Bvfcl

MEMOIR AND CORRESPONDENCE

RELATING TO

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES

JUNE AND JULY 1834.

LONDOX : PIUXTED nY
SPOTTISWOODE ASD CO., NEVV-STItEET SQUARE
AND PARLIAMENT STREET

MEMOIR AND CORRESPONDENCE
EELATIKG TO
POLITICAL OCCURRENCES

JUNE AND JULY 1834.
BY THE
EIGHT HON. EDWAED JOHN LITTLETON
FIRST LORD HATHERTON.
NOW FIRST PUBLISHED FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS
BY
HENRY REEVE, ESQ.

LONDON :
LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.
1872.

Ml rights reserved.

INTRODUCTION BY THE EDITOR,

On November 27, 1862, a few months before his
death, the late Lord Hatherton requested me, in a letter
dictated and signed by himself, to take charge of the
Memoir which is published in this volume. He confided
it to me in order that the occurrences which had led to
the dissolution of Lord Grey's administration should,
if necessary, be correctly explained in case these trans
actions should, in my own lifetime, become the subject
of historical discussion or controversy. And he fore
saw that the time might arrive when the publication
of Memoirs by other persons, who were concerned in
the events of that period, would render it desirable
that the exact truth should be known, although, from
consideration to some eminent statesmen now no more,
it could not be published at an earlier period. He
left it to my own sense of propriety to make this
publication when it should be opportune and necessary.
I accepted this trust at the hands of Lord Hatherton.
It had to me the solemnity of a dying injunction, for
the letter I refer to was the last received from him,

vi INTRODUCTION BY THE EDITOR.
and he expired on May 4, 1863. The volume con
taining the Memoir and Correspondence (in original)
I soon afterwards replaced at Teddesley, where it has
remained in the interval, and where it properly
belongs. But I reserved to myself the privilege of
performing the duty I had undertaken to fulfil, when
ever the proper moment should appear to the late
Lord Hathertou's heirs and representatives, as well as
to myself, to have arrived.
In our opinion, that time is come. If ever the
papers contained in this volume are to be made public,
and to pass from the privacy of political correspond
ence to the publicity of history, it should be before
those persons have all quitted the scene who are con-
temporary witnesses to their accuracy and truth. Few,
indeed, of the members of Lord Grey's administration
are still in existence, and none, it is believed, to whom
the publication . of these documents can be in the
slightest degree annoying or painful. For the result
of the perusal of these letters is alike honourable to
almost every one concerned in these transactions. If
it was ever suspected or surmised that some intrigue,
or sinister purpose, lay at the bottom of the imbroglio,
and that more was intended than met the eye, that
suspicion must be for ever set at rest. The corre
spondence and the conduct of each member of the
Government was precisely what was to be expected of
English gentlemen and statesmen who knew what was
due to themselves and to each other.

INTRODUCTION BY THE EDITOR. vii
If I am unable to make this assertion entirely with
out reservation, the difficulty arises from the version
which Lord Brougham has inserted in his Autobio
graphy (vol. iii. pp. 391-401) of these transactions.
It is necessary that his narrative should be given in
full in his own terms.
It soon became necessary to consider the question of the
Irish Coercion Bill. The Act of last session had undoubtedly
been successful. Under its provisions districts in West-
meath and Gralway had been proclaimed ; the number of
offences had thereupon greatly diminished. "When the
question of continuing or renewing the Act was placed before
Lord Wellesley, he recommended that the whole Act should
be renewed, with the exception only of the court-martial
clauses ; and soon afterwards he further confirmed this advice
by sending us the opinions of the inspectors-general of pro
vinces, all of whom unanimously recommended a renewal of
the Act.
In the Cabinet there was much discussion on the subject,
and, I fear I must admit, much difference of opinion.
Durham showed a strong tendency to O'Connell's view of the
question, and went so far as to oppose on the second reading
the clauses in the Bill which related to public meetings.
The Ministers who in Cabinet agreed with Durham's ob
jection to these clauses were Althorp, Charles Grant, Spring
Rice, and Abercromby ; but these yielded to the majority
which supported Grey's view, that these clauses were in
dispensable. On July 1 Lord Grey introduced the Bill in an admirable
Speech. He stated, from Lord Wellesley's despatch of
April 18, the grounds for strongly recommending the re
newal of the Bill ; and he made out a case quite sufficient to
convince me of the necessity, even if I had not, after a
perusal of the papers sent by Lord Wellesley, fully made up

viii INTRODUCTION BY THE EDITOR.
my mind to support Grey. On the second reading Durham,
as I have said, objected to the public meetings clauses. I
answered him, strongly supporting Grey, and arguing that it
would be most unjust to curb the peasantry by those clauses
relating to agrarian disturbances, which Durham did not
object to, and to leave agitators like O'Connell free to get up
meetings in all the towns of Ireland, professedly for the
redress of grievances, but in reality for the repeal of the
union. I stated that my consent to the measure was wrung
from me by the hard necessity of the case, and that I could
agree to its continuance only for the further period of one
year. The House approved of the view we took, and the
Bill was read a second time without further opposition.
In the course of this debate some observations were made
to the effect that negotiations were going on out of doors
between a member of the Irish Government and the very men
who were the cause of all the mischief. Lord Grey being
asked if he knew of, or had originated, any such negotiations,
at once indignantly denied all knowledge of anything of the
kind, and stated that had he been spoken to on the subject
he should not only have expressed his marked disapprobation,
but have done all in his power to prevent such proceedings.
To Lord Grey's statement I added my belief that no such
negotiations had taken place ; although I admitted that the
Irish Secretary (Littleton) might have, unknown to Govern
ment, held some communications with parties interested in
the subject of the Coercion Bill, just as I myself had done
when, sitting on the Woolsack, I had discussed some of the
clauses with a noble friend to whom I had gone so far as to
express my objection to some parts of the Bill as unconstitu
tional, and only to be tolerated in a case of the most urgent
necessity ; of which necessity I had become entirely con
vinced, after a perusual of the papers which had been quoted
by Lord Grey when he introduced the Bill.
The bill was ordered to be committed on an early day, and
now came out in the House of Commons disclosures which

INTRODUCTION BY THE EDITOR. ix
had important consequences. It was there stated by Littleton,
the Irish Secretary — and this was afterwards confirmed by
Althorp — that a communication had been made by Littleton
to O'Connell, to the effect that certain clauses of the Bill
were under the consideration of the Cabinet ; that Littleton
had expressed a hope that such clauses would be omitted in
the new Bill, but had by no means stated that such was the
decision of Ministers ; that this communication had been
made in confidence, and on a promise of absolute secrecy.
Littleton himself, in his place, admitted in so many words
that ' he had committed a gross indiscretion,' but added that
such indiscretion could in no respect justify O'Connell's
breach of faith, in telling others what had taken place in
confidence and secrecy.
O'Connell, when he first heard that the Bill was to be
renewed in all its parts, had written a letter to Wexford,
abusing the Ministry as ' as a base Whig faction which
threatened to enslave Ireland ; ' and he forthwith started a
repealer as candidate at the coming election.
O'Connell's defence to Littleton's charge of breach of con
fidence was, that upon the faith of Littleton's assurance that
the objectionable clauses were to be omitted, he had at once
withdrawn ' the repealer,' and had prepared his Irish friends
in Parliament to support the Government ; that finding Lord
Grey had, in the very teeth of Littleton's assurance, brought
in the Bill without the omissions, he considered that he had
been tricked, and that he and his friends had been so grossly
deceived by Littleton that he regarded the confidence in
which the communication had been made as at an end ; that
such confidence never would have been broken by him, if he
had not been thus tricked and deceived.
Littleton stated afterwards in the House that he had not
communicated with O'Connell till after consulting friends
upon whose judgment he could rely, and that in all he had
done he had acted under what he considered a sufficient
authority.

x INTRODUCTION BY THE EDITOR.
This was supposed to refer to Althorp ; and undoubtedly,
when the effect all these circumstances had upon the Minis
try was discussed in the Commons, Althorp stated that when
Littleton suggested to him the expediency of telling
O'Connell, he had strongly warned him to use the most ex
treme caution in any communication he might make, and on
no account to commit himself.
When all the questions connected with the Coercion Bill
were discussed in the Cabinet, Lord Grey, at one of our
.meetings held shortly before he introduced the Bill in the
Lords, laid before us a letter from Lord Wellesley, which he
had received on June 23. In this letter Lord Wellesley
stated his opinion that the public meetings clauses might be
safely omitted, remarking that the change of circumstances
since he had written his letters of April 18 and June 11, to
Lord Melbourne, were sufficient to justify this change in his
opinion. Althorp quite agreed with this view, so also did
Charles Grant, Spring Rice, Abercromby, and Edward Elliee.
But the majority of the Cabinet decided to adopt Lord
Grey's view, which was, that notwithstanding Lord Wellesley's
letter, the Bill must be renewed, omitting only the court-
martial clauses.
Grey considered this letter so strictly private, that he
thought he was scarcely justified in showing it to the Cabinet,
and that nothing but the peculiar circumstances in which he
was placed could have permitted him to refer to it in the
House of Lords, as he did on July 9, when he stated the
grounds of his resignation.
In consequence of what had passed in the House of Com
mons, Althorp felt that the grounds upon which the renewal
of the Bill had been originally urged by Lord Wellesley, and
on which he himself was to have carried the Bill through
the Commons, had been cut away by Lord Wellesley's letter
of June the 21st, and the change of opinion he therein
expressed ; and, therefore, feeling that he could no lono-er

INTRODUCTION BY THE EDITOR. xi
act usefully to the Government or satisfactorily to himself,
he wrote a letter to Lord Grey tendering his resignation.
He adhered to this in a subsequent interview, and this deter
mined Lord Grey himself to resign, which he accordingly
did, and announced it in the Lords on July 9, in a speech in
which he was very greatly affected.
In referring to the communication made to O'Connell,
Grey only designated this as the height of imprudence. Like
a true gentleman as he was, he accused no one, but put the
grounds of his resignation on the loss of Althorp, as the
leader of the Government in the Commons, and as the man
on whom he placed his chief confidence. " But I knew that
he felt most severely the proceedings of those who had in
fluenced Lord Wellesley, and had dealt with O'Connell. The
letter which Littleton had written to Lord Wellesley, and
which had produced Lord WTellesley's letter to Grey of June
21st, was concocted, as Grey entirely believed, by Edward
Elliee. Certainly he blamed him more than he blamed
Durham or any one else ; and afterwards, in referring to this
painful subject, he exclaimed to me, ' But to think of Elliee,
" mine own familiar friend who did eat of my bread," to
think of him of all men thus conspiring against me ! '
At this period of wranglings and disputes, and charges
against everybody, more or less well-founded, the mischief-
makers attempted to get up a case against me, founded upon
a letter I had written to Lord Wellesley. A letter was in fact
written about this period, but it was of a purely private
nature, and could not at any time have exercised the smallest
influence on his mind. How should it? It was a letter
about some verses of Lord Wellesley's, and about other
gossip, too private to be here quoted. But the sentence I
have referred to was as follows : ' You have done yourself
much credit, in my opinion, in recommending the giving up
the court-martial clauses in the Bill. If things were in such
a state as to justify you in recommending the omission of
the unconstitutional clauses about meetings also, you would

xii INTRODUCTION BY THE EDITOR.
be on a pinnacle.' That was the exact sentence, and con
tained every word I wrote to Lord Wellesley on the subject.
On Grey's resignation I went to the King, and assured
him that I believed I could persuade Althorp to retract his
resignation, and that I hoped Grey would return also, as we
all most anxiously desired his continuance ; and all must be
aware how severe a blow on the Government his retirement
would inflict. His Majesty seemed puzzled, and repeated
his former assertion of some weeks before, that while Grey
and I remained together he was firm in our support. He
expressed great doubt of our being able to go on, and left on
my mind the very distinct impression that he was disposed
to accept all our resignations, and try a Tory Government.
The King's situation and ours, then, was this, according
to my observation, and all which followed has demonstrated
that I was right in my estimate of it. Sick of a Government
that was urged on to make changes, of which he had had
quite enough ; still more sick of being urged on by that Go-
ment to consent to fresh changes ; panting for the quiet of
Tory Ministry, the natural favourite of all kings ; not relish
ing a set of Ministers who looked to popular support rather
than to Court favour ; still less liking a Ministiy which almost
every month spoke of breaking up (as under Lord Grey had
been too often the case), and leaving him in the position, of
all others to all kings the most hateful and even alarming,
that of being left for a time without a Government, and so
feeling all responsibility thrown on themselves ; sighing al
most equally for a restoration of the peers to his standard,
and a cessation of their opposition and that of the Church,
the irksomeness of which he had lately shown by his closet
speech to the bishops, so very different from his rating letter
to them in June, 1833 ; he, in short, sighed to have a regular
Tory Administration. But this he never could have with
the present House of Commons, unless the Liberal Govern
ment voluntarily broke itself up ; when, from their resigning,
and the necessity of there being some Government, the

INTRODUCTION BY THE EDITOR. xiii
Commons would support any one that could be formed, at
least for the remainder of the session, when a dissolution would
strengthen their hands. All his chance, then, of getting rid
of us, and getting hold of a Conservative Ministry that could
stand, depended on one of two events — either our resigning
and refusing to carry on his affairs, or a vacation coming and
enabling him to dissolve. Perceiving this, I acted accord
ingly, and for ever lost his favour till he was on his death
bed. To this narrative the Correspondence annexed to
Lord Hatherton's Memoir contains, in almost every par
ticular, a conclusive answer. It is well known that at the
time when Lord Brougham applied himself to the task
bf committing to paper the Recollections of his Past
Life, his memory was considerably enfeebled by age, and
he probably had not access to papers which would
have corrected any erroneous impression ; but as these
statements are now published to the world with the
weight of his posthumous authority, it appears to be
absolutely necessary to show to what extent they can
be relied on.
Lord Brougham appears entirely tp have forgotten
that the proposal which Lord Wellesley was induced
to make for the omission of the Meetings clauses
from the renewed Irish Coercion Bill originated with
himself. It was he who suggested to Mr. Littleton
to move the Lord-Lieutenant in that direction ; he
was understood to have opposed the clauses in the
Cabinet, and he boasted that he had thrown himself
into the same boat with Littleton in his speech; he

xiv INTRODUCTION -BY THE EDITOR.
' avowed having had the same views,' and ' explained
the use of Mr. Littleton's speaking to O'Connell ;n and
he was perfectly cognisant of every phase in the nego
tiations, as will appear from his own letters in this
volume. He was equally aware that ' the proceedings
of those who had influenced Lord Wellesley and had
dealt with O'Connell,' were taken at his own instigation ;
and when he adds that ' the letter which Littleton
had written to Lord Wellesley, and which produced
Wellesley's letter to Grey, of the 21st June, was con
cocted, as Grey entirely believed, by Edward Elliee,' he
asserts what is wholly inconsistent with fact. It is due
to the memory of Mr. Elliee to say that his hand no
where appears in any part of these transactions. Mr.
Elliee was a frank and eager politician, who did not
hesitate to express a difference of opinion from his
dearest friends. I believe he differed from Lord Grey in
his view of this very question ; but Mr. Ellice's character,
and above all his relations to Lord Grey, rendered him
utterly incapable of conspiring against him, and I do not
believe Lord Grey for one moment suspected him of it.
The colleague whom Lord Grey may have sus
pected of conspiring against him in this matter, was
not Mr. Elliee, but the Lord High Chancellor; and
this is perhaps the reason why a different colour has
been given in Lord Brougham's autobiography to the
transaction. Lord Grey was no doubt irritated and
annoyed that proceedings, which he disapproved, should
1 See Lord Brougham's letter, No. xviii., p. 59, and his letter No.
xxxvii., p. 85.

INTRODUCTION BY THE EDITOR. xv
have been taken behind his back and without his
knowledge ; and at the moment he may have attri
buted motives to different persons, which he would
have found, on calmer reflection, to be purely ima
ginary. The truth is, that no one was conspiring
against Lord Grey at all. Lord Brougham had no
prospect in life so much to his own advantage as
that of retaining the Great Seal, with Lord Grey at
the head of the Government. Lord Wellesley was
influenced by no motive, but an amiable desire to take
whatever course might be most convenient to the
Cabinet and to Ministers in the House of Commons.
As for seeking a pretence to break up the Adminis
tration, the difficulty was all the other way, for it was
threatened with daily dissolution.
It only remains for me to add, that although I take
the whole responsibility of this publication, at the
present time, upon myself, the present representatives
of the late Lord Hatherton are not unwilling that
it should be made. They think with me that it was
undoubtedly Lord Hatherton's intention and desire
that it should be published ; and if the publication
were still longer postponed, the interest which attaches
to transactions already remote might altogether expire.
In the Memoir nothing has been changed, but some
of the letters, and some portions of other letters, have
for various reasons been omitted. A few explanatory
notes have been added by the Editor, which are marked
with his initials.
Henry Reeve.

MEMOIR AND CORRESPONDENCE
EELATING TO
POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE & JULY 1834

The following Correspondence refers to a transaction
the circumstances of which it was impossible for me
fully to explain at the time without an injurious dis
closure of confidential communications which I had no
right to make, though my forbearance severely affected
me at that period.
I feel it due, however, to myself here to record,
together with the following letters, this brief but exact
explanation of the occurrences to which they relate,
, which may at any time be published if thought de
sirable. When, in May 1833, at the earnest request of Earl
Grey and Lord Althorp, I undertook the office of Chief
Secretary for Ireland, on Lord Stanley's relinquishment
of it — Sir John Hobhouse, who had first of all under
taken it, having resigned it on losing his election for
Westminster- — the insurrection against tithe payments,
and other prsedial outrages, were at their height. I
was immediately called on not only to superintend the
execution of the Coercion Act, but to devise in the
first instance some immediate relief for the starving
B

2 MEMOIR AND CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO
clergy of the Irish Church Establishment, and then
some effectual measure for the permanent security of
Church property.
For these latter purposes Lord Stanley had left me
no plans, nor did he offer me any suggestions. Lord
Althorp, before I accepted the office, engaged that the
Cabinet should furnish me with a plan for the imme
diate relief of the clergy. But I never received any.
Having taken the appointment, I went down to my
election, which I carried, after a short but not in
expensive contest with Lord Ingestre ; and on my
return set to work to frame a measure for the imme
diate relief of the clergy. Many of them had received
no tithes or composition for several years. There were
very few in the more Roman Catholic counties who
were not in the deepest distress. Many were the cases
in which life insurances (the sole reliance of the clergy
man's surviving families) were sacrificed, and in nume
rous instances inffectual efforts were made to enforce
rights at the point of the bayonet. In the county of
Wexford, and in other parts of the south of Ireland,
the military and police were concentrated for the pur
pose. But though successful in a few instances, they
were generally baffled by the numbers and artifice of
their opponents. Advances to the amount of 60,000/.
had already been made by the Government for the
relief ofthe clergy in the years 1830, 1831, and 1832,
whose tithes had been subsequently converted into
Crown debts. But all the legal and military power of
the Government had succeeded in recovering only
12,000/. of the amount, at some cost of blood, and an
immense amount of expenditure.

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 3
Such was the state of things in the month of June
1833. The Session was then too far advanced to admit
of the preparation of any large and permanent measure.
I attended two Cabinets ; when it was agreed, on my
suggestion, to ask Parliament to advance an additional
sum of one million for the relief of the clergy, to be
repaid on a plan then settled and approved. And as a
means of obtaining this grant, the Government pledged
itself to devote the recess to the consideration of some
new system of levying and securing the tithe revenues
of the clergy.
This arrangement, after some opposition, in Parlia
ment was secured ; and it being thought desirable to
allay as soon as possible the excitement which had
prevailed in Ireland, Lord Althorp in the House of
Commons declared that the Government would abstain
from any further levy ofthe tithes of 1830, 1831, and
1832, which had been converted into Crown debt.
This declaration was either extensively misunder
stood or perverted in Ireland, and engendered a not
uncommon belief among the ignorant that the Govern
ment had pledged itself to an absolute abandonment of
tithes in that country — an impression which created
much mischief and difficulty in that and the subsequent
year. On my arrival at Dublin in the month of September,
I found the amount of business in my office far ex
ceeding anything before known in the most troubled
times. Besides the distribution of the million by Com
missioners amongst the numerous clerical and lay
claimants, and the steps requisite to determine the
precise amount at which each acre of titheable land
B 2

4 MEMOIR AND CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO
should be assessed for the purpose of recovering repay
ment of the loans, I had to institute all the requisite
measures for a compulsory composition of tithes through
out Ireland under Lord Stanley's Act, to select the
Commissioners, to give them instructions, to answer
their enquiries, and to consider with the law officers
the numerous legal questions which every post brought
to the Castle from each Commissioner. In addition to
this labour, a new Grand Jury Law, introducing a new
system of executing county works, and a new Special
and Petty Jury Act, were to be put in execution. The
result was an increase of clerks in the Chief Secretary's
office from the usual establishment of 17 to 142.
The great administrative experience of Sir W. Gosset,
the Under Secretary, and the remarkable ability, energy,
and industry of my private Secretary, Mr. Craig, enabled
me, with application on my own part, to dispose daily
of the large current of business flowing from these
sources. But my greatest difficulty arose from the circum
stance that I had no efficient law officer in Parhament ;
and of those who were about me in Dublin, Black
burne the Attorney-General, an able and honest man,
did not belong to our party, nor were his political
views at all mine, nor those of the majority of Earl
Grey's Cabinet. Crampton was an honest man, but of
no efficiency in council, and Greene, the counsel to the
Chief Secretary, an able and excellent lawyer and most
upright man, was of Tory principles. Lord Anglesey's
confidence was always the result of personal feelino-. He
liked certain men, gave them his confidence, and was
cleverly managed by them. Blackburne and Greene

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 5
afterwards joined Sir Robert Peel's Government, which
with their known principles I could not condemn.
Lord Wellesley himself, with all his experience of
Irish Government, could render me no assistance. The
evils to be conquered were not of a description to
which his great genius was suited, restricted as it was
by the orders of the Government in England (a natural
result of the heterogenous character of Lord Grey's
Cabinet as regarded Irish measures) and the growing
apprehensions of William the Fourth respecting their
Irish policy. Could Lord Wellesley have exercised an
unfettered judgment, his enlarged and vigorous mind
would soon have remodelled institutions, and have put
each party and interest in its right place in Ireland,
and have given contentment, order, and strength to
that part of His Majesty's dominions.
Circumstanced as I was I set to work — with the aid of
O'Hanlon, the counsel to the Irish Office in London, as
draughtsman — and weighed the various plans which had
occurred to, or been suggested to me, for putting Church
property on a securer basis. The simpler and the
better schemes, which the judgment of Lord Wellesley
and my own would have preferred, we were compelled
to abandon from a conviction that several members of
Lord Grey's Cabinet would not acquiesce in them, and
that the law officers we found in Ireland would lend
us no effectual aid in maturing them. We at length
agreed, and sent over to the Cabinet the measure
which I introduced into the House of Commons on
February 20, 1834, and which I believe was the only
one in which Lord Grey's Cabinet could have been

6 MEMOIR AND CORRESPONDENCE EELATING TO
brought to concur at that time. They considered it
thoroughly, and unanimously adopted it.
This measure encountered the greatest difficulties in
Parliament. Lord Stanley strenuously supported it ; but
it met with the opposition of the Primate, Mr. Shaw,
and the Irish Church party on one side, and of O'Connell
and the Repealers on the other ; the one party deeming
it went too far, the other not far enough. Both parties
were aided by the great body of the Conservative
Opposition. The Irish Repeal members were rendered implacable
by the Coercion Act, which had occasioned the bitterest
conflicts in its passage through the House of Commons
in the preceding Session, and the removal of Stanley
from the Irish Government had mitigated nothing of
their rancour towards the administration of which he
was still a most able and conspicuous supporter in a
higher office ; though in my individual capacity as his
successor I was treated by them with favour and kind
ness, several of them secretly rendering me good offices.
In this state of feeling on the part of the Irish mem
bers, I was compelled to submit to an extensive modifi
cation of my measure. Considering me to be pledged
to the main provision of the bill, they sought an inter
view with Lord Althorp, who had never liked it, and
as they procured his acquiescence, I was compelled
to subscribe to their views,
Their form of measure was undoubtedly far simpler
and better than mine. But I knew it to be incom
patible with the views of several of Lord Grey's Cabinet,
and feared the result.
As soon, however, as Lord Althorp and the Irish

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 7
Liberal members had come to an understanding, he
took the precaution, with my concurrence, of explaining
the proposed amendments to Lord Stanley. I was
present at the interview, at Lord Althorp's official
residence in Downing Street. .Lcrd Stanley gave an
unwilling assent, but he did assent. Nevertheless a
want of cordial interest in the success of the measure
in its new shape was too apparent. The division of
opinion, and the want of cohesion in the Ministry, soon
became subject of common conversation.1
These difficulties naturally made me anxious to
remove all other impediments to a good understanding
with the Irish members. I accordingly resolved to
clear the course as far as depended on me for the
improved Tithe Bill.
The main obstacle was the necessity of renewing, in
some shape before the end of the Session, the Irish
Coercion Act. To the renewal of what might be called
the Curfew clauses, and the Lord Lieutenant's power
of proclaiming districts, no opposition was intended.
1 At about this time I remember being at a levee. It was in the
inner room, where the Ministers were always first received. I was at the
end of the circle. Two or three yards above me stood Stanley and
Graham. The King stopped, and appeared to speak with peculiar cor
diality to them. I did not know the subject, but I at last heard him
say, sotto voce and significantly : ' Well, I am sorry for it, but I agree so
much with you two gentlemen on other matters that I don't mind it.'
It was impossible not to be struck by the shrewd look which Graham
gave Stanley. It was only one of many evidences I met of his deter
mined adherence to him, and his preparations to recede from his other
colleagues. He had told me openly not long before, ' Stanley, depend
upon it, is the winning horse,' and I observed that a very few months
after Lord Ingestre had opposed my re-election for South Staffordshire,
on my taking the office of Chief Secretary, Graham, who was First Lord
of the-Admiralty, gave him a ship.

8 MEMOIR AND CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO
But to the restriction on County Meetings for the
purpose of petitioning, a determined opposition was pre
pared on the part of O'Connell and the Irish members.
I clearly foresaw that without a modification of the
Coercion Act, by the omission of the Meetings clauses,
I could never carry the far more important measure of
the Tithe Bill, which we all considered likely, in its
new shape, to give security to Church property, and to
aid most effectively in tranquillizing the country.
Another measure eagerly called for by the Reform
party in Ireland was the appointment of a Commission
to ascertain the proportion of Protestants and Roman
Catholics in each parish in Ireland. I considered the
information indispensable to the adjustment of any
large plan of Church reform in that country. I eagerly
pressed the appointment of such a Commission, and
Lord John Russell strenuously urged it on his col
leagues. The Cabinet adopted the suggestion, and left
it to me to prescribe the duties of the Commission, and
to select the Commissioners.
But party differences had now reached a crisis in the
Ministry. Certain opinions declared by Lord John
Russell in debate on Irish Church affairs had already
aroused the mistrust of Lord Stanley and Sh* James
Graham, and a motion made by Mr. Ward on May
27th for a modified appropriation of Church property
in Ireland, and which he evidently brought forward at
that time in hopes of completing the breach, produced
their resignation, with those of the Earl of Ripon and
the Duke of Richmond. This secession weakened the
Ministry, but allowed a freer course of action to the
remaining portion of it.

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 9
On a Sunday about the beginning of June I had met
Lord Duncannon by appointment at the Chancellor's
(Lord Brougham's), to consider and settle the terms
of the Commission. Having arrived early, the Chan
cellor conversed with me on the general position of
Irish affairs, and especially on the means of smoothing
a course for the Tithe Bill. I told him that there was
but one remaining obstacle to its progress. Though
personally I was on the best possible terms with all the
members of the Irish Liberal party, the discussion on
the Coercion Bill was approaching, and all the violence
and rancour by which Lord Stanley and the Govern
ment had been assailed on its introduction last year
would now be revived if it were not at least so far
modified as to omit the Meetings clauses ; but if that
were done the Tithe Bill in its new form would be
acquiesced in, and the property might be saved. That
I was satisfied that the intended resistance to the
Meetings clauses was very much a point of honour with
O'Connell, who was still able to call and hold meetings
in a manner that eluded the application of the law, and
that it would be wise to give him that sop. It would
answer its purpose if it lulled him even for a time.
Agitation no doubt would revive, but it would be
directed against other objects. The main interest at
stake was the safety of Church property. I entered
more fully and warmly into the matter with Brougham
because I had been desired by Lord Wellesley, in a letter
dated the 23rd May, to consult with Brougham on the
matter as affecting the party interests of the Government.
Lord Brougham fully concurred in my view, and
spoke angrily of Lord Grey's obstinacy on the point.

10 MEM0D2 AND CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO
I told him I was aware of it, and had therefore ab
stained from pressing the concession on him more
strongly than I had done.
Nothing more passed on the subject till June 19, on
which day Lord Brougham sent for me to his private
room at the House of Lords. He told me he had written
to Lord Wellesley, urging him strongly to give up the
clauses against Meetings in the new Coercion Bill, and
added, he thought I should do well to write to the
same effect. He particularly requested I would ask
him, if he acquiesced, to address his letter to Lord
Grey. He was the only obstacle, and there was no
doubt he would yield to Lord Wellesley's advice.
I told Lord Brougham that my judgment entirely
coincided with his, and that I should press our joint
advice the more willingly because, since the date of
Lord Wellesley's despatch on April 18, recommending
a renewal of the Act, Ireland had been perfectly tran
quil. I accordingly wrote to Lord Wellesley the fol
lowing letter :- — Grosvenor Place, June 19, 1834.
My dear Lord, — The Chancellor sent for me this even
ing, and told me of the letter he had written to you.
My own opinion has always been that the Irish
Government is not likely to require any other extraor
dinary powers than those that are directed against
agrarian disturbances. Those powers are comprised
in the following clauses of the Disturbance Act : 3, 4, 5,
6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12 (qy.), 22, 23, 24 (in part), 25 '(in
part), 29 (qy.), 34, 35, 36 (qy.), 37 (qy.), 38 (qy.), 39.
These clauses compounded into one Act would effect

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 11
all you would have to do this year, and we might take
the Bill for three years instead of one.
You will perceive the clause authorizing the Lord-
Lieutenant to prohibit public meetings and the Court
Martial clauses are omitted, and they constitute half of
the present Act. My firm belief is, that such powers,
if we pass our Tithe Bill, will be perfectly useless, and
that their enactment will create great difficulties in the
carrying of the Tithe Bill, and will afterwards stimu
late O'Connell to agitation in Ireland by exasperating
him and his party.
The Tories, since the O'Connellites have declared
war, are making preparation for taking the field. Peel
yesterday, at a large meeting of the Conservatives, de
clared that the time was now come when it was their
duty to take a position, and, in short, declared his
willingness to take the Government. What they mean
to do is to unite their forces in the House of Lords,
and to reintroduce the clauses the Government have
resolved on omitting (from the Tithe Bill), and thus to
bring the two Houses into collision. The Lords will
insist, and Lord Grey will have to choose between the
Lords' Bill and no Bill at all. This is their short
sighted game, incredible as it may appear.
Under such circumstances a complete union in the
House of Commons between the Government and the
great mass of the Irish members is of the first import
ance. A restriction of the new Disturbance Bill to the
clauses I have mentioned will completely effect this
object. The only question is, whether the Government should

12 MEMOIR AND CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO
dispense with the power of suppressing meetings. You
did not want it last year, and there is much less pros
pect of your wanting it this. I think the demand for
it may risk serious consequences to the party in power
at this very critical conjunction.
Would not the coercive powers contained in the
clauses I have mentioned, if enacted for three or five
years, be a good substitute for the existing measure for
one year longer ?
The Change of Venue Bill expires this Session. I
suppose its renewal is not desired ; but as I have not
observed that any of your letters to Lord Melbourne
have alluded to this subject, I think it would be well if
you would consider it.
I have asked the Attorney-General his opinion on
this subject.
I remain, my dear Lord, very faithfully yours,
E. J. Littleton.
If it were possible for you to form your opinion on
these topics of Lord Brougham and my letters in time
to write to Lord Grey by return of post, the advantage
of his receiving your letter on Monday before we pro
ceed with the Tithe Bill would be very great.
To his Excellency the Lord-Lieutenant.
To this Lord Wellesley replied, in a letter dated
June 21: 'I have received your letter of June 19.
I entirely agree with you, and have written to
Lords Grey, and Brougham, and Melbourne, accord
ingly.' In another letter, dated June 24, he adds : ' I
have looked over the Protection Act, and I think the

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 13
clauses you enumerate, wilh the alteration you propose,
will answer all purposes.'
In a letter of June 21 it will be seen that the Attor
ney-General Blackburne also entirely acquiesced in the
policy of giving up the clauses in question.
As soon as I received Lord Wellesley's letter of the
21st, I showed it to Lord Melbourne, who immediately
condemned it as an imprudent step which would create
great difficulties with Lord Grey, and particularly com
plained of Lord Wellesley1 not having written to himself
instead of to Lord Grey. He added, however, ' There
could be no question that the clauses must be given up,
as no Government could ask Parliament for an uncon
stitutional power in Ireland, the necessity of which the
Lord-Lieutenant had been led to disclaim.'
I then went to Lord Althorp, who viewed the matter
in the same light, except that he did not condemn
Lord Wellesley. ' He feared Lord . Grey would refuse
any concession, and might even retire if it were pressed.
But I might entirely rely on it that the clauses in ques
tion should form no part of a new Bill — as he himself
was resolved to resign sooner than allow them now to
be renewed ; and Lord Grey could not risk that re
sult.' I then asked him whether, as I knew that
O'Connell was about to enter immediately on a new
course of agitation in Ireland previously to the threat
ened renewal of the Coercion Act, it would not be pru
dent to see him and apprize him that the precise form
and extent of measure were not decided on. Lord
1 I suppose from this that Lord Wellesley had intended to write to
Lord Melbourne on the 21st, but did not do so, though he says in his
letter of that date ' I have written.'

14 MEMOIR AND CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO
Althorp concurred in and sanctioned that step, caution
ing me, however, not to commit myself by any detail
to him.
Lord Althorp subsequently told me that a time had
been fixed for the Cabinet to meet to consider Lord
Wellesley's recommendation.
In the course of the day O'Connell came to the Irish
Office, and I cautioned him against any unnecessary
excitation of the people in Ireland until he should have
seen the new Coercion Bill, which would be renewed,
but with certain limitations. He thanked me, and
promised to consider my communication as strictly
private and confidential.
I am not sure whether the Cabinet met on the
Sunday or on the Sunday week following.1 But I met
the Cabinet Ministers as they were coming out of
Downing Street, when Lord Althorp told me, to my
surprise, that they had resolved to renew the old Bill
without any alteration ; that Lord Grey would not
1 [Lord Hatherton is in doubt as to the exact date of this Cabinet; but
I am informed by Earl Russell, who perfectly remembers that Cabinet
and what took place at it, that it was held at Holland House on the
evening of Sunday, June 29. Lord Hatherton doubtless met some of the
Cabinet Ministers in Downing Street on Monday morning, for he was
not at Holland House, not being a Cabinet Minister ; but in a letter to
Lord Wellesley, dated the 29th June, which will be found in this collection,
he says expressly/ACabinetwashekUAj'sewnm^atwhich your two letters
to Lord Grey were read and discussed.' He must therefore have known the
result that night, and the statement in this part of the memoir is not lite
rally accurate. This date is extremely important, for it was on this occasion
that Lord Grey made known to his colleagues the terms of the memorable
letter addressed to him by Lord Wellesley six days previously ; and he un
happily succeeded in persuading the majority of the Cabinet (out.of defer
ence to himself) to reject the opinion ofthe Lord-Lieutenant and to retain
the clauses. Lord Brougham did not disclose the part he had taken in the

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 15
concede anything, founding his refusal on the ground
of Lord Wellesley having written him a private letter
only nine or ten days before, urging in general terms
the renewal of the Act, and not proposing any limita
tion. Lord Althorp said nothing of his intention to
resign. [At this point of time an omission occurs in the
narrative which ought, I think, to be supplied, and I
shall briefly do so in terms simply taken from ' Han
sard's Reports of the Proceedings in Parliament.'
The Cabinet having resolved on June 29 to adhere
to its intention of bringing in the Irish Coercion Bill
unchanged, Lord Grey on July 1 moved the first
reading of the renewed Bill. In the course of his
speech, Lord Grey stated that he held in his hand a
letter addressed by the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland to
the Secretary of State, dated April 18, in which his
Excellency expressed ' his entire approbation of the
opinions which had been expressed in favour of the
Act, and his most anxious desire that the Act might
be renewed.'
No despatch of a more recent date than April 18
was laid before the House of Lords ; and Lord Grey
said nothing whatever on this occasion to imply that
Lord Wellesley had much more recently expressed a
contrary opinion. The letter of June 21 had been
shown, or partly shown, to the Cabinet ; but its exist
ence was entirely withheld from Parliament, on the
matter. This was the fatal decision ; for it led to the charge brought
against Mr. Littleton by O'Connell of a breach of faith, and it was fol
lowed by the resignation of Lord Althorp, which broke up the Govern
ment.— H. R. 1872].

16 MEMOIR AND CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO
ground (as was after wards stated by Lord Grey, on
July 9) that it was a private confidential letter, in which
the Lord-Lieutenant did appear to take a new view of
the subject. The House of Lords therefore assented
to the first reading of the Bill, under the impression
that the opinion of the Lord-Lieutenant still remained
the same that it had been on April 18, and that the
powers asked for were regarded as indispensable to the
peace of Ireland. But this misapprehension was dis
pelled by the altercation which took place in the House
of Commons on July 3, when O'Connell disclosed the
fact that a very different solution of the difficulty had
been entertained and anticipated by the Irish depart
ment of the Government. It was the discovery of this
contradiction which gave so violent and inflammatory a
character to the debate. Lord Grey had succeeded
in overruling the opinion of the Lord-Lieutenant and
of several of his colleagues ; he had succeeded in
causing the powerful arguments of his letter of the
21st to be buried in the secrecy of private correspon
dence ; but when he found that the fact of these divided
counsels had transpired, and was iu the possession of
O'Connell himself, his position became altogether un
tenable. These results, however, could not be equally
apparent at the moment.
I now return to Lord Hatherton's narrative. — H. R.
1872.] Though surprised at this result of the Cabinet de
liberation, I did not feel embarrassed by it, as Mr.
O'Connell had given me the strongest assurances that
he should consider my conversation with him as
strictly confidential, and I believed him.

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 17
The discussion which took place in the House of
Commons on July 3 showed me that I was deceived.
The report in the ' Mirror of Parliament,' though not
literally accurate, is not unfair ; it gives a tolerably
accurate version of what passed between Mr. O'Connell
and myself.1
Nothing even from that gentleman could be more
disgraceful than his conduct in this instance. He en
deavoured to excuse its grossness by charging me with
intentional deception of him for the sake of obtaining
an advantage in an accidental election. Mr. Hume, Mr.
Warburton, Mr. More O'Ferral, Mr. Carew O'Dwyer,
Mr. H. Grattan, and other Irish members, told me they
had upbraided O'Connell with his unjustifiable breach
of faith. Henry Grattan reproached him publicly on
a subsequent occasion.
On the following day Lord Brougham, in a second
speech in the House of Lords, defended me, denying
that I had entered into anything like a negotiation
with O'Connell, and admitted that he himself, in cor
respondence with Lord Wellesley, had enquired if the
Meetings clauses could not be dispensed with.
On that day, the 4th, my position, rendered painful
enough by O'Connell's breach of faith, appeared so
much worse by Lord Grey's permitting it to be be-
1 There is an error of fact in O'Connell's statement, for the record of
which, as he announced it, I am responsible as well as himself. Wishing
to encourage my confidence in him, at our interview he said, ' Oh, you
know Lord Anglesey used to confide in me; you may do so equally.'
This observation about Lord Anglesey he puts into my mouth in his
statement. I quite forgot to remark, in reply, that the observation had
been his and not mine. I believe he did not mean to state a falsehood ;
but spoke under excitement, in a hurry, and from a confused recollection.
C

18 MEMOIR AND CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO
lieved in the House of Lords that the question was
completely settled at the time when I had assured
O'Connell that it was undecided, that on the 5th I sent
to Lord Grey my resignation, founded on that ground.
He replied to that communication in a very kind and
deprecatory letter the same day.
On the 9th Lord Althorp, in presenting some papers
connected with the subject, declared that I had reason
for stating to O'Connell that at the time of my inter
view with him the question was unsettled, and under
the consideration of Government. He announced that
I had tendered my resignation, omitting, however, to
state the reason of my retirement, and gave a compli
mentary reason for its being declined.
I was still dissatisfied with my position, for the
public did not know, and could not know from me,
that, in counselling Lord Wellesley to write the advice
he gave to Lord Grey, I had acted under the advice of
the Lord Chancellor, concurred in by many of the
Cabinet, and that for my communication with O'Connell
I had the express authority of Lord Althorp, the leader
of the House of Commons and general manager of
the Parliamentary measures of the Government in that
House. I therefore sought an interview with Lord Ebrington
and Fazakerley, two members in whose judgment and
sense of honour I knew that Lord Althorp in common
with the whole House of Commons placed the highest
confidence. I revealed to them without reserve every
thing that had passed. They correctly estimated my
position, and sought a conference with Lord Althorp.
They found him decided to resign. Dissatisfied with

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 19
the position of affairs, and fearing that he might be
accused of urging Parliament to a line on a great con
stitutional question at variance with his own private
opinions, which were sure to become more fully known
and discussed, if a motion, of which notice had been
given — for the production of the private correspondence
of the Lord-Lieutenant with certain members of the Go
vernment — were carried or even made in Parliament,
he had resolved to retire from the Government.
Consequently, on the following day, July 9, in ex
plaining his own resignation in the House of Commons,
he admitted that he had authorised my communication
with O'Connell, but with an injunction of due caution.
Lord Althorp could not explain that the confidence
I had in the abandonment of the Meetings clauses
had been created by his own assurance that he would
resign if they were not given up. Therefore in follow
ing Lord Althorp, admitting my own share of error, I
restricted myself to saying that in expressing my con
viction to O'Connell that the clauses would be given
up, ' I acted on an authority on which I thought I
could rely.'
O'Connell followed. He had been vehemently up
braided by his friends for his treachery. He retracted
all his charges against me, recanted on every point,
and employed the most fulsome praise of my candour
and sincerity.
I believe there was a general feeling that I had not
been fairly dealt with. Henry Grattan expressed this
opinion strongly in the House of Commons, which
responded to his remarks, and Lord Haddington in the
House of Lords did me justice. c 2

20 MEMOIR AND CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO
I am far, however, from wishing to represent myself
as entirely free from error in this affair. My entire
confidence in O'Connell's assurance that he wrould con
sider my communication confidential was not war
ranted by his character or even by my own experience
of it. My only excuse was, that after Lord Melbourne's
declaration, and especially after Lord Althorp's express
determination to resign rather than submit to the re-
enactment of the clauses, it was impossible for me to
believe that they could be allowed again to appear in
the Bill. I therefore was less cautious than I should
have been to conceal from O'Connell a knowledge of
Lord Althorp's individual opinion. He was aware of
that opinion, and I admitted it.
Lord Althorp's justification for not resigning was that
Lord Grey had said that he had only nine or ten days
before received a private letter from Lord Wellesley,
in which he urged a renewal of the Act generally.
That private letter I never saw. But Lord Wellesley's
other letters to Lord Grey and to me will be found
among the following papers.
I retain the strong opinion I felt at the time, that
Lord Althorp should, consistently with his declared
determination — which was the occasion of my commu
nication to O'Connell — have compelled the omission of
the clauses, or should then have tendered his resigna
tion, and not when he did, which then had the effect
not of changing Earl Grey's mind, but of breaking up
his Government.
Lord Grey justified his refusal to concede the point
on the ground of Lord Wellesley's private letter of
a former date, not observing that it was completely

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 21
revoked by his official1 one of June 21. I think
Lord Grey's ground was narrow, highly unconstitu
tional, and most impolitic. His obstinate persistence
in an unqualified renewal, in spite of the Lord-Lieu
tenant's disclaimer of its necessity, was fed by his
resentment against O'Connell, who had covered him
with the most foul-mouthed abuse, and by jealousy of
his colleagues, and especially of Brougham, whom he
knew to counsel concession, and, as he thought, for a
sinister purpose.
After Lord Grey's retirement his resentment was
strongly directed against Lord Brougham, whom he
suspected of having originated all the mischief by
secret communication with Lord Wellesley. Lord
Brougham himself, in the House of Lords, had avowed
his correspondence with Lord Wellesley on the subject,
and I had told Lord Grey of the exact nature of the
communication I had with Brougham. But it seemed
to strengthen rather than diminish his suspicion of "
Brougham's motives. It was impossible to have erred
more Widely. The Chancellor, entirely engrossed and
fatigued with the business of his court and the House
of Lords, was only anxious to find a way of smoothing
a course for the great contested measure of the session,
and of obtaining new allies for the Government. Be
yond this he had not a motive. Every one knew that
his ambition was unbounded, and it is possible that on
Lord Grey's often repeated determination to retire he
1 [Lord Hatherton applies the term ' official ' to this communication ;
but, as has been pointed out by the present Earl Grey, it was not in
reality an ' official ' communication, being addressed to the First Lord
of the Treasury, who regarded it as a private letter* — H R. 1872.]

22 MEMOIR AND CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO
might have conceived the notion of succeeding him.
But of his anxiety to uphold the fabric of Lord Grey's
administration there was as little doubt in the minds
of all who knew him as there was of his affection and
regard for Lord Grey personally.
To the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland it appears to me
that no one can impute any blame in these transactions.
He acted under the best advice he could obtain. He
complained much, and to his last days, that Lord Mel
bourne had been negligent in answering his letters on
the subject of a renewal of the Coercion Act : that
he had written to him urgently asking his advice as to
the best time and manner of bringing the matter under
the consideration of the Cabinet, and that he left his
letters unanswered. Lord Melbourne probably knew
it would prove a difficult question with Lord Grey —
one on which the Cabinet would be divided. From
whatever cause, Lord Wellesley had no answer from
the Secretary of State ! Who can blame him if, under
such circumstances, he acted on the suggestions of the
Lord Chancellor and his Chief Secretary? Lord
Wellesley felt so strongly this neglect on Lord Mel
bourne's part, that in the only personal interview he
ever had with him afterwards, and which he purposely
sought, he told him to his face, ' You were the culprit,
and you made me the victim.' Considering Lord
Melbourne's office, it was hardly fair to decline advice
when asked by the Lord-Lieutenant. But his refusal to
commit himself was a proof of his sagacity and habitual
discretion. I ought not to conclude this Memoir without record-

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 23
ing the highly honourable conduct of Lord Althorp to
me in the sequel of this affair.
Lord Melbourne having been commissioned by the
King to reconstruct the administration on Lord Grey's
retirement from it, was engaged in that task, when one
morning Lord Tavistock and Lord Ebrington called on
me, and told me that all the members of the Whig
party had signed an address to Lord Althorp, urging
him to remain in the Government, as without his aid
the party would break up ; but that the same step not
having been adopted towards Lord Grey, they feared
his feelings would be much wounded, and that his
mortification would be aggravated by my being re
tained in the Government, because it would look as if
his colleagues and parliamentary supporters condemned
him, while they did not condemn me. I at once
acquiesced, assuring them that I had no feeling so near
my heart as a desire to do everything to soothe and
honour one for whom I entertained the greatest respect
and affection. They assured me that although they
believed that many entertained a desire for my retire
ment for the reason stated, their act in coming to me
was entirely their own, unprompted by any party or
by any motive, except the desire to soothe Lord Grey.
I replied that from the remarkable kindness with which
Lord Grey had begged me not to resign only a few
days before his own retirement, and from his manner
and the expressions he employed at an interview with
me after that event, I thought Lord Grey would con
sider my continuance in office as his own act ; but
that, nevertheless, my confidence in their judgment
decided me on retiring.

24 MEMOIR AND CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO
I immediately wrote to Lord Melbourne the letter
dated the 16th of July, and sent it to him at the
Foreign Office, where he and all his colleagues were
assembled that morning, previously to going to St.
James's to receive their seals, and to kiss hands on
their new appointments. I received no reply. But in
the course of the afternoon, after a curious interview
with the Lord Chancellor at the House of Lords, I
found a messenger had been there from Lord Melbourne?
and that he had been long running about the town
after me. I immediately repaired to Lord Melbourne's
house in South Street, where I found him and Lord
Althorp in their court dresses, waiting for me ; from
the former of whom I learnt that they had all been at
St. James's ; but that Lord Althorp, having been made
acquainted with the contents of my letter, had told
his Majesty that, reviewing what had passed, he felt it
impossible to continue in the Government unless I con
tinued also. That we were in the same position, and
must stand or fall together. That consequently it had
been requisite to defer the presentation of the Ministers
to their several offices, and it rested with me to say
whether the Government should be reconstructed by
him or not. Lord Althorp then repeated for himself
the same statement to me. I assured Lord Melbourne
I had ever had but one anxiety, not to be in their way,
and that I begged they would use me as they pleased.
They all consequently re-assembled at St. James's and
kissed hands.
I could have felt no surprise if my resignation had
been accepted, and Lord Althorp had continued in the
Government. His conduct was quite unexpected by

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 25
me. It was a noble act, dictated by a fine sense of
honour, the public knowledge and remembrance of
which I hope this brief Memoir may be the means of
perpetuating. His public spirit, too, in resuming office, from which
he had so long and so anxiously desired an escape, is
worthy of the highest commendation. Hatherton.
Teddesley, September 1840.
On re-perusing this Memoir, after a long interval of time,
for the purpose of re-considering whether there was any fact,
sentiment, or expression which required correction — a duty
the more hinding from the circumstance of Lord Grey and
Lord Althorp being now dead — I find nothing save a few
terms relating to O'Connell that requires alteration.
I ought perhaps to have noted particularly the fact of
Lord Grey's extreme unwillingness to continue in office, and
Althorp's eagerness to find an opportunity to escape from it,
long before the occurrences related in this memoir. No
doubt they both accepted the more readily on that account
the opportunity thus offered. Besides other abundant proofs
of their disposition to escape from the turmoil of office, my
own letters to Lord Wellesley throughout the Session of 1834
sufficiently prove it.
Teddesley, Dec. 1846.
'- Teddesley, 4th Nov. 1849.
I this day showed this Memoir to Mr. Fazakerley, who
admitted its perfect accuracy and fairness, and approved of
its compilation. He begged me also to show it to Macaulay,
in whose hands I placed it, and who kept it two days. Ma
caulay, in returning it to me, said he had not a doubt, from
all he had ever heard of the transactions explained in it, of

26 MEMOIR AND CORRESPONDENCE, ETC.
its being fairly drawn up ; that he was surprised I had con
sented to take so large a share of blame on myself, and still
more that I had trusted O'Connell after his conduct to me in
1831, and the exposure I gave him in the House of Commons,
which he himself (Macaulay) well remembered. He begged
me to show the Memoir to Lord Lansdowne. Bowood, 4th January 1850.
I this day received back from Lord Lansdowne this book,
who kept it two days, and returning it to me said, ' He had
found in it some circumstances he had not before been aware
of, especially that which explained the part which Lord
Brougham had had in advising me. He thought the state
ment very fairly drawn up, and that I had judged rightly in
leaving it behind me.' 30th January 1850.
Macaulay told me this day that he went from Teddesley
to Althorp, where Lord Spencer had shown him his brother's
letters and papers on the same subject, ' which corroborated
every part of my statement in the most complete manner.
Lord Spencer's collection contained one letter which is not
to be found in mine, a letter from Lord Althorp to Lord
Brougham, blowing him up for the advice he had given, and
accusing him of being the real author of all the mischief.'
I think Lord Althorp's censure was unjust, for the reasons
given in this Memoir. H.

GOBBESPONDENCE.

COBBESPONDENCE.

Extract from a Letter of the Right Hon. Edward J.
Littleton, Chief Secretary for Lr eland, to the Marquis
Wellesley, K.G., Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland.
Grosvenor Place, June 18, 1S34.
My dear Lord, — You will perceive by the papers
that the Coercion Act Renewal Bill is to be forthwith
introduced. It will be brought into the House of
Lords by Lord Melbourne. I am to see him on Satur
day, to select the documents we shall lay on the tables
of both Houses.
O'Connell had thought that by assisting us in the
Tithe Bill, and by using his influence in Ireland to
procure submission to it, we might be induced to make
him the sacrifice of this measure. He would have con- '
sented to the preventive part of the Bill being renewed,
so as to give effective powers to check agrarian dis
turbances (he told me this). But what he dislikes and
fears is the power to prohibit meetings, &c. His rage
is excessive. It is perhaps in some degree assumed.
He knows his threats to be idle. The Bill will not be
twenty fines ; and yet he talks of debating every clause,
and calling the House over day by day.
I remain, my dear Lord, most faithfully yours,
E. J. Littleton.

30 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO

II.
Copy of a Letter from the Right Hon. E. J. Littleton
to the Attorney-General for Ireland, Mr. Blackburne.
(Secret.) Grosvenor Place, June 19, 1834,
My dear Attorney-General, — I wish you would take
the accompanying letter (about the Change of Venue
Bill) and talk to the Lord-Lieutenant about it.
It is necessary to know your opinion upon it. But
my main object in writing is to give you a pretext for
going to him at a moment when I know he will be glad
of a visit from you on another subject on which Lord
Brougham and I have both written to him this day —
a restriction of the Coercion Bill to the powers requisite
to suppress agrarian disturbances.
It would take me more time than I have left till the
post goes out to give you all the reasons why many of
us deem such a modification of the Act most desirable
for the interest of the existing Government.
If we could know that Lord Wellesley would consent
to this by return of post, it would keep the Irish
members quite straight with us on the Tithe Bill on
Monday, and if we can but agree on this the Lords
cannot hurt us. But if we differ in the House of
Commons the Lords will succeed in giving us a com
plete discomfiture on the Tithe Bill before the end of
the Session.
It would not dissolve the Government, but it would
leave the Church to collect its revenues with about the

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 31
same success in the south of Ireland that Mr. Locke
had. I suppose you know his case.
This letter is, of course, entirely confidential.
Yours faithfully, E. J. Littleton.

in.
The Attorney -General for Ireland to the
Right Hon. E. J. Littleton.
(Confidential.) Dublin, 21st June, 1834.
My dear Sir, — In compliance with your desire I
called on the Lord-Lieutenant, who had previously
communicated with the Chancellor respecting the
omission of the provisions you mention in the Act for
the renewal of the Coercion Bill. Since Lord Wellesley
succeeded to the Government here — indeed, ever since
the passing of the Act — there has been a total cessation
of all the associations against which the provisions of
the first three clauses of the Act are directed, and I am
entirely persuaded that a re-formation of them can only
be effected by the exertions of one person. Of the
probability of such an event you can judge much better
than we can. Certain it is that in this respect there is
not any present existing evil which can be adduced to
prove the necessity of continuing the powers of the
Act. On the other hand, if facility can be- acquired in

32 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO
passing the remainder of the Act (without the Court
Martial clauses) and in passing the Tithe Bill (a
measure become essential to the existence of the
clergy), there is scarcely room to question the expe
diency of giving up the part of the measure which
appears to be an impediment to both these objects.
This I stated to the Lord-Lieutenant as my view of the
subject, and I believe it agrees with that which he
entertains. We may have occasion to regret the loss of the
powers which the omitted clauses would have conferred
upon us. A letter to the electors of Wexford, pub
lished yesterday, forbids us to expect a cessation of the
agitation of the repeal. I hope, however, that the vote
of both Houses of Parliament will tend to abate a good
deal of the delusion under which we have hitherto
laboured. Ever, my dear Sir, most faithfully and truly yours,
J. Blackburne.
To the Right Hon. E. J. Littleton, M.P.

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 33
IV.
The Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland to the
Right Hon. E. J. Littleton.
(Private.) Phoenix Park, 21st June, 1834.
My dear Sir, — I have received your letter1 of the
19th of June. I entirely agree with you, and have
written to Lords Grey, Brougham, and Melbourne
accordingly. The Venue Bill may be allowed to expire.
Always yours affectionately, W.
Right Hon. E. J. Littleton, M.P.

V.
The Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland to Earl Grey, K.G?
(Secret.) Phoenix Park, June 21, 1834.
My dear Lord, — Understanding from some commu
nications with Mr. Littleton that the omission of those
1 Vide p. 10 of the preceding Memoir.
2 [This letter remained unpublished and unknown until it was printed
by me in the ' Edinburgh Review ' for July, 1871, in answer to the as
sertion, which was repeated by the present Earl Grey in a letter addressed
to that journal, that this letter was a strictly private and confidential
one. I do not so regard it, though that statement was repeatedly made
in Parliament when an attempt was made to force Ministers to produce
the correspondence, which they most properly refused to submit to.
But the letter has an official character. It was addressed by the Lord-
Lieutenant of Ireland to the Prime Minister of England. It was laid
before the Cabinet, and upon this document the whole subsequent deci
sion of the question turned. It had therefore the greatest possible in
fluence on the subsequent course of events. — H. R.]
D

34 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO
clauses in the Protective Act (which confer extensive
and extraordinary powers of preventing meetings, &c,
on the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland) would facilitate
other measures of importance in their progress through
Parliament, and would also secure the re-enactment of
the other important provisions of the Act, I think it
may be convenient to your Lordship to receive an early
statement of my sentiments on the subject.
The objects of that Act were to prevent agitation as
the remote cause of outrage, and to restrain the nightly
assemblies of the people, the effect of that cause.
The powers conferred on the Lord-Lieutenant of
prohibiting and suppressing meetings were directed to
check the first of these evils, and unquestionably were
successful in their first operation ; but your Lordship
cannot forget that they were found useless during the
whole course of the agitation for the Repeal of the
Union, and that perhaps the happy result of that
agitation is in some respect to be ascribed to the
moderation of the Government in abstaining from the
exercise of the powers which it possessed. The ques
tion of the Repeal of the Union is quite extinct, and if
(as I hope) an efficient Tithe Bill is passed, it will be
impossible to revive the agitation, unless a clamour can
be raised on some such question as the renewal of
great and extraordinary powers of an arbitrary spirit
without evident necessity.
Unless, therefore, the necessity is evident, the renewal
of the powers would only serve to furnish new ground
for agitation and violence.
I am aware that it is possible, when these powers
shall be withdrawn, some meetings under a different

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 35
character, but of an equally factious and troublesome
spirit, may arise ; and that it is not the Party of Repeal
alone from which mischief is to be apprehended. But
I think that the ordinary powers of the law, with the
weight of public opinion, would easily defeat such
wicked attempts. I cannot therefore state that I con
sider the preservation of the clauses respecting Meetings
as they now stand in the Act to be essential to the
public tranquillity of Ireland, or that the omission of
them would endanger the public safety. The powers
conferred by those'clauses of the Act directed against
the nightly councils and assemblies of the people, and
imposing restraints upon disorderly movements and
excesses, may be rather deemed as precautionary
moral regulations than infractions of civil rights.
These regulations must be re-enacted ; without them it
will be scarcely possible to maintain the public peace.
If a Bill could be framed continuing to the executive
authority the power of enforcing these regulations for
three or five years, such an extension of time to this
part of the Bill would be an ample retribution for the
loss of all its other provisions.
On a very material branch of this question I can
not perhaps touch without exceeding the limits of my
official duty, but it is so closely interwoven with
every part of the subject that I am certain your
Lordship will not disapprove that excess of zeal,
however indiscreet. I mean the general necessity of
producing to Parliament in the present crisis the
most temperate measures which the public safety will
admit, respecting the condition of Ireland. The Act
in question must be deemed an exception to the spirit
D 2

36 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO
and character of your Lordship's Government ; it
was expressly founded on the necessity of the case,
it was stated to be temporary and transient in its
nature, and an impatience was felt and signified to be
relieved from the burthen of continuing such a law. I
think that the demonstration of a fixed aversion to the
renewal of any provisions of this law, which cannot be
proved to be within the strict necessity of the case now
existing, would not fail to produce a most salutary effect
in the House of Commons and in the mind of every
liberal man in the country. I think an union is now
more necessary than ever to meet the array of the
enemy. This, I believe, would tend greatly to accelerate
the Irish Tithe Bill and other measures, and to bring
the Session to an early and tranquil conclusion. Your
Lordship will perceive that some parts of this letter
differ from my letter to Lord Melbourne of the 11th
June ; but I trust that the change of circumstances
since that time will sufficiently justify the difference.
In opening the subject of the renewal of this Act to
Parliament, I am convinced that your Lordship will
render justice to the spirit in which it has been adminis
tered. To the meetings I have never applied it. I left
the frantic project of the Repeal of the Union to destroy
itself by discussion and free reason. Where I have
applied the law the cases were irresistible, and it was
loudly and repeatedly demanded by the voice of the
country. Even then I applied it reluctantly and with
every precaution, and it has everywhere been attended
with complete effect. Your Lordship knows whether
I have sought for the renewal of these tremendous
powers (more dreadful perhaps to me than to the people

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 37
of Ireland) with less discretion than I have exercised
them ; and I rely on your Lordship and Lord Melbourne
with the fullest confidence for my defence against any
assaults which may be directed either upon any alleged
violence or timidity in the exercise of the powers com
mitted to me by this law, or upon any suggestions which
I have offered for its amendment.
Believe me, &c,
(Signed) Wellesley.
The Earl Grey, K.G. (Endorsed.)
Lord Wellesley's letter to Lord Grey recommending the omission of
certain clauses in the Bill for renewing the Coercion Act, June 21, 1834.

VI.
Right Hon. E. J. Littleton to Viscount Althorp, M.P.,
Chancellor of Ihe Exchequer. 23rd June, 1834.
Dear Lord Althorp, — Having observed, in looking
through the Correspondence relating to the state of
Ireland, that there is nowhere one paragraph that would
justify the re-enactment of the powers in the Coercion
Act for prohibiting meetings, I wrote to Lord Wellesley
and Blackburne on the subject.
I enclose you their answers. Blackburne's you may
show Lord Grey if you please ; but not Lord Welles
ley's, for a reason I will tell you when I see you.

38 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO
If Lord Grey can concur, and will state in the House
of Lords at five o'clock to-day the intention of the Go
vernment with respect to the Coercion Act, it will
smooth many difficulties in the House of Commons.
Yours faithfully, E. J. Littleton.
Lord Althorp did not reply to this letter, as I saw
him soon after it was sent to him. He told me he was
truly glad to receive it. He was not sure Lord Welles
ley's communication might not break up the Govern
ment. But that he never would consent, after the
receipt of Lord Wellesley's declaration that the powers
to suppress meetings were unnecessary, to vote for
those clauses; and that therefore the Government must
be broken up if Lord Grey would not yield. Lord
Althorp advised me to see O'Connell, with a view to
keep him quiet.
Lord Melbourne, whom I had seen previously, and
who was very angry with Lord Wellesley and me,
admitted that the Government must yield.
I did not see Lord Grey till several days after I had
seen O'Connell. He showed me Lord Wellesley's first
letter of June 21, and another received subsequently,
in both of which Lord Wellesley insisted in the strongest
terms on the inexpediency of renewing the Meetings
clauses. H.

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 39

VII.
Right Hon. E. J. Littleton to the Lord-Lieutenant
of Ireland. Grosvenor Place, June 23rd, 1834.
My dear Lord, — Two-thirds of the Cabinet and every
one connected with the Government will greatly re
joice at the prospect held out by your letter of the
abandonment of the unnecessary power for the sup
pression of Meetings. I do not see how the continuance
of it could have been justified on the face of the papers
that will be laid on the table, in not one of which is
there a syllable from which the necessity for reviving
that particular enactment can be inferred.
The Cabinet must of course go with you. When a
Lord-Lieutenant asks for unconstitutional powers, they
may be properly withheld by a Government at home.
But when he declares they can be dispensed with, no
Government can require them from Parliament.
If I mistake not, you will reap the fruit of your
decision in great popularity here, and a peaceful autumn
in Ireland.
I remain, my dear Lord, very faithfully yours,
E. J. Littleton.

40 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO
VIII.
Extract from a Letter from the Right Hon. E. J.
Littleton to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland.
Irish Office, June 24, 1834.
My dear Lord, — Lord Althorp, who was delighted
with your recommendation conveyed to Lord Grey
yesterday, told me in the evening that Lord Grey was
extremely angry with me, for having suggested to you
that the abandonment of the power to suppress meet
ings might afford facilities for the transaction of other
business now before Parliament.
I accordingly visited Lord Melbourne this morning.
I found Melbourne anxious to retain the power. I
found Lord Grey in good humour and high spirits,
quite determined, however, to retain the power. And
that he had written to you to express his conviction
that so far from affording facilities, the abandonment of
that part of the Coercion Bill which gives power to
suppress meetings would only draw down on us the
ridicule of the Tories and their fiercer opposition.
Notwithstanding this disposition on their parts, I feel
persuaded the Bill will be confined to the object of
suppressing agrarian disturbances. It is a measure on
which Lord Althorp can have his own way. Lord
Grey takes of all questions the House of Lords view.
A Cabinet will consider the question to-morrow. I
will learn and convey to you the result by to-morrow's
post. I remain, my dear Lord, very faithfully yours,
E. J. Littleton.

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 41
IX.
The Lord- Lieutenant of Ireland to the
Right Hon. E. J. Littleton.
(Private.) Dublin Castle, 24th June, 1834.
My dear Sir, — I have been shut up in the Privy
Council two entire days on Tithe Appeals, and I have
finished them all with the reluctant aid of the Chan
cellor. I wish to mention that I have looked over the
Protective Act, and that I think the clauses you enume
rate, with the alterations you propose, will answer all
purposes. I send you, through Sir W. Gosset, some
notions from Vignoles.
There have been indications of Orange tomfooleries
for the lst July. I desired Sir W. Gosset to send a
circular letter some days ago to the Lieutenants of
Counties, of which I conclude he has sent you a copy.
I should be much obliged to you if as soon as possible
you would send me a copy of the Inclosures No. (1)
and (2) to my despatch of the 18th January 1834 to
Lord Melbourne. I find I have no copy of them here.
I hope to hear from you all to-morrow.
Always yours affectionately, W.
• To this letter, which is of insignificant importance,
the following memorandum was annexed : —
(Secret. To be destroyed when read.)
The Chancellor (Lord Plunket) is much annoyed at
the whole course of policy respecting the Church. He

42 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO
told me that he had not been consulted, and did not
consider himself pledged to support it.
He complained also that the Tithe Bill had been
altered without his consent, and that he would not
support it in the House of Lords. He greatly dislikes
the Commission ; also the alterations in the Protective
Act ; and says that he is grieved and alarmed at the
general aspect of affairs.
I never saw him so much out of spirits and temper.
(Endorsed ' Secret.')

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 43

X.
The Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland to the
Right Hon. E. J. Littleton, M.P.
(Private and Secret.) Phcenix Park, 25th June, 1834.
My dear Sir, — I have received a letter from Lord
Grey, expressing great aversion to the omission of the
Meetings clauses, and stating a positive opinion that
¦ the proposed concession would not facilitate the
progress of the Tithe Bill, or of the remaining parts of
the Coercion Bill, and still less would render it possible
to propose any extension of the term of the Coercion
Bill.' I should be very unwilling to oppose his opinion,
and shall certainly be satisfied with whatever' course
the Cabinet chooses to adopt. The whole question
appears to me doubtful, if it be certain that we cannot
obtain an extension of the Act in point of time. Let me
know how this matter stands. I wish you joy of your
victory over O'Connell on Tuesday morning ; 360 to
99 is tolerable odds. Ever yours affectionately, W.

44 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO

XI.
Extract of a letter from the Right Hon E. J. Littleton to
the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland.
Grosvenor Place, Sunday, June 29, 1833.
My dear Lord, — A Cabinet was held this evening, at
which your two letters to Lord Grey were read and
discussed. As you had expressed your willingness to acquiesce
in any decision they might come to on the subject of
the Coercion Act, and as Lord Grey declared that
nothing should shake his resolve not to propose any
renewal which did not embrace the provisions respect
ing Meetings, his colleagues yielded the point. The
Act will consequently be renewned, with the exception
of the Court-martial clauses. I feel deeply mortified
by this determination. My conviction is that it is one
of pure and unmitigated folly. The Irish members
were getting into good humour, under a belief that the
measure would be restricted to the necessity of the case.
O'Connell was heartily repenting of his letter to the
Wexford people. He was really anxious to render us
covert service.
I knew this by various intelligible signs, and through
various channels. Shaw had equally discovered it, and
the faction that he leads — full as despicable as O'Con
nell's (indeed it has less justification for its violence)
— was becoming furious.
O'Connell will now commence a new agitation. The
first thunder will appear in the ' True Sun ' the day

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 45
after Lord Grey proposes the bill in the House of
Lords. We shall lose the county of Wexford, in which
election O'Connell had not intended to have interfered,
and we shall be frustrated in the collection of the land
tax, which he was disposed to have allowed to take its
course. I am persuaded there never was a more unwise act
than this Cabinet decision, and what is singular is,
that the majority feel it to be so.
Another alteration of the Tithe Bill emanated from
this Cabinet meeting.
* * * #
I remain, my dear Lord, very faithfully yours,
E. J. Littleton.

46 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO

XII.
The Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland to the Right Hon.
E. J. Littleton, M.P.
(Private.) Phcenix Park, 29th June, 1834.
My dear Sir, — I am grieved to perceive by a letter
from Lord Melbourne that mine to Lord Grey is pro
ductive of great inconvenience and embarrassment. I
wish they would let you see it, and I think you would
be of opinion that it affords no proof of any such inten
tion on my part, whatever may be its effect. Whatever
the Cabinet shall determine I shall abide by it as cor
dially as if it were my own opinion. But surely I have
not committed any intentional outrage by a plain state
ment ' that no proof can be furnished of the actual
existence of any necessity in Ireland for the renewal of
the powers of suppressing Meetings.'
I see that Lord Grey has given notice of the intro
duction of the Renewal Act for Tuesday. I am glad
of it.
Many thanks for the caricature, which is excellent.
Always yours affectionately,
Wellesley.
Right Hon. E. J. Littleton, M.P.

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 47

xm.
Extract from a letter from the Right Hon.
E. J. Littleton to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland.
Grosvenor Place, July 1, 1834.
My dear Lord, — Lord Melbourne was a little
chagrined at your having written to Lord Grey instead
of to him on the subject of the Coercion Bill. The
Cabinet has just received a slight accession of Libe
ralism. Brougham's suggestion to you was made in
consequence of it. I think it was also recommended by
good sense. But had the recent changes not occurred,
Brougham would not have mooted the point. Mel
bourne, therefore, would have wished at all events to
have been the party through whom your suggestions
should have been made. He told me this. However
the ' embarrassment ' has been easily got over by your
prudent assurance conveyed in both your letters, which
I saw, that while you thought it right to express your
own conviction, you would subscribe to the wishes of
the Cabinet. The Ministers, however, are in a great
stew lest you should be angry. Several of them have
declared to me their apprehensions. Your next letter
is therefore looked for with anxiety.
I rejoice you took the step you did, which will be
useful though it did not succeed.
* * * # *
Ever, my dear Lord, faithfully yours,
E. J. Littleton.

-48 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO

Memorandum on the course taken by Lord Wellesley on
learning that Lord Grey disapproved his proposal.
The Cabinet having determined the question and
resolved to persevere with the Bill unaltered, Lord
Wellesley immediately addressed to the Secretary of
State the following despatch. It was not consistent
with the opinions Lord Wellesley had himself formed
and expressed some days previously ; but it was
dictated by a manly determination to carry out the
policy of the Government, whatever that might be,
and to heal the breach which Lord Wellesley's letter
of June 21 had unintentionally opened.
The Lord-Lieutenant's official declaration was in the
following terms, but it is not clear whether it had
reached the hands of Earl Grey when he moved the
second reading of the Coercion Bill on the following
day (July 3) in the House of Lords.

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 49

XIV.
The Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland to the Secretary of State
for the Home Department.
(Secret.) Dublin Castle, July 2nd, 1834.
My Lord, — Your Lordship and His Majesty's Go
vernment must have given the fullest consideration to
the documents which I have regularly submitted to
you, concerning the internal condition of Ireland with
regard to pnblic tranquillity ; and you will no doubt
have formed the conclusion which must result from an
examination of those documents, that although im
provement has been made in several important points,
the disposition to combine against the law and to resist
its due administration still exists to an alarming degree.
In the course of my observations upon these docu
ments, I have expressed my opinion that it would be
highly dangerous to the public peace to suffer the Act
for ' the more effectual suppression of local distur
bances and dangerous associations in Ireland' to expire,
which event must take place on the lst August, unless
the law should be renewed.
The necessity which originally required the enact
ment of that statute in my judgment still continues.
In many districts of Ireland the most dreadful excesses
have been committed, and a lawless spirit prevails
which the ordinary course of justice cannot reach.
It is therefore my decided opinion that the Act in
question should be renewed. Your Lordship and His
Majesty's Government will be better able than I can

50 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO
be to form a judgment upon the propriety of altering
in any degree the provisions of that Act.
It has afforded me great satisfaction to receive the
approbation of His Majesty's Government in the exer
cise of the powers entrusted to my station under the
law as it now stands, and under any renewal of it your
Lordship may be assured that I shall endeavour to
pursue the same course of firmness and moderation.
I have the honour to be, my Lord, with great truth
and regard, your Lordship's faithful servant,
(Signed) Wellesley.

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 61

XV.
The Lord- Lieutenant of Ireland to the Right Hon.
E. J. Littleton.
(Private.) Phoenix Park, July 3rd, 1834.
My dear Sir, — I am greatly obliged to you for your
kind letters during the late curious discussion, which I
was hoping to hear had terminated at last ; this event
was communicated to me this morning in a veiy kind
note from Lord Grey. O'Connell (with the aid of
Stanley !) seems resolved to justify the retention of the
powers of controlling him. I agree with you that I
have no reason to repent the step which I took ; but I
am not at all angry with those who viewed the matter
in a different light, as you will perceive by my letters of
yesterday to Lords Grey and Melbourne. I received
yesterday a most friendly and kind letter from Lord
Melbourne. Nothing would grieve me more than to have appa
rently (really is impossible) neglected him. I wrote to
Lord Grey expressly for the purpose of keeping my
communication out of the official channel ; and I
mentioned this to Lord Melbourne on the same day.
You will remember that you advised me to write to
Lord Grey. Shall I now write any explanation to
Melbourne, for whom I really entertain sincere af
fection ?
Ever, my dear sir, yours affectionately,
Wellesley.
Right Hon. E. J. Littleton.
e2

62 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO

XVI.
Right Hon. E. J. Littleton to the Lord-Lieutenant
of Ireland. Grosvenor Place, July 4, 1834.
My dear Lord, — You will see in the papers a report
of a most unpleasant discussion which occurred in the
House of Commons last night. The shortest way to
put you in possession of the merits of the case will be
to describe to you seriatim the facts.
When your first letter came over to Lord Grey,
recommending the abandonment of that part of the
Coercion Bill which empowers the Lord-Lieutenant to
suppress meetings, Lord Althorp and I had an imme
diate interview, at which he said that your communi
cation rendered it impossible to renew that part of the
Act ; that he would never vote for it, and that he was
quite confident it would be omitted. He concurred
fully in a suggestion which I made to him that, if that
were the case, it would be as well that O'Connell
should be put on his guard and not be allowed to run,
under erroneous impressions, into another system of
agitation, which he was evidently about to commence.
It was accordingly settled that I should see O'Connell,
and, under an injunction of secrecy, which we both
conceived he would respect, inform him we had reasons
for thinking the Bill would not be renewed in an ob
noxious form. I felt so entirely satisfied, from Lord
Althorp's assurances, that the measure would be simply
confined to agrarian disturbances, that I did not
hesitate to tell O'Connell that the Irish Government

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 63
was of opinion that any other enactment was, under
all circumstances, unnecessary ; and on O'Connell ex
pressing some doubt whether others in the Cabinet
would not overrule the opinions of the Lord-Lieutenant
and myself, I added that ' my own feeling about it
was so decided that I did not think it possible for me
to vote for the measure in any other form than as
directed against agrarian disturbances.' I added that
the moment the question was definitely settled he
should be informed.
What was my surprise when, only two or three days
afterwards, I heard the whole conversation repeated in
the House of Commons.
I of course kept my word by informing O'Connell of
the failure of my expectation when Lord Grey insisted
on the renewal of the powers respecting meetings.
But I did so through a third party, not thinking it safe
to have any further communication with him per
sonally. He was standing under the throne while Lord Grey
made his speech, and there stated openly and fully all
that had passed between him and myself to everybody
who would hear it.
The embarrassment in which this black act of perfidy
on his part has placed the Government was put au
comble yesterday, by the inevitable explanation in the
House of Commons. I have not seen any other
report of the discussion than that in the ' Morning
Post,' which .makes scandalous misrepresentations and
perversions of the facts stated on both sides. I have
no doubt that in the ' Times ' and ' Chronicle ' you will
see them impartially stated.

64 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO
I wrote this morning to Lord Althorp to beg that
if my retirement from office could smooth in any
manner the embarrassment in which the Government
was placed by the indiscretion of which I had been
guilty in having so far confided in O'Connell, I hoped
there would be no hesitation in telling me so ; that the
only reason I had not begged to retire was that I could
not discover how a resignation on my part could aid
them. All this dilemma is the result of an unconstitutional
determination on the part of Lord Grey to take powers
the necessity for which is disclaimed by the Irish
Government. Both Lord Althorp and Lord Melbourne told me, on
the morning on which I saw O'Connell, that your
advice would of course be acquiesced in. My indis
cretion, therefore, was not so great as it must appear.
But it is impossible to explain this publicly.
It would appear from O'Connell's speech that my
great object in seeing him had been to trick him into
inactivity during the Wexford election. The subject
was never mentioned between us. It was only referred
to incidentally when I cited his letter to the people of
Wexford as an evidence that he seemed disposed to
run into a violent course.
I will write to you, again if it be possible, after I
have seen some of the Government this evening.
I have not time to write to Gosset, but I should like
him to know the tenour of this statement.
Ever, my dear Lord, yours faithfully, E. J. Littleton.

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 55
I see the ' Times' ' report is tolerably correct, except
that in O'Connell's speech your name is substituted by
mistake for Anglesey's. The statement that I quoted
Lord Anglesey's confidence in O'Connell was a mistake
of his, for I can hardly suppose it to have been a
dehberate lie. He himself mentioned it by way of
boast. To His Excellency the Lord-Lieutenant.

56 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO

XVII.
The enclosed letter from Lord Althorp, dated July 4,
1834, was written in answer to a note from me, in
which I expressed my willingness to retire, if my doing
so could at all relieve the embarrassment in which my
imprudence and O'Connell's perfidy had placed them.
Viscount Althorp to the Right Hon. E. J. Littleton, M.P.
(Private.) Downing Street, July 4, 1834.
My dear Littleton, — The scrape we are in I admit
to be a great one, but I do not see how your resigna
tion will do us any good now. If you had resigned
when I told you first of the decision of the Cabinet, it
would have been better for yourself; but it must have
broken up the Government. If you resign now you
will injure yourself, and do us no good. I will show
your letter to Lord Grey. I think you were quite
right in making the offer, and it is possible, but I do
not think probable, that he may differ from me as to
the course to be pursued. I confess I do not see my
way very clearly. What I should like best is that we
should be beaten on the three clauses in the House
of Commons — a thing I think extremely probable — and
then of course Lord Grey, and indeed all of us, must
resign, and so get out of all difficulty. I wish only
you had told me at first the whole of the conversation
you had with O'Connell, and I then would have taken
a course which would have saved you from this scrape.

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 57
Because had I known what you had done I would
have stood firm, and smashed the Government at once.
I have not seen Lord Grey yet since the scene in the
House of Commons ; he was out all yesterday evening.
I am very doubtful whether he may not think the
scrape irremediable. I think it nearly so.
Yours most truly,
Althorp.

Memorandum on Lord Althorp's Letter of July 4.
I did not reply to Lord Althorp's letter of the 4th,
as I wishei to avoid anything like controversy with
him. But I asked the advice of Lord Ebrington
and Fazakerley, two of Lord Althorp's most esteemed
friends, and disclosed to them without reserve a most
complete detail of all that had passed in my interview
with Brougham, when he counselled my writing to
Lord Wellesley ; my correspondence with Lord Wel
lesley ; my interview with Lord Melbourne, when he
assured me I might rely on the abandonment of the
clauses; my interview with Lord" Althorp ; his promise
that the clauses should be abandoned, or that he would
resign ; and a precise detail of my brief interview with
O'Connell, held by Lord Althorp's authority, and Mr.
O'Connell's engagement to consider it strictly confi
dential. I told them that I had admitted to Mr.
O'Connell that Lord Althorp's sentiments on the pro
posed modifications for the Coercion Bill corresponded
with mine, but had given him no further information.
But that I had not denied, because I could not deny,

68 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO
Mr. O'Connell's declared knowledge of Lord Grey's
opposite opinions ; but I gave no further details. That
the reason why I had given Lord Althorp no fuller
information of my short conversation with O'Connell,
was that no importance whatever attached to it in my
mind, as I conceived no possible mischief could result
from it, till the moment that O'Connell published it to
all the world, when it was too late. I told them that,
in my opinion, the real mistake had been that com
mitted by Lord Althorp himself, in having misled me
by his positive assurances that he would insist on the
omission of the clauses, and that he should resign if it
were not conceded, which he knew Lord Grey would
not permit. This assurance of Lord Althorp, together
with Lord Melbourne's, were the causes of the complete
confidence with which I had acted. I thought that
Lord Ebrington and Eazakerly felt strongly with me.
But they committed themselves to no opinion ; but
after a short conference they proposed to go to Lord
Althorp, and confer with him. A short time after
wards they returned, and told me Lord Althorp would
do what I desired by making a full statement in the
House of his participation in the affair, which they
thought he was bound to do. H.

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 69

XVIII.
Lord Chancellor Brougham to the Right Hon.
E. J. Littleton.
Received at 10 a.m. July 5th, 1834.
(Private and confidential.) Saturday.
My dear Littleton, — I had no opportunity of defend
ing you last night when I first spoke, for you had not
been attacked. I afterwards, however, supplied the
defect, and as I think in the way most agreeable to
you — by throwing myself into the same boat with you,
which is always my desire when a friend is assailed.
I avowed having had the same views, and stated them
to Lord Farnham.
I have heard with astonishment and entire unbelief
the rumour that you thought of going out ! My an
swer was, ' Do you think I want to go too ? ' for I said
the same thing to others and to enemies.
Now I went into the case, and explained the use of
your speaking to O'Connell which followed from the
position you thought, and had reason to think, the
affair was in. But as to going out, I assure you I
never dreamt of it less, and I command you to dismiss
all such ideas if you have, in a fit of ill-humour, enter
tained them.
I wrote to Lord Wellesley.
Yours ever affectionately and sincerely,
H. B.

60 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO

XIX.
Right Hon. E. J. Littleton to the Lord Chancellor.
Grosvenor Place, 5th July, 1834.
My dear Lord Chancellor, — The very kind manner
in which you endeavoured to cover me yesterday
demands my best thanks.
I regret, however, to tell you that on the fullest
deliberation I have felt it impossible after what passed
in the House of Lords last night to avoid tending to
Lord Grey my resignation.
The universal construction that will be put on his
speech is that he thought there was no justification for
my conduct. I had no right to expect that he should
defend me. But an admission that the question of
extent or limitation with respect to the Coercion Bill
was open when I communicated with O'Connell, and
of his belief that I thought I had ample grounds for the
impression I gave to that rogue, would have cost Lord
Grey nothing, and would have done for me all I could
have desired.
As the matter stands on Lord Grey's speech, I do
not doubt that the public will think my retention of
office bad taste, and consequently culpable.
I will take care that my retirement shall be produc
tive of the least possible inconvenience to Government,
with reference to measures now before Parliament.
I remain, my dear Lord, very faithfully yours,
E. J. Littleton.
The Right Hon. the Lord Chancellor.

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 61

XX.
Right Hon. E. J. Littleton to Earl Grey, K.G.
[Sent to Lord Grey at 3 o'clock July 5, 1834.]
Grosvenor Place, Sth July, 1834.
My dear Lord, — I feel myself reluctantly compelled,
after a calm consideration of what is reported to have
occurred last night in the House of Lords, to tender
to you my resignation of the office I hold in your Go
vernment. Were I to remain in office, I am painfully apprehen
sive, after that discussion, that the public might consider
that I did so contrary to the wishes cf yourself and the
interests of your colleagues.
I take this step in ill-humour only with myself. I
am too conscious of being not the offended, but the
offending party. But having become involved in a
serious difficulty by an ill-judged act of confidence, I
must look to the best means in my power of preserving
myself from further injurious animadversion.
The only relief to the embarrassment of my position
could have been derived from a public admission on
the part of the Government that the precise limitation
of the intended Coercion Bill was unsettled at the time
of my communication with O'Connell, and that they
were sure that I was at that time justified in my own
mind in a belief that the Bill might be restricted as I
had described.
I had no right, however, to ask for such a declara-

62 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO
tion from them, whose position might have been
rendered still more difficult by it. I waited there
fore for the possible chance of its being voluntarily
made. That this has not been done I do not in the smallest
degree complain. But the occasion furnished by
the stricture" made on my conduct in the House of
Lords last night, having gone by without such palli
ation having been offered for it, I think it the safest
course for me to retire.
I hope I may be permitted to explain to my friends
the grounds on which I have thought it prudent to
take this step.
My resignation shall be rendered as little as possible
a source of inconvenience to the Government. I will
continue to sit behind the Treasury bench, will support
the Coercion Bill in its present shape, and will attend
to the Tithe and Church Bill in the Committees on
them, and shall also continue to testify by every means
in my power my entire participation in the principles
of your Government.
I cannot allow myself to close this communication
without expressing how sincerely grateful I feel for
the confidence, kindness, and courtesy I have always
experienced at your hands.
I remain, my dear Lord, with the greatest respect
and regard, most faithfully yours, E. J. Littleton.
The Earl Grey.

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 63

XXI.
Earl Grey, KG., to the Right Hon. E. J. Littleton, M.P.
(Private.) Downing Street, July 5th 1834.
My dear Littleton, — I have just received your letter,
and lose not a moment in requesting that you will take
no step, nor inform any one of your having written to
me, till I have consulted with some of my colleagues,
and particularly with Althorp.
I thought it best to confine myself to the simple de
claration that I knew nothing of the communication
with O'Connell, and that if I had been previously ap
prized of it I should have endeavoured to prevent it.
I could not have said that I thought the matter was
unsettled, because all Lord Wellesley's letters previous to
the 21st of June had expressed in the strongest terms
his opinion that none of the clauses of the Bill, except
those relating to courts-martial, should be omitted ;
and up to that time it was settled that it should be re
newed ; and instructions were given to the Attorney-
General, and a Bill actually drawn with that view. The
letter from Lord Wellesley of the 2 1 st took me quite
by surprise ; but, as I believe I told you, nothing would
have induced me to propose a renewal of the Bill or to
remain responsible for the peace of Ireland without
the Meetings clauses.
Nothing could give me greater pain than a separa
tion from you under any circumstances, but more par
ticularly under circumstances like the present. I can

64 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO
well understand the feelings by which you are actuated ;
but however strong they may be, I must again request
you not to suffer them to lead you to take any decisive
step^till further time has been taken for consideration.
I am, my dear Littleton, yours very sincerely,
Grey.
The Right Hon. E. J. Littleton.

Memorandum on Lord Grey's observation that ' he
could not have said he thought the matter unsettled,
because of Lord Wellesley s previous Letters'
Lord Grey seems not to be aware that I had re
ceived Lord Wellesley's suggestion that the meeting
clauses should be omitted, and that I had learnt from
themselves the sentiments of Lord Brougham, Lord
Althorp, and Lord Melbourne on the subject before
I saw O'Connell ; and that it was with Lord Althorp's
entire concurrence that I sought O'Connell. H.

POLITICAL. OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 65

XXI.

The Lord Chancellor to the Right Hon. E. J. Littleton.
Received at 7 o'clock, July Sth, 1834.
(Private.) Saturday.
My dear L — — , — Lord Grey would have said so
had it struck him. Nothing can be more perfect than
his feeling towards and his esteem and value for you.
But really, as to resigning, it is madness or worse—
i. e. drivelling ; and so all our friends think except one,
who says he thinks you naturally tendered the resig
nation, but that as it certainly must be refused, your
pressing it would be ridiculous. I really must fairly
say I never saw so lame a case for going out. In a
word, it is not be thought of for a moment. Your
speech last night was most successful. Yours,
H. B.

66 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO

XXII.
Extracts of a Letter from the Right Hon. E. J. Littleton
to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland.
Grosvenor Place, July Sth, 1834.
My dear Lord, — After an interview I had yesterday
with Lord Althorp, Abercrombie, and Elliee on the
Tithe Bill, Lord Althorp informed me that Lord Grey
meant to state, in the House of Lords, that at the time
of my communication with O'Connell the question of
the extent of the provisions that should be introduced
into the Coercion Bill was open, and that there was no
doubt that I acted under a full belief that the impres
sions that I gave him could be realized.
After the recommendations sent by you, the assur
ance of the Chancellor that he should insist on their
being acted on, Lord Melbourne's admission that your
advice could not be over-ruled, and Lord Althorp's de
claration to me that he could never consent to bring in
the Bill with the Meeting clauses, surely my impres
sions on the subject were warranted.
Judge, then, of my surprise when I read Lord Grey's
speech in this morning's papers. I received at the
same time a letter from Lord Brougham, of which I
enclose you a copy, No. 1.
I felt, on full consideration, that I was at least bound
to tender my resignation to Lord Grey, which I have
done in a letter of which No. 2 is a copy;

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 67
I send you his answer, No. 3, just received.
Thus the matter stands.
The scrape I am in is more awkward from the
manner in which it affects the Government than as
regards myself.
I stand accused, of course, of great indiscretion ;
O'Connell of the blackest perfidy. The papers will, of
course, take party views. But in society here I am
happy to know there is but one feeling on the subject.
W ¦# *Jjf *Jjf "V *
I remain, my dear lord, very faithfully yours,
E. J. Littleton.
His Excellency the Lord-Lieutenant

t2

68 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO

XXIII.
Right Hon. E. J. Littleton to Viscount Althorp, M.P.
Irish Office, July 7, 1834.
Dear Lord Althorp, — I hope you will feel that it is
necessary that the question of my continuance in, or
retirement from, office should be settled before the
House meets, as I think it not improbable I may then
be asked whether I am still in office.
I have reason to believe that the general impres
sion of persons who did not hear (I have only read)
Lord Grey's speech, was that he meant to throw me
over. His letter completely satisfies me that he had no
such intention, and that he did not mean it as a hint
to resign. But the impression on the public will be
unfavourable to me, if it is not informed that I ten
dered my resignation and would have resigned if Lord
Grey had not specially requested me not.
I am not solicitous about the manner in which this
should be made known, but if I am to stay it must in
some manner be made known to-day. I feel that the
publication of the fact that I tendered my resignation
on Saturday is indispensable to my character. I ask
for nothing more, but it certainly would be very use
ful to me if a further statement were made ; and I
believe it would be useful to the Government by pre
venting the necessity of more explicit details at a future
stage. A brief statement of the truth may prevent ex-

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES TN JUNE AND JULY, 1884. 69;
aggerated surmises of what may have occurred, and
make everybody understand your position.
I would suggest that you should state this evening —
' That although I had not seen Lord Grey, it was
undoubtedly not without some authority that I spoke
to O'Connell ;
' That it was not an unreasonable belief on my part
that the question of the extent of the measure was at
that time unsettled, and that the impression I gave to
O'Connell would be realized ;
' That the truth was that I had communicated to
Lord Wellesley reasons why I thought the Meetings
clauses might be abandoned ;
' That he had in consequence written private letters
to the principal members of the Cabinet, recommending
that question to their consideration ;
' That the result had been a correspondence with
him and a discussion among themselves, which had
terminated in a general concurrence between themselves
and the members of the Irish Government that the Act
ought to be renewed, with no other omission than the
provisions estabhshing Courts-martial.'
Yours faithfully, E. J. Littleton.
The Viscount Althorp.

70 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO
XXIV,
Viscount Althorp, M.P,, to the Right Hon, E. J. Littleton.
(Private.)
My dear Littleton,— I wish you would call upon me
as soon as you can, as I wish to see you before anything
more passes between Lord Grey and you.
Yours most truly,

Althorp.

Downing Street, Sunday.

XXV.
Earl Grey, K.G., to Viscount Althorp, M.P.
(Private.) Downing Street, July 7, 1834.
My dear Althorp, — Upon further consideration of
the subject of our conversation this morning, I think it
will be best for all parties that I should state distinctly
what appear to me to be the exact circumstances of
the case.
Till the 23rd of June I had never imagined that a
doubt could exist as to the necessity of re-enacting the
three first clauses of the Bill.
What then took place in no degree altered my
opinion, and I repeatedly declared that without those
clauses I could not be the person to propose a renewal
of the Bill to Parliament.
It was about this time that Mr. Littleton had his
communication with Mr. O'Connell without authority
from me, and without my having been ever apprized
of his intention.
That from the circumstances to which I have alluded

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 71
he might have hopes that the three first clauses would
be omitted I do not deny ; but I cannot think it was
prudent to express such hopes to any person out of the
Government, and least of all to Mr. O'Connell, more
especially as he had no reason to think that they were
consistent with the opinions of the person who, how
ever unworthily, is placed at its head.
The only statement, then, that can be correctly made
is this : —
' That Mr. Littleton had reason to believe that the
question was still undecided, and that he entertained
hopes that the omissions, to which he was himself in
clined, might be made ; but that he had no authority
from me to express such hopes, and that my opinion had
never varied as to the necessity of bringing in the Bill
in its present form.'
I acquit Mr. Littleton of everything except impru
dence in communicating at all with Mr. O'Connell, to
which I should have objected in the strongest manner if
I had had any previous knowledge of his intention. The
purity ofhis motives nobody who knows him can suspect;
nor could anybody, I believe, except Mr. O'Connell,
impute to him any design of intentional deception.
Under these circumstances I really see no reason
why he should resign. Personally his doing so would
give me the greatest pain, and the manner in which he
has conducted the business of the very difficult situation
in which he is placed, makes me feel that in his retire
ment a great loss would be sustained by the public.
Believe me, my dear Althorp, yours very sincerely,
Grey.
The Viscount Althorp.

72 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO

XXVI.
Sir William Gosset, Under Secretary for Ireland, to
the Right Hon. E. J. Littleton, M.P.
(Private.) Dublin, 7th July, 1834.
My dear Littleton, — One line I must trouble you
with, expressive of the disgust I feel in common with
every honourable man, at the black act of the Political
Fiend who has so shamefully betrayed your secret
communications. I feel it, I deplore it deeply, because
it has caused you pain at having subjected the Govern
ment to certain inconveniences from this misplaced
confidence. Your fault lies in having too good an
opinion of human nature, and in not believing the
devil to be so black as he is painted. I earnestly hope
that it will not be the cause of your retiring from office.
Your feelings and convenience ought to yield to the
public weal, and you should not increase the embar
rassment of Ministers by quitting them at this juncture.
Besides, your quitting the Government on this occasion
would be a triumph of your enemies.
I declare this business has given me such uneasiness
as to affect my liver, equal to a trip to the East Indies.
Your next letter will, I hope, act as a remedy and set
me all to rights again.
Yours ever most sincerely,
W. Gosset.

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 73

XXVII.
Viscount Althorp, M.P., to the Right Hon.
E. J. Littleton, M.P.
(Private.)
My dear Littleton, — I send you a copy of what I
intend to say. Lord Grey consents to my saying it.
Let me see you about four o'clock.
Yours most truly,
Althorp.
Monday, July 7th, 1834.

XXVIII.
Right Hon. E. J. Littleton, to Viscount Althorp, M.P.
Irish Office, July 7, 1834.
Dear Lord Althorp, — I return you the paper of
intended observations.
The first observation, which I have erased, would
give an impression that a voucher was deemed requisite
out of doors for the accuracy of my statement. When
I spoke of impression out of doors, I alluded to the
opinion that I ought to resign in consequence of Lord
Grey's speech.
It certainly would be desirable for me to have some
kind of admission that I had permission at least (if the
word ' authority' be too strong) which I thought suffi
cient for a communication with O'Connell.
The conditional manner in which the latter sentence

74 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO
is worded, would scarcely I think, in the estimation of
any friends of mine, allow me to remain ; it will sound
too like ' We allow him to remain for the present.'
My resignation is tendered, and ought to be accepted
or refused.
If I perceive that Lord Wellesley is embarrassed by
my continuance in office, I shall retire of my own
accord, but in that quarter the question will not arise.
It is one purely for the decision of Lord Grey.
Yours faithfully, E. J. Littleton.
The Viscount Althorp,

XXIX.

The Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland to ihe Right Hon.
E. J. Littleton, M.P.
(Private and confidential.) Phoenix Park, Monday, July 7, 1834.
My dear Sir, — Your letters, received yesterday and
to-day, have afflicted me so much that I am quite
unable to return any answer to them which satisfies
my mind, and I trust you will excuse my wish to
obtain a longer space of time for the purpose of
forming a more sound judgment on the subject, before
I give you my final opinion upon it.
In the meanwhile, however, I trust you will not
permit your judgment upon your own conduct to

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 76
inflict a sentence that would greatly injure all yonr
friends, who must all be conscious that every one of
them is as obnoxious to error as you are, and that
every generous mind is open to the mischiefs of mis
placed confidence. Certainly, as I view the question
from this distance, I should have dissuaded all confi
dential intercourse with a person who has cast off all
the ties of human society, and is under no restraint of
civil, moral, or religious obligation. But it is difficult
to state how I should have viewed the question if I
had been in the immediate scene of action, and I am
not now by any means certain that the conduct of this
' Bellua centiceps ' would not have been mild and sub
missive, if it had been deemed prudent to soothe the
monster. The result of this transaction, I fear, will be
unpleasant, but it would be much aggravated hy any
sudden and violent step, which I hope will not be
taken. I have not been well for some days past. I will write
again as soon as I am able to collect my thoughts.
Ever yours affectionately,
Wellesley.
Right Hon. E. J. Littleton, M.P.

76 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO

XXX.
Viscount Palmerston, M.P., to the Right Hon.
E. J. Littleton.
(Private.) Foreign Office, 7th July, 1834.
My dear Littleton, — Althorp has, I am afraid, irre
vocably determined to resign, and if so I consider the
Government at an end. We are, however, to have a
Cabinet this evening. Yours sincerely,
Palmerston.
Right Hon. E. J. Littleton, M.P.

XXXI.
Viscount Althorp, MP., to the Right Hon.
E. J. Littleton, M.P.
(Confidential at present.)
My dear Littleton, — We must have no meeting of
our friends, as I resigned last night. The debate put
the Government, and me especially, in so disgraceful a
position that I could not, with any regard to my
character, submit to be so placed again.
Yours most truly,
Althorp.
Downing Street, July 8, 1834.

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES m JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 77

XXXII.
Right Hon. E. J. Littleton to Viscount Althorp, M.P.
Grosvenor Place, July 8, 1834.
Dear Lord Althorp, — I cannot refrain from ex
pressing my conviction that there is not a man in the
country that would not hear with the most extreme
surprise of your resignation on the grounds on which
you appear to think it necessary. I did not hear last
night the slightest surmise of the possibility of any
such occurrence in any quarter.
Private correspondence of course cannot be given.
One discussion and division will settle that business.
Thus much is quite clear to me, that that discussion
and division ought to be taken before resignation is
thought of.
I do hope you will consent to reconsider the step,
which I consider most ill-advised and quite unne
cessary, and which, I repeat, will be a surprise beyond
measure to the whole country.
Yours faithfully,
E. J. Littleton.
The Viscount Althorp»

78 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO

XXXIII.
Right Hon. E. J. Littleton to Earl Grey, K.G.
(Private.) Grosvenor Place, July 8, 1834.
My dear Lord, — I cannot express to you my afflic
tion at the position to ,which I find by a note from
Lord Althorp this morning I have been unintentionally
the cause of reducing the Government. Had I believed
it possible that his mind could have received such an
impression respecting his own situation from the ex
planation he made in my favour yesterday evening,
I never would have allowed a word to be said.
His resignation would fill the whole country with
surprise. I was in the House of Commons till two
o'clock this morning, and never heard the most distant
surmise from any one member of the possibility of such
a thing. The common observation of our friends was
' We must make a good muster to resist any motion
respecting private correspondence.' They were all
prepared to resist it, and nothing is wanting but a
declaration from Lord Althorp to our friends that he
means to do so.
Stanley thought so little of the motion for private
correspondence, that he spoke to me only of the Com
mittee on the Tithe Bill, and said, as he was going out.
of town, he supposed he should be in time for the
rent-charge clauses if he comes back on Friday.

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 79
I am most deeply sensible of your Lordship's kind
and considerate conduct towards me throughout this
painful affair — an affair, however, which, as far as Lord
Althorp is concerned, ought only to be felt to be
embarrassing on public grounds.
I remain, my dear Lord, most faithfully yours,
E. J. Littleton.
The Earl Grey.

XXXIV.
Earl Grey,K.G., to the Right Hon. E J. Littleton, M.P.
(Private.) E owning Street, July 8, 1834.
My dear Littleton, — Althorp's determination is final
and irrevocable. The Government is consequently
at an end.
I will say nothing more of the circumstances which
have led to this. They are much too painful for me
to reflect upon. Ever yours,
Grey.

80 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO

XXXV.
Right Hon. E. J. Littleton to the Lord-Lieutenant
of Ireland. Grosvenor Place, July 8, 1834.
My dear Lord, — The occurrences of yesterday are
pretty accurately reported in the ' Times.' The idea
of exacting the production of private correspondence is
monstrous. Peel himself said he would only vote for
it, under a persuasion that you yourself would wish it.
My strenuous advice to the Government is to tell their
friends they will decidedly resist any such motion.
They will be handsomely supported, and there will be
an end of it.
I suppose you yourself would not object to the pro
duction of such extracts as the Government might
deem desirable, protesting, however, against any forced
production of any part of such communication.
The instance that Peel quoted of Sir Hussey Vivian's
having clothed a letter on official business with a
familiar form, proves nothing as to the practice of
offices or the sense of the case.
If private correspondence between the Lord-Lieu
tenant and his Chief Secretary, or any members of the
Government on points of opinion, are to be considered
public property, there is an end of confidence, and of
all safe and prudent conduct of affairs. One step fur
ther, and the publication of Cabinet discussions may be
required. I need not say how deeply pained I am by the
situation in which my absurd confidence in O'Connell's

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 81
veracity has placed the whole Government. It is now
useless for me to lament it. The only object is, how
best to meet the united assault of the Repealers and
the Tories.
I shall insist, as far as I can, on no surrender of a
particle of private correspondence. It would be useful,
however, to have your opinion on the policy of pro
ducing any part of it.
Lord Althorp's statement respecting myself yesterday
was nothing more than what I had expected from him.
I did not require him and Brougham to expose them
selves to save me. But I am not surprised that Lord
Althorp reflecting on the part that he had in the whole
affair, judged it due to himself as well as to me to say
what he did. Except on the score of having gone too
far with O'Connell, it puts me quite clear with the public.
I believe, however, my own statement had been
previously considered quite satisfactory.
The Cabinet sits this evening. If I learn what
passes there in time, I will write you word.
I remain, my dear Lord, very faithfully yours,
E. J. Littleton.
His Excellency the Lord-Lieutenant.

July 9, 1834. — Lord Althorp having told me what
he was going ta say in the House, I, like him, wrote
out my speech. The ' Mirror of Parliament,' though

82 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO
reporting it professedly verbatim, is not quite accurate.
I copy this from the original draft.
' Sir, — The statement just made by my noble friend
induces me to trouble the House with one or two
observations. Nothing is more easy, after incidents
have led to their final result, than to look back and
perceive the course which it would have been most
dignified and wisest to have taken. (" Hear, hear," from
Sir R. Peel). I am now thoroughly aware that it
would have been wisest for the interest of all parties,
certainly of myself, if I had resigned my office when it
was first communicated to me that my desire and
my entire belief as to the omission of the Meetings
clauses had been disappointed. I can safely say —
and there are three in the Government who are my
witnesses — that I received that communication with
the most poignant feelings of regret. But reflect
ing that a resignation on my part on such a point
might possibly influence the conduct of others, and
produce a dissolution of the Government, I did not, on
consideration, feel myself entitled to create that risk. I
therefore resolved to compromise my opinion on this
point, rather than injure a Government in the principles
of which I so entirely agreed in the main.
' My noble friend has remarked that it was only on
Thursday last that he was fully aware of the extent to
which I had gone in the communication which he had
authorised with the hon. and learned gentleman.1 So
1 Lord Althorp, in his personal communication with me on this affair,
always spoke of himself as having suggested an interview with O'Connell
by way of precaution. It was I who suggested it, and he approved it :
but I never could persuade him that the author of the suggestion was
myself. — H.

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 83
full and entire was the impression on my mind that,
not merely that the details of that commuication were
safe with that hon. and learned gentleman, but that
I had authority on which I could rely for the certain
abandonment of the Meetings clauses, that the im
portance of doing anything more than inform my noble
friend of the result when I next happened to see him
never once occurred to me.
' I need not tell the House all I have felt on this
subject. I only trust the House will feel, whatever
may have been my error, that I have been actuated by
no other motive than that of an anxiety to promote
the peace of a country that has always had my sincerest
sympathies, and for which I was at the time in great
measure responsible.'

84 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO
XXXVI.
Right Hon. E. J. Littleton to the Lord-Lieutenant
of Ireland. Irish Office, 9th July, 1834.
My dear Lord, — Before this reaches you, you will
no doubt have heard, from earlier channels of com
munication than the post, that the Government is at an
end. Lord Althorp, who from the earliest receipt of your
late letters on the subject of the Meetings clauses, has
been violently bent on resisting their introduction into
the Bill, resigned yesterday. A Cabinet sat at nine
last night. The King has accepted the resignation of
the Ministers generally, and has sent for Lord Mel
bourne. It is useless to indulge in vain exculpations of myself
or crimination of others. The main point is to conduct
oneself with discretion under existing circumstances.
Till you can see the shape that events are likely to
assume, I advise you not to write to anyone. As
soon as Melbourne sees whether he can form a Govern
ment, I will have some conversation with him about
you and your position, and will then hold a council
with Lady Wellesley and Shaw. I hope you will be
satisfied that we shall consult your honour before
any otlier consideration. It is not yet clear that the
change though it must be extensive, must affect you.
At all events I hope you will not write to any one
till you hear from me again.
I remain, my dear Lord, very faithfully yours,
E. J. Littleton.
His Excellency the Lord- Lieutenant.

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 85

XXXVII.
Right Hon. E. J. Littleton to the Lord- Lieutenant
of Ireland. Irish Office, 10th July, 1834.
My dear Lord, — Nothing is settled about a Govern
ment. You will see that Brougham is for sticking to
the last plank. But I doubt the possibility of his and
Melbourne's succeeding in reconstructing the vessel.
Brougham ought, in my judgment, to have declared
long ago that he himself was the party who first ad
dressed you on the question of the Meetings clauses,
and that your letters recommending the change were
elicited by him. I felt bound to state some days ago
that I had originated the proposal to you, as I wrote
on the same day Brougham did. I felt myself at liberty
to make that statement. ; but my communication to
you was, as I stated to you, made at his suggestion,
with which I readily complied, believing that the state
of the country (Ireland) and its prospects, and above
all, the aspect of affairs here (for O'Connell was the
party against whom the clauses were directed, and his
disposition was to be ascertained here), did not require
anything more than the provisions which were in actual
operation. When Brougham sent for me it was late in
the evening, and his communication was that he had
then written to you. Brougham ought to avow that
advice if further discussion shall ensue.
The best thing that could now be done would be for
the bill to be hurried on, the Commons to reject the

86 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO
clauses, the Lords to agree, and then all might be right
again. But I fear that matters have now gone too far.
I remain, my dear Lord, most faithfully yours,
E. J. Littleton.
His Excellency the Lord- Lieutenant.

XXXVIII.

The Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland to the Right Hon.
E. J. Littleton.
(Private and confidential.) Phoenix Park, July 10th, 1834.
My dear Sir, — I will not expatiate on the dreadful
consequences to me and the public which have arisen
from the late unfortunate disclosures, because I do
not wish to aggravate your feelings (which must be as
severe as mine) upon the ruin and confusion which has
been so suddenly brought upon the whole empire.
One point only I will touch at once without reserve.
I will never consent to any disclosure or pubhcation of
the whole or any part of my private communications to
you or to any member of the Government. This I feel
bound by my public duty to His Majesty's service to
insist upon without qualification, and I am certain you
will pay implicit attention to my wishes on this subject.
Ever yours affectionately,
Wellesley.
Right Hon. E. J. Littleton.

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 87

XXXIX.
Right Hon. E. J. Littleton to Sir William Gosset,
Under Secretary for Ireland.
Irish Office, July 10, 1834.
My dear Gosset, — Though I am much pressed for
time I cannot delay another day to thank you for your
very kind letter of the 7th.
There never was a blacker act of perfidy than
O'ConneU's. He himself is so ashamed of it that he
publicly cants about his sorrow and bedaubs me with
his praise, as he did yesterday in the House of Commons.
I fear the game is up with us. My situation is
sufficiently painful, but it would be ten times more so
if I was conscious there had been any part of my con
duct, with the exception of the error of my ill-judged
confidence, which would not bear the glare of day.
Faithfully yours,
E. J. Littleton.
Lieut.-Colonel Sir William Gosset.

CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO

XL.
Right Hon. E. J. Littleton to the Lord- Lieutenant
of Ireland. Irish Office, July 10, 6 p.m.
My dear Lord, — I have just returned from the House
of Commons, which has adjourned till Monday.
I see clearly that any Tory Government will find it
impossible to get through the Session. Conversations
I had with Hume and Warburton, and several of the
most influential of the Whig members, satisfy me that,
considering the mass of business remaining to be done,
it will be impossible for such an administration to
proceed. My belief is that the clauses must be abandoned in
the House of Commons, and that if the King can be
only satisfied on that point he will construct his ad
ministration accordingly. I would even now sooner
bet on Lord Althorp's being placed at its head than
any other person. In that case no change whatever
would take place.
I therefore still advise you to say nothing, and to
take no steps except to insist on your advice, that the
clauses may be dispensed with, in case you are referred
to again on that subject.
I remain, my dear Lord, faithfully yours,
E. J. Littleton.
His Excellency the Lord-Lieutenant.

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 89

XLI.
Right Hon. E. J. Littleton lo J. N. Fazakerley,
Esq., MP.
Grosvenor Place, July 11, 1834.-
My dear Fazakerley, — I had no news to send you
either yesterday or the day before till it was too late
in the evening for me to do more than go to the House
and write the results to the Lord-Lieutenant.
The papers will have told you all that is known.
Singular as it may appear to you at the hour at which
I am now writing (two o'clock), nothing is known of the
intended arrangements. The King's having consulted
Melbourne seems a pledge that he is not thinking of
the Tories. He was so frightened when he made the
last attempt with the Duke of Wellington, that those
who live with him have always said he would never
again disregard a majority of the existing House of
Commons. I imagine, from the delay that has taken
place, that they have sent to or for Lord Wellesley,
and will await the arrival of him or an answer. I
think the King very likely to desire to see him, as he
has a high opinion of his judgment.
If he will only have the firmness to stick to his last
opinion, not only he will do what is best to himself, but
he may save the Government. Thus much is clear,
that Althorp cannot now return to office, except through
a submission to his opinion on the subject of the three

90 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO
clauses. Nor can Abercromby, Spring-Rice, Grant, or
Elliee, nor I. If they go the Whig party goes, and
then what can the Tories do ? They are 120. The
Radicals and Repealers are 70. The Whigs are more
than 400. To carry on a Government, therefore, the
Tories would have to win over at a general election at
least 200 members from the other parties. The diffi
culties of any other game are so great that I feel a
strong persuasion that things must right themselves by
Althorp's return to office, and the abandonment of the
clauses. Lord Grey is really greatly in fault in this business.
I myself have scarcely erred more than the Minister
who insisted on forcing on a Lord-Lieutenant an un
constitutional power he did not want.
Nearly the whole has now come out, except that
Brougham originated the change of opinion. He holds
his tongue with admirable presence of mind.
Lord John Russell was very angry with Althorp for
stating in the House which of the Cabinet Mnisters
had sided with him. He positively cried with vex
ation. We had hard work to prevent his coming clown
yesterday to make a statement.
Hume acted for once with common sense, by with
drawing his motion and moving an adjournment, which
saved us the annoyance of Lord John's vindication.
Althorp's face is joy itself. He was dreadfully
nervous about his last statement, which he wrote and
learnt by heart. But as he was walking out of his
room to the House, he brightened up, crying out,
' Well, there is heaven beyond.'
They talk of a requisition' at Brookes's to Althorp,

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 91
to ask him to return to office. I have kept out of the
way of all intercourse and conversation, and mean to
do so till all is settled. I know nothing, therefore,
more than the report.
I believe I am going down the river to-morrow to
Blackwall with Brougham, Melbourne, and a party of
ladies, at Melbourne's expense. It will be sufficiently
entertaining. Ever, my dear Fazakerley, most sincerely yours,
E. J. Littleton.
J. N. Fazakerley, Esq., M.P.

92 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO

XLII.
The Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland to the Right Hon.
E. J. Littleton, M.P.
(Private and confidential.) Phoenix Park, July 12th, 1834.
My dear Sir, — I am very thankful to you for all
your communications. I have written but once to you
during this storm — at the first moment the fatal intel
ligence reached me.1 In the heat of that moment I
may have used some phrases that may not appear to
be of the same kind spirit respecting your conduct
which I assure you is fixed in my mind. I am satisfied
that all your intentions were correct, and above all
most friendly towards me.
I have not written to any person, nor sljall I. I
remain fixed to resist all disclosures of private corre
spondence. I am particularly anxious that all com
munications with Brougham should be kept strictly
secret, unless he should disclose them himself. I shall
be quite quiet until matters are brought to a close. I
will not write to any person whatever (until then) my
opinion on any part of these strange transactions.
Ever, dear Sir, yours affectionately,
Wellesley.
1 There is one letter of Lord Wellesley's wanting. It was written to
me about three or four days before this. It spoke of my representation
having been the sole cause of his recommendation that the clauses should
be admitted. I gave it to Lord Melbourne, desiring that it might be cir
culated in the Cabinet. And I never could recover it, though I gave
myself great pains to do so. — H.

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 93
XLIII.
Viscount Melbourne to the Right Hon. E. J. Littleton.
(Private.) South Street, July 12, 1834.
My dear Littleton, — Thank you for communicating
to me the extracts from Lord Wellesley's letter. It
involves questions which are by no means clear and
settled. The distinctions between what is public and
what is private are by no means defined or generally
understood. Look at what Peel said in 1828 upon
the question between Huskisson and the Duke of
Wellington. Yours faithfully,
Melbourne.

Extract from Sir R. Peel's Speech on Mr. Huskisson's
Resignation. June 2, 1828.
Alluding to Mr. Huskisson's note to the Duke of
Welhngton, which the latter construed as a tender of
resignation : —
' My right hon. friend says that his letter was marked
" private and confidential," and therefore should not have
been treated as an official document. Now,. Sir, I do not
think that public men attach much importance to those
terms. I am myself, from foolish habit perhaps, accustomed
to endorse my letters connected with public business with
the word " private," or the words " private and confidential."
I do not, however, rely upon this point, but I contend that

94 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO
no superscription or endorsement of " private and confiden
tial" can alter the case if the letter be of a public nature.
If it relates to an important public act, the mere saying that
it is marked " private" cannot alter its tenour or bearing. No
public man can by such means envelop in secrecy public
acts of great importance. It cannot be said that the words
" private and confidential " stamp that letter as one which
was addressed to my noble friend under ordinary circum
stances. Again, I will say that the character of the letter
depended on the matter it contained and the terms in which
it was couched, and not on the superscription.

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 95

XLIV.
Right Hon. E. J. Littleton to Viscount Melbourne.
(Private.) Irish Office, July 12th, 1834.
My dear Melbourne, — Your letter referred me to
the observations of Sir Robert Peel on Huskisson's
remonstrances on the Duke of Wellington's publication
of his resignation.
I always thought that opinion of Huskisson's the
weakest I had ever heard expressed by a public man.
But I cannot think that Peel would apply the same
observation to the production of correspondence, ad
dressed in a private form and out of the common
channel, by a Lord-Lieutenant to members of a
Cabinet on a matter of opinion. Indeed Peel himself
admitted in the House that the production must en
tirely depend on Lord Wellesley's wishes.
For my own part I will never consent to the pro
duction of any part of any correspondence that may
have passed between the Lord Lieutenant and myself
without his consent, not that I mean to say that I
would allow any party to suffer in any manner by
withholding explanations necessary to justify their cha
racter and conduct. Yours faithfully,
E. J. Littleton.

96 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO

XLV.
Right Hon. E. J. Littleton to the Lord-Lieutenant
of Ireland.
(Extract.) Clarendon Hotel, July 12, 1834.
My dear Lord, — On the receipt of your letter this
morning, I wrote to Lord Melbourne to say you would
never consent to the production of any part of your
private correspondence. I thought this step necessary.
I did not write to Lord Grey, because he has already
strongly protested against any such production.
E. J. Littleton.

XL VI.
Right Hon. E. J. Littleton to the Lord-Lieutenant
of Ireland. Grosvenor Place, July 14, 1834.
My dear Lord, — No expression of yours in any of
your recent letters had worn to me a character of
harshness. At the hour at which I am now writing nothing is
settled. Lord Althorp was my authority for saying
Peel had been sent for. It turned out to be a totally

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 97
groundless report. He and the Duke of Welhngton
and a large party of Tories dined at Greenwich that
day, and did not return till twelve o'clock, that night.
I met Melbourne about an hour ago, on his way to
Lord Althorp. He of course told me nothing, but
asked me many questions about my own and other
men's opinions of what was passing ; from which I col
lected that without Althorp's consent to resume his
post nothing could be done, and the King must be
thrown on the Tories. Lord Melbourne observed,
laughing, ' It seems Althorp is the tortoise on which
the world reposes.'
Lord Althorp was two hours with Lord Grey this
morning. I imagine we shall know nothing this
evening before the post leaves. But if anything shall
occur at the meeting of the House to-day (which I
suppose must again adjourn), I will inform you of it.
I remain, my dear Lord, faithfully yours, E. J. Littleton.

CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO

XLVII.
Right Hon. E. J. Littleton to the Lord-Lieutenant
of Ireland.
Irish Office, July 14, 1834, 6 o'clock p.m.
My dear Lord, — At the meeting of the House this
evening Lord Althorp rose and said : ' Sir, Lord Mel
bourne having received His Majesty's commands to
form an administration, I beg to propose that this
House do at its rising adjourn till Thursday next.'
This motion was carried without any remark. The
general understanding in the House was that Lord
Althorp had consented to remain, either as First Lord
or in his present post. If in the latter, it was taken
for granted Lord Melbourne would be First Lord, and
generally supposed that Mr. Abercromby would be
Secretary of State for the Home Department.
I saw Brougham afterwards. He told me he had
made no secret of having written to you on the subject
of the Meetings clauses. I do not believe, however,
he has given to anyone any details of what may have
passed in consequence between you.
He spoke as if everything would be satisfactorily
arranged. The Cabinet meets at ten o'clock to-night, to
consider the final arrangements.
I remain, my dear Lord, very faithfully yours,
E. J. Littleton.

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 99

XLVIII.
Right Hon. E. J. Littleton to Viscount Melbourne.
Grosvenor Place, July 16th, 1834.
My dear Melbourne, — Reflection on the course of
events during the last ten days induces me to think
that I should consult best for the interest of the new
Government by retiring from office.
I have therefore resolved to request that you will
consider the office wliich I hold at your disposal.
Having been the main cause of Lord Grey's retire
ment — an event which I shall never cease to deplore — I
should feel myself in a very unnatural position were I
to remain in the Government.
Having originally accepted office solely with a view
to assist the Government, the same consideration now
admonishes me to retire. It will be most satisfactory
to me to beheve that this decision on my part may
relieve you from some embarrassment.
I cannot close our official connection without ex
pressing in the warmest manner my gratitude for the
valuable assistance I have received throughout our in
tercourse from your judgment and personal kindness
towards me.
I remain, my dear Melbourne, yours faithfully,
E. J. Littleton.
The Viscount Melbourne.

h 2

100 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO
XLIX.
Viscount Melbourne to the Right Hon. E. J. Littleton.
(Private.) St. James's, July 16, 1834, half-past 3 p.m.
My dear Littleton, — I have received your letter.
Pray let me see you immediately. I wish you had
spoken to me before you wrote it.
Yours faithfully,
Melbourne.
Lord Melbourne has just sent to say that Lord
Althorp and he are waiting for you in South Street.
R. D. Craig.

l.
27«i? Lord Chancellor's Private Secretary to the Right
Hon. E. J. Littleton.
House of Lords, "Wednesday, half-past 3.
Sir, — I am directed by the Lord Chancellor to say
that he will feel obliged if you will come to him here
with as little delay as possible. The Chancellor is
much engaged, or he would write himself.
I have the honour to remain,
L. Edmunds.
Right Hon. E. J. Littleton.

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834.. 101
LI.
From Mr. Littleton's Private Secretary, Mr. R. D. Craig.
The Lord Chancellor implores you not to settle any
thing with Lord Melbourne till you shall have seen
him. He is in the greatest state of excitement.
R. D. Craig.
House of Lords, July 16th, 1834, 4 p.m.

Ln.
Right Hon. E. J. Littleton to the Lord-Lieutenant
of Ireland. Gresvenor Place, July 16th, 1834.
My dear Lord, — I think our embarras is likely to
terminate satisfactorily. Indeed I believe that all is
now finally arranged. I feel equally confident that in
the future discussions your honour will be carefully
and stoutly maintained.
I have myself again tendered my resignation, which
has been again refused.
I learnt this morning from Lord Ebrington, a warm
and zealous friend of mine, that there prevailed a
general sense among the friends of the Government
that under existing circumstances I ought to retire.
The report among them for the last few days was that
you would be recalled. In all cases of this kind the

102 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO
public expect a victim, and I assure you I seized with
alacrity the opportunity of appeasing them by offering
myself. I accordingly wrote the letter, of which I
enclose a copy, to Lord Melbourne, and had it sent
into him while at Cabinet at twelve this morning.
After the levee I received short notes from the
Chancellor and Lord Melbourne, desiring to see me
instantly. I sought the latter everywhere without
success. I therefore went to the Chancellor at the
House of Lords. He left the woolsack to speak to me
in his private room. 'Good God! are you mad?
Here was the Government formed ; Ministers assembled
at the levee to kiss hands, when your note arrives.
Althorp declares nothing shall induce him to stay if
you go ! He considers himself in the same boat with
you. Melbourne consequently has not kissed hands, I
have not kissed hands, and the Government is at an
end ! Upon my soul you have acted like a damned
fool ' (dashing his three-cornered hat on the floor). I
told him my story ; repeated all Ebrington had said,
and enquired whether any man of honour — and who
had no earthly motive to desire office — who had re
ceived such an intimation, would have acted other
wise. I expressed my willingness to do everything,
to take any step to make the course of the new
administration smooth. I desired they would consider
me a card they might either play or ecarter as they
pleased. I was only anxious not to be in the way.
I hardly know what he did not promise me in the way
of inducement to remain, and so sent me off to Mel
bourne, whose groom was scouring the town to find me.
When I got to Melbourne's house in South Street, I

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 103
found him and Althorp there, in full costume, waiting
for me ; and then learnt from them that in consequence
of my letter, which they had shown the King, the ar
rangements were all suspended. For Althorp would
not stir without me, and without Althorp there could
be no Melbourne administration. I repeated all I had
said to Brougham, and told them I begged they would,
deal with me exactly as they chose.
They accordingly returned to St. James's to kiss
hands (as the King was waiting for them), and I to the
House of Lords, where, behind the woolsack, I told
Brougham all that had passed, Lord Ellenborough,
who was on his legs, stopping in the middle of his
speech meantime.
You will judge, from the features of this brief recital,
what a state of excitement all parties were thrown into
by my demarche, which, however, Lord Ebrington's
statement rendered quite unavoidable.
I remain, my dear lord, very faithfully yours,
E. J. Littleton.

104 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO

LIII.
The Marquis of Lansdowne to the Right Hon
E. J. Littleton.
(Private.) Richmond, Thursday night, July 17, 1834.
Dear Littleton, — In the debate in the House of Lords
this evening I was obliged to say that the person who
communicated the opinion of the Lord-Lieutenant had.
committed a great indiscretion. I said it because I
think so, and because it was an indispensable link in
the only argument I could screw together in favour of
the course we are now pursuing as to the Bill, but I
added that this was not more than that person himself
(to whom in many other respects both this country
and Ireland were so much indebted) had said of it
with a candour and a spirit which everybody had
approved. Lord Ellenborough said it was ungenerous to make
use of what a man had admitted against himself. I
care very little whether he thinks so, but it would give
me real concern if you did, which induces me, con
trary to custom, to become on this occasion my own
reporter. Pray believe me, very truly yours, Lansdowne.
Wharncliffe has given notice for the production of
the private letters to-morrow.

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834 105
LIV.
Right Hon. E. J. Littleton to the Marquis of Lansdowne.
Irish Office, July 19, 1834.
My dear Lord, — On my return from the House last
night I found your very kind note.
I had observed what was reported to have passed in
the House of Lords, and certainly nothing stated to
have been there said by you could by possibihty have
caused me any offence. You described my conduct in
terms I myself had employed. It would have been
ludicrous presumption in me to suppose that those to
whom I had caused so much embarrassment should go
beyond the hmit of common sense and fairness towards
themselves and the public, to protect me against a
charge to which I had confessed myself liable, and by
such deference towards me to leave themselves exposed
to misrepresentation.
I think the difficulty was not prudently met by
Althorp, and that if, instead of resigning, he had said
nothing, and had resisted Peel's threat to call for the
correspondence, there would have been found little or
no obstacle in either House to the passage of the original
Bill. I remain, my dear lord, very faithfully yours,
E. J. Littleton.

106 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO

LV.
Lieut-Colonel Sir W. Gosset to the Right Hon.
E. J. Littleton, M.P.
(Private.) Dublin, 17th July, 1834.
My dear Littleton, — Many thanks for the informa
tion that the coach is on its wheels again. It was a
devil of an upset. Yesterday there was a great ferment
in Dubhn, caused by the very general report that Lord
Durham was to come here. His Excellency was in a
great taking about it. The intelligence which has
reached us this morning has set his mind at ease upon
the subject.
The Radical papers, as well as the Tory, will have it
that O'Connell insists upon your being continued in
office, and upon myself and Blackburne being turned
out. I wish him success in his first desire with the
same, sincerity as I hope he will fail in his second.
Yours very faithfully,
W. Gosset.

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 107

LVI.
Right Hon. E. J. Littleton to Sir William Gosset,
Under-Secretary. Grosvenor Place, July 19th, 1834.
My dear Gosset, — There never has existed for a
moment the shghtest idea of removing any one person
connected with the Irish Government.
The idea of Lord Durham's appointment never en
tered the head of any one except a friend of his, whose
wish was father to that thought.
Your name was never mentioned by any one in my
hearing. I would have willingly backed out of my own
accord, but they would not let me. I found my doing
so would have involved serious consequences to the
new arrangements, which I was much surprised to
discover. So here we are all at work again very
quietly. The real truth is — and it will be one day known — I
have taken much more than my due share of blame
in what has occurred. Yours faithfully,
E. J. Littleton.

108 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO

LVII.
The Lord- Lieutenant of Ireland to the Right Hon.
E. J. Littleton.
(Private.) Phoenix Park, July 19th, 1834.
My dear Sir, — Many thanks for your letters. Your
resignation surprised me. I do not very well compre
hend Lord Ebrington. Your conduct has been quite
clear and honourable, and Lord Althorp's the same ;
the whole has terminated in a manner highly credit
able to you. I have not yet heard a word from Lord
Melbourne or Lord Duncannon.
I perceive the obnoxious clauses are to be relin
quished ; this is absolutely necessary now. I should
not be afraid (if you are pressed in the House of
Commons) to make the experiment of going on until
the next Session without any unconstitutional powers.
The country is much more tranquil, except the Orange
spirit, which is more furious than ever.
I shall not write more at length until I see and
know that the Government is quite settled.
Ever yours affectionately, W. •
Right Hon. E. J. Littleton.

POUTICAL OCCURRENECS. IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 109

LVIII.
The Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland to the Right Hon.
E. J. Littleton..
(Private.) Phoenix Park, 7th August, 1834.
My dear Sir, — Since I wrote to you last I have
examined the Tithe Bill with more care, and continue
in the opinion that it is greatly improved, and that it
promises the removal of one of the greatest obstacles
to the tranquillity of Ireland. I also am still of opi
nion that some powers of revising former compositions
are necessary so satisfy the public mind here. In
many cases the existing compositions are not just,
and require revision. I understand that the Tories
threaten to throw out the Bill in the House of Lords.
I think this step would defeat its own objects. But if
it should be adopted, I hope the Government will be
firm. I was much amused by Arthur's 1 protest, which
consists entirely of the Lord Chancellor's speeches and
of my despatches. The Lord ChanceUor, I have no
doubtj will answer effectuaUy. With respect to myself,
it is a curious inference that because I considered
agitation and outrage to be inseparably connected, I
was bound to maintain those provisions of the law
which empowered the Government of Ireland to sup
press meetings. Were those provisions the only mode
of checking agitation ? Is not the removal of real
grievances the most effectual mode of preventing agi-
1 The Duke of Wellington's.

110 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO
tation? Witness the Tithe BiU, the Church Tem
poralities BiU, and the Commission (with other measures
of this Session), and would not the renewal of those
arbitrary powers (without a proved necessity) have
furnished augmented materials of just agitation? The
truth is, that Ireland wiU never be quieted by these
annual expedients of suspending the laws and con
stitution of the realm. We must endeavour as soon
as possible to return to the ordinary laws, and to be
satisfied with a vigorous and pure administration of
them. Until we are fixed on that rock we never shall
know genuine peace nor security.
I shaU be very anxious to know the fate of the Tithe
Bill in the House of Lords.
Ever my dear Sir, yours affectionately, Wellesley.

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. Ill

LIX.
The Lord- Lieutenant of Lreland to the Right Hon.
Lord Hatherton}
Hurlingham, Monday, 8th February, 1836.
My dear Lord, — I send you a copy of my imprudent
letter2 to Lord Grey, on which, in defiance of Lord
Melbourne's supreme authority, IcaU for pubhc judg
ment, and I trust I shaU obtain it soon in fuU Par
liament, where I anxiously hope for an opportunity
of vindicating my pubhc character, so wantonly and
crueUy aspersed. On referring to your letter on the
same occasion I find it is exactly what you stated.
Your recommendation to me to write to Lord Grey
1 [The Right Honourable Edward John Littleton was raised to the
Peerage by the title of Baron Hatherton of Hatherton, in the county of
Staffordshire, on May 8, 1835. It may here be convenient to add that
he retained the office of Irish Secretary in Lord Melbourne's first ad
ministration, until the dissolution of that government upon the death of
Lord Spencer in November, 1834. Upon the return of the Whigs to
power, after Sir Robert Peel's short Government, Mr. Littleton did not
return to office, but he was called up by his former colleagues and political
friends to the House of Peers. — H. R.]
2 [This expression refers to the celebrated letter of Lord Wellesley to
Lord Grey, of June 21, 1834, which had never been seen even by the
individual it most concerned until nearly two years after the crisis which
it occasioned. It is clear from the following sentence that although
Lord Wellesley absolutely refused to allow it to be produced at a time
when it might have embarrassed the Government, he anxiously desired
the moment when the publication of that letter should vindicate his own
policy. The intimacy and affection subsisting between Lord Wellesley
and Lord Hatherton was of no Ordinary kind, for, in addition to other
personal ties, Lord Hatherton was Lord Wellesley's son-in-law.— -H. R.]

112 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO
is not stated in the body of the letter, but in the
postcript. I am apprehensive that I did not yesterday express
to the extent of my feelings my most warm and grate
ful sense of the honest zeal, affectionate interest, and
generous spirit which you displayed so strongly on
this lamentable and most trying occasion. Be assured
that your conduct was fuUy appreciated, and has made
an undehble impression on my heart, which cannot be
effaced but by death. I never recoUect to have been
so deeply affected.
Lady W. is just now arrived very unweU ; I have
revived her by relating the particulars of your conduct,
with which she was delighted. It is a great consolation
to me under all my oppressions and adversities.
Believe me, my dear Lord, always with true esteem,
yours affectionately,
Wellesley.
(Endorsed.)
Enclosing me a copy of his letter to Lord Grey, June 21, 1834.

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 113

LX.
Lord Hatherton's Answer to Marquis Wellesley's
Letter of February 8, 1836.
[I showed this letter to Lord Melbourne before I sent
it. He objected to no part of it. H.]
Grosvenor Place, Feb. 9th, 1836.
My dear Lord, — I thank you very much for the copy
of your letter of the 21st June, to Lord Grey. I had
never seen it before. Lord Grey, I remember, showed
me one from you on the same subject of a few days
subsequent date, and he remarked at the same time
that only about ten or eleven days previously he had
received a private letter from you, in which you
earnestly recommended the entire and unqualified
renewal of the Coercion Act. Lord Grey, I remember,
insisted a good deal on that circumstance.
But that letter I of course never saw, nor did I ever
see the famous letter of 21st June tiU now. The
perusal of this latter letter fills me more than ever
with surprise, that Lord Grey chose to risk his Govern
ment rather than give way on a point recommended
by such cogent arguments, and which he must have felt
to have been in accordance with the private wishes of
nearly his entire Cabinet.
You were not a man to surrender any power essen
tially requisite to the support of the authority of your
station and of public order, to the avoidance of a little
inconvenience in the House of Commons. But when
I

114 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO
on full conviction the Lord-Lieutenant took on himself
the responsibility of declaring that he felt able to
conduct the government of the country without an
unconstitutional power, which was especially odious
to a large portion of the kingdom, I must own it
appeared to me extraordinary that the Minister in
England should not be content to leave him under the
responsibility, but should insist on forcing on him the
powers the necessity and usefulness of which he
disclaimed. This was the universal feeling of the public at the
time ; but the object of the moment was to soothe
Lord Grey and to preserve the Government from going
to pieces by his secession. Nothing therefore was said
in your defence at the time, but neither was one word
said against you in any quarter, except on the Oppo
sition benches at the moment. The time that has since
elapsed, and aU that has since occurred, has only proved
the soundness of your advice.
With respect to the circumstance of your not having
been sent back to Ireland, I have not hesitated to
express to Lord Melbourne the same opinion I have so
often expressed to yourself. It was impossible for me
not to feel the livehest interest in whatever affected
your happiness and honour.
I must, however, repeat my behef that the public do
not consider your honour at all affected by what has
occurred. The public understanding of what occurred
in July 1834 requires no correction. Whatever impru
dence was committed was mine and Brougham's. I
think it was very small. I do not believe that any one
ever considered you at all compromised by it, and the

POLITICAL OCCURRENCES IN JUNE AND JULY, 1834. 115
circumstance of your taking a high office at court
when the administration was reconstituted prevented
the notion that you had been desirous of returning
to Ireland.1
I speak of my own view of the public impression.
I therefore cannot but think it far from desirable
that you should now go out of your way to create any
opportunity of further discussion. I perhaps err in
offering any advice on the subject, but I felt it impos
sible to acknowledge the receipt of your letter without
expressing this opinion.
1 wUl seize the earhest opportunity of my return
from the country of caUing on Lady Wellesley, of
whose continued iUness I sincerely lament to hear.
I remain, my dear Lord, most faithfully yours,
Hatherton.
The Marquis of Wellesley, K.G.

1 [Marquis Wellesley was appointed to the office of Lord Chamberlain
in April, 1835, upon the reconstruction of the Melbourne Administration ;
but political office was not again proposed for his acceptance, and he
cherished in his high mind strong feelings of resentment at the manner
in which Lord Melbourne had treated him both in and out of office.
— H. R.]

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INDEX.

Acton's Modern Cookery  19
Allies on Formation of Christendom  11
Allen's Discourses of Chrysostom  14
Alpine Guide (The)  16
 Journal  19
Arnold's Manual of English Literature . . 5
Authority and Conscience  13
Autumn Holidays of a Country Parson .... 6
Ayre's Treasury of Bible Knowledge  14
Bacon's Essays by "Whately  B
 Life and Letters, by Spedding . . 4
 "Works  5
Bain's Mental and Moral Science  7
 on the Senses and Intellect  7
Ball's Guide to the Central Alps  16
 Guide to the. Western Alps  10
 Guide to tbe Eastern Alps  16
Bayldon's Rents aud Tillages  13
Beaten Tracks  16
Becker's Charicles aud Gallus  17
Benpey's Sanskrit-English Dictionary .... 6
Bernard on British Neutrality  1
Bisset on Historical Truth  3
Black's Treatise on Brewing  19
Elackley's German-English Dictionary . . 6
Blaine's Rural Sports  18
 Veterinary Art  18
Bloxam's Metals  8
Booth's Saint-Simon  3
Boultbee on 39 Articles  13
Bourne on Screw Propeller  12
¦  's Catechism of the Steam Engine . . 12
 Examples of Modern Engines . . 12
 Handbook of Steam Engine  12
 Treatise on the Steam Engine  12
 Improvements in the same  12
Eowdler's Family Shakspeare  is
Boyd's Reminiscences  3
Bramley-Mooee's Six Sisters ofthe Valley 17
Brande's Dictionary of Science, Literature,
and Art  g
Bray's Manual of Anthropology  7
 Philosophy of Necessity  7
 On Force  7
 (Mrs.) Hartland Forest  16
Browne's Exposition of the 39 Articles  13
BRUNEL'sLifepf Brunel  3
Buckle's History of Civilisation  l
Bull's Hints to Mothers  , 19
 Maternal Management of Children . . 19
Bunsen's God in History  S
 Prayers  13
Burke's Vicissitudes of Families  4
Burton's Christian Church  3

Cabinet Lawyer  19
Camebell's Norway  15
Carnota's Memoirs of Pombal  S
Cates's Biographical Dictionary  4
 and Woodward's Encyclopaedia 2
Cats and Farlie's Moral Emblems  11
Changed Aspects of Unchanged Truths .... G
Chesney's Indian Polity  2
 Waterloo Campaign  '. , . 2
Chorale Book for England  11
Christ the Consoler  13
Clough's Lives from Plutarch  2
Colenso (Bishop) on Pentateuch and Book
of Joshua  ,  14
Collingwood's Vision of Creation  17
Commonplace Philosopher in Town aud
Country  8
Conington's Translation of Virgil's ilincid 18
Contanseau's Two French Dictionaries . . 6
Conybeare andHowsS-x'sIife andEpistles
of St. Paul  14
Cooper's Surgical Dictionary  10
Copland's Dictionary of Practical Medicine 11
Coulthart's Decimal Interest Tables  19
Counsel and Comfort from a Cily Pulpit . . 6
Cox's (G. W.) Aryan Mythology  3
 : Tale of the Great Persian War 2
 Tales of Ancient Greece .... 17
 and Jones's Popular Ro
mances  16
Cresy's Enciclopaedia of Civil Engineering 12
Critical Essays of a Country Parson ......".. 6
Crookes on Beet-Root Suerar  13
—  's Chemical Analysis  10
Culley's Handbook of Telegraphy  12
Cusack's Student's History of Ireland .... 2

D'Aubigne*s History of the Reformation in
the time of Calvin 
Davidson's Introduction to New Testament 14
Dead Shot (The), by Marksman  18
De la Rive's Treatise on Electricity  8
Denison's Vice-Regal Life  1
Disraeli's Lord George Bentinck  3
 Novels and Tales  16
Dobson on the Ox  ig
Dove's Law of Storms  g
Doyle's Fairyland  n
Drew's Reasons for Faith  13
Dyer's City of Rome  2
Eastlake's Gothic Revival  ig
 Hints on Household Taste .... 12
Edinburgh Review  19
Elements of Botany  g

NEW WORKS published by LONGMANS and CO.

Ellicott on New Testament Revision .... 13
¦  's Commentary on Ephesians .... 14
 Galatians .... 14
 :  Pastoral Epist. 14
 ¦  Phihppians.ic. 14
 Thessalonians 14
 's Lectures on Life of Christ .... 14
Ewald's History of Israel  14
Fairbairn's Application of Cast and
Wrought Iron to Building  12
 Information for Engineers .... 12
 Treatise on Mills and Millwork 12
 Iron Shipbuilding  12
Faraday's Life and Letters  4
Farrar's Chapters on Language  5
 Families of Speech  7
Felkin on Hosiery & Lace Manufactures. . 12
Fennel's Book of the Roach  18
Fitzwygram on Horses and Stables  IS
Fowler's Collieries and Colliers  19
Francis's Fishing Book  18
Fraser's Magazine  19
Freshpield's Travels in the Caucasus .... 15
Froude's History of England  1
— —  Short Studies  6
G amgee on Horse-Shoeing  18
Ganot's Elementary Physics  8
 Natural Philosophy  8
Giant (Tlie)  IG
Gilbert's Cadore  15
 and Churchill's Dolomites  15
Girdlestone's Bible Synonyms  13
Girtin's House I Live In  10
Gledstone's Life of AVhitefield  4
Goddard's Wonderful Stories  16
Goldsmith's Poems, Illustrated  17
Goodbye's Mechanism  8
Graham's Autobiography of Milton  3
 View of Literature and Art  2
Grant's Ethics of Aristotle  5
 Home Politics  2
Graver Thoughts of a Country Parson  6
Gray's Anatomy  10
Greenhow on Bronchitis  10
Griffin's Algebra and Trigonometry .... s
Griffith's Fundamentals  13
Grove on Correlation of Physical Forces . . 8
Gurney's Chapters of French History .... 2
Gwilt's Encyclopaedia of Architecture .... 12

Hampden's (Bishop) Memorials  3
Hare on Election of Representatives  5
Hartwig's Harmonies of Nature  9
 Polar "World  9
 —  Sea and its Living "Wonders.... 9
 Subterranean World  9
 Tropical "World  9
Hersohel's Outlines of Astronomy  7
Hewitt on the Diseases of "Women  10
Hodgson's Time and Space  7
 Theory of Practice  7
Holland's Recollections  3
Holmes's Surgical Treatment of Children . . 10
 System of Surgery  11
Home (The) at Heatherbrae  17

Horse's Introduction to the Scriptures .. 14
How we Spent the Summer  15
Howitt's Australian Discovery  16
—  Mad War Planet  17
 Rural Life of England  16
 Visits to Remarkable Places  16
Hl'bner's Pope Sixtus  4
Hughes's Manual of Geography  8
Hume's Essays  7
 Treatise on Human Nature  7
Ihne's History of Rome  2
Ingelow's Poems  Ifj
 Story of Doom  18
Jameson's Legends of Saints and Martyrs . . 11
 Legends of the Madonna  11
 Legends of the Monastic Orders ] 1
 Legends of the Saviour  11
Jardine's Christian Sacredotalism  13
John Jerningham's Journal  17
Johnston's Geographical Dictionary  8
Jones's Royal Institution  4
Kalisch's Commentary on the Bible  5
 Hehrew Grammar  5
Keith on Destiny of the "World  14
 Fulfilment of Prophecy  14
Kerl's Metallurgy, by Crookes and
Roheig  13
Kirby and Spence's Entomology  9
Lang's Ballads and Lyrics  17
Latham's English Dictionary  5
Lecky's History of European Morals  3
 Rationalism  3
 Leaders of Public Opinion  4
Leisure Hours in Town  6
Lessons of Middle Age  6
Lewes's Biographical History of Philosophy 3
Liddell and Scott's Greek-English Lexicon 6
 Abridged ditto  6
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