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Ohio Valley Historical Series.
NU MB ER THREE.

CLARK'S
Campaign in the Illinois.

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Entered according to Act of Congress in the year 1869,
By ROBERT CLARKE & CO.
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the Southern
District of Ohio.

OHIO VALLEY PRESS,
ROBERT CLARKE <t CO.
CINCINNATI, u.

c

* 1*-F.

PUBLISHERS' NOTICE.

HE letter here printed for the first time, was
presented to the Historical Society of Kentucky
by Hon. George Mason, of Gunston Hall, Vir
ginia, to whom it was addressed. We are indebted to
Hon. Henry Pirtle, of Louisville, for the privilege of
incorporating it in our Series, and also for the Intro
duction. We have endeavored to follow the manuscript as
closely as was possible in print, adding only a word
here and there (in italics), which seemed necessary to
complete the sense. To have modernized it would
have required so many alterations, that we thought it
unadvisable to make the attempt. A few notes have
been added which may be of some use or interest to
the reader. We have appended the "public" and "private"
(v)

vi Publishers' Notice.

instructions received by Col. Clark, for his guidance
during the expedition, from Patrick Henry, Governor
of Virginia, and also the "Journal" kept by Major
Bowman during a portion of the campaign — the taking
of Post St. Vincents — and revised by some unknown
" person who was in the expedition." The manuscript
of this Journal was at one time in the possession of
the Historical Society of Kentucky, but has unfor
tunately been lost.

CONTENTS.

Introduction, by Hon. Henry Pirtle, - 1
Biographical Sketch, ... 9
Letter of Col. George Rogers Clark, 21
Appendix :
Gov. Patrick Henry's Instructions to Col. Clark, 95
Major Bowman's Journal, - - - - - 98
Index, ----- - US
(vii)

Introductory.

(ll generations of American people will owe a debt,
that can not be measured, to the memory of Colonel
George Rogers Clark, and his brave officers and sol
diers, for the results of the campaign the progress of which
is so simply narrated in the ensuing pages. This is the
original letter sent by Colonel — afterward General — Clark,
to the illustrious revolutionary statesman, George Mason,
of Virginia, his friend and patron.
On the second ': of January, seventeen hundred and
eighty-one, the Legislature of Virginia declared in certain res
olutions passed that day, that " Colonel George Rogers Clark
planned and executed the secret expedition by which the
British posts between the Ohio and Mississippi rivers were
reduced." In this undertaking he had not even the advice
of General Washington, or of any other officer, and was
at the time only twenty-five years of age. But for this
conquest made by Colonel Clark for the United States —

Introductory.

and particularly for Virginia — in the midst of the" terrible
struggle with England, the boundary of our land, conquered
in the revolution from Great Britain, would, in all proba
bility, have been the eastern bank of the Ohio, or the
Allegheny mountains, instead of the eastern shore of the
Mississippi.* This whole country between the rivers, in no very definite
expressions, had been transferred by France to England by the
treaty of Paris, 1763, and possession rather indefinitely deliv
ered in 1765. The people of Illinois, in 1771, demanded a
government of their own by the people, as free and bold
as had been claimed as an English and American princi
ple in New England and South Carolina ; and in 1772

* The following letter of Mr. Jefferson shows his antici
pation of the importance of this expedition :
" Williamsb-\ * * *
Col. Geo. R. Clark,
Sir :
Your letter and verba * * *
by Mr. St. Vrain was received to-day. Your w * * *
attended to. Much solicitude will be felt for the result of your
expedition to the Wabash ; it will, at least, delay their expe
dition to the frontier settlement, and if successful, have an
important bearing ultimately in establishing our northwestern
boundary. I am, sir, your most obedient,
TH. JEFFERSON."

-j- A portion of the letter has been torn off and lost.

Introductory.

they sent through their agent in London, Daniel Blinn,
their indignant protest to Lord Dartmouth, the British Sec
retary, against a new government proposing to put them
under the officers of the crown only. This government
against which they protested, included Vincennes, which had
then been settled more than seventy years. These facts
are alluded to as showing the direct and sole possession
and acknowledged dominion of Great Britain at the time
of our revolution.
Yet Spain and France both contended in the prelim
inary negotiations at Paris in 1782, that this great land
could not be ceded to the United States, that they had
no legal claim to it. Dr. Franklin, in August, this year,
when engaged in these negotiations at Paris, speaking of the
claim of Spain to the western country, says : " My con
jecture of that court's design to coop us up within the
Allegheny mountains, is now manifest. I hope Congress
will insist on the Mississippi as the boundary, and the free
navigation of the river from which they would exclude us."
The claim that Spain made was futile, and could not
bear examination. She could not connect her claim to the
Lower Mississippi with this territory. The constructive pos
session could not reach up so far ; Clark had built Fort
Jefferson below the mouth of the Ohio, and Virginia had
actual possession also between the rivers. This was the
pretense of Spain; in the winter of 1781, a detachment of
about sixty-five Spaniards, accompanied by about the same

Introductory.

number of Indians, took possession of a small English Fort,
called St. Joseph, situated near the source of the Illinois
river. They hoisted the Spanish standard, and pretended
to take possession of the fort, and its dependencies, and
of the river Illinois, in the name of the Spanish king.
This was what the Spanish minister called a conquest : and
he insisted that, if the country did not belong to the king
of Spain, it did not belong to the Americans, but to the
Indians. France could make no claim : she could only dispute
the claim of the colonies, or of the United States ; and
even this she forebore to do through her principal minister
the Count de Vergennes, *but Rayneval, the principal sec
retary of the great minister, was put forward, to make this
dispute. The negotiations at Paris in 1782, as far especially
as Spain and France were concerned, were for the matters
of compromises between these powers respectively and Great
Britain ; and they so ended as far as these three powers
were concerned ; and it did not matter to them how the
Americans came, out in these negotiations. The object in
regard to the western country, was to keep it out of the
hands of the United States, and then it could be set off to
one or other of the three powers in consideration of some
thing else. England was then temporizing with Spain, as the
issues of these conferences between England, Spain, and
France showed to every observer. How else could Spain
have claimed anything in the face of Britain ? But the

Introductory .

English envoy could not pretend that it did not belong
to the colonies that had set themselves up as the United
States. The conquest had been fully made by Clark in
1778 and 1779 ; and in October, 1778, the county of Illi
nois was established by the General Assembly of Virginia,
covering all the territory, and provision was made for its pro
tection by reinforcements to the army of Clark ; and in
May, 1780, the act of October, 1778, was continued and
amended, and other reinforcements ordered by Virginia.
In fact, as an almost natural result from Clark's campaign,
the land between the rivers was actually under the gov
ernment de facto, as well as de jure, of this country, for
it could not be denied that the patent of Virginia, with
some portion to other colonies, covered the whole region,
so that the arms of Clark had settled the question of
possession, and civil, as well as military rule, of this great
territory, which now holds so many millions of people.
These prominent facts were before the British minister,
and before the world. He could not say, then, that this
part of the land was in the power of England, any more than
Virginia herself was after the battle of Yorktown ; and he
was too accurate a jurist to yield to any claim of Spain,
or to hear the objections of France. But what would
have been the judgment of Great Britain, beset by France
and Spain, and looking to its own aggrandizement, as every
country does, if this campaign had never been made ? The
force of conquest, the moving etiquette of treaties of peace,
would have been lost.

Introductory.

But there are additional facts springing out of this
conquest. The act of Congress of 1780 recommended to
the several states to cede their out-lands, such as those
west of the Ohio, to Congress, looking, of course, to what
had been done by Clark. And the act of Virginia of Octo
ber 20, 1783, about the transfer of these lands to Congress,
recites the act of Congress of 1780 and the Virginia act
of 1 78 1, concerning these same lands. And Virginia, on 2d
January, 1781, granted one hundred and fifty thousand acres
to the officers and soldiers of Clark, and the same act
reserved land for other officers and soldiers between the
rivers Scioto and Little Miami.
Now, the preliminary articles of peace and boundary
had been under negotiation for months, and were signed by
Oswald for England, and by Adams, Franklin, Jay, and
Laurens for America, on the 30th of November, 1782,
when, of course, these things had been well understood ;
and afterward, on the 3d of September, 1783, the definite
treaty of peace and boundary was signed at Paris by Hartley
for England, and Adams, Franklin, and Jay for the United
States. Surely all that had followed the campaign of Col
onel Clark, had been well debated and considered, and but
for our holding the country under military and civil rule, as
much a part of the United States as any other portion of
its territory, we would have had our boundary, not the
east bank of the Mississippi, but the east bank of the
Ohio, or the ridge of the Alleghenies. In contemplating
the depth of our gratitude, let us think whether New

Introductory.

Orleans and St. Louis and all the great country of Lou
isiana would, in any reasonable probability, have been pur
chased of the First Consul, and come to us through Mr.
Jefferson but for this campaign of Clark. No, certainly
not. This magnificent country, made of this and other
purchases, now extending as one with us to the north
Pacific, might to this hour have been broken from us at
the mountain's summit or the river's shore.
H. P.

Biographical Sketch.

\The following sketch of the Life of General Clark is given
in Lewis Collins' Historical Sketches of Kentucky.]
General George Rogers Clark, whose name is
deservedly celebrated in the early history of Kentucky,
and conspicuously prominent in the conquest and settlement of
the whole west, was born in the county of Albemarle, in the
State of Virginia, November 19, 1752. Of his early years and
education, but little is known. In his youth, he engaged in the
business of land surveying, which appears to have presented to
the enterprising young men of that day, a most congenial and
attractive field for the exercise of their energies. It is worthy
of remark, that many of the most opulent and influential fam
ilies of Kentucky were founded by men engaged in this pursuit.
How long Clark engaged in this vocation, is unknown. He
commanded a company in Dunsmore's war, and was engaged
in the only active operation of the right wing of the invading
army against the Indians. At the close of this war, he was
offered a commission in the English service, but, upon consulta
tion with his friends, he was induced by the troubled aspect of

10 Biographical Sketch.
the relations between the colonies and Great Britain, to decline
the appointment. In the spring of 1775, he came to Kentucky, drawn hither
by that love of adventure which distinguished him through life.
He remained in Kentucky during the spring and summer of this
year, familiarizing himself with the character of the people and
the resources of the country, until the fall, when he returned to
Virginia. During this visit, he was temporarily placed in com
mand of the irregular militia of the settlements ; but whether
he held a commission is not known. In the spring of the fol
lowing year (1776), he again came to Kentucky, with the
intention of making it his permanent home ; and from this time
forth, his name is closely associated with the progress of the
western settlements in power and civilization.
His mind had been very early impressed with the immense
importance of this frontier country to the security of the parent
State of Virginia, as well as to the whole confederacy ; and his
reflections on this subject led him to perceive the importance of
a more thorough, organized, and extensive system of public
defense, and a more regular plan of military operations, than the
slender resources of the colonies had yet been able to effect.
With the view of accomplishing this design, he had been in
Kentucky but a few months, when he suggested to the settlers
the propriety of convening a general assembly of the people at
Harrodstown (now Harrodsburg), to take steps toward forming
a more definite and certain connection with the government and
people of Virginia than as yet existed. The immediate neces
sity for this movement grew out of the memorable and well
known conflict between Henderson & Co. and the legislature
of Virginia, relative to the disputed claim of jurisdiction over a
large portion of the new territory. The excitement which

Col. George Rogers Clark. ii
arose out of this dispute, and the prevailing uncertainty whether
the south side of Kentucky river appertained to Virginia or
North Carolina (the latter claiming by virtue of Henderson's
purchase of the Cherokees at the treaty of Wataga), added very
greatly to the perplexity of the settlers, and rendered it necessary
that the disposition of Virginia should be distinctly ascertained.
The proposed meeting was accordingly held at Harrodstown on
the 6th of June, 1776, at which Clark and Gabriel Jones were
chosen members of the assembly of Virginia. This, however,
was not precisely the thing contemplated by Clark. He wished
that the people should appoint agents, with general powers to .
negotiate with the government of Virginia, and in the event that
that commonwealth should refuse to recognize the colonists as
within its jurisdiction and under its protection, he proposed to •
employ the lands of the country as a fund to obtain settlers and
establish an independent State. The election had, however,
gone too far to change its object when Clark arrived at Har
rodstown, and the gentlemen elected, although aware that the
choice could give them no seat in the legislature, proceeded to
Williamsburg, at that time the seat of government. After suf
fering the most severe privations in their journey through the
wilderness, the delegates found, on their arrival in Virginia, that
the legislature had adjourned, whereupon Jones directed his
steps to the settlements on Holston, and left Clark to attend to
the Kentucky mission alone.
He immediately waited on Governor Henry, then lying
sick at his residence in Hanover county, to whom he stated the
objects of his journey. These meeting the approbation of the
governor, he gave Clark a letter to the executive council of the
State. With this letter in his hand he appeared before the
council, and after acquainting them fully with the condition and

12 Biographical Sketch.
circumstances of the colony, he made application for five hun
dred weight of gunpowder for the defense of the various sta
tions. But with every disposition to assist and promote the
growth of these remote and infant settlements, the council felt
itself restrained by the uncertain and indefinite state of the rela
tions existing between the colonists and the state of Virginia,
from complying fully with his demand. The Kentuckians had
not yet been recognized by the legislature as citizens, and the
proprietary claimants, Henderson & Co., were at this time
exerting themselves to obtain from Virginia a relinquishment of
her jurisdiction of the new territory. The council, therefore,
could only offer to lend the gunpowder to the colonists as
friends, not give it to them as fellow-citizens. At the same time
they required Clark to be personally responsible for its value, in
the event the legislature should refuse to recognize the Ken
tuckians as citizens, and in the mean time to defray the expense
of its conveyance to Kentucky. Upon these terms he did not
feel at liberty to accept the proffered assistance. He repre
sented to the council that the emissaries of the British were
employing every means to engage the Indians in the war ; that
the people in the remote and exposed stations of Kentucky
might be exterminated for the want of a supply which he, a
private individual, had at so much hazard sought for their relief,
and that when this frontier bulwark was thus destroyed, the
fury of the savages would burst like a tempest upon the heads
of their own citizens. To these representations, however, the
council remained deaf and inexorable ; the sympathy for the
frontier settlers was deep, but the assistance already offered was
a stretch of power, and they could go no farther. The keeper
of the public magazine was directed to deliver the powder to
Clark ; but having long reflected on the situation, prospects and

Col. George Rogers Clark. 13
resources of the new country, his resolution to reject the assist
ance on the proposed conditions, was made before he left the
council chamber. He determined to repair to Kentucky, and,
as he had at first contemplated, exert the resources of the coun
try for the formation of an independent state. He accordingly
returned the order of the council in a letter, setting forth his
reasons for declining to accept their powder on these terms, and
intimating his design of applying for assistance elsewhere, adding,
'¦'•that a country which was not worth defending, was not worth
claiming." On the receipt of this letter the council recalled
Clark to their presence, and an order was passed on the 23d of
August, 1776, for the transmission of the gunpowder to Pitts
burg, to be there delivered to Clark or his order, for the use of
the people of Kentucky. This was the first act in that long
and affectionate interchange of good offices, which subsisted
between Kentucky and her parent state for so many years ; and
obvious as the reflection is, it may not be omitted, that on the
successful termination of this negotiation, hung the connection
between Virginia and the splendid domain she afterward ac
quired west of the Allegheny mountains.
At the fall session of the legislature of Virginia, Messrs.
Jones and Clark laid the Kentucky memorial before that body.
They were, of course, not admitted to seats, though late in the
session they obtained, in opposition to the exertions of Colonels
Henderson and Campbell, the formation of the territory which
now comprises the present state of that name, into the county
of Kentucky. Our first political organization was thus obtained
through the sagacity, influence and exertions of George Rogers
Clark, who must be ranked as the earliest founder of this com
monwealth. This act of the Virginia legislature first gave it
form and a political existence, and entitled it under the constitu-

14 Biographical Sketch.

tion of Virginia to a representation in the assembly, as well as
to a judicial and military establishment.
Having obtained these important advantages from their
mission, they received the intelligence that the powder was still
at Pittsburg, and they determined to take that point in their
route home, and bring it with them. The country around
Pittsburg swarmed with Indians, evidently hostile to the whites,
who would no doubt seek to interrupt their voyage. These cir
cumstances created a necessity for the utmost caution as well as
expedition in their movements, and they accordingly hastily
embarked on the Ohio with only seven boatmen. They were
hotly pursued the whole way by Indians, but succeeded in keep
ing in advance until they arrived at the mouth of Limestone
creek, at the spot where the city of Maysville now stands.
They ascended this creek a short distance with their boat, and
concealed their cargo at different places in the woods along its
banks. They then turned their boat adrift, and directed their
course to Harrodstown, intending to return with a sufficient
escort to insure the safe transportation of the powder to its
destination. This in a short time was successfully effected, and
the colonists were thus abundantly supplied with the means of
defense against the fierce enemies who beset them on all sides.
The space allotted to this brief sketch, will not admit of a
detailed narrative of the adventures of Major Clark after his
return to Kentucky. Let it suffice to say, that he was uni
versally looked up to by the settlers as one of the master spirits
of the time, and always foremost in the fierce conflicts and des
perate deeds of those wild and thrilling days.
Passing over that series of private and solitary adventures
in which he embarked after he returned from Virginia, and in
which he appears tp have taken a peculiar pleasure, but of which

Col. George Rogers Clark. 15
no particulars have been preserved, we shall proceed at once to
notice his successful expedition against the British posts of Kas-
kaskia and Vincennes ; one of the most important events, if
we estimate it by its consequences, immediate and remote, in
the early history of the west. It was at the same time marked
by incidents of romantic and thrilling interest, and a striking
display of the qualities of courage, perseverance, and fortitude,
which bring to mind the heroic deeds of antiquity.
The war in Kentucky previous to this time had been a true
border war, and conducted in the irregular and desultory manner
incident to that kind of hostilities. Nearly all the military
operations of the period resembled more the predatory exploits
of those sturdy cattle-drovers and stark moss-troopers of the
Scottish highlands, whose valorous achievements have been
immortalized by the graphic pen of the author of Waverly, than
the warfare of a civilized people. Every man fought pretty
much uon bis own book,") and waged the war in a fashion to suit
himself. He selected his own ground, determined upon the
time, place, and manner of attack, and brought the campaign to
a close whenever his own inclinations prompted. The war
indeed was sustained, and its "sinews supplied," by the adven
turous spirit of private individuals. The solitary backwoodsman
would sharpen his hunting knife, shoulder his rifle, and provide
himself with a small quantity of parched corn as a substitute for
bread, and thus equipped for service, start on an expedition into
the Indian country, without beat of drum or note of warning.
Arrived on hostile soil, he would proceed with the caution of a
panther stealing on his prey, until he reached the neighborhood
of a village, when, concealing himself in the surrounding thick
ets, he would lie in wait until an opportunity presented of shoot
ing an Indian and stealing a horse, when he would return to the

1 6 Biographical Sketch.
cultivation of his farm and the ordinary pursuits of his business.
Even those more ambitious enterprises which occasionally
diversified this personal warfare, were the result rather of the
spontaneous combination of private individuals, than of any
movement by the state. The perseverance and gallantry of the
backwoodsman was left to sustain itself, with little assistance
from the power of Virginia, at that time engaged in the tremen
dous struggle of the war of Independence, which demanded all
her energies and taxed all her resources. The state had not
disposable means to act on so remote a frontier, nor does she
appear to have been distinctly aware of the important diversion
of the Indian force, which might be made by supporting the
exertions of Kentucky. As little did she perceive the rich
temptations offered to her military ambition in the British posts
in the west. Yet every Indian engaged on the frontier of Ken
tucky was a foe taken from the nearer frontier of the parent
state. And in those remote and neglected garrisons of Kaskas-
kia, Vincennes, and Detroit, was to be found the source of those
Indian hostilities which staid the advancing tide of emigration,
and deluged the whole west in the blood of women and children.
These combined views, however, began to acquire weight
with the Virginia statesmen, with the progress of the revolution,
and the rapid increase of emigration to Kentucky; and they
were particularly aided and enforced by the impressive repre
sentations of Major Clark. To his mind they had been long
familiar, and his plans were already matured. He was thor
oughly acquainted with the condition, relations, and resources of
the country, and with that instinctive genius which stamps him
as the most consummate of the western commanders, he saw at
a glance the policy required to develop the nascent strength and
advantages of the infant settlements. At a glance, he discov-

Col. George Rogers Clark, 17
ered what had so long escaped the perspicacity of the Virginia
statesmen, that the sources of the Indian devastations were
Detroit, Vincennes, and Kaskaskia. It was by the arms and
clothing supplied at these military stations that the merciless
ferocity of these blood-thirsty warriors was stimulated to the
commission of those fearful ravages which " drenched the land
to a mire." If they could be taken, a counter influence would
be established over the Indians, and the streams of human
blood, which deluged the fields of Kentucky, would be dried up.
So strongly had the idea of reducing these posts taken pos
session of the mind and imagination of Major Clark, that in the
summer of 1777 he dispatched two spies to reconnoiter and
report their situation. On their return they brought intelligence
of great activity on the part of the garrisons, who omitted no
opportunity to promote and encourage the Indian depredations
on the Kentucky frontier. They reported further, that although
the British had essayed every art of misrepresentation to preju
dice the French inhabitants against the Virginians and Ken-
tuckians, by representing these frontier people as more shocking
barbarians than the savages themselves, still there were to be
seen strong traces of affection for the Americans among many
of the inhabitants.
In December, 1777, Major Clark submitted to the execu
tive of Virginia a plan for the reduction of these posts. The
result was a full approbation of the scheme, and the governor
and council entered into the undertaking so warmly that every
preliminary arrangement was soon made.
\_We omit here Collins' sketch of the campaign in Illinois, which
is more fully recorded in Col. Clark's Letter -.]

Biographical Sketch.

Soon after this Louisville was founded, and he made it his
headquarters. In 1780 he built Fort Jefferson, on the Missis
sippi. In the course of this year he led an expedition against
the Indians of Ohio, the occasion of which was as follows : On
the 1st of June, 1780, the British commander at Detroit assem
bled six hundred Canadians and Indians, for a secret expedition
under Col. Byrd, against the settlements in Kentucky. This
force, accompanied by two field pieces, presented itself on the
22d, before Ruddell's station, which was obliged to capitulate.
Soon after Martin's station shared the same fate, and the inhab
itants, loaded with the spoil of their own dwellings, were hur
ried off toward Canada.
A prompt retaliation was required, and when Colonel Clark
called on the militia of Kentucky for volunteers to accompany
his regiment against the Indians, they flocked to his standard
without delay. The point of rendezvous was the mouth of
Licking river, where the forces assembled. They were sup
plied with artillery, conveyed up the river from the Falls. When
all assembled, the force amounted to nearly a thousand men.
The secrecy and dispatch which had ever attended the move
ments of this efficient commander continued to mark his progress
on this occasiqn. The Indian town was reached before the
enemy had received any intimation of their approach. A sharp
conflict ensued, in which seventeen of the savages were slain,
with an equal loss on the part of the whites. The Indians then
fled, the town was reduced to ashes, and the gardens and fields
laid waste. Col. Clark returned to the Ohio and discharged the
militia, and the Indians, reduced to the necessity of hunting for
the support of their families, gave the whites no further trouble
that season. For a long time the ever active mind of Clark had been

Col. George Rogers Clark. 19
revolving a scheme for the reduction of the British post at
Detroit, and in December of the year 1780, he repaired to
Richmond, to urge the government to furnish him with means
to execute this long-cherished design. His views were approved,
but before the necessary arrangements could be completed, a
British force from New York, under Arnold, carried hostilities
into the heart of the State. Clark took a temporary command
under Baron Steuben, and participated in the active operations
of that officer against the marauding traitor.
After several months had been spent in indefatigable efforts
to raise a force of two thousand men, for the enterprise against
Detroit, the several corps destined for the service were desig
nated, and ordered to rendezvous on the 15th of March, 1781,
at the falls of the Ohio, and Clark was raised to the rank of
brigadier general; but unexpected and insuperable difficulties
arose, and the ardent genius of the commander was confined to
defensive operations. This appears to have been the turning
point in the fortunes of the hardy warrior. He had set his heart
on destroying the British influence throughout the whole north
western territory. Could he have had the means which he
required, his advancement in rank would no doubt have been
gratifying ; but without a general's command, a general's com
mission was of no value. Dangers and hardships would have
been disregarded ; but with his small force to be stationed on
the frontier to repel the inroads of a few predatory bands of
Indians, when he was eager to carry the war to the lakes, was
more than he could bear, and it preyed upon his spirit. From
this time forth his influence sensibly decreased, and the innate
force and energy of his character languished and degenerated.
He was a lion chained, but he was still a lion, and so the
enemy found him in 1782. When the news of the disastrous

20 Biographical Sketch.
battle of the Blue Licks reached him, he took immediate
measures to rouse the country from that benumbed torpor of
anguish and despondency in which this great calamity had
plunged it, and to carry the war once more into the enemy's
country. In September, a thousand mounted riflemen assem
bled on the banks of the Ohio, at the mouth of Licking, and
moved against the Indian towns on the Miami and Scioto. The
Indians fled before them, and not more than twelve were killed
or taken. Five of their towns were reduced to ashes, and all of
their provisions destroyed. The effect of this expedition was
such that no formidable party of Indians ever after invaded
Kentucky. In 1786 a new army was raised to march against the
Indians on the Wabash, and Clark, at the head of a thousand
men, again entered the Indian territory. This expedition proved
unfortunate, and was abandoned.
Several years elapsed before the name of General Clark
again appeared in connection with public affairs. When Genet,
the French minister, undertook to raise and organize a force in
Kentucky for a secret expedition against the Spanish possessions
on the Mississippi, George Rogers Clark accepted a commission
as major general in the armies of France, to conduct the enter
prise. But, before the project was put in execution, a counter
revolution occurred in France, Genet was recalled, and Clark's
commission annulled. Thus terminated his public career.
General Clark was never married. He was long in infirm
health, and severely afflicted with a rheumatic affection, which
terminated in paralysis, and deprived him of the use of one limb.
After suffering under this disease for several years, it finally
caused his death in February, 1818. He died and was buried at
Locust Grove, near Louisville.

CLARK'S
Campaign in the Illinois.

Louifville, Falls of Ohio, Novr 19, 1779.
My Dr Sir, continue to favour me with your val
uable Leffons ; Continue your Reprimands as though
I was your fon ; when fufpicious, think not that
promotion or confer'd Honour will occation any un-
neceflary pride in me; You have infuf'd too many
of your Valuable precepts in me to be guilty of the
like, or to mew any indifference to thofe that ought to
be dear to me; it is with pleafure that I obey in tranf-
miting to you a fhort Iketch of my enterprife and
proceeding in the Illinois, as near as I can Recoiled:,
or gather from memorandoms.
After difengaging myfelf from Kentucky, I fet
out for Williamfburg in Augc- 1777, in order to
fettle my ac~ts. I had juft Reafons known to few
but myfelf that occationed me to refolve not to have
any farther Command whatever, without I mould
find a very great call for Troops and my Country
(21)

11 Campaign in the Illinois.
in danger, in fuch cafe I was determined to loofe my
Life rather [than) we fhould fubmit. On my arrival at
Town I found to appearance a friend in many gen
tlemen of note that offered their Intereft to me in
cafe I fhould offer at any Poft. Many was furprif'd
that I would not felicit for fome Birth. I muft
confefs that I think myfelf often to blame for not
makeing ufe of Intereft for my promotion, but to
merit it firft is fuch a fixed principal with me that I
never could, and I hope never fhall afk for a Poft of
Honour, as I think the Publick ought to be the
beft Judge whether a Perfon deferves it or not, if he
did he would certainly be Rewarded according to the
Virtue they had. But finding that we were in [an)
alarming fituation, the Indians defperate on one fide,
the Britains on the other, I immediately Refolved to
encourage an Expedition to the Illinois. But to
make it publick was a certain lofs of it. I propof'd
the plan to a few Gentlemen, they communicated it
to the Governour, it was immediately determined on,
to put in Execution as foon as a Bill could be
be pafled to enable the Governour to order it; it
accordingly paff'd, though but a few in the Houfe
knew the real intent of it. After giving the Council
all the intiligence I poffibly could, I refolv'd to pur-
fue my other Plans. But being defired by the Gov
ernour to flay fome time in town, I wated with
impatience, he I fuppofe believeing that I wanted the

Col. George Rogers Clark. 23
Command, and was determined to give it to me; But
it was far from my Inclination at that time. I was
fummoned to attend the Council-Board, the inftruc-
tions and neceffary papers were ready for puting in
the name of the Perfon to Command; I believe they
expected me to -felicit for it, but I refolved not to
do fo, for reafons I hinted you before. However, I
excepted it after being told the Command of this little
Army was defign'd for me. I then got every requeft
granted, and {was) fully empowered to raife as many
Men as I could, not exceeding a certain number,*
after being engaged, I was then as Determined to
profecute it with Vigour, as I was before indifferent
about the Command ; I had fince the beginning of
the War taken pains to make myfelf acquainted with
the true fituation of the Britifh pofts on the Fron
tiers, and fince find that I was not miflaken in my
judgment. I was ordered to Attadt the Illinois, in
cafe of Succefs to cary my Arms to any quarter I
pleafed. I was certain that with five hundred Men
I could take the Illinois, and by my treating the
Inhabitants as fellow Citizens, and fhew them that
I ment to protect rather than treat them as a Con
quered People. Engaging the Indians to our Inter
eft, &c, It might probably have fo great an effect on
their Countrymen at Detroyet (they already difliked

* For his instructions, public and private, see Appendix.

24 Campaign in the Illinois.
their Mailer) that it would be an eafy prey for me. I
fhould have mentioned my defign to his Excellency,
but was convinced, or afraid that it might lefTen his
efteem for me, as it was a general oppinion that it
would take feveral thoufand to approach that Place.
I was happy with the thoughts of fair profpect of
undeceiveing the Publick reflecting their formidable
Enemies on our Fronteers. I left Williamfburg
January the 18th, made as quick difpatch as poffible
to the fronteers, and by the end of the month had
Recruiting Parties difpofed from Pitfburg to Caro
lina, had my little Army Recruited in half the time
I expected. Elivated with the thoughts of the great fervice we
fhould do our Country in fome meafure puting an
end to the Indian War on our fronteers, it may appear
to you to be a mear prefumption in me, but I was
always too jealous of myfelf to be far wrong in plans
that I had fo long fludied, and fince find that I could
have executed it with the greateft eafe if it had not been
{the) following Conduct of many leading Men in the
fronteers, that had like to have put an end to the enter-
prife, not knowing my Deftination, and through a fpirit
of obftinacy they combined and did every thing that lay
in their power to flop the Men that had Enlifted, and
fet the whole Fronteers in an uproar, even conde-
fcended to harbour and protect thofe that Deferted ; I ,
found my cafe defperate, the longer I remained the

Col. George Rogers Clark. 25
worfe it was — I plainly faw that my Principal Defign
was baffled — I was refolved to pufh to Kentucky
with what men I could gather in Weft Augufta ; being
Joined by Capts Bowman and Helms who had each
raifed a Compy for the Expedition, but two thirds
of them was ftopt by the undefign'd Enemies to the
Country that I before mentioned: In the whole I had
about one hundred & fifty Men Collected and fet fail
for the Falls. I had previous to this received Letters
from Cap' Smith on Holdfton enforming me that he
intended to meet me at that place with near two hun
dred Men, which encouraged me much as I was in
hopes of being enabled by that reinforcem', at leaft to
attadt the Illinois with a probability of Succefs, &c.
I fet out from Redflone the 12th of may leaving
the Country in great confufion, much diftreffed by
„the Indians. General Hand, pleafed with my inten
tions furnifhed me with every neceffary I wanted
and the — of may I arrived at the Canoweay* to the
Joy of the GarrifTon as they were very weak, & had
the day before been attadted by a large Body of In
dians. Being Joined by Cap1 Oharrard's Compy on his
way to the Ofark; after fpending a day or two, We
fet out and had a very pleafant Voyage to the falls
of Ohio, having fent Expreffes to the Stations on Ken-

* Kanawha River.

16 Campaign in the Illinois.
tucky from the mouth of the River, for Cap' Smith
to join me immediately as I made no doubt but
that he was wateing for me ; But you may eafily guefs
at my mortification on being informed that he had not
arrived, that all his Men had been ftopt by the incef-
fant labours of the populace, except part of a Compy
that had arrived under the Command of one Captain
Delland, fome on their march being threatened to be
put into Prifon if they did not return; this infor
mation made me as Defperate as I was before Deter
mined. Reflecting on the Information that I had of fome
of my greateft opponents cenfureing the Governour
for his Conduct, as they thought, ordering me for the
protection of Kentucky only ; that and fome other
fecret impulfes Occationed me in fpite of all Council
to rifque the Expedition, to convince them of their
error until that moment, fecret to the Principal Of
ficers I had. I was fenfible of the impreffion it
would have on many, to be taken near a thoufand
{miles) from the Body of their Country, to attact a
People five times their number, and mercilefs Tribes
of Indians their Allies, and determined Enemies to
us. I knew that my cafe was defperate, but the more
I reflected on my weaknefs the more I was pleafed
with the Enterprize. Joined by a few Kentuckyans
under Col0. Montgomery to flop the defertion I knew

Col. George Rogers Clark. 27
would enfue on the Troops knowing their Deftina-
tion, I had Encamped on a fmall Ifland in the middle
of the Falls, kept ftrict Guards on the Boats, but
Lieutenant Hutchings, of Dillard's Compy, contrived
to make his efcape with his party after being re-
fufed leave to return, luckely a few of his Men was
taken the next day by a party fent after them;
on this Ifland I firfl began to difcipline my little
Army knowing that to be the moft effential point
towards fuccefs, moft of them determined to fol
low me, the reft feeing no probability of making
their efcape I foon got that fubordination as I could
wifh for ; about twenty families that had followed
me much againft my Inclination I found now to be
of fervice to me in guarding a Block-houfe that I
had erected on the Ifland to fecure my Provisions.*

* There was at this time no settlement at the Falls,
though two thousand acres of the plain on which Louisville
is built, had been patented on 16th of December, 1773, by
John Connelly, a surgeon's mate in the British service. M'-
Murtrie gives the names of five of those who accompanied
Clark and were left on Corn Island, James Patton, Rd. Chen-
owith, John Tuel, Wm. Faith, and J. McManness. After
Clark's departure, they removed to the main land, commenced
clearings, and erected cabins. Other emigrants arrived in the
spring of 1779. The town of Louisville was first laid out
in 1780, by William Pope. See M' Murine's and Cassedafs
Histories of Louisville.

Campaign in the Illinois.

I got every thing in Readinefs on the 26th of June,
fet off from the Falls, double Man'd our Oars
and proceeded day and night until we ran into the
mouth of the Tenefse River the fourth day landed
on an Ifland to prepare ourfelves for a March by
Land; a few hours after we took a Boat of Hunters
but eight days from Kafkafkias; before I would fuffer
them to anfwer any Perfon a queftion, after their
taking the oath of allegiance, I examined them par
ticularly, they were Englifhmen, & appear' d to be
in our Intereft, their intiligence was not favour
able, they afked leave to go on the Expedition, I
granted it, and ordered them what to relate partic
ularly, on pain of Suffering, they obferved my in
structions which put the whole in the greateft fpir-
its ; Sure by what they heard of fuccefs, in the even
ing of the fame day I ran my Boats into a fmall
Creek about one mile above the old Fort Miffack ;*

* The French commander who evacuted Fort Duquesne in
October, 1758, on the approach of General Forbes, descended
the Ohio river and " made a halt about forty miles from the
mouth, and, on a beautiful eminence on the north bank of the
river, commenced a fort, and left a detachment of one hundred
men as a garrison. The post was called ' Fort Massac,' in
honor of the commander, M. Massac, who superintended its
construction. This was the last fort erected by the French on
the Ohio, and it was occupied by a garrison of French troops
until the evacuation of the country under the stipulations of the

Col. George Rogers Clark. 29
Repofed our felves for the night, and in the morning
took a Rout to the Northwefl, and had a very fa-
tiegueing Journey for about fifty miles, until we came
into thofe level Plains that is frequent throughout
this extenfive Country. As I knew my Succefs de
pended on^fecrecy, I was much afraid of being dif-
covered in thefe Meadows as we might be feen in
many places for feveral miles; nothing extraordinary
happened dureing our Route Excepting my guide*
loofeing himfelf and not being able, as we judged
by his confufion of giving a Jufl account of himfelf;
It put the whole Troops in the greateft Confufion.
I never in my life felt fuch a flow of Rage to be wan
dering in a Country where every Nation of Indians
could raife three, or four times our Number, and a
certain lofs of our enterprife by the Enemie's getting
timely notice. I could not bear the thoughts of
returning; in fhort every idea of the fort put me
in that paffion that I did not mafter for fome time;
but in a fhort time after our circumftance had a
better appearance, for I was in a moment determined
to put the guide to Death if he did not find his way

treaty of Paris. Such was the origin of Fort Massac, divested
of the romance which fable has thrown around its name."
Monette's History of the Valley of the Mississippi. Vol. 1, p.
3r7- * John Saunders. Butler's Kentucky, p. 52.

30 Campaign in the Illinois.
that Evening; I told him his doom, the poor fellow
feared almoft out of his wits, begged that I would
flay a while where I was and fufFer him to go and
make fome difcovery of a Road that could not be far
from us, which I would not fuffer for fear of not
feeing him again, but ordered him to lead on the
party, that his fate depended on his fuccefs; after
fome little paufe he begged that I would not be
hard with him, that he could find the Path that
Evening. He accordingly took his courfe, and in
two hours got within his knowledge.
On the Evening of the 4th of July, we got within
three miles of the Town Kafkafkias,* having a River
of the fame name to crofs to the Town ; After
making ourfelves ready for anything that might hap
pen, we marched after night to a Farm that was on
the fame fide of the River about a mile above the
Town, took the family Prifoners, & found plenty of
Boats to Crofs in; and in two hours Tranfported
ourfelves to the other fhore with the greateft filence.
I learned that they had fome fufpicean of being at-
tacled and had made fome preparations, keeping out

* Kaskaskia, situated on the right bank of the Kaskaskia river,
about seven miles from its junction with the Mississippi, was
settled by the early French explorers a few years after the visit
of La Salle, in 1683, and was the capital of the Illinois country
during its occupancy by the French.

Col. George Rogers Clark. 31
Spies, but they making no difcoveries, had got off
their Guard. \ immediately divided my little Army
into two Divifions, ordered one to furround the Town,
with the other I broke into the Fort, fecured the
Governour, Mr. Rochblave in 15 minutes had every
Street fecured, fent Runners through the Town order
ing the People on pane of Death to keep clofe to
their Houfes, which they obferv'd, and before daylight
had the whole town difarmed ; nothing could excell
the Confufion thefe People feemed to be in, being
taught to expect nothing but Savage treatment from
the Americans. Giving all for loft their Lives were
all they could dare beg for, which they did with the
greatefl fervancy, they were willing to be Slaves to
fave their Families. I told them it did not fuit me
to give them an anfwer at that time, they repared to
their houfes, trembling as if they were led to Exe
cution; my principal would not fuffer me to diflrefs
fuch a number of People, except, through policy it
was neceffary; A little reflection convinced me that
it was my Intereft to Attach them to me, according
to my firft Plan ; for the Town of Cohos* & St.
Vincents, f and the numerous Tribes of Indians

*Cahokia, an old French village, situated in the American
Bottom in St. Clair county, Illinois, a few miles below St.
Louis, and about sixty miles by the river above Kaskaskia.
t Now the town of Vincennes, on the Wabash river, about

Campaign in the Illinois.

attached to the French was yet to enfluence, for I was
too weak to treat them any other way. I fent for all
the Principal Men of the Town who came in as if to
a Tribunal that was to determine their fate forever,
Curfing their fortune that they were not apprifed of us
time enough to have defended themfelves ; I told
them that I was forry to find that they had been
taught to harbour fo bafe an oppinion of the Ameri
cans and their Caufe : Explain' d the nature of the dif-
pute to them in as clear a light as I was capable of,
it was certain that they were a Conquered People, and
by the fate of War was at my mercy and that our Prin
cipal was to make thofe we Reduced free infted of en-
flaving them as they immagined, that if I could have
furety of their Zeal and Attachment to the American
Caufe, they fhould immediately enjoy all the priviledges
of our Government, and their property fecured to
them, that it was only to flop the farther effufion of
Innocent Blood by the Savages under the influence of

one hundred and fifty miles above its mouth. The Indian
village at that point was called Chip-kaw-kay. The French
post was variously designated, by early writers, Post Vincennes,
Post Vincent, St. Vincents, and Au Poste. The fort was
called by the English, Fort Sackville. The name Vincennes
was undoubtedly derived from Francois Morgan de Vinsenne
who was commandant at the post in 1735.

Col. George Rogers Clark. 33
their Governour, that made them an object of our at
tention, &c.
No fooner had they heard this than joy fparkled
in their Eyes and (they) fell into Tranfports of Joy
that really furprifed me ; as foon as they were a little
moderated they told me that they had always been kept
in the dark as to the difpute between America & Britain
that they had never heard any thing before but what
was prejuditial and tended to infence them againfl the
Americans, that they were now convinced that it was
a Caufe that they ought to Efpoufe; that they fhould
be happy of an oppertunity to convince me of their
Zeal, and think themfelves the happyefl People in the
World if they were united with the Americans, and
beg'd that I would receive what they faid as their real
fentiments : in order to be more certain of their Sin
cerity, I told them that an Oath of fedility was re
quired from the Citizens and to give them time to
reflect on it, I fhould not Adminifter it for a few days,
in the meantime any of them that chofe, was at liberty
to leave the Country with their families, except two
or three particular Perfons, that they might repair to
their families and conduct themfelves as ufial, without
any dread. The Prieft,* that had lately come from

* The name of this priest was Pierre Gibault, though Clark,
with his characteristic inaccuracy in spelling proper names,
calls him feboth, as will be hereafter seen. Judge Law, in his

34 Campaign in the Illinois.

Canada had made himfelf a little acquainted with our
difpute, (Contrary to the principal of his Brother in
Canada) was rather prejudiced in favor of us. He
aSked if I would give him liberty to perform his duty
in his Church I told him that I had nothing to do
with Churches more than to defend them from Infult.
That by the laws of the State his Religion had as
great Previledges as any other: This feem'd to com-
pleat their happinefs. They returned to their families,
and in a few minutes the fcean of mourning and dif-
trefs, was turned to an excefs of Joy, nothing elfe feen
nor heard. Addorning the Streets with flowers & Pa-
vilians of different colours, compleating their happinefs
by Singing, &c. In mean time I prepar'd a Detach
ment on Horfeback, under Cap' Bowman, to make a
Defcent on Cohos, about Sixty miles up the Coun
try; the Inhabitants told me that one of their Towns
men was enough to put me in pofleflion of that place,
by carrying the good news that the People would re
joice, however I did not altogether chufe to trufl
them, difpatched the Captain, Attended by a consider
able number of the Inhabittants who got into the
" Colonial History of Vincennes" gives an interesting sketch of
this good man, to whom, he says, " next to Clark and Vigo, the
United States are indebted for the accession of the States com
prised in what was the original North- Western Territory, than
to any other man."

Col. George Rogers Clark. 35
middle of the Town before they were difcovered ; the
French Gentlemen Calling aloud to the People to fub-
mit to their happier fate, which they did with very
little hesitation: A number of Indians being in Town,
on hearing of the Big Knives, immediately made their
Efcape; In a few days the Inhabittants of the Coun
try took the Oath fubfcribed by law and every Perfon
appeared to be happy ; Our friends the Spanyards,
doing every thing in their power to convince me of
their friendship, a Correfpondance immediately com
menced between the Governour and myfelf. Poft St.
Vincent, a Town about the Size of Williamfburg was the
next Objecl in my view; as the whole was apprif'd of
me, I was by no means able to march againft it, (their
Governour a few months before going to Detroyet,)
I was refolved if poflible to win their affection which I
thought myfelf in a fair way of doing more fully to
know the fentiments of the Inhabittants about there ;
And to execute my Plans I pretended that I was about
to fend an Exprefs to the falls of Ohio for a Body of
Troops to Join me at a certain place, in order to attact
it; it foon had the defired effect. Advocates immediately
appear'd among the people in their behalf. Mr. Jeboth,
the Prieft, to fully convince me of his Attachment
offered to undertake to win that Town for me if I
would permit him and let a few of them go; they
made no doubt of gaining their friends at St. Vincents
to my Intereft ; the Prieft told me he would go him-

36 Campaign in the Illinois.
felf, and gave me to understand, that although he had
nothing to do with temporal bufinefs, that he would
give them fuch hints in the Spiritual way, that would be
very conducive to the bufinefs.
In a few days the Prieft and Docf Lefont, the
Principal, with a few others fet out, and a Proclamation
I fent, for that purpofe, and other inftrudions in cafe of
fuccefs. In a few weeks they returned with intiligence
agreable to my wifhes. I now found myfelf in pos-
feSfion of the whole, in a Country where I found I
could do more real fervice than I expeded, which occa-
tioned my Situation to be the more difagreable as I
wanted Men.
The greateft part of my Men was for returning,
as they were no longer Ingaged, furrounded by numer
ous Nations of Savages, whofe minds had been long
poifoned by the EngliSh, It was with difficulty
that I could fupport that Dignity that was neces-
fary to give my orders that force that was neceffary,
but by great preafents and promifes I got about
one hundred of my Detachment Enlifted for eight
months, and to colour my Staying with fo few Troops,
I made a faint of returning to the Falls, as though
I had fufficient confidence in the People, hoping that
the Inhabitants would remonftrate againft my leaving
them, which they did in the warmed: terms, proving
the neceffity of the Troops at that place, that they
were affraid if I returned the Englifh would again pos-

Col. George Rogers Clark. 37
fefs the Country. Then feemingly by their requeft I
agreed to flay with two Companies of Troops, and that
I hardly thought, as they alledg'd that fo many was
neceflary ; but if more was wanted I could get them at
any time from the Falls, where they were made to be
lieve was a Considerable GarriSTon. As foon as poSfible
I fent off thofe that could not be got to Slay, with Mr.
Rochblanch,* and Letters to his Excellency letting him
know my fituation and the neceffity of Troops in the
Country. Many of the French fond of the fervice, the
different Companies foon got Compleat. I Stationed
Capt. Bowman at Cohos, Capt. Helms Comd at St.
Vincents Superintendant &c. Domeftick affairs being
partly well fettled the Indian Department came next the
objed of my attention and of the greateft importance,
my fudden appearance in their Country put them un
der the greateft confternation, they was generally at War

*Col. Clark was inclined to treat Mr. Rocheblave, the Brit
ish commander, leniently, and to restore to him his slaves that
had been seized as public plunder. He invited him to dine with
himself and officers, with the intention of restoring them ; but
the violent and insulting language of Mr. Rocheblave on this
occasion, entirely frustrated Clark's benevolent designs. The
slaves were afterward sold for five hundred pounds which was
distributed among the troops for prize money.
In September, 1780, Gov. Jefferson, in a letter to General
Washington, mentions a "Lieutenant Governor Rocheblave
who has broken his parole and gone to New York." Jefferson's
Works, vol. I, p. 258.

Campaign in the Illinois.

againft us, but the French and Spainyards appearing
fo fond of us confufed them, they counciled with the
French Traders, to know what was beft to be done,
and of courfe was advifed to come and felicit for peace,
and did not doubt but we might be good Friends ; it
may appear otherwife to You, but (/) always thought we
took the wrong method of treating with Indians, and
Strove as foon as poffible to make myfelf acquainted
with the French and Spanifh mode which muft be
prefferable to ours, otherwife they could not poflibly
have fuch great influence among them ; when thoroughly
acquainted with it, (it) exadly coinfided with my own
idea, and (I) refolved to follow that fame Rule as
near as Circumftances would permit, the Kafkafkias
Peoreanas & Mechegames immediately treated for
peace; I fent letters and fpeaches by Cap'. Helms
to the chief of the Kickebues and PeankeShaws re-
fiding at Poft St. Vincents defireing them to lay down
their Tomahawk, and if they did not chufe it, to be
have like Men and fight for the Englifh as they had
done, but they would fee their great father as they
called him given to the Dogs to eat. (gave Harfh
language to fupply the want of Men; well knowing
that it was a mistaken notion in many that foft
fpeeches was beft for Indians) But if they thought of
giving their hands to the Big Knives to give their
Hearts alfo, and that I did not doubt but after being
acquainted, that they would find that the Big Knives

Col. George Rogers Clark. 39
(were) of better Principals than what the bad Birds, the
Englifh had taught them to believe. They received the
fpeeches from the Cap', with another of his own, and
after fome Confultation they refolved to take the Big
Knives by the hand and came to a conclusion of
Peace, And faid the Americans muft be Warriers and
no deceivers, or they would never have fpoke as they
did ; that they liked fuch People, and that the Englifh
was Liers and they would liflen to them no longer;
that by what they had heard the Big Knives, The
Indians had as great a right to fight the Englifh
as they had, that they was convinced that it was the
truth. What they here alluded to was, part of the
fpeech that I had fent to them, explaining to them the
nature of the War in the following manner : That
a great many Years ago, our forefathers lived in
England, but the King opprefed them in fuch a
manner that they were obliged . to Crofs the great
Waters to get out of his way. But he not being fatis-
fied to loofe fo many fubjeds fent Governours and
Soldiers among them to make them obey his Laws,
but told his Governours to treat them well and to take
but little from them until they grew Populus, that
then they would be able to pay a great deal ; By the
good treatment we got, we grew to be a great Peo
ple and flourished fall. The King then wrote to his
Governour & Officers that we had got Rich and nu
merous enough, that it was time to make us pay tri-

4° Campaign in the Illinois.

bute, that he did not care how much they took, fo as
they left us enough to eat, and that he had fent them a
great many Soldiers to make the Americans pay if
they refufed, that when they had made the Americans
do as they pleafed, they would then make the Indians
pay likewife; But for fear the Indians fhould find it
out by the Big Knives, that the Englifh intended to
make them alfo pay, & Should get mad with the Eng
lish for their treatment of their Neighbours the Big
Knives, that they, his Governours fhould make us
quarrel, &c. We bore their Taxes for many Years,
at laft they were fo hard that if we killed a Deer they
would take the Skin away and leave us the Meat,
and made us buy Blankets with Corn to fead their
Soldiers with. By fuch ufage we got Poor and was
obliged to go naked ; And at laft we complained. The
King got mad and made his Soldiers Kill fome of our
People and Burn fome of our Villages. The Old Men
then held a great Council and made the Tomahawk
very Sharp and put it into the hand of the Young
Men, told them to be Strong & Strike the Englifh
as long as they could find one on this Ifland. They
immediately Struck and Killed a great many of the
Englifh. The French King hearing of it fent to the
Americans and told them to be Strong and fight the
EngliSh like Men, that if they wanted help or Tom
ahawks he would furnifh them, &c, &c.

Col. George Rogers Clark. 41
This fpeech had a greater effed than I could have
immagined, and did more fervice than a Regiment of
Men cou'd have done.
It was with aftonifhment that (we) viewed the
Amazeing number of Savages that foon flocked into the
Town of Cohos to treat for peace, and to hear what
the Big Knives had to fay, many of them 500 miles
diftant, Chipoways, Ottoways, Petawatomies, Miflefo-
gies, Puans, Sacks, Foxes, Sayges, Tauways, Maw-
mies and a number of other Nations, all living eaft
of the MeSficippa, and many of them at War againfl
us. I mufl confefs that I was under fome apprehention
among fuch a number of Devils, and it proved to be
juft for the fecond or third night, a party of Puans &
others endeavoured to force by the Guards into my
Lodgings to Bear me off; but was happily Deteded and
made Prifoners by the elacrity of the Sergent. The
Town took the alarm and was immediately under Arms,
which convinced the Savages that the French were in
our Intereft. I was determined to follow the Principal that I
had fet out upon, let the confequence be what it
would. I immediately ordered the Chiefs to be put in
Irons by the French Militia. They infifted that it was
only to fee whether the French would take part with
the Americans or not, that they had no ill Defign ; this
treatment of fome of the greateft Chiefs among them
occationed great confufion among the reft of the Sav-

42 Campaign in the Illinois.
ages. The Prifoners, with great fubmiSfion, celicited
to Speak to me, but was refufed. They then made all
the intereft they poSfibly could amongft the other
Indians, (who was much at a lofs what to do as
there was Strong Guards through every quarter of the
Town), to get to fpeak to me; but I told the whole
that I believed they were a fet of Villians, that they
had Joined the EngliSh, and they were welcome to con
tinue in the Caufe they had efpoufed, that I was a
Man and a Warrier, that I did not care who was my
Friends or Foes ; and had no more to fay to them :
Such condud Alarmed the whole Town : but I was
fenfible that it would gain us no more Enemies than
we had already, and if they after felicited for terms,
that it would be more Sincere, and probably have a
lafting good effed on the Indian Nations ; diftruft
was vifible in the Countenance of almoft every Perfon
during the latter part of the day. To Shew the
Indians that I difregarded them, I remained in my
Lodging in the Town, about one hundred Yards
from the Fort feemingly without a Guard, but I
kept about fifty Men conceiled in a Parlour adjoin
ing, and the Garrifon under Arms; there was great
Counciling among the Savages dureing the Night.
But to make them have the greater idea of my
Indifferency about them, I aflembled a Number of
Gentlemen & Ladies, and danced nearly the whole
Night. In the morning I fummoned the different

Col. George Rogers Clark. 43
Nations to a grand Council, and the Chiefs under
guard (were) releafed, and invited to Council, that I
might fpeak to them in the prefence of the whole.
After the common Cerimonies was over, I produced
a Bloody Belt of wampom, and fpoke to them in the
following manner : I told the Chief that was Guilty,
that I was fencible their Nation was engaged in
favour of the Englifh, and if they thought it right,
I did not blame them for it, and exhorted them to
behave like Men and fupport the Caufe they had
undertaken; that I was fenfible that the Englifh was
weak and wanted help ; that I fcorned to take any
advantage of them by Perfuading their friends to
defert them ; that there was no people but Americans,
but would put them to death for their late behaviour ;
That it convinced me of their being my Enemies. But
it was beneath the Charader of Americans to take fuch
revenge, that they were at their Liberty to do as they
pleaf d, But to behave like Men, and not do any
mifchief until three days after they left the town,
that I fhould have them efcorted fafe out of the Vil
lage, and after that expiration of time, if they did not
choofe to return and fight me, they might find Ameri
cans enough by going farther. That if they did not want
their own Women and Children maffecred, they muft
leave off killing ours and only fight Men under Arms,
which was commendable ; that there was the War Belt,
We fhould foon fee which of us would make it the moft

44 Campaign in the Illinois.

Bloody, &c. Then told them that it was cuflomary
among all Brave Men to treat their Enemies well when
affembled as we were, that I fhould give them Provi-
fions & Rum while they Staid, but by their behaviour
I could not conceive that they deferved that appella
tion, and I did not care how foon they left me after
that day. I obferved that their Countenances and atti
tude favoured my real defign ; the whole looked like
a parcel of Criminals. The other Nations rofe and
made many fubmiSTive Speeches exculing themfelves for
their condud in a very pretty manner, and (there was)
fomething noble in their fentiments (their talk I
inclofe), they alledged that they were perfuaded to
War by the EngliSh, and made to harbour a wrong
oppinion of the Americans, but they now believed them
to be Men and Warriers, and could wiSh to take them
by the hand as Brothers ; that they did not fpeak from
their lips only, but that I fhould hereafter find that they
fpoke from their Hearts, and that they hoped I would
pitty their blindnefs and their Women and Children ;
and alfo filiated for their Friends that had been Guilty
of the late crime. I told them that I had inftrudions
from the Great Man of the Big Knives not to aSk
Peace from any People but to offer Peace and War,
and let them take their Choice, except a few of the
worft Nation to whom I was to grant no Peace, for
as the Englifh could fight us no longer he was affraid
our Young Warriers would get rufty without they

Col. George Rogers Clark. 45
could get fomebody to fight, &c. I prefented them
with a Peace & War Belt, and told them to take their
choice excepting thofe who had been Imprifoned. they,
with a great deal of feeming Joy took the Belt of Peace.
I told them I would defer Smokeing the Peace Pipe
until I heard that they had called in all their Warriers,
and then we would conclude the Treaty with all the
Ceremony neceffary for fo important Occafion. they
immediately felicited for fome Perfons to go with them
to be witnefs of their Condud, and hoped that I
would favour their Guilty Friends, which I refufed;
and was pleafed to fee them fet trembling as Per
fons frightned at the apprehenfion of the worft fate.
Their fpeaker then rofe and made a moft lament
able fpeach, fuch as I could have wiflied for: Beg-
ing Mercy for their Women and Children: for the
French Gentlemen whom they put the greateft confi
dence in had given them leffons that favour'd my
Purpofe: I recommended it to them to go to their
father the Englifh, as he had told them that he was
Strong perhaps he might help them as he had promifed ;
that they could blame no Perfon but themfelves when
their Nation fhould be given with the Englifh to
the Dogs to eat. When they had tried their Ello-
quence to no purpofe, they pitched on two Young
Men for to be put to death as an attonement for
the reft hoping that would paffify me; It would
have furprifed You to have feen how fubmiflively

a.6 Campaign in the Illinois.
thofe two Young Men prefented themfelves for Death,
advancing into the middle of the floor, fetting down
by each other and covering their heads with their
Blankets to receive the Tomahawk (Peace was what I
wanted with them, if I got it on my own terms.) but
this Stroke Prejudiced me in their favour, and for a few
moments (/) was fo adjutated that I dont doubt but that
I Should without refledion (have) killed the firlt man
that would have offered to have offered to have hurt
them ; My wifhes refpeding this Treaty were now
compleat; And I fince find no room to blame my
felf for any omiffion in what followed in the Treaty ;
which time has already proved the good effeds of it
throughout the Illinois Country.
Our influence now began to fpread among the
Nations even to the Border of the Lakes. I fent
Agents into every Quarter. I continued about five
weeks in the Town of Cohos; in which time I had
fetled a Peace with ten or twelve different Nations.
Being much fatiegued, I returned to KafkaSkias,
leaving Major Bowman to ad in which he did himfelf
much Honour. An intamacy had commenced between
Don Leybrau,* Lieut. Governor of Weftern Illinois and
myfelf; he omited nothing in his Power to prove his
Attachment to the Americans with fuch opennefs as left

* Don Francisco de Leyba, Spanish Lieutenant Governor
of Upper Louisiana.

Col. George Rogers Clark. ^rj
no room for a doubt ; as I was never before in compy
with any Spanifh Gent I was much furprifed in my ex-
pedations; for inftead of finding that referve thought
peculiar to that Nation, I here faw not the leaft fymp-
toms of it, freedom almoft to excefs gave the
greateft pleafure ; at my return to KafkaSkias I found
everything as well as I could have expeded. Having
fo far fixed matters as to have a moment's Leafure,
which was taken up with deeper Refledions than I ever
before was Acquainted with. My Situation and week-
nefs convinced me that more depended on my own
Behaviour and Condud, than all the Troops that I had
far removed from the Body of my Country: Situated
among French, Spanyards, and Numerous Bands of
Savages on every quarter: Watching my adions, ready
to receive impreffions favourable or not fo of us, which
might be hard to remove, and would perhaps produce
lafting good, or ill effeds. It was now that I faw my
work was only begun, maturely examining every cir
cumstance of my paft Adions fixing fuch Refolutions,
that in cafe of misfortune or lofs of Intereft, it Should
be for want of Judgment only. Strid fubordination
among the Troops was my firft objed, and (/) foon
effeded it. It being a matter of the greateft confe-
quence to Perfons in our Situation. Our Troops being
all Raw and undiffplined You muft (be) fenfible of the
pleafure I felt when harangueing them on Perade.
Telling them my Refolutions, and the neceffity of

48 Campaign in the Illinois.
ftrid duty for our own prefervation, &c. For them to
return me for Anfwer, that it was their Zeal for their
Country that induced them to engage in the Service,
that they were fencible of their Situation and Danger ;
that nothing could conduce more to their fafety and
happinefs, than good order, which they would try to
adhere to, and hoped that no favour would be Shewn
thofe that would negled it. In a Short time perhaps
no Garriffon could boaft of better order, or a more
Valuable fet of Men. By this time the Englifh party
at Detroit, finding their influence among the Savages
abateing, fent out meffengers through the different
Nations as far as they dare venture. Redoubled their
Prefents and insinuations to little purpofe, as I had a
Number of Perfons well acquainted with the Indians
fpread through the whole that had treated with me, and
Spies continually in and about Detroit for a considera
ble time. One of the Britifh Agents, refiding at Oueaugh,*
about eighty Leagues above St. Vincents hurt our
Growing interefts much, the Indians in that quarter
being inclin'd to defert the Britifh Intereft, but in
fome meafure kept from their good intention by that
Perfon. I refolved if poSfible to take him off, and

* Ouatenon, a French settlement on the Wabash, at the
mouth of the Wea (Oueaugh): a short distance below where
the town of Lafayette now stands.

Col. George Rogers Clark. 49
fent a Detachment of Men from Kafkafkias under the
command of Lieu'- Bailey, to join Cap'- Helms at St.
Vincents and if poffible furprife him ; the Cap', with
about one hundred Men in number, part french Militia
and Indians, fet out by water. The Agent hearing of
it colleded a few Savages from the neighbourhood that
he could truft in order to give Battle (the Indians in
general Neutrals) but a few days before the Captain's
arrival Mr. Celeron thought proper to make his Efcape,
leaving his friendly Indians in the Fort, who being
Affembled in a Grand Council to determine what was
beft to be done, negleding to Shut the Gate or keep
Sentinals (not fuppofing the enemies to be fo near) in
the hith of their deliberation Capt. Helms, Bayley,
and his fmall Party entered the Fort and ordered
them to furrender before they were apprif 'd, About forty
in number being made Prifoners, the Cap' made a val
uable Treaty; Gave them their Liberty, this Stroke
compleated our Intereft on the Wabache.
St. Vincents being a Poft of great Importance,
and not being able to fpare many Men to Garriffon it
I took uncommon pains intirely to Attach them to
our Intereft as well as the Inhabitants of the Illinois.
Knowing no other kind of Government than what
might be expeded from the luft of Power, Pride and
Avarice of the Officers Commanding in that Country,
Whofe will was a Law to the whole and certain destruc
tion to difobey the moft trifleing Command. Nothing

50 Campaign in the Illinois.
could have been more to my Advantage, as I could
temper the Government as I pleafed, and every new
privilidge appeared to them as frefh Lawrels to the
American Caufe.
I by degrees laid afide every unneceffary Re-
ftridion they laboured under. As I was convinced
that it was the mercinary views of their former Gov
ernours that Established them, paying no regard to the
happinefs of the People, and thofe Cuftoms Stridly
obferved that was moft conducive to good order; I
made it a Point to guard the happinifs and Tran
quility of the Inhabitants fuppofing that their happy
change reaching the ears of their Brothers and Coun
trymen on the Lakes and about Detroit, would be
paving my way to that Place; and (have) a good
Effed on the Indians. I foon found it had the
defired Effed; for the greateft part of the French
Gen' and Traders among the Indians declared for
us, many Letters of Congratulation, (were) fent from
Detroit to the Gen' of the Illinois, which gave me
much Pleafure.
I let flip no oppertunity, in Cultivating our grow
ing Intereft in every Quarter where there was the leafl
appearance of a future advantage ; and had as great
Succefs as I had any right to exped. Great tranquility
appeared on every countenance, being apprehenfive
that the Britifh Party at Detroit finding it hard to
regain their loft Intereft among the Savages would

Col. George Rogers Clark. 51
Probably make a Defcent on the Illinois if they found
themfelves Capitulated, for fear of their finding out our
Numbers, (parties of Men comeing & going from Ken
tucky and other places, Recruits, &c.) I fuffered no
Parrade except the Guards for a considerable time, and
took every other precaution to keep every Perfon igno
rant of our numbers, which was generally thought to
be nearly double what we really had. I found that
my Ideas, refpeding the movement of the Englifh juft,
having certain Accounts by our Spies that Governour
Hammilton was on his march from Detroit with a Con
siderable Party, taking his Rout up the Meamies river.
In a few days receiving certain intiligence that General
Mclntofh had left PitSburg for Detroit with a Consid
erable Army. Knowing the weaknefs of the Fortifyca-
tion of that Poft at that time their numbers, etc., I
made no doubt of its being Shortly in our Poffeffion.
And that Governour Hambleton, Senfible that there
was no Probability of his defending the Fort, had
marched with his whole force to encourage the Indians
to Harrafs the General on his March; as the only
probable Plan to Hop him, little thinking that He had
returned, and that Mr. Hambleton had the fame defign
on me, that I fuppofed he had at General Mclntofch.
It being near Chriftmas we feafted ourfelves with the
hopes of immediately hearing from Detroit, and began
to think that we had been negleded in an exprefs not
being fent with the Important news of its being ours.

52 Campaign in the Illinois.
But a circumftance foon hapned that convinced us that
our hopes was vain. A young man at the Town of
Cohos holding a Correfpondance and fending Intili-
gence to Governour Hambleton's Party was Deteded
& puniShed accordingly. By which we Learned the
return of General Mclntofch, and Govern1 Hamble
ton's Intentions on the Illinois, But not fo fully
expreffed in the latter as to reduce it to a certainty; but
fuppofing that in cafe of its being true they would make
their firft Defcent on KaSkafkias, It being the flrongeft
Garriffon and head Quarters. I kept Spies on all the
Roads to no Purpofe Mr. Hammilton having the
Advantage of Defcending the Oubach and with eight
hundred Men French, Indians and Regulars, took
poffeffion of Poft St. Vincents on the 17th day of
Decern',* he had Parties on the Road that took fome

* When Governor Hamilton entered Vincennes, there were
but two Americans there — Capt. Helm, the commandant, and
one Henry. The latter had a cannon well charged, and placed
in the open fort gate, while Helm stood by it with a lighted
match in his hand. When Hamilton and his troops got within
good hailing distance, the American officer, in a loud voice, cried
out : " Halt !" This stopped the movements of Hamilton, who,
in reply, demanded a surrender of the garrison. Helm ex
claimed, with an oath : " No man shall enter until I know the
terms." Hamilton answered: " You shall have the honors of
war ;" and then the fort was surrendered, with its garrison of
one officer and one man." — Cutler's History of Kentucky, p. 80.

Col. George Rogers Clark. $3
of our Spies. Hard weather immediately feting in I
was at a lofs to know what to do, many fuppofed that
he had Quit his defign and came no farther than Ome.*
But no Intiligence from St. Vincents, I was Hill under
fome doubt of his being there, except the Comd had
kept back the Exprefs on account of the High waters.
In this Situation we remain'd for many Days. I
intended to evacuate the Garriffon of Cohos in cafe of a
Siege ; But was andious to have a Conferrence with the
Principal Inhabitants that I knew to be Zealous in our
Intereft, to fix on certain Plans for their Condud when
in poffeSfion of the Englifh, if it fhould be the cafe ;
And fet out on the — day of Jany, 1779, for that
Town, with an Intention of flaying but a few days.
Mr. Hammilton in mean time had fent a party of 40
Savages headed by white Men from St. Vincent in
order if poffible to take me Prifoner, and gave fuch
Inftrudions for my treatment as did him no difhonour.
This party lay conceal'd keeping a fmall Party near the
Road to fee who Paffed ; they lay by a fmall Branch
about three miles from KaSkaSkias, there being Snow
on the Ground. I had a Guard of about fix or feven
Men and a few Gentlemen in Chairs, one of them
fwampt within one hundred Yards of the Place where
thefe fellows lay hid, where we had to delay upwards of
* Omee, a corruption of Aux Miamis, an Indian village at
the confluence of the St. Joseph's and St. Mary's rivers, on the,
site of the present city of Fort Wayne, Indiana.

54 Campaign in the Illinois.
an hour. I believe nothing here faved me, but the
Inftrudion they had not Kill me, or the fear of being
overpowered, not having an oppertunity to Alarm the
main Body, (which lay half a mile off,) without being
difcovered themfelves. We arrived fafe at the Town of
Lapraryderush,* about twelve miles above Kafkafkias;
The Gentlemen & Ladies immediately affembled at a Ball
for our Entertainment; we fpent the fore part of the
night very agreably, but about 1 2 o'clock there was a
very fudden change by an Exprefs Arriving informing us
that Governour Hammilton was within three miles of
KaSkaSkias with eight hundred Men, and was deterT
mined to attad the Fort that night; which was expeded
would be before the Exprefs got to me, for it feems
that thpfe fellows were difcovered by a hunter and after
miffing their aim on me, difcovered themfelves to a
Party of Negroes and told them a Story as fuited
their Purpofe. I never faw greater confuSion, among a
fmall Affembly than was at that time, every Perfon
having their eyes on me, as if my word was to deter
mine their good or Evil fate. It required but a mo
ment's hesitation in me to form my Refolution, Com
municated them to two of my Officers who accompyd
me, which they Approved of. I ordered our Horfes
Sadled in order if poffible to get into the Fort before
* La Prairie du Rocher, an old French village, in Randolph
county, on the American Bottom, near the Rocky Bluffs, from
which it derives its name, fourteen miles north-west of Kaskaskia.

i Col. George Rogers Clark. 55
the attad could be made. Thofe of the Company that
had recovered their furprife fo far as to enable them to
fpeak, begged of me not to attempt to Return, that
the Town was certainly in poffeSfion of the Enemy &
the Fort warmly attaded. Some propofed Conveying
me to the Spanifh Shore, fome one thing and fome
another. I thanked them for the Care they had of
my Perfon, and told them it was the fate of War, that
a good Soldier never ought to be affraid of his Life
where there was a Probability of his doing fervice by
ventureing of it which was my Cafe. That I hoped that
they would not let the news Spoil our Divirfion fooner
than was neceffary, that we would divirt ourfelves until
our horfes was ready, forced them to dance, and en
deavoured to appear as unconcerned as if no fuch thing
was in Adjutation. This condud infpired the Young
Men in fuch a manner that many of them was getting
their Horfes to Share fate with me. But chufing to
loofe no time as foon as I could write a few lines on the
back of my Letter to Captain Bowman at Cohos, I fet
out for Kafkafkias ; each Man (took) a Blanket, that in
cafe the Fort was attaded, we were to wrap ourfelves in
them fall in with the Enemies fire at the Fort until we
had an oppertunity of getting fo near as to give the
proper Signals, knowing that we would be let in. But
on our Arrival we found everything as calm as we
could exped. The weather being bad, it was then
thought the Attad would not commence until it cleared

56 Campaign in the Illinois.
up. But no Perfon feem'd to doubt of the Enemies
being at hand, and from many circumftances I could
not but Suppofe it was the cafe, that they defer'd the
Attad for fome time in order to give us time to
Retreat, which I fuppofed they wou'd rather chufe by
their proceedings ; But I was determined that they
fhould be difappointed if that was their wifhes. There
was no time loft during the Night, puting every thing
in as good order as Poffible. The Prieft, of all Men
the moft affraid of Mr. Hammilton, he was in the
greateft confternation, determined to Ad agreeable to
my Inftrudion. I found by his Confternation that
he was fure the Fort would be taken, Except Rein
forced by the Garriffon at Cohos which I did not chufe
to let him know would be the cafe although I knew
him to be a Zealous Friend. I pretended that I
wanted him to go to the Spanifh Side with Publick
Papers and Money, the Proposition pleaf'd him well,
he immediately Started & getting into an ifland the Ice
paffing fo thick down the Mefficippi, that he was
obliged to Encamp three days in the moft obfcure part
of the ifland with only a Servant to attend him.
I fpent many ferious refledions during the night.
The Inhabitants had always appear'd to be attached to
us but I was convinced that I Should in the morning
have a Sufficient trial of their fedility (feveral of their
Young Men had turned into the Fort in order to defend
it) but Senfible at the fame time that in cafe they took

Col. George Rogers Clark. 57
Arms to defend the Town that the whole would proba
bly be loft, as I Should be obliged to give the Enemy
Battle in the Commons. I would have chofe to have
had thofe without families to Reinforce the Garriffon,
and the reft to have lain Neuter.
I refolved to burn part of the Town that was
near the Fort and Guard it, as I knew the great
eft fervice we poffibly could do was to Sell the Fort
as Dear as poffible, there being no probability of
efcaping after attad, or expedation of Reinforcements,
as we were too far detached from the Body of our
Country. The only probable chance of fafety was
Cap'- Bowman's joining me which I expeded the
next evening down the Mefficippi, to defend ourfelves
until Mr. Hamilton's Indians got tired and returned
in four or five Weeks which I expeded the greateft
Part would do if they had not that Succefs that they ex
peded. I had no occafion to confult the Garriffon in any
Refolution I fhould fix upon as I knew they was all as
Spirited as I could wifh them to be, and took pains to
make them as defperate as poffible. If You rightly
Confider our Situation & Circumftance You muft con
ceive it to be defperate; in the morning the firft thing
I did was to affemble all the Inhabitants in order
to know their Refolutions ; as they had been the
night Counciling with each other they expeded fome
orders Iffued, which I did not chufe to do;
at the Affembly I afked them what they thought of

58 Campaign in the Illinois.
doing, whether they would endeavour to defend the
Town or not; if they did I would Quit the Fort
leaving a Small Guard, and head them with the Troops ;
and if the Enemy lay until the weather Broke, we
might probably in the mean time difcover their Camp
and get fome advantage of them. They appear'd
to be in great confufion, and all my fear was, that
they would agree to defend themfelves, and if the
Enemy was as numerous as was expeded, the whole
would be loft. But I need not have been uneafy about
that, for they had too maturely fludied their own Inter
eft to think of fighting, which they certainly would
have done if I had only as many Troops as would
have given any Probability of fuckcefs : they difplaid
their Situation in fuch a manner as was really moving
and with great truth. But denied to Ad either on one
fide or the other; And begged that I would believe
them to be in the American Intereft. But my whole
force joined with them would make but a poor figure
againft fo considerable a Party and gave hints that they
could wifh us to take Spanifh Protedion as they could
not conceive we could keep polfeSfion a Single day as the
Enemy would immediately fet the adjacent Houfes on
fire which would fire the Fort (not knowing that I in
tended to Burn them myfelf as foon as the wind Shifted.)
I very feldom found but I could govern my temper at
pleafure, But this declaration of theirs and fome other
Circumftances put me in a moft violent Rage, and as

Col. George Rogers Clark. 59
foon as I could curb my Paffion gave a Lecture fuit-
able for a fet of Traitors (although I could not con
ceive the whole of them to be fuch), I ordered them
out of the Garriffon, and told them that I no longer
thought they deferved favour from me, that I confe-
quently muft conceive them to be my fecret Enemies
and Should treat them as fuch. They endeavoured to
footh me into pitty, but to have liftned to them would
have deftroyed my intention. I determined to make
myfelf appear to them as defperate as Poffible that it
might have a Greater effed on the Enemy, (they afked
me to iffue an order for all the Provision in the Town
to be brought into the Fort immediately, by which I
was convinced that it was their defire that I fhould be
able to Stand the Siege as long as Poffible, and only
wanted an excufe to the Perfon they expeded every
moment to be their Mailer, for making the fupplies)
I told them that I would have all the Provisions and
then Burn the Town to the Enemies hand : that they
might fend the Provisions if they chofe it, and fent
them out of the Fort : and immediately had fire fet to
fome out Houfes. Never was a fet of People in more
diftrefs, their Town fet on fire by thofe they wiShed to
be in friendship with, at the fame time Surrounded
by the Savages, as they expeded, from whom they
had but little elfe but deftrudion to exped. The
Houfes being covered with Snow, the fire had no
effed only on thofe it was fet to, the Inhabitants

60 Campaign in the Illinois.
looking on without daring to fay a word. I told them
that I intended to fet fire to all thofe that had much
Provision for fear of the Enemie's getting it. They
were not in fo great a Leathergy, but they took the hint
and before night they brought in fix months Provisions
of all forts ; by which they were in hopes to come on
better Terms ; but a frefh circumftance Alarmed them.
One of the Inhabitants Riding into the Field, met a
Man that told him he faw a party of the Enemy going
on the Ifland to take the Prieft, he, returning to Town
met the Prieft's Brother in Law and told him what he
had heard, and begged of him not to tell me of it, the
Poor fellow half feared to death about his Brother,
made all halte and told me. I took his Evidence, fent
for the Citizen, who could not deny it.
I immediately ordered him hanged. The Town
took the Alarm, hailed about the walls of the Fort, if
poffible to fave their Friend. The Poor fellow given
up to the Soldiers who dragged him to the place of
Execution, each Striving to be foremoft in the Execu
tion as if they thirfled after Blood ; fome was for
Tomahawking him, fome for hanging & others for
Burning: they got to quarreling about it, which at laft
faved his life; the Inhabitants having time to fupplicate
in his favour, but nothing would have faved his life but
the appearance of his Wife and feven fmall Children,
which Sight was too moving not to have granted them
the life of their Parent on terms that put it out of his

Col. George Rogers Clark. 61
power to do any damage to me. The weather clearing
away Capt. Bowman Arrived the following day with his
own and a compy of Volunteers from Cohos ; we now
began to make a tolerable appearance and feemed to
defie the Enemy : and fent out Spies on every quarter
to make difcovery of them, hoping we might get fome
Advantage of them, chufing for many important
Reafons to attad them two to one in the field rather
than fuffer them to take poffeflion of the Town, which
by the form and manner of picquiting, the Yards and
Gardens was very Strong. I was convinced that the
Inhabitants now wifhed that they had behaved in an
other manner. I took the advantage of the favourable
oppertunity to Attach them intirely in my Intereft, and
inftead of Treating them more fevear as they expeded
on my being Reinforced, I altered my condud towards
them and treated them with the greateft kindnefs, grant
ing them every requeft, my influence among them, in a
few hours was greater than ever ; they condemning
themfelves and thought that I had treated them as
they deferved ; and I believe, had Mr. Hammilton
appear'd we Should have defeated him with a good
deal of eafe not fo numerous but the Men being much
better. Our fpies returning, and found the great Army
that gave the alarm confifted only of about forty Whites
and Indians making their Retreat as faft as poffible to
St. Vincents ; fent for no other purpofe, as we found
after than to take me. We were now fenfible that St.

62 Campaign in the Illinois.
Vincents was in poffeffion of the Englifh; and confe-
quently we might Shortly exped an Attad though no
danger at prefent, and had fome time to make prepara
tion for what we were certain of. I had reafon to
exped a Reinforcement on the prefumption that
Government ordered one on the Receipt of my firfl
Letter; Still encouraged each other and hoped for the
beft: But fuffered more uneafinefs than when I was
certain of an immediate attad, as I had more time to
refled; the Refult of which was that the Illinois in a
few months would be in poffeffion of the Englifh
except the Garrifon which I knew would not be difpofed
to furrender without the greateft diftrefs. I fent off
Horfemen to St. Vincents to take a Prifoner by which
we might get intiligence, but found it impradicable on
account of the high waters ; but in the hight of our
anxiety on the evening of the 29th of Jany> 1779
Mr. Vague* a Spanish merch'> arrived from St. Vin-

* Col. Francis Vigo, a Spanish merchant at St. Louis, con
nected in business with the Governor of Upper Louisiana, as
soon as he heard of Clark's arrival at Kaskaskia, went to him
and tendered him his means and influence, which were joyfully
accepted. At the suggestion of Col. Clark he started with a
single servant to Vincennes, to learn the actual state of affairs
there. He was, however, seized at the river Embarrass and
taken before Gov. Hamilton, who released him on parole on
condition that he would report himself daily at the fort. After
some days, at the earnest solicitation of the inhabitants of the

Col. George Rogers Clark. 63
cents, and was there the time of its being taken, and
gave me every intiligence that I could wiSh to have
Governour Hamilton's Party confifted of about eight
hundred when he took poffeffion of that Poft on the
17th day of december paft: finding the Seafon too far
fpent for his intention againft KaSkafkias had fent
nearly the whole of his Indians out in different Parties
to War : But to embody as foon as the weather would
Permit and compleat his defign: He had alfo fent
meffengers to the fouthern Indians, five hundred of
whom he expeded to join him only eighty Troops in
Garriffon, (our Situation Still appear'd defperate, it was
at this moment I would have bound myfelf feven years
a Slave, to have had five hundred Troops) I faw the only
town, by whom Vigo was greatly respected, Gov. Hamilton offered
to release him altogether if he would sign an article " not to do
any act during the war injurious to the British interests." This
he positively refused to do ; but he was finally released on
agreeing "not to do anything injurious to the British interests on
his way to St. Louis. He went in a piroque down the Wabash
and Ohio and up the Mississippi to St. Louis, thus keeping the
letter of his bond, but he had no sooner set foot at St. Louis,
than he re-embarked and hastened to Kaskaskia, where he arrive'd
on the 29th of January, 1799, and furnished Col. Clark with, as
he says, "every intelligence I could wish to have." See Law's
Colonial History of Vincennes, p. 26. Col. Vigo finally settled
at Vincennes, where he was still (1834) living at the advanced
age of eighty-six, "a venerable and highly-respected citizen."
Butler's History of Kentucky, p. 80.

6a. Campaign in the Illinois.
probability of our maintains the Country was to take
the advantage of his prefent weaknefs, perhaps we
might be fortunate: I considered the Inclemency of the
feafon, the badnefs of the Roads, &c, as an advantage
to us, as they would be more off their Guard on all
Quarters. I colleded the Officers, told them the proba
bility I thought there was of turning the fcale in our
favour. I found it the fentiment of every one of
them and eager for it. Our Plans immediately con
cluded on, and fent An Exprefs to Cohos for the
Return of Capt. McCarty & his Volunteers, and fet
about the neceffary preparations in order to Transport
my Artillery Stores, &c.
I had a Large Boat prepared and Rigged, mounting
two four pounders 4 large fwivels Manned with a
fine Comp commanded by Lieut. Rogers. She fet out
out in the evening of the 4th of Jany> ( ? Feb)) with
orders to force her way if poffible within ten Leagues of
St. Vincents and lay until further Orders. This Veffel
when compleat was much admired by the Inhabitants as
no fuch thing had been feen in the Country before. I
had great Expedations from her. I conducted myfelf*
as though I was fure of taking Mr. Hamilton, in-
ftruded my officers to obferve the fame Rule. In a day
or two the Country feemed to believe it, many andious
to Retrieve their Characters turned out, the Ladies,
began alfo to be fpirited and intereft themfelves in the
Expedition, which had great effect on the Young Men.

Col. George Rogers Clark. 65
By the 4th day of Jany (? Feby) I got every thing
Compleat and on the 5th I marched being joined by
two Volunteer compys of the Principal Young Men of
the Illinois Commandd by Capt. McCarty and Fran
ces Charlaville. Thofe of the troops was Captns Bow
man* & William Worthingtons of the light Horfe, we
were Conduded out of the Town by the Inhabitants
and Mr. Jeboth the Prieft, who after a very fuitable
Difcourfe to the purpofe, gave us all Abfolution, And
we fet out on a Forlorn hope indeed ; for our whole
Party with the Boats Crew confifted of only a little
upwards of two hundred. I cannot account for it but
I Still had inward affurance of fuccefs, and never could
when weighing every Circumftance doubt it : But I had
fome fecret check. We had now a Rout before us of
two hundred and forty miles in length, through, I fup-
pofe one of the moft beautiful Country in the world,
but at this time in many parts flowing with water and
exceading bad marching, my greateft care was to divert
the Men as much as poffible in order to keep up their
fpirits ; the firft obftrudion of any confequence that
I met with was on the 13th, Arriveing at the two little
Wabachees although three miles afunder they now make
but one, the flowed water between them being at Leaft
three feet deep, and in many places four: Being
near five miles to the oppofite Hills, the fhalloweft
*For Captain Bowman's journal of this expedition, see
Appendix.

66 Campaign in the Illinois.
place, except about one hundred Yards, was three feet.
This would have been enough to have Sloped., any
fet of men that was not in the fame temper that
we was. But in three days we contrived to crofs, by
building a large Canoe, ferried acrofs the two Channels,
the reft of the way we waded; Building fcaffolds at each
to lodge our Baggage on until the Horfes Croffed to
take them; it Rained nearly a third of our march, but we
never halted for it; In the evening of the 17th we got to
the low Lands of the River Umbara,* which we found
deep in water, it being nine miles to St. Vincents,
which Stood on the Eaft fide of the Wabache and every
foot of the way covered with deep water ; we Marched
down the little River in order to gain the Banks of the
main, which we did in about three Leagues, made a
fmall Canoe and fent an Exprefs to meet the Boat and
hurry it up ; from the fpot we now lay on (it) was about
ten miles to Town, and every foot of the way put to
gether that was not three feet and upwards under water
would not have made the length of two miles and
half, and not a mouthful of Provision ; to have
waited for our Boat, if poffible to avoid it, would have
been Impolitic. If I was fenfible that you would let
no Perfon fee this relation, I would give You a detail
of our fuffering for four days in croSfing thofe waters,

*The Embarrass river enters the Wabash on the west, a little
below Vincennes — course southeast.

Col. George Rogers Clark. 67
and the manner it was done, as I am fure that You
wou'd Credit it, but it is too incredible for any Perfon
to believe except thofe that are as well acquainted with
me as You are, or had experienced fomething Similar to it.
I hope you will excufe me until I have the pleafure of
feeing you perfonally. But to our inexpreSfible Joy, in
the evening of the 23d we got fafe on Terra firma within
half a League of the Fort, covered by a fmall Grove of
Trees had a full view of the wifhed for fpot (I fhould
have croffed at a greater distance from the Town, but
the White River comeing in juft below us we were
affraid of getting too near it.) we had Already taken
fome Prifoners that was coming from the Town.
Laying in this Grove fome time to dry our Clothes
by the Sun we took another Prifoner known to be a
friend by which we got all the Intiligence we wiShed
for : but would not fuffer him to fee our Troops except
a few. A thoufand Ideas fluShed in my Head at this
moment. I found that Govr. Hamilton was able to
defend himfelf for a considerable time, but knew that
he was not able to turn out of the Fort ; that if the
Seige Continued long a Superior number might come
againft us, as I knew there was a Party of Englifh not
far above in the River; that if they found out our
Numbers (they) might raife the difaffeded Savages and
harrafs us. I refolved to appear as Daring as poffible,
that the Enemy might conceive by our behaviour that

68 Campaign in the Illinois.
we were very numerous and probably difcourage them.
I immediately wrote to the Inhabitants in general,
Informing them where I was and what I determined to
do defireing the Friends to the States to keep clofe to
their Houfes and thofe in the Britifh Intereft to repair
to the fort and fight for their King ; otherways there
Should be no mercy Shewn them, &c, &c. Sending
the Compliments of feveral Officers that was known to
be Expeded to reinforce me, to feveral Gentlemen of
the Town ; I difpatched the Prifoner off with this
letter waiting until near funfet, giving him time to get
near the Town before we marched. As it was an open
Plain from the Wood that covered us; I march'd time
enough to be feen from the Town before dark but
taking advantage of the Land, difpofed the lines in fuch
a manner that nothing but the Pavilions could be feen,
having as many of them as would be fufficient for a
thoufand Men, which was obferved by the Inhabitants
who had Juft Receiv'd my letter, counted the different
Colours and Judged of our number accordingly. But
I was careful to give them no oppertunity of feeing
our Troops before dark, which it would be before
we could Arrive. The Houfes obftruded the Forts
obferving us and were not Allarmed as I expeded by
many of the Inhabitants. I detached Lieut. Bayley
and a Party to Attad the Fort at a certain Signal, and
took poffeSfion of the Strongeft Pofts of the Town
with the main Body. The Garriffon had fo little

Col. George Rogers Clark. 6g
fuspicion of what was to happen that they did not
believe the Firing was from an Enemy* until a
Man was Wounded through the Ports (which hapned
the third or fourth fhot) Expeding it to be fome
drunk" Indians. The fireing commenced on both fides
very warm, a fecond Division Joined the firft. A con
siderable number of Britifh Indians made their efcape
out of Town: The Kickepous and Peankefhaws to the
amount of about one hundred, that was in Town im
mediately Armed themfelves in our favour and Marched
to attad the Fort. I thanked the Chief for his intended
fervice, told him the 111 confequence of our People
being mingled in the dark, that they might lay in
their quarters until light, he Approved of it and fent
off his Troops, appeared to be much elivated himfelf
and Staid with me giving all the Information he could.
* There is an amusing anecdote connected with the seige,
illustrative of the frank and fearless spirit of the times ; that
while Helm was a prisoner and playing at piquet with Governor
Hamilton in the fort, one of Clark's men requested leave of his
commander to shoot at Helm's head-quartets, so soon as they
were discovered, to knock down the clay or mortar into his
apple toddy ; which he was sure the Captain, from his well-
known fondness for that fine liquor, would have on his hearth.
It is farther added, that when the Captain heard the bullets rat
tling about the chimney, he jumped up and swore it was Clark,
and he would make them all prisoners, though the d  d rascals
had no business to spoil his toddy." Butler's History of Ken
tucky, p. 80.

70 Campaign in the Illinois.
(I knew him to be a friend.) The Artillery from the
Fort played brifkly but did no execution. The Garris-
fon was intirely furrounded within eighty and a hun
dred yards behind Houfes, Palings, and Ditches, &c,
&c. Never was a heavier fireing kept up on both fides
for eighteen Hours with fo little damage done. In a
few hours I found my Prize fure, Certain of taking
every Man that I could have wifhed for, being the whole
of thofe that incited the Indians to War : all my pall
fufferings vanished: never was a Man more happy. It
wanted no encouragement from any Officer to inflame
our Troops with a Martial Spirit. The knowledge of
the Perfon they attaded and the thoughts of their mas-
facred friends was Sufficient. I knew that I could not
afford to loofe Men, and took the greateft care of them
that I poffibly could: at the fame time encouraged them
to be daring, but prudent, every place near the Fort
that could cover them was crouded, and a very heavy
firing during the Night, having flung up a considerable
intrenchment before the gate where I Intended to plant
my Artillery when Arrived. I had learn that one Ma-
fonville had arived that evening with two prifoners
taken on the Ohio difcovering fome Sign of us, fup-
posed (us) to be fpies from Kentucky immediately on his
arrival Capt. Lemote (was) fent out to intercept them ;
being out on our Arival could not gain the Fort; in
attempting feveral of his men was made Prifoners,
himfelf and party hovering round the Town ; I was

Col. George Rogers Clark. 71
convinced that they wou'd make off to the Indians at day
brake if they cou'd not join their friends; finding all
endeavours fruitlefs to take him, I withdrew the Troops
a little from the Garriffon in order to give him an op-
pertunity to get in which he did much to his credit
and my fatisfadion; as I would rather it fhould
Receive that Reinforcement, than they fhould be at
Large among the Savages. The firing again commenced,
A number of the Inhabitants Joined the Troops & Be
haved exceeding well in General ; knowing of the Pris
oners lately taken and by the difcription I had of them
I was fure of their being the Exprefs from Williamfburg
(but was mistaken) to fave the papers and Letters ; about
Eight o'clock in the morning I ordered the fireing to
ceafe and fent a flag into the Garriffon with a hand Bill,
Recommended Mr. Hamilton to furrender his Garris-
fon, & fevere threats if he deftroyed any Letters, &c.
He return'd an Anfw to this purpofe; that the Garriffon
was not difpofed to be awed into any thing unbecomeing
BritiSh Soldiers : the Attad was Renewed with greater
Vigour than ever and continued for about two hours. I
was determined to liften to no Terms whatever until I
was in Poffeffion of the Fort, and only ment to keep
them in Adion with part of my Troops, while I was
making neceffary preparations with the other (neg-
leded calling on any of the Inhabitants for Affiftants
although they wifhed for it.) A flag appear'd from the
Fort with a Proposition from Mr. Hamilton for three

72 Campaign in the Illinois.
days Ceffation, A defire of a Conferrence with me
immediately, that if I fhould make any difficulty of
comeing into the Fort, he would meet me at the Gate;
I at firft had no notion of listning to any thing he had
to fay as I could only confider himfelf & Officers as
Murderers, And intended to treat them as fuch; but,
after fome deliberation I fent Mr. Hamilton my Com
pliments, and beged leave to inform him that I Should
agree to no other terms than his furrendering himfelf
and Garriffon Prifoners at difcretion ; but if he was de
sirous of a conferrence with me I would meet him at
the Church. We accordingly met, he Offered to fur-
render but we could not agree upon terms. He re
ceived fuch treatment on this Conferrence as a Man of
his known Barbarity deferv'd. I would not come upon
terms with him, and recommend'd to him to defend
himfelf with fpirit and Bravery, that it was the only
thing that would induce me to treat him and his Garris-
fon with Lenity in case I ftormed it which he might ex
ped. He aSked me what more I could Require than
the offers he had already made. I told him (which was
really the truth) that I wanted a fufficient excufe to put
all the Indians & partifans to death, as the greateft
part of thofe Villains was then with him : all his
propositions were refuf'd: he aSked me if nothing
would do but fighting. I knew of nothing elfe, he
then begged me to flay until he Should return to the
Garriffon and confult his Officers : being indiferent about

Col. George Rogers Clark. 73
him and wanted a few moments for my Troops to re-
freSh themfelves, I told him that the firing Should not
commence until fuch an hour, that during that time he
was at Liberty to pafs with fafety. Some time before a
Party of Warriers fent by Mr. Hamilton againft Ken
tucky, had taken two prifoners, was difcovered by
the Kickebues, who gave information of them. A
Party was immediately Detached to meet them which
hapned in the Commons ; they conceived our Troops
to be a Party fent by Mr. Hamilton to condud them
in, an honr commonly paid them. I was higly pleafed
to fee each Party hooping, hollowing and Striking
each other's Breafts as they approached in the open
fields each feemed to try to outdo the other in the
greateft Signs of Joy; the Poor Devils never difcov
ered their miftake until it was too late for many of
them to efcape: Six of them were made Prifoners, two
of them Scalped and the reft fo wounded as we after
wards learnt (that) but one Lived. I had now a
fair oppertunity of making an impreffion on the
Indians that I could have wiShed for; that of convincing
them that Governour Hamilton could not give them that
protedion that he had made them to believe he could,
and in fome meafure to infence the Indians againft
him for not Exerting himfelf to fave that Friends : Or
dered the Prifoners to be Tomahawked in the face of the
Garriffon. It had the effed that I expeded: infted
of making their friends inviterate againft us, they up-

74 Campaign in the Illinois.
braided r.he English Parties in not trying to fave their
friends and gave them to understand that they believed
them to be Hers and no Warriers. A remarkable Cir-
cumftance hapned that I think worthy our notice : An
old French Gent, of the name of St. Croix, Lieut.
of Capt. McGarty's Volunteers from Cohos had but
one Son, who headed thefe Indians and was made Pris
oner. The queftion was put whether the White Man
Should be faved. I ordered them to put him to Death,
through Indignation, which did not extend to the Sav
ages, for fear he would make his efcape, his father drew
his Sword and Stood by him in order to Run him through
in cafe he Should Stir ; being painted (he) could not know
him. The Wretch on feeing the Executioner's Toma
hawk raifed to give the fatal Stroke, raifed his eyes as
if making his laft Addreffes to heaven ; Cried, O Save
me. The father knew the Son's voice you may eafily
guefs of the adgetation and behaviour of thefe two
Perfons, coming to the knowledge of each other at fo
critical a moment. I had fo little mercy for fuch Mur
derers, and fo valuable an oppertunity for an Example,
knowing there would be the greateft felicitations made
to fave him, that I immediately abfconded myfelf: but
by the warmeft felicitations from his father who had
behaved fo exceedingly well in our fervice, and fome of
the Officers, I granted his Life on certain conditions.
Mr. Hamilton and myfelf again met: he pro-
duc'd certain Articles which was refufed, but towards

Col. George Rogers Clark. 75
the clofe of the Evening I fent him the following
Articles :
1 ft. That Lieut. Governour Hamilton engages to
deliver up to Col0. Clark, Fort Sachville as it is at
prefent with all the Stores, &c.
2d. The Garriffon are to deliver themfelves up as
Prifoners of War and March out with their Arms and
Acoutriments, &c, &c.
3rd. The Garrifon to be Delivered up tomorrow,
at ten o'clock.
4th. Three days time be allowed the Garrifon to
fettle their Accompts with the Traders and Inhabitants
of this Place.
5thly. The Officers of the Garriffon to be allowed
their neceffary Baggage, &c, &c.
Which was agreed to and fullfilled the next day
knowing that Governour Hamilton had fent a Party of
Men up the Ouabach to Ome for Stores that he had left
there which muft be on their return; I waited about
twelve hours for the Arival of the Galley to Intercept
them: but fearing their getting Intiligence, difpatched
Cap'- Helms with a Party in Armed Boats who fup-
preffed and made Prifoners of forty, among which was
Dejeane, Grand Judge of Detroit, with a large Packet
from Detroit; and feven Boats load of Provifions,
Indian goods, &c. Never was a Perfon more mortified
than I was at this time to fee fo fair an oppertunity to
pufh a vidory; Detroit loft for want of a few Men;

J 6 Campaign in the Illinois.
knowing that they would immediately make greater
Preparations expeding me. The Galley had taken up
on her paffage the Exprefs from Williamfburg with
letters from his Excellency. Having at once all the
intiligence I could wiSh for from both Sides, I was
better able to fix my future Plans of operation againft
Du Troit. By his Excellencie's letter I might exped
to have a Compleat Battallion in a few months, the
Militia of the Illinois I knew would turn out, did
did not doubt of getting two or three hundred Men
from Kentucky Confequently put the matter out ot
doubt. I contented myfelf on that Prefumption, having
almofl as many Prifoners as I had Men.' Seeing the
neceffity of geting rid of many of the Prifoners, not
being able to guard them; not doubting but my
good treatment to the Volunteers and Inhabitants of
Detroit would Promote my Interests there I dis
charged the greateft Part of them that had not been
with Indian Parties, on their taking the Oath of Neu-
trility. They went off huzzaing for the Congrefs and
declared though they could not fight againft the Ameri
cans they would for them, (As I after this had Spies
conftant to and from Detroit, I learn' they anfwered
every purpofe that I could have wiShed for, by preju
dicing their friends in favour of America.
So certain was the Inhabitants of that Poft, of
my Marching immediately againft it, that they made

Col. George Rogers Clark. 77
Provision for me in defiance of the Garrifon. Many
of them has paid dear for it fince.
I difpatched off Cap'- Williams and compy with
Governour Hamilton,* his Principal Officers and a few

* These prisoners were taken to Virginia. " It appeared
by papers laid before the Council of State, that Governor Ham
ilton had issued proclamations and approved of practices, which
were marked with cruelty towards the people that fell into his
hands, such as inciting the Indians to bring in scalps, putting
prisoners in irons, and giving them up to be the victims of sav
age barbarity. The Council decided that Governor Hamilton
was a proper subject for retaliation, and that he should be put in
irons and confined in a jail." (Washington's Writings, vol. vi,
p. 317.) The British General Phillips remonstrated against this
treatment, as Hamilton had capitulated on honorable terms,
Governor Jefferson referred the matter to General Washington,
who recommended a mitigation of the punishment. The irons
were taken off, but he was still kept in close confinement with
the other prisoners. In November, 1799, Mr. Jefferson wrote
to General Washington that " Lamothe and Dejean had given
their paroles, and are at Hanover Court House. Hamilton,
Hay, and four others are still obstinate. They are therefore
still in close confinement." (Ibid, p. 407.) October 10th, 1780,
General Washington wrote : " The State of Virginia, sensible
of the dangerous influence which Governor Hamilton holds
over the Indians, have absolutely refused to exchange him on
any terms, for the present at least." (Ibid, vol. vii, p. 240.)
Governor Hamilton and Major Hayes (or Hay) in November,
1780, accepted a parole, and were permitted to go to New
York. (Ibid, p. 291.) Hamilton was afterwards exchanged,

78 Campaign in the Illinois.
Soldiers to the Falls of Ohio, to be fent to Williams
burg, and in a few days fent my Letters to the Gov-
ourr. Having matters a little fetled, the Indian depart
ment became the next Objed. I knew that Mr. Ham
ilton had endeavoured to make them believe that we
intended at laft to take all their Lands from them, and
that in cafe of Succefs we would Shew no greater Mercy
for thofe who did not Join him than thofe that did. I
indeavoured to make myfelf acquainted (with) the Argu
ments he ufed; And calling together the neighbouring
Nations, PeankeShaws, Kickepoes, & others that would
not liften to him Indeavored to undeceive them. I
made a very long Speach to them in the Indian manner,
Extoll'd them to the Skies for their Manly behaviour
and fedility ; told them that we were fo far from having
any defign on their Lands, that I looked upon it that
we were then on their Land where the Fort Stood, that
we claimed no Land in their Country; that the firft
Man that offered to take their Lands by Violence muft
Strike the tomhk in my head ; that it was only neces-
fary that I Should be in their Country during the War
and returned to Canada, where, on the recall of Sir Frederick
Haldimand in 1785, he was appointed Lieutenant Governor of
Quebec. He held this position only one year, when he
returned to England, and was shortly afterwards appointed Gov
ernor of Dominica. He died at Antigua in September, 1796.
(Morgan's Celebrated Canadians, p. 108.)

Col. George Rogers Clark. 79
and keep a Fort in it to drive off the EngliSh, who
had a defign againft all People; after that I might go
to fome place where I could get Land to fupport Me:
The Treaty was concluded to the fatisfadion of both
parties: they were much pleafed at what they heard,
and begged me to favour them the next day with my
Compy at a Council of theirs. I accordingly Attended;
greateft part of the time fpent in Ceremony, they at
laft told me that they had been meditating on what I
had faid the day before : that all the Nations would be
rejoiced to have me always in their Country as their
great Father and Protedor : And as I had faid I would
claim no Land in their Country, they were determin'd
that they would not loofe me on that Account; and Re-
folved to give me a Piece, but larger than they had
given to all the French at that Village, and laying down
what they would wiSh me to do, &c. I was well pleafed
at their offer as I had then an oppertunity to deny
the exceptance, & farther convince them that we did
not want their Land; they appear'd dejeded at my
Refufial. I waved the difcourfe upon other Subjeds :
Recommended a frolick to them that night as the Sky
was clearer than ever; gave to them a qun? of Taffy and
Provisions to make merry on and left them. In a few
days fome Chipoways and others that had been with Mr.
Hamilton, came in and begged me to excufe their blind-
nefs and take them into favour; after the warmeft
Silicitations for Mercy, I told them that the Big Knives

80 Campaign in the Illinois.
was merciful which Proved them to be warriers; that
I Should fend Belts and a fpeech to all the Nations ; that
they after hearing of it might do as they pleafed but
muft blame themfelves for future misfortunes and dis
patched them. Nothing deftroys Your Intereft among
the Savages fo foon as wavering fentiments or fpeeches
that Shew the leaft fear. I confequently had obferved
one Steady line of condud among them : Mr. Hamilton,
who was almoft Deifyed among them being captured
by me, it was a fufficient confirmation to the Indians of
every thing I had formerly faid to them and gave the
greateft weight to the Speeches I intended to fend them ;
expeding that I fhould Shortly be able to fulfill my
threats with a Body of Troops fufficient to penetrate
into any part of their Country ; and by Reducing
Detroit bring them to my feet. I fent the following
Speech to the different Tribes near the Lakes that was at
war with us, to-wit :
To the Warriers of the different Nations.
Men and Warriers : it is a long time fince the Big
Knives fent Belts of peace among You Siliciting
of You not to liflen to the bad talks and deceit of the
Englifh as it would at fome future day tend to the
Deftrudion of Your Nations. You would not liften,
but Joined the EngliSh againft the Big Knives and
fpilt much Blood of Women & Children. The Big

Col. George Rogers Clark.

Knives then refolved to Shew no mercy to any People
that hereafter would refufe the Belt of Peace which
Should be offered, at the fame time One of War.
You remember laft fummer a great many People
took me by the hand, but a few kept back their Hearts.
I alfo fent Belts of Peace and War among the nations
to take their choice, fome took the Peace Belt, others
Still liftned to their great father (as they call him) at
Detroit, and Joined him to come to War againft me.
The Big Knives are Warriers and look on the English
as old Women and all thofe that Join him and
are aShamed when they fight them becaufe they are
no Men. I now fend two Belts to all the Nations, one for
Peace and the other for War. The one that is for War
has your great Englifh fathers Scalp tied to it, and made
red with his Blood; all You that call yourfelves his
Children, make your Hatchets Sharp & come out and
Revenge his Blood on the Big Knives, fight like Men
that the Big Knives may not be aShamed when they
fight you ; that the old Women may not tell us that we
only fought Squaws. If any of You is for taking the
Belt of Peace, fend the Bloody Belt back to me that
I may know who to take by the hand as Brothers, for
you may be Affured that no peace for the future will
be granted to thofe that do not lay down their Arms
immediately. Its as you will I dont care whether You
are for Peace or War ; as I Glory in War and want

82 Campaign in the Illinois.
Enemies to fight us, as the Englifh cant fight us any
longer, and are become like Young Children begging
the Big Knives for mercy and a little Bread to eat ;
this is the laft Speech you may ever exped from the
Big Knives, the next thing will be the Tomahawk.
And You may exped in four Moons to see Your Wo
men & Children given to the Dogs to eat, while thofe
Nations that have kept their words with me will Flour
ish and grow like the Willow Trees on the River
Banks under the care and nourishment of their rather,
the Big Knives.
In a few weeks great Numbers came in to St. Vin
cents and treated for Peace, being laughed at by thofe
that had Strictly adheard to their former Treaty with me.
After fixing every Department fo as to promife future
advantage fending Letters to County Lieut, of Ken
tucky filiating him to make fome preparatory ftrokes
towards Joining me when called on with all the force
he could Raife, leaving a fufficient Garrifon, on the
20th of march I fet out for Kafkafkias by Water with a
Guard of Eighty men, fpending much time in making
fome obfervation at different Places ; confequently arrive
too late to have hindered a War that commenced between
the few Delawares refiding in this part of the World
and the Inhabitants. ; a few of them that had joined
the Britifh Party knowing what had hapned went to
Kafkafkias, as was fuppofed to compromife matters;

Col. George Rogers Clark. 83
but getting drunk with fome loofe Young fellows gave
fome threats on each fide; one of the Indians fnapping
a Gun at a Woman's Breaft, two of them was immedi
ately Killed the reft purfu'd by the Townfmen fome
distance down the River, one Killed and fome others
wounded. The War was carried on Pretty equal on both
fides for feveral Months: but they at laft thought
proper to Silicit a Peace. During my abfence, Capt.
Robert George commands the compy formerly Capt.
Willings, had Arrived from Orleans, taking charge
of the Garrifon which was a considerable Reinforce
ment to our little Party. Every thing having the
Appearance of Tranquility, I refolv'd to fpend a few
weeks in Divertions which I had not done Since my Arri
val in the Illinois, but found it impoffible when I had
any matter of importance in view, the Redudion of
Detroit was always uppermost in my mind, not from
a motive of Applaufe; but from the defire I had of
Establishing a Profound Peace on our Fronteers; being
fo well acquainted with its Situation, Strength, and In
fluence; that in cafe I was not difappointed in the
Number of Troops I expeded I even Accounted Detroit
my own. Receiving letters from Col0- Bowman at
Kentucky informing me that I might exped him to
Reinforce me with three hundred Men, when ever I
fhould call on him, if it lay in his power, at the fame
time receiving Intiligence from Col0- Montgomery, I
now thought my Succefs reduced to a certainty, imme-

84 Campaign in the Illinois.
diately fet about making Provision for the Expedition
to be ready againft the Arrival of Troops to give the
Enemy as little time as Poffible to compleat the new
fortifications I knew they were then about.
I fent an Exprefs to Col0- Bowman, deliring him to
Join me on the 20th of June at St. Vincents with all the
force he Poffibly could raife agreeable to his Letters to
me; fent out Cap'-  * among the different nations
of Indians to receive their Congratulations on our late
Succefs receive the fubmiffion of thofe that Refolved
to Defert the EngliSh, &c, as well as to get frefh Intil
igence from Detroit. The Civil Departm* In the Illinois
had heretofore rob'd me of too much of my time that
ought to be fpent in Military refledion, I was now
likely to be relieved by Col0- Jn°- Toddf appointed by
Government for that purpofe; I was andious for
his Arrival & happy in his appointment as the greateft
intimacy and friendship fubfifted between us, and on
the — day of may had the Pleafure of feeing him fafely
Landed at Kafkafkias to the Joy of every Perfon. I
*This name is illegible in the manuscript.
f Col. Clark, having desired the Governor of Virginia to
appoint a civil commandant, in October, 1778, an act was passed
establishing the county of Illinois, embracing within its boundary
all the chartered limits of Virginia west of the Ohio river. Col.
John Todd, who afterwards lost his life at the battle of Blue
Licks, received the appointment of Civil Commandant and Lieu
tenant-Colonel of the county. — Butler's Kentucky, p. 65.

Col. George Rogers Clark.

now faw myfelf happily rid of a Piece of Trouble that I
had no delight in. In a few days Col0- Montgomery Ar
rived, to my Mortification, found that he had not half
the Men I expeded; immediately receiveing a letter
from Col0, Bowman, with frefh Affurances of a consider
able Reinforcement. The officers in Gen1- being Andious
for the Expedition, Refolved to Rendevous according
to appointment, and if not deceived by the Kentucky-
ans, I fhould Hill be able to compleat my defign, as I
only wanted Men fufficient to make me appear Refped-
able in Paffing through the Savages by which means I
could on the March Command thofe friendly at my
eafe, and defy my Enemies. Three hundred Men
being at this time, fufficient to Reduce the Garriffon at
Detroit, as the new Works was not compleat, nor could
not be accords to the Plan before my Arrival, The
Gentlemen of Detroit not being Idle, (having fufficient
reafon to be convinced that they were in no danger
from the Dep* of Pitfburg, always fufpicious of my
Attading them fenfible of my growing Intereft among
the favages. In order to give themfelves more time
to fortify by making fome divirtion on the Illinois,)
engaged a considerable number of their Savages to
make an Attempt on St. Vincents; thofe Indians that
had declared for the American Intereft, in order to Shew
their Zeal fent word to them that if they had a mind
to fight the Boftonians at St. Vincents, they muft Sirft
cut their way through them, as they were Big Knives

86 Campaign in the Illinois.
too. This effedually ftopt their operation; know
ing that the Expedition depended intirely on the Ken-
tuckians turning out, I began to be fufpicious of a dis
appointment on hearing of their Marching againft the
Shawnee Towns which proved too true for on my
arrival at St. Vincents, the firft of July, inftead of
two or three hundred men that I was promifed, I found
only about thirty Volunteers, meeting with a Repulfe
from the Shawnees* got difcouraged Confequently not
in the power of the Comd to March them as Militia,
being for fome time (as I hinted before) fufpitious of a
difappointment, I had conduded matters fo as to make
no 111 impreffion on the minds of the Savages in cafe
I Should not proceed, as the whole had fufpeded that
my defign was againft Detroit; Several Nations filicited
me to go and fuffer them to Join me. Various was the
conjedures refpeding to the Propriety of the Attempt
with the Troops we had (about three hundd & fifty),
at a Council of War held for the purpofe there was only

*"Col. Bowman carried on an expedition against the Shawnese
at old Chillicothe, with one hundred and sixty men, in July,
1779. Here they arrived undiscovered, and a battle ensued,
which lasted until ten o'clock a. m., when Col. Bowman, find
ing he could not succeed at this time, retreated about thirty
miles. The Indians, in the meantime, collecting all their forces,
pursued and overtook him, when a smart fight continued near
two hours, not to the advantage of Col. Bowman's party."
Boone's Narrative, in Imlay's Western Territory, London, 1797,
P- 352-

Col. George Rogers Clark. 87
two calling voices againft it, and I pretend it was on
account of Gen1 Sullivant's Marching on Niagary,
which we Juft heard that ftopt us, that there was no
doubt of his fuccefs. Detroit would fall of courfe; and
confequently was not worth our while Marching againft
it : although I knew at the fame time Detroit would
not fall with Niagary, as they had an eafy communica
tion with Montreal through another Channel, by way of
the Grand River. A number of Indians viSited me at
this time renewing the Chain of friendship &c; To all
of whom I gave Gen1 fatisfadion, except that of my
refutial of a Trad of Land that their Chief had formerly
offered me. I inquired of feveral Gentlemen acquainted
with them, why they were Silicitus about it; their oppin-
ions was that the Indians being exceedingly Jealous of
their Lands being taken without their Confent, being
told by the EngliSh that I had a defign on their Coun
try, by my exceping a Trad from them as a preas-
ent, would prove fufficiently to them that what they
had been told was falfe, being fatisfyed in this they
alfo had a defire of my Remaining in their Country as
their Chief and Guardian and that my refufial had given
them fufpicion ; in order to Remove it I made a fuit-
able Speech to them which gave Gen1 fatisfadion and
in a few days they with a great deal of Ceremony pre-
fented me the following Deed of gift:

8 8 Campaign in the Illinois.

By the Tobacoes Son, Grand Chief of all the Peankefhaws
Nations and of all the Tribes, Grand Dore to the Ouabache
as ordered by the Mafter of Life, holding the Tomahawk
in one hand and Peace in the other: fudging the Nations,
giving entrance for thofe that are for Peace, and
making them a clear road, &c.
declaration.
Whereas for many Years paft, this once Peaceable
Land hath been put in confufion by the EngliSh encour
aging all People to Raife the Tommahawk Againft the
Big Knives, faying that they were a bad People, Rebel
lious, and ought to be put from under the Sun, and
their names to be no more.
But as the Sky of our Councils was always Mifty,
and never Clear we Still was at a lofs to know what to do,
hoping that the Mafter of Life would one Day or other
make the Sky Clear and put us in the right Road. He
taking Pitty on us fent a father among us (Col0. George
Rogers Clark) that has cleared our eyes And made our
Paths Straight defending our Lands, &c, So that we
now enjoy Peace from the Rifing to the Setting of Sun;
and the Nations even to the heads of the great River
(meaning the Mefficippi) are happy and will no more
liften to Bad Birds ; but abide by the Councils of their
great father, A Chief of the Big Knives that is now
among us.

Col. George Rogers Clark. 89
And whereas it is our defire that he Should long
remain among us, that we may take his Council and be
happy, it alfo being our defire to give him Lands to re-
fide on in our Country that we may at all times fpeak
to him. After many Silicitations to him to make choice
of a Trad, he chufing the Lands adjoining the falls of
Ohio on the weft fide of faid River.
I do hereby in the names of all the Great Chiefs
and Warriers of the Ouabafh and their Allies, Declare
that fo much Lands at the falls of Ohio contained in the
following bounds, to-wit, Begining oppofite the middle
of the firft Ifland below the falls, Bounded upwards
by the weft Bank of the River fo far as to include two
Leagues and half on a Straight line from the begining,
thence at right angles with faid line two Leagues &
half in Breadth, in all its Parts Shall hereafter and ever
be the fole property of our great father (Col0. Clark)
with all things thereto belonging, either above or
below the Earth fhall be and is his ; except a Road
through faid Land to his Door, which fhall remain ours,
and for us to walk on to fpeak to our father. All
Nations from the Rifing to the feting of the Sun, that
are not in alliance with us are hereby warned to efleem
the faid gift as facred and not to make that Land tafte
of Blood; that all People either at peace or War may re
pair in fafety to get Council of our father. Whoever
firft darkens that Land fhall no longer have a Name.
This declaration fhall forever be a Witnefs between all

ao Campaign in the Illinois.
Nations and our Prefent G* father; that the faid Lands
are forever hereafter his Property. In witnefs whereof
I do in the name of all the Great Chiefs and War
riers of the OuabaSh in open Council affix my mark
and Seal done at St. Vincents this 16th day of June
1779. (Signed) Francis son of Tobacco.
Which Deed, I excepted, and Indeavoured to convince
them how much I Prifed fo liberal a gift &c as I had
no Idea of haveing Property in the Lands myfelf,
knowing the Laws of my Country Juftly againft it ; I
chofe it at the falls of Ohio fufpeding that I might
hereafter find it neceffary to fortify that Place for the
conveniency of free Intercourfe. Having a Number of
fupernumery Officers I fent them Into the Settlement
R ecruiting, finding the Intereft of the Department re
quired me to fpend a few months at the Falls of Ohio
being alfo Induced with the hopes of giving the Shaw-
neefs a Drubing in cafe a fufficient force Could be
again raifed at Kentucky; After giving proper Instruc
tion for the diredion of the Comds of the different
Pofts I fet out for the falls where I Arrived fafe on the
20th day of Auguft. I received an Exprefs from his
Excellency much to my Satisfadion having freSh
Affurance of a fufficient Reinforcement and his Inten
tion of Erreding a Fortification at or near the mouth

Col. George Rogers Clark. 9 1
of Ohio,* fo much the defire of every Perfon it being
a Place of great Importance, and by having a Strong
fortification &c it would immediately be the Mart and
Key of the Weftern Country; all my Expedations in
my being here has been difappointed (except laying up
a considerable quantity of Beef) by lownefs of the Ohio
which (is) fo remarkable that it would be worth Record
ing, few being able to navagate it with the fmalleft
Canoes for feveral months Pall.
I Shall not for the future leave it in Your Power
to accufe me for a Negled of friendship, but Shall con
tinue to tranfmit to You whatever I think worth
Your notice. I am Sir with Efteem Yours.
N. B. As for the defcription of the Illinois
Country which you feem fo andious for you may ex
ped to have by the erifuing fall as I exped by that

*"In 1780, Col. Clark descended the Ohio from the Rapids
with his Virginia regiment, and established Fort Jefferson at the
point where the line of latitude of thirty-six degrees thirty min
utes strikes the left bank of the Mississippi. The Chickasaw
Indians then had title to the country west of the Tennessee
and were exasperated by such a movement of apparent hostility.
Between that tribe and the colonies an unbroken friendship had
existed during the war of the Revolution, which it was exceed
ingly important to preserve. The fort was abandoned therefore,
as soon as their dissatisfaction was known, and the immediate
consequence was, the restoration of their attachment and confi
dence" Morebead's Address, p. 84.

92 Campaign in the Illinois.
Period to be able to give you a more Gen1 Idea of it.
this You may take for granted that its more Beautiful
than any Idea I could have formed of a Country almoft
in a flate of Nature, every thing you behold is an Ad
ditional Beauty; On the River You'll find the fineft
Lands the Sun ever Shone on; In the high Country
You will find a Variety of Poor & Rich Lands with
large Meadows extending beyond the reach of Your
Eyes Varigated with groves of Trees appearing like
ISlands in the Seas, covered with Buffloes and other
Game; in many Places with a good Glafs You may fee
all thofe that is on their feet in half a Million of Acres ;
fo level is the Country, which fome future day will
excell in Cattle. The Settlements of the Illinois com
menced about one hundred Years ago by a few Traders
from Canada, my Refledions on that head its citu-
ation the probability of a flourishing Trade the Slate
of the Country at Prefent what its capable of Produc
ing, My oppinion Refpeding the caufe of thofe exten
sive Plains &c, the Advantages arifing by Strong forti
fications and Settlements at the mouth of Ohio. The
different Nations of Indians, their Traditions, Numbers,
&c, you may exped in my next.
G. R. CLARK.

APPENDIX.

Appendix. 95

A.
Instructions to Colonel Clark.
(public)
Lieut. Colonel George Rogers Clark:
You are to proceed, without loss of time, to enlist seven
companies of men, officered in the usual manner, to act as militia
under your own orders. They are to proceed to Kentucky, and
there to obey such orders and directions as you shall give them,
for three months after their arrival at that place ; but to receive
pay, etc., in case they remain on, duty a longer time.
You are empowered to raise these men in any county in the
Commonwealth ; and the county lieutenants, respectively, are
requested to give all possible assistance in that business.
Given under my hand at Williamsburgh, January 2, 1778.
P. Henry.

96 Appendix.
(private.*)
VIRGINIA SCt.
In Council, Wmsbug, fan. 2, 1778.
Lieut. Colonel George Rogers Clark :
You are to proceed with all convenient Speed to raise Seven
Companies of Soldiers to consist of fifty men each officered in
the usual manner & armed most properly for the Enterprise,
& with this Force attack the British post at Kaskasky.
It is conjectured that there are many pieces of Cannon &
military Stores to considerable amount at that place, the taking
& preservation of which would be a valuable acquisition to the
State. If you are so fortunate therefore as to succeed in your
Expectation, you will take every possible Measure to secure the
artillery & stores & whatever may advantage the State.
For the Transportation of the Troops, provisions, &c,
down the Ohio, you are to apply to the Commanding Officer at
Fort Pitt for Boats, &c. during the whole Transaction you are to
take especial Care to keep the true Destination of your Force
secret. Its success depends upon this. Orders are therefore
given to Captn Smith to secure the two men from Kaskasky.
Similar conduct will be proper in similar cases.
It is earnestly desired that you show Humanity to such Brit
ish Subjects and other persons as fall in your hands. If the white
Inhabitants at the post & the neighbourhood will give undoubted
Evidence of their attachment to this State (for it is certain they
live within its Limits) by taking the Test prescribed by Law and

*From a facsimile copy of the original.

Instructions. 97

by every other way & means in their power, Let them be treated
as fellow Citizens & their persons & property duly secured.
Assistance & protection against all Enemies whatever shall be
afforded them, & the commonwealth of Virginia is pledged to
accomplish it. But if these people will not accede to these
reasonable Demands, they must feel the Miseries of War, under
the direction of that Humanity that has hitherto distinguished
Americans, & which it is expected you will ever consider as
the Rule of your Conduct, & from which you are in no Instance
to depart. The Corps you are to command are to receive the pay &
allowance of Militia & to act under the Laws & Regulations
of this State now in Force as Militia. The Inhabitants at this
Post will be informed by you that in Case they accede to the
offers of becoming Citizens of this Commonwealth a proper
Garrison will be maintained among them & every Attention
bestowed to render their Commerce beneficial, the fairest pros
pects being opened to the Dominions of both France & Spain.
It is in Contemplation to establish a post near the Mouth of
Ohio. Cannon will be wanted to fortify it. Part of those at
Kaskasky will be easily brought thither or otherwise secured as
circumstances will make necessary.
You are to apply to General Hand for powder & Lead
necessary for this Expedition. If he can't supply it the person
who has that which Cap' Lynn bro' from Orleans can. Lead
was sent to Hampshire by my orders & that may be delivered
you. Wishing you success, I am Sir, Your h'ble Serv.,
P. Henry.

98 Appendix.

B.
Major Bowman's Journal.
From Louisville Literary News-Letter, Nov. 21, 1840.
"We publish below a journal of the expedition of
General Clark against the British post at Vincennes in
1779, commencing with his march from Kaskaskia. It
was kept by Joseph Bowman, one of the Captains in
the expedition, and is referred to by Mr. Butler in his
"History of Kentucky" as "Major Bowman's Journal,"
the writer having subsequently held the rank of Major.
At the time where this journal commences, Clark was
in possession of Kaskaskia and Cahokia. Vincennes
had once been gained over to him through the influence
of a French priest, M. Gibault; but as Clark had not
soldiers to spare sufficient to maintain a garrison there,
it had been retaken by Gov. Hamilton. The journal
will explain the sequel.
The orignal manuscript of this journal — much
effaced, and in some places illegible — is in possession
of the Kentucky Historical Society. The Vincennes
Historical and Antiquarian Society have a copy, which
we transcribed for them and for the use of our friend
Judge Law of that place."

Major Bowman's Journal. 99

Journal of the Proceedings of Col. Geo. R. Clark,
from 27TH January, 1779, to March 20th inst.
M. Vigo, a Spanish subject, who has been at Post St. Vin
cents on his lawful business, arrived and gave us intelligence that
Gov. Hamilton, with thirty regulars and fifty volunteers and
about 400 Indians, had arrived in November and taken that
Post with Capt. Helm and such other Americans who were
there with arms, * * (two or three words illegible) * *
and disarmed the settlers and inhabitants. On which Col.
Clark called a council of his officers, and it was concluded to go
and attack Gov. Hamilton at St. Vincents ; for fear, if it
was let alone till Spring, that he, with all the force that he could
bring, would cut us off * * (a part of a leaf is here torn off
from the MS.)
Jan. 31^. Sent an express to Cahokia for volunteers and
other extraordinary things.
Feb. 1. Orders given for a large batteau to be repaired
and provisions got ready for the expedition concluded on.
id. A pack-horse master appointed and ordered to prepare
pack-saddles, &c, &c.
3^. The galley or batteau finished — called her the Willing.
Put her loading on board, together with two four-pounders and
four swivels, ammunition, &c, &c.
A.th. About 10 o'clock Capt. McCarty arrived with a
company of volunteers from Cahokia ; and about two o'clock
in the (after) noon, the batteau set off under the command of
Lieut. Rogers, with forty-six men, with orders to proceed to a
certain station near St. Vincents, till farther orders.
$tb. Raised another company of volunteers, under the

i oo Appendix.

command of Capt. Francis Charleville, which, added to our
force, increased our number to 170 men * * (torn off)
* * artillery, pack-horses, men, &c. ; about 3 o'clock
we crossed the Kaskaskia with our baggage and marched about
a league from town. Fair and drizzly weather. Began our
march early. Made a good march for about nine hours, the
road very bad, with mud and water. Pitched our camp in a
square, baggage in the middle ; every company to guard their
own squares.
8th. Marched early through the waters, which we now
began to meet in those large and level plains, where, from the
flatness of the country, (the water) rests a considerable time
before it drains off. Notwithstanding which our men were in
great spirits, though much fatigued.
gth. Made another day's march. Fair the part of the
day. 10th. Crossed the river of the Petit Fork upon trees that
were fell for that purpose. The water being so high there was
no fording it, — still raining and no tents — encamped near the
river. Stormy weather.
nth. Crossed the Saline river. Nothing extraordinary
this day. 12th. Marched across Cot plains ; saw and killed numbers
of buffaloes. The road very bad from the immense quantity of
rain that had fallen. The men much fatigued. Encamped on
the edge of the woods. This plain or meadow being fifteen or
more miles across, it was late in the night before the baggage
and troops got together. Now twenty-one miles from St. Vin
cents. 13^. Arrived early at the two Wabashes. Although a

Major Bowman's Journal. 101
league asunder they now made but one. We set to making a
canoe. 14^. Finished the canoe and put her into the river about
4 o'clock in the afternoon.
15th. Ferried across the two Wabashes, it being then five
miles in water to the opposite hills, where we encamped. Still
raining. Orders not to fire any guns for the future but in case
of necessity. ibth. Marched all day through rain and water, crossed Fox
river. Our provisions began to be short.
iph. Marched early — crossed several runs, very deep.
Sent Mr. Kennedy, our commissary, with three men, to cross
the river Embarras, if possible, and proceed to a plantation oppo
site Port St. Vincents, in order to steal boats or canoes to ferry
us across the Wabash. About an hour by sun we got near the
river Embarras. Found the country all overflown with water.
We strove to find the Wabash. Traveled till 8 o'clock in mud
and water, but could find no place to encamp on. Still kept
marching on. But after some time Mr. Kennedy and his party
returned. Found it impossible to cross Embarras river. We
found the water falling from a small spot of ground ; staid there
the remainder of the night. Drizzly and dark weather.
iSth. At break of day heard Gov. Hamilton's morning
gun. Set off and marched down the river. Saw some fine
land. About two o'clock came to the bank of the Wabash ;
made rafts for four men to cross and go up to town and steal
boats. But they spent day and night in the water to no pur
pose, for there was not one foot of dry land to be found.
igth. Capt. McCarty's company set to making a canoe ;
and at 3 o'clock the four men returned after spending the night on
some old logs in the water. The canoe finished, Capt. McCarty

1 02 Appendix.

with three of his men embarked in the canoe and made the third
attempt to steal boats. But he soon returned, having discovered
four large fires about a league distant from our camp, which
seemed to him to be fires of whites and Indians. Immediately
Col. Clark sent two men in the canoe, down to meet the batteau,
with orders to come on day and night ; that being our last hope,
and (we) starving. Many of the men much cast down, partic
ularly the volunteers. No provisions of any sort, now two days.
Hard fortune !
20th. Camp very quiet but hungry; some almost in
despair; many of the Creole volunteers talking of returning.
Fell to making more canoes, when, about 12 o'clock, our centry
on the river brought to a boat with five Frenchmen from the
Post, who told us we were not as yet discovered, that the inhab
itants were well disposed towards us, &c. Capt. Willing's bro
ther, who was taken in the fort, had made his escape to us.
And that one Masonville, with a party of Indians, were then
seven days in pursuit of him, with much news, — more news to
our favor, such as repairs done the fort, the strength, &c, &c.
They informed us of two canoes they had adrift some distance
above us. Ordered that Capt. Worthington, with a party, go
in search of them. Returned late with one only. One of our
men killed a deer, which was brought into the camp. Very
acceptable. 21 st. At break of day began to ferry our men over in our
two canoes to a small hill called the Momib or Bubbriss. Capt.
Williams, with two men, went to look for a passage and were
discovered by two men in a canoe, but could not fetch them to.
The whole army being over, he thought to get to town that
night, so plunged into the water sometimes to the neck, for more
than one league, when we stopped on the next hill of the same

Major Bowman's Journal. 103
name, there being no dry land on any side for many leagues.
Our pilots say we cannot get along, that it is impossible. The
whole army being over we encamped. Rain all this day — no
provisions. 22d. Col. Clark encourages his men, which gave them
great spirits. Marched on in the waters. Those that were
weak and famished from so much fatigue, went in the canoes.
We came one league farther to some sugar camps, where we
stayed all night. Heard the evening and morning guns from the
fort. No provisions yet. Lord help us !
23^. Set off to cross the plain called Horse-shoe Plain,
about four miles long, all covered with water breast high. Here
we expected some of our brave men must certainly perish, having
froze in the night, and so long fasting. Having no other resource
but wading this plain, or rather lake, of waters, we plunged into
it with courage, Col. Clark, being first,* taking care to have the

* Without food, benumbed with cold, up to their waists in
water covered with broken ice, the men composing Clark's troops
and at one time mutinied, refused to march. All the persuasions
of Clark had no effect on the half-starved and half-frozen soldiers.
In one of the companies was a small boy who acted as drummer.
In the same company was a sergeant, standing six feet two inches
in his stockings, stout, athletic, and devoted to Clark. Finding
that his eloquence had no effect upon the men, in persuading
them to continue their line of march, Clark mounted the little
drummer on the shoulders of the stalwart sergeant, and gave
orders to him to plunge into the half-frozen water. He did so,
the little drummer beating the charge from his lofty perch, while
Clark, with sword in hand, followed them giving the command
as he threw aside the floating ice—" Forward ! " Elated and
amused with the scene, the men promptly obeyed, holding their
rifles above their heads, and in spite of all obstacles, reached the
high land beyond them safely. Law's Vincennes, p. 32.

104 Appendix.
boats try to take those that were weak and numbed with the cold
into them. Never were men so animated with the thought of
avenging the wrongs done to their back settlements, as this small
army was.
About one o'clock we came in sight of the town. We
halted on a small hill of dry land called Warren's Island, where
we took a prisoner hunting ducks, who informed us that no per
son suspected our coming at that season of the year. Col. Clark
wrote a letter by him to the inhabitants, in the following man
ner :
To the Inhabitants of Post St. Vincents :
Gentlemen : — Being now within two miles of your village
with my army, determined to take your Fort this night, and not
being willing to surprise you, I take this method to request such
of you as are true citizens, and willing to enjoy the liberty I
bring you, to remain still in your houses. And those, if any
there be, that are friends to the King, will instantly repair to the
fort and join the Hair-buyer General^ and fight like men. And
if any such, as do not go to the Fort shall be discovered after
wards, they may depend on severe punishment. On the con
trary, those that are true friends to liberty, may depend on being
well treated. And I once more request them to keep out of the
streets ; for every one I find in arms on my arrival, I shall treat as
an enemy. (Signed,) G. R. CLARK.
In order to give time to publish this letter, we lay still till

* Alluding to the fact that Gov. Hamilton had offered rewards for
the scalps of Americans.

Major Bowman's Journal. ioc

about sundown, when we began our march all in order, with
colours flying and drums braced. After wading to the edge of the
water breast high, we mounted the rising ground the town is
built on about 8 o'clock. Lieut. Bayley, with fourteen regulars,
was detached to fire on the Fort, while we took possession of the
town, and ordered to stay till he was relieved by another party,
which was soon done. Reconnoitered about to find a place to
throw up an entrenchment. Found one, and set Capt. Bow
man's company to work. Soon crossed the main street, about
one hundred and twenty yards from the first gate. We were
informed that Capt. Lamath, with a party of twenty-five men,
were out on a scout, who heard our firing and came back. We
sent a party to intercept them, but missed them. However, we
took one of their men, and one Capt. Maison Ville, a principal
man; the rest making their escape under the cover of the night
into the fort. The cannon played smartly. Not one of our
men wounded. Men in the Fort badly wounded. Fine sport
for the sons of Liberty.
2*.th. As soon as daylight, the Fort began to play her small
arms very briskly. One of our men got slightly wounded.
About 9 o'clock the Colonel sent a flag with a letter to Gov
ernor Hamilton. The firing then ceased, during which tipie our
men were provided with a breakfast, it being the only meal of
victuals since the 18th inst.
Col. Clarh's Letter as follows :
« Sir: — In order to save yourself from the impending storm
that now threatens you, I order you immediately to surrender
yourself, with all your garrison, stores, &c, &c, &c. For if I
am obliged to storm, you may depend on such treatment is as
justly due to a murderer. Beware of destroying stores of any

1 06 Appendix.
kind, or any papers, or letters, that are in your possession ; for,
by Heavens, if you do, there shall be no mercy shown you.
(Signed) G. R. Clark."

Answer from Gov. Hamilton.
" Governor Hamilton begs leave to acquaint Col. Clark,
that he and his garrison are not disposed to be awed into an
action unworthy of British subjects."
The firing then began very hot on both sides. None of
our men wounded ; several of the men in the Fort wounded
through the port holes, which caused Governor Hamilton to
send out a flag with the following letter :
" Governor Hamilton proposes to Col. Clark a truce for
three days ; during which time he proposes there shall be no
defensive work carried on in the garrison, on condition that Col.
Clark shall observe, on his part, a like cessation of any offensive
work. That is, he wishes to confer with Col. Clark as soon as
can be ; and promises, that whatever may pass between them
two and another person mutually agreed upon to be present, shall
remain secret till matters be finished, as he wishes that whatever
the result of their conference, it may be to the honour and credit
of each party. If Col. Clark makes a difficulty of coming into
the fort, Lieut. Gov. Hamilton will speak to him by the gate.
(Signed) Henry Hamilton.
24th Feb., '79."

Major Bowman's Journal. 107

Col. Clark's Answer.
" Col. Clark's compliments to Gov. Hamilton, and begs to
inform him that he will not agree to any other terms than that
of Mr. Hamilton's surrendering himself and garrison prisoners
at discretion. If Mr. Hamilton is desirous of a conference with
Col. Clark, he will meet him at the church with Capt. Helm.
G. R. C.
Feb. 24, '79."
The messenger returned with the above answer, during
which time came a party of Indians down the hill behind, the
town, who had been sent by Gov. Hamilton to get some scalps
and prisoners from the falls of the Ohio. Our men having got
news of it, pursued them, killed two on the spot, wounded three,
took six prisoners; brought them into town. Two of them
proving to be white men, that they took prisoners, we released
them, and brought the Indians to the main street before the Fort
gate, there tomahawked them, and threw them into the river;
during which time Col. Clark and Governor Hamilton met at the
church. Governor Hamilton produced certain articles of capitu
lation, with his name signed to them, which were refused. The
Colonel told him he would consult with his officers and let him
know the terms he would capitulate on. Terms as follows :
1. That Lieut. Col. Hamilton engages to deliver up to
Col. Clark, Fort Sackville, as it is at present, with all the stores,
&c, &c, &c.
2. The garrison are to deliver themselves as prisoners of
war, and march out with their arms and accoutrements, &c, &c.

108 Appendix.

3. The garrison to be delivered up at 10 o'clock to
morrow. 4. Three days' time to be allowed the garrison to settle
their accounts with the inhabitants and traders of this place.
5. The officers of the garrison to be allowed the neces
sary baggage, &c, &c.
Signed at Post St. Vincents, 24th Feb., 1779.
Agreed to for the following reasons :- The remoteness
from succors; the state and quantity of provisions, &c; una
nimity of officers and men in its expediency; the honourable
terms allowed ; and, lastly, the confidence in a generous enemy.
(Signed) Henry Hamilton,
Lieut. Gov. and Superintendent.
25th. About 10 o'clock Capt. Bowman and Capt. McCar-
ty's companies paraded on one side of the Fort gate. Governor
Hamilton and his garrison marched out, whilst Col. Clark,
Captains Williams' and Worthington's companies marched into
the Fort, relieved the centries, hoisted the American colours,
secured all the arms. Governor Hamilton marched back to the
Fort, shut the gate. Orders for thirteen cannon to be fired ;
during which time there happened a very unlucky accident
through mismanagement. There blew up twenty-six six-pound
cartridges in one of the batteries, which burned Capt. Bowman
and Capt. Worthington much, together with four privates.
No account of our batteau yet.
26th. Rain all day. Captains Helm, Henry, and Major
Legare, with fifty men of the militia, ordered to proceed up the
river with three boats, with a swivel each, to meet ten boats
that were sent in October last, for provisions and stores to Omi,
and to take the same in custody.

Major Bowman's Journal. 109

27^. The Willing, our batteau, arrived, to the great morti
fication of all on board, that they had not the honour to assist us.
In the same came William Mires, from Williamsburgh, with
very good news. Captain Bowman receives a Major's commis
sion enclosed from the Governor.
2%th. Nothing extraordinary.
March 1st. The officers discharged on parole. Nothing
extraordinary. 2d, 3d, and A.th. Wet weather.
$th. About 10 o'clock Captain Helm arrived. His party
took seven boats loaded with provisions and bale-goods, &c,
taken from the enemy, with the following prisoners : Mr. Dejean,
Grand Judge of Detroit, Mr. Adimar, Commissary, with thirty-
eight privates. Letters taken from the enemy, dated Detroit,
the 6th February, say, they are much afraid of our people in the
spring. Pray Gov. Hamilton to come back again. War was
not as yet declared between France and England. Sent off a
party of volunteers to Kaskaskias.
6th. A very rainy day. Nothing extraordinary.
"]th. Capt. Williams and Lieut. Rogers, with twenty-five
men, set off for the Falls of Ohio, to conduct the following pris
oners, viz : Lieut. Gov. Hamilton, Major Hays, Capt. Lamoth,
Mons. Dejean, Grand Judge of Detroit, Lieut. Shiflin, Doct.
M'Beth, Francis M'Ville, Mr. Bell Fenilb, with eighteen pri
vates. Nothing extraordinary.
%th, Cjth, 10th, nth, I7,th, and 14^. Cloudy weather and
rain all the foregoing week. This morning Mr. Mires set off
for Williamsburg with two men.
15th. A party of Peaians and Meami Indians waited on
Col. Clark, and assured him of fidelity, &c, to the Americans,

no Appendix.

and begged protection. In the meantime there arrived an ex
press from Kaskaskias, by which we learn that Capt. George,
with forty-one men, had arrived there from New Orleans, and
taken command of Fort Clark ; and also that Jas. Willings had
resigned his command to the said Capt. George, and that he
and Capt. Mackintire had embarked for Philadelphia. Wm.
Mires returned, not being able to go by land to the Falls of
Ohio, the country overflowing with water.
1 6th. Most of the prisoners took the oath of neutrality,
and got permission to set out for Detroit. Sent by them a copy
of the alliance between France and the thirteen United States.
ijth. Nothing extraordinary.
iSth. Snow and rain the best part of the day.
19^. Orders for six boats to be made ready to return to
Kaskaskias with prisoners.
20^>. The boats ready and loaded. Capt. M'Carty takes
command of the Willing; Capt. Keller, Capt. Worthington,
Ensign Montgomery, Ensign Lorraine, each to take charge of
one boat. Sergeant and six men to take the small boat called
the Running Fly. About 4 o'clock the whole embarked, leav
ing Lieut. Brashers in command of the Fort, with Lieut. Baily,
Lieut. Chapman, forty men, Serjeant and Corporals included,
to the care of the garrison till relieved from Kaskaskias. Capt.
Helm commands the town in all civil matters, and superinten
dent of Indian affairs, Mr. Moses Henry, Indian Agent, Mr. Pat
rick Kennedy, Quartermaster. The boats, after rejoicing, are
run out of sight. God send them a good and safe passage."

Major Bowman's Journal. m
This journal was taken from Major Bowman, and revised
by a person who was in the expedition. He has kept it for his
own amusement, but it does not come near what might be wrote
upon such an extraordinary occasion, had it been handled by a
person who chose to enlarge upon it. It afforded matter enough
to treat on ; the season of the year when undertaken, and the
good conduct, shows what might have been done with an army,
let the difficulties be what they will. Persevering and steadi
ness will surmount them all, as was the case with our brave com
mander, and all his officers, not forgetting his soldiers. Although
a handful in comparison to other armies, they have done them
selves, and the cause they were fighting for, credit and honour,
and deserve a place in history for future ages ; that their pos
terity may know the difficulty their forefathers had gone through
for their liberty and freedom. Particularly the back settlers of
Virginia may bless the day they sent out such a commander,
officers, and men. I say, to root out that nest of vipers, that
was every day ravaging on their women and children; which I
hope will soon be at an end, as the leaders of these murderers
will soon be taken and sent to Congress.
God save the Commonwealth.
Finis. '79-
( On the next blank page.)
God save the Commonwealth, this 15th day of Au
gust, 1779.

Index.

Adimar, Mr., British Commissary, 109. ,
Au Poste. See Vincennes.
Aux Miamis. See Omee.
Bailey, Lieutenant, 49, 68, 105, no.
Blinn, Daniel, Agent of the people of Illinois, 3.
Boundaries settled, 6.
Boone's Narrative, reference to, 86.
Border warfare in Kentucky, 15.
Bowman, Captain Joseph, notices of, 25, 37,46, 55, 57, 61, 65,
83, 84, 85, 105, 108. Captures Cahokia, 35. Expedition
against the Shawnees, 86. Journal of the Expedition against
Vincennes, 98. Receives a Major's commission, 109.
Brashears, Lieutenant, no.
Butler's History of Kentucky, references to, 29, 52, 63, 69, 84.
Cahokia. Situation, 31. Captured, 35.
Casseday's History of Louisville, reference to, 27.
Celeron, Mr., a British Agent, 49.
Chapman, Lieutenant, no.
Charleville, Captain Francis, 65, 100.
Chenowith, Rd., one of the first settlers of Louisville, 27.
Chip-kaw-kay, Indian village at Vincennes, 32.
Clark, George Rogers, plans Expedition against the Illinois, 1,
17, 22. Conquest of the Illinois, 5. Results of the cam
paign, 5, 7. Biographical sketch, 9. Birth, 9. In Dun-
more's war, 9. Refuses commission in British service, 10.

114 Index.
Clark, George Rogers — Continued.
Removes to Kentucky, 10. Kentucky delegate to Virginia,
n. Waits on the Governor and Council, n. Returns to
Kentucky with powder, 13. Sends spies to Illinois, 17.
Expeditions against the Ohio Indians, 18, 20. Builds Fort
Jefferson, 18, 91. Scheme for the reduction of Detroit,
19. Made Brigadier General, 19. Offered commission as
Major General in French army, 20. Death, 20.
Cohos. See Cahokia.
Collins' Historical Sketches of Kentucky, sketch of Col. Clark
from, 9.
Congress, act of 1780, 6.
Connelly, John, patents site of Louisville, 27.
Dejean, grand judge of Detroit, captured, 75, 109. Taken to
Virginia, 77, 109.
Detroit, Clark's designs on, 16, 23, 48, 50, 85, 86. General
Mcintosh's expedition against, 51. He returns, 52.
Dillard, Captain, 26, 27.
Drummer boy, anecdote of, 103.
Embarrass River, 66.
Faith, William, one of the first settlers at Louisville, 27.
Fenilb, Mr. Bell, 109.
Forbes, General, 28.
Fort Duquesne, 28.
Fort Jefferson built, 3, 91.
Fort Massac, 28.
Fort Sackville, at Vincennes, 32. Surrendered, 52, 75.
Fort St. Joseph taken by the Spanish, 4.
Fort Wayne, 53.
France, claims of, to the Illinois country, 2, 3.
Francis, son of Tobacco, deed of land to Clark, 88.
Franklin, Dr. B., on the western boundary, 3.
French, many, enter Clark's service, 37.

Index. nc
Genet, French minister, 20.
George, Captain Robert, 83, no.
Gibault, Pierre, priest at Kaskaskia, 33, 35, 56, 65.
Hair-buyer General (Hamilton), 104.
Haldimand, Sir Frederick, British Governor of Quebec, 78.
Hamilton, Henry, British Governor of Vincennes, retakes that
post, 52. Surrenders to Clark, 75. Sent to Virginia, 77,
109. Subsequent career, 77.
Hand, General, furnishes supplies, 25.
Harrodsburg, Ky., General Assembly at, 10.
Hays, British Major, 77, 109.
Helms, Captain, notices of, 25, 37, 38, 49, 75, 108, 109, no.
Commands at Vincennes, 37. Surrenders, 52. Anecdote,
69. Captures party from Detroit, 75, 109.
Henderson & Co., claims to Kentucky, 10, n, 12.
Henry, Captain, 108.
Henry, Moses, 55 (?), 108.
Henry, Patrick, Governor of Virginia, n, 22. Instructions to
Col. Clark, 95, 96.
Hutchins, Lieutenant, deserts, 27.
Illinois Country, claims of France, Spain, Great Britain, and
the United States to, 2, 3, 4. Captured by Clark, 5.
Described, 91.
Illinois County, established by Virginia, 5, 84.
Illinois, Incidents of the Expedition against : Clark presents
his plans to the Governor and Council of Virginia, 22. Is
given the command of the Expedition, 23. Sets out for the
Falls, 25. Encamps on Corn Island, 27. Sets out for the
Illinois, 28. Captures Kaskaskia, 31. Cahokia, 35. Vin
cennes, 37. Treats with the Indians, 37, 46. Vincennes
re-occupied by Gov. Hamilton, 52. Attempt to capture
Clark, 53. Report of Hamilton's advance on Kaskaskia,
54. Expedition against Vincennes, 65, 99. Arrives at
the Wabash, 65, 100. Country overflowed, 66, 101.

1 1 6 Index.
Illinois — Continued.
Arrives near the town, 67. Communicates with the inhab
itants, 68, 104. Attack of the fort, 69, 105. Demands
surrender, 71, 105. Surrender, 75, 108. Capture of party
from Detroit, 75. Prisoners sent to Virginia, 77, 109.
Clark returns to Kaskaskia, 82. Col. John Todd appointed
Civil Commandant of Illinois County, 83. Clark returns to
the Falls, 90.
Indians, warfare in Kentucky, 15. Expeditions against the
Ohio, 18, 20, 86. Attack at Kanawha, 25. Clark's
speeches to, 38, 42, 43, 78, 80. Attempt to abduct Clark,
41. Chiefs placed in irons, 41. Treaties with, 37, 46, 79.
Offer land to Clark, 79, 87.
Indian tribes : Cherokees, n. Chipoways, 41, 79. Delawares,
82. Foxes, 41. Kaskaskias, 38. Kickapoos, 38, 69, 73,
78. Mechegames, 38. Miamis, 46, 109. Missesogies,
41. Ottoways, 41. Petawatomies, 41. Peorians, 38.
Piankeshaws, 38, 69, 78, 88. Puans, 41. Sacs, 41.
Sages, 41. Shawnees, 86. Tauways, 41.
Instructions to Col. Clark, Public, 95. Private, 96.
Jeboth. See Gibault.
Jefferson, Thomas, letter to Col. Clark, 2.
Jefferson's Works, reference to, 37.
Jones, Gabriel, Kentucky delegate to Virginia, 11.
Kaskaskia. Situation, 30. Capture, 31. Report of Hamil
ton's advance on, 54. Clark's return to, 55. Preparations
for defense of, 56. Burns a portion of the town, 59. False
alarm, 61. Trouble at, 83. Clark's return to, 83.
Keller, Captain, no.
Kennedy, Patrick, commissary, 101, no.
Kentucky, Convention at Harrodsburg, 10. Clark and Jones
appointed delegates to Virginia, n. Part of, claimed by
Henderson & Co., n, 12. County of, formed, 13. Border
warfare in, 15.

Index. 117
Lafayette, town of, 48.
Lamothe, British Captain, 70, 77, 105, 109.
Land, grant to Clark and his soldiers, 6. Reserved on the
Scioto and Little Miami, 6. Offered by the Indians to
Clark, 79. Refused, 79. Accepted, 87. Deed, 88.
Law's Colonial History of Vincennes, reference to, 34, 63, 103.
Lefont, Dr., of Kaskaskia, 36.
Legare, Major, 108.
Leyba, Francisco de, Spanish Governor of Upper Louisiana, 46.
Loraine, Ensign, no.
Louisville, settlement of, 18, 27.
Louisville Literary News-Letter, quoted, 98.
McBeth, Doctor, British, 109.
McCarty, Captain, 64, 65, 74,99, 101, 108, no.
Mcintosh, General, Expedition against Detroit, 51, 52.
Mclntire, Captain, no.
McManness, J., one of the first settlers of Louisville, 27.
M'Murtrie's History of Louisville, reference to, 27.
Mason, Hon. George, of Virginia, Clark's letter addressed to,
1, 21.
Masonville, British Captain, 70, 105.
Mires, William, express from Williamsburg, 109, no.
Monette's History of the Valley of the Mississippi, reference to, 29.
Montgomery, Colonel, 26, 83, 85.
Montgomery, Ensign, no.
Morehead's Address, reference to, 91.
Morgan's Celebrated Canadians, reference to, 78.
Negotiations at Paris, in 1782, 4.
Oharrard, Captain, 25.
Ohio Indians, Expeditions against, 18, 20, 86.
Omee, an Indian village, 53, 108.
Ouatenon, a French settlement on the Wabash, 48.
Oueaugh. See Wea.

1 1 8 Index.
Patton, James, one of the first settlers at Louisville, 27.
Phillips, British General, 77.
Pirtle, Hon. Henry, Introduction by, 1.
Pope, William, lays out the town of Louisville, 27.
Post St. Vincent. See Vincennes.
Prairie du Rocher, an old French village, 54.
Rayneval, secretary to the French Minister, 4.
Rocheblave, British Governor of Kaskaskia, taken prisoner, 31.
Sent to Virginia. 37.
Rogers, Lieutenant, 64, 109.
St. Croix, Lieutenant, and son, 74.
St. Vincents. See Vincennes.
Saunders, John, guide, 29.
Shiflin, British Lieutenant, 109.
Smith, Captain, 25, 26.
Spain, claims of, to the Illinois country, 3. Takes possession of
Fort St. Josephs, 4.
Spaniards friendly to Col. Clark, 35.
Sparks' Life and Writings of Washington, reference to, 77.
Sullivan, General, 87.
Tobacco's son deeds land to Clark, 88.
Todd, Colonel John, appointed Civil Commandant of Illinois
County, 84.
Treaty, of Paris, 1763, 2. England and America, 6. With the
Indians, 37, 46, 79.
Tuel, John, one of the first settlers at Louisville, 27.
Vergennes, Count de, Ninister of France, 4.
Vigo, Francis, brings intelligence from Vincennes, 62. Notices
of, 63, 99.
Vincennes, situation, 31. Names, 32. Occupied by Clark's
forces, 37, 48, 49. Surrendered by Capt. Helms, 52. In
telligence from, 63. Clark's Expedition against, 64. Arrival

Index. 119
Vincennes — Continued.
there, 67. Communicates with the inhabitants, 68. Takes
the Fort, 75.
Vinsenne, Francis Morgan de, 32.
Virginia, acts of 1781 and 1783,6. Sends powder to Ken
tucky, 13.
Washington, General, 1, 37.
Wea river, 48.
Williams, Captain, 77, 102, 108, 109.
Willings, Captain James, 83, 102, no.
Worthington, Captain William, 65, 102, 108, no.

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