (Camden
MisceUany, vol. 1.) An official account by some one in the
royal service.
Chronicles of the White Rose of York. (Bohn, 1845.) A coUection
of documents relating to the reign of Edward IV.
Clark. Carta et Munimenta Glamorganiae. Glamorgan Charters.
Claus Rerum. Record Office, Fetter Lane.
Collections, Historical and Archaeological, relating to Montgomeryshire.
Powys-Land Club.
Comines, PhiUppe de, . Mimoires de; edit. Dupont. (Paris, 1840.
Soci6t6 de l'Histoire de France.)
Croyland Abbey; Ingulph's Chronicle of, wilh Continuations; edit.
Riley. (Bohn, 1854.)
Cymmrodor. Cymmrodorion Society.
Davydd Llwyd, Poems by. Cardiff MSS.
Deputy Keeper of the Public Records, Reports of.
Devon Issues. Issues of the Exchequer, Henry III — Henry VI, from
tbe Pell Records, by F. Devon. (Record Commission, 1837.)
Doyle, J. E. The Official Baronage of England, 1886. 3 vols.
Dugdale, Sir William. The Baronage of England. 2 vols. (1675.)
Dwnn's Heraldic Visitations of Wales. 2 vols. Welsh MSS. Society.
1846.
ElUs, Sir Henry. Original Letters Illustrative of English History.
(Three Series, 1825-1846.)
Escouchy, Mathieu D'; Chronique de. (Soci6t6 de l'Histoire de
Paris.)
Excerpta Historica. Sir H. Nicolas. (London, 1831.)
Fabyan, Robert. The New Chronicle of England. H. EUis. (1811.)
Foedera, Conventiones el Litterae. T. Rymer. (London, 1709.)
Fortescue, Sir John. The Governance of England. Edit. Plummer.
(Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1885.)
Gairdner, James. Life and Reign of Richard III. (London, 1879.)
Gorchestion Beirdd Cymru. Edit. Rhys Jones. Shrewsbury, 1773.
 Edit. Cynddelw (revised). Carnarvon.
Grafton; Richard. Chronicle of England. (London, 1809.)
Grants etc. of Edward V. J. G. Nichols. (Camden Society, No. 60.)
Gregory, William. Historical Collections of a London Citizen;
1189-1469. J. Gairdner. (Camden Society, New Series, No'.
18.)
Guto'r Glyn, Poems of. Hafod MSS. Cardiff Library.

LIST OF ORIGINAL AUTHORITIES 233
HaU, E. Chronicle containing the History of England from Henry IV
to Henry VIII. H. EUis. (London, 1809.)
Hardyng, John. Metrical Chronicle, with continuation of R. Grafton.
H. EUis. (1812.)
Historical Literature of the Fifteenth Century. Kingsford.
Historical MSS. Commission Reports.
Historie of the Arrivall of King Edward IV. J. Bruce. (Camden
Society, 1838.)
Holinshed, Raphael. Chronicles of England, etc. H. ElUs. (London,
1807.)
Howel SwTdwal. Gwaith Barddonol. Bangor Welsh MSS. Society..
J. C. Morrice, 1908.
Huw Cae Llwyd. Poems of. Cardiff MSS.
Ieuan Deulwyn, Casgliad o Waith. Bangor Welsh MSS. Society.
Ifor WiUiams, 1909.
Inquisitiones post mortem, Calendar of.
Iolo MSS.
Issues. Issue RoUs ; PeU Issue Rolls. MSS. Record Office, Fetter
Lane.
Letters and Papers Illustrative of the Reigns of Richard III and
Henry VII. 2 vols. James Gairdner. (Rolls Series, No. 24.)
Letters of Margaret of Anjou. C. Munro. (Camden Society, No. 80.)
Lewis Glyn Cothi. Poetical Works of. 2 vols. (Oxford, 1837.)
Cymmrodorion Society Publications.
Liber Niger Scaccarii. T. Hearne. (Oxford, 1728.)
Life of Sir Rhys ap Thomas. See Cambrian Register.
Lords' Reports. Reports of the Lords' Committee on Matters apper
taining to the Dignity of a Peer. (1829.)
Mediceval Boroughs of Snowdonia. Lewis. University of Wales
Guild of Graduates.
Ministers' Accounts.
Monstrelet, Enguerrand de. Chroniques. Buchon. (Pantheon Lit-
teraire, 1836.)
More, Sir Thomas. Life of Richard III. Lumby. (Pitt Press.)
Opera Omnia. (London, 1689.)
Mostyn MSS. History of Wales by EUis Griffith.
Paston Letters. J. Gairdner. 3 vols. 1872.
Patent Rolls, Calendar of. Prepared by the Deputy Keeper of the
Records.
Pecock, Reginald. Life of; by John Lewis. (Oxford, Clarendon
Press, 1820.)
Plumpton Correspondence. T. Stapleton. (Camden Society, No. 4.)
15—5

234 LIST OF ORIGINAL AUTHORITIES
Political Songs and Poems. T. Wright. (Rolls Series, No. 14.)
Polydore Vergil. (Camden Society, No. 29.)
Popular Ballads, Child.
Privy Seals. MSS., Record Office. Fetter Lane.
Queen's Remembrancer's Miscellanea, etc. MSS., Record Office,
Fetter Lane.
Receipt Rolls. MSS., Record Office, Fetter Lane.
Record of Carnarvon.
Records of Denbigh and its Lordship. WUUams. Wrexham, i860.
Repressor of Over Moche Wijtyng the Clergie. C. Babington. (RoUs
Series, No. 19.)
Roiuli Parliamentorum. (Record Commission.)
Royal Historical Society's Transactions. 1911.
Rutland Papers. (Camden Society, No. 21.)
Rymer. Collections, etc.
Stafford MSS. See Historical MSS. Commission Reports.
Statutes of the Realm. (Record Commission, 1810.)
Stevenson, J. Letters and Papers Illustrative of the Wars of the
English in France. (Rolls Series, No. 22.)
Stow, John. Annates or Generall Chronicle of England, with Con
tinuation by Howes. (London, 1615.)
Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles. J. Gairdner. (Camden Society,
1880.)
Transactions of the Cymmrodorion Society.
Trevelyan Papers. (Camden Society.)
Tudur PenUyn. Cardiff MSS.
Warkworth, J. HaUiwell. (Camden Society, '1839.)
Wavrin, Jehan de. Recueil des Chroniques, etc. (Rolls Series.)
Welsh MSS. British Museum. Edward Owen. Cymmrodorion
Series.
West Wales Historical Society's Transactions.
Whethamstede, Johannes. Registrum, etc. Riley. (RoUs Series,
No. 28.)
Worcester, William of. Annates Rerum Anglicarum. Printed by
Stevenson. (Rolls Series.)
 Itinerarium. 1777. Printed by Simeon.
Wynne. History of the Gwydir Family. Oswestry. 1878.

INDEX

Aber, 210
Aberdare, 195
Aberfraw, 67
Abergavenny, 78, 109, no, 201, 210
Abergele, m
Aberystwyth, 27, 34, 86, 90, 96, 137,
151, 203, 222
Adam ap Evan ap Jankyn, 223-4
— ap Howel, 98
Agincourt, Battle of, 17, 20, 37, 43,
45. 57. 66
Alcock, John, 198, 201
Alexander's Town, 172
Alnwick, 150
Alun ap Meredith ap PhUip Madoe,
40
AnabiU, 163
Andrew ap Lewis, 44
Angle, 218
Anglesey, 16, 26, 37, 70, 77, 83,
89, 168, 171, 189, 197, 223
Archenfield, 136, 146
Arnold, Morris, 156, 172
Arras, Congress of, 51, 64
Aubrey, John, 224
Audley, Justice, 80
Audley, Lord, 53, 63, 91, 102, 122,
123, 137, 152
— , Nicholas, 102
Baker, Richard, 215
— , Roger, 215
Bala, 16, 37
Bamborough, 149
Banbury, 76, 157, 168, 176-192, 215
Bangor, see of, 153
Banister, Ralph, 208
Banon, Thomas, 148
Barmouth, 154, 165-6
Barnet, 157, 193
Barre, Thomas, 63
Basingwerk, 32
Bassaleg, 26
Bayeux, 54, 57-61

Baynard's Castle, 84, 132
Beauchamps, The, 77, 79, 89, 101,
135
Beaufort, Cardinal, 21, 44, 67
— , Edmund. See Somerset, duke
of.
— , Margaret, 68, 79, 92, 96
Beauforts, The, 89
Beaugency, 49
Beaumaris, 27, 31, 67, 76-7, n6,
145, 156, 164, 188, 203, 210,
215
Beaumont, 50, 69
Bedford, John, duke of, 21, 46, 64
Bellingham, Sir Henry, 169
Bennayth, Richard, 173
Bennoth, Hugh, 40
Bikley, Roger, 214
BlaenUyfni, 155
Bioreheath, Battle of, 102-4, I23»
202
Bohun, Eleanor, 79, 206
— , Humphrey. See Hereford, earl
of.
— , Mary, 79, 206
Bolde, Bartholomew, 77
— , Henry, 156, 189
BonviUe, Lord, 79, 163
— , CeciUe, 163
Bosworth, Battle of, 7, 23, 92, 215-
228
Bourchiers, The, 45, 58, 116, 132,
159
Bowles, Sir Thomas, 210
Bray, Reginald, 207, 216
Brechva, Ieuan, 74
Brecon (Brecknock), 44, 79, 97-8,
101, 114, 117-8, 123, 138,
147, 175-6, 189, 191, 204-10
Bredwardine, 177
Bristol, 30, 75, 98, 130, 138, 146-7,
176
Brittany, 20, 49, 63, 150, 154, 170,
195, 205-8, 212-3, 2I6

236

INDEX

Bromfield, 147, 215
Brown, Thomas, 149
BrynUys, 210
Brys, Thomas, 149
Buckingham, Humphrey, duke of,
13, 42, 78, 79, 82, 85, 89,
9°. 95. 97. 99. i°°. io4> IQ8,
no, 113, 117-8
— . Henry, duke of, 79, 138, 202-9
— , Edward, — , 217
BuUth, 67, 79, 84, in, 150, 156,
203, 214
Bulkeley (Bulkley), Hugh, 203
— , WUUam, 25, 77, 164, 203
Burgundy, 51, 63, 161, 165
— , duke of, 145, 148
Burley, WilUam, 25
Bury, ParUament of, 5, 37-42
Butler, Arnold, 219
Cade's rebelhon, 9, 61, 75-6, 122
Caerleon, 84, 109, no, 203, 210
CaerphiUy, 100
Caerwys, 215
Calais, 61, 75-6, 78, 104, 105, 113,
123, 173, 177
Caldecot, 67, 146
Cambridge conspiracy, 17, 46
Canons, David, 22
CantreceUy, 149, 172, 216
Cantref Mawr, 189, 190
Cardiff, 79, 100, 118, 195
Cardigan, 26-7, 37-8, 44, 86, 89,
125, 135-137. 149-50. i72.
188, 190, 196, 203
Carentan, 57, 59, 75-6
Carew, Thomas, 44, 45, 64
Carmarthen, 13, 16, 27, 38, 40,
44, 86, 89, 91, 96, 100, 124-5,
135-7. 150-2, 175, 180, 188,
190, 203
Carnarvon, 16, 26, 37, 83, 86, 89,
138, 143, 145, 155, 164, 170,
172, 189, 202, 203
Carregcennen, 96
Castle Martin, 82
— , PhUip, 140, 141
Catherine, Queen, widow of Henry
V, 9, 21-2, 66-72, 94, 127, 213
Cause, Roger, 64
Caws, 30
Cedewain, 79, no, 137, 164
Cemmaes, 67, 102, 123
• — , WiUiam, 156
Ceri, 79, no, 164
Chamberlain, Sir Roger, 39
Charltons, The, 25, 104

ChatUlon, 163
Chenlet, John, 205
Chepstow, 136, 164, 176, 183, 185,
194. 195
Cherbourg, 58, 60, 61
CherweU, River, 181, 183
Cheshire, 76, 90, 101-3, 115, 198
Chester, 37, 38, 40, 77, 79, 96, 102,
112, 119, 155, 202
Chipping Norton, 130
Chirk, 140, 147, 170, 172, 200
Chwitford, Thomas, 154
CUgerran, 13, 37, 82, 146, 190, 203,
210
Cirencester, 121, 175
Clapham, John, 18 1-2
Clarence, George, duke of, 105,
173, 174, 177, 182, 190-3,
198-9
Clement, Maud, 24
— , WilUam, 24
Cleobury Park, no
Cleygyn, 172
CUfford, 79, 138, 150, 158, 203
Cobham, Eleanor, 38, 40-1
Coedraeth, 82
ColeshiU, 67
Contour, John, 185
Conway, 15, 31, 76-7, 86, 116,
168-172, 203, 215
— , Hugh, 196, 207
Conyers, John, 182
— , Sir WiUiam, 174
Corbet, Sir Richard, 192, 193
— , Sir Roger, 103, 116, 189
CornwaU, Thomas, no, 137, 147
Cottishold, 175
Court of the President and Council
of Wales, 34, 36, 39
Coventry, 104-5, 108, 111-2, 115— 17,
120-1, 148, 163, 188, 191
Cowbridge, 195
Cradock, Mathew, 225
Crevant, Battle of, 21, 47, 48, 54
Crickhowel, 155
Croft, Sir Richard, 108, no, 116,
122-3, 137. 148. I94. 200,
215
— , Thomas, 148
Culworth, 181
Cymmer, 16, 83
Cymmerch, in
Cymmorthau, 33
Dafydd ap Einon ap Rhys Hywel,
161, 168
Dale, 13, 218

INDEX

237

Danesmoor, 181
Dansey, John, 53
Daventiy, 68
David, Howel, 156
David ap Ieuan ap Eynon (David
ap Einon), 140, 144-5, 155,
166-7
David ap Einon ap Ieuan, 144
— ap Griffith, 51
— ap GwUym, 156
— ap Ieuan, 31, 51
 ap Owen, 144
 ap Trahaiarn, 44
— ap Jankyn, 184
— ap Madoe Gough, 227
— ap Meredith, 25
— ap Rees ap Llywelyn, 109
— ap Rhys, 63
— ap Thomas, 21, 31, 40, 195
 ap David ap Llywelyn, 33
Davy, Hopkin, 124, 128
— , Howel, 156, 172
— , Johannes, 51
— , John, 156, 172
Deio ap Ieuan Hen, 129
Delabeare, EUzabeth, 208-9
Denbigh, 79, 89, 96, 109, in, 116,
120-1, 137, 139, 140, 143,
156, 164, 166, 168, 203, 215
DereU, John, 63
Despensers, The, 101, in, 161
Deulwyn, Ieuan, 3, 4, 50, 62, 74,
94
Devereux, Anne, 117
— , Sir John, 43
— , — , 193, 196, 200
— . Sir Walter (Lord Ferrers), 52,
76, 79-83, 97, 101, 104, 106-8,
116-123, 132-142, 146-151,
164, 172, 189, 190, 196-7,
200, 208, 227
Devon, earl of, 79, 121, 175-180,
184
Dinas, 109, 155, 203
Doe, Morgan, 25
DolgeUy, 86
Donne, Hugh, 58
Doore, Galfridus, 51
Dorset, Thomas, marquis of, 200.
See Somerset.
Drysiwyn, 27, 15 1-2
Dunois, Count of, 51, 55, 56. 6o
Dunster, 136, 155
— , Lord. See Huntingdon, earl of .
Durham, 189
Dwnn, Geoffrey, 64
— , Griffith, 20, 51, 53, 176

Dwnn, Henry, 152, 170, 184, 217,,
(of Picton) 176, 184
— , John, 95, 102, 123, 136-7, 147,
151-2, 172, 185, 190-1, 194,
196, 220
— , Owen, 25, 40, 64, 76
— , Robert, 63, 196
Dwnns, The, 90, 129-30, 136, 139,
190
Dyffryn Brian, 82
Dynevor, 23, 27, 40, 44, 106, 130,
203
Dyngestowe, 163
Edgecote, Battle of, 3, 5, 11, 29,
149, 174, 178, 180-183, 188
Edward I, 26, 36, in
— IV, earl of March, 6, 8, 10, 17,
22, 28, 36, 73-203
— V, 202, 204
— , Prince, 74, 100, no-i, 120,
144, 164, 194, 200
— . John, 8, 45, 51
— ap Ednyfed, 223
— ap Howel, 64
— ap Jankyn, 210
— ap Madoe, 153
— ap Morgan, 144
Edwards, John, 210
EUot, John, 17
Elizabeth of York, 205
EUis ap Griffith ap Einon, 83
Elwick, Thomas, 169
Emlyn, 82, 146
Enderby, Walter, 210
Englefield, 67
Evan Lloyd Vaughan, 225
— ap Jenkin, 40
— ap Robin, 33
Ewyas, 79, 150, 156
— Lacy, 109, no, 203, 210
Eynon, John, 40, 184
— , WUIiam, 223
Eyton, Fulk, 55
— , John, 139, 176
— , Nicholas, 103
— , Roger, 137, 172
Exeter, Henry HoUand, earl of,
120, 142, 143, 145, 197
Fastolf, Sir John, 49, 51, 62
Ferrers of Chartley. See Devereux,
Walter.
Ferrybridge, 133
Fitzhenry (Fitzharry), Thomas, no,
116, 124, 128, 137, 142, 147, 197
— , William, 64

238

INDEX

Fitzwalter, Lord, 64, 132
Fitzwarren, WUUam, 31, 197
Flint, 25, 67, 96, 116, 112, 171,
192, 198
FlueUen, 47
Formigny, 9, 59, 61, 76
Fortescue, Sir John, 108
Fougeres, 56, 76
Francis II, duke of Brittany, 193,
196
Gabriell, The, 159
Gam, David, 18, 44, 45, 52, 53,
74
Gamage, Morgan, 210
— , Thomas, 64
GeUigaer, 195
Geoffrey ap Rhys, 64
Gerardston, 20, 172
Gethin, Morris, 156, 172
— , Sir Richard, 46, 47, 49
— , Rhys, 46
— , Robert, 223
¦ Glamorgan, 26, 53, 78, 89, 100-1,
109-10, 112, 118, 123, 158,
171, 176, 188, 195, 197
Glasbury, 138, 196
Gloucester, 80, 130, 131, 135-6,
152, 156, 167, 174-5, 192,
194, 204
— , Humphrey, duke of, 4, 13, 21,
23-4, 26, 37, 39, 41, 53, 63,
66, 68, 69, 74
— , Richard, duke of . See Richard
III.
Glover, WiUiam, 135
Glyn, David, 223
Glyn, John, 45
Glyn Cothi, Forest of, 128, 157, 189
Glyn Cothi, Lewis, 3-10, 13, 23,
28-31, 34, 48, 50, 62, 74, 93-4,
99. 125, 129, 149, 150, 168,
183-5, 190-1. 209
Glyndwr, Owen, 10, 16, 17, 22, 25,
26, 34, 44, 52, 74
Glys, Thomas, 176, 184
Goch, David, 215
— , John, 156
Goodrich, 31, 136
Gough, David, 148
— , Sir John, 60-61
— , Mathew, 9, 21, 48-62, 73, 76,
101, 123
— , Owen, 48
Gower, 90, 136, 141, 147, 151, 172,
175, 203, 209
Gregory ap Heulyn. 64

Grey of Ruthin, Edmund, Lord,
77, 104, 106, 113, 132, 160, 164
Grey, Henry, earl of TankerviUe,
33, 40, 104
— . Richard, Lord Powys, 3, 30,
103, 104, 107-8, 116, 137
— , Sir Richard, 200
Griffith, ElUs, n, 14, 76, 154
— , Henry, 98, 116, 164
— . Sir John, 45, 81, 137
— , Nicholas, 45 .
— , Rice, 196
— , Robert, 190
— . WiUiam, 27, 32, 164, 210, 215
— ap David ap Thomas, 40
— ap Ieuan ap Eynon, 144
 ap Iorwerth, 144
— ap Meredith, 58
 ap Henry, 44
— ap Nicholas, 4, 5, 10, 12-3, 20,
23-5. 28-9, 33, 39, 40, 81,
90-4, 124, 128-130, 190, 195,
200, 229
— ap Richard, 156
— ap Robin, 164
Grommys ap Howel ap Morgan, 144
— ap Ieuan ap Eynon ap Ieuan,
144
Gronow, David, 63
— , WilUam, 150
Guto'r Glyn, 3, 4, 6, 8, 9, 11,
28-9, 47, 50, 62, 150, 168-71,
174-5. 177. 179. 181, 183-5,
193
GwenUwg, 216
Gwent, 97, 100, 138, 175-6
— , GwUym, 9, 60, 61, 99
Gwilym, John, 184
— ap Ieuan Hen, 12, 23, 129
Gwladys Ddu, 10, 74, 176
Gwyn, Henry, 37, 163
Gwynedd, RheinaUt, 124, 128
— , Richard, 156
HaU, 63
Hampden, Edward, 143
Hanmer, David, 48
— , John, 103, 104, 140, 153
— , WiUiam, 153, 194, 210
Harflete, Geoffrey, 51
Harfleur, 44, 47, 51-2
Harlech, 16, 34, 52, 115, 120, 122,
129, 140, 143-5, 150-5, 162-
171, 194. 203
Hastings, WiUiam, Lord, 77, 130,
136, 138, 149-50, 176, 186-
89, 198, 204

INDEX

239

Havard, John, 53
— , Lewis, 176, 184
— , Thomas, 176, 184, 227
— , WilUam, 176, 184
Haverfordwest, 45, 85, 109, 124,
147, 163, 190, 203, 210
Hawarden, 67, 116
Hay, 123, 147, 169, 189
Hedgeley Moor, 153
Henbury, John, 63
Henry V, 16, 17, 20, 35, 46, 52-3,
66-7
— VI, 6, n, 18, 46-197
— VII, 7, 10, 11, 13, 68, 92-6,
107, 147, 153, 170, 192-228
— ap Griffith, 84, no, 123, 156,
164
— ap GwUym, 97, 100, 129
— ap Ieuan Gwynne, 63
— ap Ievan, 44
— ap Roger, 199
— ap Thomas, 190
— ap Walter, 63
Herbert, Lady, 92, 189
— , GUbert, 75
— , John, 135, 138, 164, 172, 190,
196, 200
— , Margaret, 190
— , Maud, 147, 170
— , PhiUp, 210
— , Sir Richard, 3, 73, 98, 123, 138,
147, 150, 160, 164, 169, 172,
176-7, 181-6, 190, 196
— , Richard, 184
— , Thomas, 38-40, 74-5, 100, 117,
135-8, 146, 156, 164, 172, 192
— , Walter, 215-6, 219-20, 224-5
— , WilUam, earl of Pembroke, 6,
8, 11, 21, 39, 44, 45, 52-3,
57. 60, 73-4, 78, 80-200
— , William (half-brother of
WilUam, earl of Pembroke),
136-8, 163, 176
— , WilUam, earl of Huntingdon.
See Huntingdon.
— , WiUiam, son of Sir Richard,
184, 196, 210, 225
Herberts, The, 4, 6, 18, 74-8, 98,
139. 146, 167, 169, 171, 175-6,
181, 195
Hereford, 79, 83-4, 89, 97-101, no,
116, 120-31, 135-7, 147-8,
167, 192—200
— , earl of, 79, 206
Herle, John, 190
Hervey, Hoskyn, 176, 184
Hewes, John, 210

Hexham, 153
Hirwaun, 214
Holt -Castle, 76, 116, 149, 152,
201-3, 215
Hoord, Roger, 103
Hope, 137
Hopkin ap Howel, 210
— ap Rhys, 124, 128, 152, 172
Howel, David, 17, 46
— , John, 156, 172, 196
— , John ap, 225
— , Lewis, 63
— ap David ap Thomas, 39
— ap Griffith, 51
 ap Howel, 223
— ap John, 114
— ap Meredith ap Howel, 156
Huddleston, John, 210
— , Sir Richard, 210, 215
Hugh, Richard, 173
— ap Jenkyn ap Ievan ap Madoe,
98
— ap John, Sir, 141, 214
— ap Thomas, 40
Hungerford, Sir Walter, 47, 66
Huntingdon, 147, 189
— , WiUiam Herbert, earl of, 160,
201, 210, 214
Huntley, Hugh, 135, 204
— , Thomas, 176, 184
Hutton, Thomas, 206
Huw Cae Llwyd, 194
Ievan ap Griffith, 33
— ap Ievan Gadara, 109
— ap Lloyd, 73
— ap Richard, 44
— ap Robert ap Meredith, 170
— ap Tudor ap Owen, 210
Ireland, 76, 78, 83, 95, 105-6, 125,
143, 145-6, 149-50, 159
Iscennin, 152
Ivan ap John of Merwyke, 184
James, The, of Tenby, 63
Jankyn ap Howel ap Ievan, 156
— ap Ievan ap Llywelyn, 156
— ap John ap Rhys, 44
— ap Iorwerth ap Eynon, 144
— ap Meurig ap Richard, 44
— ap Philip, 216-7
Johannes ap Griffith, 51
John, abbot of LlaneguyfaU, 140
— , Sir Hugh, 160
— , Lewis, 20
— ap Gwilym, 98, 156, 164
— ap Henry, 44

240

INDEX

John ap Howel ap William* 53
— ap Ieuan ap Llywelyn, 172,
227
— ap Ievan Eynon, 144
— ap Jankyn, 148, 210
— ap Jankyn ap Madoe, 156
— ap Meredith, 31, 164, 221-2
 ap Evan Lloyd, 227
— ap Morgan ap David Gam, 156
— ap Rees, 40, 44, 45
— ap Thomas, 33
— ap Richard, 98
— ap Robert, 98
— ap Thomas, 45
— ap William, 184
Kemys, PhiUip, 210
— , William, 210
Kidwely, 90, 152, 172, 175-6
Kighley, Sir John, 64
— , Sir Richard, 45
Kilpek Castle, 138
Kilvey, 147
Knylle, Sir WiUiam, 123
Knyvett, Sir WUUam, 208
Kyffin, David, 140
Kynaston, Sir Roger, 8, 40, 103,
108, 116, 138, 172, 193-4, 210
— . Griffith, 103
— . PhiUp, 103
— , WilUam, 103
Kyriel, Sir Thomas, 50, 58, 60, 74-5
Lamburston, 163
Lancaster, duchy of, 26, 78, 152,
190, 197, 203
Lancastrians, Chapters v-x
Landois, Peter, 205, 212
Latimer, Lord, 174, 180
La Roche Guyon, 57
Laugharne, 27, 136, 147, 172
Le George of Sluys, 53
Le Mans, 51, 54-6
Lenthal, Sir Rowland, 45,- 85
Leominster, 105, 125-6
Lewis, Welsh physician, 207, 211
— , Hugh, 227
— . Morris, 210
— , Robert, 64
— , Thomas, 176, 184
— , William, 210
— ap GwUym ap Thomas, 97
— ap Meredith, 24, 64
— ap Rhydderch, 152
 ap Rhys, 151
— ap Rhys, 128, 124
 Gethin, 64

Leyshon, Lewis, 23
Llanbadarn, 32
Llancarvan, 195
Llandilo, 151
Llandovery, 214
Llanfaes, 18
Llangenneth, 20
Llangyfelach, 152
Llanllwch, 148, 214
Llanrhidian, 152
Llanrwst, 169
Llanstephan, 37, 82, 146, 193, 203
Llanthony Abbey, 79
Llantrissant, 100
Llantwit, 195
Lloyd, David, 48
— , — . 128
— , — , 227
— , Hugh, 156, 172, 210, 228
— , John, 45, 156, 172
— . Morris, 224
— . Owen, 223
— , Watkin, 44, 46
— , WiUiam, 227
— ap Ievan ap Griffith, David, 33
Llwyd, Davydd, 3, 4, 8, 166-7, 223
Llywelyn ap David ap Rhys, 33
— ap Cliffort, 44
— , Ithel, 64
— , Thomas, 24
— , WiUiam, 225
Losecoat Field, 191
Lougher, 172
Ludford, 11, 96-126
Ludlow, 29, 77—80, 90, 102—8,
119-20, 138, 197, 200-3
Luttrell, Sir James, 136, 155
Lynell, Sir John, 123
Mabbe, Johannes, 51
Machen, 216
Maehennydd, 79
Maelor, 48
Magor, 146, 184
Maine, 35, 48-56
MaUphant, Margaret, 23
— , Sir Thomas, 23
Maltraeth, 67
Manorbier, 137, 210, 214
Mansel, PhUip, 95, 120, 124, 128,
151-2, 172
— , Thomas, 140-1., 151
Manselton, 152
March, earl of. See Edward IV.
Marches, The, 25-6, 29, 36, 39,
77-120, 123, 146-8, 167, 192,
197-8, 200

INDEX

241

Maredydd ap Ievan ap Rees, 33
Margam, 33, 112
Margaret of Anjou, 7, 38, 54, 76-
144, 150, 162, 191-4
— , countess of Richmond, 202, 211
— , dau. of Sir WilUam ap Thomas,
184
Marywhite, The, of Tenby, 63
Mathew, David, 134, 164
— , Walter, 156
Maud Herbert, 147, 216
Maurice ap Griffith, 180
— ap Meurig, 53
Meredith, Morgan, 21, 84
— ap Cynwric, 77
— ap GwUym, 176, 184
— ap Owen Glyndwr, 18
— ap WiUiam, 63
Merioneth, 36, 83, 86, 89, 138, 145,
150, 153, 163. 164, 167, 172,
189, 194
Meurig ap Rhys, 44
Michael, Henry, 64
Middleton, David, 148, 164, 196,
227
— , John, no, 153
— , Richard, 40, no
Miles ap Harry, 44, 98, 199
MUewater, John, no, 148, 164
Milford Haven, 13, 82, 125, 203,
213-216
Moccas, 147
Moelwick, 109
Monmouth, 78-80, 89, 98, 123, 172,
175. 103, 192, 203
Montgomery, 67, 116, 137, 156, 164,
172, 203
Morgan, David Llywelyn, 209
— , Edward, 223
— , Evan, 216
— , Henry, 176, 184
— , John, 56
— , John ap, 215
— , Sir John, 216, 220
— , Llywelyn ap, 216
— , John, Bishop, 217
— , Thomas ap, 164, 196, 210, 225
— , Trahaiarn, 216
— , Walter, 176, 184
— , WiUiam, 176, 184
— ap Evan ap Jankyn, 27
— ap Jankyn ap Philip, 164, 217
— ap Meredith, 22
— ap Thomas, 190, 195
— ap Rhydderch, 128
— ap Roger (Rosser), 27
— of Kidwely, 216-8

Morgan Kidwely, 217-8
— John PhiUp, 225
Morgannwg, 78, 109
Morris ap Rhys, 210
— ap David ap Griffith, 227
— ap Owen, 224
Mortimer, The, 44, 74, 79, 84, 89,
107, 111, 197, 203
Mortimer's Cross, 7, 8, 11, 13, 75,
93-4
Morton, John, 200, 205-8, 212, 218
Morys, David, 25
— ap David ap Griffith, 144
Moyle, John, 137
MuUe, Sir WiUiam, 135-6, 172
— , Hugh, 197
Narberth, 83, 90, no, 203, 214
Neath, 100, 171, 184
Neville, Richard, earl of Warwick.
See Warwick.
NeviUes, The, 53, 78, 79, 85, 102,
104, 109, 132, 137, 161, 163,
173, 180, 186
Newcourt, 84, 199
Newport, 27, 75, 79, 138, 216
Newton, 67
— , Richard, 204, 214
Nicholas ap Rees, no
Nicholston, 152
Norfolk, duke of, 132, 149, 152,
172
Norris (Norreys), 36, 77, 141
Northampton, 79, 103, 113, 123,
147, 158, 175, 182, 202
Ormond, earl of, 64, 124-26, 135.
See WUtshire.
Oswestry, 200 .
Owen, Sir David, 217, 227
— , John, no, 197
— , Richard, 114, 224
— ap Griffith, 224
— ap Griffith ap Nicholas, 33-4,
81, 94-5, 124, 129, 130
— ap Gwilym, 129
— ap Jankyn, 44
— ap Meredith. See Owen Tudor.
— ap Thomas, 63
Oxford, earl of, 146, 167, 213, 218
Oxwich, 152, 209
Oystermouth, 141
Pecock, Reginald, 4, 5, 187
Pembroke, 26, 37, 67, 73-128, 135-
157, 169-70, 176, 192-214
Penclauth, 163

242

INDEX

PenkeUy (PengeUy), 60, 75, 149*
172, 210
PenUyn, Hugh, 64
Tudur. See Tudur PenUyn.
PennaUy, 137, 214
Pennarth, 24
Perot, Thomas, 37
— , John, 22, 44, 126
— , Thomas, 124, 196
— , (Perrott), Jankyn, 185
Philip, David, 210
— ap Griffith, 44
— ap Howel, 224
— ap Morgan, 210
— ap Rees (Rhys), 81, 152, 210
— ap Rhys ap Thomas Vaughan,
223
Picton, 154
Pole, Catherine de la, 72
Poole, Geoffrey, 84, 85
Powys, Lord, 170, 210. See also
Richard Grey.
— , Lewis, 124, 128
Presteign, 125-6, 156
Privy CouncU, 33-6, 68, 116, 118
Puleston, John, 140, 192
— , Robert, 210
— , Roger, 116, 120, 123, 139, 140,
151. 153. 173
PuUe, WiUiam, 24
PwU Picton, 154
Pyll, 163
Pyrton, Sir WiUiam, 46, 64
Radnor, 79, 118, 123, 125, 172, 203,
215
Radyr, 156
Raglan, 78, 80, 136, 163, 145
— , Ievan, 51
Ratcliffe, Sir John, 132
Ravenspur, 192
RedcUffe, 119
Redwyk, 146
Rede, Geoffrey, 224
Rees ap David ap Thomas, 40
— ap Rhydderch, 45
— ap Thomas, 19
— Vaughan ap Rees, 33
Rempston, Thomas, 63, 96
Rhaith, 18
RheinaUt ap Griffith ap Bleddyn,
144. 1-55
— Davy, 223
Rhuddlan, in
Rhuvoniog, m
Rhydderch, Morgan, 210
— ap Rhys, 223

Rhys ap Llywelyn, 223
— ap Madoe, 21
— ap PhUip, 223
— ap Thomas, Sir, 6,_i2,_i3,
23, ^0^210^3251
— ap"~Daviar33
Rice ap Morgan, 185
— Llywelyn ap Morgan, 210
Richard III, 170, 190, 196, 198,
202-228
— , Hugh, 225
— ap Madoe, 48
— ap Rhys, 44
 172, 196
— ap Robert, 40
Richmond, earl of. See Tudor.
Rivers, earl, 169, 173, 178, 183,
186, 198, 200-4
Robert, Morys, 144
— ap GwUym ap Thomas, 227
— ap Howel, 140, 215
— ap Jankyn, 210
— ap Rosser, 199
Robin Ddu, 4, 8-1 1, 70, 127
Robin of Redesdale, 174
Roger, John, 84
— ap John, 173
Roos, 82
Ross, 80, 138, 199
Ruthin, 116. See Grey.
Rys ap Llywelyn, Gwyn, 44
St Albans, 37, 39, 79, 82, 85-6*
117, 121, 130-3
— Asaph, 153 .
— Briavel, 163, 204
— Ceneri, 50
— Clear's, 17, 82
— Fagan's, 195
— Florence, 82
— James de Beuvron, 56, 57
— John's, Carmarthen, 53
— Field's, 132
— Nicholas, 82
Salesbury, 103
— , Thomas, 164, 210
SaUsbury, earl of, 47-8, 121, 161
Salop, 116, 137, 167, 190, 198
Savage, Sir John, 216, 218, 220-1,
226-7
Scurla Castle, 152
SenUs, 50
Serjeant, WiUiam, 210
Shaund6, PhiUbert de, 218
Shrewsbury, 31, 77-80, 89, 96, 102,
120, 122, 137, 200-1
— , earl of, 89, 97, 136-7, 172, 196

INDEX

243

Sion ap Rhys, 129
Sheen, 86
Skydmore, Sir John, 13, 47-8, 52,
91. 95, 101, no, 122, 124,
128, 137, 140-2, 147
Skydmores, 35, 89, 122, 124, 151
Snowdon, 142-3, 168, 172
Somerset, duke of, 51-194
Spier, Nicholas, 215
Stafford, Humphrey, 79,11 7, 122,174
— , 207, 208, 209
Staffords, 79, 117, 122
Stanley, Lord, 13, 202, 212, 220
— .• Sir Thomas, 76-7, 82, 103, 115
— , WiUiam, 137, 210, 215, 225
Stapleton, 148
Staunton, Thomas, 157
Steward, John, 20, 63
Steynton, 163
StUUngton, 198, 205
Stradling, Edward, 26, 44, 53, 63-4
— , Henry, 44, 97
— , John, 74
— , Sir William, 44
Strange, Lord, 213, 220
Strata Florida, 16, 32, 151
Suffolk, duke of, 38-42, 45, 51, 64,
69, 72, 76, 95
Swansea, 141, 147, 152, 172
Swrdwal, Howel, 74, 128-9, 156
Symon, WilUam ap, 208-9
Talbot, Sir John, 31, 35, 45-52, 64
Talbots, 17, 30, 35, 164, 225, 227
Talgarth, 53, 216
TalyboUon, 67
Tenby, 25, 37, 53, 58, 82, 95-6,
121, 139-141, 146, 195, 203, 210
Tewkesbury, 193—4
Thawe, Jenkyn, 40
Thelwalls, 32
Thomas, John, 227
— ap Griffith ap Nicholas, 91, 95,
124, 130
— ap David ap WiUiam, 63
— ap Harry, 176, 184
— ap Henry, 44
— ap Ieuan ap Eynon, 144
— ap Jankyn ap Rees, 40
— ap John, 210
— ap Madoe, 156
— ap Morgan, 184
— ap Prene, 63
— ap Rosser (Roger), 5, 29, 98,
147, 164, 176, 183, 184
— , Watkin, 184
— , WiUiam, 123

Thorpe Mandeville, 181
Towton, 130-5, 143, 192
Towy, 125, 151
Trahaiarn ap Ievan ap Meurig, 148
 Henry, 150, 156
 Thomas, 98
Tregaron, 24
Tresham, Sir WiUiam, 71
Tretower, 147
Trevor, John, 140
Trinity of Minehead, 141
— of Newport, 63
TroUope, Andrew, 106-7, I34
Tudor, Edmund, earl of Richmond,
7, 11, 13, 67-8, 72, 78, 81-6,
90-2, 97
— , Henry. See Henry VII.
— , Jasper, earl of Pembroke, 3, 7,
8,. 10, 13, 66-8, 72-8, 81-6,
92-127, 136-7, 140-154, 158,
192-7, 165-173, 185, 191,
211-228
— , Owen, 4, 8-11, 21-2, 32, 47,
66-72, 82, 90, 95, 109, 127-8,
151, 213
Tudors, 68, 78, 83-5, 91-2,95-7, 192
Tudur PenUyn, 3, 4, 12, 154, 165
TunstaU, Sir Richard, 140, 169
TurberviUe, Gilbert, 24
Tuthill, 143
Twygeston, 24
Tyrrel, Sir James, 214
Upper Wardington, 180-3
Usk, 26, 84, 98, 109-10, 135, 163,
203, 210
Vale Royal, 32
Vaughan, David, 156, 210, 215
— , Griffith, 3, 30, 33
 of Corsygedol, 140, 154, 165,
170
— , Hugh, 217, 224
— , John, 64
— , Morgan, 199
— , PhiUp, 122-3, l69
— , Rees, 137, 156
— , Reginald, 170
— , Richard, 210, 215
— , Roger, 208, 210
— . SirRoger,ofTretower,78,97-8, 113, 118-23, I27, 151-2, 164,
172, 177, 184, 190, 193-6, 200
— . Roger, of Bredwardine, 46, 129,
176
— , Sir Thomas, 148-9, 156, 161,
198, 202-4

244

INDEX

Vaughan, Thomas (son of Sir Roger),
147, 196, 207-10, 214-5
— , Walter, 214-5
— , Watkin, 46
— , — of Bredwardine, 128-9
— , — (son of Sir Roger), 184, 190,
208
— , William, 196, 214
Vaughans, 4, 98, 113, 172, 214, 227
Vaures, Ievan, 51
Vawr, John, 199
Verneuil, 21, 46-8, 54
Vestynden, Ralph, 134
ViUeinage in Wales, 27, 31
Vychan, Griffith, 44
Wakefield, 116, 121-3, 131, 135
Walter ap David ap John, 225
— ap Gwilym, 227
— ap Ievan, 44
— ap Lewis, 224
Walwyn's Castle, 136, 146, 203
Warwick, Richard, earl of, 6, 73-195
Welsh pedigrees, 73
— poets, 5-12, 28, 39, 50-2, 91, 99,
103, 145, 150, 166-8, 171
Welshpool, 25
Wenlok, John, -130, 132, 137
Weobley, 80, 108, 208
Whitland, 32
Whitney, Roger, 112
Whyte, John, 51
Wigmore, 90, 96, 126, 203
WUIiam Griffith ap Robin, 223
— ap Griffith, 11, 63
— ap Hopkin, 156
. — ap Howel ap Thomas, 156
— ap John, 40
— ap Morgan, 156
 ap David Gamme, 98

WiUiam ap Norman, 99, 176, 184
— ap Owen, 109
— ap Rees, 89
— ap Thomas, Sir, 40, 46, 52-3,
74-7, 184
 ap Robert, 40
— ap WUIiam ap Griffith, 18, 22
WUUams, Richard, 204, 210, 214,
218
— , Nicholas, 225
Wiltshire, earl of, 38, 86, 136, 146-7.
See Ormond.
Wogan, Sir Henry, 38, 40, 45, 91,
97, i°9, 176, 184
— . Jankyn Lloyd, 40
— , John, 39, 40, 47, 176, 184
— , Mathew, 37
— , WilUam, 40, 44
Wolf, WiUiam, 64
WoodviUe, Anthony. See Rivers.
— . Catherine, 79, 202
— , Sir Edward, 213
— , Sir Richard, 206
WoodviUes, 141, 159, 160, 207
Worcester, John, earl of, 137, 164
— , Richard, earl of, 63, 79
Wrexham, 215
Wydegada, 86
Wynfurton, 138
Wynne, John, 156, 196, 199
Yale, 147, 215
Yelverton, Justice, 80
York, Richard, dukeof, 12, 39, 45-6,
521.4, 75-172
Yorkists, 6, 13, 89-90, 94, 99-126,
134, 139, 141, 143, 146, 148,
195-204, 167, 172, 185-6, 190
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