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X
THE HISTORY
OF THE
PRIVATE AND POLITICAL LIFE
OF THE LATE
HENRY HUNT, Esq. M. P.
FOR PRESTON, m
HIS TIMES AND COTEMPOR ARIES;
EXHIBITING
THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF THOSE GREAT POLITICAL EVENTS
WHICH LED TO THE PASSING OF THE
REFORM ACT :
EMBRACING ALSO THE
HISTORY OF THE MOMENTOUS CRISIS,
BY WHICH THE
TORY GOVERNMENT
OF THE COUNTRY HAS BEEN ABOLISHED.

BY ROBERT HUISH, Esq. F.L.A. F.Z.S.
Author of " The Last Voyage of Oapt. Ross," " Travels of Richard Lander into
the Interior of Africa." " Memoirs of William Cobbett Esq. M. P." &c &c.

VOL. II.
Sotttrott :
Published Jor the Proprietors, by
JOHN SAUNDERS, 25, NEWGATE STREET.

MDCCCXXXVl.

M. Abel, Printer, 62, Broad-wall, Clirist-cburcli, Eiivioy.

THE HISTORY
OF THE
PRIVATE AND POLITICAL LIFE
OF THE LATE
HENRY HUNT ESQ.,
M. P. FOR PRESTON
ETC. ETC.

CHAPTER I.

As an improvement, or rather, a total change in the repre
sentative system of this country, was the leading feature of all
Mr. Hunt's endeavours, and in the prosecution of which he ex
hibited an unshaken integrity of soul, an indefatigable indus
try, and an unparrelleled fortitude, we shall not consider our
selves as swerving from the strict line of our duty, if we take a
rapid sketch of our representative system as it stood in the
time of our forefathers, and mark its progress, till it arrived at
that state of comparative perfection, which it exhibits at the
present day.
It must however strike us as a very strange and unaccount
able inconsistency in human affairs ; that mankind should suf
fer themselves to be terrified by words which have not the
slightest tendency to excite ideas of alarm or apprehension.
No one can deny but that there is an essential difference in the
words innovation and reform, and yet it was the interest of cer
tain classes so to confound them, that whatever apphed to the
latter was considered to partake of the nature of the former.
The term innovation was at one time so assiduously rung in
the ears of the people of this country, and so much of the dan-
19. Vol. ii. B

2 ANALYSIS OF THE REPRESENTATIVE SYSTEM.
gerous and terrific has been associated with it, that if any one
will examine the speeches as delivered by those vile plunder
ers of the public, styling themselves statesmen, it will appear
to them as a comprehensive phrase for every sort of political
evil and calamity. But there is something still more paradox
ical in the circumstance, for upon the most superficial exami
nation of the subject, every Englishman, who values the con
stitution of his country, will be obliged to trace all its excellen
cies, and advantages, to that principle, the very sound of which
was at one time, so discordant to the ears.
No one will deny that the representative form, which our
government has assumed, however defective, is one of the fea
tures for which it has been the most justly celebrated, and the
most reasonably admired. Yet the present constitution of
that assembly has flowed not from any single and unconnected
effort of deliberative wisdom, but from the gentle innovations
of time, the sudden changes of accident, and the gradual im
provement of the human mind.
In the early age of this legislative body, it does not appear
that the commons, now the most essential part of it, held a
seat in it, the whole power in the early times of English
history was lodged in the King, and great council, and although
some writers have been fond of finding a perfect representative
system in the ancient Saxon polity, it is by no means evident
that this order of men were recognised at all in those periods.
We know indeed that our Saxon ancestors had parliaments,
but it is a very difficult matter to prove that the third class of
community were included in them ; the opposite proposition is
much more probable, and stands on stronger grounds of proof,
and reasoning, for the bulk of the nation were either in a state
of vassalage to their lords, or enjoyed allodial privileges under
the king. The vassals were absolute slaves to their masters,
and it is very improbable that they ever advanced any claims in
the legislative power, and the allodii not being united to the
general feudal community, were necessarily excluded from the
national councils. Notwithstanding the vehement panegyrics
which have issued from political writers on the Saxon govern-

THE REPRESENTATIVE SYSTEM. 3
ment, no part of their community can be called free, except
the lords, or the proprietors of land, and for this very reason,
public liberty could not exist, for public liberty can only exist
with an equal communion of privileges, founded on those legis
lative provisions, by which, all who are the subjects of the laws,
must personally or by representative, be the makers of the
laws. Let us not therefore roam the forest of barbarians, or as
cend into the darkness of gothic ages for features of just or
equal polity ; but let us attend to the history of our own go
vernment, and we shall see the slow and gradual manner in
which it has been moulded into its present shape. Nor ought
we to forget that our boasted constitution instead of issuing
out of the brains of sage and enlightened legislators, the per
fect product of human wisdom, has been the offspring of the
most savage times, of perpetual innovations, concessions, and
struggles, a circumstance that ought surely to diminish a su
perstitious and bigotted regard for the system, because it ad
mits an inference, that it is not even now the most perfect
constitution that the ingenuity of man can devise, or his wants
may require.
The representative system was not more perfect at the first
introduction of feudal polity. William divided the whole king
dom into knights fees, which were held of himself by military
tenure, and none but the immediate vassals of the crown, or
tenants in ca.pite had seats in the public assembly. In tracing
the subjects of popular privileges, we must believe with cau
tion what has been said by many historians, concerning the
first introduction of the commons into parliament, by Mount-
ford or Edward, for this improvement did not originate with
those persons, but arose from a longer train of innovating causes
than those writers are willing to imagine. Edward I. passed
a law by which it was intended to preserve both, to the crown
and .to the barons their feudal rights for ever. This act re
strained the creation of new superiorities ; it allowed the peo
ple to-dispose of their land, but the original tenure pursued it
through all its alienations, and when the king's tenant divided

4 THE REPRESENTATIVE SYSTEM.
his estate into small baronies, the purchaser afterwards had no
connection with the seller, but held it immediately of the crown,
and if these purchasers alienated the land to others, the tenure
remained still in the king ; and as it was before remarked,
every tenant in capite, that is every, one who held immediately
of the crown, had a seat in the feudal parliament, and here we
observe the effect of a law that was passed by Edward and
his barons merely to prevent their vassals from becoming lords'
like themselves. This was the grand innovation which gave
birth to the English House of Commons, the innovation of a
short-sighted ambition, tyrannical, rapacious, and thoughtless.
The tenants in capite, by the alienation of the king's vassals
soon became so numerous, that it began to be inconvenient
and almost impossible for them to assemble in their own per
sons. Hence arose, and not from any laboured refinements of
legislative invention, the first idea of representation. The in-
franchisement of royal boroughs still multiplied the royal te
nures, and consequently added to the incipient rights of the
commons in the scale of authority. Having assembled for a
long time in the same chamber with the peers, when their
numbers became too great to meet in one assembly, they were
obliged to separate. Hence proceeded the distinct existence
of the Lords and Commons. Thus the legislative influence
of the people arose from the ambition of a king and his ba
rons, and their authority as a distinct body, from a mere local
accident But there are a variety of other innovations by which our
boasted constitution has been formed. In ancient times, the
towns and cities were built on the demesne lands of the king
or of some powerful baron, and were consequently considered
as private property, and owing to this circumstance it was
that the lord might confer the privileges of a borough on any
of his towns and cities. But this was first a considerable in
novation, although it was frequently practised afterwards.
The English Kings usurped the privilege of increasing at
their own pleasure the number of borough representatives.
This privilege gave rise to a very important innovation in the

ORIGIN OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 5
numfcer of the commons, for although in the reign of Henry IV.,
they did not exceed three hundred, yet before the end of
Charles the second's reign, they amounted to more than five
hundred. The towns of Buckingham and Berwick sent no representa
tives till the Reign of Henry VII L, Westminster was first re
presented in the reign of Edward VI., and the two universities
in the time of James I. But this prerogative being abused by
many kings, who by means of its assistance were enabled to
return a majority of their favorites, it has been virtually abo
lished, but yet this abolition was a very important innovation.
In the reign of Edward, the sovereign frequently directed
the chief commercial towns of the country to send representa
tives to a council of trade, at length, however the popular re
presentatives usurped the province of that council, and from
that time a grant of supplies which was the exclusive preroga
tive of the commons, was always accompanied with a petition
in behalf of trade, of property or freedom. By this innovation
the house of commons gradually acquired their legislative au
thority, and before the conclusion of the reign of Edward III.,
they declared that they would not in future, acknowledge any
law to which they had not expressly given their assent
But besides these various innovations, the very principle on
which that assembly depends for its deliberative authority, is
clearly an innovation, we mean the freedom of speech. In the
reigns of many princes, imprisonment and penalty were em
ployed to stifle and suppress the exercise of this important pri
vilege. During the government of Elizabeth, and some of the
Stuarts, the privy council frequently controlled the liberty of
debate, and the tone of a bold and exalted freedom was highly
offensive to the court, and dangerous to him that uttered it
We have thus shown that the present form of our legislative
body, (if that system, even with the boasted reform which it has
undergone, which is so defective and inadequate may be called
representative,* (the principles on which it operates, and the
* There is only one way of rendering the representation pure, and that is by

6 THE SAXON AND NORMAN POLITY.
privileges it enjoys, are all the effects of perpetual innovations.
If indeed an Enghshman in his natural pride and enthusiasm be
inclined to adore his government as a perfect plan of polished
wisdom and enlightened invention, let him reflect on this, and
lay aside at once his bigotry for his own, and his intolerance
towards other models of institutions. This boasted fabric, the
envy of the world, the admiration of ages, without principle
or design, without even prudence or political foresight, has
lasted from generation to generation, because it has been up
held and supported, by temporary repairs, and occasional a-
mendments, and to which a thorough repair at the present time
would be highly beneficial.
Yet from the high language that is held by those, who pre
tend to be its admirers, one might imagine that it had remain
ed from the highest antiquity, the monument of a consummate
and finished legislation. How weak and defective a proof this
opinion rests upon, will easily be shown ; for when did the
English constitution ever arrive at perfection? when did it
make even the slightest approximation to a complete and per
fect government ? The polity of Saxon barbarians has been al
ready characterised as a stern and haughty aristocracy, unjust
ly excluding from the general rights of society, a large portion
of the community. The constitution of the Normans, surely,
has no claim to the description of a pure and perfect system,
when there was no other idea of right, than' partial and exclu
sive privilege, and when the claims of the people were so little
understood and so faintly acknowledged, that an equal value
was set upon the life of a man, and of a beast of chase ; at
neither of these periods then, was there a settled plan of consti
tution, the vices of the feudal system were indeed somewhat
remedied by the Magna Charta, extorted from one of our feu
dal kings, and this produced some very important innovations.
ballot ; for a9 long as certain boroughs ; Tamworth, for instance, are in the
hands of one person, it is a mockery to call those boroughs duly and properly
represented. The inhabitants of these boroughs are like so many serfs on a
Russian estate ; if their proprietor, be a consummate blockhead, they must still
^te for him, or be ejected from their houses

GRADUAL IMPROVEMENT OF OUR GOVERNMENT 7
The celebrated statute of Edward I., de tallagio non conce-
dendo, which secures the inhabitants of towns from arbitrary
taxation, was another useful innovation. The statute of trea
sons passed in the reign of Edward III., was a provision of the
most beneficial nature, and introduced a very salutary innova
tion in that part of Enghsh jurisprudence. The venerable
act of Habeas Corpus, likewise the abolition of the courts of
wards and liveries were further attempts to rectify and regulate
the ancient system, and after these, the memorable revolution
of 1688, which established the principles of resistance upon its
true, solid, and legal foundation, contributed still more to im
prove the plan of our government But all these improve
ments show how much we are indebted to those innovations,
the repetition of which is so much dreaded at the present time
and which were the chief stumbling block in the way of the
municipal Reform Bill, adduced by the adherents of corrup
tion, abuse, and absurdity.
The amendment of our representative system is an inno
vation, which the circumstance of these times loudly called for,
and, however, the petitions of the people may be for a while
despised or slighted, the time will come when they will ap
pear as demandants of a right not as petitioners for a privilege.
Then will approach the season of innovation, not perhaps of
innovations, which are merely temporary expedients or com
promising remedies, but of innovations which will lay the axe to
the root of oppression, and pursue every political evil to a com
plete and final extirpation.
We have indulged in the foregoing remarks as introductory
to a particular and very important period in the life of Mr.
Hunt, when he was brought into contact with individuals of
the most desperate character, and whose secret aim was the
actual overthrow of the Enghsh government, carried on under
the guise of an extinction of abuses, and a thorough regene
ration of the houses of Parhament. It was their desire to enhst
in their cause some persons of standing, respectability and
talent and whom could they fix upon with greater propriety
20. Vol. ii. c

8 LETTER FROM MR. THISTLEWOOD.
than upon Mr. Hunt who had openly avowed himself as th©
unflinching and uncompromising champion of parliamentary
reform, and who having some stake in the country, would im
part to their proceedings a degree of personal responsibility,
of which the conspirators themselves were wholly wanting.
Mr. Hunt relates his introduction to this gang of despera
does, in the following manner.
" Sometime in the early part of September, I received a
letter from London, signed A. Thistlewood, requesting me
when I came to town, to do him the favour of a call, as he had
to communicate to me matters of the highest importance con
nected with the welfare and happiness of the people, to promote
whose interest, he had always observed, that I was most ready
and active, &c. &c. As Mr. Thistlewood was a perfect
stranger to me, I wrote to a Mr. Bryant a quondam attor
ney and clerk of the papers at the King's Bench, a man
who it was said knew every body and every thing that
was going on in London, both in high and low life. I wrote
to this gentleman, and requested him to inquire at such a
number for Mr. Thistlewood, and let me know who and what
he was, as I had received rather a mysterious letter from him
and I wished to know something of him before 1 gave him
any answer. The answer which I received from Mr. Bryant
was such that I never replied to the letter of Mr. Thistlewood,
or took any further notice of it.
" Some time, Jiowever, in the beginning of November, I re
ceived a letter from London, signed Thomas Preston, secre
tary ; to say, that a public meeting of the distressed inhabitants
of the metropolis, was advertised to be held in Spa Fields, on
Monday the 15th November, and that he was instructed by
the committee, to solicit my attendance. The letter was dated
from Greystoke place, and the writer requested an answer
which I gave him by return of post, desiring to be informed
what was the object of the meeting. I received a reply, stat
ing that the object was to agree to a memorial to the Prince
Regent setting forth their grievances, and praying for relief.

MR. HUNTS VISIT TO COBBETT. 9
I instantly wrote to say that I accepted their invitation, and
I would attend the meeting at the time appointed.
" On the next day, I rode over to my friend Cobbett at
Botley, to consult with him what was to be done. When I
mentioned the circumstance to him, he looked very grave, and
said it was a dangerous experiment and he scarcely knew how
to advise me, whether to go or not Oh ! said I, make your
mind quite easy upon that point there is no difficulty in it I
have accepted the invitation, and 1 mean to attend the meeting.
The moment that I ascertained that it was for a legal purpose,
that of addressing the Prince Regent upon the distressed
state of the people, and praying for redress, I no longer hesi
tated, but accepted the invitation, and promised to be there
in time. All that I want you to do, therefore, is to assist me
in drawing up some resolutions, and preparing a proper address
to be presented to his royal highness upon the occasion.
' That' said he, ' I will do with great pleasure,' After due
consideration, the resolutions and the address were agreed
upon, and drawn up by him. Mr. Cobbett never mentioned one
word to me, that he had been invited by the same party, to at
tend this same meeting, hut he said he should be at his lodgings
in London at the time.
" I arrived in London the Saturday before the intended
meeting, and called at Greystoke place to inquire for Mr.
Thomas Preston. I found no one there but, two or three dir
tily dressed, miserable, poor children, who told me that I should
find their father at some house in Southampton Buildings,
Chancery Lane. Thither I repaired, meditating as I went
along, on the wretched emblem of the distresses of the times,
which I had just witnessed in the family of Mr. Thomas Preston.
When I reached Southampton Buildings, I knocked at the
door, and inquired for Mr. Preston. The servant said there
was no such person there, but she would go and inquire of
Mr. Thistlewood and the Doctor ; she then desired me to
walk in, and I was shown into a very neat and well furnished
dining room. I could not avoid observing to myself the con
trast between the elegant apartment I was now in, and that

10 HWT intoduced TO WATSON and thistlewood,
which I had just quitted in Greystoke Place; the name of This
tlewood teas still tinkling upon the drum of my ear, having quite
forgotten xohere I had heard it before."
We must here interrupt the course of the narrative, to make
a few brief remarks on the latter circumstance as related by
Mr. Hunt. It must be admitted that he had offered a
direct insult to Thistlewood, in not taking any notice of the
letter which had been written to him, and which conduct he
was induced to adopt from the character, which he had received
of Thistlewood from Mr. Bryant. Mr. Hunt however, now
becomes personally acquainted with him, and in despite of the
character, which he had received of him, shows no hesitation
or repugnance to enter with him into an explanation of his plans,
instead of withdrawing himself at once from any association
with a man of such a questionable character. It must also be
observed that Doctor Watson was an utter stranger to Mr.
Hunt, and if the maxim be good, that a man is known by the
company he keeps, some not very pleasant suspicions must
have arisen in his mind, that he was committing himself to the
power of individuals, who might bring his own character to a
level with theirs. There is also something not very credible in'
the circumstance of Mr. Hunt having entirely forgotten where he
had heard the name of Thistlewood, although it was still tink
ling upon the drum of his ear, on the contrary, the circumstance
of the receipt of the letter from him, and the reason ol his not
answering it, must, it would be naturally supposed, recur to
his memory, and have induced him to make a precipitate re
treat from all association with characters of their stamp.
To resume Mr. Hunt's narrative. " In a few minutes, two
gentlemen walked in, the one dressed in a handsome dressing
gown and morroco slippers, the other in a shabby genteel
black. The former addressed me very familiarly by name,
saying, that he was Mr Thistleioood, and he begged to intro
duce his friend Dr. Watson. They at once informed me that
they were part of the committee for whom Mr. Preston acted
as secretary, that they had called the meeting, and directed
their secretary to invite me to attend it and that they had also

discussion on the memorial. 11
written to invite Sir Francis Burdett Major Cartwright, Mr.
Waithman, Mr. Cobbett and several other political characters.
I then inquired what was the nature of the memorial or ad
dress which they meant to submit to the Prince Regent.
They answered, that they had it not then by them, but that if
I ivished it, they would procure me a sight of it before I went
to the meeting. To this, I replied, that I certainly did not
wish merely for a sight of it, but for something more, as, if I
attended the meeting to take any part in it I should choose to
have time to peruse the memorial very minutely, before I un
dertook to give it my support. This they promised I should
have an opportunity of doing, and the doctor appeared an
xious to have my opinion of it. I could, however, see that
Mr. Thistlewood had set his heart upon this memorial as it
stood, and he slightly intimated that the committee had made
up their minds on the subject, and that it was finally settled
that the memorial was to be submitted to the meeting. I in
quired who the committee were composed of, and I soon found
that Mr. Thistlewood and Dr. Watson were in reality the com
mittee ; young Watson, Preston, Hooper, Castles, and one or
two others who formed the remainder of the committee, being
merely nominal members. I informed them that I was stay
ing at Cooper's hotel, where they promised to wait upon me
in the evening with the memorial, that I might look it over."
The information which Mr. Hunt had received, that invi
tations had been sent to Sir Francis Burdett Major Cart-
wright and others of the leading political characters of the
day, and they, one and all of them having declined to have any
thing to do with the meeting, ought to have operated on Mr.
Hunt to follow their example, and to have left the unprin
cipled crew to prosecute their traitorous designs, at the risk of
their own heads, without involving that of an innocent and re
spectable individual. Conscious to themselves, that they had
no character to lose, they were reckless as to the consequences
which their designs might have upon the character of those
individuals who might be unsuspectingly entangled in their
snares. It is also worthy of remark, that there appears some-

12 EXTRAORDINARY conduct OF MR. COBBETT.
thing very inexplicable in the conduct of Mr. Cobbett, who
although invited to attend the meeting, forebore to mention
that circumstance to Mr. Hunt, at the same time that he as
sisted him in drawing up the resolutions. It would thence ap
pear that Mr. Cobbett had some foreboding of the dangerous
tendency of the meeting, and of the rottenness of the characters
of the individuals who had projected it, but still, although he
felt no inclination to expose himself to any danger, yet he felt no
objection to expose hisjriend to it. The whole affair was in
deed well calculated to arouse suspicion in the breast of any
one possessed of the feelings of common caution or prudence.
Mr. Hunt was, however, a candidate for popular fame, and
his extreme love of notoriety conquered over those dictates
of prudence, which in any other case, he would have put in
practice. Mr. Hunt continues. " Mr. Thistlewood and the Doctor
came at the appointed hour, and brought the document with
them. It was very long, and filled several pages closely written
upon foolscap paper. As soon as I had read the first resolu
tion, I was satisfied in my own mind, as to how I ought to
act with respect to this voluminous production, but when I
had read to the bottom of the first page, I closed the book,
and very seriously informed my visiters, that it evidently con
tained treasonable matter, and that nothing more than the
ivert act of holding the meeting to carry the scheme into
xecution was required, to make all that were concerned in it,
liable at least to be indicted for high treason. I certainly
should not I told them, countenance any such measures as
were proposed, even in the first page, and the project of march
ing in a body to Carlton House, to demand and enforce an
audience of the Prince Regent, which formed a part of their
design, was quite preposterous, as well as unjust and unreason
able. As a private gentleman, I myself would not submit to
be intruded upon in such a manner, and it was very unrea
sonable to expect that it could be endured by the chief magis
trate of the country. I found, in fact that the whole affair was
made up of Spencean principles, relating to the holding of all

PABLIAMENTARY REFORM. 13
the land in the kingdom as one great farm belonging to the
people, or something of that sort. I told them my ideas upon
the subject which were, that the first thing the people had to
do in order to recover their rights, was to obtain a reform of
the Common's house of Parliament When once the people
were fairly and equally represented in that house, such pro
positions as were contained in their memorial might then be
discussed, but for one set of people to dictate to any other
what should be the law, I maintained to be arbitrary and un
just The Doctor very readily concurred with me, and he
asked my advice as to what was best to be done. I replied
that the only course to be pursued was, to pass certain reso
lutions, pointing out the distressed state of the country, and
the absolute necessity of reform, to save the wreck of the con
stitution, and declaring that the only reform that would be of
any avail, must be upon the principles of annual parlia
ments, universal suffrage, and vote by ballot. They both
at once agreed to the propriety of my suggestions, and re
quested that I would prepare some resolutions and an address
to his royal highness, which they also begged me to propose
to the meeting, and they would support them. I asked them
if they did not expect the attendance of any other of the pub
lic characters to whom they had written. To this they re
plied, that I was the only person toho had accepted the invitation.
The Doctor and Mr. Thistlewood promised to take care about
the hustings being erected in Spa-Fields, and the former was
to call on me on Monday morning to prepare and transcribe
the resolutions and the petition, which were to be submitted to
the meeting.
" The Doctor came at the time appointed, and he copied
the resolutions and the petition, which I had drawn up, which
with some alterations and additions, were the same as were
agreed upon by Mr. Cobbett and myself at Botley. Before
we had finished these, a messenger arrived to say, that an
immense number of persons were "•*?mbled in the front of
the Merlin's cave, public house, in Spa- Fields, and that they
were impatient for our arrival. Upon this, the Doctor and

14 MEETING at spa fields
myself got into a hackney coach, and drove immediately to
the spot, which was covered by much the largest concourse of
people I had ever seen together in my life. We were hailed
by the most deafening shouts, and with some considerable dif
ficulty we were driven to the summit of the hill, surrounded
by the multitude. Upon inquiring where the hustings were,
I found that nothing had been done or thought of towards the
erecting them. In this dilemma, I mounted upon the top of the
hackney coach, and was immediately followed by the Doctor and
another person, which person, without any further ceremony,
hoisted a tri-coloured flag, red, white, and green. The bearer
of the flag was no less a personage than the notorious mr.
john castles, a gentleman that I had never seen before. I soon
found that it was impossible to address such an immense mul
titude from such a situation as that of the top of a coach, and
as the wind blew very sharp, our berth was a very disagreeable
one. While we were looking round for a better situation, we
were hailed by some gentleman from the windows of a house
in the neighbouring row, and a young person, whom I after
wards found to be Mr. William Clark, having made his way
to the coach, invited me to enter the house opposite, and to
address the multitude from the window, and as the party, who
were assembled in that room still kept beckoning me to join
them, I readily assented. We dismounted and followed Mr.
Clark, who led us up stairs into the front room of the Mer
lin's cave public house, which I afterwards found had been
taken by, and was partly occupied by the magistrates, accom
panied by a number of officers of the police, and the reporters
of the public press. The sashes were immediately removed
from the window, and I presented myself to the assembled
multitude amidst universal shouts of applause. I found my
self surrounded by strangers, there being scarcely a man in
the room I had ever seen before, with the exception of Mr.
Clark and some of the reporters of the public press. I pro
posed that Mr. Clark should take the chair, which proposal
was seconded and carried by acclamation. I was the only one
present who was known to the multitude as a public man. I

HEADS OF MR HUNTS SPEECH. 15
had often appeared before the people at Palace Yard, and at
the Guildhall of the city of London, and I was instantly re
cognized by them. In fact I believe that it had been pub
licly placarded and advertised, that I had accepted the invi
tation to attend, which had been sent to me by the committee,
and I was therefore expected.
The chairman having in an appropriate speech, briefly
opened the meeting, I stood forward to move the resolutions,
which I prefaced by a speech of about an hour in length."
It would far exceed our limits to give the whole of Mr
Huntfs speech, and therefore we shall merely state that it em
braced the leading topics on which tV complaints of the pub
lic are founded, namely the enormous sum which is annually
wrung from the pockets of the people for the discharge of the
civil list alias for the support of the expensive pageant of Roy
alty, amounting to £1,038,000 to which may be added on- the
score of deficiencies, £584,713 which with the civil list for
Scotland, made the whole amount of the civil list for one year,
one million, seven hundred and fifty nine thousand, three hundred
and twenty six pounds, and in the same year, the family of
royal cormorants, called upon the nation to grant an additional
allowance to them of £366,660.
Mr. Hunt of course could not allow that monument of pro
fligacy, extravagance, and vice, to pass over without receiving
from him, his well merited castigation, we allude to the pensi
on list of this country, which includes the names of the titled
paupers of the state workhouse, and including a list of some of
the most profligate sinecurists, and pensioners ; of all grades,
and ranks, from the bastards of royalty to the very pimps and
panders of the lowest stews of the metropolis.
Mr. Hunt contended that the enormous weight of taxation
alone produced the misery under which the people were groan
ing, and that the sole cause of such heavy impositions being
placed upon the people, was from the corrupt state of the re
presentation in the house of commons, or the people's house of
parhament and he laboured strenuously to convince them that
20 Vol. ii. d

16 DISSOLUTION CF THE MEETING.
the high price of bread and meat did not originate with the ba
kers and butchers, as was falsely asserted to be the case by
the corrupt conductors of the public press. He demonstrated
to them the weakness of wreaking their vengeance upon un
offending tradesmen, who were suffering from the weight of
taxes, nearly as much as themselves, and he endeavoured to
convince them of the superiority of mental over physical force,
contending that it would be an act of injustice, as well as folly
to resort to the latter, while they had the power df exercising
the former. Above all things, he took the greatest pains to
promote peace and good order, as the only means by which
they were likely to obtain any redress for their grievances, or
any alleviation of their miseries, and to convince them that to
commit acts of violence would prove them unworthy of relief.
Mr. Hunt then proposed four resolutions, the chief princi
ples of which where " the removal of the iveight of taxation''
" The impolicy of the maintenance of an army in France, in or
der to uphold the restored despots, and priests, in opposition to the
express wishes of the whole French nation." " The lavish and
improvident expenditure of the public money on innumerable
men, and women, who are the holders of sinecures, pensions,
grants, and emoluments of various descriptions, without having
ever performed the smallest service to their country." A com
plete and radical reform of the house of commons, and conclu
ding with a petition to the Prince Regent that he would im
mediately assemble parhament and recommend to them in
the most urgent manner, to reduce the army ; to abolish all si
necures, and all pensions, grants, and emoluments not merited by
public services, and to apply the same, to feed the hungry, and
clothe the naked.
After passing the customary vote of thanks to the chairman
Mr. Hunt and others, the meeting was dissolved ; the multi
tude however took the horses from the carriage, which Mr.
Hunt had entered with the chairman, and drew them amongst
the most deafening cheers to the Inn where Mr. Hunt was lodg
ing, the Black Lion, Water Lane.*
* Mr. Hunt here mal-es a mistake, previously to the meeting he was lodging at

MR. HUNTS DINNER PAKTY. 17
Just as Mr. Hunt was sitting down to dinner with Mr. Bry
ant, his son, and Mr. Clark, to the great surprise of the party
in marched Messrs. Watson, Thistlewood, and three or four
strangers, whom they introduced as Mr. Watson junr., Mr.
Castles, Mr. Hooper, &c, who had followed them from the
meeting with the intention, as they said, of dining with Mr.
Hunt not perhaps knowing where they could get a dinner
elsewhere. Mr. Hunt was very much disconcerted by this
intrusion, and told them that he had private business to settle,
that he had no idea of dining in public, and that dinner
was only ordered for four. As, however, they did not appear
to take the hint although it was a pretty broad one, Mr.
Bryant ordered more fish and some chops to be added to
the dinner, and the table being lengthened, down they all sat
together; Mr. Bryant took the chair at the request of Mr
Hunt Even with the slight knowledge which we may be supposed
to possess of the common courtesies of human life, we cannot re
concile the account of this dinner as related by Mr. Hunt with
any of the generally received modes of social intercourse. In
the first place, Mr. Hunt was living as a private gentleman at
a public inn, and it was not very probable that the domestics
of the establishment would have permitted a posse of strangers
to have, comparatively speaking, forced their way into the com
pany of a guest at the house, who was about to sit down to
dine with a few friends, without having first announced to Mr.
Hunt that some individuals had called upon him : and in the
next place, as Mr. Bryant was a guest of Mr. Hunt, it was
rather a specimen of very ill breeding on the part of the latter
to subject a visiter of his to sit down at a table, and actually
to preside at the head of it at which was seated a character,
so notoriously bad, that Mr. Hunt himself would not answer a
letter received from him, on account of the information received
from the very individual, whom he had invited as a visiter.
Mr. Hunt although not mixing in the highest circles, was
Cooper's Hotel, Bouverie Street, after the meeting he was lodging at the Block
Lion

18 SEDITIOUS CONDUCT OF CASTLES.
still not so entirely ignorant of the urbanities and courtesies of
genteel life, as to expose a guest of his to sit down at the
same table with an individual, whom he had represented as
totally unworthy of the notice of any respectable person. Mr.
Hunt must also have distinctly seen the lowness of the charac
ters with whom he had brought himself into association, by
their not immediately retiring on the information given by Mr.
Hunt that he was not dining in public, and had only ordered
for four. There is also something unaccountably strange in
Mr. Bryant who was a guest of Mr. Hunt being requested
to take the head of the table, as if Mr. Hunt were himself
ashamed to preside over such a disreputable gang, not one of
whom had at the time a farthing at stake in the country, and
who did not know where to get a steak but at the expence
of Mr. Hunt.
Mr. Hunt, however, was not long before he found good rea
son to regret the imprudent step which he had taken, in com
mitting himself with a set of men, who were in a degree utter
strangers to him, for on the dinner being ended, Mr. Bryant
drank the health of the king,* which toast passed round till it
came to Mr. Castles, who having filled a bumper, substituted
the following vulgar and sanguinary toast for that of the king.
' May the last of kings be strangled tvith the guts of the last
priest," a piece of brutahty which had not even the miserable
merit of being original, he having copied it from one of the
French anarchists. This was to Mr. Hunt a pretty spe
cimen of the company that had intruded themselves upon him.
He remonstrated immediately against such blackguardism,
and he declared that he would not remain in the room if
there were any repetition of it,,. Mr. Castles, however, soon
began again in a similar manner, and having put forth some
most outrageous speech, as vulgar as it was seditious, both
Mr. Hunt and Mr. Bryant insisted upon the unmannerly in-
* Mr. Byrant was at this time holding an office under the crown as clerk of
the papers of the King's Bench, and yet Mr. Hunt could place him in a situa
tion, which had it been known to " the authorities," would have been instantly
followed by his dismissal.

SUSPICIOUS CONDUCT OF CASTLES. 19
trader jeaving the room or holding his peace. He promised to
do the latter, and soon dropped off, or appeared to drop off into
a very sound sleep. This was a circumstance which struck Mr.
Hunt as being very suspicious, and therefore he was particu
larly guarded in what he said, and in what was said by others.
At length two of the party, young Watson and Hooper, made
a movement to retire, and Mr. Hunt insisted upon it that they
should take their friend Castles with them, but he shammed
so sound a sleep, that he was with difficulty got out of the room,
and it was only effected by Mr. Hunt pulling the chair from
under him, upon which he was in an instant as wide awake as
any man in the room. This soon convinced Mr. Hunt that
his sleep was all a mere pretence. Soon after this, the re
mainder of the party left them, and Mr. Bryant and Mr. Hunt
were left to themselves to talk over the curious adventures of
the evening. They were at any rate convinced that Castles
was a great villain, and Mr. Hunt was determined in future
not to be in a room where he was.
On the following morning, Watson and Thistlewood came
to apologize for the ill behaviour of their friend Castles, who,
they assured Mr. Hunt was at heart a very good fellow, but
that he was overcome with liquor on the preceding evening.
(There is an' old adage, save me from my friends, and I will
take care of my enemies. When Castles gave the obnoxious
toast not a single glass of wine had been yet taken after din
ner, Mr. Bryant having given the first toast therefore Castles
nor his friends on his behalf could plead intoxication.) He,
however, now wished very much to have an opportunity of
making an apology in person, for which purpose he was wait
ing in the vicinity. Mr. Hunt however, positively refused to
see him, saying, that he believed him to be a great scoundrel,
and that he would on no account suffer him to come into his
room again, and he not only cautioned Doctor Watson against
him, but he advised him to take care, or Castles would bring
him to the gallows. In fact Mr. Hunt made up his mind
that as long as the Doctor and Thistlewood kept company
with such a fellow, he would have nothing to do with them in

20 COBBETT'S STATEMENT OF THE MEETING.
private, nor would ever see them alone. Mr. Hunt felt that
he had been in very dangerous company, and he was deter
mined not to place himself in the power of such a man as Mr.
Castles appeared, to him to be.
From the corrupt state of the venal press at this particular
period, it ceases to be a matter of wonder, that on the day
subsequently to the celebrated meeting in Spa Fields, the
whole pack of the government bloodhounds were let loose
upon Mr. Hunt, who represented in the Courier and Morn
ing post that Mr. Hunt's speech was full of treasonable mat
ter, and in this they were in some degree warranted, as go
vernment had obtained a copy of the original memorial from
a person of the name of Dyatl, and it was inserted in the
Courier newspaper, as being the one which Mr. Hunt pro
posed. The following extract from Mr. Cobbettfs Register
will, however, give the fairest representation of the business,
at the same time, that it relieves the character of Mr. Hunt
from much of the odium, which has been so industriously at>-
tached to it.
" Since my long acquaintance with the press, I do not think
that I have ever witnessed so much baseness of conduct as
this meeting has given rise to. If Mr. Hunt had been the
most notorious pickpocket ; if he had been a ragamuffin co
vered with a coat hired for the day ; if he had been a fellow
who took up his lodgings in the brick-kilns or in the niches on
Westminster Bridge ; and if he had actually proposed to the
meeting to go directly and plunder the silversmiths' shops, and
cut the throats of all those who opposed them ; if he had drank
off a glass of human blood by way of moistening his throat ;
monstrous as this is, it is a real fact that if he had been and
had done all this, the London press could not have treated
him in a worse manner than it has. The Statesman newspa
per is an exception ; but, I believe, that it is almost the only
exception. Talk of violence indeed ! Was there ever violence
like this heard of in this world before ? And what is the mon
strous crime which has emboldened these literary ruffians to
make this savage assault, and which induces them to suppose

COBBETT S DEFENCE OF HUNT. 21
that they shall finally escape with impunity ? They, the vile
wretches, are the real mob. They attack in body, they know
that defence is impossible, they know that a hundred times the
fortune of Mr. Hunt would not purchase enough of their co
lumns to contain an answer to their falsehoods. Is this manly,
is this fairness, is this discussion, is this liberty of the press ?
Infamous cowards ! They merit to be dragged by a halter
fastened round their necks and whipped through the streets.
They talk of decency and decorum indeed ! They call people
blackguards and ruffians ! They pretend to complain of mis
representation and exaggeration ! They ! who set up one com
mon howl of foul abuse and viperous calumny.
" But what is the act which has awakened all those filthy
curs, and put them in motion ? Some persons, no matter who,
but I believe, some suffering tradesmen in London, agreed to
call a meeting of distressed people in Spa- Fields, in order to
present a petition on the subject of their sufferings ; one of
the committee, who had called this meeting, wrote to Mr Hunt
to come and assist at it This he did. Being there, he pro
posed a petition which was agreed to. This petition has ap
peared in the Statesman newspaper, to which I refer the
reader, and when he has looked at it he will be convinced,
that if the language of moderation be desirable, the language
of this petition is much more moderate than that of almost any
petition, which has recently appeared in print. Upon what
ground then is this outrageous abuse founded ? The meeting
separated very quietly, never did any meeting partake less of
riotous behaviour. In the evening of the same day, a mob of
boys and others attacked some bakers and butchers shops. But
whose fault was this ? Was it Mr. Hunt's, who seems to have
spent a quarter of an hour in endeavouring to convince his
hearers, that to commit such acts was to prove themselves un
worthy of relief; or, wa3 it the fault of those pestiferous
vehicles of falsehood, the Courier and the Times, who are
incessantly inveighing against the avarice of bakers and but
chers ?
" It is clear that these proceedings of the evening had no

22 cobbett's defence OF HUNT
connection with the meeting, but on the contrary, that every
thing which was said at the meeting had a natural tendency
to prevent them. As to the attack on the office of the Morn
ing Chronicle, that might possibly arise out of what Mr. Hunt
said at the meeting. And what then ? Was he to endure the
calumnies, the unprovoked calumnies of that paper for years,
and never reply a word? It would have cost him hundreds of
pounds to cause to be pubhshed in that paper ansioers to a
hundredth part of the base attacks upon him contained in that
same paper. And was he never to answer in any way ? Was
he, when he had a hundred thousand men within his hearing,
to abstain from expressing his indignation at the conduct of
that paper, lest by possibihty the indignation might be catch
ing ? The Morning Chronicle, the Courier, and the Times,
make no scruple to endeavour to cause him to be knocked on
the head, they point him out for either hanging or murdering ;
they are beforehand with an apology for any one who may take
his life. And is he, who can find no entrance into their co
lumns, without covering his paragraph with gold, to abstain
from uttering a word against them, when he comes before a
public meeting, lest the people should espouse his cause and
demolish their windows ? Whence have they derived this pri
vilege of assaulting him with impunity? He has no news
paper in his hands. He has no means of answering them
through the press. They assail him, sitting snugly in their
offices. They assail him daily. And is he never to open his
lips at any time, or at any place ?
" Where then is the ground of all this infamous abuse?
After accusing Mr. Hunt of having raised a mob for treason
able purposes, some of the papers have in the most serious man
ner, asserted that he was insane, and that he had been to a
madhouse ! Is not this a pretty stretch of calumny ? Is a
man bound to endure this in silence ? ' He has no redress at
lato.' Oh ! the base cowards ! Their answer is worse than their,
crime. " Was it way fault in an Enghshman living in, the country
to come to London to take part at a meeting of Englishmen in

MR. cobbett's letter. 23
distress ? Was this any fault ? No one can say that it was. —
The meeting had been advertised many days before any know
ledge of it reached Mr. Hunt ; he was requested to come up,
and who can blame him for coming ? However, it is a ques
tion of blame or no blame ; he had a right to come, and he
chose to exercise his right If, indeed, the invitation had been
from persons in prosperity, he might have easily declined, but
I do not see how he was to resist the call of the people in
distress. " But his speech, that was • inflammatory.' Good God !
what is not inflammatory now-a-days ? But though the speech
might and, I dare say, did contain matter much stronger than
that which I have read in the report of it I am very sure that
it could not surpass what I have read in the Morning Chroni
cle within this month, and that it could not surpass (for no
thing surpasses) the inflammatory matter in the Times and the
Courier on the subject of their alleged extortions of the ba
kers and butchers. Besides, as to the printed reports of the
speech, Mr. Hunt was wholly at the mercy of the reporters.
They have made him say just what they pleased, and he has
no redress, no means of correction, no chance of being heard
in explanation. They impute to him the having asserted, that
Lady Oxford is on the pension list. This was false, as he
has since proved to me by the list which he read. It has been
asserted, that he went to the meeting with a tri-coloured flag.
This is also false, he never having known of the existence of
any flag until his arrival on the spot and was he to go away
merely because some whimsical persons had hoisted a flag and
a cap of liberty ? Besides, are there not flags enough at con
tested elections ? Do not freemasons and others parade about
with flags ? Why was this meeting not to have a flag, if it
chose it ? Call the thing nonsensical if you please, and I shall
not dissent. But where was the harm ? Where was the jus
tification for all this vile, this atrocious abuse?
" It is said, that Mr. Hunt urged the people to use physi.
20. VOL. II. e

24 MR. cobbett's letter.
cal force, if their petition was not granted. This also is false,
or at least he assured me that it was, and I believe him, because
it was too foolish for him to think of. But how often have we
heard of resistance being recommended? Mr. Fox once recom
mended it and he never was calumniated in this outrageous
manner. I have no doubt that many things escaped Mr-
Hunt during his speech, that he himself wished he had uttered
more select phrases ; but who is there, who is so very choice
upon such occasions ? If any one say, that he would do better
to remain in Hampshire or Wiltshire, and take care of his
farms, the answer is, that he is seemingly of a different opi
nion. He chooses to take a part in public matters. He pre
fers this bustle to the tranquillity of a country life. The bois
terous hallooing of multitudes is more pleasing to his ears
than the chinkling of the plough traces, the bleating of lambs
or the song of the nightingale. His taste may be bad, but in
God's name do not cover him with all sorts of infamous names
and imputations on account of his want of taste. Besides, if
this sort of objection were made to the leaders at public meet
ings we should, I imagine, have very few meetings. One
might be told to keep to his snuff shop, another to his haber
dashery, and so on. Indeed the tools of corruption are so very
nice upon this head, that I have never yet heard of any one
trade or calling, which they did not despise, if a man who
came forward against abuses happened to be of that trade or
calling ; and on the other hand, there is nothing too low or
vile for them, if it be put forward in corruption's defence, or
employed as one of her agents.
'' We shall see in the end how this most calumniated gen
tleman conducts himself. He has engaged to carry the prince's
answer to the Spa Fields meeting next Monday week. Now,
if, in the conducting of this business, he shall be found to have
acted the part of a stupid country jolterhead, or of a headstrong
insolent ass, let him be left to the public contempt; but if he
shall be found- to have carried the matter through with due

MR. COBBETT S LETTER. 25
respect towards the prince and his ministers, and at the same
time, with the spirit and resolution of an independent man, let
him have the praise that will be his due.
" In the meanwhile it must be not a little mortifying to the
Morning Chronicle in particular to see, that votes of thanks to
Mr. Hunt have been passed at many of those meetings in ^dif
ferent parts of the kingdom, the proceedings at which meetings'
Mr. Perry has very highly and very justly praised ! How
will this calumniator of Mr. Hunt account for this ? And how
will he account for the speech of Mr. Hunt at the late West
minster meeting, having been republished in Norfolk, and
widely circulated in that county ? There can have been no
trick made use of by Mr. Hunt to produce these effects. He
has no acquaintance and cronies about the country. Ten
times his fortune would not have purchased him these marks
of popularity. And why should the people of Spa Fields be
abused for having chosen to ask the assistance oi him, who
has received votes of thanks from those very meetings, both in
England and Scotland, the proceedings of which meetings Mr.
Perry of the Chronicle has praised to the skies ? Surely the
people in Scotland, in Norfolk, in Lancashire, cannot have
had their judgment unduly biassed in his favour ! They have
heard the former outrageous abuse of Mr. Hunt ; never have
heard, except by mere accident a word of defence ; and yet
they most solemnly decided that his efforts are worthy of their
praise and of their specific thanks.
" Were I, who am acquainted with Mr. Hunt, to say to him,
' why do you not stay quietly at home aud attend to your
country affairs, and pursue the foxes, and hares, and pheasants,
when you find yourself in need of recreation ? You will be
much happier in so doing, than in getting into all this tur
moil of politics, and exposing yourself to so much calumny,
and indeed, to the hatred of those, whose hatred is full of dan
ger to you.' If I were to say this to him, would he not be
fully justified in asking me, why / did not myself act upon the
principle of my own advice ?„, Times and circumstances create
men, or at least they call men forth, who would otherwise

26 MR. COBBETT'S LETTER.
have remained unknown to the end of their days ; and the
present are times when it is impossible for such men as Mr-
Hunt to remain dormant
" Since writing the former part of this article, I have dis
covered, that the report of Mr. Hunf s speech in the States
man was taken word for word, or nearly so, from .the Chroni
cle. The evening papers have I find, no reporters. So that
no true account bas gone forth; and thus has the misrepresen
tation circulated without the possibility of defence ! There is
a gentleman in Wiltshire, whose name is Bennett whose
speech, at an agricultural meeting, about the Corn Bill, was
pubhshed in all the London papers, and which speech, as
pubhshed, drew down on him the execrations of those same
papers, and, indeed, of the pubhc in general. He said, that
he never uttered such words; that he had been grossly
misrepresented. He wrote to some of these same papers a
contradiction of the statement ; a defence of himself. But in
order to get in a short paragraph, he was called upon to pay
to one paper nineteen guineas ! and though he has a fortune of,
probably, £10,000 a year, he declared that his fortune would
have been insufficient to obtain the means of defending him
self through the same channels, which had attacked him. A
hundred such fortunes would not have obtained the means of
defence ; for the moment he had paid for inserting a defence
against one calumny, he would have found another to defend
himself against. What then," is a calumniated man to do?
The law ! The reptiles know how to evade that ; and, besides,
where is the fortune sufficient for laio ? Therefore, the ca
lumnies must go and take their course. If men cannot beai-
up against them, they must hold their peace, and retire from
before the pubhc. Whether Mr. Hunt is to be driven off by
these means remains to be seen."
In the meantime Mr. Cobbett had addressed several ol his
Registers to Sir Francis Burdett pointing out what sort of
reform it was necessary and just the people should have. In
these letters he contended for annual parliaments, and that
all direct tax payers should have a vote, but no others.

COBBETT AND UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE. 27
In his Register, No. 16, of volume 31, published on the
19th of October, after having in a very elaborate manner
maintained this doctrine he says ' All, therefore, that the re
formers have now to do, is to adhere to the above stated
main points. Every man ivho pays a direct tax to have a vote ;
and parliaments to be elected annually.' The test to ascertain
whether a man should have a vote or not, is laid down by
Mr. Cobbett as follows : — ' When a man comes to vote, the
churchwardens who have charge of the ballot box ask his
name ; the overseers look into their rate book to see whether
he be a tax payer, finding his name there, they bid him put
in his ballot which done, home he goes to his business.
If the overseers do not find him to be a tax payer, he of course,
does not vote.' This was the sort of reform which, on the
the 19th of October, 1816, Mr. Cobbett proposed as com
petent to work cpr salvation.
" After the great public meeting, which had been held in
Spa Fields, on the 15th of November, Mr. Cobbett, in the
very next number of his Register, published on the 23th
of that month, came round all at once to Universal Suffrage :
and he says, ' In Nos. 16 and 18 I gave my reasons for exclu
ding from the vote all persons who did not pay direct taxes.
He then very clearly demonstrates the justice of every one
having a vote, and adds, ' But it appeared to me, when I wrote
Nos. 16 and 18, to be too difficult to put this right in motion
all at once ; and therefore I recommended the confining of the
right of voting to the payers of direct taxes, until there should
be time for a reformed parhament to change the mode of taxing.
Since, however, I have come to London, I have had an oppor
tunity of consulting Major Cartwright upon the subject ; and the
result is, my thorough conviction that nothing short of
universal suffrage would be just and that such a system
is perfectly practicable.' This was pubhshed on the 23rd of
November, 1816. The reader will have to recollect these
things when the circumstances are detailed which took place
at the meeting of delegates, in London, on the following Jan
uary. Now, Mr. Cobbett says that ' there are three things for

28 hunt's interview with JOHN mc*mahon.
which I contend — Universal Suffrage, Annual Parliaments,
and Vote by Ballot.'"
The following account which Mr. Hunt gives of his inter
view with the celebrated John Mc' Mahon, is truly illustrative
of the character of that finished courtier.
" As soon as I received Sir Francis Burdett's letter, de
clining to present the petition of the distressed people to the
Prince Regent I took the earhest opportunity of proceeding
to Carlton House by myself. When I arrived there, I was in
formed that Colonel M'Mahon, his Royal Highness's secre
tary, had left town, and would not return till two o'clock the
next day. I informed the under secretary, who was in waiting
who I was, and what was my business, and I made an appoint
ment to wait on Colonel M'Mahon at two o'clock on the fol
lowing day. I took care to knock at the gate at Carlton
House at the appointed time, and the moment that the
gate was open, the porter took off his hat and ringing a bell,
accosted me by name, and requested me to walk forward to
the front door which I had scarcely reached, before the large
folding doors of Carlton House were thrown open, and I was
politely requested by the attendants to walk in, as Colonel
M'Mahon was ready to receive me. I was ushered into his
apartments in great state, and was immediately introduced to
him by name. I was most graciously received by the secretary,
to whom I stated that I was deputed to present to his Royal
Highness a petition, agreed to at a meeting of nearly one hun
dred thousand of his distressed subjects of the metropolis, as
sembled in Spa Fields on the 15 th, and that I wished to know
when I could have an audience for that purpose. The Colo
nel then took his book, and informed me that the tiext levee
would take place in about three weeks, which was the first
opportunity that I could have of being introduced to his Royal
Highness the Prince Regent I told him that would be too
distant a date, and I begged to know if there were no means
of presenting the petition earlier, as I had promised to deliver
the Prince's answer to the people on the second of December,
when they would assemble again to hear what the answer was.

INTERVIEW WITH LORD SIDMOUTH. 29
To this he replied, that the only other means was to forward
the paper through the Secretary of State for the Home depart
ment who he had no doubt would deliver it to his royal
master immediately, as he knew it was considered by the mi
nisters as a matter of considerable importance. I thanked
him for his polite attention and obliging information, and I
then retired with the same form as I entered, the Colonel at
tending me to the doors, which were thrown wide open as
before. " 1 immediately wrote a letter to Lord Sidmouth, to appoint
a time when I could have an audience, for the purpose of de
livering to him the petition to be presented to the Prince
Regent and I carried this letter myself direct to the office of
the Secretary of State, and sent it up to his lordship, saying,
that I would wait in the ante-room for an answer. In a
very few minutes the servant in waiting returned, attended
by an under secretary, who said that Lord Sidmouth would
give an audience immediately, and he desired that I would
follow him. I did so, and was forthwith introduced into the
audience room, where his Lordshp received me with all that pa
rade of overstrained politeness which belongs to a finished cour
tier. He was surrounded by some half-dozen lordlings, who
from the manner in which he ordered them out of the room,
appeared to be hungry expectants, seeking and supplicating
some place, office, or boon. They vanished in a twinkling,
and his Lordship could not hear a word for the world, till I
did him the honour to take seat which he politely drew for
me. My letter had explained the object of my visit and after
having briefly apologized for intruding at a time when he was
surrounded by others, I expressed my wish to have the peti-
sion of 100,000 of the distressed inhabitants of the metropolis,
who had assembled in Spa Fields the preceding Monday, pre
sented to the Prince Regent : and I then put into his hands
the petition ; he read it over attentively, and having finished
the perusal of it he said that it was a most important paper,
and was couched in such proper language, that he should feel
it his duty to lay it before his royal master the very first thing

30 FORMATION OF THE HAMPDEN CLUB.
on the following morning, and he had not the least doubt that
a favourable answer would be returned.
There had in the meanwhile, been meetings held for peti
tioning for reform, all over the kingdom, particularly in the
North of England and Scotland ; which meetings emanated
from the first Spa Fields meeting ; and at almost all these
meetings resolutions and petitions of a similar tendency were
passed; Annual Parliaments, Universal Suffrage, and Vote
by Ballot being very generally prayed for. Hampden clubs
had been formed all over the north of England, by Major
Cartwright who had sent an agent round the country for that
purpose. The Major had also supplied a copy of a petition
for reform, to be transmitted to the members of these bodies,
which prayed for the suffrage or right of voting, to be ex
tended only to all payers of direct taxes. These petitions be
ing printed upon large paper, were very generally adopted,
as it saved the trouble of drawing up others. A circular letter
had also been sent round the country, signed by Sir Francis
Burdett or rather with the Baronet's fac-simile, which he had
authorised the Major to use, for the purpose of inviting the
Hampden clubs, and all other petitioning bodies, to send up
delegates or deputies to London, to meet a deputation of the
Hampden club, to decide upon what sort of reform the reform
ers would unanimously agree to petition for. Great num
bers had followed the example set them at Spa Fields, Bristol,
and Bath; others who had signed the Major's printed peti
tions, only prayed for all payers of direct taxation to be admit
ted to the right of voting.
The Parhament was to meet on the 28th of January. About
the 24th of that month, the delegates, or deputies, from the
Hampden clubs, and other petitioning bodies, from various
parts of the kingdom, arrived in London ; and a day was ap
pointed for them to meet at the Crown and Anchor. Mr.
Hunt was delegated from Bristol, to accompany Mr. Cossens>
who brought the petition from that city, signed by twenty-four
thousand persons. He was also delegated from Bath, together
with Mr. John Allen, who seeing the spirit displayed by hi^

MEETING OF THE DELEGATES. 31
townsmen, volunteered once more to act the part of a re
former, and he brought up the Bath petition, containing
upwards of 20,000 signatures. The reformers of Bath and
Bristol gave positive instructions to their delegates that they
should support Annual Parhaments, Universal Suffrage, and
Vote by ballot Mr. Allen brought up the written instruc
tions from Bath, which he delivered to Mr., Hunt and he ac
cepted the delegation upon the express condition that he would
support and vote for Annual Parhaments, Universal Suffrage,
and Vote by ballot Mr. Hunt met Mr. Huhne from Bolton
Mr. E. Taylor from Norwich, Mr. Warburton from Leicester, and
several other delegates from England and Scotland, at Mr.
Cobbett's house in Catherine street in the Strand, which was
the general rendezvous ; and there he first saw Mr. Fitton and
Mr. Kaye of Royton, Mr. Bamford from Middleton, Mr. Ben-
bow and Mr. Mitchell from Manchester* and many others.
Major Cartwright had in the meantime, been down to Brighton
personally to ascertain Sir Francis Burdett's opinion upon
the subject ; and from him the Major learned that he would
not support any petitions that prayed for Universal Suffrage;
that he would support Householder Suffrage and the payers
of direct taxes, but nothing farther. When the Major return
ed, he communicated this to Mr. Cobbett, who was requested
to use all his influence to prevail upon Mt. Hunt to give up
Universal Suffrage, and to adopt the plan of Sir Francis Bur
dett Mr. Hunt had consulted with Mr. Hulme, whom he
found an honest and staunch friend of liberty* and he had
agreed to support him in the motion which he had resolved
to make at the delegate meeting, for Universal Suffrage, and
Vote by ballot The Major, as well as Mr. Cobbett, had al
ready done every thing to prevail upon them to give it up
for the householder plan, but they were inflexible.
This being the situation of affairs^ on the day before the
meeting was to take place, the Major was very anxious for
Mr. Cobbett to attend as a delegate ; but to accomplish this
was not an easy matter, as Mr. Cobbett had not been elected
21. VOL. II. *

32 INTRIGUE OF MAJOB CARTWRIGHT AND COBBETT.
a delegate by either of the petitioning bodies. The Major
however, was never at a loss for a scheme, and his agent or
writer, whom he employed at the time, an Irishman of the
name of Cleary, was set to work privately to assemble some
members of the Union, which had been formed in London by
the Major previous to the formation of the Hampden club; in
fact the latter sprung out of the former, which was too demo
cratical for the aristocracy, and they consequently set on foot
a select club amongst themselves, called the Hampden club ;
although it is believed, with the exception of the Major and
Mr. Northmore, there was not a member amongst them who
was at all disposed to follow the example of John Hampden.
But, be this as it may, Cleary was ordered to get together, at
the Crown and Anchor, the night before the intended delegate
meeting, a chosen number of the members of the Union, ex
pressly for the purpose of appointing two delegates for the
metropolis. Although they were both members of the Union,
Cleary was enjoined not to communicate either to Mr. Hunt or
to Mr. Hulme any intention of holding this conclave, which was
to have been a snug junto of Westminster men, nothing more
nor less than the rump committee, who were to assemble at
the request of the Major, to appoint Mr. Cobbett a delegate,
that he might attend the meeting the next day, purposely to
oppose Mr. Hunt's motion for Universal Suffrage, and to move
in its stead, that they the delegates, should adopt the recom
mendation of the Hampden club, and support the householder
suffrage only.
This good piece of generalship could not however, be car
ried completely into effect as one of the invited party com
municated it in confidence to Mr. Hulme and Mr. Hunt. They
laughed heartily at the intrigue of the old Major and Mr. Cob
bett and agreed that being members of the Union, they would
unexpectedly attend the meeting at seven o'clock, without
saying a word to any one. They both dined with Mr. Cob
bett, and a httle before seven they made an excuse for leaving
his table, saying, that they had a particular engagement for an

MB. COBBETT CHOSEN A DELEGATE. 93
hour or two after which they would return again. Mr. Cob
bett strongly opposed their leaving him ; but whether he had
any suspicion that they were up to the tricks of the Major
and himself, Mr. Hunt never ascertained. However, off Mr
Hulme and he started together, and they soon arrived at the
Crown and Anchor, and desired to be shown into the room
where the members of the Union were assembled. At first
the waiters did not appear to understand them ; at length they
asked Mr. Hunt if they meant Mr. Brooks and Mr. deary's
room. They replied, " exactly so," and in they marched to
the great consternation of Mr. Brooks, who sat at the head
of the table, with Cleary at his right, and surrounded by some
half score of as pretty a picked junto for dishing up a little
under-plot of the sort as could have been selected for the pur
pose in the whole kingdom.
Their unexpected visit without any invitation, appeared to
create very considerable uneasiness, and even dismay. Mr.
Hunt informed them, that as they were both old members of
the Union, and had accidentally heard that there was to be a
meeting, they did themselves the pleasure of attending it, al
though (no doubt from mistake) they were not summoned.
This did not at all relieve them from the dilemma in which they
were placed. After looking at each other for some time, they
cautiously developed the object of the meeting, and with great
timidity and doubt Mr. Brooks proposed Mr. Cobbett " as a pro
per man to be a delegate to represent the Union, at the de
legate meeting to be holden the next day." Instead of throwing
any obstacle in the way, which they had expected would be
the case, Mr. Hunt instantly arose and seconded the motion ;
adding, that he believed Mr. Cobbett to be one of the most
proper men in the kingdom to attend such a meeting, and that
he proposed Mr. Brooks as a proper colleague for him ; and
he moved that those two gentlemen should be appointed as
the delegates of the Union Society, to maintain their rights at
the approaching meeting. Mr. Hulme seconded the motion,
and it was carried unanimously ; upon which they returned
to Mr. Cobbett's and were the first to communicate the result

34 MEETING AT THE CROWN AND ANCHOB,
of that select assembly which was got up privately, and from
which it was intended that they should have been totally ex
cluded. He appeared astonished, but earned it off with a
laugh. After this, many hours were employed by Mr. Cobbett, in
endeavouring to prevail upon them to give up the plan of sup
porting Universal Suffrage. He should, he said, propose to
the delegates to agree to the householder plan ; especially as
Sir Francis Burdett had declared that he would not support
the former. Mr. Hunt lamented differing from him, but he
declared that he would support Universal Suffrage from prin
ciple in spite of all the policy in the world, and in spite of
the opinion or whim of all the baronets in the world.
With this determination they left him, and met at the ap
pointed hour, at the Crown and Anchor, on the next day.
Major Cartwright and Mr. Jones Burdett were the deputation
from the Hampden club; and there were, in the whole, about
sixty delegates from different parts of England and Scotland;
but with the exception of those from Bath, Bristol, and Lon
don, they all came from the North.
Major Cartwright was unanimously called to the chair, and
he opened the proceedings by informing them that the Hamp
den club had come to the determination of supporting the
Householder Suffrage ; which plan he strongly recommended to
the delegates to adopt particularly as Sir Francis Burdett had
deelared that he would not support any petition that prayed
for a more extended right of voting. In truth, the Major, in
stead of performing the part of chairman, actually became the
strenuous and eloquent advocate of the Hampden club, and
their notable scheme of restricting the right of voting to house*
holders and payers of direct taxes to church and king ; anil
in justice Mr. Hunt declared, that he never saw an advocate
labour harder than the Major did to carry the point which he
believed he confidently relied upon accomplishing, as he
knew that he would have the support of Mr. Cobbett's great
talent and influence amongst the assembled delegates.
Mr. Obbbett then rose, and in a luminous and artful speecn,

MR. HUNT'S SPEECH TO THE DELEGATES. 35
endeavoured to convince the delegates, or rather to bring them
over to the same way of thinking. He as well as the Major
were heard with great attention, but it was with 6uch silent
attention as rendered it very evident to Mr. Hunt that their
doctrine of exclusion was hstened to by the delegates without
any conviction of its truth. It may easily be supposed that
Mr. Hunt took good care narrowly to watch the contrivances
of those, who by their votes, were to decide the great question,
many of whom Mr. Cobbett had previously had an opportu
nity of communicating with, and using his influence upon in
private. After a most ingenious speech, he concluded by
moving, that the present meeting was of opinion, that the right
of voting for members of Parliament could be safely and prac
ticably extended only to householders paying direct taxes to
church and state, and that it should be recommended to the
reformers throughout the country to petition for a reform of
the Common's house of Parliament, upon the plan of house
holder suffrage. If not the words, this was the substance and
meaning of the motion.
The moment that Mr. Cobbett sat down, (sat down with
perfect silence round him,) to the great astonishment of Mr
Hunt up started John Allen, his brother-delegate from Bath,
and seconded the motion for the exclusion from the right of
voting of all persons, except householders and payers of direct
taxes ; that is except they were payers of church and poor
rates, and king's taxes. This was the conduct of the volun
teer delegate from Bath, although he had received written in
structions, from the committee of reformers of that city, to
support Universal Suffrage.
As soon as Mr. Allen was seated, Mr. Hunt rose to move
an amendment to his friend Cobbett's motion, and in his ad
dress to the delegates, he combatted and successfully contro
verting the doctrine of exclusion which had been so forcibly
urged by the chairman, and so ingeniously supported by Mr.
Cobbett- He modestly and with great deference called to
their recollection the language, the irresistible arguments, in
favour of Universal Suffrage, which in his Register, Mr. Cob-

36 SUCCESS OF MR. HUNT'S MOTIOJN
bett himself had pubhshed, within one short fortnight of the
time in which he was addressing them. Almost every sen
tence that he uttered in favour of Universal Suffrage was
hailed by the enthusiastic cheers of the great body of the de
legates. Mr. Cobbett rose to order, and protested in strong
language against Mr. Hunt quoting his own words, or any
thing he had previously published, in order to controvert his
present proposition. Mr. Hunt therefore forebore to do so
again ; not from any conviction of its impropriety or unfairness,
but because he wished to conciliate, and because he was quite
clear that his amendment would be carried. He concluded
by asserting the right of every freeman to be represented in
the Common's house of Parhament which could only be done
by Universal Suffrage; and on this ground he moved that the
word universal should be substituted for householder.
Mr. Hulme seconded the motion, and Mr. Bamford was
about to support him, by refuting Mr. Cobbett's arguments
with respect to Universal Suffrage being impracticable ; but
before he had concluded his sentence, Mr. Cobbett rose and
said, that what Mr. Bamford had stated had convinced him
of the practicability of Universal Suffrage, and consequently
he should withdraw his motion, and support Mr. Hunt's
amendment. The fact was, that Cobbett plainly saw that his
motion would be lost by a large majority, and he had the
policy not to press it to a division. Mr. Hunt, however in
sisted upon having the question put and it was carried in fa
vour of Universal Suffrage by a majority of twenty to one.
The question of Annual Parliaments was also carried unani
mously. Mr. Mitchell then moved, that votes should be
taken by ballot; this was opposed also by Mr. Cobbett and
others, but on a divison it was carried by a majority of more
than two to one. When Mr. Hunt held his hand up for it,
Mr. Cobbett turned to him and said very earnestly, " What 1
do you support the ballot too?" Hunt answered, "Yes
most certainly, to its fullest extent
These points being decided, and some minor resolutions
being passed, the meeting was adjourned ; but, Mr. Hunt af.

DISSOLUTION OF THE DELEGATE MEETING. 37
terwards found, only to assemble again the next day, where
the Major was at his post in the chair, passing various resolu
tions, which, of course, Mr. Hunt expected would be finally set
tled that evening. They were, however, surprised to find that
the meeting was adjourned to the King's Arms, Palace Yard,
opposite Westminster Hall, where it was expected they (the
delegates) would assemble from day to day till the Parliament
met. This was thought by Mr. Cobbett as well as by Mr.
Hunt, to be not only a useless but a dangerous proceeding ;
useless, beeause the main question upon which the delegates
met was settled ; and dangerous, because it would be taken
advantage of by the government, which would construe such
meetings, so continued, into an attempt to overawe the Parlia
ment Mr. Cobbett declared he would not go near them
again ; in fact he had not attended the second day ; and he
added, that they would all be apprehended, for holding their
meetings for an illegal purpose. He and Mr. Hunt and Mr.
Hulme all agreed, therefore, that as they had arranged those
points to deliberate upon which they had been assembled, it
was very desireable to dissolve the meeting, but to stir a single
step to accomplish this end, Mr. Cobbett positively refused.
Mr. Hulme and Mr. Hunt, however, attended, and after the
Major had got some of his resolutions passed, Mr. Hunt moved
that the meeting should be dissolved, and urged his reasons
for the measure. Mr. Hulme seconded the motion, and a
warm debate ensued, which was maintained with great spirit
on both sides, for the dissolution was strongly opposed. How
ever, when the question was put, Mr. Hunt's motion was car
ried by a vtry considerable majority, and the far-famed dele
gate meeting was dissolved. It is a curious fact that Mr.
Cobbett never noticed the proceedings in his Register.
In the evenings of these meetings, many of the delegates
assembled at the Cock, in Grafton Street, by invitation, to
meet Dr Watson, Pendrill, and others of the Spenceans. It
appears that they were taken there by one Cleary, an Irish
man, who had been an attorney's clerk in Dublin, and who had
contrived to be employed as the secretary of the Hampden

38 MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
club, and who, as private secretary of Major Cartwright at
tended the delegate meetings. These private meetings, at the
Cock in Grafton Street took place unknown to Mr. Hunt,
and were afterwards made a pretence for suspending the
Habeas Corpus Act ; and, strange to relate, warrants were is
sued out by the secretary of state, against every one of the
persons who attended those meetings, except the said Cleary.
The delegates, as has been already seen, were in town ; they
had brought up with them petitions, signed by half a million
of men, and they were anxious to place them in the hands of
some member of Parliament who would present them and sup
port the prayers of their petitions. But such a man was not
easily to be found. Sir Francis Burdett had promised the
Major to come to town in time to present those petitions, or
at least some of them, as soon as Parhament met ; but when
he found that the delegates who had been assembled in his
name had declared for Universal Suffrage, and that the peti
tions in London likewise mostly prayed for reform upon the
principle of Universal Suffrage, he declared that he would not
support the prayer of them, neither had he arrived in town on
the day previous to the meeting- of Parhament
On the failure of Sir Francis to come forward, Lord Coch
rane had been applied to by the Major and Mr. Cobbett to
present these petitions ; but he had dechned to act in opposi
tion to his colleague, Sir Francis Burdett ; every effort had
been tried to induce him to do so, but they had been tried in
vain. At length Mr. Hunt hit upon a plan* which he pro
posed to Mr. Cobbett It was this — that on the day when the
Parliament met, he would collect ten or twenty thousand peo
ple in the front of Lord Cochrane's house, which was in Old
Palace Yard, and thus cut off his Lordship's access to the
house, unless he would take in some of the petitions. " What!"
exclaimed Cobbett " would you besiege the man in his own
house?" Mr. Hunt answered, that desperate cases required
desperate remedies. " Aye ! aye !" said he, " that is very
pretty talking, it is like belling the cat Suppose such a thing
likely to succeed with his Lordship, how the devil would you

EXTRAORDINARY PLAN OF MR. HUNT. 39
contrive to collect such a number of people there, without his
knowing it so as to avoid them, if he pleased ?" Mr. Hunt
replied, " leave that to me. If you will go to his Lordship?s
house about one o'clock, and detain him at home, by endea
vouring to persuade him to present the petitions, I will under
take to bring ten thousand people to the front of his house by
two o'clock," — the House of Commons being to assemble at
three. In fact, there appeared no other alternative; for on
the next day the Parhament was to meet and they had not
yet one single member of Parliament who would present their
petitions, all being unwilling, because they prayed for Univer
sal Suffrage. After making a hundred excuses, Lord Coch
rane had absolutely refused to present them ; at least he re
fused to support the prayer of the petitioners. There being
no other chance of accomphshing their purpose, Mr. Cobbett
at length adopted Mr. Hunt's plan, and agreed to make the
attempt as a sort of forlorn hope, and accordingly he promised
to be at bis Lordship's house at the time appointed.
Mr. Hunt knew that great numbers of people would be col
lected, in and about Parhament Street at that time, to see
the Prince Regent go down to the House, to open the session
of Parhament Mr. Hunt therefore made an arrangement
with all the delegates in town, to meet him at the Golden-
Cross, Charing-Cross, a quarter before two o'clock, and re
quested that each man would bring with him his rolls of
parchment containing the petitions. This they all complied
with, and met Mr. Hunt at the time appointed, in number
about twenty ; it might be more or less. He then informed
them that he wished them to march, two and two, down
Parhament Street into Palace Yard, to the door of Lord
Cochrane's house, who they had reason to hope would present
their petitions, and he begged them to follow him. He then
requested his friend Cossens to unroll a few yards of the Bris
tol petition, which he took in his hand, and proceeded down
Parhament Street, at the head of the delegates. The people
stared at such an exhibition ; and he announced that the dele-
21. VOL. II. G

40 CONDUCT OF LORD COCHRANE.
gates were going down to Palace Yard, to get Lord Cochrane
to present their petitions. This information was received with
huzzas, and the people ran forward to communicate the intel
ligence to others, so that before they had got opposite the
Horse Guards, they were attended by several thousand people,
cheering them as they went along. When they arrived at the
front of Lord Cochrane's house, there was the largest assembly
that ever was seen in Palace Yard, all beheving that his Lord
ship had undertaken to present their petitions.
Mr. Hunt knocked at the door, and gained immediate ac-
ces to his Lordship, with whom, as he expected, he found Mr.
Cobbett His Lordship asked what was the matter? Mr. Hunt
told him that the people had accompanied the delegates, to re
quest his Lordship to present their petitions ; to which he re
plied, " that Mr. Cobbett had been using every argument in
his power to prevail upon him to do it but he could not take
such a step without consulting his colleague, Sir Francis Bur
dett." A great deal was now urged by them to induce him to
comply, in which they were most heartily joined by his lady,
but all was to little purpose. At length, Mr. Hunt led him to
the window, and requested him to address twenty thousand
of his fellow-countrymen, and tell them himself that he refused
to present their petitions ; for that he certainly would never
inform them of any such thing. Their appearance at the win
dow drew forth some tremendous cheers. " There," said Mr.
Hunt " my Lord, refuse their request if you please ; but if
you do, I am sure that you will regret it as long as you live.
Besides," added Mr. Hunt " I deny the possibility of your get
ting from your house, without your previously consenting to
present their petitions."
At length they carried their point and his Lordship agreed
that he would take in the Bristol petition, which was the larg
est the roll of parchment being nearly the size of a sack of
wheat, and containing twenty-five thousand signatures. It
was rolled upon a bundle of sticks, tightly bound together, as
an emblem of the strength of an united people. His Lordship

LCRD COCHRANE'S AMENDMENT. 41
also now agreed to move an amendment to the address, which
had been previously drawn up, in hopes that he might be pre
vailed on to do so. The moment that his Lordship yielded to
their entreaties, Mr. Hunt flew down stairs to the door, and
announced the intelligence to the assembled multitude, who
received it with loud and long continued acclamations, which
made Old Palace Yard and Westminster Hall ring again. He
then proposed that the delegates should carry his Lordship in
a chair, from his house to the door of Westminster Hall, if the
people would make a passage to allow him to proceed thither
in that way. This suggestion was instantly adopted ; an arm
chair was provided and placed at the door, in which his Lord
ship was seated, with the Bristol petition and the bundle of
sticks rolled up in it. In this manner he was carried by the
delegates across Palace Yard, Mr. Hunt leading the way;
and he was sat down at the door of the House, amidst the
deafening cheers of the people, who, at the request of Mr. Hunt,
immediately dispersed in peace and quietness to their homes.
Lord Cochrane presented the Bristol petition, and moved
the following amendment to the address, which, as a vindica
tion of the conduct of the Reformers, shall be here recorded.
" That this House has taken a view of the public proceed
ings throughout the country, by those persons who have met
to petition for a Reform of this House, and that in justice to
these persons, as well as to the people at large, and for the
purpose of convincing the people that this House wishes to en
tertain and encourage no misrepresentation of their honest in
tentions, this House, with great humility, beg leave to assure
his Royal Highness, that they have not been able to discover
one single instance, in which meetings to petition for Parlia
mentary Reform have been accompanied with any attempt to
disturb the pubhc tranquillity; and this House further beg
leave to assure his Royal Highness, that in order to prevent
the necessity of those rigorous measures, which are contem
plated in the latter part of the speech of his Royal Highness,
this House will take into their early consideration the pro
priety of abolishing sinecures and unmerited pensions anu

42 LORD CAMDEN RESIGNS HIS SINECURE.
grants, the reduction of the civil list, and of all salaries which
are now disproportionate to the services, and especially, that
they will take into their consideration the Reform of this House,
agreeably to the laws and constitution of the land, this House
being decidedly of opinion that justice and humanity, as well
as policy, call at this time of universal distress, for measures of
conciliation, and not of rigour, towards a people who have made
so many and such great sacrifices, and who are now suffering,
in consequence of those sacrifices, all the calamities with which
a nation can be afflicted."
It is a melancholy subject for reflection, that there was not
one man to be found in the House that would even second
this amendment which was neither more nor less than a true
account of the proceedings of the reformers throughout the
country ; and in consequence of this, the motion fell to the
ground without a division, Lord Cochrane continued night
after night to present these petitions, brought up by the dele
gates ; and the most remarkable event of these times was, that
the very night that Lord Cochrane presented the petition from
Bath, which especially pointed out the enormous sums an
nually received by their recorder Lord Camden, and which
prayed for the abohtion of his enormous sinecures ; that very
night a message was brought down to the House, and it was
announced by one of the ministers that Lord Camden had ac
tually resigned his enormous sinecure of Teller of the Exchequer,
which did not amount to less than thirty-five thousand pounds
a year. No one will doubt that this act of his lordship was
occasioned solely by the resolutions and the petition passed at
the Bath meeting. He well knew that Lord Cochrane had
presented the Bristol petition, and had stated in the House that
he had several other petitions to present ; and amongst the
number that from Bath, signed by upwards of twenty thou
sand persons. To prevent therefore, the discussion which
was likely to arise from tho presentation of this petition, he
anticipated the prayer of it, by resigning his sinecure of Teller
of the Exchequer. How often have we been asked by the
tools of corruption, what good was there in holding public

BENEFIT OF PUBLIC MEETINGS. 43
meetings ! We have been everlastingly told that these great
pubhc meetings, and the violent petitions passed at them, did a
great deal of harm, but that they never produced any good.
What these knaves mean by this is,that the House of Commons
never attended to the prayers and petitions of the people, and
that therefore it was of no use to persevere in petitioning. This
as far as it goes, is very true ; the House of Commons never did
attend to the petitions of the people for reform ; but yet it may
be boldly answered, that petitioning has done some good ; that
the petition of the first Spa Fields meeting obtained jour thou
sand pounds from the droits of the Admiralty, for the suffering
poor of Spital Fields and the metropolis. This was some good.
Again, it may be said, that the petition and the resolutions pas_
sed at the Bath meeting, caused Lord Camden to surrender
thirty-five thousand a year to the public. This alone was some
good. Nor must we stop here. Almost all the petitions in which
Mr. Hunt was ever concerned, petitioned for the abohtion of all
sinecure and useless places, and unmerited pensions ; and he al
ways particularly denounced the sinecures of the late Marquis
of Buckingham, the other teller of the Exchequer, and prayed and
petitioned for its abohtion. At the death of the old Marquis it
was abolished. Does any man of sense and candour believe, for
a moment, that this would have ever been done to this hour, if
it had not been for the prayers, petitions, and remonstrances
of the people ? Here, then, is another saving of upwards of
thirty thousand pounds a year. — Therefore, it may be said,
that the great pubhc meetings have done a great deal of good ;
and those who promoted them have rendered very consider
able service to the country, although they have themselves
been the victims of that system of tyranny and oppression,
which, in these two instances alone, has had its plunder cur
tailed in more than sixty thousand pounds a year. Add to all
this, that the Prince Regent surrendered fifty thousand per
annum to the public exigencies. Will any man say that the
Regent would have done this, had it not been for the great
public meetings held in Spa Fields and other places ? and was
this nothing ? Again, Mr. Ponsonby resigned his chancellor s

44 THE REFORMERS OF PORTSMOUTH.
pension of four thousand pounds a year. Is this nothing ?
Here has been shown that within three months of the great meet
ing first held in Spa Fields, and between the second and third
meeting which were advertised, no less a sum than ninety
thousand pounds a year was surrendered for the public ex
igencies ; and was this doing nothing ? To be sure, five persons
had been found guilty of rioting on the day of the second Spa
Fields meeting, and Cashman was sentenced to death ; but this
had nothing to do with the meeting itself, which met only for
the purpose of petitioning Parhament and peaceably separ
ated, after agreeing to a petition, which was signed by twenty
four thousand persons, praying for reform, and the abolition of
all sinecures, and a reduction of the public expenditure ; which
petition had been presented, and received by the House of
Commons, before these surrenders and resignations of these
large sums were made. To be sure, Lord Sidmouth had de
livered in the House of Lords a message from the Prince
Regent laying before Parhament the famous green bag, full
of precious documents, got up to prove that sedition, conspi
racy, and rebellion were close at hand ; and that treasonable
practices existed in London, and in various parts of the king
dom ; upon which a committee was appointed by the ministers,
in both Houses of Parliament, to examine and report upon the
contents of the said bag. The result of this was that Mr.
Evans, of Newcastle Street the Spencean, and his son, were
arrested on a charge of high treason.
About this time Mr. Hunt received a letter from the re
formers of Portsmouth, requesting him to attend and preside
at a public meeting, which they wished to hold in or near
that town, to petition for reform. He showed this letter to
Mr. Cobbett, who said, " I know these people ; I will an
swer that letter for you and arrange with them all about
their meeting. As you are so much engaged in other mat
ters at this time, I will take this trouble off your hands, and
you will have nothing to do but to attend the meeting when
the day is appointed." This offer was cheerfully accepted,
and Mr. Hunt thought no more of the business till he saw it

TRICKERY OF MR. COBBETT. 45
publicly announced that a meeting would be held on Portsdown
Hill, on the 10 th day of February, the -very day that was fixed
far the holding the third Spa Fields meeting ; and that was done
without consulting or saying a word to Mr. Hunt upon the sub
ject although he was the only person written to by the people
of Portsmouth. It did certainly strike him at the time, that there
appeared to be a good deal of trickery and management made
use of to keep him from this meeting. As, however, he was never
jealous of any one himself, he had no suspicion that his friends
were jealous of him, and he took notice of it though he was
sorry to find that to the people who met on Portsdown, no apo
logy or explanation was made for his absence, or at least for the
meeting being held on the day that he was at Spa Fields ; and
he had reason to think that the people of Portsmouth, who
first invited him, were very much disappointed at his not be
ing present and that they felt themselves slighted by him,
which, was the farthest thing in the world from his wish or
intention. While the friends of Mr. Hunt were acting in this manner
his enemies were not idle, and the agents of government, in order
to injure him in the opinion of the pubhc, not only vilified anu
abused and libelled him from day to day, in the pubhc news
papers, but they actually caused a placard to be printed and
posted all over the metropolis, which was headed " Mr. Hunt
hissed out of the city of Bristol," and contained all sorts of infa
mous falsehoods and scurrilous abuse. It appeared from the
newspapers that a boy, of the name of Thomas Dugood, had
been committed to prison, by a pohce magistrate, for having
pulled down one of these posting bills. Mr. Hunt immediately
set about an inquiry, to find out the poor boy, to endeavour
to reheve him from his imprisonment and to gain him some
redress for the persecution which he had suffered. To disco
ver where the boy was, Mr. Hunt went to the police office,
and after a great deal of shuffling, he was directed to Coldbath
Fields prison, which as he subsequently found, was the wrong
gaol, the boy having been committed to the New prison. In
the mean time, however, finding that Mr. Hunt was resolved

46 PROCEEDINGS IN THE CASE OF DUGOOD.
to go to the bottom of the business, they had released the boy.
At length he found him out at his lodgings, and learned from
him that he had been confined for several days among the
vilest felons. He took him to the pohce office, to identify
the magistrate that committed him, and there he caused the
police officer, Limbrick, to be placed at the bar, for robbing
the boy of his books and money at the time he was appre
hended. The inquiry ended in the said police officer return
ing the boy his books and money, and confessing that he was
ordered to attend the posting of the said bills, and to protect
them from being pulled down, after they were posted. The
bills were printed at the office of the Hue and Cry, near Tem
ple-bar, and an agent of the government paid the bill-sticker
a large sum for the posting of them in the night. Mr. Hunt
finding he could get no redress for the boy at the pohce office,
he took him into the Court of King's Bench, and appealed to
the judges ; but Lord Ellenborough could do nothing for him.
By the stir which was made, however, the case got into all
the papers, and the conduct of the government was com
pletely exposed. Mr. Hunt then caused a petition from Du-
good to be presented to the House by Lord Folkestone, and
another petition of his own, by Lord Cochrane. The under
Secretary of State, Mr. Hiley Addington, promised that the
conduct of the police magistrate should be inquired into ;
but ultimately it was ascertained that Lord Sidmouth had no
power to interfere. The magistrate, Mr. Sellon, who had
committed the boy, was not a pohce magistrate, but a magis
trate of the county of Middlesex; therefore, his lordship could
not interfere, and the boy must forsooth, proceed at law
against the magistrate. We will here insert the petitions that
were presented to the House, which will place this transaction
in a clear point of view before our readers, and will show
them to what meanness the government submitted, in order
to injure the character of Mr. Hunt with the public, and to
destroy the influence which they discovered that he had over
the people. This transaction will speak for itself, without any
further comment of ours.

PETITION OF THOMAS DUGOOD. 47
" To the Honourable the Commons of the United Kingdom
of Great Britain and Ireland, in Parhament assembled.
" The petition of Thomas Dugood, of the Parish of
St Paul, Covent Garden, in the City of Westminster,
" Humbly Sheweth,
" That your petitioner is a parentless and friendless boy,
seventeen years of age, who, until lately seized by two pohce
officers and sent to prison by the pohce, obtained the honest
means of living by the sale of religious and moral tracts,
which he used to purchase of Mr. Collins of Paternoster Row.
" That your petitioner has, for more than four months last
past lodged, and he still lodges, at the house of Keeran Shields,
who fives at No. 13, Gee's Court, Oxford Street and who is a
carter to Mr. White, of Mortimer Street and who is also a
watchman in Marybone parish.
" That your petitioner has never in his life lived as a vagrant
but has always had a settled home, has always pursued an
honest and visible means of getting his living, has always been,
and is ready to prove that he always has been an industrious,
a peaceable, sober, honest and orderly person.
" That on the 10th of January, 1817, your petitioner, for
having pulled down a posting bill, entitled, " Mr. Hunt hissed
out of the city of Bristol," was committed by Mr. Sellon to
the New prison, Clerkenwell, where he was kept on bread
and water and compelled to lie on the bare boards until the
twenty second of the same month, when he was tied, with
about fifty others, to a long rope, or cable, and marched to
Hick's hall, and there let loose.
" That your petitioner has often heard it said, that the law
affords protection to the poor as well as to the rich, and that
if unable to obtain redress any where else, every subject of
his majesty has the road of petition open to him ; therefore
your petitioner, being unable to obtain redress in any other
manner for the grievous wrongs done him by the magistrate
of the pohce, most humbly implores your honourable House
21. VOL. II. H

48 petition of mr. hunt.
to afford him protection and redress, and to that end he prays
your honourable House to permit him to prove at the bar of
youi honourable House all and several the allegations con
tained in' this his most humble petition.
" And your petitioner will ever pray.
" THOMAS DUGOOD."
" To the Honurable the Commons of the United Kingdom
of Great Britain and Ireland, in Parliament assembled.
" The Petition of Henry Hunt of Middleton cottage, in
the County of Southampton,
" Humbly Sheweth,
" That your petitioner, being ready to prove at the bar of
your Honourable House, that there has been carried on a con
spiracy against his character, and eventually aimed at his life,
by certain persons, receiving salaries out of the public money,
and acting in their pubhc capacity, and expending for this
vile purpose a portion of the taxes ; and there being, as ap
pears to him, no mode of his obtaining a chance of security, >
other than those which may be afforded him by Parliament
he humbly sues to your Honourable House to yield him your
protection. " That your petitioner has always been a loyal and faithful
subject and a sincere and zealous friend of his country. That
at a time, during the first war against France, when there
were great apprehensions of invasion, and when circular letters
were sent round to farmers and others, to ascertain what sort
and degree of aid each would be willing to afford to the go
vernment in case of such emergency, your petitioner, who was
then a farmer in Wiltshire, did not as others did make an offer
of a small part of his moveable property, but that really be
lieving his country to be in danger, he, in a letter to the Lord
Lieutenant the Earl of Pembroke, freely offered his all, con
sisting of several thousands of sheep, a large stock of horned
cattle, upwards of twenty horses, seven or eight wagons and
carts with able and active drivers, several hundreds of quar-

PETITION OF MR. HUNT. 49
ters of com and grain, and his own person besides, all to be
at the entire disposal of the Lord Lieutenant ; and this your
petitioner did without any reserved claim to compensation, it
being a principle deeply rooted in his heart, that all property,
and even life itself, ought to be considered as nothing, when
put in competition with the safety and honour of our country.
And your petitioner further begs leave to state to your Ho
nourable House, that at a subsequent period, namely, in the
year 1803, when an invasion of the country was again appre
hended, and when it was proposed to call out volunteers to
serve within certain limits of their houses, your petitioner
called around him the people of the village of Enford, in which
he hved, and that all the men in that parish (with the excep
tion of three) capable of bearing arms, amounting to more
than two hundred in number, immediately enrolled themselves,
and offered to serve, not only within the district but in any part
of the kingdom where the enemy might land, or be expected
to land, and this offer was by your petitioner transmitted to
Lord Pembroke, who expressed to your petitioner his great
satisfaction at the said offer, and informed him, that he would
make a point of communicating the same to his majesty's
ministers. " That your petitioner, still actuated by a sincere desire to
see his country free and happy, and holding a high character
in the world, has lately been using his humble endeavours to
assist peaceably and legally in promoting applications to Par
liament for a reform in your Honourable House, that measure
appearing to your petitioner to be the only effectual remedy
for the great and notorious evils under which the country now
groans, and for which evils, as no one attempts to deny their
existence, so no one, as far as your petitioner has heard, has
attempted to suggest any other remedy.
" That your petitioner, in pursuit of this constitutional, and,
as he hopes and believes, laudable object (an object for which,
if need be, he is resolved to risk his life against unlawful vio
lence) lately took part in a pubhc meeting of the City of Bris
tol, of whi^h he is a freeholder ; and that though a large body

50 PETITION OF MR. HUNT.
of regular troops and of yeomanry cavalry were placed in a
menacing, attitude near the place of our meeting, the meeting
was conducted and concluded in the most peaceable and or
derly manner, and the result of it was a petition to your Ho
nourable House, voluntarily signed by upwards of twenty
thousand men, which petition has been presented to, and re
ceived by, your Honourable House.
" That your petitioner, who had met with every demonstra
tion of pubhc good-will and approbation in the said city,
was surprised to see in the public newspapers an account of
a boy having been sent to gaol by certain Pohce Officers and
Justices, for having pulled down a posting-bill, which alleged
your petitioner to have been hissed out of the City of Bristol,
and containing other gross falsehoods and infamous calumnies
on the character of your petitioner, calculated to excite great
hatred against your petitioner, and to prepare the way for his
ruin and destruction.
" That your petitioner, who trusts that he has himself, al
ways acted an open and manly part and who has never been
so base as to make an attack upon any one, who had not the
fair means of defence, feeling indignant at this act of partiality
and oppression, came to London with a view of investigating
the matter, and this investigation having taken place, he now
alleges to your Honourable House, that the aforesaid posting-
bills, containing the infamous calumnies aforesaid, were printed
by J. Doiones, who is the printer to the Pohce ; that the bill-
sticker received the bills from the said Downes, who paid him
for sticking them up ; that the bill-sticker was told by the said
Downes, that there would be somebody to watch him to see
that he stuck them up ; that Police Officers were set to watch
to prevent the said bills from being pulled down ; that some of
these bills were carried to the Police-office at Hatton Garden,
and there kept by the officers to be produced in proof against
persons who should be taken up for pulling them down ; that
Thomas Dugood was seized, sent to gaol, kept on bread and
water, and made to lie on the bare boards from the tenth
to the twenty-second of January, 1817, when he was taken

PETITION OF MR. HUNT. 51
out with about fifty other persons, tied to a long rope or cable,
and marched to Hick's Hall, where he was let loose, and that
his only offence was pulling down one of those bills ; that a
copy of Dugood's commitment was refused to your petitioner ;
that your petitioner was intentionally directed to a wrong pri
son to see the boy Dugood ; that the Magistrate, William
Marmaduke Sellon, who had committed Dugood, denied re
peatedly that he knew any thing of the matter, and positively
asserted that Dugood had been committed by another Magis
trate, a Mr. Turton, who Mr. Sellon said, was at his house
very ill, and not hkely to come to the office for some time.
" That your Honourable House is besought by your peti
tioner, to bear in mind the recently exposed atrocious conspi
racies carried on by officers of the Pohce against the lives of
innocent men, and your petitioner is confident that your Ho
nourable House will, in these transactions, see the clear proofs
of a foul conspiracy against the character and life of your peti
tioner, carried on by persons in the public employ, appointed
by the Crown, and removable at its pleasure, and that this
conspiracy has been also carried on by means of pubhc money.
" And, therefore, as the only mode of doing justice to the
petitioner and to the public in a case of such singular atrocity,
your petitioner prays your Honourable House that he ma) be
permitted to prove (as he is ready to do) all and singular the
aforesaid allegations at the Bar of your Honourable House, and
that if your Honourable House shall find the allegations to be
true, you will be pleased to address his Royal Highness to
cause the aforesaid Magistrate to be dismissed from his office.
" And your petitioner shall ever pray. " H. HUNT."
The day of the third Spa Fields meeting arrived, and Mr.
Hunt shall relate the particulars in his own pecuhar style. "I
drove to town in my tandem, and put up at the British Coffee
house livery-stables, in Cockspur Street where 1 had for seve
ral years before gone with my horses. My trunk was, as usual
taken into a bed-room, where I meant to change my dress pre-

52 SINGULAR CONDUCT TOWARDS MR. HUNT
viously to my going to the meeting. I had first to walk into
Fleet Street on business, and when I got there, I saw nine
pieces of artillery drawn over Blackfriars Bridge, which pro
ceeded up Fleet Market towards Spa Fields, attended by a re
gular company of artillerymen from Woolwich. I had called on
Major Cartwright as I drove into town, and he informed me
that he had heard, from good authority, that a cabinet council
had been held on Saturday, and that Lord Castlereagh had
proposed to disperse the intended meeting by viilitary force, but
that the other cabinet ministers had opposed this measure, and
that at length Castlereagh retired, muttering vengeance, and
adding that he would take the responsibility upon himself.
The Major spoke with great earnestness and feeling, while, if
I recollect right, I treated his information rather lightly, say
ing, that if they killed me, I hoped the Major would write my
epitaph. When, however, I saw the artillery pass up Fleet
Market in a direction for Spa Fields, the place of meeting, I
began to think more seriously of the matter ; but as I was
about to do that, which my conscience approved of, and as I
knew that I should not violate any law, I returned towards my
inn, certainly in a serious mood, yet determined to do my duty.
Not one man that I knew in the whole metropolis would or
did accompany me. I called at Cobbett's lodgings, in Cathe
rine Street, and asked the young ones, rather sarcastically, if
they meant to attend the meeting ? to which they answered,
that their father had left positive orders that they should not
go over the threshold of the door that day. When I got to my
inn, in Cockspur Street I ordered my servant to get my horses
ready, and I went to my bed-room to put on a clean shirt but
I was surprised to find that my trunk had been removed. I
rang the bell several times before any one came ; at length
the Boots appeared, instead of the chambermaid, and I de
manded the reason of my trunk being removed. He either
knew or pretended to know nothing of the matter, but said he
would inquire. After he had been absent for some time, I
rang again, upon which a stranger appeared, a person whom I
had never seen before. He said he was the master of the

HOSTILE MEETING WITH MR. MORLEY. 53
house, and he had ordered my trunk to be removed ; to which
he added, that I should not sleep in his house, as it would
drive away his best customers. I told him I had slept there
occasionally for many years, and was always treated with ci
vility ; and drawing out my purse, I said that as he was a
stranger, I would immediately pay him whatever he might de
mand for the use of the room. He still, however, persisted
that I should leave his house. I demanded my trunk, and de
clared I would dress there first ; he swore I should not and
made an effort to hustle me out of the room. I then told him
to keep his hands off, or I would thrash him ; upon which he
put himself into a boxing attitude, and offered to fight me.
He was a httle insignificant creature, and I was just upon the
point of kicking him out of the room, when I saw a fellow
peeping round the corner of the door. It immediately struck
me that this was a trap to get me into a scrape, and I paused
and drew back in consequence. I told the httle gentleman,
who said his name was Morley, that I would meet him and
talk over the matter at any other time ; but as I was at pre
sent engaged, I asked him as a. favour to let me have my trunk
to dress, and I would leave his house in ten minutes. It was
agreed that we should meet at Mr. Jackson's rooms, some day
in the following week. Thither I went at the time appointed,
with perhaps the worst second in the world, Mr. Cobbett.
When I got there, each told his story, and Jackson proposed
that we should go into the fields to settle the dispute, but this
was not assented to by either Mr. Morley or myself, and Mr.
Cobbett was vehement against my having any thing to do with
my antagonist. The affair, therefore, terminated with some
smart words, without either of us offering to fight. This affair
was, however, blazoned forth in all the morning papers, which,
in utter defiance of truth, asserted that I had behaved ill to a
man of the name of Morley, who kept the British Coffee-house
in Cockspur Street ; that we had met by appointment at Jack
son's, and that I had refused to fight him.: Supposing that I
had done so, I should, under all the circumstances, have been
perfectly justified ; but it was no such thing, the fellow never

54 THIRD SPA FIELDS MEETING.
offered to fight me at any other time but in his own house,
where, if I had struck him, I am thoroughly convinced that a
police-officer was in attendance, to take me into custody for
assaulting a man in his own house; consequently, I should
have been detained till the time of the meeting in Spa Fields
had passed ; and it would have been made a pretty handle of
in the papers the next day, when the pubhc would have been
told that instead of my attending the meeting in Spa Fields,
I had been taken to Bow Street, and detained in custody, for
assaulting the landlord of the inn at which I had put up. All
that I shall add upon the subject is, that on no occasion in
my hfe did I ever turn my back upon two such men as Mr.
Morley and Mr. Cobbett
" At the time appointed I arrived at the meeting, which was
much larger than either of the former meetings. Resolutions
were passed, and a petition was unanimously agreed to, praying
for reform, &c, which petition was placed the same evening
in the hands of Lord Folkestone, by Mr. Clarke, who had been
for the third time our chairman ; and which petition was pre
sented to the House of Commons the same night, by bis
lordship. I was accompanied by the people to Hyde Park
Corner, where I took my leave of them, and returned to my
house at Middleton Cottage ; the whole of these three meetings
in Spa Fields having been held in the most peaceable and or
derly manner, without the least disturbance, or one single
breach of the peace having been committed by any person
that attended it notwithstanding all the infamous falsehoods
that were published in the newspapers to the contrary. The
truth is, that I have seen ten times more disturbance, dis
order, and tumult, at one Common Hall in the city of Lon
don, where the Lord Mayor presided, than there was at all
these meetings put together.
" While these things were going peaceably on out of doors,
and petitions were daily and numerously pouring in from all
parts of the kingdom, particularly from the North of England,
and from Scotland, the two Houses of Parliament were in
their way not inactive. The committees that were appointed

SUSPENSION OF THE HABEAS CORPUS ACT. 55
made their report, and bills were immediately brought in to
suspend the Habeas-Corpus Act, and to prevent seditious
meetings ; which bills were, with very faint opposition, agreed
to. It ought not to be forgotten, that the Whigs took a
most prominent part against the people, and they were quite
as loud and as violent against the reformers, as the ministers
were. To be sure the people had committed one inexpiable
crime. They had by their steady, peaceable, and persevering
conduct frightened the Whig leader, Mr. Ponsonby, out of
his sinecure of £4,000 per annum, which he held in conse
quence of his having been Lord Chancellor of Ireland, during
the Whig administration, in the year 1807. The cunning
Scotchman, Erskine, who had been for the same short period
Lord Chancellor of England, was also pressed very hard to
follow the example of his Irish friend ; but Sawney was of a
more tenaciously grasping nature, and he stuck to the ship,
determined to partake of the plunder as long as she could
swim. It was for this that the Whigs wreaked their malice
upon the reformers, and that Mr. Brougham and his confe
derates appeared to run a race every night which should
most abuse and calumniate them.
" The plot being ripe, Watson, Thistlewood, Preston, and
Hooper, were committed to the Tower for high treason. On
the other hand, meetings were held in Westminster, and in
the city of London, to petition against the suspension of the
Habeas Corpus Act The following petition of mine was also
presented to the House of Lords, by Lord Holland, I was
below the bar at the time his lordship presented it immedi
ately before Lord Sidmouth rose to move the passing of the
Seditious Meetings Bill, and I shall never forget the look that
his lordship, the Secretary of State, gave me ; for I stood
right in front of the bar, and within a few yards of him.
" To the Lords Spiritual and Temporal of the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, in Parhament
, assembled. 22. vol n. I

56 PETITION OF MB. HUNT.
" The Petition of Henry Hunt of Middleton Cottage
in the County of Southampton.
" Humbly Sheweth,
" That your petitioner, who had the honour to be the
mover of the petitions at the recent meetings held in Spa
Fields, one of which petitions has been received by his Royal
Highness the Prince Regent, and two of which petitions have
been presented to, and received by the Honourable the House
of Commons, has read in the pubhc prints, a paper entitled a
Report of the Secret Committee of your Honourable House,
and which report appears to your petitioner, as far as his hum
ble powers of disentanglement have enabled him to analyse
the same to submit to your Honourable House, as solemn
truths, the following assertions ; to wit :
" That the first pubhc meeting in Spa Fields, which had for
its ostensible object a petition for relief and reform, was
closely connected with, and formed part of a conspiracy to
produce an insurrection for the purpose of overthrowing the
government.
" 2. That Spa Fields was fixed upon as the place of assem
bling, on account of its vicinity to the Bank and the Tow
er ; and that f°r this same reason, ' care was taken to ad
journ the meeting to the 2nd of December, by which time
it was hoped that preparations for the insurrection would
be fully matured.'
" 3. That, at this second meeting, flags, banners, and all the
ensigns of insurrection, were displayed, and that finally,
an insurrection was begun by persons collected in the Spa
Field, and that notwithstanding the ultimate object was
then frustrated, the same designs still continued to be prose
cuted with sanguine hopes of success.
" 4. That a large quantity of pike-heads had been ordered
of one individual, and that 250 had actually been made and
paid for.
" 5. That delegates from Hampden clubs in the country have

PETITION OF MR. HUNT. 57
met in London, and that they are expected to meet again
in March.
" That as to the first of these assertions, as your peti
tioner possesses no means of ascertaining the secret thoughts
of men, he cannot pretend to assert, that none of the persons,
with whom the calling of the first Spa Fields meeting had
originated, had no views of a riotous or revolutionary kind ;
but he humbly conceives, that a simple narrative of facts
will be more than sufficient to satisfy your Honourable
House, that no such dangerous projects ever entered the
minds of those, who constituted almost the entire mass of that
most numerous meeting. Therefore, in the hope of producing
this conviction in the mind of your Honourable House, your
petitioner begs leave to proceed to state ; that he, who was
then at his house in the country, received a short time before
the 15th of November last, a letter from Thomas Preston, se
cretary of a committee, requesting your petitioner to attend a
pubhc meeting of the distressed inhabitants of the metropolis,
intended to be held in Spa Fields on the day just mentioned ;
that your petitioner thereupon wrote to Thomas Preston to
know what was the object of the intended meeting ; — that he
received, in the way of answer, a newspaper called the In
dependent Whig, of November 10th, 1816, containing an ad
vertisement in these words; to wit: 'At a meeting held at
the Carlisle, Shoreditch, on Thursday evening, it was deter
mined to call a meeting of the distressed manufacturers, mari
ners, artizans, and others of the cities of London and West
minster, the borough of Southwark, and parts adjacent in
Spa Fields, on Friday, the 15th instant precisely at 12 o'clock,
to take in consideration the propriety of petitioning the Prince
Regent and legislature, to adopt immediately such measures
as will relieve the sufferers from the misery which now over
whelms them. (Signed) John Dyall, Chairman, Thomas
Preston, Secretary.' That your petitioner, upon seeing this
advertisement hesitated not to accept of the invitation ; that
he attended at the said meeting; that he there found ready

58 PETITION OF MR. HUNT.
prepared, a paper, called to the best of his recollection, a me
morial, which some persons, then utter strangers to him, pro
posed to move for the adoption of the meeting ; that your pe-
tioner, perceiving in this paper, propositions of a nature which
he did not approve of, and especially a proposition for the
meeting going in a body to Carlton House, declared that he
would have nothing to do with the 6aid memorial ; that your
petitioner then brought forward an humble petition to the
Prince Regent which petition was passed by the meeting
unanimously, and which petition, having been by your peti
tioner delivered to Lord Sidmouth, that noble lord has, by
letter, informed your petitioner was immediately laid before
his Royal Highness the Prince Regent. And your petitioner
here begs leave further to state, upon the subject of the afore
mentioned memorial, that John Dyall, whose name, as Chair
man of tho committee who called the meeting (and of which
committee, Thomas Preston was secretary,) having before the
meeting took place, been called before Mr. Gifford, one of the
pohce magistrates, had furnished Mr. Gifford with a copy of
the said memorial, and that that copy was in the hands oj Lord
Sidmouth at the moment when the meeting was about to assemble,
though (from an oversight no doubt) neither the police ma
gistrates nor any other person whatever gave your petitioner
the smallest intimation of the dangerous tendency or even of
the existence of such memorial, or of any improper views be
ing entertained by any of the parties calling the meeting,
though it now appears, that the written placards, entitled
* Britons to arms,' are imputed to those same parties, though
it is notorious that that paper appeared in all the public prints
so far back as the month of October, and though, when your
petitioner waited on Lord Sidmouth with the petition of the
Prince Regent, that noble lord himself informed your petitioner
that the government were fully apprized before-hand of the
propositions intended to be brought forward at the meeting.
So that your petitioner humbly begs leave to express his con
fidence that your Honourable House will clearly perceive, that
if any insurrection had taken place on the day of the first

PETITION OF MR. HUNT. 59
Spa Fields meeting, it would have been entirely owing to the
neglect if not connivance of those persons who possessed a
previous knowledge of the principles and views of the parties
with whom that meeting originated.
" With regard to the second assertion, namely, that k care
was taken to adjourn the meeting to the 2d. of December,'
your petitioner begs leave to state, that it will appear upon the
face of the proceedings of that day, that there was nothing like
previous concert or care in this matter ; for, that a resolution
first proposed to adjourn the meeting to the day of the meet
ing of Parliament and then to meet in Palace Yard, of course
not so much in the vicinity of the Bank and the Tower; and
that when this resolution was awarded so as to provide for a
meeting on the 2d of December on the same spot, it was merely
grounded on the uncertainty as to the time when the Parlia
ment might meet. Your petitioner further begs leave to state
here, as being, in a most interested manner, connected with
this adjournment of the meeting, that when your petitioner
waited on Lord Sidmouth with the petition to the Prince
Regent, he informed his Lordship that the meeting was to re
assemble on the 2d of December, when your petitioner had en
gaged to carry his Lordship's answer and deliver it to the ad
journed meeting, and that his Lordship, so far from advising
your petitioner not to go to the said meeting, so far from say
ing any thing to discourage the said meeting, distinctly told
your petitioner, that your petitioner's presence and conduct
appeared to his Lordship to have prevented great possible mis
chief. Whence your petitioner humbly conceives, that he is
warranted in concluding, that there did, at the time here re
ferred to, exist in his Lordship no desire to prevent the said
meeting from taking place.
" Your petitioner, in adverting humbly to the third asser
tion of your Secret Committee, begs to be permitted to state,
that the persons who went from Spa Fields to engage in riot
on the 2d of December, formed no part of the meeting called
for that day ; that these persons came into the fields full two
hours before the time of meeting ; that they left the fields full

60 PETITION OF MR, HUNT.
an hour before that time ; that they did not consist at tho
time of leaving the fields, of more than forty or fifty individuals
that they were joined by sailors and others, persons going from
witnessing the execution of four men in the Old Bailey ; that
your petitioner, who had come up from Essex in the morning,
met the rioters in Cheapside ; that he proceeded directly to
the meeting, which he found to be very numerous ; that there
a resolution was immediately proposed by your petitioner,
strongly condemning all rioting and violence, which resolution
passed with the most unanimous acclamations ; that a petition,
which has since been signed by upwards of 24,000 names, and
received by the House of Commons, was then passed ; and
that the meeting though immense as to numbers, finally sepa
rated, without the commission of any single act of riot outrage,
or violence. And here your petitioner humbly begs leave to
beseech the attention of your Honourable House to the very
important fact of a third meeting having taken place on the
10th instant, on the same spot, more numerously attended
than either of the former ; and that, after having agreed to a
petition, which has since been received by your Honourable
House, the said meeting separated in the most peaceable and
orderly manner, which your petitioner trusts is quite sufficient
to convince your Honourable House l!nt if, as your Secret
Committee reported, designs of riot do still continue to be pro
secuted ivith sanguine hopes of success, these designs can have
no connection whatever with the meetings for retrenchment
relief, and reform, held in Spa Fields.
" That as to the pike heads, your petitioner begs leave to
state to your Honourable House, that while he was at the
last Spa Fields meeting, an anonymous letter was put into
the hands of your petitioner's servant who afterwards gave it
to. your petitioner ; that this letter stated that one Bentley, a
smith, of Hart-street Covent Garden, had been employed by
a man, in the dress of a game-keeper, to make some spikes to
put round a fish pond ; that the game-keeper came and took
a parcel away and paid for them ; that he came soon after
wards and said the things answered very well, and ordered

M

SAMJL SFIEMC1IE,
LATE LORD -ALTHOE-P.

tjuiat-.i'/'iif' fsi// tr.

/n// 0'. i ', ''. ,.' • 'ai/^.A^m- a- —< '•- w ' 7y, /y.' « 'A. //mm-

PETITION OF MR. HUNT. 61
more to be made; that, in a little while after this, the said
Bentley was sent for to the Bow Street Office, and, after a pri
vate examination, was desired to make a pike, or spike, of the
same sort and to carry it to the office, which he did. That your
petitioner perceives that the information which it contains may
possibly be of the utmost importance in giving a clue to the
strict investigation, which he humbly presumes to hope will
be instituted by your Honourable House into this very inter.
esting matter.
" That as to the fifth assertion, that Delegates have assem
bled in London from Hampden Clubs in the country, your pe
titioner has first to observe, that these persons never called
themselves Delegates, and were not called Delegates by any
body connected with them ; that they were called, and were,
' Deputies from Petitioning Bodies' for parliamentary reform,
that your petitioner was one of them, having been deputed by
the petitioners at Bristol and Bath ; that these Deputies met
three times, and always in an open room, to which newspaper
reporters were admitted ; that an acconnt of all their proceed
ings was pubhshed ; that they separated at the end of three
days, not upon a motion of adjournment, but of absolute disso
lution, which motion was made by your petitioner, who is ready
to prove that your committee has been imposed upon as to the
fact that these Delegates, or Deputies, are expected to meet
again in March.
" That your petitioner is ready to prove at the Bar of your
Honourable House, all the facts and allegations contained in
this petition, and that he humbly prays so to be permitted
there to prove them accordingly.
" And your petitioner will ever pray." •' H. HUNT."
As soon as this petition was read, Lord Sidmouth rose, ap
parently very much disconcerted, another petition having been
presented previously from Cleary, the secretary of the Hamp
den club, denying and offering to prova the falsehood of, many
of the statements in the report of the committee. His Lordship

62 CONDUCT OF LORD SIDMOUTH
made a long and violent speech against the measures and views
of the reformers, and called upon the House to put them down,
or the constitution and government of the country would be
soon overthrown. He never attempted to controvert or deny
one word that was contained in my petition, just presented
but he said, that the government of this country had often to
contend with discontented and turbulent men; but those
who took the lead in these meetings, although their steps icere
directed with caution, yet (turning round and looking me full
in the face ) they were men of most extraordinary
energy, and pursued their course with an inflexible
perseverance and courage that ivas ivorthy a better cause"
This was said in the most lofty tone, and so evidently directed
to me, that it drew all the eyes in the House upon me ; and
it was with considerable difficulty that I could resist the in
clination I felt to declare, that it was impossible there could
be a better cause than that of contending for the freedom
of the whole people. His lordship, in alluding to cheap
seditious pubhcations, such as Cobbetfs and Sherwin's Re
gisters, and Wooler's Dwarj, which at this time were pub
lished at twopence each, in great numbers, lamented that the
law officers of the crown could find nothing in them that they
could prosecute with any chance of success. Cobbetfs Register
alone, at this period, attained a sale of fifty thousand copies
a week. The Bill was passed, with very httle opposition, to
prevent any public meeting being held to petition for reform,
or any alteration in the government or constitution of the
country, without its being called with the concurrence of the
magistrates, &c. &c. ; which was nothing more nor less than
prohibiting all public meetings, except such as the corrupt
tools of government chose to sanction.
" While the acts were in progress, a public county meeting
was called by the sheriff of Hampshire, upon a requisition,
signed by the Marquis of Winchester, the Marqui3 of Buck
ingham, old George Rose, Lord Palmerston, Mr. Sturges
Bourne, Lord Malmsbury, Lord Fitzhariis, and all the great
Tory leaders of the county, ' to consider of an address to his

MEETING IN HAMPSHIRE. 68
Royal Highness the Prince Regent, on the outrageous and
treasonable attack made upon hi3 Royal Highness, on his re
turn from opening the session of Parhament' The meeting
was held on the 11th of March. Sir Charles Ogle moved an
address, which was seconded by Mr. Asheton Smith ; both
did this in dumb show, for not one word that they said could
be heard. Lord Cochrane moved an amendment which was
opposed by Mr. Lockhart ; and as the sheriff refused to put
his lordship's amendment declaring it to be irregular, Mr.
Cobbett addressed the assembled thousands, and moved an
amendment which I seconded. This amendment merely
proposed to add, after the word constitution, in the original
address, ' as established by Magna Charta, the Bill of Rights
and the Act of Habeas Corpus, for which our forefathers fought
and bled.' This amendment Mr. Lockhart and his gang de
clared to be most seditious and wicked, and the sheriff, a httle
whipper-snapper fellow, of the name of Fleming, absolutely
refused to put it to the meeting. A show of hands took place
upon the original ministerial address, and, as far as my judg
ment went it was lost by a considerable majority. The she
riff, however, decided that the address was carried by three
to one ; but when a division was called for, the sheriff retired
in haste from the meeting, amidst the yells and groans of the
multitude, and the under sheriff actually threatened to take
Lord Cochrane and myself into custody, if we offered to ad
dress the meeting any more.
The seditious Meeting act had not yet received the royal
assent but these worthies knew the clauses which it contained,
and the perpetual under sheriff, a Mr. Hollis, appeared de
termined to act upon it by anticipation. Perhaps there never
was such a disgraceful scene before exhibited at a public
meeting in England. The most foul, the most unfair, the most
outrageous, and most blackguard conduct was resorted to by the
ministerial tools and dependants of the county, amongst whom
were all the parsons, all the half-pay officers, and all the depen
dants of the corrupt corporations of Andover and Winchester.
22. vol. h. K

64 CLOSE OF THE MEETING.
A person of the name of Loscomb, and another, Feston of
Andover, the former one of the Andover corporation, the lat
ter a half-pay lieutenant were eminently conspicuous as the
brazen tools of those, who called the meeting. Such a scene
of riot, confusion, and uproar had never, I believe, disgraced
a county meeting. These ministerial dependants appeared de
termined to carry every thing with a high hand, now that they
found laws were passing to justify and protect arbitrary and
corrupt power.
In regard to the cause of the meetings which were at this
time held in the country, it must be observed, that the people
were almost goaded to madness by the consequences of the
lata war, which now began to show themselves in every relation
of society. For many years the people had laboured under
severe distress, caused by a long protracted war ; but they
were told that a glorious conquest of their enemies, and an ho
nourable peace, would restore them to a state of prosperity
and plenty. With patience and fortitude they struggled
through these difficulties, panting for the happy days they had
yet to see. The time arrived which was to crown their fu
ture happiness, with the blessed effects of a general peace.
But alas ! since that period the means that have been resorted
to, only heightened their misery, and plunged them deeper
into the abyss of wretched want and distress.

MEETING AT DEVIZES. 65

CHAPTER II.
A system of terror was now the order of the day. The
reader will bear in mind that a bill had passed both Houses
of Parhament, and only waited for the royal assent to make
it death to attend any seditious meeting ; at least to make it
death not to disperse when ordered by any magistrate or pub
hc officer. It was under such auspices that a public county
meeting for Wiltshire was called, and appointed to be held at
Devizes. This meeting was called, as in Hampshire, by the
great aristocratical leaders of both the Whig and Tory factions.
It will be remembered that Mr. Hunt had given Mr. Cobbett
a freehold, to enable him to take part in the Wiltshire county
meetings, all of which, that had been subsequently held, he
had attended with him, and at all these Wiltshire county
meetings the resolutions and petitions proposed by Mr. Hunt
and Mr. Cobbett had been invariably carried. The meeting
now in question was to be convened the latter end of March,
or the beginning of April. On Mr. Hunt leaving London,
Mr. Cobbett had promised to meet him at Devizes, on the day
appointed. He went to Devizes, with his friend Mr. William
Akerman, of Potney, at whose house he had slept the pre
ceding night When they arrived at the Castle inn, the place
of rendezvous, he was surprised to find that though it was ra
ther late, his friend Cobbett had not arrived ; yet, so thoroughly
convinced was he, that he would not disappoint him, that he
was determined to wait for him, and not to go to the Town-
hall, the place of meeting, till he joined him. As Mr. Hunt
wished to know what time the business was to commence, Mr.
Akerman, at his request went down to the Bear inn, where the
sheriff and my Lord Pembroke, with all those who had called
this meeting to address the Prince Regent upon his mira
culous escape from the potatoe (which Mr. Hunt had now as-

66 COBBETT's FfilGHT TO AMEBICA.
certained was thrown by Mr. John Castles), had assembled.
He very soon came back, almost out of breath, to inform Mr.
Hunt, that the party, with the sheriff at their head, were just
proceeding to the hall ; and with a loud laugh he informed him
that the Courier newspaper, which had just arrived in the
coffee room of the Bear inn, had an article in it which stated
that " Cobbett was arrived at Liverpool, and had taken
his passage for America." " I at once," said Akerman,
" declared this to be an infamous he, and I offered to bet any
of the party £50, which I put on the table, that Mr. Cobbett
would be in Devizes, and attend the meeting, within one hour
from that time." Fortunately for his friend Akerman, not one
of the gang assembled had confidence enough in the rascally
Courier to induce them to take the bet ; had they done so, his
friend would have lost his £50 note.
Mr. Hunt was thunderstruck for a moment as Mr. Cobbett
had never given him the slightest intimation of his intention,
and till he saw the Courier he could not believe it possible
that any mm could act so treacherously towards one for whom
he had expressed, not only in public but in private, the most
unbounded confidence. For the first time, it now occured to
Mr. Hunt that there was something mysterious in Mr. Cob
betfs conduct when he last saw him, which was a few days
before in London. It was, however, of no use to ponder or to
despair, and therefore he jumped up out of his chair, in which
he had been almost riveted by the unexpected intelligence,
and earnestly inquired of Mr. Akerman, if he had actually
made the bet He replied, " No one would accept it, or I
should most willingly have made it" Well," said Mr. Hunt,
" I am glad that none of the villains had confidence in the
rascally editor of the Courier, but whether it be true or false,
I will go to the meeting." It is much more easy for the reader
to imagine what were the sensations which Mr. Hunt felt as he
walked to the meeting, than it is to describe them. He had
for many years acted in strict union with Mr. Cobbett both in
Wiltshire and Hampshire, at all the pubhc meetings that had
been held in these counties, he had placed implicit and un-

PROCEEDINGS AT THE MEETING. 67
bounded confidence in him, and he thought that on his part
such feelings had been reciprocal; but a thousand occur
rences which hitherto had made no impression on him, now
rushed upon his mind, and half convinced him that he had
been deceived.
They reached the Town-hall soon after the business of the
day was begun ; it was crammed to suffocation, and a great
many persons who could not gain admission, were standing at
the outside. By the assistance of his friend Akerman, Mr.
Hunt contrived to get near enough to the entrance of the hall,
to expostulate with the sheriff, for attempting to hold a county
meeting in such a confined situation; adding, that a great
number of people were totally excluded, and amongst that
number was Mr. Richard Long, one of the members for the
county. Upon this, Mr. Long replied, that he was very well
off, and that he did not wish to gain admittance. This, to be
sure, caused a great laugh, but Mr. Hunt persevered by
moving an adjournment and after a great deal of noise and
squabbling, the sheriff agreed to adjourn the meeting to the
Market place, whither they all proceeded, and Mr. sheriff
Penruddock took his station upon the steps of the Market
cross, where he was surrounded by such a gang of despera
does as never disgraced a meeting of highwaymen and pick
pockets in the purlieus of St Giles'.
" This gang," says Mr. Hunt " was headed by the notorious
John Benett, of Pyt house, from whom they took the word of
command, when to be silent and when to bellow, hoot, halloo,
and make all sorts of discordant vulgar noises, such as
would have degraded and lowered the character of a horde of
drunken prostitutes and pickpockets, in the most abandoned
brothel in the universe. — The plan of operations had been
previously arranged, and a set of wretches had hired them
selves, to play the most disgraceful and disgusting part. Lord
Pembroke, the Lord Lieutenant of the county, had ordered
and commanded all his tenantry, and even his tradesmen, to
attend the meeting to oppose Hunt. A butcher at Wilton,
who served his lordship's family with meat, pleaded his pre-

68 PROCEEDINGS AT THE MEETING.
vious engagements on business of importance, as an excuse
for his non-attendance; but he was informed by his lordship's
agent that if he did not appear at Devizes, to oppose any pro
position that was made by Hunt, he never should serve the
family at Wilton house with another joint of meat.
" The gang thus raked together was led on by regular leaders;
Black Jack, alias the Devil's Knitting Needle, was commander
in chief; Bob Reynolds, a scamping currier of Devizes, who was
a sort of lickspittle to old Salmon, the attorney, was bully-
major ; and a jolter-headed farmer, of the name of Chandler,
who lived on the green, and was captain of a gang of httle
dirty toad-eaters of the corporation; in fact every scamp
who hved upon the taxes — every scrub who had an eye to a
place— and every lickspittle of the corrupt knaves of the cor
rupt and vile rotten borough of Devizes, took a part in these
un-Eglishman-like, partial, cowardly, and disgraceful proceed
ings. Every expectant underling, every dirty, petty-fogging
scoundrel showed his teeth, opened his vulgar mouth, and
sent forth the most nauseous and disgusting ribaldry. A time
serving, place-hunting, fawning address to the Prince Regent
was moved by some person. It was stuffed with all sorts of
falsehoods, and was supported by John Benett, of Pyt house,
in an address to the people, which contained nothing but a
violent, dastardly, and unmanly attack npon me, attributing
to me all the disturbances that had taken place in London,
and roundly asserting that I was the cause of Cashman's be
ing brought to the gallows. By the independent portion of
the meeting, this harangue was listened to with considerable
impatience ; but he had, nevertheless, every sort of fair play
shown him, from their natural conviction, that as I was pre
sent, I should have an opportunity of replying to these in
famous charges: it was this conviction alone that procured
him a hearing, and gave him an opportunity of uttering such
diabolical and premeditated falsehoods. But the feUow knew
that he was safe, and that he could he and abuse with impu
nity. He knew that his dirty hirelings would protect him
against a reply from me, and he, therefore, gave loose to a most

ATTACK ON MR. HUNT. 69
malignant spirit The moment that I attempted to speak,
the yell began. About fifty or sixty, or perhaps one hundred,
out of two or three thousand persons assembled, commenced
a bellowing and braying hke so many of their four legged bre
thren, and they were so well marshalled, and acted so well in
concert that it was impossible for the great majority of the
people to gain me a hearing. At length the sheriff, Hunger-
ford Penruddock, Esq., who looked ready to faint with shame
at what he was about to do, dissolved the meeting, and ordered
the Riot act to be read, which, I believe, httle whiffling Mr.
Salmon made a sort of dumb show, or pretence to do, and
then immediately gave orders to have me taken into custody.
Now began such a contest as was seldom if ever seen ; the
descendants of a petty fogging attorney, a bankrupt tailor,
a usurious split-fig &c. &c. &c. William H  s, William
S  n, Stephen N  1 $¦ Co., who were members of the
corporation, and now become great men, (good Lord, what
would their forefathers have said to have heard this ?) aided by
Reynolds, Chandler, and Co., made a desperate effort to seize
me, but all their attempts were in vain ; the gallant, brave,
and kind-hearted people of Wiltshire surrounded me with an
impenetrable phalanx ; they formed an irresistible bulwark
with their persons, which proved an impregnable barrier
against all the assaults of the constables, bullies, and black
guards, that were urged on by the mayor and his myrmidons —
a " matchless crew." I was hoisted up on the shoulders of those
who stood in the centre of this brave phalanx, and had a per
fect view of all their operations. The gang repeatedly re
turned to the charge upon the people, with staves and clubs,
but the people stood as firm as rocks, upon whom they never
made the slightest impression, the people all the while acting
solely on the defensive.
At length, two ruffians, Reynolds and Chandler, seized my
brother by the collar, one on each side ; he was standing as a
spectator, taking no part but that of looking on. My brother
smiled at first hut finding them in earnest and being sur
rounded by the whole gang, who began to drag him off, he let

70 READING OF THE RIOT ACT.
fly right and left and, as if they had been shot, the two bul
lies fell like slaughtered calves upon the ground, and before
the people could get to his assistance, the whole cowardly gang
had taken flight. This all occurred in the Market place, in
front of the Bear inn, where the sheriff and the notable founders
and supporters of the infamous time-serving petition were as
sembled, and from the windows of which they had the mortifi
cation of witnessing the defeat, the disgrace, and the com
plete routing of their hirelings, and the victory of the people,
who, instead of taking advantage of their success, instead of
inflicting summary vengeance upon those who had assaulted
them in such a cowardly manner ; instead of chastising those
who had conducted themselves in such a partial, corrupt,
unmanly, and disgraceful way ; they peaceably bore me off to
my inn. The pot vahant jack-in-office, Mr. Mayor, soon after
followed us, with a fresh posse of constables, and repeated the
reading of the riot act under my window, amidst the jeers, the
scoffs, the hootings, and the execrations of the people, who
had committed no act of riot or breach of the peace, to
justify such a measure. From the window of the Castle inn,
where I was dining with some friends, I addressed the people,
and they peaceably dispersed, although they kept a good look
out to see that there was no attempt made to annoy me, or
interrupt me. Had any attempt of that sort been made, I be
lieve, from what I have since heard, that the consequences
might have proved very serious to those, who had been con
cerned in it.
" One circumstance that occurred in the evening afterwards
is worth recording. One of my tenants, Mr. George Jones,
who keeps the George Inn, in Walcot-street Bath, had driven
his niece up to Devizes in the morning, for the purpose of see
ing me on some business, and also to attend the meeting. As
an Englishman, he of course wished for a fair hearing of both
parties, and standing near the bullies Bob Reynolds and his
brother, at the time they were conducting themselves so foully
towards me, he admonished them in a way which they did not
appear to relish. Mr. Jones drove home in his gig, in the even-

ATTACK ON MR. JONES. 71
ing, with his niece, and just as they were entering Melksham
they passed Reynolds' brother, who resided there at the time,
in the capacity of a paid serjeant of the Melksham troop oi
yeomanry. As soon as Mr. Jones .had passed him, Reynolds
rode up to the back of the gig, and, without giving him any
notice, coward and assassin-hke, he struck him a heavy blow
on the back ot his head, with a thick bludgeon. Fortunately
Mr. Jones wore a high-crowned stout beaver, which saved his
head, but the crown of the hat was severed in two by the blow.
Mr. Jones no sooner recovered himself, than he turned-to, and
with his gig whip, he gave a sound flogging to the dastardly
ruffian, who sued in vain for mercy, till the whip was completely
demohshed. Some gentlemen, who happened to be passing at
the time, and saw the whole transaction, offered to give Mr.
Jones their address, and recommended him to take legal pro
ceedings against the villain, they volunteering their services,
as witnesses. But Mr. Jones very coolly replied, « I have
taken summary redress, and paid the fellow in his own coin ;
therefore it will be only necessary to give such a scoundrel
' rope enough and he will hang himself' " Mr. Jones' observa
tion was not only very just but most prophetic. The loyal
and the ivorthy Mr. Reynolds, a few months afterwards to save
Jack Ketch the trouble, put an end to his own existence, by hang
ing himself in a malt-house. If what I hear o* another of them,
be, true it is not very improbable that he may soon follow his
example. " As I drove home in the evening from this meeting, I could
not avoid seriously reflecting upon the critical situation in
which I was placed, by my friend Mr. Cobbe'tt having deserted
me, and stolen away to America. I had been constantly and
faithfully acting with him for many years, up to the very hour
of his flight for I nad now no doubt in my mind that the re
port in the Courier was true. I felt indignant and mortified
in the extreme, at this desertion on the part of my friend, at
such a moment, and, without his ever having given me the
shghtest reason to suspect him of any such intention. My
22. vol. h. l

72 MR. HUNT'S PREPARATIONS FOR DEFENCE.
first resolve was this : — let what will come, I will never fly my
country, never desert my countrymen in the hour of peril. The
Habeas Corpus Act was suspended, the Seditious Meetings
Bill had been passed and received the royal assent. Many of
the brave reformers of Lancashire had, in consequence, been
arrested and thrown into dungeons, particularly those who had
attended in London at the delegate meeting ; therefore I ex
pected to share the same fate, but still I made up my mind to
this, that I would never run from the danger ; and, as I never
secreted myself, but was always to be met with any day, and
every day. I was also resolved that no one should with impu
nity treat me in the way in which Messrs. Knight Bamford,
Healy, and others had been treated. They had not merely
been arrested, but their houses had been broken into, and they
had been dragged out of their beds in the dead of the night,
and hurried away in irons to the dungeons of the borough-
mongers. " When I reached home, I informed my family of what it
was possible might happen, and this I did, not to alarm them,
but to put them upon their guard, that they might not lose their
presence of mind in case of any nocturnal assault being made
upon my house. In my own mind I had firmly settled how to
act: if any messenger from the Secretary of State's office
came to apprehend me in the day time, I should attend him
very quietly and peaceably ; but if any nocturnal visit was in
tended me by the officers of the ministers, I was determined to
resist and to defend my house to the last moment ; because by
so doing, they would leave themselves without the shadow ot
an excuse, as they always knew when and where I was to be
found in the face of day. Desperate as this plan may appear
in the eyes of many, it was that on which I was determined to
act. I took with me every night into my bed-room a brace of
loaded pistols, that never missed fire, and my double barrelled
gun, charged and fresh primed ; and any number of men less
than four would not have gained admittance alive into my house
in the night time. I had violated no law, I had committed no

STRICTURES ON COBBETT's CONDUCT. 73
breach of the peace, and I was resolved that I would maintain
the right of an Englishman's house being his own castle, in
spite of Seditious Meeting Bills, or the suspension of the Ha
beas Corpus Act Fortunately, my coolness and determina
tion were never put to the test. I, however, never went to bed
for many weeks without expecting the enemy, and cautioning
my family not to be alarmed in case of any nocturnal visit being
paid me.
" Mr Cobbett's leave-taking address was published, in which
he pretty clearly intimated what would be the fate of every
man that remained in the country, who had been 'an active
leader of the people in promoting petitions for Annual Parlia
ments, Universal Suffrage, and Vote by Ballot ; and he avowed
the dread of a dungeon to be the cause of his leaving the coun
try ! As he had never communicated the slightest hint to me of
his intention, so he never made the slightest allusion to me in
his leave-taking address, any more than as if he never had such
a friend. This, at the moment, I considered as most unkind,
unfeeling, and .treacherous. But upon reflection, I esteem it
the highest compliment that he could have paid me ; for it
clearly proves that he knew the honesty of my nature too well,
to expect that I should have ever sanctioned so dastardly, so
thoroughly unmanly a proceeding as that of flying from my
country, and abandoning the Reformers to the uncontrolled
malice of their enemies, and that too, at such a moment of
difficulty and danger.
" Yet doubly wounded as I was by the conduct of Mr.
Cobbett, wounded both personally and as a friend of the peo
ple, I nevertheless, soon endeavoured to find at least some ex
cuse for him, and I made up my mind not to act the same part
towards him, which he had done towards me. Real friendship
is not easily alienated from its object. On the very first op
portunity, therefore, I rode over to Botley, to make inquiries
about his circumstances, and, if possible, to serve my friend,
notwithstanding his desertion of me. I found that Mr. Tunno,
the mortgagee, had taken possession of his estate, and that the
landlord of the farm which he occupied, and of the house in

74 PROPOSED SUBSCRIPTION FOR COBBETT.
which he had lived, had seized for rent ; and, as might natu
rally be expected under such circumstances, every thing was
going, or rather gone, to rack ; ad his ramily had abandoned
the place, and were in London. I called upon the only person
in Botley that used to be intimate with him, from whom I re
ceived such an account as made me form a worse opinion of
mankind than 1 had ever before entertained. He spoke in
approbrious terms of his former acquaintance, saying that he,
Cobbett, had run away in every one's debt, and with an oath,
(most brutally, as I felt it) he declared " hanging was too good
for him," I never spoke to this man afterwards ; neither was
I deterred by bis language from proceeding in my endeavours
to serve my absent friend. I therefore rode on to Mr. Hinx-
man's, of Chilhng, near Titchfield, who had been for some time
a friend of Mr. Cobbetfs ; and when I got there I was much
dehghted to find him as zealous for him as he had been. He
was not merely a professing friend, but he wished to show his
friendship by deeds as well as words, and he had been de
vising the best means of showing his friendship. As the re
sult of his reflections, he put into my hands an address, which
he had drawn up, to the people of England, proposing a sub
scription of one shilhng each person, to pay off the debts of
Mr. Cobbett and thus enable him to return to his country,
free from pecuniary embarrassments. This address was penned
in a masterly style, and in every sentiment which it contained,
I fully concurred. I promised to do every thing that lay in
my power to promote its object and to attend a pubhc meet
ing, which was to be called at the Crown and Anchor, for the
purpose of promulgating it ; and I agreed to take the chair
upon the occasion, provided that Major Cartwright and Lord
Folkestone declined the offer of it which was, in the first in
stance, to be made to them. With the firm impression on my
mind that this plan would be carried into full effect I left Mr.
Hinxman, perfectly satisfied with the result of my journey of
three days to serve my friend. Mr. Hinxman sent his address
to London, as proposed ; but the parties applied to, immediately
put a negative on the proposition, assigning as a reason, that

PETITIONS FOR REFORM. 75
it would be establishing a very bad precedent, to raise a sub
scription amongst the reformers to pay the debts of a man who
had deserted the cause of the people, by flying from the coun
try at a moment of peril and difficulty ; and thus at once was
a stop put to the laudable intentions of Mr. Hinxman. There
was, indeed, no possibility of giving any satisfactory answer to
such a reason, and the project was in consequence altogether
abandoned. By this time upwards of six hundred petitions
had been presented to the House of Commons, praying for re
trenchment a reduction of the army, and for a Radical Re
form in Parliament. These petitions were signed by nearly
a million and a half of people. The only answer that was given
to them was, as the reader has already seen, passing the Sedi
tious Meetings Bill, and the suspension of the Habeas Corpus
Act. These petitions were suffered silently to be laid upon
the table of the House ; nothing that they prayed for was ever
granted, and so far from the Honourable House, or any of its
members, ever answering the allegations contained in them,
they never even condescended to discuss any of the matters
contained in them.
Although Mr. Cobbett, the great hterary champion of the
radical reformers, had deserted and fled to America, yet others
sprung up. About this period Mr. Wooler began to publish his
Black Dwarf, and Mr. Sherw in published his Weekly Register.
These were two bold and powerful advocates of reform, and
Mr. Wooler, as well as Mr. White, of the Independent Whig,
lashed Mr. Cobbett most unmercifully for his cowardice in
flying his country, and abandoning the reformers at such a
critical moment. Mr. Wooler was excessively severe, and he
laid it on with an unsparing hand. I lost no opportunity to
vindicate the character of my absent friend, and in doing this
I attacked Mr. Wooler as violently as he attacked Mr. Cob
bett for which Mr. Wooler denounced me as a spy of the
government." On the 17 th of May, Messrs. Watson, Thistlewood, Hooper,
and Preston, were brought into the Court of King's Bench, to

76 TRIAL OF WATSON, THISTLEWOOD, &c.
plead to charges of high treason. Mr. Hone also appeared,
and complained of the illegality of his arrest on Lord Ellen-
borough's warrant. On the 30th of May, the Right Honour
able Charles Abbott resigned the situation of Speaker of the
House of Commons, and Mr. Manners Sutton was chosen in
his place. On the 6th of June, Mr. Wooler was tried for a
libel on the ministers; he was acquitted in consequence of
doubts having arisen respecting the validity of the verdict
of guilty delivered in by the foreman of the jury, although some
of them were not agreed in the verdict
On the 9th of June, Messrs. Watson, Thistlewood, Preston,
and Hooper, were conveyed from the Tower, where they had
been confined, to the Court of King's Bench to be tried for
high treason. Watson was tried first. His trial lasted seoen
days, at the end of which he was acquitted. The attorney-
general then gave up the prosecution against the others. The
principal witness called by the crown was the famous Mr. John
Castle, the worthy gentleman who feigned asleep in Mr.
Hunt's room at the Hotel in Bouverie-street, on the evening
after the first Spa Fields meeting, and the same worthy who
met him in Cheapside, as he was driving to the second meet
ing on the second of December, and who kindly invited him
to go to the Tower with him, which he assured him was in the
possession of young Watson. What follows is curious and worthy
of notice. It was publicly known that Castle was to be the prin-
pal witness against his former associates. Mr. Hunt therefore
sent a gentleman, to inform the attorney for the prisoners,
that he had become acquainted with certain circumstances,
relating to this Mr. Castle, which would be of infinite service
to his clients. This message was sent a fortnight before the
time fixed upon for their trial ; but the 9th of June approached
without Mr. Hunt having received any answer. He sent a
second a message, by another person; but, as no notice was
taken of it he sent a third person, on the 8th to say that he
was in town, and unless it was intended to hang the prisoners,
he expected that he should be subpcened, and that he was come

TRAITOROUS DESIGNS OF CASTLE. 77
to town on purpose to give his evidence. In fact this third
message rather conveyed a demand than a request, and he was
next morning subpcened.
Another very extraordinary circumstance made up part of
this transaction. Mr. Brougham had been apphed to, and
Mr. Hunt understood had postively refused to become coun
sel for the prisoners, and Mr. Wetherell and Mr. Copley were
retained ; the former a most decided rank thick and thin sup
porter of the ministers ; the latter, as he was informed, not
only a decided opponent of the ministers, but an avowed re
publican in principle. Mr. Samuel Shepherd was attorney,
and Mr. Gifford solicitor-general ; and they of course were
counsel for the prosecution. When Mr. Hunt saw Mr. We
therell at his chambers, which was on the evening of the 9th,
after the first day's proceedings were over, and stated to him
what he knew of Castle, he at once declared that his testi-
money would be most important and would most likely save
the fives of the prisoners ; and he expressed great astonish
ment that this had never been communicated to him before.
From what Mr. Hunt stated to him, he was enabled to draw
out of Mr. Castles' own mouth, in cross-examination, the full
proof of his own infamy, which he never could have done with
out it. After Mr. Hunt had given his testimony in court, he
saw plainly that the jury had made up their minds to acquit the
Doctor, who was the first and only one put upon his trial. At
the end of seven days, the time Watson's trial lasted, the jury
returned a verdict of not guilty, and the attorney-general then
gave up the prosecution against the other three prisoners. It is
very curious that it was never communicated to the prisoners
that Mr. Hunt was in attendance to give evidence on their be
half but when they saw him in court, they actually thought that
he was subpcened as an evidence for the crown against them.
As there are some circumstances which came out on the
trial, which bear particularly upon the hfe aud character of
Mr. Hunt ; we shall detail them in full, especially that part of
Castles' evidence, which went a great way to prove the plot
that was laid by him and his gang to involve Mr. Hunt in

78 EVIDENCE OF CASTLE
their traitorous designs, and from which, he certainly did not
escape from any prudence of his own, but from a total inabi
lity of the parties to carry their designs into execution.
It may be remembered that on the first day of the Spa
Fields meeting, Mr. Hunt whilst about to sit down to dinner
with Mr. Bryant at his hotel in Bouverie Street was surprised
by the intrusive visit of Watson, Thistlewood, Castle, and
others, who uninvited, presented themselves to join his dinner
party. In the examination of Castle on the trial of Watson,
he completely denied the statement of Mr. Hunt, as we have
already given it in this work, and, therefore, in order to con
front their testimony with that which was subsequently given
by Mr. Hunt on his examination, we shall extract that
part of the evidence which has an immediate reference to this
very important perjod of the hfe of Mr. Hunt.
Castle was thus cross-examined by Mr. Wetherell.
Do you recollect going to dine at Bouverie Street?
Yes I do.
When was that ?
The evening of the first meeting at Spa Field
Who dined there ?
The two Watsons, Thistlewood, Hooper, and myself.
Was that the whole of your party ?
Mr. Hunt as I understood, Mr. Clark, who was the chair
man and two or three persons that I did not know.
How came you to dine there?
We went after the meeting ; knowing it was the place where
Mr. Hunt put up, we went up there.
Did you stay there long?
We stopped there while evening, while dark, it might be
very probably about six or seven o'clock.
Do you recollect any thing particular happening at Bou
verie Street?
Yes. What was it ?
I recollect Mr. Hunt said he could not see the colours on
account of the wind blowing, and he desired me to show them

EXAMINATION OF CASTLE. 79
to him, and I took them out and Mr. Hunt took hold of
one end, and I of the other.
Mr. Hunt said he had not seen them ?
That he could not see them distinctly, and the motto on
them, on account of the wind blowing the other way.
Do you recollect giving any particular toast at Bouverie
Street? Yes. What was it?
" May the last of kings be strangled with the guts of the
last of priests.
Did you propose that toast ?
I gave the toast, and Mr. Hunt desired me not to be quite
so violent, and stopped me.
You proposed that toast yourself?
Yes, I did.
Was that all that Mr. Hunt said?
I believe it was.
You believe it was ?
I do not recollect any thing particular.
You do not recollect any thing about turning out of the
room? No, nor nothing of the kind waa ever mentioned about turn
ing out of the room.
Only a httle hint that it was rather too violent.
Yes.Nothing was said about the company leaving the room, if
you were so violent ?
No, not that I recollect
Endeavour to recollect whether Mr. Hunt did not put it
stronger, than not quite so violent?
I am not quite certain, whether Mr Hunt might not say,
that he would leave the room, if we were so violent.
Perhaps it was, that if you were so violent, he must leave
the room. 23. VOL. II. m

80 EXAMINATION OF CASTLE.
Perhaps it was.
What was said about turning you out of the room, or that
he would leave the room?
There was nothing said about turning me out of the room
Did Mr. Hunt say he must leave the room ?
I am not certain.
Do you remember falhng asleep ; a httle nap.
No, I do not recollect it.
What is commonly called a fox's sleep.
/ do not know that I was asleep at all there.
That sort of sleep, when a man pretends to be asleep, and
is not asleep ?
/ was not asleep.
Lord Ellenborough. You are asked, whether you
shammed sleep ?
No, I never pretended to be asleep nor was asleep.
Mr. Wetherell. You know what is the meaning of fox's
sleep, or sham sleep. Did you ever hear of what is called a
fox' sleep, do you know what is meant by it ?
Yes, I do.
Did you not sham sleep ?
No, to the best of my recollection, I did not.
Let us see whether you can recollect ?
To the best of my recollection, I was not, neither do I be
lieve I was.
You cannot positively deny, whether you shammed sleep or
' not? I cannot positively deny, whether I was asleep or not: 1
think I was not.
Did you pretend to be asleep ?
No, I did not.
Neither real nor pretended sleep ;
No. Had Mr. Hunt invited you to dine, or had you invitea
yourself?

EXAMINATION OF CASTLE. 81
Mr. Hunt asked whether all that were there intended to dine "t
That is not an answer to my question, did Mr. Hunt invite
you all to Bouverie Street to dine with him ?
No, he did not
What did you mean by saying that Mr. Hunt asked you to
dine? He asked, if all that were in the room intended to dine.
He had not asked you to come and dine ?
No, he had not.
Then you went uninvited ?
I went with the elder Watson and Hooper.
-Did you ask yourselves to dinner, or did he ask you ?
There was nothing of the kind said.
How came you to dine with him ?-
I walked up as many thousands did, and walked in, finding
that Thistlewood, Hooper, and the two Watsons were there.
Did you not invite yourselves to dine at the same table with
Mr. Hunt?
No.
How came you to dine there ?
No, I did dine there.*
Did you not say something to Mr. Hunt about it ?
No, I did not.
What did he say to you, or you to him ?
He said nothing particular to me ; he and I had no parti
cular conversation distinctly with each other.
iDid Mr. Hunt desire you and the people with you to sit
down at the same table with him ?
No, he did not.
Did either of you, or some of those with you, propose to sit
down with him ?
Yes, I suppose so.
Was it you, or who was it ?
I cannot tell.

* There is evidently some interrogatory wanting here, but it is so given in
the printed report of the trial.

o2 EXAMINATION OF CASTLE.
Do you remember going up and ringing the bell and ask
ing what you could have for dinner there ?
No, I do not.
What was the general subject of your discussion there ?
Merely about the meeting, and the next meeting, there was
very httle said about politics the whole of the time.
Only your toast ?
There were other toasts drank.
Do you remember saying any thing about the soldiers to
Mr. Hunt?
No, I do not.
Do you remember Mr. Hunt reproving you for saying some
thing about the soldiers ?
No, I do not.
Try your recollection ?
I really do not recollect.
You have admitted a little violence about the toasts ?
I have admitted the truth.
Was there any violence about the soldiers ?
No, not that I recollect.
Did he not give you a httle reproof on that subject ?
I have not a recollection of any reproof, not about the toast.
You recollect the toast now ?
I gave you the toast.
Lord Ellenborough. Were there many toasts drank ?
Yes, there were.
Mr. Wetherell. Did any person at table give the king's
health ?
No, the king was left out of the question.
The king's health was not drank ?
No, it was not
Do you swear that positively ?
I never heard it drank.
Were you near enough ?
I was in the room the whole of the time.
At the table where Mr. Hunt dined ?
Yes, so I understood.

EXAMINATION OF CASTLE. 83
Was the king's health drank or proposed at the table at
which you dined at or after dinner ?
No, it icas not.
Did you not tell Mr. Hunt, that you had assis ted in getting
French officers, or some French officer out of the country.
Yes, I did, I recollect there was something said about it
there. Do you recollect that you told Mr. Hunt you had assisted
in getting French officers or some French officer out of the
country ?
Yes, I did, I believe.
Did you tell him you had got five hundred pounds for it or
some other sum?
I do not know.
You do not know the money that you mentioned ?
No, I do not.
Is that true or false that you ever did assist in getting a
French officer out of the country.
Never.
Why was this said ?'
It was on account of a number of them knowing that I had
been taken up with an officer, and I told them I had assisted
in taking the French officer away, though I had not.
Did you say nothing about having threatened to shoot the
French officer, because he would not get along with you quick
enough on horseback ?
Not to the best of my recollection, I never did.
You never said at this dinner, that you had threatened to
shoot the French officer ?
There was no such conversation at dinner.
At dinner or after dinner did you tell Mr. Hunt you had
assisted this French officer out, and that you had threatened to
shoot him, because he did not get on quick enough ?
No.
Do you recollect the name of Colonel Lefebre Desnouettes ?
Yes, I recollect his name being menf-oned.

84 EXAMINATION OF CASTLE.
Did you not say you had assisted in getting Colonel Lefebre
Desnouettes out of this country ?
No. I do not think any thing of the kind was mentioned.
Are you certain you did not say, you had assisted in getting
Colonel Lefebre Desnouettes out of this country ?
I AM POSITIVE I DID NOT. *
Did not Mr. Hunt correct you and say, you must not say
such things?
I do not know.
Did he give you any other correction on account of your
conversation, besides the toast ?
I do not recollect.
Nor can you form a belief?
I cannot recollect whether I did or did not.
Nor can you form a belief?
I really cannot say, I had taken rather too much wine and
spirits, and I cannot recollect all that passed.
Do you recollect any body shaking you there ?
No, I do not.
Did any other persons, dining at the table, admonish you
for your expressions besides Mr. Hunt?
No. Were there any others dining at the table ?
Yes, there were two or three others.
Can you mention their names ?
No, I cannot
Do you mean to say, you were in hquor at this dinner in
Bouverie-street or after dinner ?
Yes I was.
I mean at this dinner, after the first Spa Fields meeting ?
Yes, I was, I had drank a good deal of hquor up at Mer
lins cave, I believe.
* We request our readers to pay particular attention to this fellow's evidence,
as it will afterwards appear to have an immediate reference to the plot which
was formed against Mr. Hunt, and which will be fully exposed in the speech
of Mr. Wetherell.

CLOSE OF CASTLE b EVIDENCE. 86
You mean to say you were in hquor?
Yes, I do.
Before dinner or after ?
Both before and after.
Do you mean to say, you were drunk before dinner ?
No, I do not mean to say I was drunk, I was the worse for
hquor. What you call just primed. What quantity of hquor was
drank in Bouverie Street?
That I cannot exactly say.
Do you mean to say the hquor you drank at or after dinner
would have made you intoxicated ?
No, it was the hquor I drank before.
This was the close of Castle's evidence, as far as regards
Mr. Hunt but in order to enter fully into the nature of the
plot which was laid against Mr. Hunt and which, but for a
very trifling circumstance as afterwards related by Mr. Weth
erell, would have placed him in the same situation as the
men, who were then on their trial ; it will be necessary to
give such parts of Mr. Hunt's evidence, which not only ex
posed the perfidy and falsehood of Castle, but also fully dis
closes the narrow escape which Mr. Hunt had from being in
cluded in the indictment of Watson and others for high treason.
After some preliminary questions bearing immediately on
the first Spa Fields meeting, where Mr. Hunt with great de
triment to his character, first publicly indentified himself
with a gang of desperate adventurers, and secret traitors, Mr.
Wetherell examined Mr. Hunt as follows :
Do you know a gentleman of the name of Bryant ?
I do.
Have you known him for some time ?
Four or five years.
Did you expect to meet him at your Hotel to dinner ?
He had engaged to order dinner for himself and me, to dine
together at five o' clock, a day or two before. I expected to
meet him there on private business.

86 EXAMINATION OF MR. HUNT.
Had you invited a person to dine there of the name of
Castle; Mr. John Castle?
I had not invited any such person, nor did I expect any such
person. At what hour had you proposed to dine ?
At five, I beheve it was.
When you got to Bouverie-street Hotel, did you, in fact,
see Mr. Bryant there?
I found him there with his son, a httle boy.
Had the dinner been ordered by him, or did you ring and
order it ?
He told me he had ordered three whitings and chops for us
three, the cloth was spread for three.
Before you sat down to dinner, do you recollect Mr. Castle
coming into the room ?
I do.
Was it a public coffee room, or dining room, or a private
room? A private room, not the public coffee room.
Did Mr. Castle come into that room ?
He did.
Did any other persons come with Castle ?
Many. Who were they?
I did not know them all.
Be so good as to state who they were ?
The two Watsons.
Those you did know ?
Yes, Thistlewood, Castle, a young man of the name of
Clarke, who presided as chairman of the pubhc meeting, and
1 think several other persons.
Did Castle come into your room in consequence of your
desiring him to come in ?
Certainly not I did not know him, / only knoio noiv that
he is Mr. Castle.
Did all those persons come into the room with Castle ?

EXAMINATION of MR. HUNT. 87
They did.
Did you desire any of those persons to come into your room?
Certainly not.
When they came into your room, did Mr. Castle or any
other person, say any thing on the subject of dinner?
If you will give me leave to explain it I was not surprised
to see the parties come into the room. I was not surprised
to see Watson and Thistlewood come into the room, although
I had not invited them, it being usual and common after pub
lic meetings, that those, who have taken a part in the meeting,
should meet together afterwards.
You say, that you were surprised that this Mr. Castle made
his appearance?
Yes, and several others, and remonstrated, as well as Mr.
Bryant and said, that this was our private room, and that our
dinner was just coming, and gave them a hint, that it was ne
cessary they should retire.
Lord Ellenborough. Did you desire them to retire ?
No, not desire them to retire, but gave them a hint that
our dinner was ready.
Mr. Wetherell. Be so good as to recollect whether
you had ever seen Mr. Castle before that day ?
I do not think I ever had to my knowledge ; 1 might have,
but I never recollect seeing him, till 1 saw him with the flag
in Spa Fields.
On that day ?
Yes. What did this same Mr. Castle do with his flag in Spa Fields ?
The first time I observed him, he was unfurling a flag, and
fixing it on a pole.
Did he do any thing else with the flag ?
He brought the flag after I was in Merlin's cave, and fixed
it on the side of the window. I beheve it was he.
Having fixed the flag on the side of the window, where did
Mr. Castle station himself afterwards ?
23. VOL. II. N

88 EXAMINATION OF MR. HUNT.
I saw nothing more of Castle, to my knowledge, till he came
into the room in the evening.
On their coming into your room, did they, in consequence
of what has been stated by you, retire or not?
Possibly some of them might but some one, I do not know
which, proposed that they should have some chops. The ans
wer of myself and Mr. Bryant was, that we had got dinner
provided for three, and therefore, so many of them could not
partake of it One of them proceeded immediately to ring the
bell, whom I beheve to be Castle, and said, we will order
some beef-steaks or something of that sort and upon the landlord
or the waiter answering the bell, they immediately ordered, I
think, fish and beef-steaks to be added to our dinner ; the cloth
laid, and we were soon seated.
Do you believe that the person, who rang the bell was
Castle ?
I beheve so, to the best of my recollection.
Was Mr. Castle at this time in liquor ?
As far as my judgment goes, not in the least.
Did his manner of speaking, or his gait betray any symp
toms df a man in hquor ?
He was extremely officious, but not at all in liquor, he was
very forward and officious indeed, but not by any means in
toxicated. This postcript being added to the dinner, how many of you
sat down to dine ?
I should think ten or a dozen ; I do not swear to the num
ber exactly, but I believe ten or a dozen, there were several
persons there, whom I did not know.
Was the elder Watson one of those who sat down to the
party ?
He was.
Was the younger Watson one of the party ?
He was.
Was Thistlewood one of the party ?

EXAMINATION OF MR. HUNT. 89
He was : I had seen them the day before, and they had
made me acquainted with their names. Those were the names
they gave me, I had seen them for the first time the day before.
Mr. Castle, I presume, having invited himself, he sat down
to table too ?
Oh yes.
* Was the king's health drank after dinner ?
It was. Mr. Bryant who sat at the head of the table, as
soon as the cloth was removed, drank the king, I added, better
not give any toast at all, he gave the king, and it went round,
till it came to Castle.
To the best of your recollection, did the prisoner, the elder
Watson, fill a glass to the king, or take the bottle as it passed
by? I saw that it passed all round almost all but one, Clark
was next to me, on the right hand, Castle was next so that it
passed all round the table without any remark, till it got to
Castle. It performed the revolution of a circle till it got to Castle ?
It did.
When it got to Mr. Castle, what occasioned the circle to
stop with him ?
Oh ! it did not stop, not immediately, Castle began in a
very loud tone, " May the last of kings be strangled" — I
jumped up and stopped him, I rose from my seat and stopped
him in rather a determined way, saying no such language as
that should be used in my company.
What said Mr. Castle to this ?
He followed on by saying something about the guts of the
last priest, this was reprobated apparently by the whole party,
particularly by Bryant, myself and the elder Watson.
Did this same Mr. Castle, introduce any military subject
at your dinner party ?
I beg leave to add, that upon this, Mr. Castle made a sort
of apology, he made an apology.*
* This part of Mr. Hum's evidence clues not coincide with the statement, which
he has given us in his own memoirs. In the latter, it is stated) that no apo-

90 EXAMINATION OF MR. HUNT.
Did Mr. Castle introduce any military subject of convei-
sation ?
Sometime in the evening, afterwards, he burst out, Damn
me, the soldiers are our friends ; upon which I said, pray, sir,
what have we to do with soldiers here ? he intimated that he
had had frequent conversations with them, my answer was,
" More fool you," or something to that effect.
In short you gave him a good smart hint did you ?
If you call that a smart hint whether upon this occasion
or not I do not recollect but upon one or more occasions, he
was expostulated with, by the elder Watson for his violence.
Do you mean one or more occasions in the course of that
evening ?
Yes, on one or more occasions ; whether on this occasion,
I cannot recollect',
You speak of the same evening, not of any other evening?
Of the same evening.
Do you recollect whether this good man said any thing
about French prisoners?
Yes he was the general spokesman for the evening ; he was
intruding himself on every occasion.
Do you recollect his saying any thing particular about French
prisoners ?
He related a story, that he had been concerned, and had
been instrumental in taking two French prisoners out of the
country. Do you recollect the particular account which he gave of
that business?
Yes, for which he said, he had been imprisoned two yeart
in Maidstone jail. I intimated across the table to the younger
Watson, " Pretty company you have introduced us here to,
Mr. Watson," Bryant added, " yes, pretty society we have got
into, indeed," or words to that effect.
Do you recollect Mr. Castle saying any thing ?
I beg leave to say, that I recollect he said, he had received
logy was made at the time, but that Watson and Thistlewood called on the fol
lowing morning to apologize for the conduct of their friend. See page 19, vol, ii.

EXAMINATION OF MR. HUNT. 91
five hundred pounds for carrying those French prisoners out
of the country, or something to that effect. I think five hun
dred pounds was the sum he mentioned, and that he was to
have had four or five hundred pounds more for taking another,
for aiding in the escape of another French prisoner in Wales,
but he was disappointed.
Is that all that you can recollect on the subject?
That his disappointment arose from this circumstance, that
he could not get this man to ride on horseback : this French
prisoner ; that he carried him a considerable distance in a cart
when he found it necessary to place him on horseback. He
refused to ride, upon which, said he with an oath, " I drew out
a pistol, and I hesitated, or waited for some minutes, to know
whether I should blow the bloody villain's brains out or not.
I had a damned good mind to shoot him."
He said, " I had a damned good mind to shoot him ?"
Yes, or words to that effect ; that he hesitated for some
time. Do I understand, that he said, he did not succeed in getting
him off?
He did not and that was the reason he was obliged to give
it up. Upon this, Bryant and myself, I believe both of us,
appealed to Watson, or some of the party, and represented the
necessity of their taking their friend out as soon as possible. I
beheve upon this occasion, the younger Watson, the first time,
or the only time almost that he spoke in the evening, attempted
in some measure to justify the carrying of French prisoners
out of the country. I think it was the younger Watson, or some
one of those, whom I did not know, attempted to justify his
assisting in the escape of the prisoners. I have more reason
to think it was the younger Watson, because the elder Watson
reproved him,
After this, do you recollect whether this same Mr. Castle
became less talkative than he had been ?
He produced the flag, which I saw in court that had been
in Spa Fields ; this flag he pulled from under his coat, with an
exclamation — a vulgar exclamation, that that was his flag, and

82 EXAMINATION OF MR. HUNT.
he would part with it but with his hfe, that he would have his
heart cut out those were his words, before he would ever part
with it.
Are you sure of the expression, that it was his flag
That it was his flag, or that he had carried it but he said
he had got it in his possession, and that he would part with
his hfe before he parted with the flag that it was in his posses
sion, and he would never part with it and I think at this
time, he told us the story about the Spital Fields weavers
having made the silk, and his having prepared the rest of the
flag. I think that was the substance.
Did you say any thing to him ?
I said, "Pray, sir," for I did not know his name then,
" pray, sir, who do you think would attempt to take this flag,
let me see it ;" it was then spread out and I read the motto.
"NATURE TO FEED THE HUNGRY." "TRUTH TO PROTECT THE
OPPRESSED." " JUSTICE TO PUNISH CRIMES." I think that
was the motto. It is the same motto as has been read, upon
which I observed, I see no harm at all in this flag or the motto,
and I am surprised at your violence about keeping possession
of it or words to that effect. I beheve that this occurrence
took place previously to the history of the carrying out the
French prisoners; he then produced two or three knots of
riband cockades, apparently of the same colour as the flag,
and he offered me one of them; and I refused, saying, you
had better give it to your sweetheart if you have got one,
sir, or something of that sort; he offered it then to Mr. Bry
ant who said, " Oh yes, I will take it it will do for my pretty
little maid," or something of that sort and put it into his
pocket. After the history of the French prisoners, I got up,
and declared he should go out of the room or me, and as I re
presented before, I stated to Watson, the necessity of taking
this fellow away.
What did he do then ?
I believe I should have proceeded to have endeavoured to
have turned him out of the room, upon which either Mr. Bryant
or some other person said, we had better not make any bustle,

EXAMINATION OF MR. HUNT. 93
or something to that effect upon which I declared, that if he
uttered one more sentence while I was there, that he should
go out of the room or I would, or words to that effect if he
uttered one more sentence of that nature ; upon which he ex
pressed contrition ; in some way he expressed a sort of con
trition and said no more : other conversation having then taken
place in a very few minutes afterwards, I saw him rolled up
in his chair, he seemed asleep.
Was this what is commonly called a fox sleep ?
At first I expressed pleasure that he was silent : soon after
this, one of his friends I observed endeavouring to awake him,
by shaking him ; upon which I said for God's sake let that
fellow alone, he is best as he is ; some of the company then
proposed going, and I observed the first that went, that he
might be awakened and taken out with them ; his friends now
endeavoured to awake him again, but without success, although
considerable violence was used, upon which I got up to assist
to wake him, and I used no gentle means, for at that time I
was thoroughly convinced his sleep was a sham, and saying,
" come this fellow shall go," I struck him a blow under the
ribs, here, almost as hard as I could strike ; quite enough to
have knocked any common man down, but it made not the
least impression upon him, he sat as still, as if he had been
dead, I gave up the attempt to wake him, and with the full im
pression upon my mind, the thorough conviction in my mind
that it was a sham sleep, 1 rang the bell, and ordered the bill ;
the bill was cast up by Bryant the parties paying their money,
which amounted the dinner and wine, to I beheve, five or six
shillings each.
Had Castle drank wine enough to make a man, what is com
monly called, dead drunk ?
The dinner was charged three shillings a head, and I will
leave it to you, or to any man, whether the remaining two
shillings, or two and sixpence would make a man drunk, but I
will say upon my oath, that no man in that room appeared to
me the least intoxicated. Upon my expostulating with the

94 EXAMINATION OF MR. HUNT.
elder Watson, about bringing such a fellow into the room, ana
upon his conduct ; Watson said, he icas a very good fellow, that
he was an excellent felloio, and he hoped I would take no notice
of it and he appeared to have the greatest confidence in him,
upon which the whole party got up, put their hats on, and as
sisted, and Mr. Castle was as wide awake as I am in an in
stant. Mr. Justice Abbot. They assisted in what ?
They got up, and took his chair from under him, or some
thing or another.
Mr. Wetherell. Then he came to himself again, did he ?
Perfectly.
Do you recollect coming to town to attend the second or ad
journed Spa Fields meeting ?
I would beg leave to say another word, the next morning,
either Watson or some one of the party —
Mr. Attorney General. My Lord, I apprehend that
cannot be evidence.
Mr. Wetherell. Certainly not. Do you recollect coming
to town to attend the Spa Fields meeting on the 2nd of De
cember ?
I do.
What was the proposed hour at which the meeting on the
2nd of December was to take place ?
I came on the Friday, the meeting was to take place pre
cisely at the same hour, by the resolution that had been una
nimously carried at the meeting at one o'clock precisely, a re
solution that had been passed at that meeting, and which was
I think in most of the public papers I saw advertised, put in
with the occurrences of the day.
In order to go to the Spa Fields meeting, did you pass along
Cheapside ? Do you recollect what day of the week the 2nd
of December was ?
On Monday. Yes I did, and I beg leave to account for
that. Be so good as to proceed.

EXAMINATION OF MR. HUNV. 95
I had reason to suspect —
Mr. Attorney General. We cannot hear what Mr. Hunt
had reason to suspect.
To account for how I came into Cheapside.
Mr. Wetherell. It is the explanation why he was there.
Mr. Justice Bayley. It is no matter of enquiry here, why
he was in Cheapside. Do you feel it to be material to your
case, Mr. Wetherell?
No, my Lord.
It was in my way —
Mr. Wetherell. You need not give your reason, but in
point of fact were you passing through Cheapside on your way
to the meeting ?
I was. I came out of Essex.
Were you going from the Mansion House towards Newgate
Street ?
I was driving a tandem.
While you were passing along did Mr. Castle come up to
you? I observed a considerable crowd passing along towards the
Mansion House on each side of the pavement
Did Mr. Castle come up to you ?
Castle left the crowd, and came out into the street to me,
and stopped me, he ran up to the carriage.
In what part of Cheapside was this ?
Fifty yards on that side, what I think is called Bow Church.
Now attend to the question, did you see or beckon to this
man to come up to you, or did he come up to you of his own
accord ?
I certainly was driving rather slow, and looking out for in
formation of what was the cause of the crowd
Did he come up to you ?
He did come up to me, but I do not recollect that I ever
beckoned to him, I met his eyes as he came out of the crowd ;
he came up and stopped me, I very readily stopped.
What did he say to you ?
23. vol. n. o

96 cross-examination of mh. hunt.
For God's sake how came you so late to day to the meeting,
or so much after your time, or something to that effect.
What did you say to that ?
" After m-' time." I turned round and looked at the clock
of Bow-church, and I observed it wanted twenty minutes or
nearly twenty minutes of one, I observed it wanted twenty
minutes of one by the clock, and I pulled out my own watch,
and observed that it wanted nearly a quarter of an hour by my
own watch ; I was all in good time.
What further said Mr. Castle ?
He said, Oh, the meeting has been broken up these two
hours, we are going to the Tower, which has been in our pos
session for more than an hour — come along — come along. I
struck my horse and exclaimed, damned scoundrel ! and went
on, if he had not got speedily out of the way, one of the wheels
would have knocked him down.
You drove then on to the Spa Fields meeting ?
I passed on to the Spa Fields meeting, which was much the
largest I ever beheld.
At that time ?
Yes, at that time.
Mr. Hunt was now cross-examined by the Attorney General.
Mr. Attorney General. 1 have only one or two questions
to put to you, you have told my learned friend that you do not
recollect all the persons that were at the dinner ?
I do not.
Very likely Hooper was there ?
I have reason to beheve that Hooper was there, but I do
not recollect it
Do you know whether Preston was there
He was not. I had seen Preston the day before, and 1
knew him enough to say that he was not.
How many persons were there to dinner, about how many ?
I should think about ten or twelve. There was a consider
able room full, of whom, I knew Bryant and Clarke, and some
others.

CROSS-EXAMINATION OF MR. HUNT. ¦- 97
It is very likely you did not know them all ?
I knew eight or nine of them by name.
How long was it from the time that you assembled at din
ner, or that they came in, in the way you have stated, till you
parted ?
1 shouid think nearly two hours and a half or three hours,
as nearly as I can recollect it was from half-past five, perhaps,
to eight o'clock, I should think it was as late as that.
The adjourned meeting was to take place at one o'clock?
Yes, at one o'clock, which did take place at one.
It was known that it was agreed on the first day, that the
adjourned meeting was to take place at one o'clock ?
At the same hour as we had assembled on the first day,
which was at one o'clock.
That was known ?
Oh yes, it was.
Did the Watsons know that ?
Oh yes, all parties knew that from my own knowledge I
have no doubt that they knew it
It was so stated?
Yes, they heard it.
Did you state at the first meeting, that you should be there
at one o'clock ?
After the resolution had passed, 1 stated that I should be
there precisely at the time.
At the first meeting, when the resolution had passed to
hold a second meeting at the same hour as you bad held
the first you said you should be there at the time appointed ?
I did.
That was one o'clock ?
Yes.
You held out an expectation to the persons, who were at
the first meeting, that you would be at (lie second at the hour
of one.
Yes, I have no doubt they understood it so, and the result
proved it, that is the greatest reason I have.

98 ADDRESS OF MR. WETHERELL.
What was generally understood and known ?
I believe so, and my great reason for this belief is, thai
when I came there at that time, there was an immense as
sembly. Very good. I have no doubt of it were you alone when
you were in a tandem ?
I was not, I had my servant with me.
Where had you come from ?
From Wanstead in Essex.
You had come from WhitechapeL I suppose, from that
quarter of the town ?
Yes. I do not believe I was ever that way before, I went
out of town to avoid any communication with any human
being. I do not cast any imputations upon you.
I suppose not, but I took the liberty of mentioning that
for the purpose of preventing its being misunderstood.
The examination of Mr. Hunt here closes, and we shall now
proceed to give those passages from the speeches of the coun
sel for the defendant which bear particularly upon Mr. Hunt
and which go to show the imminent danger in which he stood,
of standing in the same place as the accused parties, as acces
sary to their traitorous designs.
The evidence for the prosecution having closed, Mr. Weth
erell commenced his address to the jury, dilating upon the
different counts in the indictment and then proceeds. " Now,
gentlemen, if you will recollect who is the principal, I should
say the only witness we have to deal with in this case, a man
of the name of Castle, if you recollect what he is proved to
have done in the course of this trial, if you recollect for whom
he is a witness, from what place he comes, what he has before
been and he new is, if you will give me credit here, for what
I shall by and by prove to you, he has attempted to do in
order to involve Mr. Hunt you will be satisfied that the life
of no man in this kingdom is safe, that no one can be half cir
cumspect enough on the subject of treason. I should almost

ADDRESS OF MR. WETHERELL. 99
say that no man can be safe, unless by throwing round himself
a circumvallation of incessant care and vigilance, which will
become absolutely necessary to protect him from the presence,
or even the approach of every one whose character may be in
the shghtest degree liable to suspicion, and could by possibi
lity be a witness against him, as to any one thing which he
may do, or any one word, which he may speak. Unless I am
mistaken, I shall be able to prove it to you, and to make it
absolute demonstration to your judgment that if the treason-
aole conspiracy, which rests upon the assertion of Castle alone,
did really exist it has been only by an accident by the merest
chance, as it were, that Mr. Hunt whose name is so familiar
to you and to the public, has not been drawn by this man in
to such a situation, as that he would be now at the bar of this
court, an imputed co-conspirator with the unfortunate per
son, whose trial is now proceeding. I will say by anticipation,
what no man, who hears me, can for a moment doubt that an
artifice most designed and diabolical was attempted by this
man to draw in and intermix Mr. Hunt as a party apparently
partaking in the transactions of the 2nd December, and so to
involve him, as that he would infallibly have been standing
here to day, to pass through the cold sweat of being tried for
his hfe as an arraigned traitor."
Speaking of Mr. Hunt's speech on the 2nd of December,
Mr. Wetherell said, " A speech was there and then made
by Mr. Hunt which in my opinion, was much more mischie
vous than any thing these persons said. If I were to compare
notes of the speeches, I confess I should say, Mr. Hunt in
mischievous tendency, bore away the palm in a considerable
degree." He then goes on to say, " I before said, that I should have
occasion to state to you some very remarkable occurrences,
which took place between Castle and Mr. Hunt. I have con
demned Mr. Hunf s speech, thinking as I do, that the mis
chief on the 2nd of December, grew out of the irritation of
feeling created by Mr. Hunt's speech on the 15th of November,

100 ADDRESS OF MR. WETHERELL.
but against Mr. Hunt's veracity or general character, I have
never heard any suggestions. Now I shall show you, that it
has been by Mr. Hunf s circumspection alone, that he has not
been equally made a victim to the indescribable villain, Castle.
What I allude to more particularly is this, I asked Castle
what passed between him and Mr. Hunt in Cheapside on the 2nd
of December ; I pressed him distinctly and particularly on the
subject I had my reasons for it. You will recollect that the
meeting on that day was particularly appointed to be at one
o'clock, and you will recollect that the Watsons went away
between eleven and twelve o'clock. Now Castle stated that
he had told Mr. Hunt that the meeting had been broken up,
and that was all he mentioned to him. Now I shall call Mr.
Hunt a witness whom the crown has been afraid to call, who
ought to have been called, who is one of the two hundred and
thirty witnesses named in the crown list, because if the flag
be evidence of treason against these low conspirators, it is
equally so against Mr. Hunt. Why did they not call him to
give an account of the prior meeting of the 15th of No
vember ? but, however, I will call him, and I will prove that
Castle met him in Cheapside, at half-past twelve o'clock, when
he was going in his tandem to the Fields. You will have the
goodness to remember, that Castle, who had been at the
Tower at an early hour, stated that he found the gates were
shut and that the sentinels were on their guard in conse
quence of the meeting. I will prove that he used an expres
sion of this kind to Mr. Hunt the Tower has been in our
possession for an hour, go along with us, my boy, and if it had,
if it so happened that Mr. Hunt had turned his tandem the
other way, if he had been seen any where in the' mob, in
the Minories, or any other place, if he had gone there
as a spectator from idle curiosity, Castle would have sworn he
was a co-conspirator, and what is more, you would have
found his name in the paper called the C. P. 8., which I say-
is a fabrication of this man, and the paper, the C. P. S. would
have been produced to verify the fact that Mr. Hunt has be-

REPLY OF THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL. 101
come one of the committee of public safety, as it is to be
termed. Can you entertain a doubt that this detestable false
hood was uttered by this man, for any other purpose than
that of drawing Mr. Hunt into such a situation, as that he
might have been made a victim, as having apparently entered
into this extraordinary plot.
" There is another transaction, by which the infamous de
signs of this man will be equally manifest and all of which,
appear to have a tendency to include Mr. Hunt in the numbers
of his victims. Do you recollect my pressing him very hard,
to know whether he dined with Mr. Hunt in Bouverie-street
and whether he had not intruded himself in his company?
there was a shuffle, but at last we got at the fact that he did
dine at the same table. Then I put another question, the
drift of which he was aware of, whether he recollected falling
asleep, or shamming a sleep, or in vulgar language, a fox's
sleep. The trade of this man is to get hold of victims to be
sacrificed, and I hope when this business is over, the attorney
general will not suffer such a man to roam abroad any longer.
I will prove that this man shammed sleep for a considerable
time, and I will leave it to you to say, whether this could be
done for any other purpose, than that of a hope, that Mr.
Hunt might let drop some expressions, which might afterwards
be used against him."
In the reply of the Attorney-General, he makes some severe
remarks on the conduct and evidence of Mr. Hunt and parti
cularly in the contradictions, which showed themselves in the
evidence, as given by Mr. Hunt when compared with that
which was given by his friend, Mr. Bryant It was certainly a
matter of deep regret to the friends of Mr. Hunt that he
should have implicated himself so deeply with a set of low, un
principled, designing fellows, whose ulterior aims must have
been manifest to him, and who having no personal respecta-;
bility whatever belonging to them, were anxious to mount to
some eminence on the shoulders of the respectability of other
people. On the acquittal of Watson, it might have been sup-

102 IMPRUDENCE OF MR. HUNT.
posed that Mr. Hunt would have been glad to have receded
from any further communion with them, especially after the
narrow escape which he had from the villany of one of the gang,
denominated by Mr. Watson, " a very good, a very excellent
fellow," but experience, which will sometimes even make fools
wise, appears here to to have lost its influence on Mr. Hunt,
for instead of retiring to his cottage, rejoicing at his narrow
escape, we find him on the 31st of July, taking the chair at a
pubhc dinner, given at the Crown and Anchor, to celebrate
the acquittal of men, who afterwards brought themselves to
the scaffold, and would have brought him there also, if they
had not been foiled in their plans.

MR. HUNT IN THE COMMON-HALL. 103

CHAPTER. III.
In the year 1817, the Common Hall of the city of London
had petitioned against the passing of the suspension of the
Habeas-Corpus Act and they had instructed their members to
support the prayer of their petitions, by opposing the measure
As usual, their members set the prayers of the livery at defiance
and supported the bill ; at least Curtis and Atkins did ; and as
for Alderman Combe, the Whig member, he was not in the
House during any of the debates. When the Common Hall as
sembled the next time, the Waithmanite faction intended to
move a vote of censure against Curtis and Atkins, for not at
tending to the instructions of their constituents ; and of course
they contrived to procure from Alderman Combe a letter to be
read in the Hall, apologising for his non-attendance in his place
in the House of Commons, in consequence of very ill health,
which had prevented his attendance there ever since he had
been last elected, and which, in all probability, would prevent
his attending there any more. This game had been carried
on for a long time by the Waithmanites, and Mr. Hunt had
made up his mind, whenever an occasion should offer, to enter
his protest against the city of London being represented by a
person who never attended the House, and who was rendered
incapable of doing so from ill health. Mr. Hunt had several
times carried some resolutions in his pocket, to the meetings
of the livery, but no opportunity had offered for him to bring
the subject forward before. As soon as this letter was read
from Alderman Combe, which stated his inability to attend in
his place, &c. &c, he told Sir Richard Philhps, who was stand
ing near him upon the hustings, that as soon as the usual vote
of thanks was moved to Alderman Combe, he should move
some short resolutions, which he showed him, as an amend-
24 vol. h. p

104 RESOLUTIONS PROPOSED BY MR. HUNT.
ment : " 1st thanking the Alderman for his past honourable
services : 2nd, sympathising with him on his illness, and la
menting the cause of his incapacity to attend the House of
Commons : and 3rd, respectfully calling upon him to resign
his seat to give the livery an opportunity of electing an effi
cient member of parhament as their representative, in his
stead." Mr. Hunt asked Sir Richard if he would second these
resolutions ; he rephed no, he could not but he would ask
Mr. Waithman to do it ; and away he went in the honesty of
his heart and told Mr. Waithman that Mr. Hunt was going to
move such resolutions as an amendment to the usual vote of
thanks to Alderman Combe, and he very innocently asked him
if he would second them ? " I shall never forget the city hero's
look, said Mr. Hunt he turned round as if he would have bit
Sir Richard's nose off, and in a whisper that I could hear all
across the hustings, replied, " NO ! it is meant to cut my throat.'
Sir Richard, surprised and mortified at the mistake which he
had unintentionally made, returned me the resolutions, without
saying a word, as he saw that I had heard Waithman's answer,
which I was laughing at most heartily."
Mr. Hunt knew that Mr. Waithman would not have joined
him in any measure, even if it had been to save the city of
London from an earthquake, or its citizens from the greatest
of all calamities, a famine, but at. the first view of the thing, he
did not perceive how this amendment was calculated to injure
or cut the throat of Mr. Waithman. The dread of this mighty
sacrifice did not however, deter Mr. Hunt from doing his
duty. The vote of thanks having been moved to Alderman
Combe, Mr. Hunt stepped forward and proposed his resolu
tions as an amendment; this was done in the most respectful
and handsome manner towards the Alderman, giving him much
greater credit for his past exertions, as their city member, than
he, in fact ever merited.
Mr. Hunt had never consulted one single individual as to
the propriety or the policy of this measure, and it was by mere
accident that he mentioned it upon the hustings to Sir Rich-'

CONDUCT OF MR. WAITHMAN. 105
ard Phillips ; therefore he w as not prepared with any one to
second his proposition, but it was, nevertheless, received by
the livery with strong marks of approbation. Never were re
solutions more appropriate, or that came more pat to suit the
occasion. He saw that this was a happy opportunity to appeal
to the honest sentiments of the livery, and he seized it, as an
act of justice to them and to the public, without the slightest in
tention to annoy or injure Mr. Waithman, and without the most
remote intention of gratifying the factious views of any party.
It certainly struck Mr. Hunt and it had all along struck him,
that if Mr. Alderman Combe could be prevailed upon to resign
during the second mayoralty of his worthy friend Alderman
Wood, the latter would be selected by the citizens of London
as his successor, without the chance of a successful opposition
against him ; but Mr. Hunt had never given him the most re
mote hint of his thoughts or designs, neither did he expect
that the friends of Waithman, amongst the livery, would be
prevailed upon to do any thing, that was likely to promote the
election of Alderman Wood. All that under such circum
stances Mr. Hunt ever considered was, how best to perform
his duty, when he was before the pubhc, either at a meeting
of the people in Spa Fields, or in Palace Yard, or at a meet
ing of his fellow liverymen in the Guildhall. He never per
sonally cared whether his motions were carried, or whether
they were rejected, his main "object being to perform his duty
boldly and conscientiously. This he did on the occasion now
alluded to, without knowing whether any one would second his
proposition or not
Before, however, any one could come forward as his sup
porter, Mr. Waithman presented himself to the livery, and en
deavoured, by every art that he was master of, to prevail upon
the citizens not to countenance Mr. Hunt's proposition. His
own httle gang attempted to get him cheered, but all their ef
forts proved fruitless. He coaxed, he wheedled, he begged,
and he prayed ; when that did not take, he blustered, bullied,
and threatened them, but all would not do ; he bulhed one
moment, and cringed the next with equal ill success. He and

106 SUCCESS OF MR. HUNTS MOTION.
his friends began to feel for once, that the force of truth was
likely to prevail over fraud, trickery, and cunning. At last,
when he found that none of these had a chance of prevaihng,
he turned about and resorted to tactics. He declared that the
proposition was irrevelant that the livery were taken by sur
prise, that they were not assembled for any such purpose, and
that another common-hall ought to be convened, on purpose to
take Mr. Hunt's resolutions into consideration ; and he boldly
called upon the Lord Mayor, Wood, to prohibit the resolutions
being put to the livery. Never did Mr. Waithman labour so
hard in his life ; if his existence had been at stake, he could not
have shown more anxiety.
The Lord Mayor now came forward, and in the most un
equivocal manner declared that the resolutions were not only
perfectly in order, but that he considered them most proper to
be submitted to the consideration of the committee upon that
occasion. Mr. Hunt says. " I thought Waithman would have
bursted s. blood-vessel with rage and mortification at this de
cision of the Lord Mayor, who was not to be bullied out of
doing his duty honestly, particularly when he saw that it re
ceived the sanction of so great a portion of his fellow-citizens."
The question was at length put, and the resolutions were car
ried by a very large majority, amidst such a round of cheers as
were seldom heard in the common-halL Mr. Hunt then moved
that the Lord Mayor be requested to convey the resolutions
of the livery to Mr. Alderman Combe, as soon as he could
conveniently do so, and also to call another common-hall, tc
communicate the answer of the worthy Alderman to his con
stituents. This likewise was carried, with a faint opposition
from the puny faction that surrounded the mortified and dis
comfited great httle- man. The Lord Mayor then stepped for
ward, and promised that the wishes of the livery should be
promptly executed ; and, after he had given this promise, the
meeting broke up.
" I must own," says Mr. Hunt, " that I gloried more in this
successful single-handed effort of mine, spontaneously made,
and so honourably carried into execution, than I ever did in

OLIVER, THE SPY. 107
any pubhc act of my hfe. When the aldermaa was exected,
I addressed my brother liverymen, and 1 boldly predicted that
he was elected for life ; that his conduct in the House of Com
mons would be such, as would secure him a seat for the city
of London, as long as human nature would enable him to at
tend his duty in Parhament. This was more than five years
ago, and I beheve that the prediction has not only been
made good up to this time, but that it is more likely to be
confirmed than ever it was. Such, however, was the pre
judice of a certain party in the city against radicals, and par
ticularly against me, that the worthy alderman never dared
to thank me pubhcly for what I had done to serve him. In
truth, I never looked for any such thing ; I only did my duty,
and I had full confidence, whenever the worthy alderman was
called upon, he would not fail to do his duty. My confidence
was not misplaced, as has been fully proved by the conduct of
the alderman, in the case of the persecuted Caroline, the in
jured queen of England. Nor has the worthy alderman ever
flinched from his duty during the persecutions of the " Cap
tive of Ilchester."
In consequence of the diabolical machinations of the villain
Oliver, the spy, who was imprudently introduced to the re
formers in the north by Mr. Mitchell, one of the delegates
who had attended the Major's meetings in London — in con
sequence of this infamous fellow's hellish plots, a number of
the distressed inhabitants of Derbyshire and Nottingham were
instigated to acts of violence and riot, which, although of a
most contemptible nature, were magnified by the government
into acts of treason and rebellion. In pursuance of what
had been planned by the villain Ohver and his employers, these
deluded men were immediately made prisoners, and com-
. mitted to Derby gaol, upon a charge of high treason. Unfor
tunately, one Jeremiah Brandeth, who was at the head of those
rioters very wantonly fired a shot at random through the back
window of a farm-house, where the inmates had refused to ad
mit them, or to deliver them any arms, which the rioters,
scarcely one hundred in number, had demanded. It so hap

108 RIOTS IN DERBYSHIRE.
pened that a boy was killed by this random shot which gave
a colouring to the proceedings of the ministers, and created a
great prejudice against these deluded men ; and therefore, in
stead of indicting some of them for a foolish and contemptible
riot and prosecuting Brandreth for murder or manslaughter,
the government proceeded against them for high treason. This
petty riot which was put down without any mihtary force, was
consequently blazoned forth and proclaimed through the
country as an insurrection and open rebellion, and great pre
parations were making to bring the prisoners to trial for high
treason, and a special commission was appointed to be held at
Derby to try them. The ministers bad failed in their attempt
in London, to spill the blood of Watson, Thistlewood, & Co.
whose fives were saved by the honesty of a Middlesex jury.
The despicable riot in London, ridiculous and contemptible
as it was, yet it was ten times more hke a premeditated in
surrection than the Derbyshire riot ; yet an honest Middlesex
jury, with Mr. Richardson, of the Lottery-office, as their fore
man, refused to find the instigators of it guilty of high treason.
This having been the case, the ministers were determined to try
their hands at a trial for high treason in the country. It was, in
fact necessary to bring forward at least some shadow of a pre
text for the infamous measures which had been passed by the
Parliament, and for the still worse conduct of the Secretary of
State, who had thrown such a number of Ihe reformers into
dungeons, the secret dungeons of the boroughmongers, where
they were fingering under the suspension of the Habeas-Cor
pus Act without any charge being brought against them, and
without being brought to trial, there being nothing to prove
against them. It may be repeated, that it was necessary to
make a show, a pretence, a sort of justification, for these pro
ceedings ; and the riot which had taken place at Pentridge, in
Derbyshire, was the tiling fixed upon for that purpose as they
could not trump up a better.
Brandreth, Turner, Ludlam, and thirty-five or six others,
were accordingly thrown into prison, and indicted for high
treason. These poor fellows, thus assailed and immured in

APPLICATION FOR MR. HUNT'S ASSISTANCE. 109
a gaol, were without a friend to protect them, and to see that
they had a fair trial, and in fact were without the means of
paying counsel and witnesses, to enable them to stand any
chance of having a fair trial. In this forlorn and wretched si
tuation, their attention, as a dernier resort, was directed to
Mr. Hunt. He was a perfect stranger to every one of
them, but they had heard of his exertions in the cause of the
people, and they prevailed upon their attorney, Mr. Wragg,
of Belper, to write to him, and inform him of their deplora
ble and forlorn situation, and to request that he would endea
vour to raise a pubhc subscription, to enable them to fee
counsel, and to pay for bringing their witnesses to the trial,
which Mr. Wragg assured Mr. Hunt they were totally in
competent to do, they being all poor men, without any money
or friends to help them.
Mr. Hunt received this letter at Middleton cottage, where
he had been for some time peaceably enjoying the sports of
the field. He showed it to a friend, who was visiting him at
the time, and he at once pronouneed it to be a trap, to inveigle
him into a participation of their crimes. At any rate, he
thought the only prudent course for Mr. Hunt to adopt, would
be, either to take no notice of the letter, or to reply that he
knew nothing of the parties, and would have nothing to do
with them. Mr. Hunt put the letter into his pocket, and said
no more to him upon the subject, as his cold, calculating,
prudent advice did not correspond with the feelings of his
heart. His visiters and his family had retired to rest when
he deliberately sat down, and answered the letter of Mr.
Wragg by the return of post.
" Those," says Mr. Hunt " who are of the same opinion
as my prudent friend will ask, why did you do so ? I will
tell them lohy. I said to myself, here are some fellow-crea
tures in distress, they have not a living soul to aid them ; the
whole power and weight of the government are mustered
against them ; and although they are totally unknown to me,
and although I cannot countenance or approve of their foolish
and wanton proceedings ; yet as the law of England presumes

110 PROPOSED MEETING IN LONDON.
every man to be innocent till he is convicted of guilt and as
they have appealed to me in their distressing situation, as
the only man to whom they can look up for assistance;
shall I, because there appears to be personal danger and dif
ficulty in the undertaking, shall I refuse or neglect to do my
best to enable them to obtain a fair trial ? shall I abandon
them, and refuse to obey the call of humanity, and because
they are poor and defenceless, turn a deaf ear to the prayers
of those that are in trouble and in prison ? I asked myself
these questions, and without a moment's pause, my tongue
obeyed the impulse of my heart and I exclaimed, ' forbid it
Heaven, rather let me perish this instant than harbour a
thought so base, so unfeeling, and so opposite to every act of
my life !' I therefore acknowledged Mr. Wragg's letter, and
told him that although he was a perfect stranger to me, and
although the prisoners were all strangers to me, yet my heart
would not allow me to entertain any unworthy suspicions of
him ; and as the lives of our fellow creatures were at stake, I
would do every thing in my power to enable them to obtain a
fair trial. With this view I would by the same post write
to London, and endeavour to procure a public meeting, for
the purpose of raising a subscription to assist them, lament
ing, at the same time, my own want of the means to assist
them." Before Mr. Hunt went to bed, he wrote to Mr. Cleary, who
was secretary to Major Cartwright and the Hampden club
and also a sort of general secretary to the W estminster com
mittee. He desired him to lay a copy of Mr. Wragg's letter
before some of the patriotic friends of liberty, justice and hu
manity, in London, and to get them to call a public meeting,
at the Crown and Anchor, on the following Monday, to raise
a subscription, to enable the prisoners to fee counsel before
their trial, which was to take place at Derby, in the following
week. Mr. Hunt added, " if there should be any hitch or
difficulty, still by all means call the meeting, and I will pay
for the room and the advertisements, and take the chair myself,
if no other person more eligible offers." He wrote also to

APPOINTMENT OF- THE MEETING. Ill
Mr. West the wire-worker, in Wych-street to the same effect
and to inform him of what he had written to Cleary. Mr.
West was the person who had taken a very decisive, active,
and manly part in assisting Dr. Watson and Thistlewood, in
getting up their defence, when they were imprisoned under a
similar charge ; therefore Mr. Hunt thought him the most
likely man he knew in London or Westminster to promote
such a measure.
It must be borne in mind that Mr. Hunt did not get Mr.
Wragg's letter, urging him to come forward in behalf of these
poor fellows, till five o'clock in the afternoon, when he re
turned home to dinner from shooting ; that before he went to
bed he wrote an answer to the attorney of the prisoners, un
hesitatingly promising to do all that lay in his power to serve
them ; and that he also wrote to Mr. Cleary and Mr. West to
procure a public meeting, and, without any reservation on his
part, to call it in his name, in the metropolis ; and it must be
also recollected, that the Habeas Corpus Act was still sus
pended, and that the Seditious Meeting Act was in full force.
Mr. Hunt received an answer from Mr. Cleary, to say that
he had seen the friends of liberty in Westminster, and that the
meeting would be appointed, to be held at the Crown and An
chor, as he wished it on the following Monday, and he would
take care to have it advertised, &c. Mr. Hunt also received
a letter from Mr. West, who said he had seen Cleary, and
that the meeting would take place, according to his request on
the Monday. Mr. Hunt wrote by return of post to Mr.
Wragg, to inform the prisoners what had been done, and how
far Mr. Hunt had succeeded; and that he had promised to be
at the meeting, and to proceed to Derby in the mail, as soon
as the result was known.
On the Sunday, just as Mr. Hunt was preparing to set off
to London to attend this meeting, he received a letter from
Mr. Cleary, to say that he had consulted the friends of liberty
in Westminster, who were unanimously of opinion, that it
would be highly impolitic to call a pubhc meeting upon such
24. Q

112 DECEITFUL CONDUCT OF CLEARY.
an occasion, in which opinion he fully concurred; and that
the worthy Major Cartwright also thought it extremely im
proper for the reformers to identify themselves with house
breakers and murderers. Mr. Cleary also added, that
the Derby rioters had by their conduct done the greatest in
jury to the cause of reform, and that he felt so indignant at
them, that instead of assisting them by a subscription, he
could almost go down and hang them himself. " I must
do Mr. West the justice to say," says Mr. Hunt " that he
did every thing in his power to procure a meeting, and if he
had not as well as myself, been tricked into the idea that the
meeting would be held, he would have called it himself."
Mr. Hunt was extremely mortified at being thus defeated
in his plan, at being thus swindled out of the meeting
deary's first letter was evidently written with a view to pre
vent Mr. Hunt going to London, and personally convening
the meeting ; because he saw, from the manner of Mr. Hunf s
first letter that he was in earnest therefore it was necessary to
deceive him into a behef that what he was desirous of would be
done, as, otherwise, he knew that he would be instantly on the
spot to carry it himself into execution. It was, however too late
now to think of going to London to get a meeting, and, as
Mr. Hunt had been thus disappointed, it might by most peo
ple have been thought sufficient for him to have written a
letter to Mr. Wragg, to inform him of the circumstance, and
there would have been at once an end to all trouble or ex
pense on his part.
" Now," says Mr. Hunt," I beg the reader to mark what
was my conduct. Instead of abandoning these poor fellows
to their fate, and merely writing a letter to say how I had
been disappointed by the Westminster patriots, or rather pre
tended patriots, I ordered my servant to get my horses and
gig ready immediately, and I started off the same evening
across the country to Newbury, on my road through Abing
don and Oxford, towards Derby. I arrived at Leicester on
the Tuesday evening, previous to the trials commencing on

MR. HUNTS ARRIVAL AT DERBY. 113
the Thursday following ; and what was very curious, Judge
Dallas and myself were shown into the same room, at Bishop's,
at the Three Crowns. Although we did not appear to know
each other, great marks of civility were mutually exchanged
and if I had not been otherwise engaged, it is possible we
might have spent the evening together; and I have often
thought how very curious the conversation might have proved,
if we had compared notes. We were both going the next day,
to Derby, both going to attend the trials of Brandreth and Co.,
but how widely different would it have been found was the ob
ject of our journey. He, a judge, going to hang the prisoners ;
I, an humble individual, going to do all that lay in my power to
save their lives, by procuring for them a fair trial. We, however,
did not remain in company ; the fact was, it soon got wind at
Leicester who I was ; one of the waiters knew me, and to my
surprise, as I was sitting with Mr. Thompson, of the Chro
nicle office, and Mr. Warburton, who had been one of the de
legates at the London meeting, a deputation waited on me, to
request that I would spend the evening with a number of gen
tlemen of Leicester, who had assembled in a public room in
the inn, to receive me. This invitation I accepted, and, ac
companied by my two friends, I spent a few hours very plea
santly, amongst an assemblage composed of the most respect
able men belonging to all parties in Leicester."
" On the following day I reached Derby, where I found out
Messrs. Wragg, of Belper, and Bond, of Leicester, the at>
torneys for the prisoners, and communicated my ill success as
to collecting any subscriptions in London, by means of the
pubhc meeting which was proposed. I, however, offered my
services in any way in which they might think that I could be
useful ; but I soon learnt from them that it was a hopeless
case, that the men had been led into a disgraceful riot urged
on by the villain Oliver, and his accomplices ; that they were
worthy poor men ; Brandreth, their captain, a mere helpless
pauper, and that there was no chance of saving them. Those
who had a little property, had sold their little all, even to their
beds, as had also their relations, to raise money enough to pay

114 OLIVER, THE SPY
for the expences of the witnesses, who had been subpcened on
their behalf; but the whole did not amount to enough to in
clude the fees of counsel. For the fees, however, we calculated
that the sum might be raised at some future time, as it was
hoped that under such circumstances, the gentlemen of the
long robe would not press for their immediate payment.
" I saw some of the witnesses, and amongst others one, who
had been acting in concert with Oliver, a regular hired spy,
who described to us what passed between them and Lord
Sidmouth, when he and Ohver presented their bill of expences,
after they had performed their job. It appeared that his lord
ship abused Ohver for a great fool, for being detected by the
people in his communications with Sir John Byng, who had
the military command of the district. O, it was a horrible
plot, to entrap a few distressed, poor creatures to commit
some acts* of violence and riot, in order that the government
might hang a few of them for high treason ! The projectors
of it had been frustrated in London, by a Middlesex jury
who had refused to find Dr. Watson guilty of high treason,
although what was proved against him was ten thousand
times more hke high treason, than that, which was proved
against these poor deluded men. But it was thought neces
sary to sanction the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act
and the other infamous encroachments that had been made
upon the liberties of the people, by the sacrifice of some fives
for high treason, and the government paid the freeholders of
the county of Derby, the disgraceful compliment of selecting
that county as the scene of their diabolical operations ; and,
as it will be hereafter seen, they were correct in their cal
culations. " The next morning I waited upon the attorneys, previous
to their going into court when I found them in rather an
awkward dilemma. Mr. Counsellor Cross, who, by some
unaccountable means or other, had been sent for from Man
chester, to take the lead of Mr. Denman, who was the other
counsel employed, had just sent to the attorneys to demand
one hundred pounds as his fee, before he went into court,

TRIAL OF BRANDRETH 115
declaring, that he would not stir a peg till he received it. I
knew nothing of this fellow at the time, and as the attorneys,
particularly Mr. Bond, appeared to place great confidence in
him, Mister Cross had the one hundred pounds paid into his
hands immediately. Thus, by the cupidity of Mr. Cross,
were these poor fellows deprived at once of those means, which
ought to have been spent in procuring them witnesses for their
defence. I immediately waited upon Mr. Denman at his lodg
ings, and sent up my name, to say that I had some particular
information to communicate that might be of service to the
prisoners ; but I could gain no access to Mr. Denman. I had
this information from the brother of Turner, who was after
wards executed. I returned to the attorneys, and I soon found
that my interference was considered officious. They refused
to take me into court with them, or at least they pretended
that it was against the rules for attorneys to take any person
with them into the court I was, therefore, obliged to find an
other mode of admittance ; and I ultimately, by dint of perse
verance, got in with considerable difficulty, after having been
violently assaulted and grossly insulted by the officers of the
court under the direction of a jack-in-office, who acted as un
der-sheriff, the real under-sheriff having resigned, pro tempore,
on purpose to become solicitor for the crown, in the prosecu
tion against the prisoners. I, however, at length succeeded in
getting a seat in the front of the body of the court, and I heard
the whole of the trial of Brandreth. The whole of the evidence
merely went to establish the fact that one of the most con
temptible riots took place that ever deserved the name of a
riot, whether with respect to the numbers engaged, or the total
want of influence of those who took a lead in it. As for poor
Brandreth, who was called the captain of the insurrection, he
was nothing more nor less than a contemptible pauper, with
out power, or talent or courage ; and it was distinctly sworn
that the whole gang fled upon the appearance of one soldier !
"The means taken to procure tractable juries were the most
barefaced and abominable ; and as the jurors were mostly se
lected from amongst the tenantry of the Duke of Devonshire,

116 MR. HUNT AND SERGEANT BEST.
the prisoners had not the slightest chance of escape, even if
Mr. Cross had done his duty ; but so far was he from doing
it, that he actually confessed the guilt of his clients, and urged
as a palliation, that they were led into the insurrection by read
ing the writings of Cobbett. The principal witnesses, in my
opinion, for the prisoners, were never examined ; and, although
Mr. Denman made an eloquent appeal to the jury, yet he
could not remove the impression which had been left upon the
minds of the jurors and of the whole court by the precious
pleadings of Mr, Cross. Brandreth and four others were found
guilty of high treason. Brandreth, Turner, and Ludlam, were
executed shortly afterwards, and Mr. Cross was speedily pro
moted to a silk gown, as a king's sergeant at law."
Mr. Sergeant Best, who was one of the members for Brid
port, was appointed chief justice of Chester, a post which he
had been long seeking for in vain. His client Colonel Des-
pard, had been executed for nearly fifteen years, yet Mr. Ser
geant had only been promoted to a silk gown ; and in spite of
every effort to become a judge, he had been frustrated, it is
understood, by the objections raised by the Lord Chancellor.
He, therefore, procured a seat in Parliament, and became a
violent oppositionist to the government At length, the Prince
Regent it is said, demanded his promotion, and he was ap
pointed to the chief justiceship of Chester, which is the step
ping-stone to the bench. He vacated his seat for Bridport, as
a matter of course ; and, as it was expected he would be re
turned again for that borough without any opposition, Mr.
Hunt thought it would be a good opportunity to remind him
of the fate of Despard, and of bis own apostacy, in quitting his
pretended opposition as soon as he was offered a place of pro
fit under the crown. Without further ceremony, therefore, he
drove to Bridport, about three days before the election com
menced, and announced his intention of opposing the election
of the Welch judge, and former counsel for Despard. Though
Mr. Hunt was not known to a single person in the town of
Bridport yet he was received with great kindness by a con
siderable portion of the electors, and was at once promised the

ELECTION AT BRIDPORT. 117
support of some of the most respectable of them. The Welch
judge, however, did not make his appearance ; but in his stead
came a young 'Squire Sturt, the son of Best's former patron.
As Mr. Hunt had avowedly attended only for the purpose of
opposing and exposing the chief justice of Chester, he now, at
the request of some of those whose support against Best he
chiefly relied upon, declined to offer himself in opposition to
the young 'Squire, who possessed a majority of the houses in
which the small voters lived, and whose father had always been
a great favourite in the borough. " I gained great credit says
Mr. Hunt for the manner in which I did this, in an address to
the electors from the hustings, declaring that my only object
was to expose the delinquency of their former member, the
new Welch judge. The reader will observe that I had no ac
quaintance with Mr. Sergeant Best nor had even in the re
motest degree ever had any connection with him, or came in
contact with him, either in the way of his profession or other
wise. I was solely actuated by pubhc duty, without the slight
est cause for personal dislike to the lawyer. Perhaps those
who have read what I have written since I came here, (that is
Ilchester jail) will not now be at a loss to account for the vin
dictive hostility of the venerable judge towards me, when I was
brought up for judgment and since I have been here. They
may now account for that judge's voting for my having six
years imprisonment and for his having afterwards come the
western circuit and signed an order drawn up by the junto of
Somersetshire magistrates, for placing and keeping me in soli
tary confinement for the last ten months of my incarceration.
" The people of Bridport will never forget my visit particu
larly Mr. Denzelo, the printer, who refused to print my address
to the electors, after having taken the copy, and given his pro
mise to do it and a Mr. Nicholets, an attorney. I shall for
bear to relate the circumstances, and the ridiculous figure
which they cut especially the latter, upon being detected and
exposed before his own townsmen in their public hall. This
exposure was ample punishment for such men, without my
placing the particulars of their disgrace upon record. I was

118 TRIAL OF HONE.
invited to remain in Bridport after the election, which invita
tion I accepted, and before I left the town I waited upon every
voter to thank him for his civility ; and, with only one or two
exceptions, I received the most pohte attention and kind wel
come ; nearly two-thirds of the electors voluntarily promised
to give me their votes at the next election, whenever it might
happen. If I had gone there again 1 should have certainly
had a considerable majority of votes, without making any pro
mise whatever ; but as I learnt that it was expected that an
after-bribe would be given, I dechned the honour of deceiving
them and disgracing myself.
" One curious fact which occurred I cannot avoid relating.
I have since ascertained that the person whom I took from
Salisbury with me to Bridport, treacherously communicated
all my plans and movements to my opponents, every night be
fore he went to bed ; and, what is still more curious, I have
learnt that he was actually in correspondence with my Lord
Castlereagh. I very soon afterwards obtained the knowledge
of this latter fact and of course as soon dechned the honour of
any farther connection with a person who had such high ac
quaintance." On the 18th of December, Mr. Hone, the bookseller, was
tried in the Court of King's Bench, before Mr. Justice Abbott
(who sat for the Chief Justice Ellenborough) and a London
special jury. The offence which he was charged with was
that of publishing a parody. After an animated and eloquent
defence, made by Mr. Hone in person, which lasted seven
hours, the jury returned a verdict of acquittal. The Chief
Justice Ellenborough, who was ill at the time, was so enraged
at this verdict that he came into court the next morning,
and presided when Mr. Hone was tried for a second parody.
His lordship did every thing to intimidate, to interrupt and
to browbeat Mr. Hone, who, however, proved himself much
the bravest as well as the most able man, and after a defence,
similar to that of the day previous, which lasted eight hours,
another jury of the city of London acquitted him. On the
day following, the 20th of December, he was tried before the

DEATH OF LORD ELLENBOROUGH. 119
Chief Justice and another special jury of the city of London,
for a third parody, and after another defence, which lasted nine
hours, he was a third time acquitted. What enhances the
merit of Mr. Hone's courageous defence is, that during the
whole of the time he was labouring under indisposition.
There is not the least doubt but these verdicts of acquittal
added to that of the acquittal of Dr. Watson, were the cause
of Lord Ellenborough's death; at any rate, his decease was
greatly hastened by the irritation arising from such repeated
disappointments ; for in all these cases, his lordship strongly
charged the jury for a verdict of guilty, and no agent of the
government ever worked harder to obtain a verdict than his
lordship did. " Ultimately," says Mr. Hunt. " this great
lawyer became an idiot and I have understood from pretty
good authority, that for some time before his death, he was in
the constant habit of repeating the names of Watson and Hone,
with the most evident symptoms of horror and dismay, which
he continued to do till the very last as long, at least, as he
was capable of utterance.
Thus ended the year 1817, one of the most eventful of
British history. The prospect was most gloomy; the poor
were greatly distressed for want of employment; provisions
were dear, the quartern loaf averaged about thirteen pence,
and there was a general depression of trade. At the same
time, every honest man in the kingdom considered himself as
being injured and insulted by the suspension of the Habeas
Corpus Act and, indeed, a general feeling of disgust pre
vailed, as to the proceedings adopted by the government
One pubhc meeting was held by the people under the provi
sions of the Seditious Meeting Bill, and that was advertised to
be held in Palace Yard, on the 7th of September, 1817. This
advertisement was signed by seven householders, and a copy
of it was delivered to the clerk of the peace, and the neighbour
ing magistrates, agreeably to the Act. Mr. Hunt was invited
to preside at the meeting, which invitation he accepted and at
tended accordingly. The Seditious Meeting Act being still
24. vol. il. K

120 MEETING IN PALACE YARD.
in force, and the Habeas Corpus Act being still suspended, it
was thought a very daring and hazardous proceeding, but he
took care that the laws, rigid as they were, should not be vio
lated, and all the provisions of the Act were strictly complied
with. This meeting was held within hearing, and almost in
sight of the Secretary of State's office. But as they acted
according to law, not the slightest interruption was offered to
the proceedings, or to those who attended the meeting. The
persons who signed the requisition or advertisement, which
was delivered to the clerk of the peace, were friends of Dr
Watson ; he it was, in fact that got up the meeting. The
Doctor proposed the resolutions, which were seconded by
Mr. Gast and carried unanimously ; they protested in strong
terms against petitioning the House of Commons any more
for reform, as being proved to be useless by the total disregard
which that body had manifested to the prayers and the peti
tions of the people during the previous session of Parhament,
when upwards of six hundred petitions, praying for reform,
had been presented to the Honourable House. A strong de
claration and remonstrance, addressed to the Prince Regent.
were read and unanimously agreed to at the meeting ; which re
monstrance, Mr. Hunt carried and dehvered to Lord Sidmouth,
at the Secretary of State's office, the moment the meeting was
dissolved ; and he was attended to the doors of the office by
five or six thousand of the multitude who had composed a part
of the meeting. When he entered the office, which he did
alone, he was instantly conducted to his lordship, amidst the
deafening cheers of the throng without. He gave the decla
ration to him, and requested he would lay it before his royal
master, as early as it was convenient He promised him that i
he would read it carefully over, and if there was nothing im
proper, that he would present it the next day to the Prince
Regent and that he would write to apprize Mr. Hunt of the
result. " This was the first time, if I recollect right," says Mr.
Hunt, " that a pubhc remonstrance to the throne was

DINNER AT THE CUT OF LONDON TAVERN. 121
ever agreed to by the people ; and, as might naturally have
been expected, his lordship found much in it that he thought
objectionable, as well as the manner in which it was conveyed;
it being in the shape of a firm, though respectful remonstrance,
instead of a creeping cringing petition; it demanded that the
ministers, of whom his lordship was one, should be surren
dered up to justice, and brought to condign punishment It
is, therefore, almost needless to say, that my Lord Sidmouth
not only discovered very improper matter in the remonstrance,
but that he consequently dechned to communicate it to his
royal master.
The year 1818 commenced with a great public dinner at
the City of London Tavern, to celebrate the third centenary
of the reformation, at which dinner one thousand five hundred
persons attended. On the 27th of January the. Parhament
was opened by commission, and the usual speech was made,
and its echo, the address, was voted without any opposition ;
a bill was now brought into the House to restore the Habeas
Corpus Act A great meeting took place at the City of Lon
don Tavern, Alderman Waithman in the chair, where a sub
scription was opened for Mr. Hone, which ultimately amounted
to more than three thousand pounds. Than this measure, nothing
can more clearly show the character of the city patriot and
those who took a lead in political matters in the metropolis.
While Mr. Hone was under persecution, and even up to the day
of his trial, he was totally neglected and deserted; neither Mr.
Waithman, nor any of those, who afterwards came forwards to
assist him in such a hberal way, gave him then the shghtest
countenance or support ; nay, they even shunned and abandoned
him, and he actually went into court almost alone, and pro
bably without the means of hiring counsel, which was in fact
a most fortunate circumstance for him, as, had he placed his
case in the hands of counsel, no doubt exists that he would have
been found guilty upon each of the charges preferred against
him; however, as soon as Mr. Hone had obtained a verdict of
not guilty, these fair weather patriots began to flock round
him in order to share the honour and popularity which they

122 PETITION AGAINST THE INDEMNITY BILL.
now saw he was likely to obtain. This is too much the way
of the world; and if Mr. Hone's jury had said, guilty, instead of
not guilty, if he had been tried by a country instead of a Lon
don special jury, he might have gone quickly to gaol, aban
doned and ruined, before any of the above gentry would have
stirred one inch to have saved him from rotting there.
A bill of indemnity was now brought in, to protect the mi
nisters against the legal consequences of their horrid abuses
of power, during the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act
Most of those who had been incarcerated were now re
leased upon their own recognizance ; but Mr. Benbow, of
Manchester, bravely refused to enter into any recognizance-.
and he was liberated without it. The Messrs. Evans followed
his example, and were also hberated without bail.
While the indemnity bill was pending, the livery of the
City of London, met in Common-hall, and passed some strong
resolutions, and petitioned the House of Commons not to in
demnify the ministers against prosecutions at law for their
illegal and cruel conduct during the suspension of the Habeas
Corpus Act. This petition was presented by Aldennan Wood,
one of the representatives, but without producing any effect
for, on the 10th of March, the bill was carried through botli
Houses by large majorities. In the Commons, Sir Samuel
Romilly made a brilliant effort to resist the passing of this
Act, but there was, nevertheless, a majority of 190 for it and
only 64 against it. In the Lords it was sanctioned by 93 for
it, while there were only 27 against it ; but 10 peers entered a
firm and spirited protest against the iniquitous measure. On
the 23rd of March, a meeting of the inhabitants of West
minster was held in Palace Yard, when a petition to the
House of Commons was adopted, praying for a reform of
Parhament On the second of June, Sir Francis Burdett moved reso
lutions in the House of Commons, for Universal Suffrage and
Annual Parhaments. They were negatived by a majority of
106 to 2 ; the minority being Sir Francis Burdett and Lord
Cochrane, the two members for Westminster. When, during

DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT. 123
the preceding session of Parliament, that of 1817, there were
petitions, signed by a milhon and a half of names, praying for
Universal Suffrage, Sir Francis Burdett unfortunately re
fused to support Universal Suffrage ; but now that the people
had dechned to appeal to the House, and consequently there
was not a single petition lying upon the table, to support
the hon. baronet's motion, it was negatived, as we have stated
above, by an overwhelming majority.
On the tenth of June, the most infamous and servile Par
hament that ever sat in England, after having passed a bill to
continue the restriction upon cash payments at the Bank ;
after having passed a bill for building new churches, and ap
propriating one milhon of the public money to carry it into
effect ; after having passed a bill to add £6,000 a year to the
incomes of the royal dukes, who had been married; after
having passed a bill to continue the Alien Act ; after having
done all this, and far more, this servile, corrupt Parhament
Was DISSOLVED.
" I will mention one curious fact," says Mr. Hunt " with
respect to this precious Parliament. My friend, Mr. Wilham
Akerman, of Patney, in Wiltshire, was upon a visit to me in
London, and, as he was very anxious to go and have a peep
at the proceedings of the House of Commons, I was prevailed
upon to accompany him thither one evening, although I went
rather reluctantly, as all the interest which I had formerly
felt in hearing the debates had long since been banished from
my breast. However, I went thither to gratify the curiosity of
my friend, httle thinking that I should hear or see any thing to
amuse or gratify myself. The Hon. House was exceedingly thin,
there not being more than about a' score of our honourable re
presentatives present : these careful trustees had voted away ,as
a matter of course, some hundreds of thousands of the pubhc
money. The chancellor of the exchequer moved the last
reading of the bill for building the new churches. The bill was
passed, and one million of the money raised in taxes from the
sweat of the brow of John Gull was voted away, by the mem
bers of the Honourable House, with as little ceremony as an

124 REMARKS ON THE SAVING BANKS.
old washerwoman would toss off a glass of gin, or take a pinch
of snuff; there being no debate, no more present than thir
teen of the honourable members of the Honourable House.
But the best joke was what followed ; a bungling, hacking, and
stammering gentleman got up, on the ministerial side of the
House — (for if I recollect right, among the honourable guardi
ans of our lives, our liberties, and our property, there were none
present belonging to the Whig or opposition side of the House)
— and after a considerable deal of beating about the bush,
which I saw made the chancellor of the exchequer rather un
easy in his seat, I discovered that the prosing gentleman,
whose name was Littleton or Thornton, was prattling about
the Savings' Banks, into which it appeared that he had been
inquiring rather more inquisitively than the little chancellor
approved of. The result of his inquiry, he stated to be a dis
covery, that three fourths of the money placed in the banks
belonged to persons of property, who placed it there for the
sake of obtaining better interest than they could get elsewhere;
and that the poor, such as servants and persons of small in
come, whose property it was intended by the legislature should
be invested in these saving banks, scarcely made up a quar
ter of the number, and not a tenth of the amount. The gen
tleman was going on, when Mr. Vansittart jumped up, and in
an under tone pretty plainly intimated to him, that although
the benches on the opposite side were empty, yet there might
probably be some of the reporters left in the House, and if
what had been stated should get abroad, it would do incalcu
lable mischief by exposing the humbug. These were not the
words of the honourable chancellor, but I have described
their import. Whether the gentlemen reporters were all ab
sent, as well as the Whig members, or whether they took the
hint of the worthy chancellor, or whether they did not hear
what he said, I do not know ; but the next morning I looked
in vain in the newspapers for what had transpired, which ap
peared to me so curious, and which had appeared to the chan
cellor a matter of so much importance ; not a word of the
sort was, however, to be found in any of the papers."

CONDUCT OF COBBETT. 125
It appears that a correspondence had taken place between
Mr. Hunt and Mr. Cobbett, relative to the former opposing
Sir Francis Burdett for the representation of Westminster, the
result of this correspondence, will now show itself; and the
narrative shall be given in Mr. Hunt's own words. " My friend
Mr. Cobbett" says Mr. Hunt " who had continued to write his
Register, and had sent it home from America to be pubhshed
in England, seemed to have almost entirely forgotten that there
was such a person as myself in existence ; for more than five
months, from the 8th of May, the date of his first Register writ
ten in America, till that dated the 10th of October, he scarcely
ever mentioned the name of his friend, even accidentally.
However, in the Register of the 1 0th of October, 1817, it ap
pears that he had at length discovered that I was neither liter
ally nor politically dead; for in a letter to Mr. Hallett of
Denford, in Berkshire, dated Long Island, 10th of October,
1817, my name was again brought fully upon the carpet, re
lative to my opinion of Sir Francis Burdett, as it has been fre
quently expressed by me in confidence to him. Very soon
afterwards I received a private letter from him, full of profes
sions of friendship, which correspondence was continued up to
the period of his return from America. ' He also addressed to
me, in the Register, twelve public letters, beginning with " My
dear Hunt," and ending with "your faithful friend," occasion
ally complimenting my zeal, courage, and fidelity in the cause
of reform, and declaring that he was " in no fear as to the rec
titude of my conduct but always in anxiety for my health !"
How faithful his friendship is, he has admirably proved !
" About the second or third letter which I had from him, he
strongly urged me to oppose Sir Francis Burdett, for the city
of Westminster ; at any rate to offer myself as a candidate for
that City, which would give me an opportunity of exposing the
baronet's desertion of the cause of reform. I wrote for answer
that I dreaded the expense of the hustings, and the exorbitant
charges of the high bailiff, &c. These difficulties, however,
he made light of, and assured me that if it was not done be-

126 MR. HUNT NOMINATED FOR WESTMINSTER.
fore, he would take care to have me remunerated by a public
subscription, as soon as he returned from America.
" With this assurance, and from a conviction in my own
mind that Sir Francis had deserted, or at least neglected, the
cause of radical reform, I sent an advertisement to be inserted
in the London papers, offering myself as a candidate for the re
presentation of the city of Westminster. A meeting was called
by my friends, in the great room of the Crown and Anchor,
when my name was put in nomination, as a proper person to
be one of the representatives of that city ; it having been pub
licly announced that Lord Cochrane, who was preparing to
sail to the assistance of the patriots in South America, cer
tainly meant to resign all pretension to sit again as the mem
ber for Westminster. At this meeting a very large majority-
voted that I was a proper person to represent that city. I|he-f
lieve it was nearly a fortnight before any other person was put
in nomination by any of the electors of Westminster, and it
was thought by many of my friends that Sir Francis and my
self would be returned, without any opposition. I firmly be
heve that this would have been the case, had not the friends of
Sir Francis Burdett, the Rump, proposed^ Mr- Douglas Kin-
naird as his colleague. Major Cartwright was then put in
nomination by some of his friends. The Whigs and Tories
of Westminster perceiving that there was likely to be a great
division amongst the reformers, and that Mr. Kinnaird and
Major Cartwright had been both started, as it were, in opposi
tion to me, Sir Samuel Romilly was proposed as a candidate
by the Whigs, and Sir Murray Maxwell by the ministerial in
terest There was a little band of very worthy and in
dependent men, who stood forward as my supporters, namely,
Mr. West Mr. Dolby, and Mr. Giles, who were electors, and
Mr. Carlile, Mr. Gale Jones, and Mr. Sherwin, who were not
electors. Although at the outset I saw that under such cir
cumstances, there was no chance of my success, yet I was de
termined to keep open the poll to the last moment allowed by
law, which is fifteen days. At a pubhc dinnei that was held

ELECTION IN COVENT GARDEN. 127
at the Crown and Anchor, my colours were produced, and
consisted of a scarlet flag, with Universal Suffrage as a
motto, surmounted by the cap of liberty, surrounded with the in
scription of Hunt and liberty. This flag was provided by Mr.
Carlile ; and I had the honour of being the first and only man
who ever offered himself as a candidate for a seat in Parlia
ment upon the avowed principles of Universal Suffrage, An
nual Parliaments, and Vote by Ballot
" The day at length arrived for the commencement of the
election in Covent Garden. I had proclaimed that I would
not either by myself or by any of my friends, canvass or so
licit a single vote — that I should go to the hustings, and act
upon the constitutional principle of neither soliciting votes
nor going to any expense. The high bailiff opened the pro
ceedings, and the following candidates were proposed by their
separate friends : — Sir Francis Burdett, Sir Murray Maxwell,
Sir Samuel Romilly, Major Cartwright Mr. Douglas Kin-
naird, and myself. Upon the show of hands being taken, the
high bailiff declared it to be in favour of Henry Hunt Esq., and
Sir Samuel Romilly. Sir Francis Burdett' s friends appeared
dissatisfied with this decision of the high bailiff, and urged that
a greater number had held up their hands for Sir Francis than
for Sir Samuel ; but no one disputed my having had a majority
of at least ten to one, in my favour. The reader will see that
this speaks volumes as to the opinion of the people. Though
the people assembled could hold up their hands, yet when it
came to the vote, the result clearly showed that the people
had no share in electing those, who were chosen as their re
presentatives. " During this contest I was baited like a bull ; it was very
different from any election that ever took place before, for I
tore the mask from all parties, and all factions ; in doing which
I exposed myself to a combination of the whole press of Eng
land, all the managers of which, were leagued together to
abuse, to misrepresent and belie me. The Tory, the Whig,
and the Burdettite press attacked me not only without mercy
25. vol il s

128 PROGRESS OF THE ELECTION.
but also without the slightest regard to truth or fair play ; and
that portion of the press which was either under the influence
or in the pay of these three parties consisted of more than
nineteen twentieths of the press of the whole kingdom !
" After the election had proceeded for a few days, it was
found that upon the poll, Sir Francis Burdett was left consi
derably behind Sir Samuel Romilly and Sir Murray Maxwell
Major Cartwright' s and Mr. Douglas Kinnaird's names were,
therefore, withdrawn from the contest and the friends of both
those gentlemen joined to support Sir Francis' election, which
appeared to be in great danger. As, however, I had no such
views as they had, my exertions being daily and solely directed
to open the eyes of the electors of Westminster to what I con
ceived to be the gross negligence of Sir Francis Burdett with
respect to the cause of the people, I was determined to stand
out the contest especially as I had made an affidavit before
the Lord Mayor of London, previous to the commencement
of the election, binding myself to keep the poll open to the
last hour allowed by law. Notwithstanding this affidavit which
had been printed and posted all over Loudon, a little impu
dent Irishman, of the name of Cleary, whom I have mentioned
before, as a sort of writer or clerk, hired as such by Major
Cartwright came forward upon the hustings, and in a broad
Irish brogue called upon me to tender my resignation, and to
render all the assistance in my power to promote the election
of Sir Francis Burdett and took the liberty of insinuating that
I could be no friend of the people, if I did not do so. Nothing
could equal the impudence of this upstart, paid secretary, this
hireling of the Major's ; he was no elector of Westminster, and
had no legal business whatever upon the hustings in West
minster. However, I treated this proposition with the silent
contempt that it merited; and this drew down the malevolence
of the Rump, of which, this Cleary now formed a part They
denounced me as a spy of the government, and every thing that
was base ; and they put no bounds to their abuse. In the
evening, as 1 was addressing the electors, and defending my-

CLEARY'S LETTER TO MR. HUNT. 129
self against these assassin-hke attacks from the Rump, I
stated the circumstance of their having prevented the holding
of a public meeting in the metropolis, which meeting I had
proposed for the purpose of raising a subscription, to enable
Brandreth, Turner, Ludlam, and others, who had been in
dicted for high treason at Derby to fee counsel, and pay the
expenses of their witnesses, so as to obtain a fair trial ; and I,
of course alluded to the dirty trick which had been played me,
in order to prevent the meeting, by writing me a letter, in the
first instance, to say that a meeting would be called, and then
putting it off, when it was too late for me to come to London
to call the meeting myself. I did this in general terms, with
out mentioning any names ; upon which Cleary came forward
and unblushingly declared that what I had said was false, and
that there was no letter whatever of the sort written to me.
On this, there was a general call ' produce the letter, name
name.' In reply I asserted, that not only was such a letter
written, but Cleary himself was the writer, and that he had
gone so far as to say, in the letter, that he was so offended
with the prisoners who were charged with high treason, that he
could almost find it in his heart to go down and hang them him
self. Cleary again presented himself, and, in the most solemn
manner, called God to witness, that what I had said, was to
tally devoid of truth. The clamour of the party of the Rump
committee, now became excessive, they one and all bawled out,
'produce the letter! — you cannot Hunt! — it is all false!'
At length I vociferated that I would produce it the next day,
I thought I had the said letter amongst some others in my
trunk, but upon looking them over,- 1 found that it was left
at Middleton cottage, with my other papers. I therefore des
patched one of my family into the country, a distance of sixty
one miles, to enable me to perform my promise, and the de
mand of the party. The next day I was obliged to state the
fact that the letter was in the country, but that I had sent
an express for it and it should be produced as soon as that
messenger returned. Upon this the whole gang burst out

130 LETTER OF MR. COBBETT.
into a forced horse laugh, swearing that it was all false, that
I had no such letter, and that I never could produce it.
On the following day, which was Sunday, I received the let
ter from the country. In the meantime, all the London pa
pers had misrepresented this affair in the most scandalous and
unprincipled manner, and every one of them agreeing that I
had made a groundless charge against Cleary, and intimating
that the story of the letter was a fabrication. The gang had, in
reality, contrived to raise a general outcry against me.
Monday, however, came, too soon for them, and on the hust
ings I then produced the letter, and offered to read it ; but
the tumult raised by the party, totally prevented it from
being heard. This being the case, I promised to have it
printed the next day, I kept my word, and one thousand
copies were circulated ; upon which Cleary produced a letter
from Mr. Cobbett said to have been addressed to a person
of the name of Wright. In this letter, written, I believe, ten
years previous to this epoch, Mr. Cobbett grossly abused me,
and represented me as a sad fellow, and recommended to the
Westminster committee to have nothing to do with me. As
on the face of it, this epistle, appeared to have been written
some years before I knew Mr. Cobbett I felt no anger or resent
ment against him; although it certainly showed that he possessed
a bad heart to be capable of writing such gross and palpable
falsehoods and malignant calumny against a man, whom he
knew only by report ; which man, report must at the same
time have convinced him, was a zealous and persevering friend
of liberty. The former cry was now dropped, and in its place
was substituted another. It was impudently pretended that
I had behaved very unhandsomely, in producing and publish
ing a private letter of Cleary's ; though the fact was, that it
was a public letter written upon public business, by a man
who was a sort of pubhc general secretary for all pubhc mat
ters debated on, and meetings held in Westminster, and who
was also the paid secretary to Major Cartwright and the Hamp
den club ! To bring forward a charge of this kind against me,

CHALLENGE FROM CLEARY. 131
was stretching impudence and falsehood as far as they could
possibly go.
" The next morning a note was put into my hands, which had
been delivered open at my lodgings, on the preceding night
after I had retired to bed. This detestable composition con
tained a challenge from Mister Cleary, together with a great
deal of vulgar Billingsgate abuse. I inquired who delivered
it and I was informed that between twelve and one o'clock,
about two hours after I was in bed and asleep, some one knock
ed at the door, which was opened by my female servant, upon
which three fellows rushed into the passage, and demanded to
see me. The servant, however, informed them that I was gone
to bed, and could not be disturbed. After behaving in a very
boisterous and bullying manner, they gave her a letter, and in
formed her that it was a challenge for her master, to fight a
duel, and they desired, or rather ordered her to give it me as
soon as I rose in the morning. All three of them refused to
leave their names. When I rose, rather late in the morning,
I found that this famous challenge had not only been read by
all the females of my family, but that all the people in Norfolk-
street in which I lodged, had been informed of it, and the in
telligence had also been communicated to the Magistrates at
Bow-street Two Bow-street officers were likewise observed
parading the street apparently to watch me out. Now, I will
candidly appeal to my readers, and ask if ever they heard of a
challenge to fight a duel having been delivered in such a way
before ? A challenge, avowed as such, and delivered unsealed,
to a female, by three drunken Irishmen (for such my servant
described them), between twelve and one o'clock at night after
the person challenged had been in bed and asleep for hours,
and not one of the party consenting to leave his name ! To
suppose that, this poor creature meant to fight, or that those
who brought his challenge, and gave it open, to my female ser
vant ever intended that he should fight a duel, would be the
height of credulity. Yet, to crown the joke, this very fellow,
Cleary, was put forward upon the hustings, the next day, and
actually read a copy qf his blackguard challenge, which he said

132 EXCULPATION OF MR. HUNT.
he had sent to me the night before. This was done in the
presence and hearing of Mr. afterwards Sir Richard Birnie,
and other police magistrates. Was ever the hke of this per
formed before in England, or any other country ? The reader
will perceive that this was a trick, and a very clumsy one, to
endeavour to get me taken in custody, and bound over to keep
the peace. Yet the venal hireling press blazoned it forth to
the world, that I had injured and behaved very unhandsomely
to Mr. Cleary, by publishing his letter, and that I had refused
to give him the satisfaction of a gentleman, when he demanded
it ! ! Every one knows this was done to create effect. If Cleary
had ever meant to fight me, he would have taken a very differ
ent course ; he would have sent some confidential friend to
communicate with me in private.
" This stratagem, however clumsy as it was, had the desired
effect, and such was the beastly and scandalous misrepresenta
tion of the whole London press, that many very worthy and
honourable men think to this day that I ill used Mr. Cleary.
They say it was unhandsome to produce his letter. It is diffi
cult to conceive on what moral ground they came to such a
conclusion. Now, let us see what others, who were impartial,
disinterested eye witnesses of the affair, let us hear what they
say upon the subject ; for no one perhaps, can be a thoroughly
fair judge of the question who was not present. I will here
insert an extract from a letter, signed " Leonidas," and pub
lished in Sherwin's Register, on the 26th of December, 1818.
After stating that the only apology which was ever offered by
any of the Rump for Cleary's conduct was, that I had behaved
unhandsomely in divulging Cleary's letter about the- prisoners
at Derby, he says —
"But this unhandsomeness, what was it? The present
writer was near the hustings on that occasion, and a plain tale,
uninfluenced except by principle, will put the whole thing
down. " Mr. Hunt, whose elocution, though bad, is not attended
with any embarrassment, a token either of a clouded intellect
or of conscious finesse, spoke, in order to set himself and those

EXTRACT' FROM SHERWIN's REGISTER. 133
who so neaily and furiously persecuted him in a clear point of
view before the people assembled at the hustings, which he had
a right to do, of the prisoners at Derby, of his own conduct
towards them, which was most courageous and humane, and of
the conduct of the party at Westminster on the same occasion,
which was assuredly supine to a frightful degree, to speak in
no stronger language. In the midst of the most horrid yelling
of the party, from whom he was continually obliged to appeal
to the mob below, as Mr. Kinnaird, unused to his new nomen
clature, called them, Mr. Hunt mentioned that the party in
Westminster had done less than nothing to save the lives of
the Derby prisoners. So far from aiding them, one had writ
ten to him that nothing could be done, and trie writer had de
clared his own indignation against the unhappy men for dis
gracing the cause to be such, that he could almost go down and
hang them himself.
" This was all fair, quite unobjectionable. Whether it was
judicious to introduce this topic, is quite another question.
While Mr. Hunt was speaking in half sentences, on account
of the clamour from the hustings, and from the stages in front
of them, where the party usually took their station, there was
an evident feeling of uneasiness prevaihng, a consciousness
that Mr. Hunt had more to say than it was pleasant to hear j
and this feeling broke out in one burst of foolish interruption
when he arrived at this point and a din was raised of ' name,
name; it is alia he, 'the scoundrel, the villain, name, name.'
Mr. Hunt seemed to pause. The present writer had not the
least suspicion of whom he had to name. When the demand
was often repeated, and the noise had somewhat abated, he
came forward, and, with evident reluctance, pronounced, '- It
was Mr. Cleary, who by this time had placed himself in front of
the hustings, and with writhing contortions uttered some most
passionate exclamations.
" Well, this was not sufficient. The cry now was, 'pro
duce the letter, produce the letter; you cannot y°u black
guard ; it is a he,' &c. &c. Mr. Hunt could not at the in
stant produce the letter; but said it should be forthcoming

134 EXTRACT FROM SHERWIN's REGISTER.
the next day. It was not produced the next day, when the
grossest abuse was poured on him from the usual quarter.
The party would not hear his explanation, that it was left in
the country, and scarcely could this assurance reach the ears
of the more indifferent spectators.- An express was sent for
it, who could not return without some delay. In the interval
Mr. Hunt was assailed with every opprobrious epithet of liar,
scoundrel, base slanderer, and exclamations, ' He cannot pro
duce it it is all a fabrication,' &c. &c. At last the letter
came, and an attempt was made to read it without effect. Mr.
Hunt was obliged to say, ' Well, you shall have it printed to
morrow.' " I am not conscious that I misrepresent a tittle of this
most abominable scene, such as I hope never to witness again
among human beings. This was the unhandsome way that is
said to justify the production of a private letter of Mr. Cobbett,
even if it had been written by him ; a letter now, however, proved
to be a forgery, and of the genuineness of which no evidence
was sought even at the time, except that it was furnished by
Mr. Place, the tailor.
'¦ Now, nothing could be more justifiable than Mr. Hunt's
conduct It was absolutely forced on him. He could not
avoid producing the letter. Those who complain of unliandsome-
ness themselves laid on him the disagreeable necessity. What
did they say of his not having the letter ready to produce ?
Why, that it was a proof of his being a liar and a scoundrel.
Of what was it a proof? Simply that Mr. Hunt had no pre
vious intention to disclose that letter, that he was forcibly obli
ged to produce it to satisfy the clamour of the complaining
party. If, after he had alluded to it which might not be dis
creet hut which was not at all criminal because it was not
on private, but public business — if after alluding to the letter,
he had refused to produce it, let any man judge what would
have been his treatment from the party. Their character de
monstrates, to a certainty, that they would not have allowed
the existence of such a letter, though fully conscious of it
and would have suffered Mr. Hunt to the end of time to be

THE WESTMINSTER ELECTION. 13fi
considered, what they called him, a liar, a scoundrel, and a
slanderer. "'This subject which I had not anticipated when my last
letter was written, and I did not mean, before the appearance
of the confused and timid letter in Cobbetfs Register, to ad
vert to, has occupied too much time to permit me to compre
hend, in this communication, all the remarks which I an
nounced. It must be granted me, who am of no party but that
of truth to pursue my way, at leisure, and as free as possible
from the mere forms of detail. Meaning to resume my pen,
I am for the present Sir5 &c. " Leonidas."
" The reader will observe, that this letter was written in
December, six months after the election ; and I beg here to
observe, that I never knew or spoke to the writer till some
time after this letter was written; but I am proud to say,
when I was introduced to him, that this fair advocate of truth,
proved to be a gentleman and a man of the strictest honour,
bred up and associating with the higher ranks of society, and
who was a doctor (of divinity, I beheve). He was altogether
just such a man as I should have selected as an arbitrator to
decide any dispute, a man of strict veracity and unimpeach
able character. I have said thus much upon this affair, in
order to clear myself from the imputation of unhandsome
conduct, and the charge of cowardice, which was so lavishly
bestowed upon me by the whole corrupt hireling, partial Lon
don press, the falsehoods vomited forth by which, were re
echoed from shore to shore, by all the dastardly local press of
the kingdom. This virulence arose from the following fact.
In consequence of my exposure of the conduct of Sir Francis
Burdett not more than 500 hands were held up for him out
of 20,000 persons present when his name was put in nomi- ,
nation ; and now, on the eight or ninth day of the election
Sir Francis stood third upon the poll, and ultimately he was
returned only second upon it — Sir Samuel Romilly standing
25. VOL. II. t

136 THE WESTMINSTER ELECTION.
several hundreds (three hundred) above him, and Sir Murray
Maxwell only about four hundred below him. In fact, no
thing but the foul play shown towards Sir Murray and his
friends, together with the very bad management of his com
mittee, prevented his being returned with Sir Samuel Romilly
and Sir Francis being rejected and thrown out altogether.
This was what made the party so outrageously clamor
ous, and vindictive against me. Independent of the wound
which their pride suffered, from the dread of being defeated,
they had another reason to abominate me. They were com
pelled to make no trifling sacrifices of a certain kind. About
the eight or ninth day of the election, a dreadful effort was
made by the party, and money flew about in all directions ;
poor electors had their taxes paid up, others were paid for
voting, pubhc houses were opened, and all the sources of cor
ruption and bribery were resorted to, by the friends and sup
porters of Sir Francis Burdett which "were employed by the
ministerial faction for Sir Murray Maxwell. By these means
there was at length an apparent spirit of enthusiasm revived
for the baronet. Hundreds, who had viewed his conduct in a
similar light to that in which I had viewed it and who had
condemned him and given him up, and who had actually stood
neuter hitherto, not meaning to vote at all at the election, as
their votes could not have rendered me any service, now came
forward and voted for him, under the impression that it would
be better to return him, bad and indolent as he was, than to
return the rank ministerial tool, Sir Murray Maxwell.
"At the end of the election, the numbers were declared by
thehigh bailiff to be as follow:— Romilly 5,538, Burdett 5,239,
Maxwell 4,808, Hunt 84. Upon the show of hands at the
nomination by the high bailiff, when the election commenced,
Sir Francis stood third, below myself and Sir Samuel ; at the
end of the election, Sir Francis stood second upon the poll,
300 below Sir Samuel Romilly. This was a sad blow to the
baronet's popularity, and still more severe blow to the upstart
gentry who formed the Rump committee. When Lord Coch-

MR. HUNT HORSE-WHIPPED. 137
rane resigned his seat, at the dissolution of the Parliament,
and I publicly offered myself as a candidate, if Sir Francis
and the committee had stood neuter, even I should have been
returned with him without any opposition ; but this did not
suit him, or the committee ; they opposed me, and no one
doubted their power to prevent my being elected, though, at
the same time, they httle dreamt that I had the power to en
danger the election of their idol, Sir Francis, and by my ex
ertions to cause the Whig candidate, Romilly, to be placed at
the head of the poll 300 above him. Even all that, how
ever, was easier to be borne than to have me in Parliament.
Whether I acted right or whether I acted wrong, in thus
opposing and bringing down that man, who had but a few
years before been returned at the head of the poll for West
minster (2,000 above all the other candidates), is a matter
of great doubt with a number of good men ; I can only say, if
I erred, I erred from public and not from private motives.
Sir Francis Burdett has, since my imprisonment, acted the
most noble part towards me, and I have no doubt but he is
convinced that I was actuated in my opposition to him solely
by pubhc views ; and if I was then deceived and mistaken as
to his public conduct he has shown that he has the nobleness
of soul that knows how to forgive my hostility to him, because,
he believes that I was his opponent not to serve any selfish
end, but from a sense of pubhc duty.
" A few days after I had been so grossly mis-represented by
the press, with respect to Cleary's affair, another circumstance
occurred. One of the gents belonging to the Observer news
paper, was a Mr. Spectacle Dowling, who appears to have
written so many falsehoods upon the subject, that he actually
believed at last that what he had written was true. I had,
in one of my speeches, alluded to the evidence which this
person had given, on behalf of the crown, upon the trial of
Watson. The next morning, when I entered the hustings,
a person at the door spoke to me, and while I was looking
back to answer him, I felt the stroke of a small whip upon
my hat and, on turning hastily round to see what it meant

138 , ASSAULT ON MR. DOWLING.
there was Mr. Spectacle Dowling flourishing a small jockey
whip in a violent manner. I dashed up to him, and had just
reached him a slight blow on the chin, when I was seized
by the constables ; but in his flight he received a blow in the
mouth from my brother and another from my son Henry, a
lad of eighteen. We were all three held by the constables,
who were all prepared to favour his escape.
" Mr. Dowling immediately summoned my brother before
Sir Richard, then Mr. Birnie, for the assault. I attended to
give bail for him, and I certainly never saw a person who
more resembled * raw head and bloody bones' than Mr. Dow
ling did, for he was bleeding at, every pore ; the marks of the
three blows he had received were very evident upon his
forehead, his mouth, and his chin. It appears that Mr. Dow-
ling's object was, not so much to get my brother held to bail,
as it was to get himself bound over to keep the peace towards
me ; and Mr. Birnie, who had learned that Mr. Dowling was the
first aggressor, urged me to prefer the complaint and he would
hold him to bail for the assault as Dowling bravely protested
before the magistrates that he should have given me a good
horse-whipping, if the constables had not interfered. I, how
ever, positively dechned to make any charge against the gen
tleman, as I had resolved that the first time I met him, I would
give him an opportunity of taking a belly-full. I own that I
walked the streets many an hour afterwards, in hopes of meet
ing him, and I carried a good cane in my hand, in order to
lay it smartly about his shoulders. It was, however, many
months before I met the gentleman, At length, one day, I
was standing in Mr. Clement's shop, talking wifh Mr. Egan,
the gentleman who at that time was the fashionable slang re
porter of all the pitched battles and prize fights pf the day,
and who has since produced from his pen those characters
which have made such a noise at the Adelphi and other thea
tres, namely, Tom and Jerry. While I was conversing with
Mr. Egan, Mr. Dowling opened the door and walked in. I
immediately addressed him, and said, ' The last time I had the
honour to meet you, Mr. Dowling, I beheve was at Bow street

INDICTMENT AGAINST MB. HUNT. . 139
when you stated to Mr. Birnie that you had struck me upon
the Westminster hustings with a whip, and if you had no*
been prevented by the constables you would have given me a
good horse-whipping.' 'Sir, (said he) I do not wish to have
any thing to say to you.' But (replied I) there is a little
account to settle between us ; you struck me a blow with 8
whip, and I gave you a slap on the chin, so far we were equal;
but you informed the magistrates, that if you had not been
prevented by the constables, you would have given me a good
thrashing ; now, sir, there are no constables present to inter
fere, and I will give you an opportunity to carry your threat
into execution.' ' Sir, (he again repeated) I do not wish to
have any thing to say to you ;' and he was making out of the
shop as fast as he could shuffle ; but as soon as he opened the
door, and stepped upon the pavement I said, ' Protect your
self' and at the same time I gave him a slight blow in the
face with my Hat hand, which knocked off his spectacles. The
gallant reporter picked them up very coolly, and putting both
hands before his face, he sued for mercy, saying, that if I per
sisted, he should take the law of me. He kept his word, and
I was indicted at the Middlesex sessions, and fined five
pounds. " So ended the horse-whipping affair and the Westminster
election, with the exception of a trifling after-clap or two,
such as the high bailiff sending me in a bill for my third share
of the hustings, amounting to upwards of two hundred and
fifty pounds (I think that was the sum). I refused the pay
ment of it and he commenced an action for the amount, and
obtained a verdict for a great part of his charge. This brought
me for the first time in contact with Mr. counsellor Scarlett
he having been employed by the high bailiff against me. I
at once discovered, that this worthy barrister, although a very
clever fellow, was cursed with a very irritable, waspish dis
position, of which I always took advantage afterwards, as often
as we met in the courts, which unfortunately for me, was much
too frequently for my pocket"
About this time an action had been brought against Mr.

140 DEATH OF SIR SAMUEL ROMILLY.
Hunt, in the name of his landlord, Parson Williams, of Whit
church, of whom he had rented Cold Henly farm for three
years, at a loss of about two thousand pounds, which he sunk
in cleaning and improving the estate. When Mr. Cobbett
fled from England to go to America, in 1817, some of the Win
chester attorneys and parsons openly said that they "had
driven Cobbett out of the country, and they would try hard
to make Hunt follow him." They were as good as their words,
for they tried all sorts of ways to injure his credit and not
succeeding to their wishes, an action was commenced against
him by a man who was clerk to the magistrates, a Mr. Wood-
ham, an attorney at Winchester, in the name of Mr. Williams
for breaches of covenants while Mr. Hunt occupied Cold Henly
farm. He called on Mr. Williams, who denied having ever
given any orders to Woodham to commence the action ; he
said that Woodham had urged him to do it but that he re
fused to do so, and he wished every thing to be settled ami
cably. Mr. Hunt relied upon the word of the old parson, who
said he would write and stop any further proceedings ; but his
confidence was very soon betrayed, as he had notice that he
had suffered judgment to pass by default, and a writ of inquiry
was to be held at the next assizes to assess the damages. The
writ of inquiry was executed at Winchester, and a verdict was
obtained against Mr. Hunt for nearly £250. The breaches
of covenant were easily proved,. although they had been as
sented to by the parson, which assent Mr. Hunt had carelessly
and confidingly neglected to obtain from him either in writing
or before witnesses.
On the 2nd Of November, Sir Samuel Romilly put an end
to his existence, by cutting his own throat with a razor. This
event excited a very considerable sensation throughout the
whole kingdom. Sir Samuel Romilly, although a lawyer, was
very generally beloved and respected. By his death, a vacancy
occurred for the representation of the city of Westminster,
and, within ten minutes after Mr. Hunt heard of the deed
which had been committed by Sir Samuel, he determined
upon an opposition against whoever might be nominated by

UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE AND VOTE BY BALLOT. 141
Sir Francis and the Westminster committee. Mr. Hunt did
not indeed, himself, choose to encounter a repetition of the
expenses which he had recently incurred, by standing a con
tested election for Westminster, but he was, nevertheless, de
termined to have some one put in nomination, to prevent as
far as lay in his power, the great and powerful city of West
minster from being made a rotten borough, under the influence
of Sir Francis Burdett. But he found all the httle staunch
phalanx who had supported him during his own contest, now
declined supporting an opposition in favour of Mr. Cobbett
whom Mr. Hunt proposed to put in nomination. In fact he
could not get a single elector of Westminster either to propose
or second the measure.
It ought to have been noticed before, lhat at the former con
test Mr. Hunt was manfully and ably supported by Mr. Gale
Jones, who never deserted him, and who stood boldly by him
to the very last day of the election, It ought also to have
been noticed, that his colours, surmounted by the cap of li
berty, with the mottoes of " Universal Suffrage" on one side,
and " Hunt and Liberty" on the other, were every day, during
the first general election in this year, carried to the hustings,
and there nailed to the same, where they remained proudly
floating in the air the whole day, till they were taken down,
when the polling was closed, to proceed with his carriage
every night into Norfolk-street
" I beg the reader," says Mr. Hunt young or old, not to
forget this fact that at the general election in June 1818, for
the first time in England, a gentleman offered himself as a can
didate, upon the avowed principles of ' Annual Parliaments,
Universal Suffrage, and Vote by Ballot; that at this election,
which lasted fifteen days, the cap of hberty, surmounting the
colours with that motto, was hoisted and carried through the
streets morning and evening, preceding my carriage to and
from the hustings in the city of Westminster ; and that these
were the only colours that were suffered by the people to re
main upon the hustings, all other colours that were hoisted
being torn down and trampled under the feet of the multitude,

142 DEVOTION OF THE PEOPLE TOWARDS MB. HUNT.
while the cap of hberty and the flag with Universal Suffrage
remained all day, and every day, for fifteen days fixed to the
hustings, without the slightest insult or molestation being
offered to it by any one. The, cap and flag were frequently
left for several hours together, without any one of my com
mittee or myself being present ; and I never heard that it was
even hinted to offer to remove them, except once, on which
occasion the following curious circumstance took place. One
day, one of the constables, observing that myself and all my
immediate friends were absent from the hustings, proposed
in a low voice to some of his companions, to remove Hunt's
flag and cap of hberty ; but softly as he had spoken, the pro
posal reached the quick ears of the multitude, and a loud and
general cry was raised, ' Protect Hunt's flag, my lads ! touch
it, if you dare I' This was accompanied by a rush towards
that part of the hustings where it was fixed. The constable
gentry slinked off, and never mentioned it afterwards, or at
tempted any thing of the sort '
" One or two more instances of the devotion of the people
towards me, I have forgotten to record. On the day when
Mr. Dowhng affected to strike me with a horse-whip, within
the hustings, some one upon the hustings, Dr. Watson I be
lieve, communicated to the people without that the constables
were ill-using me ; he seeing that the constables had seized
me by the arms. With the quickness of lightning the boards
which formed the lower end of the hustings were demolished
and the brave and generous people rushed in to my assistance,
declaring that they were ready to lose their lives in my de
fence. I will give but another instance of their honest devo
tion to the man, who they thought was advocating their rights.
One evening, as I was leaving the hustings to pass to my car
riage, there was, as usual, a great crowd at the door awaiting
to salute me, and, amidst the pressure it so happened, that,
without my being aware of any thing of the sort a pickpocket
neatly drew my watch from my pocket. But although the
act was unobserved by me, it did not escape the vigilance of
my friends, who surrounded the door from purer motives. I

MEETING AT THE CROWN AND ANCHOR. 143
passed on through to my carriage, which stood at a distance
of twenty yards, the coachman not being able to bring it
nearer up to the hustings, and, after I had got into the car
riage, a man who was standing close to the door of the hus
tings hailed me, and holding up my watch and seals in his
hand, passed it over the heads of the crowd, till it was handed
into the carriage-window to me. The fact was, that some bf
the people saw the fellow take my watch and pass it to another
of his gang and he did the same to a third, but they were pur
sued, and the watch was rescued from the gang, who got a
sound drubbing for their pains, and the watch was restored to
me in the way I have stated. Amongst the number who acted
in this gallant and handsome way to me, I did not recognize
any one that I knew by name. Mr. Gale Jones was with me
in the carriage, and was an eye-witness of this affair, so ho
norable to the people of Westminster, who attended the hus
tings during the election."
On the 17th., there was a meeting called at the Crown and
Anchor, to nominate some one, as a proper person to be elected
for Westminster, in the room of Sir Samuel Romilly. Mr.
Hunt attended that meeting, and by accident was seated next
to Sir Charles Wolseley, with whom he then, for the first time
became personally acquainted. The chair was taken by Sir
Francis Burdett who briefly stated the purpose for which the
electors had met A Mr. Bruce, the young man of that name
who was imprisoned in France, for assisting in the escape of
Lavalette from prison, proposed John Cam Hobhouse, Esq. as
a fit and proper person for the choice of the electors of West
minster as their representative. One of the Westminster com
mittee seconded this nomination, and Mr. Hobhouse, a very
young man, mounted the table, and addressed his auditory in
a good set speech, which appeared to have been prepared for
the occasion, as it consisted of nothing definite, but was merely
made up of general professions of his being friendly to hberty
and reform. After he had done, he left the room, amidst a
pretty general expression of approbation. Some time now
25. u

144 NOMINATION OF COBBETT.
elapsed, during which there was a pause, as every one was :n
expectation of Mr. Wooler, or some friend of Major Cartwright
putting that gentleman in nomination ; but as no one came
forward, Mr. Hunt mounted the table. After some time he
obtained a hearing, and he began by inquiring who and what
Mr. Hobhouse was ? He demanded if he was any relation to
the under Secretary of State, or if he were any relation of that
Sir Benjamin Hobhouse, who had formerly professed in that
very room the same sort of general principles of hberty which
were now professed by the youth, whom they had just heard ?
whether he was any relation to that same Sir Benjamin Hob
house, who afterwards accepted a place in the Addington ad
ministration, and who had for so many years annually received
£2,000 of the pubhc money, for doing nothing, as a commis
sioner to inquire into the state of the Nabob of Arcof s debts ?
The truth was, that Mr. Hunt thought this young gentleman
was a brother of the then under Secretary of State, and that
he was a nephew of Sir Benjamin Hobhouse, and not his son.
He followed up these questions, which were well received, and
made a considerable impression upon the meeting ; and at
length he proposed his friend, Mr. Cobbett as a fit and proper
person to represent the enlightened citizens of Westminster,
and he put him in nomination accordingly. There was a pretty
general cry of no ! no ! and a loud laugh from the gentlemen
of the Rump Committee ; however, some persons in the crowd
seconded my nomination. Mr. Wooler was then called for,
as it was understood that he was to propose Major Cartwright.
After a short parley, Sir Francis Burdett stated, that Mr.
Wooler was not an elector of Westminster, and that he had
nothing to say. But though Mr. Wooler had nothing to say,
it appeared that Mr. Gale Jones had something to say. But
Mr. Jones was not permitted to express his sentiments ; for,
as usual, the impartial gentlemen of the committee cried him
down with the most horrible yell, howling out that he was no
elector. Mr. Bruce, who proposed Mr. Hobhouse, was no
elector. Mr. Hunt was no elector, who proposed Mr. Cobbett.

CHARACTER OF MR. GALE JONES. 145
This Mr. Hunt stated ; but the answer was, " we did not
know but you were going to propose yourself, which you had
a right to do." " Well," said Mr. Hunt " hear Mr. Jones.
How do you know that he is not going to propose himself?"
But all that Mr Hunt could urge was fruitless. "No man," says
Mr. Hunt " who has not been an ear-witness, knows, nor can
any man imagine, what sort of a thing is the howl which is set
up by the party who attend those meetings, it would disgrace
a conclave of fiends. 1 have always seen Mr. Jones hooted
down by these worthies, and I never knew them give him a
single fair hearing in my life." However, Mr. Jones had taken
ample revenge upon them at the late election ; during that
fortnight he paid them off in full, for all the dastardly foul-play
that they had shown towards him for many years, and now,
when they got bim upon their own dunghill, they retaliated,
not by answering him, or controverting what he had to say,
but by refusing to hear him at all. Mr. Gale Jones, who was
a most eloquent and powerful speaker, was always too indepen
dent in spirit for these gentlemen ; he could neither be pur
chased nor wheedled out of his opinion. Every art had been
tried to seduce him from the path of honour,- but the humble
walk of hfe in which he always moved is the best proof of his
sincerity, and that his noble mind stood far above the reach
of all corruption's dazzling temptations. A man, who possessed
his eminent talent and very superior eloquence, might in this
venal age have been elevated to wealth and power, if he would
have condescended to speak a language foreign to his heart
and become the slave and tool of the government or of one of
the factions. " I believe Mr. Jones, says Mr. Hunt to be one
of the most amiable, virtuous, and truly humane men in the
kingdom. Those who have been envious and jealous of his
talents, are the only persons who speak ill of him. In his pro
fession of a surgeon, he is skilful and assiduous, but his mo
desty has always prevented him from pushing his practice to
any extent so as to render it lucrative, How many unfeeling,
stupid blockheads are there in London, who ride in their car
riages, and keep elegant establishments, clearing thousands a-

146 CHARACTER OF MR. GALE JONES.
year as surgeons, who do not possess a tenth part of the talent
and skill of Mr. Gale Jones ! It may be asked, why then is he
not rich, hke other men in his profession ? This question is
very easily answered by me. Alas ! his humanity and his mo
desty have been the cause of his poverty. Some people wDl
laugh at the idea of the retiring modesty of a man who could
stand forward upon the hustings, and address twenty thousand
of his fellow-creatures, with so much ease, and with so little
embarrassment ; but my assertion is, nevertheless, not only
perfectly true, but also perfectly consistent ; he is a lion in the
cause of freedom and humanity, but a lamb in all other cases.
He is bold and fearless when contending for pubhc liberty ; but
he is no less modest meek, and humble, in private life. This
has assisted to keep Mr. Jones poor, but his poverty has prin
cipally arisen from his great benevolence. I have known Mr.
Jones run a mile, and gratuitously devote hours to assist a poor
and friendless fellow-creature; I have known him to do this,
and share the shilhng in his pocket with the sufferer, and re
turn weary and pennyless to his wife and family, when he
might have obtained a rich patient in the next street and a
guinea fee, with a twentieth part of the trouble and time he
had gratuitously bestowed upon the poor and helpless.
" I have said thus much of Mr. Gale Jones, as a matter of
common justice; and, as a public duty, I call the attention
of my readers in the metropolis to the situation of this worthy
man, this real friend of liberty, who has been neglected and
insulted by that venal band of mercenary and time serving
politicians, those flippant summer flies of the metropolis, those
fair-weather patriots, which, when compared with the steady
sound, and inflexible patriotism of Mr. Jones, are hke the
dross of the vilest metal put in competition with the purest
gold. In doing this justice to Mr. Jones' character (and it
is but bare justice), I do not, however, mean to say that all
the members composing the Westminster committee are quite
the reverse of what he is ; on the contrary, I know many of
them to be worthy and most respectable men in private life, and
perhaps they have very unintentionally been instrumental in

FORGED LETTER OF MR. COBBETT. 147
making Westminster a rotten borough, in the hands of a par
ticular circle. Probably there did not live a more honourable,
upright man,in private life, than the late Mr. Samuel Brooks;
and, as to his pubhc exertions, I believe that his intentions
were equally honourable, although he was frequently made
the instrument to promote injustice, partiality, and foul play,
by some of the designing and unprincipled knaves who sur
rounded him, some of whom had great influence over him,
and frequently urged him on to do that which in his heart I
know he very much disapproved.
Mr. Hobhouse and Mr. Cobbett were, has already been
stated, put in nommation, and the chairman took the sense of
the meeting, which, certainly, was very evidently in favour
of Mr. Hobhouse ; those who held up their hands in his favour
being more than ten to one. Upon this occasion, Mr. Hunt
produced a letter, which he had received from his friend Mr.
Cobbett from America, and likewise a New York newspaper,
wherein was inserted a letter, which he had written to the
editor of that paper. In his letter to Mr. Hunt as well as
his letter in the New York paper, he solemnly declared that
the letter which was read by Cleary upon the hustings, at the
late Westminster election, which Cleary stated to be written
by Cobbett was a forgery, and, of course, was never written
by him. Upon this Cleary went to Brooks' and produced the
letter, which, when it was shown to Mr. Hunt, still appeared
to be forged, as it was written in a much stronger hand than
Mr. Cobbett usually wrote; and Mr. Hunt also observed the
post-mark was different from that of the office where he knew
he always sent his letters, when at Botley. These circum
stances, and his having imphcit reliance upon the word of bis
friend, who in the most solemn manner declared it to be a for
gery, made Mr. Hunt have no hesitation in pronouncing it as
his belief that it was such.
As the show of hands was so decidedly in favour of Mr. Hob
house, and as Mr. Hunt could not get a single Westminster
man to join him, it was in vain to persist in forcing Mr Cob
betfs ¦ claims upon the electors ; but he was nevertheless de-

148 PROCEEDINGS OF THE WESTMINSTER COMMITTEE.
termined to look out to use his own words, for some other
cock to fight; so satisfied was he that it was necessary to op
pose the schemes of that party who appeared determined to
to make Westminster a rotten borough ; it being very evident
that Mr. Hobhouse was the mere nominee of Sir Francis Bur
dett. There was plenty of time to look about for another can
didate, but Mr. Hunt felt quite sure that no one would oppose
him, if he did. not bring forward that candidate. The Whigs
had no chance whatever, unless some popular character stood
forward to oppose the Westminster faction ; and as for the mi
nisters, they had no relish to start another man, after the
failure of Sir Murray Maxwell. Nothing could indeed, have
more forcibly shown their conscious weakness, and the tho
rough detestation in which they were held by the pubhc, than
that they did not even dare to start a candidate in the very
hot bed of corruption, the very citadel of court influence.
The election was not to take place till the spring ; in the
meantime Mr. Hunt did not fail to sound all the men that he
thought likely to assist him, but he did this quite pri
vately, while every possible exertion was made by Mr. Hob
house and his friends, aided by the powerful influence, and
still more powerful purse, of Sir Francis. The Westminster
committee now found it necessary to exert their utmost, and
to strain every nerve. Canvassing committees were formed
in every parish, and meetings were called, at which Mr. Hob
house attended in person, to solicit the favour of the electors.
The reports of these meetings were watched by Mr. Hunt
very narrowly, and in all the speeches of Mr. Hobhouse,
he never could discover any one pledge given by him, to
show that he was a friend to a real constitutional and effici
ent reform, He dealt in general terms, such as his father
Sir Benjamin, or Burke, or any other apostate from the cause
of liberty, might have used with perfect safety. There, ne
vertheless, appeared great enthusiasm amongst the party, and a
general committee was formed, consisting, as it was said, ot
three hundred electors, selected from the different parishes.
Those who were not in the secret, were astonished to hear of

CAimfWIRIK&IKL'iro

LOTTO ON,
PU3LtailED (POK TH,E FROPH'KTORB) BT JOHH" SATTNDERS,
2 5, "NEWGATE STREET, 1856

MAJOR CARTWRIGHT. 149
such extraordinary exertions, such seemingly overwhelming
preparation ; and the general opinion was, that the election of
Hobhouse was placed far above the chance of a failure. In
fact he did not appear to have any opponent ; no one had of
fered himself — no one had been proposed but Mr. Cobbett,
who was named by Mr. Hunt under such circumstances as
made any opposition from such a quarter worse than futile,
absolutely ridiculous. Apparently there was but one person
who even insinuated any opposition to Mr. Hobhouse, but that
one person was Hunt The Rump knew him too well to
treat his opposition lightly. They had so very recently ex
perienced his power, that they saw with dismay that he had
been the sole cause of endangering the election of Sir Fran
cis, and that by his exertions alone, he, their idol, West
minsters pride and England's hope, had been placed second
upon the poll, having received three hundred votes less than
Sir Samuel Romilly. The Rump committee and Sir Francis
knew all this perfectly well : they knew that if it had been a
contest between Romilly and Burdett without any inter
ference of Mr. Hunt's, that Burdett would have had a thou
sand or fifteen hundred votes more than Romilly. Hence all
the preparations and exertions that were now made.
Seeing all this, Mr. Hunt was obliged to act with great
caution. He had apphed, over and over again, to those that
he thought the stanchest friends of Major Cartwright, but
he found them wavering and insincere; desponding and ex
claiming " it is all no use ! it is impossible to return the
Major !" Mr. Hunt had taken care to get a friend to sound
the Major, and he found that the old veteran was exceedingly
well pleased at the thought of being once more nominated for
Westminster, for which city he certainly ought to have been
the member long before. " This was the Old Game Cock, then,"
says Mr. Hunt,- "I had determined to set up against the
young Bantam, although I found that I should have great
difficulty in bringing his seconds, or rather his proposers, up
to the mark. I had therefore solemnly made up my mind as
a dernier resort, that if my effort to have the Major proposed

150 THE WESTMINSTER ELECTION.
should ultimately fail, I would once more offer myself, and
stand the contest in person, so convinced was I of the abso
lute necessity of exposing the conduct of the electors of West
minster, who constituted what was called the Rump committee.
They had treated me at the late election in the most foul and
unhandsome way such as was totally unbecoming the character
of the very lowest of those who had set up any pretension to
honour or honesty. I had made them feel the weight of my
opposition, and I was determined that they should a second
time experience the effect of my single handed hostility. I
well knew that Major Cartwright was by no means popular
amongst the Westminster electors, and that he would not
stand the slightest chance of being elected ; but I was also
thoroughly assured, that as soon as the Whigs were qrdte cer
tain that I had determined to stand forward against the Bur-
dettite faction, they also would start a candidate. This was
the state of the parties in Westminster at the close of the
year 1818."
The middle of February was fixed for the Westminster election
and not a breath had been heard about any opposition to Mr.
Hobhouse. Mr. Hunt however, put an advertisement in the
Sunday Observer, signed with his name, assuring the electors that
an independent real friend of reform would be nominated at the
hustings on the day of election. Before this letter appeared
in the paper alluded to, the Westminster committee were so sa
tisfied in their own minds that, by their great and overwhelm
ing show of preparations and canvassings, they had deterred
any one from offering any opposition, and that their candi
date would be returned on the same day, without going to the
poll, that the high bailiff had not taken the usual precaution
of erecting a hustings, a temporary scaffold being thought
quite sufficient. Nay, so thoroughly convinced of this was the
Rump, that they actually ordered the car, and got it prepared
for chairing their candidate, Mr. Hobhouse, and every neces
sary preparation was made for this ceremony being performed
on the first day of the election ; but as soon as Mr. Hunf s
letter appeared in the papers, it was all consternation and

MEETING Al THE RUSSELL COFFEE-HOUSE. 151
conftision amongst them, and the party were running about
from one to the other like so many wild men ! In the mean
time, Sir Charles Wolseley and Mr. Northmore had been
written to, and had arrived in London. A meeting was called
at the Russell coffee-house, under the Piazzas, overjiighti
Sir Charles . and Mr. Northmore subscribed £50. each, and a
few other subscriptions were entered into, making in the
whole about £120., which was placed in the hands of Mr-
Birt, of Little Russell-street, who was appointed treasurer;
and with this sum Mr. Hunt undertook to conduct the election
of the Major ioi fifteen days, if the arrangements were left to
him. This was agreed .to, and a placard was issued, and posted
immediately, merely stating " that the gallant Major icas in
the field."
A friend of Mr. Hunt's that evening communicated to the
Whigs, who were assembled at Brooks' in St. James'-street,
what had been done, and what was decided upon, and that
Mr. Hunt had pledged his life for a fifteen days opposition to
Sir Francis' nominee, Mr. Hobhouse. This intelligence was
not communicated to the Whigs till late in the evening pre
ceding the day on which the election was to be held ; but they
instantly assembled a council of war, to decide upon what
steps ought to be taken. At length it was agreed upon by
them to start Mr. George Lambe, the son of Lord Melbourne.
He was instantly sought for, and, as Mr. Hunt was credibly
informed, he was called out of bed, to hear the news, so late
as one o'clock in the morning ; the election being to commence
at eleven the same day. Mr. Hunt immediately agreed for t
committee room, at the Russell coffee-house, where, as he ha
said, they had a previous meeting of some half dozen the evening
before, to settle who was to propose and second the nomination
of the Major in the morning. The only two electors of West
minster who attended, besides Mr. Birtwere Mr. Nicholson and
Mr. Bowie. These gentlemen hesitated about performing this
office, and they separated without any thing being decided
upon as a certainty. However, Mr. Hunt knew that Mr. Birt
26. vol. n. x

152 MR. HUNT'S PRECAUTIONARY MEASURES.
was to be depended upon as a man of strict honour and inte
grity ; and looking forward to the probability of the other two
gentlemen failing to attend, he had taken care to provide
against any contingency of that sort. It was necessary to take
every- precaution, for Mr. Hunt was aware that he had to con
tend with the greatest tricksters of the age ; he knew Mr.
Morris, the high bailiff, to be one of the Rump faction ; and
he knew Master Smedley, the deputy of the high bailiff, to be
a cunning, sly, intriguing fellow ; and it was therefore certain
that he should have to watch their motions narrowly, being
quite sure in his own mind that they would take advantage of
any little informality to close the election — a step on their
part which he was determined, if possible to frustrate.
The morning arrived, and Mr. Hunt attended the committee
room early ; but he found no one there except Mr. Birt and
Dr. Watson, from whom he learned that Messrs. Bowie and
Nicholson, the professed friends of the Major, had appointed to
meet to breakfast at a coffee-house at the top of Catherine-
street in the Strand. Thither Mr. Hunt repaired, and found
them still wavering and undecided. When, however, he gave
them to understand that it did not depend upon them alone,
whether the Major should be proposed or not, as he had pro
cured two electors, who were ready to propose and second the
nomination of the Major, if they failed to do so, their doubts
and hesitation vanished, and they immediately agreed to go
upon the hustings and perform the task.
At this moment Mr. Hunt received a message from the
Major, who wished to see him at Probat's hotel, in King
street, Covent Garden, where he was waiting. He found the
Major very anxious to know how matters were going on, he
having heard of the difficulties which had been started ; Mr.
Hunt assured him that all was going on well, but he strongly
remonstrated against his taking any part in the election, and
censured his coming so near the hustings as Probaf s hotel, as
he knew that the Rump would have been delighted to have
saddled the Major with a heavy share of the expences of the

NOMINATION OF THE CANDIDATES. 153
hustings, &c. The Major agreed to return home, and not
interfere any further, and he also assured Mr. Hunt that he
had positively prohibited the little upstart Irishman, Cleary,
from going near the committee room, or interfering at all in the
election on his account as he knew that Mr. Hunt had an ob
jection to place himself in the power of such a fellow, by
being even in the same room with him. Cleary, who upon
such occasions was always a very busy, officious, meddling mar
plot, felt very much mortified at this prohibition, so much so,
that Mr. Hunt was informed, he immediately offered his
services to the Rump, to act in opposition to his patron and
friend, the Major. But however, basely the Rump might
have acted in other respects, they acted very properly in this
instance; for they dechned to accept this treacherous offer,
and poor Mister Cleary sank into his original nothingness.
When Mr. Hunt returned from visiting the Major, he found
that the high bailiff had proceeded to Covent Garden, mounted
the scaffold, and with unusual haste had proceeded to have the
writ read, and to open the proceedings of the election. He
got as near as possible to the hustings, upon which he ob
served that Mr. Bowie and Mr. Nicholson had taken their
stations ; and with considerable difficulty he also contrived to
mount them. Mr. Hobhouse was proposed, Mr. Lamb, was
proposed, and the Major also was proposed and seconded in
due form; and the high Bailiff, upon a show of hands, declared
the election to have fallen upon John Cam Hobhouse, Esq.,
by a very large majority, which was evidently the case, in
the proportion of eight or ten to one.
As soon as this ceremony was over Mr. Hunt found Mr.
Lambe and his friends, Lambton, Macdonald and Co., hasten
ing off the hustings, apparently to prepare for the polling,
without ever taking any steps to demand a poll. Now was the
moment for Mr. Hunt to exert himself, and, as no time was
to be lost he made his way through the dense crowd upon
the scaffold up to Messrs. Nicholson and Bowie, and requested
them immediately to demand a poll, as he saw that the high
bailiff was preparing to declare Mr. Hobhouse duly elected.

154 A POLL DEMANDED.
When thus brought to the test they both began to shuffle,
and finally replied that they would not undertake to do this,
as it would make* them liable to the expences. It was in vain
that Mr, Hunt denied this, and requested them to tender their
votes for the Major ; they were not to be moved, and as every
thing would be lost by a single instant of indecision, Mr.
Hunt rushed back again through the crowd, to that part of
the scaffolding where he had seen Mr. Lambe and his friends
retreating, and in his way he nearly overturned several of the
Rump. He assured the high bailiff that a poll would be
demanded, and with great difficulty he was just in time to seize
the tail of Mr. Lambe's coat as he was walking down the
ladder of the scaffold. In doing this Mr. Hunt was obliged
to jostle Mr. Lambton, who appeared excessively indignant at
the shake, which he received from him. Mr. Hunt however,
kept fast hold of Mr. Lambe's coat and earnestly requested
him to return that instant and demand a poll, as otherwise the
election would be elosed in favour of Hobhouse. Both he and
Mr. Macdonald, although they had been bred to the bar, ap
peared to know nothing of the matter, and seemed to doubt the
accuracy of Mr. Hunt's assertion. He again emphatically
assured them that unless they returned and instantly in
writing demanded a poll, the law would justify the high bailiff
in declaring Hobhouse to be duly elected. The earnestness
of Mr. Hunt induced them to return and do so, and if they
had not complied with his suggestions, the election of Hobhouse
would have been irrevocably declared in less than one minute
after. Thus by the presence of mind of Mr. Hunt were the high
bailiff and the Rump frustrated in their schemes ; for, had it
not been prevented by his prompt bold, and decisive inter
position, Hobhouse vi ould have been at once chaired as one
of the representatives of the city of Westminster. In con
sequence of the want of such decision and presence of mind,
this trick has been a hundred times successfully played off
at elections, and would most certainly and most effectually
have succeeded here ; for, after the show of hands is taken,

CONDUCT OF MR. PLACE, THE TAILOR. 155
unless one of the candidates or two of the electors immedi
ately present to the returning officer a written demand of a
poll, he is justified by law in declaring that person duly elected
for whom the show of hands has been given.
It was, by the interference of Mr. Hunt and his single ex
ertions upon this occasion, that prevented Mr. Hobhouse from
being at once returned as the colleague of Sir Francis Bur
dett; and yet some persons are so foolish as to inquire,
"what can be the reason of such men as tailor Place, currier
Adams, &c. &c«, and the rest of the Rump, persisting with .
such vindictive and rancorous hostility against Mr. Hunt?"
The fact which Mr. Hunt has stated is of itself a sufficient
reason for their malice ; but there are other reasons for the dis
play of the malignant feelings of Mr. tailor Place and Co.
The reader should recollect that Mr. Hunt has often called
the pubhc attention to the conduct of this said professed ja
cobin tailor ; for instance, when Sir Francis Burdett left the
Tower, and the procession was got up for him, tailor Place
undertook" to attend, and to take the management of those
who were on horseback; but when the time arrived, the
tailor forgot to attend, although he was one of the most
violent against the baronet for going over the water and de
ceiving the people. Again, when the famous inquest was held
upon the body of the murdered Sellis, in the Duke of Cum
berland's apartments in the palace, toko, in Heaven's name
should be selected for the foreman of the jury which sat on
the inquest who but tailor Place, of Charing Cross I The
verdict was felo de se, and the body of poor Sellis was buried
in a cross road ! Tailor Place was considered by some as
having been a very lucky fellow, to be selected as the fore
man of the said jury, by the coroner for the palace. Mr.
Hunt knew, and the public should be reminded, that the con
duct of the said tailor was so suspicious, that Colonel War
dle and Sir Francis Burdett did not fail to speak very plainly
upon the subject; and Mr. Hunt knew also that for many
vears Sir Francis Burdett would not trust himself in the
same room with the sai^ tailor, and that when he spoke of

156 ADJOURNMENT OF THE ELECTION.
him he did it in the most unequivocal terms of suspicion and
distrust — and moreover, that for many years the late Samuel
Brooks never would have any communication with this said
tailor. These things with many others, came to the knowledge
of Mr. Hunt, and he never failed to speak of them in the
language which they merited, both to the face of the said
tailor and behind his back; the friends of Mr. Hunt will
therefore at any rate not be surprised at the malignant and
cowardly hostility of this part of the Rump, in order to be
revenged upon him. The exposures that he has made, the hun
dred times that he has frustrated the dirty plots of this gang,
have entitled him to, and secure to him, the honour of their
everlasting hatred, and a high honour did Mr. Hunt esteem
it. After the poll had been demanded by Mr. Lambe, the
high bailiff adjourned the election till the next morning, to
give time for the workmen to erect a proper hustings. The
polling commenced under the most vindictive and malignant
feelings towards Mr. Hunt on the part of the Rump, in conse
quence of the disappointment and the defeat which they had sus
tained, in not carrying the election of Mr. Hobhouse without
opposition ; which opposition they very justly attributed to Mr.
Hunt alone, who stood upon the hustings the avowed advocate of
the Major, but at the same time the openly avowed opponent
of Mr. Hobhouse, because he was the nominee of Sir Francis
Burdett whom Mr. Hunt was determined to convince that he
was nothing without the support of the people, that people which
Mr. Hunt contended he had deserted in 1816, when he re
fused to present their address and petition to the Prince Regent?
and when he declared himself hostile to Universal Suffrage.
The baronet felt his situation to be such that he must either
retire for ever from politics, or make a desperate effort to carry
his point ; he had set the die upon the election of Mr. Hob
house, and his failing to carry that election would be a death
blow to his popularity throughout England, and to his future
influence in Westminster. Mr. Hunt thought the baronet
had deserted his post, by refusing his aid and protection to the

PROCEEDINGS OF THE ELECTION. 157
suffering people, in the years 1816 and 1817, and upon pub
lic grounds alone was Mr. Hunt determined publicly to bring
him to a sense of the relative situation in which he stood with
the people. Whether he was right or whether he was wrong,
is not the question. Mr. Hunt believed, that Sir Francis had
neglected his pubhc duty, and he took this public occasion,
even as it might be said upon his own dunghill, to convince
him of his error. Mr. Hunt solemnly declared, that he was
actuated solely by a sense of what he owed to the public, and
that he never in his life felt any private enmity towards Sir
Francis ; on the contrary, he always entertained a personal
regard for him. But no influence on earth could induce Mr
Hunt to abandon what he thought a public duty, to gratify
any private or personal considerations. Mr. Hunt now met
-Sir Francis Burdett openly upon his own ground, where he had
been always idolized, in the midst of his friends, and sur
rounded by his constituents. He did not go behind his back
to attack, him, he met him face to face, and he boldly
charged him with having deserted the cause of the people.
Mr. Hunt was indeed urged on to do this in a less courteous
manner than he should otherwise have done, by the cowardly
and blackguard attacks which he was daily experiencing from
the dirty members of the Rump, by whom he w-as assailed
with all the malice, filth, and falsehood which that august
body could rake together, and fabricate against him. In fact,
when Mr. Hunt began to speak, he was baited like a bull, by a
set of as cowardly caitiffs as ever disgraced, by their presence,
the face of the earth ; and, in addition to these, towards the
latter end of the election, ruffians and assassins were regularly
hired to attack him in a body,
The baronet attended daily on the hustings, and he went
round and visited the committees, and addressed them at
night; his purse-strings were thrown open, and, in truth, if
the baronet's life had depended upon the event, he could not
have laboured harder or have done more to have saved it, than
he did to secure the election of Mr. Hobhouse ; — but all would
not do ! The gang composing the Rump also attended every

158 SCANDALOUS ABUSE OF MR. HUNT
evening, with their hired myrmidons. As the only object of
Mr. Hunt was to expose them and their corrupt system, so
their only apparent object now appeared to be to vilify and
abuse Mr. Hunt, and when, at length, the election of Mr
Lamb seemed to be almost certain, they became desperate
Mr. Hunt was not only hissed and hooted, but he was pelted
with sticks and stones by their hired agents, and although the
people appeared excessively indignant at these outrages, they
could not altogether prevent them. A little gang of despera
does was always placed to open on Mr. Hunt as soon as he
began to speak, to endeavour to drown his voice in the most
vulgar, brutal, and beastly manner. Amongst this gang, ge
nerally some of the reporters to the Burdettite newspapers
took up their station, and in such beastly abuse, as has been
alluded to, much too coarse and horrid to mention in print)
these worthies freely indulged. The commencement of their
attack was, " Hunt where's your wife ?" And then followed
a volley of such beastly and disgusting ribaldry as would have
disgraced the most abandoned inmates of the lowest brothel
in the metropolis.
It had been frequently suggested to Mr. Hunt that none but
wretches of the most profligate character could be guilty of
such atrocious conduct in which opinion he fully concurred.
One day, when he was about to address the people at the close
of the poll, this gang began their accustomed attack and voci
ferated the most revolting, obscene, and truly horrid observations
relating to his wife ; upon which he turned round and asked, if
it were possible for such language to proceed from the mouth
of any one who possessed the character of a man ? And he
added, that it did not appear to him more than probable, that
no one would resort to such cowardly, base, and horrid lan
guage, but some monster who was connected with a gang like
that of Vere-street notoriety. This silenced the scoundrels
for a moment hut at length some fellow among them took this
to himself, and demanded if Mr. Hunt meant to accuse him of
unnatural propensities? Mr. Hunt rephed that he did not
allude to any one individual, but that it did seem clear to him

ELECTION OF MR, LAMB. 159
that none but monsters of the worst description could be
guilty of such conduct as had been exhibited daily before the
hustings when he addressed the people.
This circumstance, which occured exactly as has been stated
was, nevertheless, grossly perverted in a great number of the
newspapers the next day ; they falsely asserting that Mr. Hunt
had accused a person of being guilty of an unnatural crime,
and pointed him out to the vengeance of the multitude before
the hustings; and this has frequently been repeated and harped
upon since by some scoundrels, who know the utter falsehood
of the accusation.
" I remember," says Mr. Hunt, " at the time of the general
election, in 1812, when Mr. Cobbett offered himself a candi
date for the county of Hants, a drunken, vulgar blackguard,
was abusing him in a most beastly and insufferable manner,
whereupon Mr. Cobbett seriously informed the people that he
was a maniac, and that his opponents had suffered him to es
cape for the purpose of abusing him ; and he made a most
feeling appeal to the people, and expostulated, in the most
grave and serious manner, upon the baseness and cruelty of
suffering the poor maniac to come amongst the crowd to ex
pose himself without his keeper. This appeal had the desired
effect for the drunken ruffian was led away out of the crowd
per force, under the impression that he was actually a madman
who had just escaped from his keeper ; yet no one thought of
abusing Mr. Cobbett for this trick to get rid of an intoxi
cated beast who was unwarrantably abusing him."
Mr. Hunt attended the hustings daily till the last day
but one, when the success of Mr. Lamb, and the defeat
of the baronet and Mr. Hobhouse, were certain. Mr. Lamb
was declared duly elected at the end of the fifteenth day, to
the great mortification of Sir Francis Burdett, and the total
discomfiture of the Rump ; and the Car which had heen pro
vided for the chairing of Sir Francis' disciple, was laid by for
another occasion.
On this subject Mr. Hunt egoistically remarks. " For
26. vol 11. v

160 CLOSE OF THE ELECTION.
this defeat of the Rump they have solely to thank me. I made
them a second time feel the power of courage, honesty and
truth when opposed to fraud, trickery, and pretended patriotism ;
and this great lesson was read to Sir Francis Burdett, that he
was nothing without the support of the people; that all his im
mense wealth, that all his great and profound talent and all
his influence, were nothing in the scale of political power with
out the people. The baronet is, I believe, truly sensible that
my exertions have taught him this useful lesson, and, like a
truly great and good man, he bears me no malice for perform
ing this painful duty — for I have no hesitation in saying, that
it was the most painful, the most trying public duty that I ever
performed in the whole course of my hfe."
, The numbers polled at this election were, for Lamb 4465,
for Hobhouse 3861, for Major Cartwright 38 , — so that Mr.
Lamb polled 604 more electors than Mr. Hobhouse. As for
Major Cartwright, he had not the slightest chance from the
beginning. No real reformer, no friend of Universal Suffrage,
can have the slightest chance to be returned for Westminster,
while that rotten borough continues in the hands of a parti
cular family, or while any considerable portion of the electors
suffer themselves to be led by the nose by a gang of the most
contemptible, as well as most corrupt men, under the face of
the sun. As a body of men, the electors of Westminster are,
perhaps, as enlightened and intelligent as any body of men in
the universe ; but the little faction called the Rump, are as
contemptible and as corrupt as their brother electors are free
and impartial. The great mass of the electors do not take any
trouble to inquire about these matters ; they are industrious
tradesmen, every one of them having business of importance of
his own to attend to, and consequently when an election comes
they suffer themselves to be led by the nose by a httle junto, who
have no more pretensions to patriotism than they have to talent
and integrity, of which it is plain that they are totally destitute.
When Mr. Hunt stood the contest for Westminster, at the ge
neral election, and only obtained eighty-four votes, it was urged

STATE OF THE PARTIES. 161
against him how few friends and supporters he had amongst
the real electors of Westminster ; it was said that he had dis
gusted and displeased all parties ; and counsellor Scarlett, (the
present Lord Abinger) one of the licenced libellers of the
Court of King's Bench, had the impudence to state this fact
in the court, as a proof in what httle estimation the character
of Mr. Hunt was held ; and he added this unblushing, bare
faced falsehood, that " wherever Sir Samuel Romilly offered
himself, there Mr. Hunt went to oppose him, merely because
he was a good man ;" while, on the contrary, he well knew
that had not Sir Francis Burdett and his nominee been op
posed by Mr. Hunt Sir Samuel Romilly, far from being elected
for Westminster, would never have been even nominated for
that city. But what answer will these trading politicians give
to the fact, that Major Cartwright obtained only thirty-eight
votes during a contested election of fifteen days ? Mr. Hunt
had made thousands of personal enemies, yet he obtained
eighty-four votes ; while the Major, who never in his life made
a personal enemy, could only obtain thirty-eight votes, not half
the number that polled for Mr. Hunt although he was amongst
all his friends, where he had resided for many years, and where
he was universally and justly respected, both for his private
and his public virtues. The fact is, that of the Major's poli
tics, as of Mr. Hunt's, the honesty and sincerity are hated and
dreaded by the whole of the Rump faction, who would soon be
reduced to their native nothingness, if once a really independent
man were to be chosen for Westminster ; that is, a man in
dependent as well of Sir Francis Burdett as of the ministry
and the Whigs. Till that time arrives, the representation of
Westminster will be upon a level with the rottenest of rotten
boroughs. " We know," says Mr. Hunt " Sir Francis Burdett to be a
profound politician, a real and steady friend of liberty,* and a
truly great man, yet in the House of Commons he carries no more
* What would Mr. Hunt say of (he baronet of the Bump at this period,
when he has thrown off his wolf's clothing, and shown himself as the first of
political renegadoes.

162 CHARACTER OF MR. HOBHOUSE.
weight from his being the representative of the great city of
Westminster, than he would do if he were only the represen
tative of Old Sarum, or any other rotten borough. Such is the
abject state to which, by their dirty intrigues, the Rump have
reduced this once great and high-minded city, by the exertions
of which the whole kingdom was wont to be agitated ! Mr.
Hobhouse is an active member of the Honourable House, but
he dares not quit the leading strings of the worthy baronet ;
and let me ask the honest part of mankind to point out any
one great political question which he has brought before the
House ? What has he done for the people, or for the cause
of liberty, since he has been elected ? I am not speaking
personally ; for I personally feel that Mr. Hobhouse did his
best to serve me, when I was in bondage in Ilchester gaol, for
which I shall always feel personally grateful ; but still, looking
at the question on public grounds, I must ask what has he
ever done in the House, such as we might and should have
formerly expected from one of the independent members of
the city of Westminster ? We know that he always votes
with the Whigs against the ministers ; but how is it if he is
in earnest that he has never created any great sensation
throughout the country, by some grand exposure of those
ministers, and of that system of which his father, Sir Benja
min, forms so prominent a part? It has often been asked,
what can one man do in the House ? I think I can give a
silencing answer to such a time-serving question : What could
not one man do in the way of exposure, if he were honestly
disposed to do it ? I think, after the exposure that I made
while I was locked up in a gaol, I am entitled most triumph
antly to make this answer."
We are disposed to think that many of our readers will not
accuse Mr. Hunt of an extreme attachment to royalty, when
they read the following : —
" In consequence of the death of the Princess Charlotte of
Wales, the Dukes of Clarence, Kent Cumberland, and Cam
bridge disposed of their mistresses, and got married, in order,
as it would seem, to secure a heir from the precious stock of

INCREASE OF I HE ROYAL FAMILY. 163
the Guelps, to fill the British throne ; to accomplish which
desirable purpose, there appears to have been a hard race,
for on the 26th of March, in this year, 1819, the Duchess of
Cambridge brought forth a son — on the 27th the Duchess of
Clarance was dehvered of a daughter — on the 24th of May
the Duchess of Kent was dehvered of a daughter — and on
the 5th of June the Duchess of Cumberland was delivered of
a son. So that this worthy family presented John Gull with
an increase to their burdens in one year of four great pauper
babes, to be rocked in the national cradle, and to be bred up
at the national expense. Oh, rare John ! what a wonderfully
happy fellow thou must be ! On the 29th of March, the con
scientious guardians of our rights and liberties, the faithful
stewards of public property, the worthy members of the Ho
nourable House of Commons voted an allowance of ten thou
sand pounds a year to the Duke of York — for taking care of
his poor old mad father's person ; and it is a very extraordinary
fact that, on the 12th of April, on one of his early visits to
Windsor, to enable him te earn this large sum of money from
John Gull, his Royal Highness fell in one of the rooms of
Windsor Palace, and broke his arm. All the old women in
the nation, and many of the young ones also, swore that this
was a judgment upon him, for extorting such a sum from John
Gull's pocket for such a purpose.
On the 21st a reform meeting was held in Smithfield. This
meeting was called by some of the inhabitants of the metro
polis, and Mr. Hunt was invited to attend and take the chair.
Dr. Watson and his friends were particularly active in procuring
this meeting, and when the committee invited Mr. Hunt to
take the chair, he did not hesitate a moment to accept.it
though, at the same time, he made up his mind to be parti
cularly careful as to what resolutions were passed, &c. and by
no means to be led into the scheme of electing any legislatorial
attorney, as they had done at Birmingham, especially as this
scheme had been denounced as illegal by the proclamation in
the Gazette the week before. When Mr. Hunt came to Lon
don, the night before the meeting, he was met by Dr. Watson

164 REFORM MEETING IN SMITHFIELD.
and the committee, and he desired to see what resolutions they
had prepared to be submitted to the meeting the next day. He
found, however, that they had only a few very vague and im
perfect resolutions drawn up ; but the Doctor produced a let
ter from Joseph Johnson, the brush-maker, at Manchester,
saying, that it was the wish of the people Of Manchester, that
Mr. Hunt should, at the Smithfield meeting, be elected the
representative and legislatorial attorney for the unrepresented
people of the metropolis, &c. He also alluded to the great
public meeting, which was to be held at Manchester in the
beginning of August, and stated, that it was the intention of
the people on that day to follow the example of the people of
Birmingham and the metropohs. It was very easy to discover
that the motive of Mr. Johnson for advising the people of the
metropolis to elect Mr. Hunt their legislatorial attorney, was,
that he might be elected for Manchester at the ensuing meet
ing. On this proposition Mr. Hunt at once put a negative, by
referring to the Gazette, and to the proclamation, adding, that
it would be worse than folly to run their heads against such a
post ; and he further declared, that he saw no good that was
to be derived from such a measure. In this the committee at
once concurred, and it^was agreed, that every intention of that
sort should be abandoned, that other resolutions should be drawn
up, and that the same declaration which had been passed at
the meeting held in Palace Yard and at the Manchester meet
ing, at which Mr. Hunt presided in the early part of that year,
should be proposed to the Smithfield meeting. It was also de
cided, that certain conciliatory resolutions, and an address to
the Catholics of Ireland, should be submitted to the meeting.
Of these resolutions Mr. Hunt highly approved.
The next morning, just before the time fixed for the meet
ing, Mr. James Mills, late of Bristol, called at the lodgings of
Mr. Hunt with a string of resolutions, which he wished to be
submitted to the meeting. Dr. Watson, was present. These
resolutions were read over in a hasty manner, and as hastily
adopted, to be made part of the proceedings of the day. It
must be confessed that this was acting very differently from the

MEETING IN SMITHFIELD. 165
usual cautious manner of Mr. Hunt ; but as Mills gave them
to. understand that they had been laid before Major Cartwright,
and had been approved of by him, and as he led them also to
believe .that he would attend, at the meeting to move them5
they were accordingly sent off to the Observer office, to get
slips set up, that they might be given to the different reporters
who attended the meeting.
Great mihtary preparations were on this occasion made,
under the pretence of queuing some tremendous riot, or some
apprehended insurrection. The then Lord Mayor, John At
kins, was a corrupt and devoted tool of the government and
he made himself particularly officious in this affair. Six thou
sand constables were sworn in the day before, and in the city
all was hurry and bustle ; and all this was done in order to
work upon the fears of the timid and foolish part of the com
munity, to create a prejudice in their minds against the radi
cals. When the hour of meeting arrived, an immense multi
tude was collected, which was computed to consist of not less
than seventy or eighty thousand persons. The Rev. Joseph
Harrison, from Stockport attended, and either moved or se
conded some of the resolutions ; but Mr. Mills, the author of
them, never came near the place ; or at any rate he never
showed himself upon the hustings. A warrant had been is
sued against Harrison, by the magistrates of Cheshire, with
which the officers had followed him up to town, and having
got it backed by the Lord Mayor, he was apprehended upon
the hustings by the city officers.
This was evidently done with the view to work upon the
feelings of the multitude, and to create an appearance of tu
mult that tKe military might be called in and let loose upon
the people, with some apparent show of necessity. Had not
care been taken to frustrate it, this plot of the worthy John
Atkins would have succeeded; for some one cried out a rescue,
and the multitude was spontaneously pressing towards the offi
cers for that purpose; but here the natural presence of mind
of Mr. Hunt in emergencies was exercised promptly and with
fnll success. He came forward, and stated to the people what

166 VOTE OF CENSURE ON THE LORD MAYOR.
had occurred, and he cautioned them not to be led away by
any such plot, to excite them to a breach of the peace ; and
he demanded of them, in case of a warrant having been issued
against him, that they would let him go with the peace-officers
quietly, for nothing would delight their enemies so much as to
work up the people to tumult and disorder, that they might
have a pretence for bloodshed. This had the desired
effect. Harrison was taken away peaceably, and the business
of the meeting proceeded with the greatest regularity, as if
nothing had occurred of a nature to disturb it. This was cer
tainly one of the most cold-blooded attempts to excite a
riot that was ever made in this or in any other country. But
fortunately Mr. Hunt had influence enough over the people to
frustrate this plot. The resolutions were passed, and the de
clarations was carried unanimously, as well as the address to
the Catholics ; the meeting was dissolved, and the people re
tired to their homes in the most peaceable manner, after having
conducted Mr. Hunt their chairman, to his lodgings.
The shps, which had been printed at the Observer office,
had been sent to Mr. Hunt while he was on the hustings, and
he delivered them to the different reporters, who applied for
them. Mr. Fitzpatrick, the reporter of the New Times, was
the only one who had the baseness treacherously to betray this
confidence, by voluntarily coming forward in the court at York
to swear to the fact of his having furnished them upon the
hustings. Thus ended the great Smithfield meeting held on
the 21st of July, 1819.
On the 26 th of the same month, at a common-hall, the li
very of the city of London passed a strong vote of censure
upon their Lord Mayor, John Atkins, " for his officious and
intemperate conduct on the day of the Smithfield meeting.
Mr. Hunt had been invited to attend and preside at a great pub
lic meeting, held at Manchester, in the early part of this year.
Which meeting had been convened by public advertisement
He slept at Stockport the night before, and was accompanied
from that town to the place of meeting by thousands of the
people. When he arrived there, none of the parties who had

MR. HUNT INVITED TO MANCHETER. 167
invited him to Manchester, Messrs. Johnson, Whitworth, and
Co., accompanied him upon the hustings ; but they attended a
pubhc dinner, which, in the evening, after the meeting, was
provided at. the Spread Eagle Inn, Hanging Ditch, at which,
upwards of two hundred persons sat down. Mr. Hunt found
a number of good men at Manchester, and amongst that num
ber he esteemed his worthy friend Mr. Thomas Chapman of
Fannel-street one of the very best men and most honest advo
cate of hberty in the kingdom. He ever found him the same
man in principle, sincere and bold in pubhc, and kind, gener
ous, and open hearted in private. " To know during one's
political life," says Mr. Hunt " and to possess the friendship
of two or three such men as Mr. Chapman, is more than suf
ficient recompence for the treachery, cowardice, and baseness
of hundreds, that one must as a matter of course become ac
quainted with." Here Mr. Hunt first saw Johnson, the brush-
maker ; he had not courage to accompany Mr. Hunt upon the
hustings, although he was one of the most officious to invite
him to preside at the meeting. John Knight and Saxton
were the men who attended him upon the hustings, and ad
dressed the people, &c. &c. Mr. Hunt had never seen either
of them before. Mr. Wroe and Mr. Fitton, of Boyton, also
were upon the hustings. Mr. Hunt had seen the latter, as a
delegate from Royton, at the meeting of delegates called by
Major Cartwright and the Hampden club, in the name of Sir
Francis Burdett, in the year 1817.
As this meeting passed off without any difficulty or danger,
Johnson, the brush-maker, who was very young in the ranks
of reform, professed a determination to take a more active
part at a future opportunity. In conformity with this reso
lution, he wrote to invite Mr. Hunt to attend a public meeting
to be held at Manchester, on the 9th of August which in
vitation was accepted. The intended meeting being publicly
announced in all the London papers, excited a very consider
able sensation throughout the country, and particularly through
26. vol. ii. z

168 SIR CHARLES WOLSELEY.
the north of England. As Mr. Hunt strongly suspected that
his letters to Manchester, about this time, were opened at the
post office, he sent them by other conveyances than by the
post. His family appeared to dread his second visit to Man
chester, and to forebode some fatal accident, and they endea
voured to persuade him not to attend ; but although he did
not anticipate a very pleasant journey, yet he had given his
word, and that was quite enough to insure his attendance.
On his road, he stopped to bait his horse at Wolseley bridge.
As soon as he arrived, the landlord of the inn addressed him,
and begged to know if his name was Hunt He answered in
the affirmative ; upon which he dehvered an invitation from
Sir Charles Wolsely, requesting him to call on him. He
lived only about a hundred yards from the inn. The fact was,
he had slept at Coventry the night before, where he met
Messrs. Goodman, Lewis, and Flavel, and one of them had writ
ten to Sir Charles Wolseley, to say that Mr. Hunt would pass
Wolseley bridge in the morning, and this induced him to leave
the message which has been mentioned. Mr. Hunt accepted
his invitation, and this was the first time that he ever met the
worthy baronet in private. He spent a few hours very plea
santly with Sir Charles, who had also, he understood, been
invited to attend the meeting at Manchester ; but some family
reasons prevented him from complying. When Mr. Hunt
arrived at Bullock Smithey, near Stockport, he heard that
the moeting was put off, and that another meeting was adver
tised to be held on the 16th of August the following Monday.
The cause of this was, that Mr. Johnson and those concerned
in calhng the meeting had, in their advertisements, stated one
of the objects to be, that of electing a representative or legis
latorial attorney for Manchester. This foolish proposition,
directly in the face of the late proclamation, was seized on by
the magistrates of Manchester, and they issued hand-bills, and
had placards posted all over the town, denouncing the in
tended meeting as illegal, and cautioning all persons " to ab
stain at their peril from attending it."

ILLEGALITY OF THE MEETING. 169
This protest was published in the Manchester Observer
for August 7th, 1819.
The requisitionists, on finding the meeting which they had
announced to be holden on Monday the 9 th, denominated
illegal, proceeded to re-examine the clauses of their adver
tisement The objectionable expressions could not long es
cape their observation. They were those which related to
the right which they had arrogated to choose representatives.
Some, however, were not fully satisfied that the measure was
illegal ; but others entertaining serious doubts on the subject
it was determined that Mr. J. T. Saxton should be imme
diately despatched to Liverpool, where the county quarter
sessions were then holding, for the purpose of obtaining coun
sel's opinion on the legality of the notice which they had is
sued. This prudential measure operated in its issue, as a
corrective of their former indiscretion.
On Mr. Saxton's arrival at Liverpool, he applied to Mr.
Denison, a solicitor of celebrity in that place, who drew up
his case, and gratuitously rendered him his own personal as
sistance, in submitting it to the examination of Mr. Raincock;
who was decidedly of opinion, that " the clause which suggested
the propriety of choosing representatives without legal autho
rity, was contrary to the usage and practice of the existing es
tablishments of the country."
As the mission of Mr. Saxton was considered by some as
of no minor importance, he found, on his return to Manches
ter, some thousands of inquirers, waiting with anxiety to know
the result. To many of these he communicated the informa
tion he had obtained ; bul as it was impossible to satisfy all,
early on the ensuing morning he issued the following address
to the requisitionists, which was posted throughout the
town, and widely distributed in every direction.
" Fellow Citizens,
" On my return from Liverpool, with the result of the im
portant mission, which vou did me the honour to confide into

170 ADDRESS OF MR. SAXTON
my hands, and in the faithful discharge of my duty towards
you, and the rest of my fellow citizens, . I deem it necessary
thus pubhcly to inform you, that after taking counsel's opinion
upon the legahty of your public notice, I am instructed, ¦. by
Mr. Raincock, to say, ' That the intention of choosing repre
sentatives, contrary to the existing law, tends greatly to render
the proposed meeting seditious; under those circumstances
it would be deemed justifiable in the magistrates to prevent
such meeting.'
" In recommending you to withdraw your notice, and re
linquish your intention of meeting your neighbours on the im
portant subject intended to have been discussed on Monday
next, I deem it necessary to state to you and to the pubhc,
that in the opinion of the most enlightened friends to liberty,
resident in Liverpool, your requisition is perfectly legal and
constitutional ; they are, nevertheless, induced to recommend
this pause in your proceedings, merely in consideration of the
cruel threats of violence issued in a paper from the bench of
magistrates, since the publication of your notice, and of the
evident preparations now making to carry those threats into
execution. I am acquainted with your necessities, — I know the
honesty of your intentions, — and the lawful means you are de
sirous of pursuing; but in a question of absolute right you are
not prepared to defend yourselves ; I therefore do not deem it
advisable, under the present circumstances, to subject the per
sons of yourselves or your friends to the illegal and unconsti
tutional violence which your oppressors and their contemptible
tools have prepared for the occasion.
" The formidable preparations which your tyrants have made
to meet you, their unarmed and suffering victims, is the high
est compliment in their power to bestow upon you; it is
more even than you could hope to gain by the meeting : you
therefore may relinquish the objectionable parts of your re
quisition without regret or even the shadow of a defeat
" Colonel Wilhams, a county magistrate, had the honest
boldness, on Monday last at the Liverpool quarter sessions, to
advocate your cause, and the cause of the Lancashire reformers,

THE PUBLIC MEETING POSTPONED. 171
before bis brother magistrates; he confounded the whole bench
not one man being disposed to reply to the constitutional ar
guments of this faithful and sincere friend of his country. . ;
" I beg leave to conclude with reminding you, and all the
friends of liberty and justice, that our cause grows and gathers
strength with the plunderings of our enemies ; whilst their ra
pacity must not only destroy the means of their own existence,
but must ere long turn them to the destruction of each other.
" I am, very faithfully,
" Your obedient servant,
"J. T. SAXTON
" August ith 1819."
This address of Mr. Saxton was succeeded, on the 4th of
August by the following article, announcing the intention of
the requisitionists to abandon the former meeting altogether,
and expressing their design to request the boroughreeve and
constables to convene another.
« PUBLIC MEETING.
We, the undersigned inhabitant householders of Manchester
having given notice of a public meeting, intended to have been
held here ' On Monday the 9th of August 1819, on the area
near St Peter's Church,' which notice was published in the
Manchester Observer of Saturday last 31st July, do hereby
respectfully inform the public, that after a mature considera
tion of all circumstances, we deem it prudent to acquaint the
pubhc, that such meeting will not at that time take place, and
respectfully recommend to our fellow-townsmen and neigh
bours, to relinquish their intentions of attending that meet
ing, for the specific purpose expressed in that advertisement.
" Our guardians of the public peace having in massy pla
cards and large letters declared the said meeting to be illegal,
and commanded the people to ' Abstain from attending the
said meeting at their peril' although these guardian angels
did not deign to inform the public wherein such illegality con-

172 THE NEW REQUISITION.
sisted ; yet in compliance with their mandate, and to give them
no just ground of opposition or offence, it has been deemed
advisable, not to hold such meeting ; but to request the bo-
roughreeve and constables, to convene another ; which requisi
tion now lies, but will only lie this day, for signatures at the
Observer office, and at No. 49, Great Ancof s-street
" WILLIAM OGDEN, 26, Wood-street.
JAMES BROADSHAW, 32, Newton-street,
WM. DRINKWATER, 29, Loom- street
THOMAS BOND, 7, John-street.
JAMES LANG, Spinning-street.
JAMES RHODES, 46. Henry-street.
EDWARD ROBERTS, 2, Ancot's-street.
TIMOTHY BOOTH, 1, Little Pitt-street.
THOMAS PLANT, 18, Oak-street.
JAMES WEIR, 11, Gun-street
NATH. MASSEY, 2, School -street."
The following is a copy of the requisition to the borough-
reve and constables of Manchester.
" We, whose names are hereunto subscribed, request that
you will convene a meeting at as early a day as possible, to
consider the propriety of adopting the most legal and effectual
means of obtaining a reform in the Commons' House of Par
liament." In reference to the " names hereunto subscribed," a singular
article made its appearance in the Manchester Observer for
August 7th, 1819. The language of this document to men
uninfluenced by the spirit of party, cannot be considered as
cool and dispassionate ; and little doubt can be entertained,
that its violent intemperance, by provoking irritation, tended
to injure that cause which it was designed to promote. Of this
article the following is a literal copy ; but of the genuine effects
which it was calculated to produce, every reader must form his
own opinion.
" The new requisition, thus formed, was opened for signa
tures at the Observer Office, and in three hours nearly one

THE MANCHESTER PUBLIC MEETING. 173
thousand householders enrolled their names. The doors of the
office were surrounded by hundreds who could not have access
to sign the requisition. The pimps of authority witnessed this
spontaneous movement of the people ; here was no begging for
signatures — no scouring the streets, and alleys, and wretched
brothels, for the dependents and alarmed minions of power — no
reminding servile publicans with the approaching license-day —
no discharging of servants — no promises — no bribes — no threats
— no undue influence — no renewing accommodation paper —
no Nadin's hypocritical smiles to coax, nor frowns to intimidate
— or promises of bushels of potatoes to the hungry and dying
poor, to enable them to linger another week under the scourge
of oppression — all, all, was fair above board. — the heart and
soul of the people were with us, and with their honest hands
they placed on record their honourable names — names that
shall live in glorious memory — names that posterity shall cher
ish, and little children exalt their uplifted arms, while their
tongues lisp in accents of praise and thankfulness.
" It cheers us to say, that the gilded reptiles were unable to
overawe this simultaneous expression of public opinion. — Here
then is once more food for triumph ; — let the friends of radical
reform but persevere ; let them be firm and fear not ! — the vic
tory is their own — their enemies will shrink before the voice of
all powerful truth, and eventually gnaw the file, flowing with
blood, from their own envenomed tongues."
The requisitionists having waited a reasonable time for a reply
to their request, but receiving no answer, announced their in
tention in the following advertisement of having a public meet-
ting held on the 16th of August in an extended area near St
Peter's Church.
"MANCHESTER PUBLIC MEETING.
" A requisition having been presented to the boroughreeve
and constables of Manchester, signed by above 700 inhabitant
householders in a few hours, requesting them to call a public
meeting, " To consider the propriety of adopting the most legal

174 PROCLAMATION OF THE PRINCE REGENT.
and effectual means of obtaining a reform in the Commons'
House of Parliament," and they having declined to call such
meeting, therefore the undersigned requisitionists give notice
that a public meeting will be held, on the area, near St. Peter's
Church, for the above-mentioned purpose, on Monday, the
16th instant— the chair to be taken by H. Hunt, Esq. at twelve
o'clock. " Major Cartwright— Mr. Wooller— Mr. Pearson— Mr. Car-
lilse— Dr. Crompton — Edward Rushton — Mr. J Smith— Mr.
Thos. Smith — will be invited to attend this meeting.
'• Manchester, 6th August. 1819."
The general wish to have a public meeting as expressed
above, was signed, we understand, by about 1300 persons.
The magistrates in tho meanwhile, on finding the intended
meeting on the 9th of August abandoned, and another announced
for the 16th, which they did not presume to denominate illegal
and which it was not in their power to prevent, exerted them
selves to give publicity to the following proclamation, to deter
the people, if possible, from assembling.
"GEORGE P. R.
" By his Royal Highness the PRINCE of WALES, RE
GENT of the United Kingdom of GREAT BRITAIN and
IRELAND, in the name and behalf of his Majesty ;
"A PROCLAMATION.
" Whereas in divers parts of Great Britain meetings of
large numbers of his majesty's subjects have been held upon
the requisition of persons, who, or some of whom, have, to
gether with others, by seditious and treasonable speeches, ad
dressed to the persons assembled, endeavoured to bring into
hatred and contempt the government and constitution estab
lished in this realm, and particularly the Commons' House of
Parliament and to excite disobedience to the laws, and insur
rection against his majesty's authority :
" And whereas it hath been represented unto us, that at one

proclamation of the prince regent. 175
of such meetings the persons there assembled, in gross violation
of the law, did attempt to constitute and appoint, and did, as
much as in them lay, constitute and appoint a person then no
minated to sit in their name and on their behalf in the Commons'
House of Parliament ; and there is reason to believe that other
meetings are about to be held for the like unlawful purpose :
" And whereas many wicked and seditious writings have
been printed, published, and industriously circulated, tending
to promote the several purposes aforesaid, and to raise ground
less jealousies and discontents in the minds of his majesty's
faithful and loyal subjects :
" And whereas we have been further given to understand,
that with a view of the better enabling themselves to carry into
effect the wicked purposes aforesaid, in some parts of the king
dom men, clandestinely and unlawfully assembled have prac
tised military training and exercises :
" And whereas the welfare and happiness of this kingdom do,
under Divine Providence, chiefly depend upon a due submiss
ion to the laws, a just rehance on the integrity and wisdom of
Parhament and a steady perseverance in that attachment to
the government and constitution of the realm, which has ever
prevailed in the minds of the people thereof : And whereas
there is nothing, which we so earnestly wish as to preserve the
pubhc peace and prosperity, and to secure all his majesty's
liege subjects the entire enjoyment of their rights and liberties :
" We therefore, being resolved to repress the wicked, sedi
tious, and treasonable practices aforesaid, have thought fit in
the name and on behalf of his majesty, and by and with the
advice of his majesty's privy council, to issue this our royal
proclamation; solemnly warning all his majesty's liege subjects
to guard against every attempt to overthrow the law, and to
subvert the government so happily estabhshed within this
realm, and to abstain from every measure inconsistent with
the peace and good order of society ; and earnestly exhorting
them, at all times, and to the utmost of their power, to avoid
26. vol. ii. 2 a

1 76 ' LETTER OF MR. JOHN SMITH.
and discountenance all proceedings tending to produce the-
evil effects above described^
" And we do strictly enjoin all his majesty's loving subjects to
forbear from the practice of aLl such military training and exer
cise as aforesaid, as they shall answer the contrary thereof at
their peril.
" And we do charge and command all sheriffs, justices of
the peace, chief magistrates of cities, boroughs, and corpora
tions, and all other magistrates throughout Great Britain, that
they- do, within their respective jurisdictions, make diligent
inquiry in order to discover and bring to justice the authors
and printers of such wicked and seditious writings as aforesaid,
and all who shall circulate the same ; and that they do use their
best endeavours to bring to justice all persons who have been,
or may be guilty of uttering seditious speeches and harangues,
and all persons concerned in any riots or unlawful assemblies,
which, on whatever pretext they may be grounded, are not
only contrary to law, but dangerous to the most important
interests of the kingdom.
"Given at the court at Carlton House this 30th day of Ju
ly, 1819, in the 59th year of his majesty's reign.
" GOD SAVE THE KING."
Among those who were invited to attend the public meeting
on the 16th, the name of Mr. John Smith, of Liverpool, ap
pears, but this gentleman conceiving that the general senti
ment of each town ought to be expressed by its own inhabi
tants, declined the invitation in the following letter, addressed
to Henry Hunt Esq. who was expected to preside on the ap
proaching occasion. Liverpool, \Ath August, 1819.
" Sir, — I have had the honour to receive through Mr.
Knight an invitation to attend the public meeting at Man
chester on Monday next for the promotion of parliamentary

LETTER OF MR. JOHN SMITH. ; 177
reform ; and I hereby acknowledge that invitation, tcviyou, as
the intended chairman of that meeting.
" But for reasons which have always actuated my " con
duct in political matters, I must decline taking any part om
that occasion, even if business, which is more than probable,
should induce me to visit Manchester about the time. Those'
reasons, I assure you, are perfectly free from any disrespect
towards the meeting, or its conductors ; and as I declined a
similar invitation in the very sunshine of our cause in 1816,
it will not be supposed that my motives are disgraced by any
thing hke fear. I disregard alike the recent blundering threats
of the magistrates, and the nonsense of the late ministerial
proclamation, as much as I despise all the principles of those,
who would employ cannon to answer argument.
" As a sincere constitutionalist advocating every improve
ment in our political system which truth and justice may dic
tate, 1 heartily wish success to the peaceable endeavours of
my fellow countrymen to obtain their right of representation ;
and the warmest hope of my political feelings is for such a re
form in parliament whether founded on housholder or more
extended suffrage, as will make the people the real constituents
of the democratic branch of the state. Then, indeed, our govern
ment will be formed, as it ought to be, of King, Lords, and
People. To obtain this object all constitutional means should
be adopted; and until it be obtained, the people, I trust
whether in prosperity or adversity, will never rest satisfied.
" I have the honour to be,
« Sir,
" Your obedient servant
JOHN SMITH.
" Henry Hunt, Esq. Smedley Cottage."
It was not to be supposed but that the enemies of Mr.
Hunt would scour every nook and corner, and sift every part
A his public and private character, with the view of prejudicing
the minds of the people against him, and accordingly the fol-

178 PLACARDS AGAINST MB. HUNT,
lowing article was posted in the streets of Manchester not
many days before the pubhc meeting took place.
" HUNT'S GENUINE BEER.
" Hunf s first appearance in, public life was a public brewer.
In January, 1807, we find him advertising in the Bristol
Gazette, that he has established a brewery at Clifton. —
" The families of Chfton and Bristol," says he, " are respect
fully informed, that they may now be supplied with genuine
table beer, produced from the best malt and hops, and wholly
exempt from any other ingredient whatever.' He afterwards
offered to make a voluntary affidavit to the same effect. On
consulting the records of the court of Exchequer, however, we
find that a very few months after the date bf the above adver
tisement seventy gallons of other ingredients were seized from
Henry Hunt, of " the Chfton genuine brewery ;' and were
condemned Michaelmas term, 1807. This awkward little ac
cident, it seems gave the Bristol men a sort of distaste for Mr.
Hunf s genuine beer, and no great relish for his affidavits ; and
the consequence was, that he shut up his brewery, and turned
genuine patriot
" I never heard such a tale ! ! ! Surely this can never be our
orator, Henry Hunt He, good man ! ! is honestly labouring day
and night to keep our constitution pure and unadulterated. The
brewer was day and night infusing poison into the constitution
of all his fellow subjects."
Tne following was also placarded in the streets, though the
copies were almost all pulled down or defaced by Mr. Hunt's
partizans. " TO THE FRIENDS OF REFORM.
" There is a diversity of opinions, as to the means of ef
fecting a reform, and it behoves you to pause before you adopt
the proposition of any one, lest that person should happen to be
' A tub to amuse a Whale ;' and by directing your minds to his
ideas, prevent the exercise of your own.

PLACARD OF A PATRIOT. 179
"I was led to this reflection by the regularity which marks
your conduct, which has furnished your opponents with ar
guments against the wisdom and justice of your cause. They
say, You embrace the cause of popular and universal repre
sentation, and yet you pin your faith on the opinions of a per
son of whom you know httle or nothing, but what he chooses1
to say of himself.
" I do not wish to insinuate any thing against the character
of your intended chairman ; but certainly, there are some sus
picious circumstances attached to his connection with your
cause. I would not by any means have you treat him un
kindly, but" I would put you on your guard, so as to induce you
to satisfy yourselves that all is right, before you implicitly con
fide in him. In giving you this caution, I do not advert to his
private character, for it is nothing to us, whether he is a good
husband or a bad one ; whether he does, or does not live in
open adultery with the wife of another person ; — though, to
be sure, it would strengthen your cause, if you could with
truth boast of the virtues of your leaders. It is nothing to
you, if he did make oath that he used nothing but malt and
hops in his brewhouse, or that, almost on the eve of the oath,
he should stand convicted of using unwholesome drugs in the
fabrication of the beer which he sold to the inhabitants of
Bristol ; — for though he might be a little careless in what he
swore, he may be very conscientious in what he says to you ; and
you know, you did not drink the beer which the law pro
nounced to be pernicious. You must not therefore suspect
him, because his private life is said to have been a little in
correct " But I must say, it behoves you to consider one thing in
his public character. He has repeatedly told you, that he will
devote his fortune and his life to the cause of reform; and yet
has he not given you to understand that he expects to be re
imbursed for the expense of attending your meeting? — Really
this makes his character doubtful ; for the expense can be of
little importance to Mm, if he is what he declares himself to

180 RETALIATION OF MR. HUNT'S FRIENDS.
be — an independent man of property and estate. However,
we should not judge him too harshly on that account; for if,
as we have been given to understand, he has not been imma
culate in his private hfe, he may have injured his fortune by irre
gularities, and it may be necessary for him to have recourse to
your generous credulity. But there is another point worthy of
cool deliberation, In his absence he writes boldly, and urges
you to action and resistance; and yet when he speaks in pub
lic, he advocates peaceable demeanour and obedience to the
laws. This looks like personal fear, if it is not double dealing.
Is this the result of a white feather ? — or, rather has he not
some secret understanding ? Is it not moreover, strange that
Sir Charles Wolseley, the Rev. Mr. Harrison, Mr. Fitton, and
Mr. Knight — to say nothing of Messrs. Baguley, Drummond,
Johnston, &c. — should be apprehended for words spoken at
public meetings and that Mr. Hunt, who, at the late meeting
in Smithfield, recommended you to resist the payment of taxes
should escape ? — He may be a very honourable man ; but on
the face of these truths, which are so well known to be cor
rect, there is just ground for hesitation ; at least so it appears
to " Manchester, \Uh August, 1819. A PATRIOT.
By what motives the tvriters of the preceding articles were
actuated, it is not in the power of a mere observer to deter
mine. One fact, however, is obvious ; namely, that whether
the allegations were true or false, they were directly calculated
to provoke Mr. Hunt's friends, and to strengthen the dislike
of his enemies. These effects seem to have been produced in
both instances in a considerable degree ; and, as might be na
turally expected, retaliation was the almost immediate re
sult Mr. Hunt and his friends, irritated at the personal at
tacks thus attempted on his character, proceeded to counteract
the impression they were calculated to make on the pubhc
mind, by giving publicity to the following articles, which ap
peared in the Manchester Observer for August 14th 1819.

COMMUNICATION TO THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND. 181
IMPORTANT COMMUNICATION TO THE PEOPLE
OF ENGLAND.
" The mean and pitiful efforts, which are now making
throughout England, to throw contempt upon the honest pa
triot of the age, Mr. Hunt ; and to excite the worst passions
of mankind against this independent benefactor of an impove
rished and degraded people, shall recoil with dreadful retri
bution on the heads of their authors. The character of Mr.
Hunt rises every day in the horizon of liberty : his firm and
manly conduct; his unshaken perseverance; the coolness of
his headj and the warmth of his heart have set all their insi
dious attempts at defiance,, and the peace of Manchester
shall be preserved by the prudence of that man whom the
two contending borough factions have equally endeavoured to
ruin in the estimation of the world, not caring at accomplishing
their wicked purposes, by butchering thousands of their fellow
countrymen, culpable only, because they are using every peace
able and legal means of relieving themselves from the horrors
of starvation.
" The fanaticism and madness which destroyed the valuable
apparatus of a Priestley's well-spent hfe, which drove the
first of philosophers, and the best of men, to a land where the
domination of priests and tyrants is unknown, which hurled
(as an impious government hireling of that day expressed it)
Sedition's temple smoking to the ground, '
still lurks in the envenomed bosoms of those men, who have
succeeded to a little ' brief authority' in our day; but the
times are changed ; the revolution of reason which Priestley
appeared to see and foretell, has already taken place, and the
bulk of mankind have thrown off their shackles of civil and
religious slavery: and, in a voice of thunder, appalling to their
oppressors, and as irresistible as the tempests of Heaven, ex
claim ' WE WILL BE FREE.' •
" The same fell war-whoop of these base hirelings of power
is sounded from the extremity of the empire, and the good

182 COMMUNICATION FROM MR. HUNT.
men who dare to stand forward as the champions of the peo
ple, would again fall victims to those blood-thirsty wretches,
who are wishing to tread in the steps of those, who in the year
1791- wrapped Birmingham in flames, and sent her artizans
and her wealth to enrich the inhabitants of another hemi
sphere. But the times are changed, and the villainous ma
chinations of these real traitors to their country will
prove abortive.
" We announced the postponement of the Manchester
meeting in our last journal, and on the day of publication we
received from Mr. Hunt the following communication, which
we had no doubt had been obstructed in its delivery by the
agents of power, purposely to keep it from the pubhc, through
the extensive medium of the Manchester observer. The
bold — the manly — the noble spirit which it breathes, prompts
us to lay it without comment before the pubhc."
The communication from Mr. Hunt alluded to in the pre
ceding paragraph is dated " Coventry on my road to Manches
ter, August 5th, 1819 ;" but it was not received until the 7th.
It is entitled " proclamation the third," and is addressed
" To the reformers of Manchester and its neighbourhood.''
At the time when this proclamation was written, it appears
that Mr. Hunt had not been apprized that the intended meet
ing of the 9th had been postponed ; or rather, that it had been
abandoned altogether, for reasons already assigned, and
that another, for the 16th, had been appointed in its stead.
Without keeping this in view, some of its passages will be
quite unintelhgible.
" Since I last addressed you, I see by the newspapers
that the ministers have pubhshed their proclamation, in the
name of the Prince Regent, vowing vengeance against all future
meetings for reform. — I now see by this day's Courier, that
the magistrates acting for the counties of Lancaster and
Chester have also published their proclamation, denouncing

MR. HUNT S COMMUNICATION. 183
our meeting on the 9th for reform as an illegal meeting, and
they caution all persons to abstain at their peril from at
tending such illegal meeting ; as the chairman appointed to pre
side at that meeting, I do hereby publish this my proclamation.
" First I shall attend at the time appointed to preside at
the said meeting, under the full impression that the meeting
is not only legal, but perfectly constitutional, it being called
for the purpose of considering the best means of promoting
that great object reform of the Commons' House of Par
hament. " Second, If any proposition should be offered which is il
legal, as the chairman of that meeting I hold myself respon
sible, and therefore I certainly shall not submit it to the
meeting. " Third, There is no law that empowers a magistrate to
disperse a meeting convened for such purpose, unless the ma
gistrates of Manchester intend to act upon the law that expired
in July 1818.
Fourth, The magistrates have ordered all persons to abstain
at their peril, which means in plain Enghsh that those who
stay away from the meeting will do it at their peril, of course
all those who are under the influence of the said magistrates,
will certainly attend under pain of their high displeasure.
" Fifth, If any thing seditious or illegal should take place at
the said meeting, surely the law in the hands of the present
attorney general, aided by a packed Lancashire special jury
is quite strong enough to meet such an offence, unless the ma
gistrates mean to dispense with all law, and resort to open
force at once ; which should they do, the reformers will at all
events know what they have to trust to.
" Your's, &c.
'• H. HUNT.
" Coventry, on my road to Manchester,
August 5, 1819,
Mr. Hunt reached Manchester on the evening of Sunday,
27. vol. n. 2 b

184 ENTRANCE OF MR. HUNT INTO STOCKPORT.
August 8th, and his escort and manner of entering that po
pulous town, have been thus described.
" On Sunday evening, the inhabitants of Stockport hearing
that Mr. Hunt was on his way to Manchester, and that he had
ahghted at Bullock Smithy, immediately resolved upon escort
ing him into the town ; and between six and seven o'clock,
the road for the space of two miles towards the entrance of
Stockport was literally jammed with spectators. On his ap
proach to this great body of the people, it was with the utmost
difficulty he could restrain them from filling the air with shouts
of exultation ; but by the wave of his hand he succeeded in pre
vaihng upon the multitude to pay due respect to the solemnity
of the day. — it was the sabbath ! and if ever a people's
prayers were sincerely lifted up to the all-wise Disposer of
events, it was on that day. ' god bless and prosper
you,' was vociferated from every tongue, with thousands of
good wishes for the success of the cause in which he had em
barked. He proceeded in his gig, accompanied by their friend
and neighbour Mr. Johnson, at a very gentle pace through the
crowd to Stockport Union Rooms, where a supper was pro
vided for him and about 100 of his friends, and where a band
of the best musicians in the country were stationed to welcome
him with appropriate tunes. Mr. Hunt addressed the people
from the door of the Union Rooms ; ' he sincerely thanked them
for their good wishes, and requested them peaceably to depart
and afford their enemies no opportunity to censure their conduct
which had been so highly praiseworthy and commendable.' The
people instantly comphed, and departed peaceably to their own
homes. Several attempts were made during the evening to
disturb the orderly conduct of Mr. Hunt and his friends, but
all to no effect ; and about ten o'clock Mr. Hunt retired, along
with Mr. Johnson and several other gentlemen. He slept
during the night at the house of Mr. Moorhouse ; and as it
was understood that he would leave Stockport about eleven
o'clock on the ensuing morning, a large concourse of people
assembled. Their joy surpassed every description, when they
were informed of the arrival of Sir Charles Wolseley, at the

ENTHUSIASTIC RECEPTION OF MR. HUNT. 185
Bulkley Arms, whose intention it was to have accompanied
Mr. Hunt to the Manchester public meeting. A very great as
sembly proceeded with these patriotic gentlemen to Manchester.
About Ardwick Green, they were met by an immense multi
tude of people, who rent the atmosphere with shouts of ex
ultation, loudly crying out ' Hunt for ever ! — ' Hunt and li
berty,' &c. &e. — Sir Charles Wolesley alighted from Mr.
Hunt's gig, and took his seat in a post-chaise, in company
with two gentlemen from Stockport. Mr. Johnson then took
his seat by the side of Mr. Hunt The crowd increased with
the acclamations of the people, and Mr. Hunt proceeded at a
slow pace down Market-street till he arrived at the office of
the Observer newspaper, when three times three cheers were
distinctly given. The cavalcade then moved on ; and when
they arrived at the Exchange, the same burst of exultation
was again repeated. They then proceeded through Old Mill-
gate, Hanging-ditch, up Shudehill, and when they arrived at
the manufactory of Mr. Johnson, the people spontaneously
halted, and saluted their fellow-townsmen with loud and con
tinual huzzas. The route was then continued towards Smedley
Cottage, the residence of Mr. Johnson. When they arrived
on the open space of ground near St. Michael's church, Mr.
Hunt addressed the people, exhorting them to peace and good
order ; which we are sorry our limits, in this department of
our work, precludes the possibility of a report. They were
then conducted all the way to Smedley; and the people de
hvered these brave and intrepid champions of freedom safe at
Mr. Johnson's house, amidst the reiterated shouts and huzzas
of thousands of their friends. Mr. Hunt then published the
following address, which we present our readers, as a specimen
of the nobleness of bis mind, and the purity of his motives."
It is not to be supposed that Mr. Hunt on reaching the
vicinity of Manchester, remained long in ignorance of the
changes which had taken place, respecting the postponement
of the public meeting. His friends, and himself, were deeply
interested in the alteration that had been made ; and on his

186 ADDRESS OF MR. HUNT.
becoming acquainted with the occasion, he published the fol
lowing letter. TO THE
REFORMERS OF MANCHESTER AND NEIGHBOURHOOD,
•'Fellow Countrymen,
" Our enemies are exulting at the victory they profess to
have obtained over us, in consequence of the postponement
for a week of the public meeting intended to have been held on
Monday last.
" The editor of the London Courier (although he admits
that we are only checked, not subdued,) appears to be as much
rejoiced as if he and his coadjutors, had for a time escaped un
hurt from the effects of an earthquake, or some other great
national calamity ; his blood-thirsty imitators of the local press
of Manchester cannot disguise the fears of their employers, al
though I am informed they attempt to do it by resorting to the
most vulgar and impotent abuse. To reply to any of their
mahgnant and contemptible efforts, would only tend to drag
them forth, for a moment from their natural insignificance and
obscurity ; therefore, you will bestow on their petty exertions
the most perfect indifference ; for as they are beneath your
anger, so you will not even suffer them to attract your notice.
" You will meet on Monday next, my friends, and by your
steady, firm, and temperate deportment you will convince all
your enemies, that you feel you have an important, and an im
perious public duty to perform ; and that you will not suffer
any private consideration on earth to deter you from exerting
every nerve, to carry your praiseworthy and patriotic intentions
into effect.
" The eyes of all England, nay, of all Europe, are fixed
upon you ; and every friend of real reform, and of rational li
berty, is tremblingly alive to the result of your meeting on Mon
day next
« Our enemies will seek every opportunity, by the means of
their sanguinary agents, to excite a riot, that they may have a
pretence for spilling our Mood, reckless of the awful and cer
tain retaliation that would ultimately fall on their heads.

LETTER OF MR. HUNT. 187
" Every friend of real and effectual reform is offering up to
Heaven a devout prayer, that you may follow the example of
your brethren of the metropolis ; and, by your steady, patient,
persevering and peaceable conduct on that day, frustrate their
hellish and bloody purpose.
" Come, then, my friends, to the meeting on Monday, armed
with no other weapon but that of a self-approving conscience ;
determined not to suffer yourselves to be irritated or excited,
by any means whatsoever, to commit any breach of the public
' peace. " Our opponents have not attempted to show that our rea
soning is fallacious, or that our conclusions are incorrect, by
any other argument but the threat of violence, or to put us
down by the force of the sword, the bayonet, and the cannon.
They assert that your leaders do nothing but mislead and de
ceive you, although they well know, that the eternal principles
of truth and justice are too deeply engraven on your hearts, and
that you are at length become (unfortunately for them) too
well acquainted with your own rights, ever again to suffer any
man, or any faction, to mislead you.
" We hereby invite the boroughreeve, or any of the nine wise
magistrates, who signed the proclamation, declaring the meeting
to have been held on Monday last illegal, and threatening,
at the same time, all those who abstained from going to the said
meeting ; we invite them to come amongst us on Monday next.
If we are wrong, it is their duty, as Men, as Magistrates, and
as Christians, to endeavour to set us right, by argument, by
reason, and by the mild and irresistible precepts of persuasive
truth ; we promise them an attentive hearing, and to abide by
the result of conviction alone. But, once for all, we repeat,
that we despise their threats, and abhor and detest those, who
would direct or control the mind of man by violence ox force.
'• I am, my Fellow Countrymen,
" Your sincere and faithful Friend,
« H. HUNT.
"Smedley Cottage,
Wednesday, August 11, 1819."

188 MILITARY DISCIPLINE OF THE REFORMERS.
If credit may be given to the pubhc prints, respecting the
events, which preceded the day of the meeting, we can easily
gather from the whole, that the contending parties frowned
upon each other ; — that insult was repaid with insult ; — that
reproaches were mutual ; — that authority was repelled with con
tempt ; — that threats were received with the indignity of scorn ;
— and that the brandishing of the sword, only gave new vigour
to the language of provocation. Nor were these seeds of hos
tility merely confined to the placards which were issued. Each
party recriminated the other. Such as were partial to reform
were represented as the friends of anarchy, and the advocates
of sedition ; while those, on the contrary, who were averse to
innovation, were represented as the minions of arbitrary power
the creatures of a despotic government, the enslavers of their
countrymen, and the enemies of mankind.
The bills which each party had posted, were occasionally
destroyed by their opponents ; and accidental circumstances,
were sometimes attributed to motives which never existed.
Debates roused the angry passions ; and arguments on either
side, instead of producing conviction, only generated a fiercer
determination in all cases, for each individual to adhere more
tenaciously to his political creed. In this unhappy contest
oetween unmitigated power and unyielding resistance, a spirit
of mutual animosity was cherished, which took the field on
Monday the 16th. and produced events, the history of which
is written in blood.
Prior to this eventful day, a report had long been circulated
that many of the Reformers were in the habit of meeting to
gether to learn mihtary exercise and discipline. To ascertain
this fact two men repaired to the reputed place of their ren
dezvous ; the particulars of which are thus detailed in the
" British Volunteer, and Manchester Weekly Express," for
August 21st 1819.
"The circumstance of parties going out to drill, having been
much talked about here, two persons, viz. Mr. John Shaw-
cross, of Blossom-street Salford, clerk in the pohce office, and
Mr. James Murray, of Withy-Grove, Manchester, confectioner,

REPORT OF SHAWCROSS AND MURRAY. 189
set out on Sunday Morning, about one o'clock, for the purpose
of ascertaining this fact On their way towards Middleton,
these two persons passed several squads, who were in regular
marching order, and heard a great many more parties calhng
to each other ; and from the answers being more distant every
time they were repeated, suppose the fields for some extent
contained different parties. The place appointed for a gene
ral muster was White-moss, between Middleton and Oldham.
When Murray and Shawcross arrived at this place, there were
at least 500 men at drill : the greater part were drilled in a
body ; there were also detached squads of 15 or 20 each. It
was now half past three o'clock a. m. and nearly daylight ;
Shawcross and Murray were within 50 yards of the main body,
a boy of the name of Rayner, who had been sent by Shawcross
and Murray to hear what was passing came back to them, and
said, " The persons at drill say, here is Gingerbread Jack
coming," (meaning Murray,) " d — n him, we'll pay him, if he
comes here." Shawcross then wished to go away, seeing the
eyes of the persons at drill fixed upon them ; — the crowd, on
seeing them both go away, said, " D — n 'em, at 'em ;" and
some of them came after them, and said, " come back, come
back." Being still pursued, Murray and Shawcross fled to
ward a lane, where they were overtaken, and asked what they
were doing there ? Murray said it was curiosity brought them.
— Nearly 100 persons then attacked Murray and Shawcross
with sticks, stones, and their feet. Some one knocked Shaw
cross into the ditch by a blow on the head ; and they called
out " KiU hini — murder him." While in the ditch, one of
them kicked Shawcross, who for some time remained senseless ;
when he recovered, he found them still beating him, and on
his calhng " Murder," they said, "D — n him, finish him." Af
ter a few more blows, he was left apparently dead, but he was
enabled to get over a hedge, and with some difficulty crawled to
Middleton, and has since been got to Manchester. Mr. Oilier
who has examined him, is of opinion, that a deep cut on Shaw-
cross's lip had been done by some sharp instrument ; the back
and loins of Shawcross have been beaten to a jelly, and he is

190 MR. BIRCH WOUNDED.
now confined to his bed, and likely to remain there some time
Murray was abused, if possible, more than Shawcross, and was
brought home in a chaise. His thighs and legs were dreadfully
beaten by bludgeons. The depositions of both of them have
been taken by the magistrates. They are now convalescent,
and able to attend to their individual occupations."
Of the fact itself, that many persons had been engaged in
learning the mihtary discipline, we have a corroborating evi
dence in a letter written by Mr. Hunt But as this admission
is connected with some observations on another circumstance,
not calculated to allay the ferment that every where prevailed,
it will be necessary to take a momentary retrospect of another
transaction, before the letter is introduced.
" Mr. Birch, a police-officer of Stockport having appre
hended a Mr. Harrison, in London, returnea to Stockport
with him on Friday evening, July 23rd, 1819. On their ar
rival, which was about eight o'clock, , a considerable sensation
was excited in the town, vast crowds of people assembling
near the house in which the prisoner was confined ; and from
the menacing tone which some among them assumed, serious
apprehensions were entertained, that a rescue would be at
tempted. About ten o'clock, as Mr. Birch was passing from
his own house, where Mr. Harrison was confined to wait upon
the magistrates, three men from among the multitude joined
him, and entered into conversation. Scarcely, however, had
they begun, before one of them drew a pistol, which he dis
charged at the breast of Mr. Birch. The ball struck against
the breast bone ; and taking a direction near the heart lodged .
in the body. Surgical aid was instantly called ; but, from the
nature of the wound, it was generally thought to be mortal.
Diligent search was instantly made after the perpetrator of
this deed, and considerable rewards were offered for his ap
prehension ; but he has succeeded in eluding justice. Mr. Birch
afterwards recovered; and according to the pubhc papers.
£100 per annum, has been settled on him for life.
Having stated these preliminaries, we now proceed to in
troduce Mr. Hunt's letter, which has an immediate bearing on

LETTER FROM MR. HUNT. 191
the fact itself; and also a direct reference to the military ex
ercises, which multitudes in Manchester stand charged with
practising, as stated in the preceding article. This letter ap
pears in Cowdroy's Manchester Gazette for Saturday August
21st 1819.
LETTER from Mr. HUNT
" Smedley Cottage, near Manchester, August 12, 1819.
" Sir, — As the editors of the daily London papers appear
to be very imperfectly informed of the situation of this part
of the country, permit me through the medium of your paper,
to lay a few facts before the public, that have come to my
knowledge since my arrival here. On my reaching Stockport,
on Sunday evening, the first thing I did was to inquire after
Birch, the constable. I was informed, with a smile, that he
was convalescent. From all that I could collect on that
evening and the next morning, I found that the general im
pression was, that he had not been wounded at all by a loaded
pistol ; but if any pistol, or other explosion of squib or cracker
had injured him, it was from the effect of * * * *
" Another leport is, that Birch's father has said, that when
Birch jumped over the wall and paling, the bullet dropped out
of his bowels. Mr. Harrison, who called to see him the day
after the disaster, saw all but the wound ; Birch's wife having
lifted up the plaister that covered it within an inch, as he told
me, of the very mark where the ball entered. She also shewed ,
him the shirt which had a hole, and some blood upon it. Mr.
Harrison also saw his waistcoat, which had a hole near the
fifth button-hole ; but although he examined it minutely, there
was not any blood whatever upon the waistcoat although
Birch had run two hundred yards and jumped over a wall and
some pales after the supposed ball had been fired.
" It is a remarkable fact that the only surgeons that have
seen this wound are those connected with Government ; and
it is said that Birch and them are at issue. They declare it
their opinion that he has a ball lodged in some part of his bc-
•27. iol. ii. 2 c

192 LETTER FROM MR. HUNT.
dy ; he insists that he has no bah, and objects to have the
wound probed. Altogether it is a most mysterious affair ; but
at all events Birch is now out of danger, as he was seen on
Saturday last performing' the sword exercise with a stick, which,
by the bye, is not very improbable, as playing at soldiers is
said to be very much the fashion in this part of the world.
Nine-tenths of the persons that I have conversed with do not
beheve that Birch was ever in danger, notwithstanding all that
has been said about him ; and the pity that has been excited
throughout the country is very httle felt in this neighbourhood.
Sir Charles Wolseley was very anxious to call upon Birch
when he came to Stockport, but dechned to do so in conse
quence of these reports *****
" With regard to the distresses of the weavers, they have in
creased instead of diminished since I was heTe last; and, for the
want of better employment^ I believe it is too true that they,
many of them, pass a considerable portion of their time in
what they call playing" at soldiers ; or in other words, learning to
march, wheel, &c. and other manoeuvres practised by the mi
litary. The parties ( one-third of them at least ) having either
served in the militia, the local militia, or the regulars, I am in
formed, make a respectable drill, in the most orderly manner
possible. As this fact is notoriously known in this neighbour
hood, I am well convinced the Government agents ( of whom
there are a sufficient number here) must have long since in •
formed their employers, and I am surprised that it is only hint
ed at in the —-—,  and other ministerial papers. A
Gentleman informed me yesterday, that he saw 1,400 men
formed in fine, marching, && &c, on Sunday morning last
and that 800 of them marched a considerable: distance before
they were dismissed. This was all done in open day, and not
secretly: they have drums, fifes, and bugles, but no arms what
ever ; nor do I believe that they know or think that they are
offending any law whatever. All this is known to the magis
trates, who appear, in their wisdom, to be providing arms, at
least for their armed associations.
" I have no doubt that those who are instructing these poor

PRELIMINARIES OF THE MEETING. 193
men are in the employ of the * * * * * * * * * of
Bolton, as well as his compeer, the gallant ******
I am supposed to have some influence in these parts Over this
description of persons, and you may rely upon if I have done,
and shall continue to do all in my power to dissuade them
from dontmuing any such foolish measures. I have been invited
to take a ride on Sunday to review them : no one but a Man
chester spy would give me credit for walking with my eyes
open into such a trap. At a reform meeting held at Leigh
yesterday, it was reported, two of the speakers^had warrants
issued against them by Mr. Fletcher, of Bolton, and they
were arrested without opposition. We have our meeting here
on Monday next afld the preparations for a riot, (to be pro
duced, if any by the agents of the pohce) are equal to those
made by the Lord Mayor previous to the meeting in Smith-
field. I have no doubt but we shall conduct the proceedings
with great quietness and order, although I dread any mad at
tempt to produce disturbance, as the people here, although
disposed to peace are much more determined to resist any
illegal attack made upon them: however, I shall do my duty,
and I hope to keep them firm and quiet.
" I am, Sir, youfs, &c.
« H. HUNT."
The 16th of August will be as dreadfully memorable in the
annals of Manchester as 1780 has been for the commotions
in London, or the year that "marked the progress of desolation
in the streets of Birmingham ; and the name of Mr. Henry
Hunt like that of Lord George Gordon, will be connected
with the multitude that he raised, while it will descend to
posterity associated both with the applauses and the execra-
tibns of mankind.
1 On Saturday the 14th, it was observed, that strangers of a
lbw description began to drop into town, particularly towards
the evening, when their numbers visibly increased ; but of these
no notice would have been taken, were it not for the anticipations
which the intended meeting of Monday had excited. On the

194 STATEMENT OF THE MILITARY.
Sunday morning the event occuring, which we have already
given at large, respecting the two men who were severely
beaten for repairing to the place where a large body were en
gaged in learning their military exercise, created, with some
degree of alarm; it being considered as a presage of what
might be feared, when the many thousands who were expected
should actually assemble. Through the influence of these
dreadful forebodings, the Sabbath was passed with many in ter
rible anxiety, especially, when night drew on, as strangers
pressed into the town in accumulated numbers. Nothing, how
ever disturbed the common tranquillity of the inhabitants, but
their own fearful apprehensions of what might take place on
the ensuing day.
Monday at length arrived ; and early in the morning the va
rious responsible authorities were on the alert " The ma
gistrates, the boroughreeves and constables of Manchester and
Salford, an immense body of special constables, many of them
men of the first consideration and the various force of mihtary
and artillery, were in motion for their appointed duties. The
latter consisted of the Manchester Yeomanry Cavalry, under
Major Trafford ; the Prince Regent's Cheshire Yeomanry Ca
valry, under Lieutenant Colonel Townsend; the 15th Hussars
from the barracks, under Lieutenant Colonel Dalrymple; a
detachment of the 88th foot, now stationed in the King-street
barracks, under Colonel M'Gregor; some .pieces of Royal
Horse Artillery, under Major Dyneley ; and a detachment of
the 31st foot under Lieutenant Colonel L'Estrange, who
commanded the whole, and made all the necessary arrange
ments for the occasion. At an early hour, the following notice,
printed on a very large sheet of paper and in bold characters.
was carefully posted upon the walls of the streets : —
" August 16th, 1819; The boroughreeves and constables of
Manchester and Salford most earnestly recommend the peaceable
ind well-disposed inhabitants of those towns, as much as possible
co remain in their own houses during the whole ' of this day,
Monday, Aug. 16th instant and to keep their children and
servants within doors."

PROCESSION OF THE UNIONS. 195
" At eleven o'clock in the forenoon, the following magis
trates assembled at a gentleman's house in Mount-street
which commands an immediate and uninterrupted view of the,
whole area of ground near St. Peter's church, in which the
meeting was to take place ; viz, the Rev. Mr. Hay ; the Rev.
Mr. Ethelston ; Mr. Wright ; Mr. Marriot ; Mr. Norris ; Mr.
Trafford; the Rev. Mr. Mallory; Mr. Hulton ; Mr. Tatton ;
Mr. Fletcher ; Mr. Silvester, and Mr. Feilden.— The special
constables assembled on the ground soon after: the military
were halted in various suitable stations, retired from the
pubhc ground."
In the Manchester Gazette for August 21st the proceed
ings of this eventful day are thus stated. — " At ten o'clock
there were a few small groupes of persons on the ground at
St Peter's, but no appearance of preparation for the intended
meeting. About half-past eleven, large bodies, marching four
or five abreast and attended with music and flags bearing in
scriptions of the places from which the parties came, such as
' Rochdale Union,' ' Leeds and Saddleworth Union,' ' Royton
Union,' &c and also others with the mottoes, ' Universal Suff
rage.' 'Annual Parhaments,' 'Election by Ballot' 'No Corn
Laws,' ' Freedom is the Birthright of Man,' &c. passed some
through the Market place, down St. Mary's Gate, and along
Deansgate, towards the place of meeting. Other's came along
Piccadilly, down Mosley-street and Peter's street to the same
point. " There was another flag carried by one of the parties (we
believe the Saddleworth, Leeds, and Mosley Union) which
we must not omit to particularize. It was black, in shape
somewhat similar to the ancient Roman standard, bearing on
one side the words ' Equal Representation or death,' and on
the other, two hands clasped as though shaking hands, below
which was the word ' Love.' There was also on the same
side, the motto, 'Taxation without Representation is un
just and tyrannical.' — Several of the standards were sur
mounted with caps of liberty. Amongst the parties from a
distance, were many women and young girls. — Twelve o'clock

196 APPEARANCE OF MR. HUNT
was the time fixed for the commencement of the meeting. It
was half-past twelve, or perhaps somewhat later, when the
last of these parties from a distance arrived on the ground,
each being greeted by the cheers of the multitude who awaited
them. After -their arrival, the music in attendance struck up
' God save the King,' and instantly thousands of heads were
uncovered as an acknowledgement of respect to this national
anthem. The highly popular tune of ' Rule Britannia,' was
also played by the band.
At about ten minutes or a quarter past one o'cloek, it was
announced that Mr. Hunt was approaching by the Deansgate
road, and immediately afterwards he made his appearance in a
barouch, on the box of .which sat the driver and a female, who
carried a small flag bearing some emblematical figures. In
the barouch besides Mr. Hunt were Messrs. Joseph Johnson,
Saxton, Knight Mr. Carlisle, of London, and Mr. Moorhouse,
of Stockport. The arrival of the carriage and its occupants
was marked by the deafening cheers of an assembly, which
then consisted of, upon a moderate calculation, not less than
50,000 people. Hunt excited their continued applause, by
waving his hat, bowing, and continuing uncovered — when
the carriage reached the hustings, which consisted, we believe
of two carts, placed back to back, with a sort of flooring
formed of planks, stretched across from side to side — some
delay took place before Mr: Hunt quitted the vehicle. All
the standards used in the procession had been previously
brought up towards the hustings. On his mounting them, it
was immediately moved by Mr. Joseph Johnson, that Mr.
Hunt should take the chair. Mr. Hunt then spoke to the
following effect: —
" My friends and fellow-countrymen, — I must entreat your
indulgence for a short time ; and I beg you will endeavour to
preserve the most perfect silence. I hope you will exercise
the all-powerful right of the people in an orderly manner; and
any man, that wants to breed a disturbance, let him be in
stantly put down. For the honour you have done me in in
viting me. a second time to preside at your meeting, I return

PROCEEDINGS OF THE MEETING. 197
you my thanks ; and all I have to beg of you is, that you will
indulge us with your patient attention. It is impossible, that
with the most silent and patient attention, we shall be able to
make ourselves heard by the whole of this tremendous as
sembly. It is useless for me to attempt to relate to you the
proceedings of the last week or ten days in this town and
neighbourhood. You well know them all, and the cause of the
meeting appointed for last Monday being prevented. It is
therefore useless to say one word on that subject; only to ob
serve, that those who put us down, and prevented us from
meeting on Monday last, by their mahgnant exertion, have
produced two-fold the number to day. (Applause.) It will be
perceived, that in consequence of the calhng of this new
meeting, our enemies, who flattered themselves they had gained
a victory, have sustained a great defeat. There have been
two or three placards posted up during the last week with the
names of one or two insignificant individuals attached to them.
One Tom Long or Jack Short a printer.'
" A considerable disturbance was now observed on the
south side of the area which the meeting occupied. It was
caused by the arrival of the Manchester and Salford Yeomanry
Cavalry, at full gallop, and their ranging themselves in front
of the houses in Mount-street in one of which (Mr. Buxton's)
were the magistrates. The persons on the outside of the com
pact crowd which formed the body of the meeting, had fled
with considerable precipitation on the first arrival bf the mili
tary; several indeed were knocked down and trampled on by
the horses as they went to their stations. Those who were
within the reach of his voice, Mr. Hunt kept exhorting to ' be
firm.' A double cordon of special constables was ranged
from Mr. Buxton s house down to the hustings ; the orders to
whom were, to leave room between them for two persons to
pass abreast, so as to maintain a free line of communication.
When the cavalry had formed in Mount-street not five minutes
had elapsed before they were addressed by one of their officers.
They replied to his address with three loud cheers, waving
their swords over their heads. The persons on the side of

198 ATTACK OF THE CAVALRY.
the crowd nearest them now faced about, and cheered in re
turn. " Previously to this period, a strong detachment of infantry
had taken post in Dickenson-street, and the alarm created in
the meeting by the first appearance of the military had a httle
subsided, when the word of command was given, and the corps
instantly charged up to the hustings. Numbers of men, wo
men; and children, were trodden under foot or sabred. The
peace-officers had no protection, and probably suffered in
at least an equal proportion with any other class. The scene
was truly terrific. In the consternation that ensued, the im
mense crowds pressing on each other in their flight rendered
escape more difficult, and even swiftness of foot did not always
save them from being hewn down. About two minutes after
the attack of the Manchester Yeomanry on one side, the Che
shire Yeomanry, a detachment of Dragoons, and of the 15th
Hussars, charged on another, thus adding to the dangers and
horrors of the scene. Clouds of dust raised by the trampling
of horses, frequently obscured nearly the whole of the area,
and -when a sudden breeze of wind momentarily cleared them
away, the glittering of swords brandished in the sun, and the
consideration that those against whom they were raised were
fellow-countrymen and friends, was truly heart-sickening.
" We mentioned, that on the first attack a party of the Man
chester Yeomanry had dashed up to the hustings. The persons
who occupied them were mostly taken into custody, amongst
them, Hunt, Johnson, Saxton, and Moorhouse, were immedi
ately conveyed to Mr. Buxton's house — Mr. Hunt refused to
surrender to a military force— a civil officer therefore made his
appearance, to whose authority he instantly yielded. As he
was led along the files of constables and soldiers to the magis
trates, he was repeatedly and brutally struck ' by those behind
him : an attempt was made to knock off his hat that the blows
might fall on his bare head ; but it did not succeed. He was
mounting the steps which lead into Mr. Buxton's house, when
a half-pay major-general, resident here, with a thick stick, and
the united force of both hands, cave him a blow which almost

MR. HUNT CONVEYED TO PRISON. 199
levelled him with the ground. Under these circumstances, ex
posed to the blows of every person within reach, and who
chose to strike him, it is no wonder that Mr. Hunt should cry
' murder ! and that when he entered into the presence of the
magistrates he should display considerable agitation. What
passed before the magistrates was only known from report ; but
we wish particularly to confine ourselves to facts : suffice it to
say, that in a few minutes Mr. Hunt and the rest of the party
taken along with him, were marched down to the New Bailey,
preceded by two magistrates, and guarded by several special
constables and a double file of soldiers. He there remained in
custody, upon the charge of treason.
" But the work of dispersion still continued ; the standards
were seized in triumph, and borne away, the cavalry galloped
upon every one whom they saw, even at a considerable distance
from the place of meeting, and into the Quakers' burying ground.
It is, however, but justice to say, that the regular soldiery be
haved with coolness and comparative moderation : when the
ground was nearly cleared, several pieces of horse-artillery were
paraded over it and some discharges of fire-arms took place.
After the commencement of the attack, some brick-bats were "
thrown at the yeomanry ; one of whom was struck in the face,
so that he let go the reins, and falling from his horse, fractured
his skull ; on Monday he was thought in great danger, but
he subsequently, though slowly recovered. The number of
persons killed and wounded it was impossible to estimate with
certainty, and we much fear it will never be accurately known.
The number killed, or whose recovery is impossible, we ap
prehend, amounted to not less than ten, and sixty were
brought as patients to the Infirmary, of whom thirty were in
patients. A great number have also been under the private
care of surgeons in town ; and many from a distance, who were
not very severely wounded, too much alarmed to stay here,
have had their wounds dressed by surgeons, in their own
neighbourhood. We therefore think there cannot have been
28. vol. ii. 2d

200 FURTHER SYMPTOMS OF RIOT.
fewer than 200 wounded ; many conceive there have been 300
or even more.
" When the field was cleared, the yeomanry formed oppo
site Mount-street and after a speech, we believe of thanks,
from Mr. Hay, gave three cheers, and waved their swords in
token of victory ! ! ! They again cheered at the Pohce office,
about half-past two in the afternoon. Parties kept patrohng
the streets during the after part of the day and through the
night. In the evening the windows of a man named Tate, in
Oldham-street were broken, a person there having impru
dently waved one of the captured flags at the people as they
passed by. In the course of Monday afternoon several per
sons were arrested in addition to those who had been taken
into custody upon the hustings, and among them Knight.
" Amongst those killed on Monday, was Mr. Ashworth, of
the Bull's Head, a special constable. Several inquests were
immediately held, in which, incredible as it may seem, the ver
dicts were ' Accidental Death !'
" Amongst the wounded, was the reporter of the London
Courier. The reporter of the Times newspaper, (a gentle
man of the name of Tyas,) was taken into custody, near the
hustings, by a constable, whose protection he solicited, stating
who he was ; but was discharged the next day.
" The night of Monday passed over without further distur
bance ; but on Tuesday morning, symptoms of riot were dis
played near the New Cross ; and, we believe, one man (a spe
cial constable) was killed by the mob. The military were
called out — the Riot Act we understand, read — and the po
pulace fired upon ; five or six persons were wounded by the
discharge, one of whom is since dead. About ten in the morn
ing, a report was circulated, that the mob had mustered to the
number of ten or fifteen thousand ; and were marching, armed
with pikes and other deadly weapons, upon the town. The
report was treated as a falsehood ; but about eleven o'clock,
one of the municipal officers came, in a state of the utmost

FALSE ALARM. 201
agitation, upon 'Change— ordered the building to be closed —
all shops and warehouses to be shut up — and declared the
town and neighbourhood in a state of open rebellion. The mi
litary were called out — cannon planted at the bottom of Old-
ham-street — (the way the rebels were supposed to be coming,)
and the utmost consternation was visible on every countenance.
A placard, of which the following is a copy, was posted up
by the town's officers : — " Manchester, 17th August, 1819.
" HALF PAST ELEVEN, A. M.
" The Boroughreeves and Constables of Manchester and
Salford, hereby caution all the inhabitants to close their hou
ses, shops, and warehouses, and to keep themselves and all
persons under their control within doors, otherwise their lives
will be in danger. Carts and all other carriages must be im
mediately removed from the streets and public roads."
" C. Wheeler and Sons, Printers."
" In the course of an hour, when the pikemen were still in
visible, people began to inquire into circumstances, and to
doubt the fact of their approach, particularly as all the country
manufacturers, whom Tuesday's market had brought from the
neighbourhood of Oldham, united in denying it By this time,
the boroughreeve and constables had taken the trouble of in
quiring into the affair, and ascertained that they had been im
posed upon. Their placards were taken down with great ra
pidity. The bellmen were sent round to tell the people to re
open their shops and warehouses, and tranquillity of feeling
was restored. The report was proved to be utterly unfounded,
a trick which the fears or the wickedness of some person had
played off upon municipal credulity.''
Manchester Gazette, Aug. 21, 1819.
In the Manchester Chronicle, to which we have already re
ferred, an^,ccount of the transactions after Mr. Hunt began to
address the multitude, is stated in a manner very different
from that which has just been given. This also we introduce.

202 CONSULTATION OF THE MAGISTRATES.
as it places the melancholy events in another light, and records
some incidents, which, in all probabihty, would otherwise have
remained unknown. By these means every reader will be
enabled to form his own judgment on the transactions of the
day, while we hope our pages will escape the charge of partiality.
" He (Mr. Hunt) was proceeding to make some indecent
references to the magistrates, when the Manchester and Salford
Yeomanry Cavalry appeared on the ground, and formed in line
before the house in cvhich the Magistrates were placed. Hunt
turned to Johnson, and said, " there's a treat for you." ' He
then said to the people, " Stand firm, my friends ; you see they
are in disorder already ; give them three cheers ;" at the same
time taking off his hat, and waving it above his head. The
cheers were instantly returned by the Cavalry and the whole
of the Peace Officers ; the former brandishing their sabres
whilst huzzaing.
" A short consultation now took place among the Justices,
and they immediately issued a Warrant against Hunt Johnson,
Knight, and Moorhouse. Mr. Nadin, the deputy Constable of
Manchester, was appointed to execute it The Riot Act had
been twice read ; once by the Rev. Mr. Ethelston, and once
by John Silvester Esq. The rebellious nature of the meeting,
its numbers and threatening aspect the warlike insignia dis
played, the order of march and military arrangement, many of
the Reformers having shouldered large sticks and bludgeons
as representative of muskets, coupled with the depositions on
oath of very many respectable inhabitants, as to the conse
quences that must in their opinion unavoidably flow to fives
and property from such an immense meeting, assembled under
such influences, and the Magistrates' own view of the whole of
this tremendous scene, rendered it imperative to interfere.
To have attempted it by the common means would have been
preposterous, and could only have caused the loss of a great
number of lives, without a chance of completing the object
Mr. Nadin therefore took the warrant accompanied by a host of
Special Constables. Mr. Trafford, a highly respectable Che-

ATTACK OF THE CAVALRY. 203
shire Magistrate, headed the Manchester and Salford Yeo
manry Cavalry, and an order was given for the whole to ad
vance and take the prisoners. This was done in a steady and
masterly style ; but the Cavalry had not advanced many yards
before they were assailed with heavy vollies of stones, shouts
of defiance, and the most coarse and insulting language. Till,
thus assailed, no Yeomanry-man used his sword, each man
having confined himself to waving it over his head. Now the
duty of self-preservation obhged them to strike, but in very
few instances to cut. The Manchester and Salford corps in a
moment surrounded the whole Hustings, and the Civil Officers
proceeded to seize their prisoners. Immediately the Cheshire
Yeomanry galloped on the ground ; to them succeeded the
15th. Hussars, and the Royal Artillery Train, whilst all the
various detachments of Infantry also advanced. On every side
the soldiers were attacked with the most determined resolution
many of the Cavalry were struck to the ground, and the Re
formers attempted to knock out their brains with large stones
(previously provided) and sticks whilst lying on the ground,
One gallant youth, Mr. John Hulme, was struck in the face
with a brick : it took away his senses, and he checked his
horse so suddenly, that they both fell together. A man had also
stabbed him in the back with a sharp instrument, and whilst
in this deplorable state a fellow with a club was about to finish
him, when a foot soldier bayoneted the villain, who sprang
high from the earth, and fell down dead. Another Yeomanry-
man was unhorsed at the same moment and his hfe with great
difficulty saved. This was near the Quakers' Meeting-house,
where a furious battle raged. In the burying-ground there
many persons committed murderous work from the inclosed
walls, till the gates were burst open by a private soldier with
the butt-end of his musket. Many innocent spectators had
also been there during the whole of the day, as a place of se
curity. At length it was necessarily cleared by force ; and one
of our yeomanry leaped his horse over the wall after a reformer
who had been particularly active. This man, it is believed,
paid a severe penalty for his desperate eonduct To the front

204 INDIVIDUALS KILLED AND WOUNDED.
of these premises a considerable quantity of timber was laid,
which unfortunately sheltered the refractory from direct ap
proach. Not a single shot was fired by any of the military, al
though they were fired upon several times by the reformers
and their abbettors.
" A scene of confusion and terror now existed, which defies
description. The multitude pressed one another doWn ; and
in many parts they laid in masses, piled body upon body. The
cries and mingled shouts with the galloping of the horses, were
shocking. Lieutenant Colonel L'Estrange, the commander of
the troops, received a tremendous blow on the forehead from
a brick, which for a moment deprived him of sense, and he had
nearly fallen from his horse. Many of the most respectable
gentlemen of the town were thrown down, ridden over, and
trampled upon. One special constable, Mr. Ashworth, of the
Bull's Head, in the Market-place, was killed dead on the spot
Another, Mr. Petty, was borne home laid on a door, by four
men, dreadfully hurt. Major-General Clay, assisting the civil
power in his private dress of a citizen, Mr. John More, the
constable, Mr. Charles Rider, of Collyhurst Mr. Thomas
Sharp, &c. &c. &c. were all forced to the ground by the cavalry.
Under such circumstances, these accidents were unavoidable :
not the smallest blame is attached to the mihtary, by those who
were the temporary sufferers. It was scarcely to be antici
pated that great numbers of the reformers would come to the
meeting prepared with offensive weapons ; but it was the case,
A class of them were dressed as brewers' servants usually are,
with long brats that contain pockets. These pockets were all
filled with stones. Therefore it is manifest that if the law
found occasion to interpose, a regular system of prevention had
been arranged to defeat its object."
Manchester Chronicle, Aug. 21, 1819.
In the preceding extract it is distinctly stated, that the
Riot Act was read twice, and the names of the gentlemen by
whom it was read are particularly mentioned. This evidence
in favour of the fact seems to be decisive. But as on this point

QUESTION OF THE READING OF THE RIOT ACT. 205
opinions very different have been published to the world, we
cannot in justice to that impartiality which we hope to pre
serve, omit their introduction. In the Manchester Gazette
we find the following observations.
" We have now concluded our recital of the melancholy
events of this dreadful day. But it will be asked by every
one, whether this attack was legal ? or at least whether the
Riot Act was read previous to the forcible dispersion of the
crowd ? We believe it was not. We have made the most diligent
and general inquiries, both among special constables and spec
tators, and we have not met with a single individual, who
knows either when or where it was read, or, in point of fact,
who believes that it was read at all. It certainly was not read
under such circumstances as that any considerable proportion of
the meeting were aware of it, or could have the slightest intima
tion that it was intended to disperse them by force."
On this important point an article respecting the Riot Act,
inserted in the Star, and thence copied into the Liverpool
Mercury is stated as follows : —
" Whether the Riot Act had been read, I am not enabled
positively to say ; but I affirm, from actual observation, that
not the slightest breach of the peace had been committed, or
appeared, as far as I could judge, likely to take place ; and
most certainly, instead of an hour being allowed after the pro
clamation for the people to disperse, not twenty minutes elap
sed, after Mr. Hunt came on the ground, before the carnage
began." That the Riot Act was actually read before the military
were called upon to draw their swords, we can scarcely doubt.
It is, however, a subject of much astonishment with multi
tudes who have no connection with the reformers, and who are
not even friendly to their interests, that no account has been
given, specifically stating the places in which the Riot Act
was read, the exact time in which the reading took place, and
the probable number of those who either did hear, or might
have heard it. We have no recollection of having hitherto
met with the name of any individual, who has declared, that

206 MR. TYAS* REPORT OF THE PROCEEDINGS.
the Riot Act was publicly read within his hearing. As this
is an omission of duty, with which the magistrates have been
severely reproached, it is reasonable for them to suppose, that
a dispassionate public will expect them to repel the charge,
by producing satisfactory evidence in vindication of their
character. Among the individuals who were on the stage or hustings
when the cavalry approached, was a gentleman, named Tyas,
who had introduced himself as a reporter of the proceedings
of the day, for the Times newspaper. Mr. Tyas, we appre
hend, is not friendly either, to Mr. Hunt, or to the cause
of popular reform. This circumstance will, therefore, exempt
his statement from the charge of partiality on the public side
of the question, and ensure for his observations that due con
sideration to which they seem to be so justly entitled. But as
his account in its early stages, nearly coincides with the state
ments we have already given, we shall introduce Mr. Tyas
just as Mr. Hunt was proceeding with his speech, which has
been already given, briefly observing, that a board, on which
was written in legible characters, •' Order, Order," was ele
vated and carried before Mr. Hunt as he approached the
hustings. "At this stage of the business, the yeomanry cavalry were
seen advancing in a rapid trot to the area : their ranks were
in disorder, and on arriving within it, they halted to breathe
their horses, and to recover their ranks. A panic seemed to
strike the persons at the outskirts of the meeting, who imme
diately began to scamper in every direction. After a moment's
pause, the cavalry drew their swords, and brandished them
fiercely in the air ; upon which Hunt and Johnson desired the
multitude to give three cheers, to show the military that they
were not to be daunted in the discharge of their duty by their
unwelcome presence. This they did ; upon which Mr. Hunt
again proceeded. ' This is a mere trick, to interrupt the pro
ceedings of the meeeting ; but he trusted they would all stand
firm.' He had scarcely said these words, before the Manches
ter Yeomanry Cavalry rode into the mob, which gave way be-

ARREST OF MR. HUNT. 207
fore them, and directing their course to the cart from which
Mr. Hunt was speaking. Not a brick-bat was thrown at them,
not a pistol was fired, during this period: all was quiet and or
derly, as if the cavalry had been the friends of the multitude,
and had marched as such into the midst of them. A bugle-man
went at their head, then an officer, and then came the whole
troop. They wheeled round the waggons till they came in
front of them, the people drawing back in every direction on
their approach. After they had surrounded them in such a
manner as to prevent all escape, the officer who commanded
the detachment went up to Mr. Hunt and said, brandishing
his sword, ' Sir, I have a warrant against you, and arrest you
as my prisoner.' Hunt after exhorting the people to tran
quillity in a few words, turned round to the officer, and said,
' I willingly surrender myself to any civil officer who will show
me his warrant' Mr. Nadin, the chief police officer at Man
chester, then came forward, and said, ' I will arrest you, I have
got informations on oath against you,' or something to that
effect. The mihtary officer then proceeded to say, that he
had a warrant against Johnson. Johnson also asked for a civil
officer, ujrn which a Mr. Andrew came forward, and Hunt
and Johnson then leaped from off the wagon, and surrendered
themselves to the civil power. Search was then, made for
Moorhouse and Knight against whom warrants had also been
issued. In the hurry of this transaction, they had by some
means or other contrived to make their escape.
" As soon as Hunt and Johnson had jumped from the wag
on, a cry was made by the cavalry. '- Have at their flags.' In
consequence, they immediately dashed not only at the flags
which were in the wagon, but those which were posted among
the crowd, cutting most indiscriminately to the right and to the
left in order to get at them. Thi3 set the people running in
all directions, and it was not until this act had been committed,
that any brick-bats were hurled at the military. From that
moment the Manchester Yeomanry Cavalry lost all command
ir temper. A person of the name of Saxton, who was, we be-
28. vol. ii. 2 e

2Q& ARREST OF THE TIMES REPORTER.
neve, the editor of the Manchester Observer, was BtanAig in
the cart Two privates rode up to him : ' There,' said one
of them, <is that villain Saxton ; do you run him through the
body.' ' No,' replied the other, ' I had rather not — I leave it
to you.' The man immediately made a lunge at Saxton, and it
was only by bis slipping aside that the blow missed! his life.
As it was, it cut his coat and waistcoat, but fortunately did
him no other injury. A man within five yards of us in another
direction, had his nose completely taken off by a blow of a
sabre ; whilst another was laid prostrate ; but whether he was
dead, or had merely thrown himself down to obtain protection,
we cannot say.
<* Seeing all this hideous work going on, we felt an alarm,
ljchich any man may be forgiven for feeling in a similar situation ;
looking round us, we saw a constable at no. great distance, and"
thinking our only chance of safety rested in placing ourselves
under bis protection, we appealed to him for assistance. He
immediately took us into custody, and on our saying we merely
intended to report the proceedings of the day, he replied, ' Oh,
oh ! you then are one of their writers — you must go before the
magistrates.' To this we made no objection ; in consequence,
he. took us to the house where the magistrates were sitting, and,
in our way thither, we saw a woman on the ground, insensible,
to all outward appearance and with two large gouts of blood on
her left breast
" Just as we came to the house, the constables were con
ducting Hunt into it and were treating him in a manner in
which they were neither justified by law nor humanity, striking
hun with their staves on the head. After he had been taken
into the house, we were admitted also ; and it is only justice
to the man who apprehended us to state, that he did every
thing in his power to protect us from ill usage, and shewed us
every civility consistent with his duty.
" In the room in which we were put we found the Orator,
Johnson, Saxton, and some other individuals, of minor note :
among whom was another woman, in a fainting condition,

MR. HUNT COMMITTED TO THE NEW BAILEY. 209
Nadin the constable was also there. Hunt and Johnson both
asked him to shew them the warrants on which they had been
apprehended. This he refused to do, saying, that he had in
formation upon oath against them, -which was quite sufficient
for him. Hunt then called upon the persons present to mark
Nadin's refusal. Shortly after this transaction, Mr. Hay, the
chairman of the magistrates, came into the apartment and asked
Hunt if he was afraid to go down to the New Bailey ; if he was,
he himself would accompany him, and look after his safety.
Hunt who, we forgot to mention, had received a slight sabre-
wound on one of his hands, said, that he should have no objec
tion to the magistrate's company : he certainly did not hke a cut
from the sabre nor a blow from a staffj both of which had been
dealt out,to him in no small quantity Mr. Hay shortly after
wards went out having first made a reply to Mr. Hunt, which
some riot out of doors prevented us from hearing. On casting
our eyes on the place where the immense multitude had lately
been assembled, we were surprised in the short space of ten
minutes to see it cleared of all its former occupiers, and filled
by troops of mihtary, both horse and foot. Shortly after this
had occurred, a magistrate came into the room, and bade the
prisoners prepare to march off to the New Bailey. Hunt was
consigned to the custody of Colonel L'Estrange, of the 31st
foot and a detachment of the 15th Hussars : and under his
care, he and all the other prisoners, who were each placed be
tween two constables, reached the New Bailey in perfect safety.
The staffs of two of Hunt's banners were carried in mock pro
cession before him."
" After these individuals had been committed to the custody
of the governor, they were turned into one common yard, where
the events of the day formed the subject of conversation.
Knight and Moorhouse, who had been taken a short time af
ter them, were afterwards added to their Company. About
five o'clock the magistrates directed the governor of the prison
to lock each of them up in a solitary cell, and to see that they
nad no communication with each other. This was accordingly
done.

210 PLACARD OF THE MAGISTRATES.
It was said in the Manchester Mercury, that when Mr.
Hunt was about to be committed to the New Bailey, the Rev.'
Mr. Hay came forward : he said he respected the feelings of
the good and the loyal ; but as Hunt was now a prisoner, and
in the hands of the law, he hoped that no expression would be
given which could endanger the man's personal security ; but
that they would be satisfied to let him pass to the New Bailey
prison, with their silent contempt. This address was highly
applauded, and its purport assented to ; but still, when this
destroyer of the poor man's comfort was handed out by the
beadles, a general hiss could not be repressed. Mr, Hay also
6aid with much manliness, ' I will go down with the prisoner
as a protection to him. Shall we put him upon a horse, or
place him in a coach ?" The general cry was, " No ! the brute
let him walk !" To this the magistrate assented. A calva-
cade of troops and constables was formed and the demi-god
was soon safely lodged in a suitable habitation, where he might
have " a season for reflection."
As soon as Mr. Hunt and his associates were confined, as
these affairs were of an unprecedented nature, some messen
gers were immediately despatched to London, to inform minis
ters of the events which had taken place, and also to obtain
instructions how to dispose of the prisoners.
In the meanwhile, the magistrates, in consequence of the
information they had received, respecting the training of the
men to military exercises, and to prevent any persons from
affording shelter to such as the peace-officers or the military
might pursue, issued the following charge and caution, in a
bill, which was posted on the walls of Manchester.
'' To the Inhabitants of the hundred of Salford.
" It having been proved, upon oath, before the magistrates,
that large bodies of men assemble in various places within the
hundred of Salford, for the purpose of training and practising
mihtary exercises, which, in many instances, has been con
nected with seditious and treasonable purposes :

CHARGE OF HIGH TREASON. 211
" We, the magistrates, do declare that such assemblies and
practices are contrary to law : and we hereby strictly enjoin
all persons hereafter to abstain therefrom.
" And we charge all constables and others, on their allegi
ance, to give information of the district where the practices
aforesaid prevail: and against all such as it may concern
therein. On Friday the chief characters who had distinguished them
selves upon the hustings near St Peter's church, on Monday
the 16th, were separately brought up before the magistrates ;
when Mr. Norris addressed them all to the same effect nearly
in the following terms. Hunt was brought up first : —
" Henry Hunt the evidence for the prosecution upon the
charge to be brought against you is now ready to be gone into ;
but evidence of a much more important and serious nature has
gone before his majesty's law officers ; and it is the unanimous
opinion of the magistrates, that it is their duty to detain you
here upon a charge of High Treason, and you are remanded
accordingly." Hunt to the magistrates, — " May I be allowed to speak." —
" No" — Hunt then prepared to go below, but returned and
said — " I am innocent of this charge."
Johnson next appearing received the same intimation, and
retired without a remark.
Saxton, after he was addressed, inquired — "Am I to consi
der myself finally committed." — " You are remanded for fur
ther examination."
Knight withdrew from the bar, with evident apathy, not ut
tering a syllable.
Moorhouse exclaimed — " I presume it is my hat and not
me— I consider myself' — " Take him down." — (Hunt, John
son and Moorhouse wore drab beaver hats upon the eventful
day in question.)
Robert Jones appeared, and being questioned, stated, that
he was an engineer by trade, but at present was a rag mer
chant.

212 LETTER OF LORD SIDMOUTH.
Robert Wild, upon an inquiry from the magistrates, replied,
he came from Stayley-bridge, and had a father there.
Elizabeth Gaunt and Sarah Hargreaves received a similar
eomnjunication with the rest : upon retiring, the former cur-
tisied. Major-General Sir John Byng was on the bench.
Joseph Healey, the quack doctor, of Lees, near Oldham, one
of the speakers upon the hustings, was apprehended by a pic-
quet of soldiers, under the direction of one of the beadles, and
brought to the New Bailey, under a warrant for high treason :
he underwent an examination and was remanded;
Having now given the most accurate accounts of those dis
graceful proceedings, which have for ever stained with infamy
the town of Manchester, we shall now present our readers
with a letter from Lord Sidmouth, to the Earl of Derby, in
which he makes His Royal Highness the Prince Regent ex
press his great satisfaction at the efficient measures pursued
by the magistrates, for the conservation of the public tran
quillity ! and his high approbation of the military actors in the
bloody tragedy ! The public, will contrast this imbecile pro
duction of the borough-faction's mouth-piece, with the bold,
manly, and energetic letter of Sir Francis Burdett to his
Westminster constituents. Whitehall, 21st August,1819.
My Lord,
*' Having laid before the Prince Regent the accounts trans
mitted to me from Manchester of the proceedings at that
place on Monday last — I have been commanded by his Royal
Highness to request that you will express to the magistrates
of the county palatine of Lancaster, who attended on that day,
the great satisfaction derived by his Royal Highness from their
prompt decisive, and efficient measures for the preservation
of the pubhc tranquillity ; and likewise that your Lordship will
signify to Major Trafford, his Royal Highness' high approba
tion of the supuort and assistance to the civil power afforded

LETTER OF SIR FRANCIS BURDETT. 213
upon that occasion by himself, and the officers, non-commis
sioned officers and1 privates of the corps serving under his
command. " I have the honour to be,
" My Lord,
" Your Lordship's obedient humble Servant
" SIDMOUTH.
" The Earl of Derby, Knowsley."
Sir FRANCIS BURDETTS LETTER, to the ELECTORS
of WESTMINSTER.
" Gentlemen, — On reading tne newspapers this morning,
having arrived late yesterday evening, I was filled with shame,
grief, and indignation, at the account of the blood spilled at
Manchester. ¦" This, then, is the answer of the boroughmongers to the
petitioning people — this is the practical proof of our standing
in need of no reform — these the practical blessings of our bo
roughmongers' domination — this is the use of a standing army
in time of peace. It seems our fathers were not such fools as
some would make us beheve in opposing the establishment of
a standing army ; and sending King's William's Dutch guards
out of the country. Yet, would to Heaven they had been Dutch
men, or Switzers, or Hessians, or Hanoverians, or any thing
rather than Englishmen, who have done such deeds — What !
kill unarmed, unresisting, and, gracious God ! women too ; dis
figured, maimed, cut down, and trampled on by dragoons ! Is
this England ? This a Christian land ? A. land of freedom ?
•' Can such things be, and pass by us like a summer cloud un
heeded f Forbid it, every drop of English blood in every vein
that does not proclaim its owner bastard. Will the gentlemen
of England support or wink at such proceedings ? They have
a great stake in the country ; they hold great estates, and they
are bound in duty and in honour to consider them as retaining
fees on the part of their country, for upholding its rights and
liberties : and surely they will at length awake, and find that
they have duties to oerfornu

214 LETTER OF SIR FRANCIS BURDETT.
" They can never stand tamely by, as lookers-on, whilst
bloody Neros rip open their mother's womb ; 'they must join
the general voice, loudly demanding justice and redress ; and
head pubhc meetings throughout the United Kingdom, to put
a stop, in its commencement, to a reign of terror and of blood:
to afford consolation, as far as it can be afforded, and legal re
dress ; to the widows and orphans — mutilated victims of this
unparalleled and barbarous outrage.
" For this purpose I propose that a meeting should be called
in Westminster, which the gentlemen of the committee will
arrange, and whose summons I will hold myself in readiness
to attend. Whether the penalty of our meeting will be death
by military execution I know not ; but this I know, a man can
die but once, and never better than in vindicating the laws
and liberties of his country.
" Excuse this hasty address. I can scarcely tell what I
have written ; it may be a libel, or the Attorney- General may
call it one, just as he pleases. When the seven bishops were
tried for lible, the army of James II. then encamped on Houn-
slow- heath for supporting arbitrary power, gave three cheers
hearing of their acquittal.
" The king, started at the noise, asked, What is that ? No
thing sire, was the answer, but the soldiers shouting at the
acquittal of the seven bishops. Do ye call that nothing ? re
plied the misgiving tyrant ; and shortly afterwards abdicated
the government.
" It is true James could not inflict the torture on his sol
diers — could not tear the living flesh from their bones with
the cat o'nine tails — could not flay them alive. Be this as it
may, our duty is to meet ; and England expects every man to
do his duty. " I remain, Gentlemen,
" Most truly and faithfully,
" Your most obedient servant
" F. BURDETT.
Kirby Park, Aug. 22.

LETTER FROM MR. HUNT TO LORD SIDMOUTH. 215
No one can read the worthy Baronet's address with apathy :
it would make the very stones cry out. We join with him in
saying, " surely the Gentlemen of England will at length a-
wake and find that they have duties to perform !"
We shall here insert Mr. Hunt's Letter to Lord Sidmouth,
written the day after his apprehension, and giving to his Lord
ship a plain and unvarnished account of what took place at
Peter-Loo Massacre. We do not know that the Noble Secre
tary favoured Mr. Hunt with any communication in return ;
but left' him to make his own deductions from the State Paper
addressed to Earl Derby. — The copy of the Warrant issued a-
gainst Messrs. Hunt, Johnson, Knight and Mooriiouse, at the
instance and upon the oath of one Richard Owen, who consi
dered the town in danger, will no doubt amuse our readers, and
deserves particular notice.
New Bailey Prison, Manchester, Aug. 17th. 1819.
My Lord, From the hostility that I have conscientiously shewn to
most of the measures of your Lordship's administration, as
well as a general opposition to the corruption of all parties in
the practice of bribery at elections, and the buying and selling
of seats in particular, I know that I am not entitled to claim,
any indulgence from your Lordship, yet I am induced to hope
that you will not deny an act of justice, when demanded, even
to a political enemy.
Your Lordship is aware, before this time, that I came to
Manchester in consequence of an invitation , to take the chair
at a public Meeting intended to have been held on Monday
the 9th., to take into consideration the most legal and effectual
means of obtaining a Reform of Parliament," in consequence of
which all hostilities to the holding of the meeting appeared to
have been withdrawn by the magistrates, and I was prevailed
upon, much against my inchnation, to stay here to preside at
the meeting to be held yesterday, the 1 6th. ; and I did it un
der the firm conviction that it would be conducted with per-
28. vol. n. 2 f

216 LETTER FROM MR. HUNT TO LORD SIDMOUTH.
feet decorum, and have ended peaceably on the part of the
people. On my arriving there, I was confirmed in my opinion
by the very orderly conduct of those assembled, by far the
greatest number I ever witnessed together, and the least dis
posed to commit any breach of the peace. But just as we were
proceeding to the business of the day, and before I had taken
the chair, the hustings was surrounded by a mihtary force of
horse soldiers, who charged through the multitude with drawn
sabres, cutting and trampling all under foot, and particularly a
body of special constables, who suffered very severely. The
soldiers cue at me, and those who were upon the hustings ; and
upon my demanding what they wanted, the commanding offi
cer said he had a warrant against me, upon which I instantly
surrendered. This was all done without any previous notice,
and without one hand being lifted to oppose it. I saw one man
with his nose cut off, and I received several blows with a sabre
on my head myself. I was brought here by the magistrates
under a military guard, at two o'clock yesterday, and I have
been kept here without the means of sending to procure bail,
not having had any copy of the warrant, or having any charge
made against me, till after I had been kept in custody upwards
of 24 hours, when that which is enclosed was given me by the
Governor. I am sorry to hear that many lives have been lost
in consequence of such violent, and, as I conceive, illegal con
duct of the mihtary towards an unarmed and peaceable people,
met for the purpose, of exercising what they thought they had
a perfect right to do. I therefore trust that your Lordship will
not sanction the keeping me here a close prisoner, unless there
be some specific charge made out against me. I know not if
the other prisoners be still in custody or not I am my Lord,
Your Lordship's most obedient servant,
H. Hunt
There are 100,000 witnesses to prove the truth of what I
have stated.
To Lord Viscount Sidmouth, Home Department, London.

COPY OF THE WARRANT. 217
Lancaster to ivit. — To the constables of the township of
Manchester, in the county of Lancaster, and also to all other
constables and peace officers, within the said county.
Whereas, Richard Owen hath this day made oath before us,
his majesty's justices of the peace in and for the said county of
Lancaster, that Henry Hunt, John Knight Joseph Johnson,
and — Moorhouse, at this time (now a quarter past one o'clock)
have arrived in a car, at the area near St. Peter's church, and
that an immense mob is collected, and that he considers the
town in danger, and the said party moving thereto, i hese are
therefore, in his majesty's name, to require you forthwith to
take and bring before us, or some other of his majesty's jus
tices of the peace in and for the said county, the bodies of the
said Hunt Knight, Johnson, and Moorhouse, to enter into re
cognizance, with sufficient sureties, as well for their appearance
at the next general Sessions of Assizes to be holden in and for
the said county, then and there to do and receive as by the
said court shall be injoined, and also in the mean time,' to keep
the peace towards his said majesty and all his liege subjects.
Herein fail not. Given under our hands and seals the 16th
day of August, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight
hundred and nineteen.
W. Hulton, W. R. Hay, R. Wright, R. Teddon, C. W. Ethel-
ston, J. Silvester, T. Tr. Tatton, W. Marriott, R. Fletcher,
J. Norris.
As every subject connected with reform, and with the pro
ceedings of those who took a part in promoting the late meet
ing, must be interesting to the public, we subjoin an address
intended to have been presented to Mr. Hunt, aloug with the
elegant flag of the female reformers of Manchester, had not the
business of the day been interrupted by the ruthless minions
of corruption.
TO HENRY HUNT, ESQ.
Chairman of the Reform Meeting at Manchester.
Sir  Permit the female reformers of Manchester, in pre-

218 INTENDED ADDRESS OF THE FEMALE REFORMERS.
senting you with this flag, to state, that they are actuated by
no motives of petty vanity. As wives, mothers, daughters, in
their social, domestic, moral, capacities, they come forward in
support of the sacred cause of liberty — a cause in which their
husbands, their fathers, and their sons, have embarked the last
hope of suffering humanity. Neither ashamed nor afraid of
thus aiding you in the glorious struggle for recovering your lost
privileges — privileges upon which so much of their own hap
piness depends ; they trust that this tribute to freedom will a-
nimate you to a steady perseverance in obtaining the object of
our common solicitude a radical reform in the Commons House
of Parhament. In discharging what they felt an imperative
duty, they hope that they have not " overstepped the modesty
of nature," and they shall now retire to the bosoms of their fa
milies with the cheering and consolatary reflection, that your
efforts are on the eve of being crowned with complete success.
May our flag never be unfurled but in the cause of peace
and reform ! and then may a female's curse pursue the coward
who deserts the standard !
August 16, 1819.
We here subjoin some important observations by the inde
pendent editor of the Statesman, August 13th, and trust no
apology is necessary for their insertion.
" The Manchester magistrates have, lamentably and un
happily, thrown multitudes of individuals into sorrow and
mourning, and the whole kingdom into consternation and dis
may. They have also carved out work enough for the bench
and bar to occupy both for some time to come at least. They
happen too to be manufacturing magistrates, which makes their
case the more affecting to their characters ; and that circum
stance ought to have instilled a greater wariness into their
conduct. They are opposed by interest against the complaints
and bewailings of the poor weavers, who constituted a very
great majority of the people, which formed the unarmed mass
of population, into which the yeomanry cavalry so heroically
charged on a gallop, sword in hand ! They should have been
slow to strike, where it was so obviously natural for the pro-

OBSERVATIONS OF THE STATESMAN. 219
fit in trade, and the passions in authority, to influence their
minds, if not their movements. But they have done the
deed — and a fatal one it is ; they have committed themselves
in the most important occasion which could present itself to
delegated power. They have done more in their way than
Caesar did in his. He passed the Rubicon against the
will of a senate falling into decay, but they have passed it
against the will of a spirit rising people. When we speak
thus, and make this comparison, we do not confine our view of
the thing to Mr. Hunt and a few of his near companions, and
numerous followers. No, he and they are but as a corps of
pioneers. The road must be opened by some, for fate itself
impels the march. The Manchester magistrates, full of their
own self-conceit but inflated with their accidental and actual
power, impatient for the contest which was to chase away the
high priced notions of hberty, and to cheapen the already too.
low priced labour of the loom, have fleshed the swords of their
young' trained bands in the bodies of Britons assembled to re
gain their lost eights — we will not say privileges — the people
give privilege, being themselves the depositories of national
power ! ! ! But we will not frame the indictment against the
supposed offenders till all the facts are truly known which
forerun or accompany the dire at least and to us at present
seemingly rash act. As we profess to be the champions of
freedom, so we would prove ourselves the devotees of truth
and justice. The supposed offenders must answer through
the constituted authorities of the law to the tribunal of the
empire. We may at least say, however, in this stage of the
tragic business, that it might have been expected that the
compromised magistracy would on such an occasion, have
acted cautiously, and even timorously : such conduct would
have been no imputation against their courage,. but an excuse
even for a remission. — They ought to have recollected what
their relative connection with the complainants commanded;
but especially what it forbade.
" The first great hinge on which the portal opening to their
acquittal or condemnation will, and must, turn, is the fact of

220 ' OBSERVATIONS OF THE STATESMAN.
reading the Riot Act, and also the proof of its necessity. It
will not be enough that it was read from a distant window, or
gabbled over in the corner of a field. It might have been read
from the motive of preventing mischief, and not as a colour or
pretext to conceal the approach to mischief. No ambush — no
ruse de guerre will do here. It was no open rebellion which
called out the discretion of the Justices, and the power of the
mihtary. It was not according to our conception of the whole
case such as could be denominated " a tendency to a breach of
the peace," for we sincerely believe, from our souls, that it
was a deeply felt grievance which called the People together,
and not a shallow resentment against this or that man or mea
sure. They met to devise a cure for those evils which a wrong
system of Government has been multiplying for a long time
past ; but especially since Mr. Pitt (the " Heaven-born Minis
ter," in the eyes of the Manchester Magistrates) declared, that
" an honest man could not be Minister of the country." The
Chief or Senior Magistrate among those who have been thus
acting, should have thought of the consequence of spilling one
drop of citizen's blood. A soldier's blood is not of the same po
litical value — he has consented to sell it to his King, as he will
confess to you, for pay. Many among them wish for wounds,
in order to be proportionably paid for them in money : but far
different is it with a citizen. Calhng up the esprit du corps of
a Regiment is nothing ; but calling up the spirit of a Nation
in vindication of a citizen's life is a tremendous thing ! What
has not a William Tell done ? — a John Hampden ? In short,
every single hmb dissevered from the body of a Citizen, like a
polypus, forms a new and entire body ! What then have these
rash men done ? In the new map of England, if it should
be divided under a despotic sway, into military districts, the
one in question ought to be marked with red and denominated
the bloody district, of which that general who offers ten pounds
for an evidence of tampering with a soldier, is entitled to the
prime command. Meet then, my oppressed countrymen, con
stitutionally meet, and peaceably separate, without fear of ca
valry. The infantry in the long run have always beaten the

FINAL EXAMINATION OF THE PRISONERS. 221
cavalry or worn them out. You are accustomed to privations.
Mounted troops must be well provided with 'meat, corn, and
hay, or they are dismounted.
" Meet then again, we say, and since you are deprived of
Mr. Hunt your Chairman, your bitter enemies will be depri
ved of their argument and their taunts against you through
him. You will not want for leaders, or we are deceived in our
opinion of our countrymen. So far will the true patriot be
from shrinking from his duty in consequence of the following
infernal oblique threat to any future Chairman, that should it
ever be considered as an actual forlorn hope, methinks we see
numbers of our brave countrymen rushing forward to gain the
honours of his prowess. The scarecrow sentence is as follows
it was uttered in the Manchester Herald and quoted in
the Courier : — " Had it not been for the interference of Mr.
Nadin, the Deputy Constable, whom these men have particu
larly calumniated, it is certain Mr. Hunt would not now have
been alive, for the military were determined to cut him to pieces.
And these are the mihtary, which the Local Civil Power let
loose upon the miserable half-starved men, women, and chil
dren (for so they are designated) assembled together ! Here
is a victory for you ! !"
The final examination of Messrs. Hunt, Johnson, Moor
house, and the other prisoners confined on a charge of high
treason ; abandonment of charge, and their commitment for
trial for a misdeameanor, took place on Friday the 27th.
The magistrates had assembled about eleven o'clock, but
they did not take their seats on the bench till upwards of two
hours afterwards. In the interval they were employed in taking
depositions, or procuring the signature of the witnesses to de
positions already taken. Mr. Pearson, the solicitor for the
prisoners, had taken his station immediately before the dock,
with a law book under his arm, but was not known or recog
nized by those around him, till called out of court at half-past
twelve, by Mr. Norris, the stipendiary magistrate of Man
chester. Sir Charles Wolseley was in town and in court. At

222 ARRAIGNMENT OF THE PRISONERS.
a quarter past one the magistrates entered the court, and an
agitation of interest and curiosity took place for the approach
ing business. Only six occupied the bench. Their names
were Mr. Norris (the chairman) W. Hulton, R. Wright
W. Marriot T. W. Tatton, Esqrs. and the Rev. C. W. Ethel-
ston. The solicitor for the crown, Mr. Bouchier, took his place
at the table immediately below the chairman. Mr. Pearson,
the prisoners solicitor, was now likewise accommodated with a
place at the table near his clients. The chairman, as soon as
the magistrates were seated, ordered the gates to be opened,
and a great rush of people into the hall immediately took
place ; but, happily, no one, as far as we have heard, was in
jured by the pressure. The prisoners were then ordered to
be brought up and soon appeared in the dock. Mr. Hunt ap
peared first, and the rest in succession, till the space allotted
them was so crowded, that they pressed upon and jostled
one another. Their names were called over, and answered
to in the following order :— Henry Hunt Joseph Johnson
J. T. Saxton, John Knight James Moorhouse, Samuel Bam
ford, John Healey, George Swift Thomas Taylor, Robert
Wilde, and Elizabeth Gaunt. Mr. Moorhouse entering the
dock and standing in front refused to doff his hat to the
magistrates, proclaiming (when desired to uncover) in a tone
of indignation, that " Men who had so misconducted them
selves, had forfeited all title to deference or respect, and that they
should meet with none from him." An officer by his side soon
settled this point of etiquette, by removing the obnoxious head
piece. Mr. Hunt's deportment was extremely courteous. We
never saw him apparently in better health or spirits. His pro
priety of demeanour, his perfectly unembarrassed manner, the
decency of his dress, and the whole of his external appearance,
formed a strange contrast with others of his fellow-prisoners.
Elizabeth Gaunt answered to her name but feebly, being un
able to speak out from a tendency to faint, in consequence of
the barbarous manner in which she had been cut and trampled-
on in the field. Mr. Saxton answered to his name with ve-

ABANDONMENT OF THE CHARGE OF HIGH TREASON. 223
hemence. Mr. Hunt courteously bowed, and said, "Here.1
Being pressed in the dock, and hearing some noise behind, he
turned round to survey the crowd, with the utmost apparent
composure and good humour. His time, however, for speak
ing and acting now commenced. The chairman thus began
his address — •' Henry Hunt Joseph Johnson, and you sever
ally whose names have been read over, you have been remanded
on a charge of high treason." Here there was so much noise
from the agitation of the crowd behind the dock, the living
mass not having yet gained the consistency at which on occa
sions like this is usually silent, that the magistrate could not
be heard. Mr. Hunt with some vehemence, interrupted him,
saying, 'T cannot hear ; you must command silence, so as to
be heard. There was more order at the meeting the other
day." The chairman called out " Order," and thus interrupted
the speech of Mr. Hunt. Mr. Hunt — " I must beg to hear :
the matter seriously concerns us ; you must be heard."
A short pause ensued, when comparative silence being ob
tained, the chairman then commenced his address to the fol
lowing purport :-
" Henry Hunt Joseph Johnson, and you all severally, whose
names have been read over, when you were last called up into
this court you were remanded on a charge of high treason ;
on remanding you, you were informed that the whole of the
evidence had been sent up to London, to be laid before the
law officers of the crown, and in the meantime you were to be
detained. It was not until this morning that a communication
was made from government, stating that the law officers of the
crown had for the present abandoned the higher charge. That
communication was not made to me ; yet there is a gentleman
present (Mr. Bouchier) has come with orders to proceed upon
a less charge. The charge of high treason is not yet abandoned,
but government proceeds now against you for a minor offence."
Mr. Hunt. — "Is the charge of murder then abandoned?
1 understood from a magistrate, I was remanded until the
29. vol. II. 2 g

224 EXAMINATION OF THE WITNESSES.
coroner's inquest had sat on a charge of murder as well as
treason." Mr. Hulton from the bench said. — " I did not tell you so."
Mr. Moorhouse. — " This then turns out to be a farce."
Mr. Norris. — " Moorhouse, I shall feel it my duty to remand
you, unless you conduct yourself properly."
Mr. Milne then called over the names of the witnesses, whose
written depositions he held. On putting the book into the
hand of the first, Hunt desired he might be examined alone, and
the rest ordered to leave the court. Mr. Bouchier said he should
not object to this. Many questions were put by Hunt to
another of the witnesses ; several of which the court over-ruled.
On one being objected to, Hunt said, in a loud energetic voice,
I demand it as an act of justice. Mr. Norris; When you make
a request, we understand that you make it as a demand, and
as a British subject. The same attention will be paid to you
as to any other, if you treat the court with respect
Hunt. — " I have been told I have treated the court with
disrespect ; I do not wish it ; it would not become me."
Hunt was examining one of the witnesses, and Mr. Oswald
Milne put a question to him at the same time. Hunt was
very passionate with Mr. Milne at the interruption. Mr.
Norris stopped him, and said he would allow no intimidation.
To a question which Hunt put to the same witness, the wit
ness said he did not choose to answer. Hunt to the bench —
" Here is a witness does not choose to. answer ; what will you
do, Mr. Norris?" "He is not obliged to answer it." Hunt:
" How are you to get at the truth ?" Mr. Norris " He has
made oath to it already." Hunt put some other questions to
the witness, to one of which Mr. Norris observed: •' You can
put, thsit on your trial, not now." Hunt: "Then you are de
termined to send me to trial, whatever the evidence is !"
As the evidence of onp of the witnesses related to Elizabeth
Gaunt only, she was brought to the front of the dock. After it
was read, she stated that si le was amongst the crowd at the meet-

DEPOSITIONS OF THE WITNESSES. 225
ing that in the confusion some one had put her into Hunt's car
riage, but did not know who put her there ; she had no right
to be in the coach, but was put in by two persons for safety —
[from motives of humanity, it appeared] she fainted away, and
when she came to herself she found she had got a blow — she
threw herself afterwards into a private house, and remained
there for some time ; and might have got away.
Mr. Bouchier here requested she might be discharged, as
the evidence was so slight; and the bench ordered her to be
discharged. Hunt — " Thus after eleven days solitary confinement !"
(Mr. Dunstan made some observation to Hunt, who then said,)
' I mean no reflection whatever on the officers of the prison.''
Thus far, in giving the proceedings in the trial of Mr. Hunt
and his associates before the magistrates, the leading articles
have been taken from the Manchester Gazette. Similar ac
counts have been published in various papers. These nearly
all agree in their statement of the principal events, although
they vary considerably, in detailing subordinate particulars.
In the Statesman for the 30th of August, the progress of the
evidence is given at large, including the amount of the de
positions which had been previously taken and the result
of the examinations which the witnesses underwent by the
prisoners. In this paper it is said, that " The first witness, whose de
position was proposed to be read, was John Shawcross, clerk to
the police. Mr. Hunt asked his name, and demanded that he
might be examined in open court, before he heard his former de
position read. The magistrates objected to this demand, and
over-ruled it." The deposition of Mr. Shawcross amounted to
nothing more than that he had purchased some newspapers,
in which the advertisements to call a public meeting on the 9th
and on the 16th, together with the protest of the magistrates
against the former, had appeared.
The second deposition was that of Matthew Cowper. This
described the nature of the meeting, — gave a history of the

226 CONCLUSION OF THE EVIDENCE.
proceedings, — contained a reference to Mr. Hunfs speech, —
stated that most of the persons who attended the meeting
about twelve at noon, carried large sticks more like flails than
walking-sticks, — that they marched in mihtary array, having
music and flags, with the inscriptions on them as already no
ticed. A third witness was Richard Owen, whose deposition
amounted to a statement of the military array, to his having
seen Mr. Hunt in the cart, and to his having heard a com
mand given by one of the party in the cart to the people to
" league together, and to keep their enemies out" but that he
knew not the person by whom this order was given.
A fourth witness was James Piatt whose deposition related
only to the mihtary array, and to the presence of a Dr. Healey,
who was seen at the head of a party marching into the field.
A fifth witness, Robert Derbyshire, deposed, that he had
seen George Swift active in arranging the crowd, and that
he saw Robert Wylde on the hustings.
A sixth witness, Mr. Swift, stated, that he had heard Mr.
Hunt say " Fall back, league firm together, and keep your
enemies off."
The seventh and last witness was John Barlow, whose de
position only stated, that he had seen Mrs. Ehzabeth Gaunt
upon the cart
The number of questions proposed by the prisoners to the
different witnesses while under examination, amounted to
about seventy ; but to upwards of twenty of these, the court
would not permit them to give any answer. These are the
principal particulars, in which the account given in the States
man, differs from that which we have drawn from other
sources. When the whole of the evidence had been concluded.
Mr. Hunt addressing the Bench, desired to know whom he
was to consider as the prosecutor ?
The chairman replied, the Crown.
" What !" says Mr. Hunt, " the Crown in person ?"

SPEECH OF MR. HUNT. 227
The Chairman said, the Solicitor for the treasury is here to
prosecute in the name of the King.
Mr. Hunt to Mr. Bouchier. — Your name, Sir ?
Mr. Bouchier. — Bouchier.
Mr. Hunt. — I must know the name of the Prosecutor, in
order that I may bring my action, in case it should be found
out that I have suffered eleven days' confinement without hav
ing committed any offence. I cannot in such circumstances
prosecute the King.
The Chairman. — Mr. Bouchier has been sent here by the
Crown. Mr. Hunt. — Is he the prosecutor ? I thought I heard him
apply to discharge Mrs. Gaunt, and prosecute the rest of the
prisoners for a conspiracy. I wish to know some responsible
person to whom I may apply for redress, in case this prosecu
tion against me should appear to have originated iri unworthy
intentions. Chairman. — I understand that the several witnesses who
have deposed against you, are responsible for the different
facts for which they have deposed. The King's name is rightly
and ordinarily used in such prosecutions.
Mr. Hunt. — I always thought that there must be some pro
secutor, although the prosecution run in the King's name.
The Chairman. — The crown prosecutes : if there be any par
ticular prosecutor, it must be the Attorney-General.
Then addressing the prisoners, he asked them whether they
had any thing to say in their defence ?
Mr. Hunt, then addressing the bench, spoke to the follow
ing effect : — I know that I am now addressing the same
magistrates who took the first depositions, and issued the war
rants against me ; but after that evidence, and the amended
evidence, has been read, it is for them, sitting in the situation
which they now occupy, to administer justice. I hope, and do
not doubt they will dismiss from their minds all prejudice, and
act upon the evidence, They had heard the various depositions
which had just been read, and the answers of the witnesses

228 SPEECH OF MR. HUNT.
who had been subjected to examination in open court. It
would be obse»ved, that they all agreed in certain points, but
differed very materially in others : and that when examined re
garding the import of words, their meaning was far from being
precise or clear. Some witnesses say, that those bodies which
came from the country, came in military array, but they could
not explain what they meant by military array ; they could not
state whether they marched in slow or quick time, or whether
they possessed the characteristic of a military march. Some
say, they came with sticks. One says, they were so far in mi
litary array as to have clubs at their breasts, similar to musk
ets ; another witness as positively denied his observation of the
circumstance ; but all agree that none of them did any act to
intimidate or offend. Can the magistrates say we should bo
committed on such evidence for a misdemeanour, after eleven
days' solitary confinement ? Is not this a sufficient punishment
for any offence that we may have committed ? They should
consider that the eyes of all England were fixed upon this mat
ter, and waited with anxiety its termination. It has gone far
enough, and ought here to end. I ask nothing for my past
sufferings — I demand no redress for the treatment I have en
dured — I stand here to ask, whether you will allow agitation
in the public mind still to go on, or allay it by removing the
cause ? With the most perfect conviction that I have acted
rightly, I am yet doubtful of others entertaining that convic
tion : the country is doubtless in an agitated state, and will be
so till this question is settled. Are you on such evidence pre
pared to send us back to solitary confinement ? [The Chair
man said, No.] One of you now on the bench accused me of
murder ; another of the magistrates, whom I do not now see,
told me that the guilt of all the blood which was shed would
lie at my door : after thus being held up as a murderer and a
traitor ; after being remanded on a charge of high treason,
without a shadow or pretence of evidence to support it ; I ap
peal to you to lay aside all private feeling, to forget, as far as
you can, the scenes in which you have acted, and say whether

SPEECH OF MR. HUNT. 229
we are guilty of any offence, or, if we are, whether we have not
suffered enough.
In uttering this last sentence, Mr. Hunt evinced a consider
able ardency of manner, which called forth great applause from
the crowd behind. The chairman indignantly commanded si
lence, and declared that if any tumult took place, he should be
obliged to clear the court and to commit the parties. Mr.
Hunt declared, that on his part there was no attempt to excite
tumult : then turning to the crowd, said, " The man who
makes any noise or disturbance in this court with the belief
that he is honouring me, I shall consider as my personal ene
my. (Hear, hear ! from the chairman.) I cannot forget that
I have been remanded on a charge of High Treason ; I cannot
forget that I expected to have stood here to-day on that most
serious charge ; it has, however, been abandoned, and I submit
to you whether there be any tittle of evidence to support the
charge of Conspiracy. Many of these prisoners, who are here
accused of having joined with me, I never saw till I saw them
in this box. I admit that many of them, as well as myself at
tended the Meeting, for the purpose of taking part in its pro
ceedings. I admit that I attended it to conduct those proceed
ings, believing that they were perfectly legal. I considered
myself then performing a necessary but a painful duty. I had
before carried applications made at similar meetings to the
Secretary of State, for the purpose of being laid before his
Royal Highness. To some of these applications I had an an
swer from the Prince Regent himself through the medium of his
Ministers, and to none of them was it objected that the Meet
ing was illegal at which it v/as voted. One of these applicati
ons was the very paper which was to have been submitted to
the Meeting of the 16th. I did not attempt to follow, nor
was it the opinion of those who took part in the proceedings of
the Meeting, that we ought to attempt to follow the example
set by Birmingham in the election of a Representative.
I had written to Mr. Johnson to this effect long before the
intended Meeting was prohibited in Manchester: the Roy
al Proclamation had declared it illegal, and though I did not

230 SPEECH OF MR: HUNT.
think it illegal, I thought it a foohsh and absurd scheme. It
was my opinion, that to follow such an example, at such a
time, would have been unjust to the people of Manchester; that
an election should not have been proceeded in, till its inhabitants
had three months' notice. I have declared that I would not
have put such a question as chairman, long before the first
meeting was prohibited. I could bring testimony in support
of this assertion, of as respectable men as are to be found in
Manchester : private letters with postmarks, which could not be
falsified, can be produced as evidence of the same fact : the re
solutions which were intended to be voted at the meeting of
the 16th would have removed all doubt on this subject: these
I am informed have been lost in the confusion which ensued ;
but the most respectable persons can be brought forward, to
prove that it was intended, first to pass a strong vote of censure
on Lord Sidmouth for refusing to present the petitions of Man
chester and Stockport ; and then to make a solemn appeal to
his Royal Highness the Prince Regent on the distressed state
of the country, and on the necessity of immediately reviving
the connection between the people and the throne. I cannot
trust my feelings with the description of what occurred after
wards in the dispersion of the meeting; it would be much
better if the transactions of that day were for ever buried in
oblivion, and blotted from the history of our country. But I
ask you, will you commit upon such evidence as that which
you have heard ? The country is at present in state of great
agitation ; and will you, by protracting this prosecution, throw
down the apple of continual di«f ord ?
Here the court interrupted Mr. Hunt and the chairman ad
dressing him said, " Your language is now improper. No
threat or intimidation ought to be held out. We have only to
attend to our duty, and leave the care of the country to higher
powers. If the country were in tenfold the agitation which
you have described, I and my brethren on the bench would do
our duty."
Mr. Hunt in continuation, said, " this intimation shall not
be thrown away upon me; I did not mean to intimidate

CLOSE OF MR. HUNT'S SPEECI.. 231
you : I did not mean to ask for any thing as a boon ; I demand
only justice, and would not accept a favour. I certainly did ask
the governor, as I had been accustomed all my life to fresh
air and exercise, that I might be permitted to take a walk in
the garden ; but the moment he told me that Mr. Johnson had
asked this favour of the magistrates, and had been refused, I
refrained from any further application. I would have cut off
my right hand, sooner than have gone and done it."
Here the chairman explained the circumstances under which
the refusal to Johnson had taken place. Johnson had certainly
made an application to be permitted to walk out ; and he would
have obtained permission, if a repectable surgeon, who was
apphed to, had thought it necessary for his health.
Mr. Hunt resumed. — " I must say I suffered much bodily
pain from the blows of the batons of the constables, and the
sabres of the yeomanry. They are visible. I scorned to tell
the doctor of it My health has certainly been preserved, in
stead of being injured, by my apprehension and confinement :
the exertions I should have made, and the anxiety I should
have felt to conduct the proceedings, and to preserve the or
der of that meeting, would have affected me for years. Since
my confinement I have slept on a bed which I would not have
put under my servants, but I thank God," said he, with great
fervour, " that I have slept soundly ; and if I have suffered any,
thing, it has been from commiserating the state of my fellow-
prisoners, and from the recollection of those poor mangled
creatures, who have been cut to death. When I mention the
accommodation, I have nothing to say against the jailer."
Mr. Moorhouse. — " As the law presumes persons innocent
until convicted, I beg to say, we ought to be used as well as
possible, whilst we are kept here."
Chairman. — " You may all of you have bail."
Mr. Moorhouse. — " When brought up here before, I was
warm, and conducted myself in a way for which I am rather
sorry." The magistrates then withdrew. Mr. Bouchier was shortly
29. 2h

232 committal to Lancaster jail.
afterwards going towards the magistrates' room. Mr. Hunt
said to him, " I hope you are not going to the magistrates,
unless my solicitor goes." The solicitor said " No." "Ah,"
rejoined Mr. Hunt significantly, "you have been there al
ready." On their return, Mr. Norri3 said — "Henry Hunt, and you
all : we sent for Mr. Bouchier, in order that we might again
carefully peruse the depositions. It is a most painful duty to
me to commit you for a conspiracy. We can, however, lay
our hands on our hearts and say, 'We have done our duty.'
As to the charge of conspiracy, though you might not have
been together previous to the meeting, yet in the eye of the
law, all those who commit separate acts, tending to one illegal
object, are guilty of that crime. Coupling the two meetings
together, taking into consideration the manner in which the
last was assembled, -with such insignia and in such a manner,
with the black flag, the bloody dagger, with ' Equal Represen
tation, or Death' — (Mr. Hunt: 'No one has said the black
flag had a bloody dagger.') — They came in a threatening man
ner — they came under the banners of Death, thereby showing
they meant to overturn the government. There could be no
free discussion where that flag was unfurled. The charge now
is, 'that of having conspired to alter the law by force and
threats." It is an illegal matter, and sufficiently made out
and calls upon us imperatively to commit you for trial by a
proper jury. It is now our painful duty to commit you to
Lancaster Castle. On account of the seriousness of the charge,
we shall require you, Henry Hunt and Joseph Johnson to give
bail yourselves in £1000, and two sureties in £500 each; and
all the others, themselves in £500, and two surities in £250
each. " The prisoners then left the bar. Messrs Johnson and
Moorhouse immediately procured bail and were liberated.
Mr. Johnson was attended towards Shudehill by an' immense
multitude, shouting and applauding. He passed Deancgate,
jupported on the. shoulders of the mob. Mr. Moorhouse was

THE JURY CHALLENGED BY MR. HUNT 233
equally the object of popular favour: he was accompanied
likewise by his mob through the Market place. We under
stood that notices of bail were given for Mr. Hunt and Mr.
Knight. Mr. Hunt complained, when he was asked by the ma
gistrate in court whether he had provided bail, that he was not
allowed to be visited by a respectable solicitor in town, whom
he had sent for some days ago. The chairman mentioned that
he would now be sent for, if he desired it. " No, no," said
Mr. Hunt pointing to Mr. Pearson, " here is now my soli
citor.' From this circumstance, and from knowing that two
individuals, whose securities were unimpeachable, had offered
to become his bail, we concluded that we should see him im
mediately out. After consulting, however, with his solicitor,
he had taken a different view of the matter, and we were told
that he said to the magistrates that he would not give bail,
even though no more than a farthing were required. In con
sequence of this determination, and the near approach of the
assizes at Lancaster, he was sent off to the castle at that place
at six o'clock in the evening, in a coach guarded by a troop
of 30 of the 15th Hussars. Messrs. Knight Saxton, Bamford
Wylde, Swift and Healey, were despatched in the same car
riage (a stage coach,) and under the same escort."
On opening the court at Lancaster, Sept. 2, 1819. the grand
jury were called, and about to be sworn ; but before being sworn,
Mr. Hunt begged to object to certain gentlemen being on the
grand jury. 'His name,' he said, 'was Hunt and he had in
dictments, for capital felony, to prefer against certain persons,
for cutting and maiming with intent to kill, and for murder :
that Mr. Bootle Wilbraham was related by blood or by mar
riage to one of those persons, against whom an indictment
would be preferred. He was aware he had no precedent in
this country in support of his objection, but in Ireland it was
the practice to receive such objections, and he named a late
case in point in a county there.'
" The judge, (Baron Wood,) said he could not allow the ob
jection : there were indictments against eight persons, besides

234 CHARGE OF BARON WOOD.
those Mr Hunt had referred to, on which Mr. Bootle might
sit ; and if any were preferred of the sort mentioned, deficacy
would induce the gentleman to withdraw : and ordered the
jury to be sworn.
" Mr. Hunt replied, he had done to his country and to him
self a duty in protesting against such persons being on the
grand jury.
Mr. Bootle then observed, he had informed the foreman,
Lord Stanley, that having given his opinion, as chairman of
the Liverpool Sessions, on the late disturbances and meetings,
he thought he ought to withdraw when the indictments rela
tive thereto were presented ; and that he had two relations, a
cousin by marriage, and a nephew, magistrates at Manchester.
" Lord Stanley then said, Mr. Bootle had mentioned to him
this morning, his delicate situation, but that he, Lord Stanley
thought Mr. Bootle should not withdraw, while evidence was
giving; but before the grand jury decided would be time
enough. They were then sworn, and Baron Wood gave a
charge to the following substance ; That to gentlemen of their
experience, he need say nothing — they knew their duty, and
would do it faithfully. He was sorry to see so heavy a calendar
and particularly so, to see, at the bottom df it, offences which
affected the peace of the country — but he could only observe
that they were to hear the evidence patiently, and thoroughly
investigate every case brought before them, and send no one
to trial unless they thought there was probable ground for so
doing. The Lancashire assizes were held, September the 4th, and
at half-past two Lord Stanley brought into court a true bill
for misdemeanour against Henry Hunt James Moorhouse,
Joseph Johnson, John Knight Robert Jones, Joseph Healey,
George Swift John Thacker Saxton, Samuel Bamford, and
Robert Wylde. A true bill was at the same time brought in
against James Wroe for a seditious libel : and a bench warrant
was immediately obtained for his apprehension.
Mr. Littledale, as soon as the trial then going on was

READING OF THE INDICTMENT. 235
finished, moved that the prisoners against whom true bills for
a conspiracy had been found, should be brought to the bar to
plead. Mr. Baron Wood ordered accordingly, and the six last men
tioned above soon arranged themselves at the bar. It was
stated to his lordship, that four of the persons against whom
bills had been found were out on bail, and not now at the bar,
his lordship ordered them all to plead at once.
Mr. Harmer. — The four alluded to had not expected that
bills would be so soon found against them, and they are not
ready with their bail. They would not be ready till Tuesday.
Mr„ Baron Wood. — Then let them all plead on .Tuesday.
Mr. Saxton said, they were particularly desirous of pleading
now, in order that they might know the amount of bail that
would be required of them.
Mr. Baron Wood. — Take their pleas now.
Mr. Littledale. — It would be more convenient that they
should all plead at once.
Mr. Baron Wood. — You moved that the persons in custody
should plead now, and how can you now propose to postpone
their pleading ?
Mr. Hopkins, the clerk of the arraigns, then read the indict
ment. It stated that the jurors, upon their oath, presented
that Henry Hunt, yeoman; Joseph Johnson, brush maker
James Moorhouse, coach-maker ; John Knight Robert Jones
Joseph Healey, George Swift John Thaeker Saxton, Samuel
Bamford, and Robert Wylde, labourers, being persons of a
wicked and turbulent disposition, did on the first day of July
combine, conspire, confederate, and agree together to excite tu
mult and disturbance ; did on the 16th day of August last unlaw
fully, maliciously, and seditiously assemble together, and cause
others to assemble to the number of 60,000, in a forinidable
and menacing manner, with sticks, clubs, and other offensive
weapons, with banners, flags, colours, and placards, having di
vers seditious and inflammatory inscriptions, and in martial
array; and did on the said 16th of August make great tumult
riot and disturbance, and for half an hour unlawfully, riot

236 PLEADING OF THE PRISONERS.
and riotously, continue assembled, making great tumult^ noise
and disturbance.
Mr. Hopkins, addressing each of them by name success
ively, asked whether he would be tried now, or traverse till next
assizes. Robert Jones. — Not Guilty. I traverse till next assizes.
Joseph Healey. — (With loud emphasis,) Not Guilty, and
my enemies know it. I traverse till next assizes.
George Swift. — Not Guilty. I traverse till the next assizes.
John Thaeker Saxton. — I am Not Guilty, and I traverse
till the next assizes.
Samuel Bamford. — Not Guilty. I traverse till the next
assizes. Robert Wylde. — Not Guilty. I traverse till the next
assizes. Mr. Saxton. — I consider that your Lordship is acquainted
with the exorbitant bail that was demanded by the magis
trates. All now before you are persons dependent on
their own exertions for their livelihood. Their friends are at a
distance. I hope your Lordship will take these circumstances
into consideration, and if, besides requiring moderate bail,
your lordship would extend the bail beyond this county, it
would be a great favour to us.
Mr. Baron Wood. — I will consider of it till next Monday
morning. Mr. Saxton. — If your lordship could let us know this even
ing the amount of bail, it would be a great favour to us.
Mr. Baron Wood. — No I cannot, I must consider of it
Mr. Saxton. — If your lordship could this evening let us
know the bail, we could earlier provide sureties before the
end of the assizes, for two posts would be gained.
Mr. Bamford. — If we could now be informed ot the bail to
be required, it would afford great facility in communicating
with our friends.
Mr. Baron Wood. — Well, you may be bound yourselves
each in £200, and your sureties in £100 each.

PLEADING TO THE MISDEMEANOUR. 237
Mr. Sax ton. — My Lord, there are some of us mere la
bourers, and their friends are labouring men themselves, and
if less could be taken for them 
Mr. Baron Wood. — No, I cannot vary that
Mr. Saxton. — There is no objection^ my Lord, to augment
ing our own recognizances.
Mr. Baron Wood. — No, I cannot do that
Mr. Saxton. — My Lord it is a long winter we have before
us. I hope your Lordship will take that into consideration.
Here I hope we shall have more mercy than we experienced
from our merciless persecutors, for dreadful 
Mr. Baron Wood. — Dreadful is the offence laid to your
charge. Mr. Saxton. Yes, my Lord ; but we are innocent.
Mr. Baron Wood. — I know nothing of it but from the in
dictment now read.
Mr. Saxton. — We are innocent of all the evil laid to our
charge. Mr. Baron Wood. — That is to be proved. I know nothing
of it.They then regularly retired.
Joseph Healey soon returned again, and said, " My Lord, I
come from York, and all my friends are in Yorkshire. Will
your Lordship take bail from Yorkshire ?
Mr. Baron Wood. — To be sure, any bail.
Mr. Healey. — I humbly thank your Lordship.
They stood in the order in which their names were called,
and Mr. Saxton, who evidently acted for his fellow sufferers,
certainly possessed their entire confidence.
On September the 7 th, Mr. Hunt and the other persons
against whom true bills had been found, appeared in court,
accompanied by their bail, in order to plead and justify in the
usual form.
The clerk of the court (addressing Mr. Hunt) There is an
indictment against you for a misdemeanour ; do you traverse
or submit to it?
Mr. Hunt — I traverse. My Lord, I beg to observe to

238 BAIL GIVEN BY MR. HUNT.
your Lordship, that I am not properly described in the in
dictment. My name is Henry Hunt and I cannot answer to
the description therein given to me, for I am therein called
Henry Hunt late a yeoman of Manchester ; God forbid I should
be so.
Baron Wood. — You may make that a plea in abatement;
you may plead to it, but it is certainly a very foolish objection
to make on your part
Mr. Hunt. — Perhaps then I had better not make it
John Knight, Joseph Johnson, and James Moorhouse, were
then severally informed by the clerk of the court that there
were also indictments against them for misdemeanours, and
asked if they traversed, to which question they severally an
swered in the affirmative.
Mr. Hunt. — 1 would wish to be properly described in the
recognizance. Baron Wood. — How, is that of any consequence at all ? It
means nothing.
Mr. Hunt. — I only object to my being called a yeoman.
Baron Wood. — You may perhaps, deem yourself degraded
by that designation. I do not know if that be your feehng or
not. Mr. Hunt. — Certainly my Lord ; but if your Lordship think
it' of no consequence, I will wave the objection.
Mr. Hunt was then bound by recognizance to appear on the
first day of next session of Oyer and Terminer to have the
misdemeanour, to which he had traversed prosecuted, himself
in £400, and his two sureties, Sir Charles Wolseley of Wolse-
ley-park, Staffordshire, and Mr. Thomas Chapman, of Fennel-
street Manchester, merchant in £200 each.
John Knight and Joseph Johnson, were next bound with
the same sureties to the same amount
James Moorhouse was bound for a hke sum of £400, and
his sureties, Mr Peter Turner, of  , and Mr. Peter Can-
delet, of Market Street Manchester, linen-draper, in £200
each. The following defendants, who were still in custody ; were

ENTERING OF THE RECOGNIZANCES. 239
then put to the bar, and with their sureties justified in the
usual manner, themselves in £200, and their respective sure
ties in £100, each.
John Thaeker Saxton. .Sureties — James Stott of Pendleton,
land-surveyor, and William Smith, of Parliament-street Man
chester, pipe maker.
Joseph Healey. Sureties — The same James Stott and Wil
liam Smith.
Samuel Bamford. Sureties. Sir Charles Wolseley, and Mr.
Thomas Chapman.
Robert Jones. Sureties — John Dracup, of Jersey-street
Manchester, hnen-draper, and Peter Candelet
George Swift Sureties — James Stott and William Smith.
Robert Wylde. Sureties — Thomas Cheetham, of Stock
port surgeon, and James Swidle, of Stockport, manufacturer. '
John Thaeker Saxton then addressed his Lordship thus : —
I beg to ask your Lordship a question : — As bail is now put
in for my fellow prisoners and myself, will your Lordship now
allow us to be discharged ?
Baron Wood. — To be sure : that follows of course. There
is no objection to your immediate discharge at all; you are en
titled to it at present as you have entered into recognizances.
John Thaeker Saxton. — I only wished to know for certain,
my Lord, as we have suffered unjust imprisonment for a long
period. Baron Wood. — I can say nothing as to that but you are at
liberty now.
Mr. Hunt. — My Lord, as to this bail, I wish to show the
situation in which these prisoners and myself were placed ;
we were told it was necessary to procure bail ; each sent to
their- separate friends, and they came fortunately, and others
accompanied them. Those, for instance, who were to bail for
Bamford, were not allowed to be bail, hut others were taken
whom he never saw nor heard of : for he was told unless he
could say that the bail proposed by him had never been seen
by him, and was not connected with the charge, he should not
29. vol. il 2 i

240 CASE OF ADAMSON.
be altowed his liberty. This is the most extraordinary sort
of accommodation offered by the Solicitor of the 1 reasury, when
it was said, '• We won't take that bail which you brought for
yourself, but we will take that bail for you which was brought
for another." I only mention this to show the sort of dis
position which prevails to accommodate us.
The clerk of the court. — Perhaps in justification of the pro
secutor, and in absence of the Sohcitor of the Treasury, I
should state. 
Baron Wood (interposing) — I cannot help it
Mr. Hunt. — The solicitor may have made a very handsome
thing of it, as some of them offered premiums of £5 each. It
is not necessary, I suppose, to read over the indictment
r Baron Wood. — There is no occasion.
Mr. Hunt — Unless your Lordship wishes it there is cer
tainly no occasion, as it is a compound of falsehood.
Mr. Pearson. — There is a person of the name of Adamson
still in custody, against whom no bill has been found. I suppose
he may be now discharged.
Baron Wood.— Let him be discharged.
Mr. Hunt. — No bill was found against him, and he has
now paid his fees, for the non-payment of which he has been
detained. The clerk of the court — Mr. Hunt is mistaken when he
says he has only been detained on account of the non-payment
of fees ; not a half-penny was required of him.
Mr. Hunt. — The man stated that his bill was thrown out
yesterday ; he has been kept in solitary confinement ever since>
and he said the reason was the non-payment of his fees.
Baron Wood, — You will find that not to be the fact, if
he do not apply for his discharge, he cannot be discharged.
The grand jury are discharged, and he too may be discharged.
All these parties now left the Court and after a short inter
val, Sir Charles Wolseley and Mr. Johnson returned, and be
came bail for John Knight and William Fitton upon other in
dictments, to the amount of £50 each.

RETURN OF MR. HUNT TO MANCHESTER. 241
Before the bail for William Fitton was received, the clerk
observed, that it was necessary he should traverse the indict
ment ; but Fitton was absent
Mr. Johnson. — If the bail be taken now, he may afterwards
come himself.
Baron Wood. — He must come during the assizes. The
regular course is to plead first, and then to enter into recog
nizances ; but we will take it de bene esse, upon the footing
that he will come.
The clerk of the court — He must appear personally, for
he and all the other persons in similar situations are liable
to be taken on bench warrants, unless they appear personally
and traverse to the next sessions.
The parties then withdrew.
It was understood that there were no less- than sixteen
other persons in attendance, who were all freeholders of the
county, and willing to offer themselves as bail for these de
fendants. Most of them were from Preston, Stockport and
Manchester ; and two from Liverpool.
The following is the account of the return of Mr. Hunt and
his associates, from Lancaster to Manchester having been in
the former place confined in a loathsome dungeon of the prison
for twenty two days, and deprived of every comfort some o*
them actually in sohtary confinement. It is a faithful and
glowing transcript of the passing scenes which presented them
selves to an eye-witness, and surpasses in true glory the tri
umphal entries bestowed on Roman conquerors ! — and before
which the laurels of Wellington may blush !
" Hunt and his persecuted associates having been all liber
ated from the damned bastile of Lancaster were carried on
the shoulders of an applauding and brave people, through a
vast tract of country, to the bosoms of their injured families ! ! !
Such a scene the world never witnessed — it even surpasses in
wonder the march of the Emperor Napoleon from the island
of Elba ! ! ! Young and aged, rich and poor, lame and blind,
all hailed with outstretched arms the bravest of the brave
Hunt ! Hunt ! Hunt ! issued from every lip — the overcharged

242 HONOURS PAID TO MR. HUNT.
feelings of the people frequently, not being able to utter a
syllable more — but hunt for ever ! ! ! was the universal ac
clamation which rung with vehemence through the vast popu
lous country.
*' Mr. Hunt nobly indentified his own fate and situation with
that of his fellow-sufferers, and would have surrendered him
self to the horrors of the dungeon, had not bail poured in from
every quarter to liberate the innocent from the fangs of the
oppressor. On Tuesday night soon after dark, all were bailed
out; and the inhabitants of Lancaster had the honour to give
them the first welcome — it was an evening of unusual joy;
and the very welkin rung with the applauses of an approving
people. " The ensuing morning was issued in by a refreshing shower
from heaven ; which contributed to allay the volumes of dust
which must inevitably have accompanied the simultaneous
movements of more than half a milhon of men. One of the
finest days of Autumn succeeded this transitory gloom of the
atmosphere, — and the cheering rays of the sun gave new life
to the interesting spectacle.
" Here then we commence the march of the million. At
six o'clock two coaches were engaged to convey this brave
band of patriots, comprising those under prosecution and the
gentlemen who had volunteered as their bail, to Manchester ;
and here the shouts commenced, which terminated only at
Smedley cottage, the residence of Mr. Johnson. Mr. Hunt
and his friends breakfasted at the Royal Oak, at Garstang,
where the best accommodation was afforded. Upon Mr. Hunt
crossing the threshold of this repectable inn, one of the upper
servants of the house involuntarily exclaimed, ' God bless Mr.
Hunt, for I love to see Mm come into the house,' which caused
a hearty laugh amongst his friends. The inhabitants of every
village, as they passed on to Preston presented some token of
respect, such as flowers, fruit &c. and at one small village, the
road was even strewed with flowers over which Mr. Hunt and
his friends had to pass. About four miles from Preston the
people had assembled in vast multitudes, with flags, and ribbon

ALAS ! POOR BOB. 243
in their hats, upon which were inscribed the words " hunt
and liberty.' Some of our cotemporaries compared these
assemblages of the people to a rolling snow-ball ; increasing
in its progress ; but we think the similitude of a moving forest
by far the most appropriate. It was indeed a forest of human
beings, all panting for the restoration of their rights and liber
ties. Loud shouts and acclamations accompanied them into
the town of Preston, where the ladies in the windows saluted
Mr. Hunt and his friends by the waving of their white hand
kerchiefs and green ribbons. The party stopped about half
an hour at the inn, but never left the seats of their respective
carriages. In this interval, Mr. Hunt delivered an electrifying
address to the people. After Mr. Hunt's speech was con
cluded, a Liverpool coach drove up to the inn, with great fury
through the populace ; no accident fortunately occurred, but the
ruffian coachman, without the least provocation made a stroke
with his whip towards Mr. Hunt which caught the eye of Mr.
Johnson. The populace enraged at this brutal conduct, were
instantly preparing to tear the villain from his seat but for the
interference of Mr. Hunt, who implored his friends to pre
serve the peace : when order was restored.
" Mr. Pearson now stepped upon the carriage, and informed
Mr. Hunt of the death of his well known favourite horse
Bop.* Here an involuntary tear was seen to steal down the
cheek of Mr. Hunt who compassionately exclaimed
Alas ! poor Bob ! ! !
* On Wednesday afternoon the 8th September, after the immense multitude
had returned from drawing Mr. Hunt, and his patriotic friends from Preston,
on their way to- Blackburn ; they proceeded by the desire of Mr. Hunt, to
the decent interment of his valuable horse Bob ; which died that morning at
the Bull Inn, Preston. Various opinions are held as to the cause of the
death ; but whether it was the effects of poison, or the hard services he had pre
viously been performing in the cause of liberty, we cannot determine. And
as his kind master ordered that not a hair on his body should be disturbed it
was thought highly improper to investigate the cause.
A piece of ground in the garden of Mr. Huffman, was appropriated for this
occasion. Here they brought the carcase of poor Bob, in a cart, followed by
thousands of sympathising friends, who identified his virtues with those of his
brave master ; who had taught him to be kind to the human species. And so

244 PROGRESS OF THE PROCESSION.
" This circumstance produced a momentary gloom over the
whole of Mr. Hunt's friends. Mr. Hunt requested Mr. Sax
ton to address a few words to the populace, desiring them to
allow the horses to be put to the coach, which the people pe
remptorily refused, insisting upon drawing the carriage every
yard of the road to Manchester. The procession then pro
ceeded amidst loud huzzas. Mr. Hunt requested the immense
cavalcade to halt when they arrived at the first village, when
he addressed them upon the loss of his favourite horse- in
the course of his observations he made a very appropriate re-
mark^upon the superiority of feehng this poor animal had,
when compared to the bloody m  s of the people on
St. Peter's field. ' This faithful beast' said he, ' would not
tread on the toe of the poorest subject under his majesty's
dominion; whilst brutes, in' human shape are to be found
base enough to plunge the sword into the breast of the inno
cent and unprotected.' Mr. Hunt at length prevailed on the
well was he tutored that he was never known to tread upon the toe of any one
in the immense crowds, among whom his duty so frequently had placed him.
His courage also was equal lo his caution, being in this respect like his famous
rider undaunted.
Impressed with these facts, the friends of Mr. Hunt shewed their respect to
poor Bob. A grave was dug sufficiently deep to admit him standing erect with
his shoes on ; the soil was pressed about him so as to preserve that position.
Thousands of people witnessed the solemnity of the scene, and left it with bet
ter impressions than they sometimes bring lroui church.
The horse Bob was about seventy guineas of a loss to Hunt ; that being the
price or somewhere about which Hunt paid lor him. The general belief was
that it was poisoned, but as Hunt would not allow it to be opened that could
irot, of course, be accurately ascertained. The night previous to Hunt's
entry into Preston from Lancaster, Mitchell drove Bob and Hunt's gig from
Lancaster, and put up at the Black Bull Inn, and Royal Hotel, that being tho
head inn. The morning nfter it died suddenly, as it did not appear to ail any
thing whatever the night previous.
Bob died on the 8th of September 1819; he was buried under a weeping
willow with a head stone inscribed ALAS ! POOR BOB ! ! !
Some seven years afterwards he was taken up, many of his bones made into
snuffboxes, one was made out of his knee cups, with u silver lid to it, and sent
us a present to Mr. Hunt.

SPEECH OF MR. PEARSON. 245
people to allow the horses to be put to, but they never entirely
left the side of the coach during the whole of the way to Man
chester. " After travelling about two miles the populace continued
to increase, and at length insisted upon again taking off the
horses, when the carriage was literally drawn all the way
through Blackburn to the town of Bolton. The brave Black
burn reformers, male and female, met Mr. Hunt and his friends
six miles on the road, and presented the identical cap of li
berty that had weathered the campaign of St. Peter's field ; it
was immediately hoisted, together with two new flags, on the
outside of the coach. The cheering through Blackburn was,
if possible, greater and louder than ever ; Mr. Hunt again ad
dressed the populace, who were enraptured with his eloquence
and honest zeal. The people then continued to draw him
forward to Bolton, where there were indeed multitudes upon
multitudes to greet him — he was met at the Swan Inn, by Sir
Charles Wolseley, Mr. Pearson, and a number of respectable
inhabitants of the town and neighbourhood. Mr. Hunt ad
dressed the people from the window in a speech of great length
afterwards . " Mr. Charles Pearson observed, that he came forward un
der feelings of great diffidence, being a limb of the law, many
of whom, he was sorry to say, neither enjoyed nor deserved
the confidence of the people, ' Indeed,' added he, there is but
too much truth in an observation I once made to a royal duke,
when dining with him — namely, that it was very unlikely that
dukes and lawyers, should be the advocates of political reform,
seeing that they, hke maggots in cheese, depended on the dis
eased state of the body on which they fed. For were it pos
sible to restore the decayed cheese to a sound state, the mag
gots therein contained must necessarily be destroyed ; so if the
body politic were renovated by a radical reform, the food upon
which dukes and lawyers fed would be greatly reduced, if
not totally destroyed, and consequently they must sicken and
die. " However, gentlemen, I hope to prove an exception to

246 MR. HUNT'S ENTRY INTO MANCHESTER.
the general rule, my constitutional reading, my education, the
company I keep, and my natural disposition, all conspire to
induce me to be the friend of the people, and the advocate of
their constitutional rights.
" I have been with our suffering friends to Lancaster. I
have taken some pains to assist and instruct them in the ma
nagement of their, but too powerful enemies ; and although
we have been astonishingly opposed, much has been developed
in the struggle, and one point completely gained, from which
I hope, the most important and beneficial effects will result.
" Gentlemen, I have to thank you for your attention and,
your plaudits and shall only add, that whenever I cease to ad
vocate and promote the constitutional rights of the people
may my soul forsake my body."
As the article from which we have thus far taken our extract
says nothing of Mr. Hunt's entry into Manchester, we shall
endeavour to give a brief description of that grand and inter
esting spectacle from our own observation. It was fully ex
pected that Mr. Hunt and his friends would arrive on the even
ing of Wednesday the 8th, and this expectation led to the dis
appointment of many thousands of persons who crowded the
road to and beyond Pendleton the whole of the afternoon. At
length it was ascertained that Mr. Hunt would remain all
night at Bolton, and reach Manchester about noon on Thursday.
During the forenoon of that day, the road was again lined with
anxious expectants, and we beheve that not less than 80,000
persons were assembled to witness the novel and gratifying
scene of men returning from a dungeon to which they had been
basely consigned by their persecutors upon a charge of con
spiracy manufactured by themselves and supported by per
jury. , Mr. Hunt and Mr. Johnson were seated upon the
dickey of a coach, upon the roof of which we observed Mr.
Moorhouse, decorated with an elegant cap of liberty of varie
gated colours. The continued acclamations of the multitude
filled the welkin with sounds of gratulation pleasing to all
but tyrants. It is impossible to give any adequate idea of the
enthusiastic manner in which the cavalcade were greeted in

HUNT'S LETTER TQ THE REFORMERS. 247
their progress through Manchester ; every window was oc
cupied by the fairest of women, who seemed to vie with each
other in giving expression to their joyous feelings. Waving
handkerchiefs, and reiterated cries of " Hunt and Liberty !" —
" Hunt for ever !" announced the approach of the patriots, and
never was before witnessed a scene of such universal exulta
tion. On coming to the Exchange, Mr. Hunt said, " Before
time, on passing this place, we used to give them three cheers
in defiance : now, let us give nine groans in abhorrence of
the murderous deeds they have caused." This proposition
was only partially adopted, not being properly understood : and
a mixture of groans and cheers were mingled together by the
immense multitude.
No accident occurred to damp the splendour of the day, and
Mr. Hunt and his friends arrived at Smedley Cottage about
two o'clock ; but the former was too much exhausted by the
labours of the last three weeks to address the populace, who
dispersed, as usual, in peace and order.
Mr. Hunt left Manchester in the Cobourg Coach, for Lon
don on Friday ; leaving the following Letter to the Reformers
of Lancashire, for insertion in the Observer.
TO THE BRAVE REFORMERS OF LANCASHIRE.
Smedley Cottage, Sept. 10, 1819.
MY FRIENDS AND FELLOW COUNTRYMEN.
Before I leave your Country, permit me to offer you my
warmest thanks for your peaceable, patient persevering, and
manly conduct during the reign of terror since my arrival here.
Many of you have been put to the torture of the sabre and the
truncheon ; your amiable wives and innocent children have
been inhumanly butchered by the cowardly hands of those who
ought to have been their guardians and protectors ; myself and
nine others have been incarcerated in sohtary dungeons, and
exhibited through your county under a mihtary escort, in order
to draw the pubhc attention from the infamous, dastardly, and
30. VOL. II. 2 K

248 LETTER OF MB. CHARLES PEARSON.
cowardly acts of the cold blooded villains who instigated the
ruffians to butcher peaceable and unarmed men, women, and
children. But doing this they have only assisted in binding
the rod which is preparing for their own backs ! Mark well
this my resolve — I have made a solemn vow not to taste one drop
of taxed beer, spirits, wine, or tea, till we have brought
some of these m  s to justice. The eye of all England
is fixed steadily upon the scenes now passing in your county ;
— and there is not a man or woman in the. nation who can
boast one drop of English blood in their veins, but will assist
either in obtaining justice or inflieting summary vengeance for
the wrongs you have sustained. Constant communications upon
this subject will be inserted in the people's press, the Man
chester Observer. " I remain,
" My friends and fellow countrymen,
" Your sincere friend,
H. HUNT."
We now beg leave to present our readers with a faithful nar
ration of some very important transactions relative to the trial
of the brave Mr. Hunt and his fellow-sufferers, as accurately
pourtrayed in a letter of Mr. Charles Pearson.
TO MAJOR CARTWRIGHT and S. BROOKS, Esq.
Treasurers of the Committee.
Dear Sirs,
" This day the grand jury has been occupied chiefly with
the several bills of indictment prefered before them for offences
alleged to have been committed at Manchester on the 16th.
The first bill which was brought under their consideration,
was an indictment against Mr. James Piatt °ne of the Man
chester police constables, for perjury, supposed to have been
committed in evidence which he gave at the examination of
Mr. Hunt, Mr. Moorhouse, and others, at the New Bailey,
on the 27th of August. It will be recollected, that on that

LETTER OF MR. CHARLES PEARSON. 249
occasion, the principal act of conspiracy imputed to the de
fendants, was their presence on the hustings on the said 16th,
and in order to bring Mr. Moorhouse within the reach of the
law, Mr, Piatt deposed to having seen him upon the hustings
on the occasion alluded to. The first witness on the back of
the bill was Mr. Pearson, who gave in evidence, that Mr.
Piatt had not only sworn that he saw Mr. Moorhouse on the
hustings, but upon his particular attention being called by that
gentleman to his personal appearance, assured the magistrates
of his clear conviction that he was upon the hustings at the
time sworn to. Mr. Moorhouse then appeared before the jury,
and gave in evidence that he was not on the hustings on any
part of the 16th ; that he met the cavalcade on the approach to
the meeting ; and Mr. Hunt at about a quarter of a mile distance,
seeing him inconvenienced by the pressure of the crowd, invited
him to get into the carriage, which having done, he was dragged
to the meeting, and immediately on his arrival there, when within
ten or twelve feet of the hustings, he descended from the car
riage, and taking an opposite direction, proceeded to a neigh
bouring public-house, and remained there till after the meet
ing had broken up. Mr. Hunt and Mr. Whinson then fol
lowed, deposing to the same facts, and positively swearing
that at no one time was Moorhouse on the hustings. John
Collier was next examined, who proved satisfactorily thai he
opened the door of the carriage to admit Mr. Moorhouse, and
also let him out, and that he then went away as before de
scribed. Then followed the evidence of James Moorhouse,
the prosecutor's son, and Charles Gould, who proved that they
were in situations at the meeting which commanded a com
plete view of the hustings, from beginning to the end, and
that on no part of the day, was the prosecutor there. Samuel
Dunn, Mary Williams, and Jesse Swan, were next called,
and proved that from the time Mr. Hunt came on the
ground till after the dispersion of the multitude, and de
struction of the hustings, Mr. Moorhouse was in the Wind
mill public house, and did not leave their sight for one minute.
Similar evidence was adduced against Robert Derbyshire, jun.

250 LETTER OF MR. CHARLES PEARSON.
also one of the police constables; but although a grand jury
is called only to decide whether a sufficient prima facia case
is made out to send a defendant to take his trial, the gentle
men thought proper to throw out the bills in question, although
the same jury, upon precisely the same testimony, had found
on the previous day, a true bill against the celebrated alarm
ist, Richard Owen. The only difference between his case
and theirs was, that Owen is only an occasional assistant to
the police, whereas the other two gentlemen are regular prac
titioners, unless, indeed, it may be considered that it made a
difference to the grand jury, that before they decided upon the
latter cases, the bill against Mr. Hunt for a conspiracy, had
been laid before them, from the back of which it appeared that
the aforesaid Mr. Piatt and Mr. Derbyshire were material wit
nesses for the prosecution, and that as their evidence could
not be dispensed with, it might have been uncivil to such gen
tlemen to impugn their testimony by finding a true bill
against them for perjury. The next proceeding upon which
the grand jury was engaged, was that of hearing evidence on
the bill of indictment against Mr. Hunt and his friends for a
conspiracy. The first witness called in was the celebrated
Mr. Nadin, who remained under examination about half an
hour. It should be observed, that during his examination,
Mr. Milne, the solicitor for the prosecution, was called into
the room and remained there some little time ; but inasmuch
as the attendance of a professional gentleman upon such an
occasion is irregular, it is impossible to guess his business ; he
however, in violation of the universal rules of practice, brought
out the bill of indictment and strengthened his case by adding
another witness to the list Two other witnesses were then
called in, but as they are known to belong to Mr. Nadin's corpSj
description pf them cannot be obtained — then there followed
seven of the pohce runners, including the celebrated Mr,
James Piatt and the renowned Mr. Derbyshire, jun. and the
case was closed by a Mr. Lomas, at present a stranger, and
a Mr. Heffer, a decayed barber, belonging to the Society of
Friends, or at least assuming the garb of that respectable

LETTER OF MR. CHARLES PEARSON. 251
body. Notwithstanding, however, the quality of the witnesses
the grand jury found the bill, and- the evidence of Mr. Der
byshire, jun. and Mr. James Piatt was sufficient to fix Mr.
Moorhouse as a conspirator with the rest The jury deliber
ated about twenty five-minutes before they called the next
case. Although five bills for maliciously cutting, had been sent
in to the grand jury on Friday morning, as early as one o'clock
and the bill against Mr. Hunt and his friends did not go in
till Saturday morning, yet the grand jury thought fit in de
fiance of ordinary usage, and a very spirited remonstrance in
writing sent in by Mr. Hunt to let the last be first and the first
last. The first indictment for maliciously cutting, was preferred
by E. Gilmore, of Manchester, a respectable tradesman, who
proved, that while he was at his dinner with his family, on the
16th, he heard a noise, and being informed that the yeomanry
were ordered out to disperse the multitude, went towards the
ground, and having arrived at the top of the street where his
house was situated, and found the people running towards him
chased by the yeomanry, turning round, and was retiring to
his house, walking on the flag-stones, when within twenty-five
paces from his own door, one of them struck at his head with
his sabre: his hat however, protected him from the blow, but
having been knocked from his head, he was in the act of stoop
ing to pick it up, when one of the gallant yeomanry found that
the opportunity of a bare-headed man, unarmed, in a defence
less position, was not to be lost and cut at him with his sword
and inflicted a wound on the head. The prosecutor's son was
a witness of the transaction, and joined with his father in giv
ing evidence on the bilL When, however, it was brought in
by the grand jury, the public were astonished with the sound
of ' Not found against Edward Tebbutt'
" The next bill was against the same person, preferred by Eli
zabeth Farren, a poor interesting looking woman, who was
standing in the neighbourhood of the meeting, with her infant
child at her breast: this, however, was no protection from the

252 LETTER OF MR. CHARLES PEARSON.
rude attack of the yeomanry. Seeing Mr. Tebbutt one o\
the yeomanry, coming, she held her child down, and prayed
him to spare her infant, while, however, in the act of saving
her child, she received a deep sabre wound, three inches long,
from the crown of her head to the top of the forehead, her
child fell from her arms, and received a severe contusion on
the head, of which it is at this day suffering. The woman in
stantly fell, from the shock of the blow, but although she was
a neighbour of the gentleman who inflicted the wound, he re
peated his attack, and struck at her with the sword as she was
falling ; the sword, however, got entangled in her clothes, and
did not do her farther injury ; but neither the sight of the
gaping wound, nor the evidence of the woman, were suffi
cient to convince the grand jury, and the bill was rejected ; it
should be observed, that the woman deposed, that at the time
she was attacked, she did not nor does she now believe, that
the riot act had been read ; and further, that there had not
been any tumult any stones thrown, or any resistance or
insult offered to the yeomanry, or any other persons.
" The following case shared the same fate ; it was an in
dictment against Edward Meagher, for mahciously cutting
under Lord Ellenborough's act. Cheetham, the prosecutor,
proved, that after the meeting had been dispersed he was going
down one of the streets in Manchester, the opposite direction
to the meeting, about a quarter of a mile from the spot where
he was met by a small party of the yeomanry ; there were two
or three strangers walking the same way with the prosecutor,
when Meagher cried out ' Damn you disperse,' to which
Cheetham replied, * you stop the way, give us room, and we
will be gone." Meagher then appeared to make room for
passing, riding out a yard or two from the wall, when Cheetham
attempted to pass, and Meagher cried out ' Damn you, I will
cut your head off,' and immediately made a desperate stroke
at him, which, after, cutting clean off about seven inches of
the rim of his hat took effect in the neck just under the ear,
and inflicted a dreadful gash three inches long and one inch
deep. The person of the author of the outrage was described

LETTER OF MR. CHARLES PEARSON. 253
by next witness, Nathan Broadbent, who gave evidence as to
the activity of Meagher in dealing out his gashes indiscrimi
nately upon all around with a blood thirsty-fury.
" The next indictment was against one Thomas Shelmer-
dine, by a poor woman, upwards of sixty years old, who went
out to the purlieus of the meeting, to seek for a lad, her son,
when seeing the yeomanry coming, she strove to make her es
cape, when Shelmerdine rode up to her in a furious manner ;
having known him from a child, she cried, ' Tom Shelmerdine,
thee will not hurt me, I know ;" deaf, however, to her supplica
tions, he rode her down, and cut her on the head with his sabre,
from the effects of which she thinks it probable she shall
never recover.
The last indictment which was preferred, was against one
Carlton, by a little boy, who received a most dreadful wound
on the head from the sabre of this person. This lad, W. Leigh,
boy-like, attended this meeting from curiosity, and was one of
those composing a thick compact body created by the attempts
of the crowd to escape ; upon the heads, shoulders, necks, and
arms of these poor wretches, the yeomanry were dealing out
their cuts with a liberal hand, when the poor lad having caught
the eye of Carlton, whom he knew, he ran towards him to get
out of the crowd ; but his acquaintance replied to his applica
tion for safety by a blow at his head, which gave him a deep
wound, full three or four inches long ; the grand jury, however, ,
threw out the bill. Numbers of other cases could have been
preferred, but it would have been unavailing ; it became evident
the jury acted upon some fixed principle, which would have
rendered all efforts to obtain redress unsuccessful. It was clear
that the rejection of the bills did not arise from what appeared
on the testimony of the witnesses, nor from a disbelief of
their evidence, but probably .from preconcerted opinions as to
the reading of the Riot Act, or some other facts not then
before them. Tottering old age, unsuspecting youth, manly
spirit defenceless women, and unoffending infancy, had in vain
presented themselves before the inquests of their country

254 LETTER OF MR. CHARLES PEARSON.
seeking redress, and sued in vain ; it therefore became useless
again to intrude upon their attention.
" It may be observed that each of the witnesses upon all
the bills, denied to their knowledge or belief, the Riot Act
had been read ; denied that any violence had been used, stones
thrown, resistance presented, or insults offered: — they were
peaceable citizens and had been maliciously wounded; the
grand jury, therefore, could not have been acquainted with any
of these facts from the only legitimate sources of information,
the evidence of the witnesses on each of the bills. If the grand
jury decided upon any evidence which they received from
other quarters than that of the witnesses on the respective
bills, they assumed to themselves an authority the law does
not recognize, and erected a tribunal to try the cases instead
of exercising the powers delegated to them by the constitution
of examining the evidence adduced for the prosecution, and
deciding as to its sufficiency to call upon the offending party
to appear and answer before a jury of his country. Whether
the reading of the Riot Act can give authority to soldiers, or
those that bear that name, to butcher indiscriminately peace
able men, women, and children ; whether the order of a magis
trate places those against whom it is directed out of the pale of
the laws protection, and renders them liable to be hunted and
massacred like wild beasts, might perhaps have furnished the
armed parties with materials for a shade of defence : but the
reading of the act, the dictum of the magistrates, was not
and could not have been legally in evidenee before the inquest
— indeed, the only evidence respecting it was, that no such
means had been adopted. I hope, however, that the exertions
of the people to obtain something like redress for the sufferers
will never relax till the authors of their woe are brought, to
punishment; and that so long as the principle that 'whoso
sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed,' remains
a part of the law of retributive justice, the assizes for this
county will be furnished with records of the bloody deeds.
" I am now convinced that there is no freedom for England

ARRIVAL OF MR. HUNT. 255
till the people regain the right of electing their sheriffs, So
long as the king's ministers elect the sheriffs, and the sheriffs
elect the grand jury, so long will the blood of the murdered
cry unavenged from the ground. I am now preparing a
full report of some of the numerous dreadful cases of the
wounded sufferers, which on my return to town, will be laid
before the committee.
"CHARLES PEARSON.
" Lancaster, Sept. 5, 1819."
We consider that it would be a very imperfect sketch of the
important event that has called forth the present detailed tran
sactions of the bloody massacre at Manchester, were we not
to present to our readers the very splendid entrance and wel
come of Mr. Hunt to the city of London.
It would be utterly impossible to give any idea "of the im
mense numbers assembled, as every avenue and road leading to
Holloway were crowded to excess. There were many of the foot
passengers who did not go beyond Holloway, but hundreds,
who could afford the expense of some species of vehicle, pressed
on, either from the eagerness of curiosity, or a desire to be as
early as possible in their congratulations.
Before Mr. Hunt's arrival, a huge dog was seen parading
about having round his neck a white collar, bearing the in
scription "No Dog Tax," and a scarlet trophy fastened at
each side of his head.
This, we believe, was not intended for ridicule ; at least it
was viewed with approbation by an immense multitude, and
the canine reformer passed through the crowd with the ease
and carelessness of a dog, who feels himself amongst friends.
The hour of half past two arrived, and Mr. Hunt did not
yet make his appearance. Many began to apprehend that he
would decline the honours prepared for his reception, and con
tent himself with the approbation of his own conscience, and
a conviction of the good disposition evinced in his favour by
such a multitude of the populace. Every person coming from
30. vol. H. 2 L

256 PROCESSION INTO LONDON.
Highgate was inquisitively questioned as to what he knew of
the great man's ronte ; at length a commotion was observed at
a distance ; it came nearer, and cries began to ascend from all
sides — " It is not him, but a friend of his (Mr Walker,) mounted
on a grey steed, trapped with red ribbons." He announced
that Mr. Hunt was two miles off, and delivered the following
note, directed to Dr. Watson and his friends : —
Dear sir, — Let nothing prevent my going down Goswell-
street to St. Paul's and direct to the Crown and Anchor. We
must not consult our own feelings, but must act for the public
good. Every real friend of liberty must do that, which will
promote its cause, and leave self gratification out of the ques
tion. I have always done this. — Your's,
H. HUNT.
Barnet, Monday morning.
ITie multitude pressed round Dr. Watson's carriage, and
when he had done reading, expressed a hope that the proces
sion would persist in moving down the City-road, as the whole
li,ne was thronged with eager expectants, who had prepared
to do Mr Hunt honour at his approach. Dr. Watson replied
that they would leave Mr. Hunt to determine for himself. We
hardly ever saw, upon any former occasion, so , vast an assem
blage. From the Angel, opposite the City-road, up to High-"
gate-hill, each side of the way, as well as the centre of the
road, was so completely thronged, as to render a passage ex
tremely difficult Those parts of the City through which the
procession was expected to move were filled with spectators ;
Ludgate-hill, Fleet-street and the Strand, up to the Crown
and Anchor, had not a single stone unoccupied, and all stood
in watchful expectation of the approaching spectacle.
The following is the order of the procession ; it had been
determined upon by the committee ; —
Horsemen.
Footmen, bearing a bundle of sticks, the emblem of Unity.
Horsemen.

THE PHOCESSION. 257
Six Irish footmen, bearing a green flag with the inscription, " Uni
versal, Civil, and Religious Liberty,"
Horsemen.
Footmen, bearing a Flag of mourning: — Inscription, "To the immor
tal memory of the Reformers massacred at Manchester."
Horsemen.
Footmen, bearing a Flag — Inscription, " The Palladium of Liberty —
Freedom of the Press,''
Carriages for gentlemen connected with the Press.
Horsemen.
Footmen, bearing a Red Flag — Inscription, " Universal Suffrage."
A Landau, containing Mr. Hunt, preceded by a Flag, with this In
scription, " Hunt, the Heroic Champion of Liberty," and surrounded
by six Horsemen, and Members of the Committee.
Carriages and Footmen.
A Landau, with Messrs. Watson, Thistlewood, and Preston, and their
friends.
Flag— "Trial by Jury."
Horsemen and Footmen.''
Flag—" Liberty or Death,"
Carriages, Horsemen, and Footmen.
Flag — " England, Scotland, and Ireland."
Closed by Horsemen, Carriages, and Footmen.
From Highgate, the crowds came pouring down ; the dust
thickened ; shouts and acclamations rent the air ; laurels were
seen in every hat ; the windows presented a display of beauty
scarcely ever before paralleled ; and, at length, at ten minutes
before three, the hero of the day arrived at the spot where the
committee, and others of his friends, were in attendance to re
ceive him. Mr. Hunt travelled in a chaise and pair, followed
by Mr. Moorhouse in another chaise. The people pressed
round the vehicle, with outstretched hands, to greet the man
they called their leader — made several attempts to unyoke the
horses by which he was drawn, and it was with the greatest dif
ficulty he persuaded them not to effect their wishes. Triumph
looked in every face. Military phrases were used in tones of
sneering and contempt, and wherever the shghtest disposition
appeared to disorder, a general cry of " Order !" was thundered

258 progress of the procession.
out, until it passed through the crowd, and peace and quiet
ness succeeded, as if created by some talismanic influence. —
Mr. Hunt's chaise drew close to the landua which was pre
pared for his reception ; and the procession moved in the order
already described. Mr. Hunt bowed and kept his hat off as
he passed along. The roads were lined with hackney-coaches
and taxed carts — in short, every thing that could be hired —
donkey, horse, mule, wagon, or coach, were all in requisition,
wherever the eye ranged. In truth, we want words to give
full effect to all that presented itself to our view. — We could
not calculate upon any thing remotely bordering upon the en
thusiasm which was every where displayed. Streets crowded
— shops shut in all the streets through which the procession
passed ; no fear apparent — no dismay lurking on the counte
nance, and thousands entreating to know — " When, when will
he reach this ?" — Have we a chance of seeing him ?" — " Oh,
the brave fellow" — " Success to Hunt" — They would not have
sabred the people at Manchester, if they expected this." —
This was the style and tone of the people's remarks — these
were their enquiries concerning the man who had taken so
active a part in the proceedings there ; and who, by his con
duct since the fatal 16th of August, has conciliated the preju
dices of former enemies, and added much to the progress of re
form in the country.
About four, Mr. Hunt reached the Angel Inn, and the view
which presented itself at the confluence of the Pentonville, Is
lington, and City-roads, completely sets description at defiance.
The heat and the dust, and the almost overwhelming pressure
of the increasing multitude, did not seem to have the least
effect on those who were assembled to witness a sight at once
so novel and so imposing ; a sight big with matter of reflection ;
a sight the recollection of which cannot be sufficiently esti
mated. Nor was the assembled multitude of such an order,
as assembhes of the people are often found to be. Amidst
this assembly, there was certainly much of poverty, much of
borrowed finery, but still much more of apparent affluence and
unsubduable spirit of freedom.

SPEECH OF MR. HUNT. 259
The whole body then went along the Islington-road and down
the City-road to Sun-street Bishopgate-street In going along
Sun-street, &c. the band played " The Exile of Erin," and
" Erin go Bragh," in which they were most cordially joined
by the immense crowd, while from many windows, red flags
were held out by most respectable females. The procession
then went along Bishopgate-street and on arriving at the
Mansion-house, the crowd gave three groans, of the loudest
nature ever heard. Mr. Hunt expressed a wish to give
three cheers. A few were given, but the expression of indig
nation against the lord mayor was universal. The procession
went along Cheapside, round St. Paul's, and up Fleet-street
This vast multitude greeted the title of the Statesman,
on passing the office which was preparing for that paper in
Fleet-street The multitude was immense, and, indeed, we believe such a
crowd was never seen in London. At twenty minutes past
seven o'clock, the procession arrived at the Crown and Anchor,
when Mr. Hunt addressed the multitude nearly as follows : —
" Fellow Countrymen. — I only ask of you to allow me to
say a few words. Let none of the multitude cry ' silence,'
for that in itself is a preventative to order; the sound in such a
tremendous assembly being always calculated to create mistake
and confusion — (in a few moments the most breathless atten
tion was manifested.) Gentlemen, I am overwhelmed with gra
titude, for the unexampled honour you have this day shown
me. Unexampled I say, for I challenge the enemies of reform
to name one instance where the public feeling has been so
mightily, so powerfully, and so unequivocally expressed, not
towards an individual, but in that sacred and overwhelming
cause in which the people are engaged. (Thunders of ap
plause.) The first thing I have got to recommend to you, is
to entreat that as we have had a most glorious day, so our
evening may not be disgraced or sullied by the shghtest act
of disturbance. If it should, the enemies of reform will indeed
have good cause for triumph. It is one in fact they seek, but
you will disappoint them. (Cries of " We will, we will." ) —

260 CONCLUSION OF ME. HUNT'S SPEECH.
Gentlemen, the conduct and patriotism you have evinced this
day was not altogether your own. It is but a part of that
glorious feehng which runs through every breast, and animates
the mass of the population of those districts from which I
came. (Shouts of bravo.) Gentlemen, the country is roused,
and the cowardly and bloody deeds of Manchester, have done
more for the cause of reform, than all that you and I could
have effected by our humble exertions for ten years. (Suc
ceeding shouts of approbation.) Gentlemen, the press of this
country has, with very few interruptions, long laboured to in
jure the cause of reform, and I have betn ridiculed in the
most vile and dastardly way. (Here Mr. Hunt launched forth
with much severity against the editor of a weekly paper, but
in the hope that he and his compeers would take a lesson, and
not in future revile him, he recommended that they should
good-naturedly give some cheers, which were bestowed' accord
ingly.) — Gentlemen, I have a subject to recommend to you of
the deepest importance, and it is one upon which the reformers
of the north are agreed. I myself am determined to adhere
to it in the most sacred manner. The design is this, that no
man who really loves his country, shall use either tea, beer,
spirits, or wine, until public justice is done to the community,
and the blood of the sufferers at Manchester is avenged. —
( Tremendous shouts of approbation which rent the air.) — I have
once more to thank you, Gentlemen, for the high honour you
have this day done me. Go from hence in peace — go to your
homes, — ( We will.) — and may God bless you ! I have done
my best for the people — you approve what I have done, and I
am ready to die for the people. — (Tumultuous and long con
tinued applause.)
Dr. Watson and some young individual, whose pretensions
we could not ascertain, attempted to address the assembly;
but their harangues were wholly inaudible, from the deafen
ing buz of the moving mass.
Mr. Hunt having concluded his address, entered the Crown
and Anchor, accompanied by his friends. The company as
sembled, who, bv this time, amounted to three hundred and

SPEECH AT THE CROWN AND ANCHOR. 261
fifty at least waited quietly until Mr. Hunt attended by Mr.
Moorhouse and some other persons made his appearance.
They were loudly and repeatedly cheered on their entrance,
and it was unanimously carried that Mr. Hunt should take
the chair.
Mr. Hunt having taken the chair, the company sat dowD
to dinner, at the conclusion of which, music was called for,
and the band (the same that had attended the procession)
played Rule Britannia and Ca Ira, both of which were re
ceived with loud and rapturous applause.
Mr. Hunt arose to address the company, and was received
with a degree of enthusiasm to which it is impossible for the
powers of language to do justice. He began by informing
them, that from the reception which the inhabitants of the
metropolis had that day given him, he thought that he might
be permitted to address them by the endearing tie of friends
and fellow-countrymen. It was his duty as chairman of the
meeting, to account for the absence of Sir C. Wolesley, who
had been announced to the public as the person who was to
preside over the company whom he then had the honour of
seeing before him. It was true that that gentleman had been
invited to take the chair: but unfortunately, the invitation
calling upon him to accept the chair, was not put into, his
hands till it had become too late to accept it. He had only
left that honourable baronet the night before last and he could
inform them at that time he had made up his mind to attend
their present meeting, along with their two patriotic solicitors,
Mr. Harmer and Mr. Pearson. In consequence, however, of
the public journals having published it to the world, that some
quarrelling had arisen among the friends of reform, regarding
the persons who were to have the regulation of this dinner,
Sir C. Wolseley had refused to attend it. As chairman of the
meeting, he should have several opportunities of addressing
them ; at the same time he thought it fit to tell them, that if
any person of any party, or of any faction, should attempt to
address them, and should not be indulged with a hearing, he
should immediately leave the chair. — (Applause.) — They had

262 SPEECH AT THE CROWN AND ANCHOR.
already heard, by means of the public press, of many of the
atrocities which had been recently committed; but he should
detail to them many circumstances which had occurred in the
north, with which they are totally unacquainted. He alluded
to the massacres which had lately been perpetrated at Man
chester ; and if, after he had made those details, Lord Castle
reagh or Lord Sidmouth should attempt to say that there was
anything false or erroneous in them, he trusted that they would
give those noble lords a patient hearing : if they did not he
should most unquestionably leave the room.
He should, indeed, be the veriest fool alive, and the most
complete idiot that ever existed, if he did not allow that the
late events at Manchester had placed him on the pinnacle of
popularity ; as they had placed him there, it would be unbe
coming in him, if he did not call upon all classes of reformers
to bury in oblivion their former causes of disagreement and to
join hand and heart in that great object which all parties
ought now to have in view ; without casting reflections on
any man, or any body of men. — (Applause.) Every man of
common sense must be well aware, that no party in the state
could do any thing without the assistance of the people ; and
that the people are now too sensible of their rights to be led
by the nose, by the sophistical declaration of interested indi
viduals. He, therefore, desired them to abstain from all in
vidious and inflammatory language, so that, even if they had
a police magistrate in their company, even if they were
honoured by the presence of Mr. Birnie (and he had rather a
presentiment that that gentleman heard every syllable that he
(Mr. Hunt) uttered, as he had been told Mr. Birnie had made
his appearance that evening, more than once in the gallery) no
advantage might be taken by their enemies. He should advise
Mr. Birnie to attend faithfully to what was said, and if any
thing wrong was said, to come forward instantly and refute it;
if he refused to do so, he was not fit for the magisterial office
which he held, nor was he either a man or a Briton — (Hear,
hear, hear !) He should assure him, that if he (Mr. Birnie) were
inclined to come forward in this manner, he would pledge him-

SPEECH OF MR. HUNT. 263
self to use all his authority as a chairman to obtain for him a
patient attention. Mr. Birnie was a very wise man, a respect
able man, and. a gentleman, perfectly capable of instructing
the people. He heard that much in every report of him ; he
had experienced the truth of it himself. Mr. Birnie ought,
therefore, to come forward to instruct them if they were wrong.
All that they asked was information : it was true, that they had
let down certain principles; if they were wrong in doing so,
it was only fitting they should be set right; but then it must
be by force of argument, by the force of truth, and by the
force of principle. He was quite sure that every man felt
that no other force would do ; no, not even though it were that
of the bloody magistrates at Manchester. — (Loud and enthu
siastic cheering.) He had now said what was quite sufficient
as a prelude, and as he should have the opportunity of address
ing them again before the close of the evening, he should not
trespass further upon their time, than to remind them, that
every man who had paid for his ticket was as much entitled
to address them, as he or any other friend of universal suffrage,
who at that moment happened to be in the room. — (Repeated
cheers.) Mr. Hunt then gave a toast, " The only source of all legi
timate power — the people."
Tune — See the conquering Hero comes.
The next toast was, "Universal suffrage, annual parlia
ments, and vote by ballot — the undoubted right of every
Briton." It was received with three times three, and was followed by
the tune of — Ca Ira.
.Toast — "The immortal memory of the reformers, men,
women, and children, who were massacred at Manchester, on
the 16th of August."
Tune — The land of the Leal.
[This is the air commonly known by the title of Scots wha
hae wi' Wallace bled, but is in reality a very ancient Scottish
melody, having something in the character of a dirge. The
! 30. vol. n. 2 M

264 SPEECH OF MR. GALE JONES.
reader will at once see the propriety of its application to the
Manchester tragedy.]
Toast — " May arms be taken from those who abuse them,
and given to those who have the courage to use them."
Tune — The Marseillois Hymn.
Mr. Gale Jones rose, and recapitulated all the circumstances
under which Mr. Hunt had been taken into custody: and
argued at some length upon the atrocity of sending a troop of
yeomanry to charge upon a compact body of their fellow-
countrymen, who were listening to sentiments of so just a
nature, that not even the yeomanry, nor even Mr. Birnie in
the gallery, could possibly contradict them. — (Laughter.) He
also maintained, that if Mr. Hunt had shot the military officer
to the heart who served, the warrant upon him, he would have
been fully justified by the laws of his country. This was a
point which ought to be perfectly understood. — There was no
going back ; the sword of the government had been drawn ;
they had left off sapping and mining by the old means of cor
ruption and sophistry, and made an appeal to violence. But
the elasticity of the English character would only be snapped
to their destruction, if they persisted in attempting to bear it
doWn by direct oppression. — (Applause.) After remarking that
Mr. Hunt had on that day entered the British metropolis like
an Alexander, he said that he hoped that he (Mr. Hunt) had
that day made a conquest over the prejudices of his countrymen.
As to a conquest over the government it was of little value,
as the basest slave might obtain a victory over that; but
whether he had obtained a victory over it or no, he was sure
that Mr. Hunt had succeeded in gaining a still greater victory
— he meant a victory over himself. — (Cheers.) He should,
therefore, propose the health of " Henry Hunt Esq. the zeal
ous and consistent advocate of radical reform, the friend of
humanity, and the fearless champion of the people's rights
against ministerial, magisterial, and military despotism." —
(Loud cheering, which lasted for several minutes.)
In the midst of these cheers Mr. Hunt rose, and after return
ing thanks for the honour the company had done him in drink-

SPEECH OF MR. HUNT. 265
ing his health, proceeded to animadvert with some asperity
on the calumnies with which his political life had been assailed 5
at one time by the Whigs — at another by the friends of liberty;
but he had consoled himself by the reflection, that justice
would be ultimately done to his views. — Mr. Hunt continued —
He could say truly, that in going to Manchester he had
been actuated by the purest motives. He had been invited
by a large body of the people to attend a - public meeting
which they had called. This he felt himself bound to attend
to. He had been accused of running here and there in search
of these meetings ; now he would say, that he had never at
tended any meeting, where he had not, as much right to be
present as any liveryman of the city of London had to be pre
sent at a Common-Hall (Cheers), excepting, indeed, it might be
at Manchester. He was a freeholder of Somersetshire, he was
a freeholder of Wiltshire, he was a housekeeper of Hampshire,
he was likewise a liveryman of London : and whenever he at
tended at Westminster, he was living at Westminster, and con
tributed as freely in direct taxes, as any of its electors. So
much then for running up and down to attend these meetings.
At the same time, it is only fair to state, that he had never been
instrumental in calhng any of them. He had not called any
of the meetings in Spa-fields, or in Smithfield : but after the
compliment had been paid him of inviting him to preside
there, he would not have been doing his duty to his country,
had he not accepted the invitation; indeed, half the friends
of liberty would have stated that he had shrunk from his duty,
had he declined them. — (Cheers.)
Of the leading circumstances which occurred at Manchester,
those who had read The Times, the Star, the Globe, and the
Statesman, would be fully informed. There were certain facts,
however, which were not yet before the public, and which, with
their permission he would state. — (Applause.) A peaceable
multitude were assembled to discuss a constitutional question.
So convinced were they of the peaceable intention of the
magistrates, that many individuals in it brought their wives
and children along with them. The first meeting called was

266 SPEECH OF MR. HUNT.
said to be illegal, and therefore was laid aside. The second
was to take into consideration the most legal and effectual
means of obtaining reform. The magistrates could not call it
illegal. They stuck up no placards stating it to be so. An
interval of a week passed over, and from the non-appearance
of any placard, the multitude supposed that they might safely
attend it. Well, Monday came, and so peaceable were the
people, that out of 150,000 persons, who in his opinion were
present, 20,000 at least were women and children.
Mr. Hunt then detailed the advance of the yeomanry to the
hustings, through a compact mass of forty thousand men, in
which they killed two, and wounded fifty persons. There was
not a single finger raised to resist them, nor the slightest op
position made. He had in the various addresses which he
had sent out at Manchester, desired the people to come to the
meeting unarmed, in every sense of the word. In doing so,
perhaps he had acted wrong ; he never would act so again. —
(Cheers) — Unless some of the bloody murderers were brought
to justice, he never would put a word on paper entreating the
people to meet unarmed again. He had refused to let them
come armed ; and it was in his reflection, that by bringing
them unarmed, 500 had been badly cut and dreadfully wounded.
On considering that circumstance, it was within his contem
plation, that these very people might, on his release from
prison, have cut him in pieces, for suffering them to come to
gether without arms. Instead of this, the only attacks which
had been made upon, him were from the vile press. He was
received by the multitude with the same affectionate welcome
as before. He must now say a word or two with regard to
the commandant of the yeomanry. That gallant officer had come
up to him with a blustering swaggering air, and called upon
him to surrender, as he had a warrant against him (Mr. Hunt.)
Not being accustomed to surrender to military officers, he
called for a civil one. Perhaps, he might have been justified
in blowing out the officer's brains ; but as he was not defend
ing himself, but the cause of which he was the warm sup-
jmrter, they should have cut him to pieces sooner than he

SPEECH OF MR. HUNT. 267
would have raised a finger. — (Loud applause.) — On that
occasion, however, some kind supreme power had protected
him. As he passed along in the custody of the pohce officers,
he was assailed by the sabres of the yeomanry cavalry, and
the truncheons of the constables. In comparison with the
yeomanry, Nadin himself was humane. There were several,
who had determined with the constables to have him mur
dered. They (the constables) were to have pushed forward,
and then Nadin was to have cried out ' An escape," on which
the yeomanry were to have rushed forward and put him to the
sword. This would have been executed, had he not kept
Nadin himself in custody, instead of attempting to escape from
him. — (Loud laughter.)
" There was another fellow of the name of Withington
(there was no need to conceal his name, as he had boasted
of the thing) who followed him with a cocked pistol, taking
aim at him all the way to the house, where the magistrates were
sitting. He (Mr. Hunt) contrived, however, to keep Nadin
almost between himself and the ruffian, so that this scheme
also miscarried. — (Applause, and cries of 'Shame') — Mr. Hunt
then commented on the cowardly, cruel conduct of a general
officer of the name of Clay, who, with a thick knotted cudgel,
endeavoured to knock his brains out, as he was ascending the
steps to the house of the magistrates. Another humane friend
of this gallant officer had snatched Mr. Hunt's hat, in order
to give the hero a better opportunity of executing his pur
pose. — (Indignant cries of ' Shame !') — He also commented
in terms of strong indignation on the charge of cowardice
brought against him in the Courier, and asserted that the only
time, he complained of the conduct of the constables, was upon
their beating him violently with their truncheons, as he pro
ceeded along a dark passage. He then turned to them, and,,
said, " What ! would you murder a man in the dark ?" He
was marched through two ranks of the 15th Hussars to the
New Bailey, or, as it is called in the North, " the Manchester
Bastile." There they were kept nine days in solitary con
finement. A gentleman then in the room was marched there

268 SPEECH OF MR. HUNT.
along with them (alluding no doubt to Mr. Tyas ;) and he
could tell them, if be chose, what the pleasures of a solitary
cell were. He was, however, brought up next day, and the ma
gistrates, after finding that he could give them a proper dress
ing, politely gave him his discharge. The rest of the prison
ers however, were detained longer, and the utmost restrictions
applied to them. His friends West and Pearson, were not
allowed to come near him, though the latter was his attorney.
He even asked of the magistrates to aUow an attorney of their
own town to visit him. This indulgence was denied to him,
though in any other place, it would have been granted to a man
guilty of high treason. The next subject of which he had to
complain was, that he had been brought up for final examination
without even five minutes' notice ; and then the prisoners were
informed, that those worthy magistrates, after sending two of
their blood-hounds to London, to see if they could not sniff
out some charge of high treason ; after consulting with the
Lord Mayor, to see if he could not trump up some plot
against them — (a laugh) — after consulting Lord Sidmouth,-
the gaoler-general of the country (cheers and laughter) no
ground whatever existed of charging them with high trea
son, and therefore that job was to be adjourned to a future day.
— (cheers and laughter), — they brought against them a charge
of conspiracy to alter the laws by force and threats, and among
the conspirators were women enfeebled by the cruel violence
of the yeomen. — (Laughter.) — Mr. Hunt then detailed to the
company the treatment of Elizabeth Gaunt. His account was
nearly similar in every respect to what has before appeared,
except that Mr. Hunt added what we beheve has not been in
print before, that at the time Mrs. Gaunt was so ill used, she
was far gone in her pregnancy. He next adverted 1 o the man
ner in which he had been hurried off to Lancaster Castle,
though his bail was ready at Manchester. Bail was in attend
ance for himself and friends, but he needed refreshment — so
did they. He had been fasting through the whole day, three or
four hours of which he had been exhausted in examining wit
nesses in a close and crowded court. He wished for a cup of

SPEECH OF MR. HUNT. 269
tea and a change of linen. The persons who were to bail him
retired also to refresh themselves. While they were absent he
was suddenly forced with his friends, some of whom had been
handcuffed, into the Lancaster coach, which drove off, as it ap
peared afterwards, for fear they should be bailed without be
ing exhibited to the yeomanry, who lived on the road between
the two places, and to whom a promise had been made that
Mr. Hunt and his friends should be carried through as cap
tives. In this extremity, Sir Charles Wolseley had proved him
self a friend indeed, for he was a friend in need. Finding that
they had been carried off for want of bail, although there was
ample bail actually in attendance, the Baronet took post-chaise
and set off after them, and arrived in the dead of night at
Lancaster. Mr. Hunt was bailed, and speedily released from
a dungeon, six feet by eight, the worst he had ever seen or
heard of in the country. In returning to Manchester, he and
his friends were met and greeted by thousands and tens of
thousands, and their carriage was drawn every inch of the road
by the multitude.
Mr. Hunt then related some of the most disgusting instances
of barbarity which came under his own knowledge. The first
was the case of a poor woman, who had not been at the meet
ing, but was passing the street after the massacre began. She
had a child on her arm, and seeing a yeoman approach with a
drawn sword, who was an acquaintance, she cried out " Thee
waun't hurt ma, Thomas, wo't ?" Finding, however, he came
nearer and nearer, she clasped her child closer, and still more
anxiously and piteously exclaimed, Don't go hurt the child !"
The savage not only cut her down, but cut her when she was
down. (The utmost sympathy and horror were here manifested
by the company.) All this was told to the Grand Jury, and
they, in reply, told her that she went to the meeting on pur
pose to be cut and some of them asked her, if she did not
cut herself. The next case was that of the boy Rigg, who
had preferred a bill of indictment against one of the yeomen,
who was a stable-keeper. The boy had run to him for pro
tection, because he had known him, from living in the same

270 SPEECH OF MR. HUNT.
yard with him. — (Cries qf "Put the boy on the table ; let him
be seen") The lad, who had a very interesting appearance,
and on whose head there appeared the mark of a recent wound
seven inches long, then stood up, and was loudly cheered by
the company. When these cheers had subsided, Mr. Hunt
continued — What did they think the conduct of the ruffian-like
yeoman was? In spite of the appeal to his protection, he cut
at the poor child five or six different times. All this was
stated on oath to the Grand Jury, and what did the company
think they did ? Why, they laughed at him ; told him that he
was either hollowing or throwing stones, and that he deserved
all he got — (Loud cries of shame, shame, from all parts of the
room.) He asked whether their two patriotic solicitors, Messrs.
Pearson and Harmer, had not done right in refusing to present
any more bills to such a Grand Jury ? Mr. Hunt himself
might immediately have been bailed and liberated, but he
would not accept it, unless bail was procured also for all the
rest. His answer to all such offers was, that he and all his
fellow-sufferers had been incarcerated together upon a ques
tion which was interesting to all ; that they were ahke inno
cent or guilty, and ought to share the same fate. The news
of numerous bail being wanted, immediately ran like wildfire
through the district and fifty or sixty respectable persons came
from long distances, eagerly vieing with each other, who should
become securities. When Mr. Moorhouse went back to Stock
port to get securities, his neighbours were so eager to be bound
for him, that some poor fellows actually offered five pounds to
purchase the privilege.
The magistrates still thought to hamper the prisoners, and
instead of taking the bail in the manner in which it was offered,
they called on the parties to become bound for such persons
as they had no previous knowledge pf. Notwithstanding this
vexatious and illegal proceeding, however, and although the
bail and the bailed were in few instances known to each other,
such was the Enghsh spirit aroused, that not one of them de
clined to be bound, and the prisoners with their bail were
drawn every inch of the way back. — (Loud cheering.) "Mark

MB. hunt's speech. 271
the result of this." The reformers were always numerous
and ardent in Lancashire, but their numbers had been doubled
Wid trebled since. Thanks to the cowardly fears of his ene
mies, his own presence of mind, and the dispensations of a
kind Providence, he had escaped unhurt. Possibly his
death might have been more useful to the people's rights
than his continuing to live. — (Cries of" No, no!") — If he
thought so, if he imagined that the sacrifice of his hfe would
assist the poor man in recovering his freedom and his hap
piness, he would most cheerfully meet death for that pur
pose — (Loud cheering.) — He had been generally described by
his enemies as one, who was anxious to set on the poor to kill
and despoil the rich. Nothing could be farther from his
wishes or his understanding — he knew there must be rich
people as well as poor — he knew that some must work, and
some must be kept without working, but he insisted on it that
there must be something rotten in the state, when a man could
not get sufficient means for the. subsistence of himself and fa
mily by the longest and hardest labour of which human nature
is capable — (Very loud applause.) — This was the principle on
which he went, and he never would cease from the course he had
hitherto pursued, until he saw that the labourer had a fair reward
for his service, and until he should be enabled, not only to
furnish his family, but to lay up something for. a wet day.
This he had always said, and at the risk of his life he would
always maintain the same declaration. — (Vehement applause.)
He would recite one more instance of the Manchester
cruelties. It was that of a poor man, who was cut down or
the 16th of August, and in the pressure of the crowd, occa
sioned by the charge of the cavalry, had his shoulder dislocated,
his elbow crushed, and his hand severely cut. He was taken to
the infirmary, and was when it came to his turn to be examined,
thus addressed by one of the surgeons — " You won't go to
another meeting for reform, I warrant" " Yes, I shall," was
the reply, " if I recover. This last meeting has shown me
more strongly than ever the necessity of reform." The con
31. VOL. II; 2 N

272 CONCLUSION OF MR. HUNTS SPEECH.
sequence was, that the man was turned out of the infirmary, and
in that wretched state forced to make his way home, a distance
of seven miles, as well as he could. This account he (Mr.
Hunt) had got from Mr. Pearson, and the surgeon who was
afterwards called to attend the man in his own house. Mr.
Hunt thought a recital of these facts might be interesting, and
they might depend upon it that he had not exaggerated one
single circumstance.
We have thus endeavoured to give Mr. Hunt's speech as
to the words: but we cannot describe adequately the earnest
ness, judgment, and manly simplicity with which he pronounced
it. Few speeches have ever been hstened to with such atten
tion, and none ever surpassed it in the interest and good-will
which it called up for the speaker. Its conclusion was followed
by loud applauses, which seemed not only testimonies of gra
tification and respect but also of a real personal affection,
which the speech had created among its auditors.
Mr. Hunt next proposed the health of Mr. Moorhouse, who
returned thanks in a very neat and appropriate speech.
Sir Charles Wolseley, and the rest of the patriots who have
so nobly come forward in defence of the people's rights.
In the course of the evening Mr. Gale Jones and Mr. S. F.
Waddington, addressed the meeting at considerable length;
and although their speeches are well deserving of record,
we are prevented for want of room, from giving them insertion.
Mr. Hunt next gave — "Messrs. Harmer and Pearson, and
may our courts of law be always supplied with men of equal
learning and integrity."
The next toast was — " The intrepid champions and defen
ders of the liberty of the press, and thanks to those who faith
fully reported the circumstances of the Manchester massacre.
Mr. Hunt took occasion to express the high sense he enter
tained of the gentlemen connected with the daily press.
One of the gentlemen then rose, and observed, that consider
ing the humble capacity which it fell to his lot to fulfil, he was
unwilling to address so proud an assemblage upon the business

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 273
which had called them together. It did not belong to that
station which he and his colleagues occupied in society to be
come advocates in the discussion of public questions. But
none of them could be so lost to public virtue or to private
honour, as not to feel the utmost horror and repugnance as to
the sanguinary disasters of Manchester.
There was, however, a power of resaliency in the human
mind which constantly tended to retrieve that, which was lost :
there was a faculty of extracting some good out of the bitterest
evil, which he trusted would be ultimately manifested in the
result of the Manchester massacre. The perpetrators would
learn that though their names would go down to future times,
posterity would be informed that their actions never received
the sanction of their cotemporary countrymen. He hoped,
indeed, that it was impossible for Englishmen ever so far to for
get their ancestors and their principles as to lend their approval
to such deeds. As to the actors of them, he would sum their
infamy in two comprehensive terms, which would leave no
part of their vices untold — cowardice and cruelty.
Shortly after the chairman rose, the company immediately
followed him, and in a few minutes every person had left the
tavern. The rule of drinking water was most heroically pur
sued in by the greater number present. Not more than two
persons used wine at the cross table. Nothing could be con
ducted with more order, and the guest seemed to be as grati-
fyingly entertained as when the bottles move with the greatest
vigour. The trial of Mr. Hunt and the other parties included in
the indictment commenced at York, on Thursday the 22nd
of March. Immediately before the judge entered, Mr. Hunt,
Mr. Moorhouse, and the other defendants, ten in number,
with Mr. Pearson as their solicitor, took their seats at the
barrister's table. The Rev. Mr. Ethelstone, the Rev. Mr. Hay,
Mr. Sylvester, Mr. Shelton, Colonel L'Estrange, Colonel
Fletcher, and the rest of the Manchester magistrates were also
in the throng ; but such as were subpoenaed as witnesses were
ordered out of court, until they were called upon for examin-

274 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT.
ation. Witnesses on both sides withdrew by order of the
court. Lord Howden was also present.
At nine o'clock the defendants were arraigned, and they se
verally pleaded Not Guilty. We have already given a copy of the
indictment when the bills were found against them in Lancashire;
it charged Henry Hunt J. Saxton, J. Moorhouse, S. Bamford,
R. Jones, George Swift Robert Wilde, J. Knight, J. Healey,
and  , with a conspiracy to alter the legal frame of the
government and constitution of these realms, and with meeting
tumultuously at Manchester, on the 16th August last with
60,000 persons, many armed with sticks, which they carried on
their shoulders like fire-arms, and with bearing flags and ban
ners, on which were inscriptions and devices calculated to in
flame the minds of his majesty's subjects against the constituted
authorities of the State. There were several counts varying the
form of the indictment but in substance implicating the accused
in a conspiracy against the State.
The defendants conducting their own defence, were permit
ted to be in at the counsel's table, where Mr. Hunt took his
station. Mr. Barrow appeared as counsel for Mr. Moorhouse, and
Mr. Holt for Mr. Saxton.
Mr. Littledale opened the pleadings, and at half-past nine
o'clock. Mr. Scarlett addressed the jury for the prosecution, in a
speech which occupied one hour and thirty-five minutes in the
delivery. He commenced by stating, that the case which he
was under the necessity of opening to them arose out of circum
stances which had obtained much importance, and which had
so agitated the public mind, that he was persuaded the jury had
often heard the subject canvassed throughout the country. He
merely alluded to this notoriety for the purpose of entreating
them, as far as it was possible, for their own sakes, as well as
for that of justice, to banish from their mind whatever impres
sions they had suffered it to imbibe, touching the transactions
out of which this trial arose, and solely to bring their verdict
upon the facts which they should hear, supported in evidence

SPEECH OF MR. SCARLETT. 275
before them in that court. He felt peculiar satisfaction in having
this trial heard before a special jury of the county of York,
composed as it always was, of gentlemen of so much intelligence
and integrity — a jury that could not in any degree be supposed
affected by any local or temporary prejudice, which may,
perhaps, have existence in the particular case elsewhere-
The defendants were charged with taking a part in concerting
a meeting at Manchester on the 16th of August last, the
object of which was to inspire terror into the minds of his ma
jesty's subjects, and endeavour to effect a change in the form
of government by unlawful means. Much had been said
respecting this subject upon the right of the people to assem
ble in large bodies, and upon what constituted a legal meeting.
The people of England had an undoubted right to meet for the
purpose of considering public grievances, and seeking lawful
redress for any evils they endured. It bad long been the
practice, for cities, counties, towns, corporations, districts,
and trades, to meet to consider matters relating to their affairs.
It had long been the practice of the constitution to hold
such meetings, and to receive petitions from them on the
throne, or in either Houses of Parliament. He never heard a
lawyer arraign the legality of such meetings. He hoped he
would never hear a decision pronounced which would militate
against their continuance. But when he declared this to be
the right of Englishmen, he also denied the right of all the
people to rise en masse, and by the threat or terror of their
physical strength overawe the constituted authorities, and de
clare, in such a manner, their will and pleasure to be the law
and constitution of the land. Such an assertion of popular
right, used by the mere weight and capricious influence of po
pular strength, never was, never could be the law of any
country. Those who contended for such a right, and asserted
that it was consonant with the early periods of the British con
stitution to exercise it on any vast plan in which the people
chose to congregate, mistook both the law and mistated the
fact. Could any man maintain that the people might in
this manner recur to first principles, and state at the end

276 SPEECH OF MR. SCARLETT.
of the day's meeting, that the power of the State had again
devolved upon them ; and that the original mass, as in a state of
nature, were alone the possessors of power and law— that the
people resumed their functions, and that the existing govern
ment was altogether destroyed ? This was the absurdity which
followed from the assertion of such idle theories, which legalized
a self-constituted meeting, and placed the supreme will in the
hands of any demagogue who may obtain temporary ascendency
over the people, and assemble them any where he pleased — not
according to the old and lawful practice of assembling them in
their own towns, counties, cities, corporations or trades, but
merely bringing the people from all quarters to any place he may
point out, and then calling that meeting the organ of the will of
the inhabitants permanently fixed on the spot. Modern times
furnished no example of the exercise of such a power as vested in
the people. In the republic of Athens there was certainly a wide
democracy ; 30,000 citizens had there the power of debating and
deciding upon, whenever they pleased, the affairs of the State,
But even then it was a remarkable fact that though the citizens
asserted and maintained their own freedom, the greatest part of
the inhabitants were nevertheless consigned to unrelenting
slavery, and excluded from the enjoyment of any thing like civil
rights. In modern times, he repeated, no such assertion of
power was to be found, and its existence in the manner in which
it was by some claimed was incompatible with the well-being
of any state of civil society. He would now call their attention
more immediately to the defendants ; of the principal of them,
Mr. Hunt, it was unnecessary for him to say any thing, that gen
tleman had contrived to make himself pretty generally known
throughout the country. There were others connected with him
in this transaction, who were, however, a little more obscure,
and of whom it may be necessary to say" something. Knight
had formerly been in trade, but of late an itinerant orator,
without any fixed station or occupation. Johnson was a brush-
maker, living near Manchester, and also a frequent orator at
public meetings. Saxton was connected in some way with the
Manchester Observer. Moorhouse was a coal-proprietor at Stock-

SPEECH OF MR. SCARLETT. 277
port. Healey was an apothecary ; Bamford, Swift, and Wild,
were residents in the same neighbourhood. Some time in the
month of June last year, a meeting was held in Smithfield,
which infused no small portion of alarm into the minds of
many persons in the metropolis. The object of the meeting,
so far as their resolutions, which were still cautiously worded,
expressed it was to intimate to the people that the time was
at hand when some extraordinary step would be taken for
the recovery, as it was termed, of their liberties. The right of
the people to establish a provisional government was more
than hinted at as well as their power to disfranchise the con
stituted authorities then dispensing the affairs of the state.
Mr. Hunt who attended this meeting by invitation, as it
appeared, proposed resolutions, which disclaimed the principle
of paying obedience to the existing Parliament, and recom
mended them to obey no law, to pay no taxes, until they ob
tained that species of reform which they were then engaged
in seeking. A meeting was, at or about the same time, ad
vertised to be held at Manchester, on the 9th of August, to
consider of Parliamentary reform, and also to elect represen
tatives to serve for that town in Parliament — the latter step in
itself a high misdemeanour, and severely punishable by law.
Mr. Hunt was also to figure away at this meeting, which,
however, was very properly prevented by the magistrates of
Manchester, who prohibited it as illegal by public, advertise
ment To connect Mr. Hunt with the intention of calling
the meeting of the 9th of August at Manchester, he would
shew him to have been at Bullock's Smithey, nine miles from
Manchester, and three from Stokport on the evening of the
8th, and in company with Sir Charles Wolseley, Mr. John
son, and Mr. Moorhouse — it would appear that he expressed
disappointment at the fate of the intended meeting, and his un
willingness to concur with those who were weak enough to
abandon it. He harangued the people against the magistrates
as he passed through Manchester, and ridiculed their proclama
tion, signed by nine of them, whom he compared to nine
tailors seated on a shop-board. He reproached the people for

278 SPEECH OF MR. SCARLETT.
not holding the meeting they had intended to hold, and as
serted it, was perfectly legal, and that they ought not to have
yielded. He then invited them then to meet him in Manchester
on the 16th of August; and after his speech, he proceeded
to Mr. Johnson's place, which is called Smedley cottage ;
there he remained on the 9th, and was visited by Knight,
and others of the defendants. Hunt was then at Manches
ter, the hero of the populace, an elevation which any man
may hold who would preach up to them doctrines impregnated
with sedition and disaffection. Magistrates at this time became
alarmed at the information which reached them of strange and
unusual indications of popular commotion — there were meetings
in large bodies at night and movements which shewed that a
system of training and military discipline had been introduced
into that part of the country. They found that a plan was ma
turing among them likely to affect the peace of society, difficult
to be proved, and dangerous to be approached. The magis
trates, as became them, made due precautions — in the interim
the arrangements for the meeting of the 16th of August went
on, and on the night of the 15 th, two persons who approached
one of the nightly meetings then held in that part of the country
at White Moss, and which was going through its evolutions with
the exactness of military discipline, were discovered, beset by
the parties assembled, and one of them, Murray, a constable
so beat as to have been seriously injured, and compelled to save
his hfe by going upon his knees and abjuring his allegiance to
the king.
Mr. Hunt here interposed, and appealed to the judge, whe
ther the allusion to this circumstance, to which his case had not
the remotest application, could be intended for any thing else
than to excite an unfair prejudice against him.
Mr. Justice Bayley— If it shall appear unconnected with any
transactions in which according to the evidence, you may ap
pear to have been engaged, then I shall take care to remove
any prejudice in the minds of the jury which it may appear to
be calculated to excite.
Mr. Hunt. — I feel perfectly happy in your Lordship's hands.

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 279
Mr. Scarlett resumed, and said he was too old in his pro
fession to be led astray by any interruptions, whether acciden
tal or designed. But he would inform the defendant if he
wished to know it — [Mr. Hunt exclaimed " Yes,"~\ — what use
he meant to make of it. He informed him then, that he meant
to connect him deeply and criminally in the transactions that
took place at Manchester and its vicinity previous to the 16th
of August. — [Mr. Hunt. " Very well, do so if you can."] — He
meant to connect him with men who were engaged in those
secret and obscure movements, The magistrates at Manches
ter, on finding that a gentleman from London, who had no con
nection with their own neighbourhood whatever, was come
down to preach to the people, at another great meeting on the
16th of August determined to take such. steps as would, as far
as possible, secure the public peace. In coming to that meet
ing of the 16th of August, he would open a scene to the jury,
which he ventured to say had no example in the whole system
of pubhc meetings of any country. What was that meeting to
have been ? Was it to represent the feelings of the people of
Manchester ? No, but to congregate in that town, to the inter
ruption of all pubhc and private business and to the disqui
etude of all who had property there, the people from not only
the surrounding parts, but from places at a considerable dis
tance. — [Here the learned counsel put in a map of Manches
ter, and the surrounding townships, and explained, which can
not here be done if it were material, the local position of the
surrounding country.] — Early on the morning of the 16th, he
said the people were observed moving in large bodies upon
Manchester, as a common centre. They were regularly form
ed ; they advanced with banners and music, and with all the
appearance and form of an invading army, except only the
want of cannon. They advanced upon the town in divisions
from Rochdale, Saddleworth, Leeds, Oldham, Middleton, and
many other places in the adjoining counties. The defendant,
Bamford, was seen at Middleton, arranging a body of 2,000
men ; he regularly dressed them, to use a military phrase,
31. vol. il "* 2 o

280 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT.
formed them into a hollow square, put laurels into their hats, to
distinguish officers from privates, and marched them on and
united them with 2,000 more men from Rochdale. Healy was
at Oldham similarly occupied with his detachment, and singing
on the way a song of triumph, in anticipation of the exploits of
the d^y. The town of Manchester was thus every way en
closed by large bodies of people, marching to it on the 16th.
In the first body that moved on the high road, were some of
the men who had beaten the constable the previous night at
White Moss, and who, as they were this day passing his house,
halted and made a loud noise, whether of congratulation at the
abjuration of his allegiance, or of defiance, he could not say.
The parties had banners and music. About eleven o'clock
Mr. Hunt set out from Mr. Johnson's, to take his part in the
business of the day. He came in an open hackney chariot
accompanied by Knight and Johnson, and escorted by the
Middleton and Rochdale divisions, which amounted to 4 or
5,000 men. They performed the same ceremony of hissing
and shouting as they passed the constable's house which marked
the passing of the previous division. Mr. Hunt and his party
took their way to St. Peter's area, where others were engaged
in erecting a hustings. The magistrates, for the better pre
servation of the public peace, had planted a line of constables
from the house in which they took their station to the hustings.
When the builders of the hustings observed this, they moved
it about fifteen yards further away. The populace had by
this time assembled in large numbers, and were forming a thick
groupe around the hustings, and special care was taken to form
in close ranks, and admit "only friends." The country parties
advanced in regular step, took up their position, and shouldered
and brandished their sticks, they received and obeyed orders,
wheeled with exactitude, and the whole arrangement of the
force denoted previous habit and discipline. On one of the
banners was inscribed " Equal Representation or Death."
( What he would ask, could be the object of such a meeting,
to use physical force for the accomplishment of the ob-

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 281
jects it had in view ? Was it to procure fairly and properly a
reform in Parliament? Surely whatever opinions prevailed
upon that question, there could be none among good and wise
men, as to the effect which must attend any alteration obtained
by any other than legal means. — Who would wish to see any
system overthrown by the agency of madness and violence ?
Were the people to be told that equal representation was so
inalienable and imprescriptive a right that they ought not to
relinquish it except by their death ? Was that to be the sine
qua non of their existence, and without it were they to rush on
to death ? " No Corn Laws" too were inscribed upon their
banners, as if they had not had enough to inflame the popular
mind without that addition. On another banner was inscribed
" Annual Parhaments, Universal Suffrage, and Election by
Ballot" Now he knew, that there were very many well mean
ing men who advocated the first of these measures. But was it
right that such a principle should be artfully held up to the peo
ple, as an imprescriptive right which they ought to put forth as an
imperative demand, just as they were desired by any unprin
cipled demagogue ? It was melancholy that the populace could
be so worked upon, often to their own destruction. In vain
were their eyes opened by ridicule — he recollected Hogarth's
fine print of the change in the calendar; Many years since an
alteration was made in the calendar for the computation of
time, when it became necessary to strike out eleven days to
make the divisions answer to the best received calculations.
Mobs were then found to protest against this alteration, and
heroes were also found to work on their folly and passions.
People were found preaching about the absurd notion that they
lost eleven days of their existence by the change, and great
efforts were made to adhere in preference to the old plan.— It
was finely ridiculed in Hogarth's print in which the mob were
represented throwing up their hats in great commotion, and
exclaiming " give us back our eleven days — why are they to
be taken from us ?" — [Laughter.] The same absurdity was al
ways to be practised upon the credulity of the multitude. He
next proceeded to advert to the banner with the inscription,

282 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT.
" Let us die like men, and not be sold like slaves." Gracious
God ! exclaimed the learned counsel, what meaning had such
an inscription as that — who was going to sell the people — who
was bargaining for the good people of Oldham, Royton, Leeds,
Rochdale, Middleton, and the adjoining places ? If nobody was
then employed in selling these people, what was the object of
the inscription ? The other flag was a painted dagger alone ;
what could be the meaning of such a device as that ? Was it
meant to convey to the people, that through the operation of
such an instrument they were alone to carry their point ? He
knew not what could be said to justify such proceedings : he
feared there were those in society who, though they had not
the courage and audacity to proclaim base opinions from their
mouths, were yet ready to insinuate them in any other less
direct channel. The learned counsel then, after some further
remarks in reprobation of such devices, asked whether it were
possible for society to exist if it were competent to any man to
carry the people about after him in meetings hke these ? If
they were tolerated, the civil power would be obviously found
inadequate to the preservation of the pubhc peace, and a large
military force must always be imposed upon the people to en
sure the pubhc tranquillity. If the facts communicated to him
were supported in evidence, he apprehended the jury would,
by the conviction of the defendants, put an end to these threat
ening dangers which menaced the pubhc tranquillity. He
left the whole case to their consideration, and requested them
to form their conclusions alone on the evidence submitted to
them. The first witness called was —
Thomas Tiddler examined by Mr. Serjeant Hullock — I keep
the Red Lion, three miles from Stockport, where Mr. Hunt
came with a servant on the afternoon of the 9th of August
last ; he baited his horse and dined at my house. I know the
defendant, Mr. Moorhouse, who was a coach proprietor and
auctioneer at Stockport. Moorhouse came immediately after
in a post-chaise with his brother, and inquired for Mr. Hunt,
who had just left my house. After stopping five or ten mi-

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TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 283
nutes, he went off in the direction Mr. Hunt went, on towards
Stockport When Moorhouse first came in the neighbourhood
of my house, Mr. Hunt was at my house, but the former did
not then enter. Mr. Hunt stopped four hours.
Cross-examined — It was not true that Mr. Hunt was met
by Moorhouse at Bullock's Smithey, and conducted on to
Stockport. All I know is, that Mr. Hunt had gone from my
house before Moorhouse came there. I know Mr. Moorhouse
intimately these dozen years ; and he is in the habit of stop
ping at my house when he passes that way. I have heard he
attended public meetings since the 16th of August; but I can
not state it as a fact. Before that time I never heard that he
did. :. .
Cross-examinect'by Mr. Hunt. — Mine is the principal inn
at Bullock's Smithey ; Moorhouse stopped opposite my house
in the morning, and did not call ; he did at his second visit
when Mr. Hunt was gorfe ; it was a matter of public notoriety
that Mr. Hunt was there ; Mr. Hunt stopped four hours at
my house ; Mr. Johnson of Manchester, did not call there ;
one Jump did, and asked to see Mr. Hunt, into whose room he
was admitted ; I know none of the other defendants ; all I know
is, that by Mr. Hunt's permission, I conducted three successive
parties, of two each, into his room ; the door was not locked,
any body who inquired was admitted. I know of no plot car
ried on there.
Re-examined by Mr. Serjeant Hullock. — The parties ad
mitted to Mr. Hunt were strangers to him.
Henry Lomas, examined by Mr. Cross.— I kept the White
Lion, at Stockport, on the 8th of August ; late on that night
Mr. Moorhouse and Mr. Johnson came to Mr. Hunt at my
house; and also early on the following morning, when they
were joined by a stranger and a crowd of persons. I saw the
gentleman who was called Sir Charles Wolseley, and at a late
period of the morning of the 9th of August, Parson Harrison
joined them. Such crowds were not customary at Stockport
except when Mr. Hunt Was making his speeches. They went
(or some of them) into Mr. Moorhouse's house, where chaises

284 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT.
were getting ready in the yard. One gig was also there into
which Mr. Hunt and Sir Charles Wolseley entered and Moor
house and Johnson went into a chaise, and went off altogether
towards Manchester.
Cross-examined. — I know Moorhouse perfectly well, and that
he worked stages on that hne of road. I don't know that he
takes in other horses than his own to bait. He took in Mr.
Hunt's certainly at this time. I can't say that Mr. Moorhouse
has been in the habit of addressing public meetings, but he cer
tainly had two, three, or four crowds about this time, when he
used to be speaking to large meetings on the road.
Cross-examined by Mr. Hunt. — My business is a publican;
I keep a chaise, and so does Mr. Moorhouse, but I am not a
rival of his. I have known public meetings at Sandy-brow, and
attended them, but I never saw Mr. Moorhouse there; if I
had, I should have recollected it : I am one of the yeomanry, and
was called upon in that way to attend the meetings ; the same
cause led me to Manchester on the 16th August. I have said
that crowds were there to hear Hunt's and Moorhouse's
speeches. I never saw crowds about the Duke of Welhngton,
nor around Mr. Cross, the learned counsel, after the Derby
trials. I was at St Peter's field, Manchester, on the 16th. —
Here the witness smiled, and on being asked the cause said, I
could not help laughing at it for we had no right to be called
there. I was in the Cheshire yeomanry at the dispersion of the
Manchester meeting on the 16th of August.
Cross-examined. — I laughed because it was a fine day, and
I was called out as I shall ever be ready to be, in defence of
my king and country. I saw no particular transaction that
day. I was in my uniform, and had sword and pistols. I
saw no marching in array, except among the yeomanry and
soldiers — no invasion of Manchester; but I saw flags and
banners. I was at St. Peter's field betwixt one and two
o'clock, and remained perhaps an hour, or an hour and a
halt I saw nothing particular but the people running one
way or another ; the Cheshire yeomanry remained still — they
cut nobody, though I saw some people down : it did not at-

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 285
tract my particular attention. I canot say who cut the peo
ple. I do not know at what time I left Stockport ; it might be
seven or eight o'clock ; between that and one, I was where Cap
tain Newton chose to take me in the neighbouring county.
The Stockport troop had nothing to do with the running
away of the people. I saw some flags which the cavalry had
in their hands ; how they came into their hands, I cannot say.
Some colours got into our hands, two I believe, but how I
don't know. We took back one of the flags to Stockport. I
never saw it since. Our swords were drawn before we came
upon the ground, by order of our officers. As we got to the
ground the people were all running away except a few ; we
halted at the instant and dispersed nobody ; I saw no resistance
made to the Stockport troop : I saw persons going to the meeting
but not in battle array. I saw nothing to call for the inter
ference of our troop.
Re-examined — We were formed to the left of the 1 5 th, but
not in sight of the hustings, nor could I see what was going on
in the turnpike road.
Mr. Scarlett here objected to the relevancy of this course of
examination. Mr. Justice Bayley explained to Mr. Hunt that what follow
ed the meeting of the 16th August could not affect his case.
The charge against him was for a conspiracy entered into pre
vious and upon that day, before the dispersion. He might>
however, question the witness a little out of the strict line, if he
meant to impeach his credibility.
Mr. Hunt thanked his lordship, and said that was his object.
Michael Bentley examined. — I live at Newton Norris, near
Stockport and was there on the 8th August last, and saw Mr.
Johnson there in the evening of that day in a gig with Mr. Hunt
going towards Stockport. I saw Mr. Hunt with the gentleman
they called Sir Charles Wolesley on the following day.
Cross-examined.— I know Mr. Johnson : am not a yeoman ;
have been a clerk in a counting house, but am now out of em
ploy. I was at Manchester, on St Peter's field, the 16th Au
gust merely from curiosity, and was at the back of the hus-

286 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT.
tings ; I saw no acts of violence among the large body of people
until the military came. I saw one or two men very insolent
and wanting to break through the ranks of the constables. I
think there were 50 or 60,000 persons there, and I only saw
one or two rather rough. Either on the way or on the spot I saw
nothing that alarmed me until the cavalry came. I was then,
indeed, afraid [Mr. Hunt. — " It was quite time then to
look to yourself]  1 saw no arms among the people ; —
I live at Stockport ; I saw nobody cut, but a constable pressed
down by the people ; I don't know whether he had a limb
broke ; I don't know whether he was flying from the cavalry. —
I think it was as the people were flying from the cavalry.
I saw the cavalry come among the people, and I, who was for
a moment alarmed, got among the constables, who formed two
rows from the house where the magistrates sat up to the hus
tings. I saw Nadin on the ground, but I saw nobody insult him.
— I heard Mr. Hunt address the people, and recommend them
to be peaceable, and they remained so until the cavalry charged
with the exception of one or two, who wanted to press roughly
through the constables. I knew one of them. Thomason.
Examined by Mr. Barrow. — I know Mr. Moorhouse, but I
did not see him on the hustings ; he was in the carriage going
there. Re-examined by Mr. Serjeant Hullock. — But nothing of any
interest transpired in this re-examination, except his stating he
saw the flags with inscriptions among the people, and the coach
bring up Mr. Hunt and Mr. Johnson to the hustings, and that
he heard Mr. Hunt say on the hustings, " If any people break
the peace, put them down, keep them down, and make them
quiet." He could form no judgment how many of the crowd
could hear Mr. Hunt.
Mary Cadman examined. — I was a servant with Mr. Moor
house last August. On the 8th August there was a bed made
up for him then.
Mr. Hunt. — I admit I slept there on that night.
Mr. Moorhouse was (she added) a very religious man, and .
used often to read his Bible to the servants. She expected

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 287
no riot on the 8th or 9th August. Mr. Moorhouse had so
little idea of it, that he took his wife with him, he had eleven
children. ,
Samuel Morton examined. — I lived on the 9th of August near
St. Michael's church, Manchester. On that day there was a
great noise that Johnson, Hunt and Moorhouse were coming.
They soon after appeared, the two former in a gig, there was a
chaise behind them ; they came opposite the Saint Michaels
church pubhc house, with Sir Charles Wolesley. Mr. Hunt got
on his legs, and began speaking from the gig. He said, among
other things, in allusion to the Manchester magistrates, and com
pared them to nine tailors being on a shop-board, for forbidding
the meeting that was to be on the 9th, and which he said was a
legal meeting. He encouraged them to be firm and come for
ward, and no doubt they would prosper. Before this took place,
I had seen the placards from the magistrates posted on the walls
of the town, forbidding the meeting on the 9th — The nine per
sons who signed the placard were all magistrates. There was a
great crowd assembled to see Mr. Hunt. In the course of that
day Mr. Hunt recommended them to come forward on the lbth
— the call was answered by loud cheers and cries of " We will,"
Mr. Hunt then waved his white hat ; Mr. Johnson was with
Hunt whose speech continued about half an hour or three quar
ters ; they then drove off to Mr. Johnson's house to dinner, as I
suppose ; about noon, the following Monday, I perceived many
thousands of people in motion ; I saw Mr. Johnson coming with
his throng near Willow Grove ; Hunt and Johnson were in a car
riage with a great number of people, five or six marching in a
breadth, and thought they kept step very well like soldiers.
The body was half an hour moving by where I stood. There
was some music, for I heard a bugle blow. They halted at
Murray, the constable's door, and hissed him ; a man gave the
signal by a shout. — (He then described the banners.)
Mr Hunt said, that as it was in evidence two of the flags
were in possession of the Stockport troop of yeomanry, they
31. vol. ii. 2 p

288 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT.
ought to be produced in court instead of being alluded to by
oral evidence.
Mr. Justice Bayley, said that only two of them were said to
have been so disposed of.
The witness, in his resumed examination, said. — In passing
Murray's, the mob shouted out they wanted some White Moss
humbug. The town was at this time very tumultuous, and I
felt very much alarmed. I have lived in Manchester forty years,
and I saw nothing so tumultuous there before. Public and
private business was at a stand ; people were afraid. I am a ma
nufacturer, and could not certainly attend to my own business.
Cross-examined by Mr. Holt. — I do not know Saxton, nor
can I speak to his person ; he is a stranger to me.
Cross-examined by Mr. Hunt. — I am a fustian-manufac
turer, and I could not carry on my business that day, from
the people going backwards and forwards. When the pro
cession was gone there was a good deal of running up and
down. I live in Essex-row, No. 5, and that is not near
the road taken by the parties. I was at Withey grove when I
met the people coming; I stopped until they passed, but did
not go home afterwards to my business ; I went on to the
corner of Hanging-hitch, which is about a stone's throw from
Withey grove ; I was alarmed at the black flag, and thought
they were going to level something. I am a married man, and
have had ten children; seven are now living; none of them
were at Peterloo, nor did I go to the place. Other people
were at work, though I was not. Notwithstanding my alarm
at the black flag, I did not go home to mind my business and
wife and family, but went on with the crowd a short way. I
thought there would be a disturbance and a fight. I heard
trumpets blowing, people generally fight after they are
done blowing trumpets. I consider a meeting tumultuous
when there is a rackety assembly. I saw some of the weavers
come up with Mr. Hunt. Plenty of boys, girls, and women were
in the crowd. I cannot answer whether they marched in step
with them. I cannot tell whether the women felt as alarmed

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 289
as I did; I can only speak for myself; I saw many whom I
knew among them. The alarm did not- take away my ap
petite, for I went home to dinner, and " sir," exclaimed the
witness to Mr. Hunt, "if you had been in London, there
would have been nobody there. I saw the chairing at the
election the other day, but I was not alarmed for there were no-
black flags ; there were flags and banners and music, but it had
not the same appearance as at the Manchester meeting. The
difference was, that one looked something hke war and disturb
ance, and the other hke merriment and rejoicing. The former
apprehension was created by the people coming such a distance,
with caps of hberty, and flags of " Liberty or Death," At both
processions there was music I saw no person drunk at Man
chester, but I did see one in that state at the York chairing. It
was the sober procession, not the drunken, that looked, in his
opinion, hke war. He could not say there were women and
children in the York procession. I can't say that I saw a blood
red flag with a spike on it at the chairing, or one with an in
scription about the Corn Bill.
Re-examined.— The reason of my keeping my family at home
was because there was danger in their going abroad.
To a question from Mr. Hunt witness said — I do not recol
lect any thing you said about the blunder made by the magis
trates in the hand-bill, prohibiting the meeting on the 9th of
August. Examined by Mr. Johnson. — There are many men in Man
chester greater levellers than I am. I have been in Lancaster
gaol. I have not since I came out paid any of my old debts ; I
have paid all those debts I have contracted since that period ; I
was discharged under the Insolvent Act. I can fight a httle at
times ; I never fought with Mr. Healey for asking rent from
me. If it ever comes in my power, I intend to pay my debts.
I have been unfortunate, and I gave up all my property to my
creditors. It is two years ago since I took the benefit of the
Act. James Standrig examined by Mr. Littledale— I saw Mr.
Hunt, on the 9th of August, in Blakeley-street Manchester.

290 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT.
He was speaking to a crowd of people ; he stood in a gig. There
was a great number of persons about him; nearly 1000. He said
that he heard of the meeting being postponed by the magistrates
and had seen their proclamation to that effect with nine signa
tures attached to it. It reminded him of the old proverb, that
it required nine tailors to make a man. He also said something
about a notorious quorum, but I don't recollect the particulars.
He added, that he was surprised to find that some persons from
Manchester should have gone to Liverpool to inquire if the
meeting was legal, as he knew that it was. He said there was
to be another meeting on the following Monday ; but I did not
hear him say whether he.would attend it or not. I saw placards
calhng the meeting on the 9th. I can't swear they were exactly
hke that now in court.
Cross-examined by Mr. Hunt — I am in the employ of a
timber-merchant at Manchester. I took no notes of what you
said. I think I wrote some part of it for a man connected with
the pohce. I did not hear you say that you had important pri
vate business to transact, and that you must return to the country
on the 16th. I did not hear you say any thing of the blunder of
the magistrates in threatening all the people with their displea
sure if they did not attend the meeting, although they had pre
viously declared it illegal.
John Chadwick examined by Mr. Scarlett — I am a shoe
maker at Manchester. I went to Hardwick-green to meet
Mr. Hunt on the 9th of August. Johnson, Sir C. Wolesley,
Parson Harrison, and Moorhouse were with him. They came
into the town attended by nearly 300 people. The crowd kept
increasing as they advanced. On coming into Manchester, Mr.
Hunt said to those near his gig, '« shout shout shout !" The
people obeyed, and the shouting was repeated until they reached
the Observer office, where they halted. Mr. Hunt whirled his
hat, and every time he did so, the shouts were repeated. He
made a speech opposite Johnson's at Shude-hill. When he
reached Dyer's Croft he made another speech. I heard him
tell the people to come on one side, and he would tell them his
errand to Manchester. He said he was invited to attend a

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 291
Manchester meeting, by the Manchester reform committee,
and that he and his gig and his pohtical Bob (his horse) had set
out together. At Coventry, he saw the Courier, which
said, that he durst not show his face in Manchester, or if
he did, they would make him smell gunpowder. He went
on to state that at Bullock Smithy, he saw the proclamation
of the Manchester magistrates, preventing the meeting. He
added, that he would have the Courier know he was not afraid
of gunpowder. After hoping he should see the Stockport
people at the meeting of the 16th, he told them all to
go home. He told the Stockport people, he hoped they
would bring as many of their- neighbours as they could
to the meeting of the 16th. I know White Moss ; it is five miles
from Manchester. I set out for it about twelve o'clock on the
night of Saturday the 14th of August. I got there before day-
fight and found several persons assembled together. Myself
and a friend went there out of curiosity, as we heard there was
to be training there. The crowd kept increasing from all direc
tions. On a horn being blown they fell into ranks like soldiers ;
they said it was a signal to them to fall in. I did not fall in at
first. I had never been there before. The people from the dif
ferent neighbouring towns fell into different companies, and had
their separate leaders. They marched about and when the or
ders to fire were given, they clapped their hands. The word?
" Make ready," " Present" " Fire," were regularly given, as
it is to soldiers. About six o'clock they all joined in a body, and
then they made me and all the other spectators fall in with them.
I did not know any of them by name. I saw Murray there.
Mr. Hunt objected to this evidence. The witness had sworn
that he knew none of these people.
Mr. Scarlett said he would show that some of these people
had attended Mr. Hunt.
Mr. Hunt said, it mattered not unless some of those persons
were among the accused.
Mr. Scarlett said, he hoped Mr. Hurt would not be allowed
to disturb the proceedings of the court.
Mr. Justice Bayley. — Mr. Hunt has a right to take the ob-

292 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT.
jection, and I am doubting whether this is evidence — [The wit
ness was sent out]
Mr. Scarlett said he was about to show, that some of these
persons who were training, and who assaulted Murray, had at
tended the meeting of the 16th, and had also cheered opposite
Murray's house, he would show that Mr. Hunt and his party
had done the same. This he conceived was perfectly regular.
Mr. Justice Bayley — When you have shown that any of the
persons of the White Moss party were at the meeting on the
16th, then it will be evidence, but I think you had better prove
that first.
Witness was again called in and examined. I was at the
meeting of the 16th. The first man I saw leading the Middle-
ton and Rochdale people up, was a man I had seen on White
Moss, with a letter which had come from Manchester. I saw
him after I saw Murray. The letter arrived about two hours
after me, and continued there till I came away. After the
letter came, the meeting formed into a hollow square, in order
to hear the letter read, the man who brought it in was placed in
the centre. The man I saw leading the Rochdale people on the
16th, said the letter had no signature, and that they would have
nothing to do with it. He whom I saw leading the Rochdale
people on the 16th, was one of the men who were commanding
the people at White Moss ; I saw Murray the constable there ;
there was a cry of " a spy, a spy," raised by the people ; Murray
ran away, and the people followed him. On the 16th, I
went about eleven o'clock towards Smedley cottage, to meet
Mr. Hunt There was a great crowd there. The Middleton
and Rochdale people came by, and I joined them, and came
with them into Manchester, before he (Mr. Hunt) started. The
people marched in rows, but did not appear to have any officers
or commanders. I returned to Shude-hill to. meet Mr. Hunt.
I saw him in an open-topped chaise. I saw Johnson and Knight
and Carlile with him ; there were many hundred persons assem
bled. They went on into town, but they did not march in ranks.
At Johnson's shop they halted and gave a shout ; at the Ex
change they also shouted. Murray's house is in Withey Grove

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 293
When the crowd came by it, they hissed as loud as they could.
I did not go into the field with the crowd, but took a short cut,
by which I reached it before them. I saw the carriage of Mr.
Hunt arrive.
Cross-examined by Mr. Hunt. — I hve at No. 30, Miller-
street, Manchester; I have lived there nine years. I work a
httle for myself. I know you are Hunt; when you bade the
people shout I did not join them. I went through mere cu
riosity, and nothing else. I staid up all the nightl went to
White Moss ; the man who went with me is named William ; I
do not know his other name; he saw all I saw at White
Moss. I never told those who brought me here, that ano
ther person had been with me at White Moss. I have fre
quently talked over the matter with the man who went with
me. I do not know where he fives. The story I have told
here has been taken down in writing by Mr. Milne ; he never
asked me whether any body had been with me. 1 went to him
of my own accord to speak the truth ; I went to him last
Thursday. I never went to him before that time. There were
about 300 persons at White Moss when I got there. There were
some scores, who did not fall in until they were forced. They
said to us " you must all fall in, for we'll have no lookers on."
When I first came, they had not fallen in, — they were all sit
ting down. There are roads close to White Moss, and persons
passing could not miss seeing the people marching. When I fell
out of the ranks, I went into the next field, lest I should be made
fall in again. I think there were as many spectators as persons
marching. I left them about seven in the morning, and went
home. I do not recollect any other words used, but " marching'
and " countermarch ;" when they said " march ;" the men walked
up the field. I think when they said " countermarch," they
marched back again, not backwards, but to the place from
which they came ; I did not see them raise their arms in the at
titude of firing ; I did not see the people in the carriage hiss or
take any notice of Murray's house ; any person who should
state the contrary would state what is false — [Witness de
scribed the flags borne by the different parties on the

294 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT.
16th.] — I heard shouting and cries of " Hunt and Li
berty." There was no disposition to do mischief manifested
by the crowd; they were all gay and cheerful. If any
person was to swear that the people marched by with you
four or five abreast in a riotous manner, they would swear a
falsehood. I saw no swords, pistols, or bludgeons. I saw
some walking sticks with some of the people. If any of them
had had weapons calculated to do mischief I must have seen
them; I never cheered on any occasion. When I got to
Peter's field I stood near the house where the magistrates
were. When the cavalry came in, I was rather alarmed,
but not before. Peter's-field was full of people, who were
all standing peaceably. I saw nothing to the contrary. They
remained so till the cavalry began to go down. As they
were going to the stage I quitted the field. They came in with
their swords drawn, and in a sort of a trot. I went away be
cause I thought there would be danger. There were many
others running as well as me. I went to White Moss, as it was
well known in the town that drilling was going on there.
Cross-examined by Robert Wyld — I left Manchester about
twelve o'clock on the night of the 15th, and arrived at White
Moss about six in the morning. It is day-light between two
and three in the morning in August. It would be a hard job
for me to tell you the road I took to White Moss.
Cross-examined by Mr. Johnson — Some of the people went
before Mr. Hunt's carriage on the 16th. You may call it march
ing if you will. I can't say whether they went six a-breast I
was before the carriage, and do not know how those behind it
went. I heard no sound of bugle, nor any order for hissing
given at Murray's.
Re-examined by Mr. Scarlett. — I went to Blakely, and
then crossed the fields to White Moss. The nearest turnpike
road to the Moss is a mile and a half distant. The nearest vil
lage is Blakeley which is a mile off. There were some stout
lads who marched before the carriage of Mr. Hunt. I saw
them in Ashton-lane.
The placard calhng the meeting of the 9th of August in

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 295
order to consider of the best means of obtaining a radical re
form in the House of Commons was then put in.
Mr. Hunt objected to this as evidence, unless it could be
shown that he had been a party to its being published
Mr. Justice Bayley said the pamphlet had not yet been
proved. James Murray examined by Serjeant Hullock. I live at
Manchester. I know Mr. Shawcross ; I went with him on the
night of the 14th of August. Mr. Rymer and his son were
with us. We went to White Moss. We left Manchester on
purpose to go there, and reached it by day-fight. Hearing
9ome persons near us shouting and hallooing ; we lay down to
prevent our being seen. We then got to the Moss, where the
men were drilhng, there might be 600 or 800 of them. The
plot of ground was square. They were in squads, and there
was a drill serjeant at the head or end of every squad. They
were marching when I went up. I heard the words " march,"
" wheel," and halt." It appeared hke a camp, the men obeyed
the orders given to them. I remember the words, " eyes right"
" dress," and forward." I was close amongst them on the left
hand. The first words said to me were by a drill sergeant,
who bade me fall in. I knew the man, his name was Caterall.
I said I thought I would fall in soon. The different Serjeants
began to shift their squads and look steadfastly. I did not like
their looks, and thought of shifting my ground, when I heard
a cry of " Spy," it ran along the fines, and I heard the words
" mill them, d  n them, mill them ; I then heard a cry of
" they are constables ;" and the answer to that was, " d  n
them, murder them." I moved off, and so did Shawcross, but
we were followed by 80 or 90 men. They overtook Shawcross,
beat him, and knocked him in the ditch.
Mr. Hunt here submitted that this was not evidence. This
vas proof of an assault for which men had been convicted and
punished. Mr. Scarlett contended that he had a right to examine this
witness. His object was to show the connection between the
32. VOL. II; 2 Q

296 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT.
men at1 'White Moss and those assembled on the;'16rh of Au
gust. The charge against the accused was that of conspiring
to disturb the King's peace. Now the conduct of those assem
bled at White Moss-
Mr. Hunt said, that he felt as fully as any one, the grossuess
and illegality of the conduct of those persons at White Moss ;
but he hoped the court would not implicate him and his fellow
defendants in it upon such testimony as that already given.
Mr. Justice Bayley said, the only question was, whether
those assembled on the 14th had not intended to give those as
sembled on the 16th that superiority which mihtary training
gives ? and if so, whether it is not evidence to show the inten
tion of the parties in assembling ?
Mr. Murray's examination continued. — From twenty to
thirty men followed and overtook me. They began to beat me
with sticks and kick me most violently with their clogs. I de
sired them to give over, that that did not look like a reform in
Parliament ; it was, I said, very different treatment from that
received by prisoners of war. They asked me how we would
treat them if we took them prisoners to Manchester ? I said
we would treat them as prisoners, and not murder them. They
continued beating me, and one said, " Shall we kill him out
and out, and put him in the pit or let him go ?" A man said
he has had enough ; another, " If he has any more he'll die."
They then desisted and held a consultation, after which one of
them asked me, if I would consent to go down on my knees,
and never be a king's man again, and never name the name of
the king any more ? I said yes, as I considered my hfe was in
danger. I fell upon my knees ; the words I now mention were
proposed to me, and I repeated them. They then let me get
up. One man struck me twice after I got up, and that was
all. I went to Middleton, as I was unable to go to Manches
ter. I was unable to stir after I got to bed. I was the next
day removed to Manchester where I was confined to my bed
On the next day, the 16th, I heard the sound of bugles, and on
being removed to the window, I heard the cry of " halt !" — the

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 297
crowd -thenhalted near my door. I looked out, and saw the
streets filled with people. Those in the centre were in ranks
about six abreast. The bugle was again sounded, and I heard
the word " marohj" and the party moved on, and began to hiss
very loud. Many of them had sticks. They had several flags
and banners with them. Those who marched in line amounted
to between 5,000 and 6,000 men. Besides these, there was
a kvge crowd of men and women ; I could not identify any of
them ; I was unable to go out that day. This was about 1 1
o'clock. About one, o'clock, another crowd of men, women and
children came past my house. There was an open carriage,
in which I saw Mr. Hunt and Mr. Johnson, and I think an
other person. I do not think it stopped at my door, but it
moved very slowly. The whole of the crowd hissed and pointed
at my windows. I think those in the carriage looked at my
house. (To a question from, the Judge.) — I am sure they looked up
as they passed I think those in the carriage were standing.
There were nearly 4,000 persons, many of whom were women
and children. The road from Smedley Cottage does not run
past my house ; by going that way, they went 500 or 600 yards
out of the way.
Cross-examined by Mr. Hunt. — I am not employed by the
police ; I am a confectioner ; I am a district constable, sworn
in by the magistrate. I went to White Moss, in consequence
.of the alarmed state of the country, as well as of my family and
myself. I went of my own free will. He told several persons
he would go, as he had heard of drilling. He believed he told
Nadin. I got nothing for my trouble from the police. There
was a subscription for the wounded, at Peter-loo, and I got a
.part of it to pay my doctor's bill. I got £15. I will swear
that I never arranged with Nadin or any other person, nor was
I employed by any one to go there. It was my own act and
deed. On my oath, to the best of my belief, Nadin did not know
I was going. I saw no lookers-on at White Moss. They were
all at drill, except myself and those who went with me. He
did not notice the lookers-on. There were some persons at a

298 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT
distance who might be looking on for what I knew. — There
were not many looking on in front of the ranks. If there
were 200 lookers-on, he must have seen them. They
had no arms. He did not hear them say, " make ready, pre
sent, fire." But if it had been said, he must have heard it —
he first mentioned this to Joshua Pollet. My depositions were
made in my bed-room before Mr. Norris and Mr. Trafford, on
the same day that I was attacked. On the 21st he went before
a magistrate, in order to correct an omission which he had
made in his depositions. They were put down on a slip of
paper, but I do not recollect whether I swore to them or not.
I think myself a religious man. I go to church and chapel.
I know Robert Meagher. I do not recollect any particular
conversation with him. I do not recollect any particular con
versation between Meagher, Sandy Moreton, and myself. Per
haps I do not hke the reformers, but I do not, recollect using
any violent language against them. I never said that I would
rather be rowed to my own house in a boat in the blood
of the reformers, than walk upon the pavement ; I once said,
that if it was to come to an action, I would not give up to the
reformers, even were I to fight up to my knees in blood. I
went one night to the Cock public-house, and being a king's
man, they were all at me ; I had a good deal of ale, and I do
not recollect what I did say ; I will not swear that I did not
use the words you mention. I know a Mr. Chapman, at
Manchester ; I went not long since in a coach with him to
Liverpool ; there were six in the coach ; we spoke of reform ;
I do not recollect saying that if I had the command of the
troops on the 16th of August I would have put every b 
rascal of them to death ; I swear I did not say so. [Mr. Hunt
here cautioned the witness, and repeated the question.] I did
not say I would make the troops fire, and put all present to
death. I will not swear that I did not say this. I was sober
in the coach. On my oath I did not say so to my knowledge.
Mr. Chapman did not call me to account for saying so. I told
Mr. Chapman I would not beheve a reformer upon his oath,
and I now repeat it. I would not believe any reformer on his

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT 299
oath. Some words about firing might fly out of my mouth, and
my enemies might have misconstrued it against me. I do not
recollect seeing you at the Spread Eagle, Hanging Ditch. 1
was one of a party of King's men who once went into a private
room in that house in which you were. The boroughreeve
and constables were going their rounds, and I joined them,
but I do not recollect the door being broken open ; I swear it
Cross-examined by Mr. Johnson. — I never took money from
my wife, and went off to Liverpool with females of loose cha
racter. I never made any offer of myself to serve the office of
special constable.
John Shawcross examined — I am a clerk at the police-office,
Manchester. The printed placard, announcing the intended
meeting of the 9th of August was shown to witness, who said
such bills were posted up as early as the 23rd of July, in the public
streets at Manchester. He was also shown the prohibitory pla
card issued by the magistrates, which he said was placarded in
a similar manner. The witness then corroborated the evidence
of last witness, Murray, respecting the outrage committed upon
him by the people assembled at White Moss.
Cross-examined by Mr. Hunt — I know most of the defend
ants, and accompanied Murray to Lancaster castle, to see if I
could identify the parties. White Moss was about a mile and a
quarter across. The men there were in squads, as if under
leaders. Heard nothing said about " firing," " marching
" counter-marching ;" — heard nothing said of that kind at all,
except wheeling to the right and left. The people did not call
upon him to fall in ; they never said any thing of that kind, nor
did he ever give them any hopes that he would join them, by and
by. No such proposition was made to him. If any body said
so, it was not true.
Jn answer to questions from the judge, he said the squads
appeared some of them awkward and some perfect in drilfing.
By the desire of Mr. Hunt. — The people who went to White
Moss did not go secretly, but set up a hooting every ten mi
nutes ; they were very noisy on the way.

300 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT.
John Heywood examined — I live near Manchester andi was
there on Sunday morning the 15th of August While there, a
man came up to me and said " here, lads, is another spy ;" they
then beat me with sticks as fast as they could. He saw the
same body of men marching from Middleton towards Man
chester; with flags and a cap of hberty. As they came along,
they said they would give me what they gave me short the day
before, if I followed them. One of them said, " that's he that
was at the Moss the day before.". I went, on the same day,
within four miles of Smedley cottage, and saw Mr. Hunt ad
dressing the people there.
Cross-examined by Mr. Hunt — I saw one of the parties who
beat me since — he is now convicted for it and lodged in Lan
caster castle. They did not use the sticks as arms, nor was
there any command of "make ready," "fire;" nor did they
give me any hint to join them. I heard Mr. Hunt speak that
day from Smedley cottage, but what he said I don't know. I
saw him throw up the sash, before he spoke from the window ;
I was standing in an adjoining meadow.
In answer to questions from Mr. Scarlett he said he stood
about 400 yards from the window.
At six o'clock the court rose, and adjourned the further
hearing until the following morning.
Mr. Hunt was cheered as he passed home to his lodgings.
He cross-examined the witnesses with great ingenuity, and
appeared cool and firm in his deportment throughout the
day. On the second day, the court was crowded soon after seven
o'clock. The rush when the doors were thrown open was exces
sive, and a number of ladies again encountered the pressure of the
crowd — they were, however, accommodated with such places as
could be spared near the bench. At nine o'clock, Mr. Hunt
entered accompanied by the other defendants. He seemed in ex
cellent spirits. Mr. Harmer and Mr. Pearson assisted him as
on the former day. Mr. Hunt was cheered by some of the people
through whom he passed on his way to the court. Mr. Justice

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 301
Bayley took his seat on the bench at half-past nine o'clock.
Many persons of rank in the county were also present.
The first witness called was
William Morris examined by Mr. Serjeant Cross — I am a
weaver, residing five miles from Manchester, near White Moss;
I know a place called Smedley. In the course of the month of
August last I saw many groups of people near Middleton : Sa
muel Bamford(one of the defendants) used to be among them.
Early on the 16th of August, about nine or ten o'clock, I saw
many hundreds of people put into regular form at Middleton,
with two flags ; twenty five men in each section. I know not who
formed them into sections, nor how many there were, but
there certainly was a large number collected that day in the
township — 2 or 3,000 at the least. They marched off four
abreast after being first drawn into the form of a square, in the
inside of which was placed a chair, in which Samuel Bam
ford stood, and said, " Friends and neighbours, I have a few
words to relate ; you will march off this place quietly, not to
insult any one, but rather take an insult ; I do not think there
will be any disturbance or any to do ; if there is, it will be
after we come back — there is no fear, for the day is our
own." I did not hear him say any thing more. He got off the
chair, and spread laurel among the men, who were to command
the sections ; some put it into their breast and others in
their hats. It was after this they marched off four abreast.
Before they went away, a large number of people came, also
arranged in form, from Rochdale, with a band of music before
them, and bearing two flags, which had an inscription, but I do
not recollect it Both bodies, which were of nearly equal num
ber, joined, and then went off together, each with a cap of
liberty. The men had nothing in their hands but bits of switches
or small sticks. Before that day I saw the Middleton people
forming and arranging both in the fields and high roads. Bam-
ford was with them different times. On the 8th of August they
talked of a row at Manchester, but I cannot say that any of the
defendants were there. On the 16th, Bamford was in the front
of the people. I know John Whitworth, who was a private in

302 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT.
the 6th regiment of foot ; he was drilling the men ; but not on
the 16th of August John Hay ward, who was a private in the
16th dragoons, was doing the same.
Cross-examined, by the defendant Bamford I am swearing
the whole truth. I did not see who put the men in form on the
morning of the 16th; but I saw you address them from the
chair, and heard you recommend them to be peaceable, and did
understand you wished them to continue so the whole of the
day. There were two flags, but I heard you say nothing of
what they were to serve for. I was only a dozen yards from
you, and I think I could very well hear what you said. I do
not recollect your saying, that when they got to Manchester,
every man was to remain around his own banner ; nor that they
were to return home quietly and orderly after the business of
the day, and that if any stragglers were on the ground, they
were not to form with them, but to look out for their own ban
ner. Many thousands went before and followed the Middleton
and Rochdale people, who were not formed with them in the
march ; they mixed up with them, as well as a good deal of
women and children. I know your wife by sight, but it is
not every where I see her that 1 recollect her. I did not observe
her or your child in the crowd that day. The crowd appeared
promiscuous, I know there were many people and stragglers at
the right and left of you, but none in form, except those you led
up. Barrowfield was the place where I first saw you with the
men. I have seen many processions with music at Middleton
of the Orangemen and Odd Fellows, they had flags and inscrip
tions. I was at Middleton on the proclamation of his Majesty
George the Fourth, and I saw then a procession of the Odd
Fellows bearing a flag.
Mr. Justice Bayley — I am unwilling to interrupt you, but
how does this bear upon the point ?
Mr. Bamford — I mean to show, that it is a common practice
in this part of the country to have these sort of processions. I
know what marching is, for I learnt it when I was a soldier.
You can tell what they were to do, as you were with them.
Cross examined by Mr. Hunt. — It is twenty five years sincc>

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 303
I was a non-commissioned officer in the 104th regiment ; I re
mained so as long as I staid in the service; I was in the habit of a
soldier for three years, but I never took an oath, and was there
fore not sworn in the oath of allegiance. I did not on that ac
count feel myself bound to remain with the regiment any longer
than I thought proper. When 1 had seen as much of the service
as I liked, I wished them good morning [a laugh] I considered
myself to be with them, but not as a soldier, though I wore the
clothing. When I thought I had been there long enough I
made the best of my way home. I was never told that being
a deseiter, and having violated my oath, I would not be a good
witness in a court of justice. I entered the regiment as what
was called a mushroom serjeant [loud laughter]. I had so
much a man for enlisting on the recruiting service I have
been in Ireland, but never happened to see Orange clubs
marching there as at Middleton. I never saw the Orangemen
with shillelas to defend themselves, but I have seen them with
common sticks.
Mr. Hunt. — You were not alarmed then ?
Witness — No, I was not nor was I alarmed at your set —
[laughter] I saw no depredations committed on their march,
nor can I tell whether people were alarmed or not by them. I
saw them insult nobody. The high road from Middleton to
Manchester is within half a mile, or thereabouts, of Smedley
Cottage ; I had nothing to do with Smedley Cottage ; it was
the learned counsel's (Mr. Cross) question that put it into my
head I will not swear that they did or did not play " God
save the King." (He added with warmth, on Mr. Hunt's
pressing the question), I did not expect those loyal tunes
would be played by them ; I did not hear them play disloyal
tunes, nor the " Rogue's March," which perhaps I think is
your's nor the Deserter's " which may be I'd have taken to
myself [laughter] I saw none of them drunk on their way to
Manchester. I do not know any thing to the contrary of Bam-
ford's being a peaceable man. Some of the people had small
sticks.
32. vol n. 2 r

304 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT.
Mr. Hunt — Were any of them large enough to whip an in
famous case out of court.
The judge said, this was not the time to make an observa
tion. John Eaton examined by Mr. Littledale. — I live at Middle-
ton, and am a plumber and glazier. On the morning of the 16th
of August I saw a great many people assembhng, and Samuel
Bamford among them, and in front. They had music and flags
(two) — the inscriptions were, " Liberty, and Strength, and
Unity," and something with a cap, on a pole. Bamford had a
bunch of laurel in his hand, and many others had a little of it
in their hats. Some also had httle walking sticks, and were
proceeding towards Manchester by the new road.
Cross-examined by Mr. Bamford. — One flag was green and
another blue. I saw nothing but small sticks ; there were no
poles, except such as had the flags and cap of hberty. I don't
know whether I could tell your wife, but there were many
women and children, three, and four, and five abreast who ap
peared to partake of the conviviality of the procession. These
were principally in the Rochdale division. I do not think they
were in the Middleton. The people did not seem sullen and
sulky ; they had no angry looks, but were more, as it were, in
joy. I have some little property, and had then on my premises.
I felt no occasion to go home and shut my doors when I saw
this procession. I felt no occasion ; if I saw any body else
doing it, perhaps I might. The processions of the Orangemen
and Odd Fellows (one of whom I am) often move in regular
order. I am not a reformer. I know nothing about radical
reform, except that it creates a great noise up and down the
country, and perhaps it would be as well to lay it aside. I
could not suppose the reformers had any particular regard for
me. I said nothing about the legality of the Manchester meet
ing, except that you ought to know best what you were going
for. Cross-examined by Mr. Hunt. — I have often walked in our
Orange processions, and understand them ; but I do not under-

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 305
stand yours, and of course did not walk with it. Our flag is
called the Union, but it has no inscription. I don't know Mr.
Fletcher, the magistrate, nor that he is in our lodge.
Joseph Travis examined — I live at Oldham, and am a gro
cer; I remember on the 16th of August parties of men passing
through at 9 o'clock, on their way to Manchester. They
marched past. I saw " Saddleworth," on one of their flags.
After they were passed, I was sent on after them by the ma
gistrates, to count the number that passed There were five
divisions, Royton, Crompton, Chatterton, Saddleworth and
Oldham. Flags, with their names at the head of each. Each
division was formed into marching sections. They were irre
gularly formed, some being two, some four, and others eight or
up to twelve a-breast. There were about two paces between
each of the sections, and a man or commander marched on the
left flank of each. They had bugles and flags, and marched
hke soldiers to Bent-green. I counted 864 marching in ranks
but there were many hundreds of stragglers went besides, and
some of them frequently went into the ranks. Occasionally
they got into a httle disorder, owing to the stragglers who fell
in, and then the man at each section gave the words " Halt !
eyes left !" His command was obeyed, and they speedily formed
and went on when the word " march" was given. One leader
I saw was Dr. Healy, of Lees (the defendant who is an apo
thecary) and led the Saddleworth and Lees divisions. I knew
the Doctor.
Here Mr, Hunt rose to express his apprehension that Mr.
Milne, of Manchester, who assists the solicitor of the Treasury
for the prosecution, was communicating with some of the wit
nesses. He had, he said, repeatedly seen him go out of court.
and he was informed he had seen some of the witnesses. Of
course it followed, that when witnesses were to be kept apart,
the only intention of so placing them was to exclude them from
any communication with the previous business of the court
It was but just this moment that he saw Mr. Milne hand out a
letter ; he hoped the court would send after it, and ascertain
the purport of the communication.

306 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT.
Mr. Justice Bayley immediately asked Mr. Milne to whom
this letter was addressed The latter answered, " To G. F.
Merry." The under sheriff followed the messenger, and in
a minute or two returned with the letter, which the judge
opened, and after perusing it informed Mr. Hunt that it con
tained nothing respecting the pending business of this trial.
Mr. Scarlett, on behalf of Mr. Milne, felt it right to say,
that the letter was in reply to an application from Mr. Merry,
for a copy of his depositions.
Mr. Justice Bayley repeated that there was no impropriety
in the matter.
Mr. Hunt said that the appearance at first looked suspi
cious. Examination of the witness resumed. — The crowd kept in
creasing while I remained in sight and marched as I have al
ready said, in regular order as soldiers do.
Cross-examined by Mr. Hunt. — I was employed by the ma
gistrates to do this, as a special constable, or else I should not
have gone. While I was with the magistrates, Lleft my father
who was seventy-one years, to take care of my shop ; I was
not alarmed when the men passed ; I saw no reason to fear ;
I have been a soldier myself ; I do not recollect what was on
the flags : I went with Mr. Chippendale, a gentleman at Old
ham, to count the people ; he wrote down as I counted ; we
have talked over the matter together ; I do not know that he
is here ; I beheve that he is not ; I was forced to come on I
saw no drunkenness, no rioting, no threats, no ill usage. I do
not know whether Mr. Chippendale was a special constable ;
he is not an attorney, I was not at all alarmed ; nor did I see
any reason why I should, as these people passed with the black
flag, though the look of it I did not like ; I did not stop the
flag, which had upon it " Saddleworth, Leeds and Moseley
Union" and something like two hands grasped, and the word
" Love," also, I did not see what the learned counsel called
the bloody dagger upon it ; I did not see such a thing upon
any of the flags ; I do not know the particular reason why Mr.
Chippendale is not here to-day though he was subpoenaed,

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 307
and though his signature, as well as mine, was to the deposi
tions which went in to the solicitor for the prosecution. I have
not heard he was let off by the other side. I saw no caps of
liberty among the people, but I have seen the stone cap at the
top of this castle ; a stone cap is not a cap of hberty ; it is only
the figure of one [laughter.]
John Ashworth examined — I was working as an engineer
at a factory at Oldham on the 16th of August when I saw the
Saddleworth and Royton divisions come there and join another
division which came up before them ; they formed altogether,
and went on, ten or twelve abreast, to Manchester, by the new
road. They might be from three to 5,000, exclusive of strag
glers. [He then described the banners nearly in the same
terms as the last witness.] Many called out to me by name to
go with them but I said they were a week too soon for me ;
that I could not go till Saturday. Some of them also said they
would make a " Moscow" of it before they came back ; this
occurred at eight o'clock in the morning of the 1 6th.
Cross-examined by Mr. Hunt — I live at Manchester, but am
no relation to Ashworth the constable, who was killed there on
the 16th. I have a wife and children who were at Manchester that
day while I was working at Oldham. They did not alarm me
about this Moscow business. I was surprised to see so many
people, and I said at the time to those about me, that the words
were terrible. I was repairing the factory steam-engine, and
could not go to look after my wife at the time. I sent off no
messenger to her. Only one or two said, " Moscow." I saw
the cap of hberty with the people, but never saw one before
or since. I am not a man of that principle that " bothers mj
head about caps of liberties or things of that kind
William Standring examined — This witness was a publican
residing at Palesworth, between Oldham and Manchester, and
described bis having seen the crowds assemble in his neighbour
hood about 9 o'clock in the morning of the 16th of August He
saw Dr. Healey while the division halted ; many of them, and
among the rest, the Doctor came into his house and had a glass of
gin, and said, " Victory, my lads, and success to the business of

303 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT.
the day." The Doctor also hoped the people of the house would
be true to the cause.
Cross-examined by Mr. Hunt — I have retired from the pub
hc business, and live now with my brother-in-law. I have my
living still to get by my industry. On that day I was much
alarmed for my property. I did not however, remove it to any
place of safety. It has been sold since at Oldham, but no per
son's name was to the bills advertising the sale. I have been in
a court of justice before now as a witness. I was once charged
for breaking windows one night when I w as full. I have had the
misfortune of being confined in the Lunatic Asylum, but
was not latterly in a state so as to feel unnecessary fear. I
have been a special constable, but was never in the pay of the
pohce. Jeremiah Fielding examined — I am a merchant, and was on
the road between Manchester and Cheetham-hilL on the morn
ing of the 16th of August. I met there on that road, numbers
of people passing towards the town ; there were 2 or 3,000 in
one groupe, and they marched four or five abreast with music
and flags.
Cross-examined by Mr. Hunt — There were no women and
children with them when I saw them, nor did they insult any
body. James Heath examined. — Resided at Cheetham-hill ; also
6poke to the parties that flocked through his neighbourhood on
the morning of the 16th, on their way to Manchester; one of a
party of three of them, he said looked hard at witness, ard
said that he would not sleep in that house that night.
Cross-examined by Mr. Hunt — Knew Nadin of Manchester
but could not say the three men he spoke of were pohce runners,
for he did not know such people.
James Duncofte examined— He lived at Hollingwood, five
miles from Manchester, and was a cotton-spinner. He then
described the appearance of the people in his neighbourhood, on
their way to Manchester on the morning of the 16th August last
One of them said, " Captain, how do you do ?" — (Witness had
been a captain in the local militia) — " We are going to West-

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 309
haughten," a place where in 1812 a weaving factory of witness's
had been burnt by the Luddites in the open day. A corn-mill
was since built upon that scite.
Cross-examined by Mr. Hunt — I was at Manchester on the
16th of August in front of Mr. Buxton's house, where I saw
you on the hustings, but I was not then a special constable ; I
left the ground before the yeomanry came, as I thought it not
safe to remain there without protection ; I saw you near Mr-
Buxton's house after the dispersion of the meeting ; I came
back from curiosity when the place of meeting was cleared ; I
then thought it safer to be there ; I am not a doctor, nor did I
on that day assist in dressing any of the wounded ; I did not
see any body wounded ; I did send goods to Manchester on that
day ; Monday is our day of delivery from the factory ; I did
not think the goods in any danger, for our cart sets off about
seven o'clock in the morning, and I believed would get there
before the meeting began ; I should have been afraid to have
sent them in the middle of the day, our goods were sent to
our warehouse in Manchester ; I was certainly not afraid to
have them there on that day, as they were safely locked up ; I
was not afraid of being myself in Manchester on that day ; I
returned home the same evening, and on the way met some
officers of the 6th Dragoon guards, and conversed with one
of them respecting what had occurred in Manchester ; I can
not recollect precisely the description I gave him of the occur
rence ; I could give him but an imperfect account of the meet
ing, as I went off' before the cavalry came, and did not return
until after the people were dispersed. I asked him to take some
refreshment as I would have any other person. I did ask
him if he had been at Manchester that day, and on his saying
" No, I did not utter the words, " Then you have lost all the
fun." My business calls me daily at Manchester, but I left the
ware room for the meeting merely through curiosity. I had no
other motive whatever. I was certainly aware that a dispersion
of the meeting would take place, from the placards I had seen
about the town. I had seen notices from the boroughreeve and
constables, not exactly saying the meeting would be dispersed.

310 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT.
but from the tenor of them I thought it very likely. I have no
copy of that notice, but the substance was a recommendation
to people to keep at home their wives, children, and servants.
There were no signatures of magistrates to it. I certainly
went there at my own risk, but I went away for a short time
and returned again to avoid danger. When I went away the
field was completely thronged with people — when I returned
the military had possession of it, and they were bringing you out
of Mr. Buxton's house. There were four hung for burning our
mill in 1812 ; it was burnt, as I heard by the Luddites, and not
by the black-faced spies from Bolton. I have not known any
of those burnings since the great meetings of the reformers
about the country.
Re-examined — I did not think the congregation of such an
immense multitude, as from 70 to 100,000 people, at all safe at
Manchester. They consisted almost exclusively (except those
who went from curiosity) of the labouring classes. Unques
tionably among such a multitude there must have been many
out of work. I staid there until the commencement of Mr.
Hunf s address.
The judge — Was the crowd of such a number and so com
posed, as, in your opinion, to be calculated to inspire the in
habitants of the town with a good deal of terror.
Witness — Certainly it was.
Roger Entwistle examined — I am an attorney of Manchester.
From ten to twelve o'clock on the 16th of August I was at the
Albion Hotel, Piccadilly, opposite the infirmary, which is on
the line from Stockport ; I saw a large body of people marching
into the town, like regular soldiers, with banners, and also caps of
liberty. Several among them appeared to have the command of
different parties, and moved about a yard from the rest at the
side of the front ranks. They had very large sticks, some walk
ing with them, and others bearing them upon their shoulders.
When the 'oach which headed them came opposite the White
Bear, Mr. Moorhouse came out of it ; one of the men said to me
as he marched by, that before night he would have as good a coat
on his back as I had. I then went to St. Peter's field, where I

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. .011
saw the special constables in front of Mr. Buxton's house. Mr.
Hunt had not then arrived, and they were preparing the hust
ings, and the constables formed a line between it and Mr. Bux
ton's. Soon after I saw Mr. Hunt Mr. Moorhouse, and several
others come up in an open carriage. I saw Mr. Hunt get upon
the hustings ; several thousands, at the very least upwards of
100,000, were there at the time, and many of them were
chanting " Britons never shall be slaves." There were very
few Manchester people there, except out of curiosity, but they
chiefly consisted of the labouring classes from the adjacent coun
try. The meeting was most certainly calculated to inspire alarm
and terror into the minds of the peaceable inhabitants of the town.
I heard Mr. Hunt's address from the hustings ; he commenced
by congratulating the meeting on the adjournment from the 9th
as they had thereby doubled the number in the cause. Shortly
after the mihtary (infantry) made a movement in the direction
of Dickenson-street. Mr. Hunt immediately pointed to them,
and said, your enemies are among you ; if they attempt to mo
lest you, "get them down, and while you have them down,
keep them down." Soon after the Manchester Cavalry came
up to the front of Mr. Buxton's house. Hearing that warrants
were likely to be used, I did not think it safe to remain any
longer near the hustings, and retired towards Mr. Buxton's
house. The moment the cavalry came, there was a great shout
ing from the mob.
Cross-examined by Mr. Hunt. — My profession is that of an
attorney ; I am also the clerk of the Manchester race-course; I
was examined on oath at the Oldham inquest hut I cannot say I
said one thing at Oldham and another here; what I said at each
place is true ; I was on the Albion steps when the people entered
the town on the 16th of August with a number of respectable
persons ; among whom I class myself. The Stockport division
was preceded by the coach in which was Mr. Moorhouse.
When the coach stopped at the White Bear the division went on
to the meeting. Notwithstanding my first alarm, I went to St
Peter" s-field, where my apprehensions became greater at the
32. vol. ii. 2 s

312 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT.
sight of such a multitude. My alarm was on account of the
immense number, and from knowing that their minds were very
much inflamed from the seditious pubhcations about that time
published. I have seen large parties coming out of the Manches
ter Observer office after purchasing such works, and I have heard
them recommending their friends to purchase them, and at differ
ent times heard some people express their feelings at reading such
things, particularly the people from about Hollingwood, Royton
and Oldham, who used to crowd round the Manchester Observer
office on Saturdays. There were very few Manchester faces at
the meeting ; I know that many Manchester people bought the
seditious works, but the reason they had not the same effect
upon them as on the country people was, that one set bought
them from curiosity, and the other to take home and read. The
meeting consisted entirely of the lower orders, such as weavers
and the labouring classes. I admit that many of them (the
Manchester people) would have attended the meeting, if they
had not been confined within the factories. My own opinion
is, that when you said "keep them down," you alluded to
the military, and wished not to be molested, but that if you
were, you wished the people to keep them, off if possible.
The people were peaceable at the time you addressed them.
My impression was, that you congratulated the meeting on its
adjournment from the 9th to the 16th. I will not swear that I
did not use the word " postponed" in giving my evidence at Old
ham. On my oath, it is not my knowledge of the law respect
ing adjourned public meetings, which induces me to use that
word now. Though I was alarmed I wished to hear what you
had to say, and therefore I went to Peter's field. I saw the
Yeomanry Cavalry advance at a sharp trot from Mr. Buxton's
house. I went to the meeting by myself, and returned with
you to the New Bailejr. I went with the military, as I did not
think it safe to go alone amongst the mob, who were in the
streets. When I went to the meeting, 1 thought it perfectly
safe to go by myself. I saw two or three wounded persons — a
woman in particular ; she was carried into Mr. Buxton's house

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 313
Seeing such a concourse of people, with the flags, particularly
a black one, which more resembled a pall than any thing else,
and bearing an inscription, " Equal Representation or Death,"
I felt much alarmed. I felt all this fear before the yeomanry
arrived, as I did not know what would be the result when the
meeting broke up. I do not remember the particulars of my
evidence at Oldham. I stated at Oldham, that I saw danger the
moment I saw the parties coming from Stockport. I might
have said at Oldham, that I saw no danger until the cavalry
approached, but I then feared some danger might ensue. My
reason for stating that was, that there had been no previous
acts of violence, but when they arrived within ten yards of the
hustings they were assailed with sticks, stones, and brickbats.
My fear was, of what would be the result of the meeting when
it broke up. I did not hear a report that the meeting was to be
dispersed by the military. I heard that there was a warrant
issued against you, and that you were to bearrested. I was not
in London since last May. I should call a man one of the lower
orders, who was imprisoned for debt or misconduct. I never
was so imprisoned. The assignees of a bankrupt and myself,
have been served with a petition in chancery, and the case is now-
pending. Mr. Partington, of London, is the attorney against
us. I was never in the Fleet prison in my life.
Mr. Hunt — Then I apologize for asking these questions. I
assure you, I have no wish to offend you. I received informa
tion from a person in court which induced me to question you
in this manner.
The examination was resumed.— ^1 stated at Oldham, that I
was near the constables on, the 16th nearly all the time. I
knew the yeomanry cavalry were to be brought up. They, as
well as the special constables, were ordered out in the morning.
I was walking up and down Peter's-field from eleven, until you
were arrested I was not insulted, but I saw several gentle
men who were. Some person said, " he," pointing to one, " is
a spy — he," pointing to another, " is a special constable." I
was not called a spy. I am not a spy. I was not hurt I did
not wave my hand to the cavalry when they came in. The

314 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT.
black banner was not like a flag ; it was not square ; it had
letters upon it. I did not see two hands, and the word " Love"
upon it. There was one flag with a bloody dagger painted
upon it. It was painted red ; I was not near it, but it appeared
to me like a dagger. I swear this. I have never seen that
flag since.
Examined by Mr. Barron — I saw Mr. Moorhouse in a coach
on that day. I conceived he was leading the Stockport party.
When I first saw the coach, it was 200 yards from me ; it was
near Portland-place. I will swear that the coach did not stop
at the White Bear, Piccadilly, ten minntes before the Stock
port division came up. It came immediately before them. I
saw females in it but I did not see them alight. I know
Moorhouse ; he is proprietor of a stage coach which comes
daily to Manchester. I do not think I ever saw him drive it
himself. I believe the coach stops daily at the White Bear.
The men who came after the coach, were called the Stockport
division. I knew some of those who composed it to be Stock
port men. I particularly recollected one who carried a flag.
Re-examined by Mr. Scarlett. — The black flag was extended
by a stick being fastened to the top of it so that it hung square.
All the flags and caps of hberty were at one time on the hust
ings. I cannot say it was while Mr. Hunt was there or not
I find that some person has published the Oldham evidence.
I have read the book. I think if my evidence in that book
was compared with what I now have said to-day, they would
agree. Francis Phillips examined by Mr. Serjeant Hullock. — I am
a merchant and manufacturer at Manchester. I was on horse
back about 11 o'clock on the 16th of August. Mr. J Birley
was with me. We rode on the Stockport-road. When we got
to Ardwick-green, about a mile and half from Manchester, we
saw a party advancing in file, with all the regularity of soldiers,
except that they had no uniform. They were three a-breast
They had two banners, but no music. There were some per
sons walking by the sides, apparently acting as officers. They
were regulating the files and seeing that all was perfectly re-

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 315
gular. I think they amounted in all to 1,500. They had no
arms, but many had sticks, which they carried different ways,
some in their hands and some on their shoulders. One had a
large rough stick, which appeared to be newly cut. That
man seeing me, took the stick in both hands and shook it at
me. I heard them give the word, "left right," as a serjeant
does when drilling young recruits. The latter part of the
line sometimes lost the step, but soon recovered it by the
directions of their officers. I returned to Manchester and
put up my horse. I was a special constable that day.
I went to Peter's-area, and there I saw the same party
I had before met coming upon the ground. I knew them by
their tanners, one of which bore the inscription, " No Corn
Laws." When I saw them the second time, they were not
marching so regularly as before, being interrupted by the crowd
I should compute St. Peter's-area to be 150 yards square. I
saw different other parties marching into the field, one of which
was infinitely more numerous than that from Stockport and
carrying banners also. One party had a laurel-leaf each in their
hats, and another had something white ; I cannot tell what. I
saw Mr. Hunt that day for the first time. I saw a party, in a
carriage, and I believe he was one of them. He was accom
panied by an immense multitude. I heard a very great noise,
both from his party and from the crowd on the ground before
his arrival. I never saw so large an assembly before. The sight
of it excited in my mind a feeling of very great apprehension
of danger ; it was decidedly calculated to excite similar appre
hensions in the minds of all the inhabitants of the town. I saw
Mr. Hunt on the hustings ; I cannot identify any one else but
him ; he addressed the meeting with the energy of action usual
on addressing large assemblies. I did not hear what he said,
and I think but a small proportion of the crowd could hear him
In about ten minutes, I saw Nadin and some other constables
approach the hustings. I left the meeting to go to my factory.
I told the doorkeeper not to leave his post for a moment but to
shut the door immediately, if any thing occurred. I was much
alarmed. I gave those directions because I considered the town

316 TR1AB, OF MR. HUNTi
to be in considerable danger, otherwise I should not have done
so. Before I left town in the morning, I concealed some old
bayonets and muskets, lest the people might; call and take
them. Cross-examined by Mr. Hunt — I am a merchant and manu
facturer. I have also written and published an account of this
transaction. [Mr. Hunt handed witness a pamphlet, asking, if
he knew it as an old friend.] This is the first edition, I after
wards published a second more corrected. I published 1000 of
each edition, the greater part of which I sold. I also gave a
great many away.
Mr. Hunt' — I know it; you are like many other authors, who
if they did not give their works away, would find it very difficult
to get them off their hands.
Examination resumed — I sent some to London, and several
to members of Parliament. The publication was intended to
have been before the meeting of Parliament but it did not take
place until a few days after it. I wished to give facts to the
public. The Mr.  mentioned in the pamphlet is brother
to Mr. Birley, an officer in the Manchester cavalry. On my
oath I do not know that Mr. Birley commanded them on that
day. He was at the head of the corps, but I do not know
whether he or Major Trafford commanded them. I consider
the shaking of the stick at me as an insult.
[Here Mr. Hunt read an extract from Mr. Phillips' pam
phlet, in which it was stated that no direct offence was given be
fore the yeomanry appeared.]
Examination resumed — I heard many taunting expressions
used on the field to every man who wore a good coat, and went
amongst the crowd. I went a private road on my return from
Stockport, as I could not go with equal speed on the high road
without danger to the crowd which had passed. I considered
that the Stockport men marched very well indeed. I do not
admit that either of my editions of the book giving an account of
the Manchester business states a falsehood. I considered
the town of Manchester and the magistrates to be in great danger
I ordered my porter to close the gates, if any thing occurred,

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 3U
not for the purpose of keeping the workmen in. I gave my
men orders to keep their wives and children at home that day.
They acted with great propriety as far as I saw. I only saw tne
first advance of the yeomanry, and after the regular troops came
upon the field, I saw the Chester yeomanry come upon the
field in a hand canter, but I do not know whether they acted
or not I saw some infantry near Peter's-field, and I also
saw two pieces of artillery brought up after the crowd was dis
persed I saw very httle of the battle ; the dust and the number
of constables prevented me from seeing what took place. I saw
no blood spilt
Mr. Justice Bayley observed that questions of this kind ought
not be put ; that blood had been spilt he believed, and he was
sorry for it The question was not how the military had acted,
but whether the meeting was a legal one, and if so, whether it
was conducted in that peaceable and orderly manner that would
preclude any alarm from being infused into the pubhc mind. To
this point Mr. Hunt had a right to examine witness.
Mr. Hunt — I do not think I can better prove that the
meeting was quiet and peaceable than by shewing that the peo
ple, so for from holding up a finger in resisting a wanton and vio
lent attack upon them, had every man fled from the fury of the
mihtary. I bow, however, to your lordship's decision.
Examination resumed. — The people were peaceable on that
part of the field where I stood. 1 should have thought it exces-.
sively imprudent in the magistrates, to have sent the constables
into such a large assembly, closely wedged together as that was.
I never went near the hustings. I have not admitted that the
soldiers charged the people.
Mr. Hunt was proceeding to inquire into the conduct of the
yeomanry, when
Mr. Justice Bayley interrupted him. It was a point which
he meant to leave to the jury, whether a body assembling in
such numbers as to excite terror in the public mind was not il
legal A meeting might be illegal though its purpose was legal
by using illegal means to attain it ; or a meeting might become
illegal from the manner of it as it might from its numbers create

318 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT.
an alarm in the public mind. This was his opinion, so he should
state it to the jury.
Mr. Hunt said, without impugning his lordship's view of the
question, he hoped he should be allowed to shew that the fears
entertained were excited by erroneous notions. When an ex
periment was made to try the temper of a meeting by sending a
few straggling drunken soldiers among them, as if to seduce them
to try their power, he hoped he would be allowed to show that
the people, so far from offering any resistance, fled for their lives;
indeed several of them lost their lives without even attempting
resistance. Mr. Justice Bayley said Mr. Hunt was at liberty to ask any
questions tending to show what the conduct of the meeting had
been. Examination resumed- — The people were very closely locked
near the hustings. I saw them from the steps of the magistrates'
house. Those near the hustings had their hats off. They were as
close to each other as they could stand. I did not see them r Tn
in arm. I did not hear one word of what you said on the hustiv^s.
When you were upon the hustings, I was about seventy-five yards
from you. It was natural that those who wished to hear you should
crowd round the hustings, but not in the manner they did. (In
answer to the judge)— The wish to hear alone would by no means
make them crowd as they did. (In answer to Mr. Hunt) — It
appeared to me that they were disciplined troops who came to
protect you, or fight for you, as they might be called upon, or
as occasion offered. I never have seen disciplined troops sur
round a man in such a way in order to fight for him. The
crowd appeared to be ready to fight for you, as you gave them
the command. Those persons would have kept away the con
stables from you. The line of constables did not extend to the
hustings. I tried to get to the hustings, but failed. I do not
think the line of constables extended to the hustings at any time
of the day. I saw the Manchester yeomanry cavalry when
they were formed. I did not see them ride down any persons
in coming into the field. They behaved with the greatest pro
priety, as far as I can judge. I am convinced they were sober

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 319
I spoke to some, and they evinced not the slightest inebriety.
I saw Nadin, but I do not recollect having any communication
with him. I did not see him make any attempt to reach the
hustings without the aid of the yeomanry. It would have been
madness to attempt it.
Jeremiah Smith examined by Mr. Scarlett. — I reside in
Manchester ; I am head master of the grammar school there ; I
was at the Star, Deansgate, on the 16th of August, and there saw
that party which conducted Hunt to the ground ; I saw him in
an open carriage. The Star inn is occasionally used by the ma
gistrates ; I do not know that they were there at that time ; the
party halted opposite the door, and shouted and groaned; I saw
Mr. Hunt in a carriage ; I heard no signal, but it seemed to be
done in concert ; the party had music and a banner ; I know
not how many persons were assembled, but the street was filled
for a considerable length, so that a person could not get through;
I endeavoured to get to my own house, but after going a little
way I found the street so full that I could not proceed, and was
obhged to return to the inn. The first part of the crowd pro
ceeded irregularly, but near the carriage, both before and be
hind, great regularity was observed ; the men were marching in
rows, and stepping regularly; it had the appearance of a prac
tised step. At the back of King"s-street the crowd again halted
and acted in the same menner that they had done before the Star
inn. There was a white handkerchief displayed from a window
between the Star and King's-street on which there was a great
clapping of hands. The police-office is at the back of King's
street. The manner in whieh they proceeded was most certainly
calculated to create alarm. They appeared to be mostly strang
ers. Though this crowd was but one division, I thought it very
formidable, but connecting it with others that I had heard of, I
became extremely anxious. Most of the shops had their shutters
up, but many of the doors were open. I shut my own windows*
and locked both the front doors. The crowd about Mr.
Hunt had not at all the appearance of a deliberative assembly.
Cross-examined by Mr. Hunt — I am the head master of the
33. vol. il 2 T

320 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT.
free grammar school, in which there is a considerable number
of boys. We were in school before breakfast and I went af
ter breakfast to dismiss them. I have both boarders and day-
scholars ; I think 140 of both, of which fifteen are my boarders.
We desired the boys to go home. I let them go about their
business, thinking they would be safer with their respective pa
rents than in school. Our school finishes at twelve O'clock, and
1 thought there would be more danger in letting them go at that
hour than at ten o'clock. I did not see a placard from the bo-
roughreeve requesting people to keep children at home on that
day, but I was informed of it. I believed the children would
go safely home. My apprehension was not as to what might
happen in the course of the morning, but of what might happen
in the course of the afternoon. There were some women in the
crowd I saw. There was no insult offered to me personally
when I went among the crowd. None of the boys I sent home
on that day were hurt. On the proclamation of George IV. at
Manchester, a great crowd was assembled. I do not know that
any windows were shut on that day. I suppose the windows in
the square must have been closed.
J. Barlow examined by Serjeant Hullock — I keep the Coach
and Horses in Dean's-gate, about 50 yards from the Police-office.
I remember the 16th August. I was at home from ten o'clock
in the morning until evening. I saw a number of people march
ing in bodies, in the same manner that soldiers do when drilling.
I saw a carriage in the crowd, in which there were four persons.
There was a woman in front, with a flag. When they get near
the Police-office they stopped the carriage for a few minutes. A
number of them turned their faces towards the police, and gave
three cheers. The persons in the carriage looked towards the
police. There were several banners, upon one of which was
" Equal Representation or Death. The cheers were very loud.
\ closed the shutters for fear of having my windows broken, and
burned candles. Two of my neighbours closed their windows
also. I remained at home, as I felt alarmed lest there should be
some mischief.

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 321
Cross-examined by Mr. Hunt — I have lived thirty years in
Manchester, I remember the proclamation of the peace; there
were great crowds, but not so large as this. There was much
cheering and shouting ; it was near my house and also near the
Police-office. No offence was offered to me. I felt great alarm
during the whole of the 1 6th. I saw the proclamation of George
the Fourth ; there was a great crowd. They marched very well,
but I think they had not had so much drilling as the meeting on
the 16th. The latter had sticks, and several shouldered them
as soldiers do muskets. I may have mentioned this to some of
my servants, but there are none of them here at present. I do
not know whether the crowd who assembled on the proclama
tion of the peace had banners ; I know they had no such flags
as those used on the 16th. There never was half so many per
sons assembled at Manchester races as I saw pass my door on
that day. I cannot tell whether ten thousand, twenty thousand,
fifty thousand, or one hundred and fifty thousand persons passed
my door on that day. I do not know how many persons I have
seen at the Manchester races at once.
Thomas Styan examined by Mr. Scarlett — I am a gun-smith,
residing in Market-street, Manchester. I saw numbers of peo
ple pass my shop on the morning of the 16th of August. They
continued passing from eleven o'clock. I shut my shop for fear
the windows should be broken, as I saw great crowds coming
down the street I kept my shop shut until two' oclock.
Cross-examined by Mr. Hunt — I know Richardson, the gun-
maker. I do not know that he sharpens the swords for the ca
valry. The crowd which caused me to shut my shop was going
in a great hurry. There was no mischief done to my shop. The
first time I shut my shop was about eleven o'clock. Soon after
some shutters were taken down. I know Mr. Molineux, my
next neighbour : he does not know when the shutters were put
up better than I do. The first time I opened the door and part
of my windows, was between two and three. I do not recollect
I ever had occasion to shut my shop before.
Edmond Simpson examined by Mr. Serjeant Hullock — I am
a hatter, and reside in Dean's-gate. I saw several bodies of

322 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT.
people pass on the 16th of August; they commenced passing about
ten o'clock, and ended at one. They had music and colours. —
When Mr. Hunt came up there was music with him ; he came
up at a quarter past one. The people marched about nine or ten
abreast, and some part of them went in regular step. I shut
my shop before ten o'clock, and kept it shut all day. I closed
both doors and windows. I was afraid there would be a dis
turbance, and I was very much alarmed, and so were my fami
ly, at seeing them march in that manner. I have a wife and five
children. I looked out of the up-stairs window.
Cross-examined by Mr. Hunt — I was very much alarmed on
that day; I was not afraid of the cavalry at all. I did not
know any thing of the cavalry at that time. I did not hear a
report that the cavalry would attack the people. I did not open
my shop that day. (In answer to the judge.) Between 4,000 and
5,000 persons passed my house.
Matthew Cooper examined by Mr. Scarlett — I am an ac
countant at Manchester. I went to the meeting of the 16 th of
August about twelve o'clock. I have some memorandums which
I took on the ground. I think about 100,000 persons were as
sembled ; I measured the ground, and made the best calcula
tion I could as to the number who could stand on a square yard
of ground. The meeting seemed principally composed of the
labouring classes. The people stood so close that I could not
get so close to the hustings as I wished. I saw the flags. I have
an account of some of the inscriptions which were upon them,
One was " No Boroughmongers ;" reverse, " Unite and be
free;" another, "Equal Representation or Death;" a third
" Taxation without equal Representation is tyrannical and un
just." There were several others.
I was on the field when Mr Hunt and his party approached.
Several who followed the procession had white paper or rags in
their hats. I heard some of them say to the others, " lads, take
care of your white rags." Before Mr. Hunt's arrival I saw se
veral on the hustings. Johnson was with Hunt. I saw Mr.
Saxton and Mr. Knight on the hustings. I saw others whose
names 1 do not know [here witness pointed out Swift and Jones

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 323
as two who had been on the hustings]. Mr. Hunt on taking
the chair, made a speech. I heard the whole of it. I took
notes of it on the ground, and they are now in their original
state. It is thus [here witness read his notes : —
" Gentlemen, I must entreat that you will be peaceable and
quiet and that every person who wishes to hear, must keep
order, and all I ask for is, that during the proceedings you will
be quiet We will endeavour to make ourselves heard, but it is
impossible for us to be heard by the whole. We wish our
fellow-countrymen who do hear us will communicate to those
who do not. It is useless to observe upon the intended meeting
of last week, only to observe that those who by their mahgnant
exertions in taking advantage of a few illegal words, expected
they had triumphed, instead of which, it has produced two-fold
numbers (there were cheers), and now we have triumphed. He
went on to state that two or three placards, signed by two or
three obscure individuals  "
While he was saying this, some companies of foot soldiers ap
peared in Dickinson-street and formed. Mr. Hunt then spoke
on, but I did not take notes any further ; I shall give the sub
stance from memory.
Witness went on to state as follows ; — " He said never mind
they are only a few soldiers, and very few compared with us,
we are a host against them." In my judgment the meeting was
such as to inspire very great fear in the inhabitants of the town
of Manchester. My apprehension did not arise from what I
then saw, but from previous circumstances, and from informa
tion communicated to me.
Cross-examined by Mr. Barron — I know the appearance of
Jones ; I never heard that he was the carpenter employed to
build the hustings.
Cross-examined by Mr. Hunt — I have no other occupation
but those of accountant and law stationer ; I am secretary to a
committee, but that arises out of my other occupations. I was
secretary to a committee composed of 300 gentlemen, in aid of
the civil power. I am not in the employ of the police. I occa
sionally communicate with the Courier and Morning Post Lon.

324 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT.
don papers. I sent up an account of the Manchester meeting
to the Courier. I think my report did not appear. I believe
they selected from the other papers. I have been in the service
of a professor of the law for nine years. I have been under in
structions for the Excise. I was, earlier in hfe, a clerk to a
brewer, to Dawes and Fogg, of Boulton, perhaps twelve months.
My father was in the Excise ; he was supervisor of the district in
which the brewery is situated. (Mr. Hunt asked witness why
he left this employment, but he declined answering, at length he
stated as follows), I apphed to my own use money belong
ing to the firm, and Messrs. Dawes dismissed me in con
sequence. That money I have repaid to Mr. Dawes, with
compound interest, up to the time of payment. I took
the money out of the till, and was detected. I know
John Roscoe ; he was servant to Messrs. Dawes. I have
repaid in all, with interest, £25. It is some months ago
since I paid this money ; it was the first moneyT could com
mand. The reason of my not paying it sooner, was, that my
father's death left three younger brothers to be supported by me
It was to Mr. Fogg he paid the money. It was paid three months
ago. I took the notes since I gave evidence against you at the
New Bailey, and since I was a witness on the indictment at
Lancaster. I did not take so much as £25 from my master's till,
but it being left to my discretion, I thought I ought to do my
utmost to repair the injury. I have been three years in business
I never told Mr. Scarlett, Mr. Maule, or Milne, this story. I
did not know you knew it. The money which I took was
stamped If I had known that you were acquainted with it I
should have had Mr. Dawes here, as he would willingly come
forward for me. I do not know that my father being a super
visor of the district, and having great power over my master,
was the reason why I was not prosecuted. I have not been paid
by the magistrates or police, except for being secretary to the
committee in aid of the civil power. The accounts of the
committee were passed at the parish table.
Mr. Hunt — Don't you know this money was paid out of the
parish rates.

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 325
Mr. Justice Bayley said this was not a relevant question.
I was within a dozen or fifteen yards of the hustings on the
day of the meeting. I stood between the hustings and the house
where the magistrates were. I saw no disturbance. I went
purposely to take notes of what you or any one else should say.
The reason why the observation respecting the soldiers were
not written down was, that all attention being directed to them
when they appeared, I ceased to use my pencil. The cavalry
were coming up at the time. I took down the heads of your
discourse at the time, and the remainder I filled up from me
mory. I am not a reporter. All I have read is not down in
my notes.
Mr. Justice Bayley — Let me look at these notes — [The notes
were handed in.] I think there are the materials here of such a
speech. Cross-examination continued — I have a good memory. I
wrote out my notes, and handed them over to Mr. Norris, the
magistrate. I have not seen them since. I did not hear you
say, " Put them down, and keep them down." I turned when
the cavalry came, and you might then have said it without my
hearing you. It was not said before the cavalry appeared. None
but the editor of the Courier employed me to take notes of
what passed — [witness reported the incriptions on the flags]. —
There was no bloody dagger on the black flag. The inscription
on the black flag attracted my attention particularly. I had not
time or I would have taken all the inscriptions. The black flag
was attached to a pole as the other flags were. I saw no differ
ence between them. I saw a barbed point to one of the flag
poles, it was painted red. The top of the pole was not a fleur-
de-lis. I did not see two hands and the word " Love" upon
the black flag.
The court adjourned at seven o'clock.
On the third day the same anxiety was manifested to obtain
admission which marked the struggle of those who were anxious
to be spectators on the preceding days. The ladies seemed still
•as curious as ever, and the obvious eagerness of their anxiety
again induced them to enter court through privileged avenues

326 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT.
so 6arly as seven o'clock in the morning. Each side of the
judges' seat on the bench was, as usual graced by the presence
of rank and beauty, and Mr. Justice Bayley displayed to them
that courteous affability for which he is so eminently distinguish
ed. At eight o'clock the public gates were thrown open, and
the galleries and area became filled in the usual manner by a
mixed throng, who rushed into every seat and corner of the
court that were not defended by the constables for the magis
trates, and attorneys and jurors.
At nine o'clock Mr. Hunt and the other defendants, with
the solicitors entered court and occupied their usual places.
A few minutes previous, Mr. Justice Bayley entered the
court, and addressed Mr. Barrow, one of the counsel, for some
of the defendants, in the following terms : — Upon a question
which arose yesterday, I stated that we could not here enter
into a consideration of the conduct of the yeomanry cavalry on
the 16th of August. Whether that be proper or improper we are
not now trying. But when I say this, I beg the defendants par
ticularly to understand, that it is open to them to show the con
duct of every part of the people collected at the meeting on that
day, with a view to estabhsh their peaceable character, or the
tendency of their acts ; also with the view of shewing that there
was no desire manifested by them to resist the civil authorities.
Into all this they may fully enter, but not into the propriety or
impropriety of the conduct of the yeomanry. I mention this
now, to have what I said yesterday explicitly understood, if it
was not so at the time ; and also for the purpose of allowing you
if you please to call back any witness you may desire to put ques
tions relative to the character of the meeting, but whom you may
not perhaps, have examined on that subject through any mis
apprehension of what fell from me yesterday.
Mr. Barrow said, the defendants would avail themselves, if
necessary, of his lordship's kind permission.
Mr. Hunt, who had entered the moment after his lordship
made this communication, was apprised of it by the judge's con
siderate repetition of what he had just said. Mr. Hunt then
said — My Lord, I was quite aware of your lordship's meaning

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 327
yesterday, I know we are not here to try the conduct of the
yeomanry cavalry on the 16th of August, but whether the defen
dants are;guilty of a conspiracy to form and attend an illegal meet
ing, and to inquire whether any illegal act had been committed
by that people when assembled. I wish to shew the animus
of that meeting more particularly as the opposite side have
travelled out of the record, and attempted to show that we
were concerned in instigating some individuals to inspire terror
into the minds of peaceable people, and have produced wit
nesses to identify us, as it were, who wanted to take a man's
good coat off his back — who wanted to make Manchester ano
ther Moscow; — and, thirdly, who wish to represent that I pointed
to the soldiers, and then said to the people, " There are our
enemies; get them down, and keep them down." If I can
show that instead of these statements being true as regarded the
people assembled, they evinced a conduct exactly the reverse of
that ascribed to them, and that their whole demeanour was or
derly and pacific, then I imagine there will be an end to the
indictment. Mr. Justice Bayley — I neither meant yesterday, nor do I
mean now to exclude any evidence the defendants may have to
offer, respecting the conduct of the people assembled on the par
ticular day.
Mr. Hunt — I had hoped we should have been spared the
trouble of calling any evidence to shew the character of the
meeting, so little has been said to impeach it ; but as the other
side has travelled farther, we shall be obhged to trouble the
court with our witnesses.
Mr. Justice Bayley— If you wish to p'ut any questions to the
witnesses of yesterday, touching the demeanour of the meeting,
I shall call them back to answer ydu.
Mr. Hunt — If I shall find it necessary in the course of the
day, I'll take the liberty of troubling your Lordship
The trial was then resumed.
The first witness was Joseph Mills, examined by Mi. Serjeant
33. vol n. 2 u

328 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT.
Hullock — I keep a pubhc house at Manchester, and know Jo
seph Healey, who came to St. Peter's at the head of a very
large party of men, on the morning of the 16th of August. They
marched in files of about four or five abreast The number was
upwards of 3 or 4000, and Healey led them up, in a mihtary way,
with a trumpeter, to the hustings or cart, which they surround
ed. Healey got upon it, and took from a man who carried it a
black flag, which he stuck up, and shortly returned it to the ori
ginal bearer, after making a little speech, saying that they must
stand steady, for their enemies were at hand. They then cheered
him. There was a cap of liberty also. I know one Wilde, who
led up a party of men, and. who is not now here to my know
ledge. [Witness pointed to Johnson as hke Wilde, and Johnson
addressed the judge and said, " I am no more like him than
your Lordship." The defendant Wilde, was ill, and not in court
at this hour of the morning. He afterwards entered and was
identified by the witness, as having led up a party of the men
through Morley-streeton the 16th of August.] Wilde, on halting
the men, said, "Link your arms, and keep steady." The
people immediately obeyed him, quite round the cart. A little
after, not thinking they had kept room enough, he ordered
them to "fall back," "keep as you are," &c. &c The
people formed in this manner four or five deep in ranks. About
one o'clock Mr. Hunt arrived, and the people opened a road for
him up to the hustings. Mr. Moorhouse and Mr. Johnson
were with him. Mr. Hunt ascended the hustings, on which
there were several others ; among them was Mr. Saxton, who
had been half an hour or more on the hustings before, and who
spoke several times to the crowd, and was often cheered. There
were, when Mr. Hunt arrived in St. Peter's area, more than
60,000 people assembled, and it was in his judgment a meeting
calculated to inspire terror and alarm into the minds of the in
habitants of Manchester. I had been at several meetings be
fore, and never saw the people come into town as they did that

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 329
day. I never saw so large a meeting before. All former meet
ings that I saw were composed of parties, who came in at ran
dom, and at their leisure, but these came in several bodies in
mihtary array altogether.
Cross-examined by Mr. Hunt — I am a publican, since last
October twelve months, and was previously one of Nadin's runners
as they are called. I am jolly and well (witness was a fat jo ¦
vial looking man,) and would be glad to see you look so well,
Mr. Hunt I was, hke many others, a special constable on
that day. I am quite sure Dr. Healey came up, heading
his party, which formed round the hustings with a trumpeter.
He here repeated his direct evidence, and said that Healy
might have recommended the people to be peaceable, though I
did not hear him. I call them parties, not squadrons ; the lat
ter are dragoons, Mr. Hunt. I have conversed with none of
the witnesses since this trial, about what has transpired in court.
None of the men insulted or assaulted me, nor did I see them mo
lest any body, except shouting. When you came up, they played
up " See the conquering Hero comes [laugh]" I did not consi
der that either an insult or an assault. I don't think I heard
" God save the King" " or Rule Brittannia" played. I won't
swear they were not Healy's men formed at the back of Mr.
Wilde's. The former, I think, did not fink ams, the others
did, and by the forming and keeping room, pushed back the
constables, who were then put about a dozen or fourteen yards
from the hustings. I never saw such a thing done at a meeting
before, and it alarmed me as well as many others. We did not com
plain of being pushed back, nor ask them for a more direct
communication with the hustings. Wilde ordered them to be
firm and steady ; he had a tradesman's apron on. If he had
said any thing treasonable or violent, I should have, as a special
constable, noticed it. I will not swear that he did not recom
mend peace or order. I saw no act of violence committed by
any body in the crowd upon the constables. When you came,
they shouted, and you seemed all merry together. Saxton was
there half an hour before you. You said, they must be quiet
if not, to pull' em down and keep them quiet. I did not hear

330 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT.
you tell the people to pull the soldiers down and keep them
down. I heard you say nothing so foolish or wicked.
Cross-examined by Mr. Barrow and Mr. Holt — Nothing
material transpired, except that he did not see Moorhouse on the
hustings, though he did Saxton, before Mr. Hunt came. Saxton
was a reporter to a newspaper, but he could not recollect whe
ther he saw him with a pen and ink.
Mr. Healey — Did you or did you not tell me, the week be
fore, that if I attended that meeting you would take me into
custody ? — I did not.
Q. Did you or did you not say to one of your customers, that
when you saw me on the hustings you marked me down for
your bird ? — I did not ; but I was over, near where I lived at
that time, and was called where you were- —this was on the 8th of
August and he knew me very well, my Lord, as I once took
him up to Lord Sidmouth's office. He asked me, " You have
not another warrant for me Mills ?" — No, said I, I have not.
Then, said he, sit down and take something with us. We
then talked over our travels, together when we were in
London. Henry Horton examined — I live in London, but was at Man
chester on the 16th of August, to take notes for a London paper.
I went to St. Peter's area at halt-past eleven o'clock, and saw dif
ferent parties marching into the area. As they entered they seem
ed to be conducted by persons who had the command of them. I
saw several banners. I cannot say I saw a dagger painted on a
flag ; but one of the flag poles had the resemblance of a dagger
surmounting it and I think painted red. There were a great
body of constables formed from the hustings towards Mr. Bux
ton's house. I did not observe the hustings removed from its
original position. Before Mr. Hunt arrived, I saw Mr. Jones
exhort the meeting to be peaceable, and he said the committee
had, on the Saturday previous, ordered the people to assemble
round the hustings at six yards distance, and to lock themselves
arm in arm, in order that they might not be broken in upon.
These were not the precise words, but to that effect. I was then
about six or seven yards behind the hustings, which were at

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 331
that time preparing. I heard Mr. Wilde speak to the same ef
fect as Jones. A Mr. Swift addressed the meeting at greater
length than the other two, and obtained a better hearing. All
this was before Mr. Hunt arrived. Swift exhorted the meeting
to be peaceable until the arrival of their chairman, and not to
give their enemies any opportunity of exercising that power,
which he knew they were on the alert to do. "By these
means," said he, "we shall prove to them that jwe are not mad
as they call us, if we are mad, it is the most pleasant insensibility
I ever felt in my life." As I found myself getting nearer the
hustings, I though, it advisable to put up my pencil and paper.
T was first among the constables, but was aftewards placed about
the middle of the circles which encompassed the hustings. There
were about eleven or twelve such circles, and in one of them
I was locked by persons at each side of me. At that time it was
utterly impossible for any man to force his way through that crowd.
When Mr. Hunt arrived, there appeared to be a falhng back to
make way for him. I saw him ascend the hustings, and Mr.
Moorhouse in the coach. A female carried a flag on the box of
the coach. I heard Mr. Hunt address the meeting, the people
standing mostly uncovered during his address. My hat vwas on
and so had many on the front rows ; my hands were so locked that
I could not get at my hat. Mr. Hunt commenced by entreating si
lence, and by stating that they should avoid the confusion of call
ing silence themselves, as such a call only led to greater noise. He
also said, " if any body attempts to create a disturbance with a
view to interrupt the proceedings, I hope some one will be found
to have courage enough to put them down, quiet them and keep
them down." On this some man behind me said, but so as not
to be heard on the hustings, " why that's killing them," I am
sure Mr. Hunt did not hear it. After some prefatory observation,
thanking them for the honour they had done him, he said it was
unnecessary for him to allude to the proceedings respecting the last,
intended meeting, and added, that the magistrates had thought they
gained a victory in stopping it instead of which it had caused a
greater meeting on this occasion. He then adverted to some pla
cards, signed, as he said, by Jack Long and Tom Short, or some such

332 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT
insignificant persons. Interruption then ensued from the appear
ance of the yeomanry, on whom all eyes were directed, as they
came down towards Mr. Buxton's house, where they remained
for a few moments. I then heard Mr. Hunt say, " stand firm,
ny friends, they are in disorder already, give them three cheers."
I wont swear these were his words exactly, but they were their
¦mport. Mr. Hunt set the example, and a confused cheering fol
lowed. The yeomanry then advanced, I was pushed back with the
crowd, I saw them advance to the hustings and the people then
taken up ; I never saw such a meeting any where, I am utterly
unacquainted with Manchester, my judgement of the number is
scarcely to be depended upon, but I think there were 60,000
persons present they seemed stout and athletic men of the lower
orders of society, such as labourers. I think such a meeting
was calculated to create most serious alarm in the town.
Cross-examined by Mr. Barrow. — I came down as a reporter
for a London paper, and was on the field at eleven o'clock.
Jones was assisting in putting up the hustings ; I don't know
that he is a millwright ; he exhorted them to be peaceable.
The numbers gradually amounted to 60,000. He did not
know whether it was usual to have some barrier at pubhc meet
ings, to prevent the crowd from pressing on the hustings ;
it was a necessary and safe measure, perhaps, or it might be
so to form this barrier themselves by linking around, so as
that a httle space should be kept and all anxious to hear.
And this was accompanied by an exhortation to be peaceable.
Cross-examined by Mr. Holt — I heard Jones and Swift ad
dress from the hustings, but to my recollection nobody else be
fore Mr. Hunt came. I was within six yards of the hustings,
and if any body else came up to speak from the hustings, and
was cheered, I must I think, have heard them. But still pos
sibly it might have occurred, as these were preliminary matters
to which I did not pay much attention. Those whom I have
mentioned spoke nearly to the same effect repeatedly, and it
is very hkely that others may have done the same. I think
I should have certainly noticed Saxton, if he spoke and was
cheered— it must have attracted my attention. I can't how-

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 3^3
ever, conclude that he did not speak, for the observations of
the speakers were to the same effect and as they were all
strangers to me, I could not positively say who did, or did not.
If Saxton did come forward and speak, I think I must almost
of necessity have noticed him. I don't recollect Saxton on the
hustings, but can't speak positively, as all the persons there at
the time were strangers to me.
Cross-examined by Mr. Hunt. — The papers I hold in my
hand are two of The New Times, containing my accounts of
the transaction at Manchester, which are the same as I have
verbally given in court. I was sent down as reporter to The
New Times. The accounts in those papers are not perhaps
exactly the same as I sent — that is, verbally so, for they were
drawn up in a hurry, and may require verbal corrections. It
is not usual to alter the tenor of my reports ; but hasty verbal
inaccuracies may be corrected. I have no other occupation
than that of a reporter on The New Times, and an occasional
correspondent for some country papers. While at Manches
ter, I was frequently at the Police-office to gain information of
passing occurrences. I know Mr. Nadin. I do not commu
nicate any information to the Police-office, as well as I receive
it from thence. I merely reported for the paper I have men
tioned. I was never employed by the Solicitors to the Treasury,
I never saw Mr. Maule until a month ago. I never was at
Halifax, except passing through on my way here. I sent no
communication of the Manchester business to any other Lon
don paper than The New Times. What appeared in that news
paper was from my pen. The communications which I sent
were of occurrences under my eye. I beheve there was a let
ter sent to the paper from Manchester, but from whom I did
not know. I never told any one that my report was made up
horn what I heard from other London reporters. That was
not the fact ; I was locked in among the people.
Mi. Hunt. — You must being so high bred a gentleman,
have been curiously situated among the lower orders.
Q. Did you get any thing unpleasant in the crowd ? — A. I

334 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT.
felt no inconvenience ; nobody threatened to take my good
coat off my back ; I was certainly alarmed.
Q. How came you to omit "the putting. down and keeping
down" in your account that you sent up ? — A. Because I wrote
the report in a private room ; the moment I got out of the
crowd, I, without reading it over, sent it by an express to town;
I afterward noted down more particulars on refreshing my re
collection, and then I remembered that passage in your speech
as well as another which I did not know I omitted until the
paper reached Manchester. It is not my practice to omit
material and transmit trivial points. I did recollect the omis
sion before I saw any other paper, and corrected it the very
day of the meeting. I never sent up to have it corrected as I
had other things of more consequence to attend to. It cer
tainly never struck me that by making the observation " keep
them down, &c," you meant to put any body to death. I sel
dom report in courts of justice. There were no military in
view when you said " keep them down, &c. ; " it was when
you spoke to the people at the back of the hustings. I was
very near you at the time, and did not see you point to any
one. Q. Then those who have said, I pointed to the soldiers and
said, there are your enemies, put them down, &c. &c. are not
correct ? — A. Certainly not according to my recollection. I
have not got my orignal notes, though I knew for what I was
coming here. The notes I took on the field I lost on the same
day in Mr. Potty's offices, the solicitor at Manchester. I made
the greatest inquiries after them without effect. I have not
brought down my manuscript reports to the papers ; they may
be lost or not I never saw them since they went I refreshed
my memory from the account in the papers which I hold in my
hand. Though there is a verbal difference between parts of the
written and the printed account yet there is no alteration of
any matter of fact. I did not hear you exhort the people to
any act which had a tendency to lead them to violence and
disorder.

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 335
Mr. Hunt (holding in his hand a number of The New Times
of the 18th of August) — Look, Sir, at the early part of the re
port in this paper — is it yours ? A. Yes, I wrote it.
The paragraph referred to stated the arrival of Mr. Hunt
and others at the hustings, in a coach, accompanied by "Tyas''
in the coach.
Q. Is that true ? — A. I cannot swear to it I was told Tyas
was one.
Q. Did you not know Tyas ? — A. No ; I was also told Sax
ton was there ; I received my information on the field as well
as I could ; I don't recollect seeing Saxton in the field.
Mr. Hunt— Is this passage, in which you speak of a lady
who was on the box of the coach as " a profligate Amazon,"
your writing ? — A. It is.
Q. Where did you get that information ? — A. I received it
from some person who told me who were the parties, for I did
not know any of them myself. I called her a profligate Ama
zon, because I thought her appearance in the manner and place
where I saw her, justified the observation. I never saw a lady
present colours at the head of a regiment.
Mr. Hunt read on from The New Times report — " The sol
diers advanced and surrounded the hustings, when Mr. Nadin,
with the utmost resolution, seized hold of Johnson first and
then of Hunt an-d afterwards of several others, whom he hand
ed to his assistants, and the latter carried them immediately
to the New Bailey. The banners were the next objects to
which the pohce officers directed their attention, and with very
little resistance they got possession of the whole of them. The
scene that now issued was truly awful ! The shrieks of women
and the groans of men, were to be heard at some distance.
Every person who attended out of curiosity, finding his per
sonal safety at risk, immediately fled, and where was then the
boasted courage of these mad-headed reformers ? They were
seen retreating in all directions with the utmost speed. The
crush was so great in one part of the field, that it knocked down
some out-buildings at the end of a row of houses, on which
33. vol. n 2 x.

336 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT.
were at least twenty or thirty persons, with an immense crush.
As I was carried along by the crowd, I saw several almost
buried in the ruins. Others, in their anxiety to escape, had
been trampled on by the populace, many of them to death. A
feeling of sauve qui peut appeared now to fill the mind of every
body, and the dreadful result is not yet known."
Mr. Hunt. — What do you mean by six caps of Jacobinism ?
A. Those were red caps of liberty, with " Henry Hunt, Esq."
on them. It was the colour and the shape, not the inscription,
which gave me this notion of them. I have not examined this
castle, nor been struck with the cap and the pole surmounting
it. I did see several people hurt near the out-house hy the
pressure of the ruins. I saw nobody cut while I was there.
The groans proceeded from the pressure of the crowd getting
away from the field. I know as well as you the field did not
attack them. I presume they were endeavouring to get away
on the appearance of the soldiers, and not from any act done
them by the soldiers certainly. I escaped amid the pressure
of the crowd ; no one attacked me, no one cut at me with a
sword, no one cut at my hat with a sword, nor did I ever tell
such a thing to any one. I had no constable's staff on that
day, nor ever said I saved myself from a blow of a sword by
holding up a constable's staff on the day of the 16th of August.
I never said such a thing to any brother reporter, nor that a
yeoman who struck at me exclaimed, " d — n you, why did not
you show that staff before ?" I have certainly told people that
I was coming here as a witness for the prosecution, and might
have said " against Hunt" but I never said " I would do for
him in the witnesses' box."
Mr. Hunt again read on from the report.
" Had it not been for the interference of Nadin, the deputy
constable, whom these men have particularly calumniated, it
is certain that Hunt would not now have been alive, for the
military were determined to cut him to pieces."
Q. Who told you that ? — A. I cannot recollect now ; but I
was told it by somebody between the meeting and twelve at

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 337
night — I do not recollect by whom, it was an occurrence which
I heard, and as it struck me to be a forcible circumstance I
mentioned it though I cannot think it was likely to be true.
Q. How came you to insert " it is certain," when you say
you did not believe it to be true ? — A. I did not think it pos
sible, yet having heard it I felt it right to mention it as it was
related to me, and I certainly wrote " it is certain," merely
stating what had been communicated to me. I am employed
by the proprietors of The New Times, the only one of whom I
know is Dr. Stoddart ; he is no relation of mine. I did not
know when I wrote that account that you had bills found upon
an indictment against that paper for an alleged libel. Though
I knew you were proceeding for some libel, I did not know it
was for urging people to assassinate you. I did not write what
you call a libel. I know nothing about it.
Q. Did you not know that John Tyas, instead of being a
delinquent was, like yourself, a London reporter ? — A. No, I
never at that time saw him until the Manchester meeting.
Mr. Hunt read on further — " The yeomanry were supported
by the 3rd hussars. Among the spolia opitma they say are to
be reckoned sixteen banners, with seditious inscriptions, and
six caps of Jacobinism. At the moment when Hunt was seized
there could not have been fewer than 50,000 persons on the
ground." The loyal inhabitants of Manchester, and loyal they
certainly are, felt themselves imperatively called upon to rescue
the town from the odium cast on it by the toleration of these
meetings. It is solely from such feehngs that they have acted
and in so doing they have certainly set an admirable example
to the community at large ; for though irritated to a very high
degee, they have conducted themselves on this unhappy occa
sion with the greatest temperance and moderation.
He then turned to a leading article in the same paper, which
stated that " the wretch" who was foremost in the meeting
changed countenance, and that his " grin of malice" gave way
to a pallid and sallow hue.
Q. Is that your writing ? — A. It is not
Q. By whom was it written ? — A. I don't know.

£38 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT.
Q. Is it true ? — A. It is true that you looked pale at the
approach of the mihtary.
Q. And that my hps quivered ? — A. I have nothing to do
with the garnishing of it ; you certainly looked pale, as I have
mentioned. Q. Were not the shrieks of the women and the groans of the
men calculated to appal the stoutest hearts ? — A. I heard no
shrieks at that time, nor until afterwards.
Q. You saw me make no resistance to the constable's staff,
it was an instant surrender ? — A. I saw you make no resistance,
but it was rather a seizure than a surrender. I think it was
Nadin who seized you. I heard no question put by you to the
officer of cavalry. I saw Nadin take Johnson off the hustings
by the leg, and it appeared to me he was about to do the same
to you : but as I had turned round at that moment, I can't say
exactly how he took you.
Cross-examined by Mr. Bamford.— I occasionally saw Mr.
Nadin at the police-office, and got accounts of public business
from him. It was not he who communicated to me the inten
tion of cutting Mr. Hunt to pieces. I never communicated
with Mr. Milne, but I have with Mr. Cowper, the accomptant
sometimes at his own house, and sometimes in the street. Be
tween the time of the meeting and the night I communicated
with a number of persons, whom I don't now recollect
Q. From your appearance, I should presume you have the
honour and manners of a gentleman, why not then have com
municated to Mr. Hunt the intention to cut him to pieces ? —
A. I did not hear it until after the meeting, and of course could
not have made a previous communication.
Cross-examined by Mr. Swift. — I know you, though I did
not see you until the meeting at Manchester. I refer these
words to you as having uttered them in your speech (some few
sentences recommending peace and good order.) Your speech
was, I think, applauded, and so was that of every body who
spoke. Re-examined by Mr. Scarlett. — I do not know of any in-
(dictment against the paper for a pubhcation to urge any body

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 339
to assassinate Mr. Hunt ; but I do know there is a charge of
libel or something like calling him " a coward ;" it relates to
some occurrence at the Westminster election, between Mr.
Dowling and Mr. Hunt on the hustings. There is nothing, I
think, in that article, inciting any body to assassinate Mr.
Hunt. I have no recollection of hearing Mr. Saxton address
the meeting, but I occasionally left the field. I was not near
the hustings the whole time. There might have been others
speaking, though I did not hear them. As near as I could, I
sent a faithful relation of what I saw, and what was told me by
others. I never used the expression " I'd do for Mr. Hunt,"
or that " I had a constable's staff on that day, either to Mr.
Tyas or Fitzpatrick, which protected me from the yeoman's
sabre blows."
James Piatt examined. — I have been a police-officer, and
was situated, at eleven o'clock in the forenoon, in St. Peter's
area, on the 16th of August. About twelve I saw Dr. Healy,
whom I had known for twenty years, bring up a number of
people to the cart afterwards to the hustings. Witness then
described the formation of the people around the hustings, and
identified Healy and Bamford as being there.
Nothing material occurred in this witness's cross-examina
tion, except that the shout which hailed Mr. Hunt's arrival on
the ground, appeared to him to be one of defiance rather than
joy. He could not well distinguish between one huzza and
another, but this meeting was the the largest he ever saw. He
said he was bred to the fustian trade, near Oldham. After
that he went to London, and lived as a gentleman's servant
with Count de Bruhl, the Saxon Minister, and in other ser
vice. He had been at the Bank of England with information
respecting forgeries, but he was never accused of passing any.
In his cross-examination by Mr. Hunt — Q. What is the price
of a. flimsy (we presume a flash phrase for a forged note) now? —
A. If you want them in flash — why ten bobs (shillings.) The
prices vary a little according to the execution. The way I know
forgeries was, that my father had forged £5 notes paid him for
fustian ; he offered one at a grocer's shop in Middleton, which

340 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT.
subsequently proved to be bad, and they were returned; the five
pound notes were returned by his father to where he got them,
and in return he got six or seven forged notes for £1 or £2. This
so aggravated witness that he determined to probe the matter to
the bottom, and detect the passers. " I went to the people (con
tinued the witness,) and by inveiglement I got into the secret and
obtained from them a £o and a £2 note, upon which I gave in
formation to the Bank of England. I subsequently detected the
parties, and I would do so again ; eight shillings was the price
of a flimsy then ; for the five pound I gave two pound sixteen
shillings ; the man who gave them to me is now at large in Man
chester ; he was committed, but not tried ; it was this cir
cumstance that introduced me to Mr. Nadin, who acted un
der the direction of the Bank; by inveiglement I detected
others since, and one of them was by my evidence, and that of
others, hanged.
Q. What price did you receive for that ? — I dechne answer
ing that question. I never gave false evidence. I have pre
vented many, and never appeared against one that was nailed,
I gave no evidence for forgeries at the last Lancaster assizes ;
besides Healy and Bamford, I saw you, Johnson, Saxon, Jones
and Moorhouse on the hustings, I can't say at what time I first
found Saxton there. Nobody assaulted or insulted me on the
field, nor did any body else offend where I stood, though I am
said to be a dealer in flimsies.
Here the defendant, Healey, exclaimed with great warmth,
that the witness said one thing here to day, and another at the
New Bailey. This the witness denied. In answer to further
questions, he said he knew Jones and Saxton, and believed they
were employed in Manchester. He would not say whether he
swore or not at the New Bailey that he saw Saxton on the
hustings, between the times of twelve and half past one o'clock —
There were not one hundred persons on the hustings, while Mr.
Hunt and Saxton were there ; he did not know them then ; but
he had learnt since, that gentlemen from the newspapers were
there ; he did not however, recollect to see them.
Re-examined — He certainly thought the meeting of the

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 341
16th of August most seriously calculated to inspire terror —
I have seen many crowds before at Manchester and other places
but never felt such terror as I did at this. The people of Lees,
Saddleworth, and Middleton would have to pass through the
town in going to Peter's field. There was a score of regular
constables, and 200 or 300 special constables out that day.
Jonathan Andrews examined by Mr. Scarlett — I reside at
Endham Hall, near Manchester ; I was head constable in Man
chester in August last; I have some property there. I was on
the ground about twelve o'clock on the 16th of August; it was
arranged that a fine of constables should extend from the house
where the magistrates were to the hustings, or as near as possi
ble to them. When I went to the ground there was a hne of
constables formed from Mr. Buxton's house to the hustings!
which were then erected. Shortly after the hustings were re
moved several yards backwards. I took notice of the different
parties as they arrived ; they marched in regular mihtary order
as I have seen soldiers march ; about every fourth or fifth man
appeared to have some command over the rest ; they were five
or six abreast. A great number had sticks, and many carried
them as a soldier carries his musket, that is erect upon the left
shoulder; I saw a great number on the ground with sticks
but they did not carry them in that form. I saw many flags
and caps of liberty. When each division arrived, there was
tremendous shouting by those who were on and round the
hustings ; there was also waving of sticks in the air. I was
near enough to the hustings to recognize Jones, whom I knew,
but I did not hear what he said. I was upon the ground when
Mr. Hunt arrived in a carriage. There was then an immense
crowd of people assembled, and the crowd which accompanied
him was also immense. I have before seen as many people
assembled together as I on that day saw. I think there were
between 60,000 and 70,000 persons present, they consisted
mostly of labouring people ; there were very few respectable
persons present. I conceived so large a meeting could have
no other tendency than to overawe the respectable inhabitants
of the town, and its authorities. The people appeared to have

342 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT.
come from a distance. It was a very dusty day ; I think it was
a warm day.
Cross-examined by Mr. Barron — Jones was one of the first
on the hustings. I do not know that he was employed as a
mechanic to erect the hustings. I can't tell whether he was
directing the crowd not to press too close or not.
Cross-examined by Mr. Hunt — I think it was the division
that had a banner with " Equal Representation or Death"
upon it that marched with their sticks shouldered. It was a
black flag ; I saw them on the ground ; the sticks were very
large and thick. The people who attended the meeting ap
peared to me to have come generally with sticks. I said I
thought the meeting amounted to 60,000 or 70,000 persons,
The sticks I saw were not such as I generally see people use
in walking — they were larger ; I cannot say whether they were
as long as walking sticks ; I was not near enough to judge ex
actly. The size of the sticks varied materially, according to the
size of the men. I think they were generally four or five feet
long ; they were not all as thick as my wrist. I do not know
from whence the party bearing the black flag came. They
were marching abreast ; I do not say that every man had his
stick shouldered ; but they carried them generally in that
position. Some of the commanders also had sticks. I think
that division consisted of 3000 or 4000 men ; they had sticks
generally. I cannot tell how many sticks were among the
whole party ; I cannot swear that half of the party, or that one
in four had sticks ; I am positive there was more than one in
ten or one in five so armed. I have already stated, that when
they came upon the ground they shouted and waved their sticks
in the air. I had no particular companion on that day; we had
one hundred constables on the field, but I cannot point out any
one who saw this at the same time that I did. After the party
had waved their sticks they marched towards the hustings in
the same order they had come upon the field. I heard no or
der of " shoulder arms." I saw no use made of those sticks in
attacking the constables; I saw no such attack made. I saw
other divisions arrive, who appeared to have sticks also ; they

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 343
might have made use of their sticks without my seeing them.
I was chiefly with the magistrates, and therefore had not so
good an opportunity of seeing what took place. I saw very few
women, and very few girls indeed. The space of ground was so
large that I could not make an estimate of the number of fe
males. I was near the magistrates house, when you arrived.
I was not at any time near enough to the hustings to hear what
you said. I saw neither fire arms, swords, nor any other offen
sive weapon, but sticks with the crowd. I saw no person that
day, but at the infirmary. I saw no person struck, nor did I
see any of the constables make use of their staves. I had no
occasion to make use of mine.
Thomas Hardman examined by Mr. Littledale — I was a
special constable on the 16th of August; when I first got to the
ground (about eleven o'clock.) there was but a few people as
sembled; soon after, several parties came in, in regular military
order carrying sticks. Those that I saw carried them in the
left hand as soldiers do muskets, and seemed to have some com
mand over the others. They marched towards the hustings and
were cheered as they went up. I heard two people speak from
the hustings before the whole party arrived. The first speech
was, " There has been an order given to stand six yards back
from the stage, otherwise you will afford your enemies an op
portunity of rushing in with their cavalry and all their corrup
tion" The other speech was soon after, I know not which was
first, it was as follows — " If you had ever so stout-hearted a
leader, you will do no good, unless you stand firm to your post." —
Both these speeches were made before Mr. Hunt arrived. Jones
spoke one of the speeches, the first I believe. I know not who
spoke the other. I saw Mr. Hunt come up in a barouch, at
tended by a large crowd. I was then at a distance, and could
not judge how many came up with him. He got upon the
hustings, which were at that time removed eight or ten yards
farther, from where the constables stood, than they were on
their first erection. I think there were 60,000 or 70,000*
34. vol. h. 2 Y

344 TRIAL OF MR HUNT.
persons present The alarm in Manchester was very great
then. Cross-examined by Mr. Barron. — I have an uncle named,
James Hardman, a brewer. Jones was some time since em
ployed by him as an engineer and millwright. I do not know
that Jones was employed to erect the hustings. I was between
fifteen and twenty yards from the hustings, when he spoke. A
Mr. Green was with me, and also heard him. I do not know
any body else who was present at the time. Mr. Green is here.
I think the words are correct, as Mr. Ellis, who was near me,
wrote them down. I am not positive that it was Jones, who
made the first speech, but I believe that he did.
Cross-examined by Mr. Hunt — I am a dry Salter, and acted
as a special constable on that day. I can't say that a reporter
standing within five yards of the hustings and taking notes, is
likely to be more correct than myself. I saw the Oldham
division march in, in regular order. I never saw a copy
of the indictment against you. The expression of one of
the men, who appeared to be a leader, attracted my at
tention to the Oldham division. The commanders had sticks
which they carried in their left hands as soldiers do muskets. I
did not see any of the men make use of their sticks. I saw no
black flag. The sticks were very large ones, but not so long or
so large as a musket. They were of different sizes. Some were
three or four feet long, and about half as thick as my wrist. I
saw no persons injured that day. I remained on the ground till
you were taken to the New Bailey. I accompanied Mr. Hay
to London.
Mr. Hunt — Did you give the same evidence before his ma
jesty's ministers, as you have given here ?
Witness — Does your Lordship think I ought to answer that
question? Mr. Justice Bayley — You may answer it.
Witness — I did. I am not a magistrate.
Mr. Hunt — Did you compare the evidence given to ministers
with what you now say ?

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 345
V\ itness — I do not think proper to answer that question.
Mr. Justice Bayley — I think you may say whether the evi
dence given on both occasions be correct
Mr. Scarlett — I object to this question.
Mr. Justice Bayley (to Mr. Hunt) — Do you mean to contra
dict the evidence of this witness ?
Mr. Hunt — If I can show that he has equivocated, I think I
have a right to do so.
Mr. Justice Bayley — You may ask any question tending to
invalidate the testimony of the witness.
Mr. Scarlett — I object to this question.
Mr. Hunt — If he gave different testimony at different times,
I wish to know where and how he corrected his opinions ?
Mr. Scarlett — The defendant has no right to inquire into
what has taken place elsewhere, unless he means to contradict
the witness ; it is under a pledge of this sort that such questions
are allowed. But how can the witness be contradicted in this
instance, without calhng some of his majesty's ministers into
court which cannot now be done? If the witness says that
he has not given the same evidence in both places, then the in
ference will be against his testimony, and I shall have no oppor
tunity of showing the contrary. If Mr. Hunt can contradict
the witness in any legitimate form, I have no objection to his
going on.
Mr. Justice Bayley — I am of opinion that a general question
of this kind might be asked, not for the purpose of being re
ceived as evidence, or of contradicting a witness, but in order
to go to his credit and of seeing if his evidence was substan
tially the same.
Mr. Hunt said, that sooner than put any question likely to
disturb the verdict when given, he would wave the question.
Mr. Scarlett — Don't be afraid, Mr. Hunt; if you are ac
quitted, the crown will not move for a new trial.
Mr. Justice Bayley said, that if he received what was, or
rejected what was not evidence, the crown would certainly be
at liberty to move for a new trial.

346 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT.
Mr. Hunt waved his question, and the examination pro
ceeded. Captain Henly, of the Manchester Yeomanry cavalry is a
cousin of mine. He was on duty on that day.
Re-examined by Mr. Littledale — The expression which at
tracted his attention to the Oldham division was used by a man
who carried a stick ; he said, " who said We Oldham lads durst
not come here to day ?" I heard nothing else.
Joseph Green, examined by Mr. Serjeant Hullock. — I was
at St. Peter's area on the 16th of August in company with
Mr. Hardman. About the time I got there the first body ar
rived. They marched in the array that soldiers generally
march through a town — in what is called column, 1 think. I
was on the ground until Mr. Hunt was taken from the stage.
Various other bodies arrived after that I have first mentioned.
They all marched nearly in the same manner. There were
also many who came individually. Some of the bodies had
music. A cart came upon the ground nearly at the same time
with the first body, and that I think was the only hustings.
Mr. Hardman and myself had been arranging a fine of con
stables from the cart to the magistrates house. In a short
time the cart was removed about six yards further from the
constables. I should say that before this removal, the line of
constables did not reach close to the cart. The parties as they
arrived formed round the cart. I heard no word of command
given ; I saw no muskets, but some of them had sticks. I
heard a short address from a person, on the hustings whom I
did not then know, but who I have since been told is named
Jones; I do not know his person. — [Here witness repeated
the first speech mentioned by last witness " an order has been
given," &c] — Those words were taken down by Mr. Ellis,
partly from my dictation and partly from Mr. Hardman's. In
my opinion the meeting was calculated to excite the most alarm
ing sensations in the minds of the inhabitants. It certainly
appeared to me far more a general rising of the neighbourhood
than of a meeting for any peaceable purpose, and especially for

I/Q1E© J'G)HH IftUSSIEXI,

'Iny/l/ZL-L.:/ /y i€. Jr'ciat ... £umi. an

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 347
deliberation. I conceived deliberation impossible. They were
by far too great a body of persons at the extremity to hear what
was said in the centre. I estimated those who formed the
ring, who shouted, and who seemed to take a lively interest
in the proceedings of the day, at about 40,000. In consequence
of what I had seen, I joined in an affidavit ; I made it at my
own instance. I went from where I was standing to the ma
gistrates room for that purpose.
Cross-examined by Mr. Barron. — I do not know the name
of any one else who heard this, but Ellis, whom I have named.
What was said must have been heard on the hustings, if persons
attended to it. I was twenty yards from the hustings. The
words did not strike me as very extraordinary. A desire had
been expressed by the magistrates, I understood, though I did
not hear it from their lips, that undoubted testimony should be
had of what took place, and this was the first of the proceedings.
I did not then know Mr. Henry Horton, a reporter for The
Neiv Times, London. I have no recollection of his having
been there.
Cross-examined by Mr. Hunt. I am a manufacturer. It
was Mr. Moore, one of the principal constables of the town,
who communicated to me the wish of the magistrates. Mr.
Ellis must have been neaT me when I handed him my pocket-
book. I did not say " Ellis, take my book and write down
those words you have heard," as he admitted that he had not
heard them. I was boroughreeve from 1816 to 1817. I ie-
member many meetings during that time ; they all attracted
my attention, but one more than the rest certainly. It was the
meeting of the 10th of March, 1817. It was not any one being
killed that attracted my attention. There was no one killed at
that meeting ; it was called the Blanket Meeting. I do not
know that any one was killed between Manchester and Stock
port. I saw no arms on the 16th of August ; I saw no sticks
shouldered. — I was not personally insulted on that day, nor did
I see any other respectable person insulted I remember a
large meeting held in January, 1819, at which you presided.
1 cannot call it large, compared with that on the 16th of Au-

348 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT.
gust ; I saw several larger meetings than that on the 10th of
March. I do not recollect hearing of any act ual violence com
mitted by the meeting in January. I witnessed your passing
from that meeting by the Exchange. I did not see the meet
ing break up. I do not know that you dined together on that
day. I saw the hustings fall, but I don't know from what
cause. I said the cart of which the hustings first consisted
was soon after removed. I do not pretend to say that there
was one cart or more, but I saw the hustings removed. I saw
no planks. I know Matthew Cooper. I always thought him
a very respectable man. I have since heard that he was at
the meeting as a reporter. I have heard that a Mr. Horton
also attended in that capacity. I do not know if their evidence
varied from mine, but I have spoken to the sense of the words
I heard. I never professed to swear to the exact words. I
swear that I have stated the purport of the words ; I cannot
call it the sense ; I could not make sense of the words " the
cavalry and all their corruption. After your capture I saw one
person who had suffered on that occasion.
Re-examined by Serjeant Hullock. — The meeting in Janu
ary was not to be compared to that on the 16th of August in
any of its circumstances. The people who attended the former
did not go in bodies. I was twice at that meeting, and saw
Mr. Hunt each time. He is not connected with the town. I
think that he first appeared there in January. I think that
while in town he remained with Mr. Johnson.
John Ellis examined by Mr. Littledale. — I am a bookseller
in Manchester. I was a special constable on the 16th of Au
gust. I went to Petersfield about eleven on the 16th of August,
and saw different parties come up with flags. I took down
some of the Inscriptions on the flags. On a cap of Liberty
was " Annual Parliaments and Universal Suffrage, Vote by
Ballot and success to the Female Reformers of Stockport ;" on
a flag underneath, " No Corn Laws ;" on a black flag, " No
Boroughmongering — Unite and be Free — Equal Representa
tion or death ;" " This is the Saddle, Lees and Mosely Uni
on ;" on the reverse, " No Corn Laws ;' " Taxation without

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 349
representation is unjust and tyrannical." On another flag,
Labour is the source of wealth ; Royton Female Union." On
a flag with a pike on the end, " Annual Parhaments ;" in
the centre were the rose, thistle, and shamrock ; under
that, " Election by Ballot ;" on the reverse was a figure of
Brittinnia, " The rights of man," " No corn laws." No combi
nation acts, " Oldham Union." On a red flag with green bor
der, " Let us die like men and not be sold like slaves ;" re
verse, " Liberty is the birthright of man." This flag was, I be
lieve inscribed " Middleton." The next was a cap of liberty
and flag ; inscription on the cap, " Hunt and liberty," on the
flag, " Major Cartwright's Bill." In the centre was an emblem
of Justice, with scales and sword under it " Election by
ballot ;" reverse, " Annual Parliaments." On a blue flag,
" Unity and Strength ;" reverse, " Liberty and Fraternity."
Green flag, " Parhaments Annual ;" reverse, " Suffrage Uni
versal." White flag, " Universal Suffrage, Annual Parliaments
and Election by Ballot" I saw several other flags, but did
not take down their inscriptions. Before Mr. Hunt arrived, I
heard a person speak from the hustings. I was with Mr.
Hardman and Mr. Green. I did not hear what was said, but
I copied it down from the dictation of Messrs. Hardman and
Green. [Here the witness read the speech mentioned by
the last two witnesses.] I heard it myself, but imperfectly.
The hustings were removed about six yards while I was on the
ground. I did not hear what Mr. Hunt said when he got upon
the hustings. There were 60,000 or 70,000 persons present.
I think the meeting was calculated to produce a most appal
ling effect on the minds of the inhabitants.
Cross-examined by Mr. Barron — I was near Messrs. Hard-
man and Green, but did not hear the words used. I do not
know who used the words.
Cross-examined by Mr. Hunt — I was a special constable that
day ; I wrote what passed on the hustings from the dictation of
Mr. Hardman ; I believe I wrote the words either during the
time the person was speaking, or so soon after that it made no
difference. I saw no b idies march but on the field ; they form-

350 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT.
ed round the hustings ; they formed in a general body as other
crowds do. I conceive I was between twenty and thirty yards
from the hustings. The people were pressing close to the
hustings, but on the speech being made they fell back upon
the special constables ; I do not know that the constables were
injured, but several of them complained of being pushed back
from their stations. According to my judgment the crowd kept
back five or six yards from the hustings after the speech was
made. The parties marched in regular order into the field ;
they had a very imposing aspect ; I can't tell whether that was
the best way of keeping the peace ; I can't say that I saw the
people go off in any particular road ; I remained till three o'clock
but a great portion went away before two ; I can't say I saw
any going off in crowds. I noticed the dispersion : the field was
of that extent that I could only see a small portion of it. I can
not particularly describe whether the people came to or went
from the field in the more orderly way. I was stationed between
the hustings and the magistrates house between one and two,
but I saw nothing which particularly attracted my attention. I
was occupied attending to Ashworth, a constable, who was in
jured by the crowd; he was crushed by the crowd, I conceive.
It was the crowd of men, not the crowd of horses. He was car
ried into a cottage near the spot and I was with him. He was
crushed by a crowd of men. I did not see him crushed: he was
crushed on the chest. I did not see any cut : I cannot say that
I observed any blood ; if there was any blood, I must have no
ticed it but I do not recollect seeing any. He was not stript in
my presence;. he did not speak; he died afterwards, but I did
not see him after his death. Any one swearing that he died of
cuts, would swear falsely as I conceive. When I copied the
flags, I did so fairly, I neither added to, or detracted from them.
I intended to take them down fairly. I have done so as fairly
as I conceive it possible. I was not more particular about
the black flag than about the others. If there be any error, it is as
likely to be in my account of one as of another. I cannot con
ceive that I made any omission respecting the black flag. There
was one with " No Corn Laws." I cannot tell if there was any

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 351
thing else, without referring to my book (here witness consulted
his notes.) I have not got the incription, which was on the
reverse of the flag you mention ; it is the first flag I have de
scribed. I do not know whether the pike I saw was of wood
or of steel ; it was in the form of a pike. The caps of hberty
did not of themselves alarm me. ( Here Mr. Hunt handed to
witness a Nottinghamshire militia button, with a cap of liberty
upon it. I cannot say that the caps of liberty I saw were like
this. I saw several persons with sticks over their shoulders,
but not as soldiers carry muskets. I was knocked down my
self in the hurry of dispersing the meeting ; it was by a push
from a man, but I do not know who he was. This happened
between one and two; but when you asked me if any thing
particular happened in that period, I did not recollect it.
W. Hulton, Esq. examined by Mr. Scarlett — I am a ma
gistrate in the county of Lancaster ; I was at the Star Inn,
with the other magistrates, on that day; from thence we went
to the house of Mr. Buxton, near St. Peter's area. It was be
tween ten and eleven. We there received depositions on oath
that different parties were approaching the town. As chariman
of the committee of the two counties of Lancaster and Chester,
it was my duty to attend to some writing. I occasionally went
to the window, and saw several bodies assembling ; the first
came from Mosley-street, they had music and banners, and ap
parently divided into sections. The persons who marched at
their side from time to time gave words of command. I speak
particularly of the first. The others approached in the same
order, and in a most remarkable manner, because they did not
march straight up to the hustings, but wheeled on receiving the
word of command. The heads of the columns went up to the
hustings, deposited their colours there, and m doing so were
always met by the huzzas of those, who had previously arrived.
I beheve, having deposited their colours, they took their position
at a greater distance to allow the other bodies to come up. I
observed that they were beautifully exact in their movements
in coming up to the hustings. I cannot say so of the party who
34. vol. n; 2 z

352 TRIAL MR. OF HUNT.
came with Hunt, but that which came from Mosly-street,
marched very correctly to the best of my belief from having seen
soldiers reviewed. I think the first party amounted to 4,000 or
5,000, I cannot say exactly, There was music with each party,
I particularly noticed the party that came with Hunt. There
were four in the carriage, Hunt, Johnson, Carlile, and I believe
Moorhouse. It was the peculiar noise made on the arrival of
Mr. Hunt which attracted my attention. It was the wish
of the magistrates to establish a communication by a fine of
constables, from the house to the hustings, but I observed a
set of men with their hats off, surrounded the cart and pre
vented this communication ; the numbers attending Mr. Hunt
were very great. I could not myself judge of the whole num
ber assembled, but on consulting better judges than myself, I
was told that there could not be less than 50,000 or 60,000
persons. They were narrowly estimated. Undoubtedly the
crowd did inspire fear in the town. I had received depositions
on oath from various persons.
Mr. Hunt — Produce those affidavits.
Mr. Justice Bayley — It will do to give us your own judg
ment on this subject.
Undoubtedly there were several gentlemen who were strongly
impressed with fear and alarm ; they came to me as a magis
trate. My own opinion was that the town was in the greatest
danger. The population of Manchester, men, women, and
children, is said to be 100,000 ; it is crowded with shops, ware
houses, and manufactories. We thought it right to issue a war
rant for the apprehension of those whom we considered as the
leaders. It was given to Nadin in presence of one of the
town constables, or handed through his hand to Nadin, I can
not recollect which. I do not recollect that the warrant was
brought back after it was taken out. In giving the warrant to
Nadin he said he could not serve it without mihtary aid ; he re
fused to serve it without mihtary aid, and he assigned a reason for
so doing, which was perfectly satisfactory to the magistrates.
When he refused, I wrote two letters, one to the commanding

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 353
officer of the Manchester yeomanry, and the other to Colonel
L'Estrange, requiring them to come to the house where the
magistrates were. They came, and also a troop of the Man
chester yeomanry. They came from Mosly-street end at a
quick pace, and formed under the magistrates house. The
moment they appeared, the crowd set up a tremendous shout,
they groaned, hissed, and those men that had sticks shook them
in the air, threatening the cavalry. I saw the sticks myself. I
was at the window of the first floor, and could see the whole dis
tinctly. I swear most positively that I saw the sticks, and could
hear the expressions of the people, who were near the yeomanry
at the time. A part of the crowd that were nearest turned round
and advanced towards the military. This was while they were
forming. When the mob set up that shout and groaning, the
cavalry waved their swords. They advanced towards the hust
ings, the constables and boroughreeve were with them, the lat
ter had been on horseback before, but was then on foot. It
was totally impossible, in my judgment, to serve the warrant
without the mihtary. I stated that I had written to Colonel
L'Estrange also, and I expected they would arrive together ;
but he did not arrive at the same time with the yeomanry. It
was represented to me that it would be dangerous for Colonel
L'Estrange to come through a narrow lane, which was the
shortest way. He at length brought up two troops of the
15th Hussars and two of the Cheshire yeomanry. When he
arrived, I was anxiously watching what was going on at the
hustings. As the yeomanry and constables approached the
hustings, I saw brick-bats and stones thrown, and a sort of ge
neral resistance made. I saw the stones flying about when
Colonel L'Estrange arrived with the hussars and the Cheshire
yeomanry. I thought the Manchester yeomanry were totally
beat. When the yeomanry got into the crowd, the people closed
upon them. When Colonel L'Estrange arrived, he asked me
what to do ? I said, " good God, Sir, don't you see how they
are attacking the yeomanry ?" It was the attack of stones and
brick-bats which produced on my mind the impression that

354 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT.
the yeomanry were beaten. I saw the sticks lifted up as the
yeomanry advanced; they were very large sticks, I believe, but
I had rather not swear it that the yeomanry went four a-breast
but their horses being raw not being used to such service, they
were in some confusion, as they passed in, the crowd closed be
hind them. I distinctly saw an immense body of people be
tween the house and the calvary as they advanced towards the
hustings. In a few minutes after this, some of the parties were
taken into custody. After I had spoken to Colonel L'Estrange,
I added, " disperse the crowd." He did so ; the dispersion took
place upon his advance ; I am not sure whether he advanced
with all his party. Having spoken to him, I left the window.
I cannot say how many persons were taken into custody.
Cross-examined by Mr. Hunt — I declare that I have related
every thing as I saw it. I could not distinctly see to know you
upon the hustings. I mean by that to say, that I could not dis
tinguish your person from that of another. The hustings were,
perhaps, 300 or 400 yards distant from where I stood, but I
cannot speak exactly. It was so far that I could not distinguish
you from another. I distinguished those linked arm. in arm,
because they formed a cordon, and were distinguished from the
rest by being bare-headed. I solemnly believe they were linked
arm in arm. I saw them linked, and I believe it to be arm in
arm ; they were as close as men could be, and were distinguished
from the rest of the crowd. Not only I, but all who were with
me, saw they were linked arm in arm. I swear this from
my own observation, and not from that of those who were
about me.
Hunt — Look round, Sir, and tell me on your oath whether
those people in the body of the court and who are elevated
above each other, have their arms linked together.
Witness — The situation of the parties is very different. [Here
the proceedings were interrupted by loud cheers and clapping of
hands, from almost all parts of the court.] One of the persons
who acted in this manner was singled out and brought into
court His name was Kellenbeck.

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 355
The Judge said he had noticed the man himself. After ques
tioning him, the depositions of two persons were taken, and he
was committed till Monday. The judge then said to him—
" You shall have an opportunity of making an affidavit of your
innocence ; but I advise you, in the name of God, not to do it,
as I saw you myself making a noise. The question before the
court is of importance, and ought to be conducted with de
cency and impartiality.
I had a much better opportunity of seeing those men in the
square, than I have of seeing those men as they now are. I
could distinctly see them wedged together, and on my oath, as
I beheve, linked together.
(By the Judge) I could not see the lower part of their arms,
but I could distinctly see the outside men linked, and from the
appearance of the others, I have no doubt they were also linked.
I have said that I saw a body of men 10 deep, who I believe on
my oath, to have been hnked together arm in arm, and I could
see that many of them were so. There was a space between
them and the hustings, in which there were some persons, but the
body I describe was of the same breadth and bareheaded. The
description of noise on your arrival, was applause and huzzaing.
I cannot say that the people were looking towards the carriage
when they applauded. I did not see them turn and applaud
the constables. But I went from the window from time to
time, so that I did not see all that passed.
(Mr. Hulton having smiled) —
Mr. Hunt said, you have seen one example, and you ought
not to smile.
Mr. Justice Bayley checked Mr. Hunt for this observation.
Examination resumed. — I did not see the people turn and
give a shout of defiance to the constables. I understood the
applause to be on account of your arrival. This applause had
an influence on me in signing the warrant for your arrest, be
cause you brought a great accession of strength to those al
ready collected. I was president of the committee of Cheshire
and Lancashire magistrates that day. The warrant was signed
by myself and others. There were several depositions made

356 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT.
upon the morning of the 16th. I conceive the depositions as
to the terror of the persons who signed them, were made about
half-past twelve o'clock. I speak now not of depositions, nor
against you personally, but as to the general alarm of the town.
The last deposition was made after you had mounted the hust-
ings, and I conclude, addressed the meeting. The name of the
man who signed the last deposition was Owen ; he is a pawn
broker. I can't say what was the exact time, but it was after
you had mounted the hustings, or at least after the time when
the carriage drew up and the persons in it had got out. I have
not got the warrant ; I gave it to the constables. I believe it
usual to have the warrant returned to the magistrate, but as
there were names to it of persons older than I am in service, it
was not returned to me. I do not recollect the terms of the
warrant. I have not seen it since I gave it to Nadin. I be
lieve it contained the names of Hunt, Moorhouse, Knight and
Johnson, It was made out after the last deposition was taken*
I had a very strong idea that the execution of the warrant
would be a task of difficulty. I have no knowledge of any di
rection being given to the constables to open a way up to the
hustings. It never was proposed to any other person to take
the chair on that day. I was never in the army, but I was
in the local militia. I do not call what I saw on the 16th of
August service. I gave the warrant to the constables ; it
was for them to execute it. I wrote to the commander of the
yeomanry, and to Colonel L'Estrange at the same time, and
the reason why the yeomanry arrived first was, I conceive, that
Colonel L'Estrange came a round-about way in order to avoid
passing through a narrow and dangerous street. I did not say
that on the arrival of the Manchester Yeomanry, the mob gave
a shout of defiance. I said they gave a great shout and brand
ished their sticks. I did think and I think still that the shout
ing and brandishing of sticks were in defiance of the mihtary.
I said that some of the crowd faced and made their approach
to the military, in doing so, they hooted, pointed, and clapped
their hands at them. I stated that the yeomanry waved their
swords ; they then advanced to the hustings. If called upon,

TRIAL OF MR. HUNT. 357
I should say that they advanced at a trot, with their horses
prancing and fidgetting ; they were not hi very good order. It
was more prancing than a trot. I swear that I saw none gal-
lopping ; the pace they went was more like walking than trot
ting. I beheve they proceeded on the right of the constables,
but the fine of constables was uninterrupted at this period.
All I can say is, that the space made by the cavalry was in
stantly filled up, and I mean to express my opinion, that it was
so filled up for the purpose of closing in upon the cavalry to
cut them off, and I think to injure them, when in their power.
I will not say constables might not have been among the crowd.
I will swear that the people did not fly when this portion of
cavalry got among them; they did fly when they saw the others,
that is when Colonel L'Estrange advanced with his squadron.
Some individuals might have fled at first, but in my opinion
the general flight was not till the squadron came up. There were
a good many women undoubtedly in the crowd. There might
have been children also, though I did not see them. The wo
men were particularly noisy, and hissed the yeomanry when
they first came up. I saw sticks, bricks, and stones flying as
they came up, but I cannot swear they were flung at the yeo
manry. It did appear to me to denote a general resistance, and
before I ordered Colonel L'Estrange to advance, I did see what
I thought to look like the yeomanry being overcome, and I
then did say, "for God's sake, Sir, don't you see how they are
attacking the yeomanry, save them and disperse the people."
I had not time to consult my brother magistrates, who were at
the window, and heard me, for the danger seemed so imminent
I did not take the responsibility singly of ordering the military.
The other magistrates were actuated by the same apprehension
I entertained "for the safety of the yeomanry. I cannot say
how many magistrates were in the room at the time. Mr.
Tatton and myself had previously in vain attempted to force
into the crowd, in the hope of having some effect upon them,
but were forced back. This was not previous to the military
advance. It was between the advance pf the yeomanry with
the constables to the hustings, and the arrival of Colonel

358 TRIAL OF MR. HUNT.
L'Estrange's squadron. I did not attempt to go amongst the
people to expostulate before the yeomanry came, for if I had
I could not probably have ever got baek. We knew how the
populace had insulted the Inn where we assemble ; I did not
know that Nadin had been walking about among the people,
and until now I never heard it. I will not swear he did not ;
but I have no recollection of seeing him. I saw the parties
inarch into the field in regular order, and it was in beautiful
order, yet still calculated to create great alarm in the town.
Many of them carried sticks over their shoulders, but chiefly
the party that came in from Mosly-street. Soon after the or
der for the dispersion of the meeting I quitted the window.
The order was given to Colonel L'Estrange.
Q. Was the carnage too horrible for you to survey ? — A. I'd
certainly rather avoid looking at it.
Q. Then you had given orders, the execution of which you
had not the courage to witness ?
A. I gave the orders to save the yeomanry.
Q. And you intended to disperse the people by force and
bloodshed ? I never thought we should have had to resort to
a forcible dispersion, for I hoped to bring in the prisoners na
med in the warrant would have made any further application
of force unnecessary. I will swear we had no previous intention
of dispersing the crowd.
Our limits will not allow us to give at full length the re
mainder of this most interesting and extraordinary trial, nor is
it in fact requisite, as the examination of the many witnesses,
went merely to corroborate the statements of the former. The
case for the prosecution being closed, Mr. Barrow addressed
the court on the part of Moorhouse and Jones, and Mr. Holt
on the part of Saxton.
On the fifth day, Mr. Hunt proceeded to address the court.
My Lord, and Gentlemen of the Jury — Rising, as I do,
under very peculiar and multifarious difficulties, I have to en
treat your indulgence while I lay my case before you, in an
swer to the serious charge attempted on the part of the prose
cution to be substantiated against me. I have in the first

SPEECH OF MR. HUNT. 359
place to inform you that I arrived at York labouring under a
heavy cold, which has since been increased by the draft of the
door behind me, and by my anxiety and attention, until it has
placed me in a situation, in point of health, of great difficulty
and no little danger. — It was on this accouut I made that ap
plication for the Court not to sit until ten o'clock this morn
ing — an application which was unfeelingly opposed by the
Learned Counsel opposite.
Mr. Justice Bayley, — Pray, Mr. Hunt don't use the harsh
term " unfeeling ;" let us refrain from personalities.
Mr. Hunt — I was in hopes that I should have been able,
step by step, to read the evidence through before I came to
my defence ; but when I left this court last evening I was so
indisposed as to be obliged to call in an eminent medical man
who recommended me by all means to abstain from any busi
ness which might cause anxiety or irritation, and to keep my
self as quiet as possible. This, gentlemen, prevented me from
reading over the evidence with that care which 1 should other
wise have devoted to it. If under such discouraging circum
stances I should be under the necessity of taking up much of
your time, I hope the delay will not create in your minds any
prejudice against me, but be attributed to the real and only
cause — When I put in this claim, I do so on the score of
health ; I claim not I want not to excite improper sympathy.
A conscious feeling of rectitude has always dictated my mo
tives and governed my actions and intentions, and will now I
feel confident enable me to bear up against multiplied difficul
ties with honour to myself, and, I trust with satisfaction to you.
When you heard, gentlemen, the opening speech of the learned
Counsel, I am sure you must have felt that you were about to
try a very different question from that which has since been
detailed to you. I am sure you thought you were about to
try some monster in human shape, who, devoid of feeling, in
tegrity, and of character, sought the overthrow of all good Go
vernment, and of all the most sacred institutions in the coun-
34. vol. ii. 3 a.

360 SPEECH OF MR. HUNT.
try. You have heard the evidenee which followed the
speech for the prosecution, and 1 now ask you, where are the
proofs that any man here is such a monster ? To your oaths
and your consciences I calmly leave that appeal. The Learn
ed Gentleman set out with expressing to you his congratula
tions at the removal of this trial to your county from the neigh
bouring one, and in the pleasure it gave him to find it about to
be tried in a place where local prejudices were not liable to
have particular operation. He made this congratulation, as he
said, on the part of the cause of justice, as well as in behalf of
the defendants. But with what sincerity, Gentlemen can you
receive that congratulation, when I tell you that the Learned
Counsel himself, with the Attorney and Solicitor-Generals,
Mr. Raine and the whole array of the Crown Lawyers, em
ployed all their combined talents and legal accumen to deprive
you of having the performance of that duty on which he now
congratulates you, and to prevent my having this opportunity
of obtaining an unbiassed Jury of the county of York ? Has it
also come to his knowledge that unfair means have been re
sorted to even with a Jury here ? This Jury, he knows, were
struck with the Sheriff at the side of the selector. Does he
believe that no improper means have been resorted to ? Does
he believe that no improper means have been used by the
Under Sheriff, or that no letter has been written to an indivi
dual called on the Jury, but who has not attended ?
Mr. Justice Bayley — Mr. Hunt I must interfere, This is
quite extraneous matter. If any such interference were used,
there is another way of investigating it. The party making
that interference is answerable for it, but it is foreign to our
present business.
Mr. Hunt — I state, my Lord, what I am informed I can
prove. I am well advised upon it, and I do not hesitate to
say, that it would form a good and valid ground of objection
to any verdict tainted by such means. But I here confess I
have no such feeling. If any such attempt has been made up-

SPEECH OF MR. HUNT. 361
on any individual in your box, Gentlemen of the Jury, I am
sure, that instead of creating an undue impression against me,
it will operate in my favour — and that you will feel no leaning
towards the man who has dared to do it, and who shall hereaf
ter, face to face, answer for his conduct. I must, however,
say, that much prejudice has been imbibed against us. The
opening speech of the learned counsel has gone forth through
the London Papers to the world, while we are yet upon our
trial. They have been here circulated in a public coffee-room
by some of the witnesses convened for the prosecution, a false
impression has been thus created, and nineteen out of twenty
of the people of England have ere now been exposed to its
operation. I am not only charged in this opening speech,
which has been disseminated throughout the world, with being
a man on his trial for an attempt to overthrow the constituted
authorities of my country, but also to extinguish, in the flame
of infidelity, the altar of our holy religion. It has been indus
triously promulgated that I was connected with Mr. Carlile ;
it has been propagated that I am a man of his principles —
where is the proof ? Without it why should the imputation
have been cast ? I shall not advert to the conduct of Carlile,
because the law has imposed its punishment upon him, and he
is now enduring the reward of his temerity. It would there
fore be improper and imprudent, and unjust for me, in open
Court, to touch upon such a subject ; but why was the topic
introduced ? I will tell you, Gentlemen— to connect our cause
with irreligion, and to identify that of the reformers with Mr
Carlile's. I am not here, I openly avow, either by my evi
dence or my speech, to convey in the shghtest degree, any in
tention of disavowing the appellation of being a Reformer. I
am not a man to hold one opinion in private and another in
public, with regard to my political sentiments. I have no
crooked expediency. I profess to be a Reformer, but not a
Leveller. I profess to be a lover of liberty, but not of licenti
ousness. Sweet, lovely Liberty, Gentlemen, is pure and ami
able as sacred truth. Licentiousness is as disgraceful as
darkness and falsehood. Liberty is as contrasted with crime

362 SPEECH OF MR. HUNT.
as truth is with some of that evidence which has been given in
that box on the part of the prosecution. Who that has read
the learned counsel's speech, and heard his allusion to a bloody
dagger, encompassed and surrounded by the people of the
Manchester meeting — a dagger too which has now been seen
through the public prints by 19-20ths of the empire — who, I
say, but must not think, that the vile criminal so impugned, is
a monster, a low bred, vulgar villain, a desperado of hfe, plod
ding violence and rapine, treason and murder — instigating his
fellow creatures to hurry on with him in his career of desperate
and atrocious criminality ? What proof is there in evidence to
entitle the Learned Counsel to draw this " air-drawn dagger,"
save indeed the evidence of one uncorroborated witness — a
man, too, bearing the rank of high hfe ; a Gentleman and a
Magistrate ; he, of all, only drcred to utter this breath of slan
der, and to implicate us, or any part of the meeting, in any
acts of tumult or violence. This having been done, it is in
cumbent upon us here to repel by evidence, this false and in
famous calumny which the Learned Counsel, though he utter
ed, did not dare to prove by one corroborating evidence.
Mr. Justice Bayley — Pray do not use opprobrious epithets,
I cannot bear them.'
Mr. Hunt — My Lord, it is charged upon me that I have been
criminally connected with pubhc meetings, at which, among
other emblems to instigate the people to acts of bloodshed and
violence, I was a party to bringing the emblems of a bloody
dagger on a flag — Where, I ask, is the dagger ? Where is the
flag ? I answer, no where but in the perverted imagination of
the man who utterred it to excite a prejudice against us in the
minds of the jury. He smiles (Mr. Scarlett was observed by
Mr. Hunt to smile) — He may smile, but let him remember
that like the story of the boy and the frogs, what was fun for
him, may be death to me. If there was this emblem, gentlemen
of the jury, you will have seen it here, for you recollect Shaw
cross said that the banners, the revolutionary emblems, the im
plements of war, were all here. Why did not the learned
gentleman, whose witnesses had them, call for their production ?

SPEECH OF MR. HUNT. 363
No, no, gentlemen, his observation at that moment was, " Let
us close the case." Where was their witness Nadin, who is here;
why not a single witness to prove the existence of this bloody
dagger ? Where are the dreadful ensigns ? Why not produce
them here to justify their clients ? See the effects they were
calculated to produce, and do you think the prosecutors would
have lost it, if it were possible to be obtained ? Where are the
bludgeons that were shouldered hke wooden muskets ? They
were part of the captured spoils ; Mr. Jonathan Andrews saw
them four feet in length ; where are they ? No, not one is here.
The bludgeons then, the stones that were hurled at the yeomanry,
Mr. Scarlett's bludgeons, Mr. Hulton's bludgeons, brickbats,
and stones, are only to be found existing in the mind of the
learned counsel and his solitary witness. They know well that
they had no other existence. The learned counsel said he
knew Mr. Hulton much better than I do. I dare say he does
and I give him joy of his acquaintance. Mr. Hulton was about
3 or 400 yards from the hustings. He is yet the only man who
dares to swear to the flinging of stones and the brandishing of
sticks, to the face about of the people against the mihtary,
their being attacked, and, as it were, cut off. He only speaks
to the hissing and hooting. I shall contradict that man. Why
was he not corroborated by his brother magistrates, nine of
whom were with him in the room when he saw all these indica
tions of violence ? Why should testimony so important want
the confirmation of his brother magistrates, who could, if the
story be true, have corroborated every word of it ; we know
that the whole of the nine other magistrates were here on the
first morning of the trial ; we know that Mr. Hay was here,
and Mr. Norris ; we know that when witnesses were ordered
out of court they went out among the rest, from that box where
they had taken their places. All went out — for what ? to enable
them to be called as evidences ; and yet not one was brought
to corroborate the most strong of them all. All Lancashire did not
furnish a brother magistrate to corroborate Mr. Hulton ; of the
whole police who take oaths by the hundred every year, there

364 SPEECH OF MR. HUNT.
was not one to prop up such an assertion of our guilty acts.
No, not one could be found to swear after Mr. Hulton. Gen
tlemen, if this question were merely the simple one of my guilt,
or innocence— my moral guilt or moral innocence — I delare to
God, that, knowing as I do the judge who tries this cause, his
high character, his great integrity, I would let the evidence go
to you as it stands, and demand upon it your verdict of an ho
nourable acquittal. To that judge whose character —
Mr. Justice Bayley — Let me beg of you not to allude to it
in this manner.
Mr. Hunt— Well then, gentleman, I cannot give vent to
those feelings which it would gratify me to utter. I shall
only say, that out of all the evidence brought forth on the
part of the crown, there has not been a single one whose
cross-examination did not elicit a contradiction of the charge
brought against us. I have said, that if my private interest were
alone concerned, I should leave the evidence to you as the pro
secution left it to you. But there are great national interests in
volved in it, and which must here be decided. I feel, then, I
must combat the tissue of misrepresentation that have been sent
forth against us. I feel that I must undo the criminal force of
the learned counsel's accusation, which has now gone far and
wide throughout the country. When I see, therefore, the ab
solute necessity of calling evidence to rebut such gross and un
founded imputations, I must crave your indulgence to allow me
the opportunity. It is, gentlemen, no part of my character to
be the flatterer of any man, or to fawn before any personage.
To such language, or such sycophancy, I am an utter stranger.
If I then approach the learned judge with the humble tribute
of my praise —
Mr. Justice Bayley — Mr. Hunt you must not, I cannot hear
it Pray forbear.
Mr. Hunt — Gentlemen, I said I could not be a flatterer ; but
I mean to speak the honest language of truth, not of adulation.
If I said else, I know it would have only the effect of exciting
in your minds a prejudice against me. During the whole course

SPEECH OF MR. HUNT. 365
of this trial, the learned judge (and I hope I may be permitted
to say it) has exercised a patience, has shown a temper often
tried, and I will admit perhaps, not a little by myself, as well as
by others.
Mr. Justice Bayley — We must not suffer those allusions to
be made ; I thank you to say nothing about it. Go on to what
is material for your defence.
Mr. Hunt — Well, Gentlemen, I must desist from gratifying
my feelings ; his Lordship's hint of disapprobation shall ever
induce me to desist from pursuing any course that may be dis
agreeable to him. After these preliminary observations I ask
your patience, Gentlemen, while I go through as well as I can
the principal parts of the evidence for the prosecution. But
first I must call your attention to the nature of the indictment.
It is for a conspiracy ; a very fashionable and convenient mode
now-a-days of proceeding by indictment ; for by so proceeding
there is no limit to enquiry - — every action of a man's hfe
may be scanned to shew his character ; his whole career may
be raked up. Every possible degree of criminality may
be left to be inferred from the animus with which he tran
sacted any affair of his hfe. Now, Gentlemen, in this in
dictment they had this wide scope. I ask you, then, what
proof of evil intention have they adduced against us ? None —
none whatever. I was, you have heard, at Stockport, where I
received the kind and hospitable treatment of Mr. Moorhouse;
I went from Stockport to Manchester on the Monday, and yet
Chadwick, who was the whole week watching from Man
chester to Stockport and from Stockport to White Moss,
can only bring out this material fact that has been so much
dwelt upon, namely, that as I passed along the road I said)
: Let us give one shout, lads." Is this a conspiracy ? No.
What, then, is it meant for ? Why, for this purpose, to excite
a prejudice against me, by attributing to my popularity, the
collection of this great meeting. I will bring a witness to prove
the circumstances attending this shout. I will put into that
box a lad who has been in my service for seven years — a sim
ple country lad, who has attended me at all public meetings

366 SPEECH OF MR. HUNT.
for the last seven years. Get out of him, if you can, any act
of criminality. The learned counsel, who will, I know, con
descend to any thing here — can enter the recesses of my stable
and my private chamber; let him, through my servant, scan
every event in my house. The fact of that shout is this ; —
I am, as is it known, long accustomed to meet crowds of people,
and whenever I saw the least disposition in the multitude to
hiss, and give offence of any kind to any individual, it has
always been my practise to draw their attention from the
object of their dislike by proposing three cheers, or a shout
of some kind to divert their attention and exhilarate their
minds, If I see a wish to hurt the feelings of any body I
always say, " No, no give them three cheers." What a con
temptible vanity am I not charged with ! To excite a shout
from the people — what did I want of it? I needed no such
stimulus to them, if I were weak enough to resort to such
means. They always gave me enough of shouting when I ap
peared among them, without using any such foohsh means to
obtain their applause. When I got to Bullock's Smithey, I
found that the meeting of the 9th of August had been prohibit
ed by the magistrates, and declared illegal,  Mr. Hunt,
you have called this meeting, no, it was not Mr. Hunt
who called it — it was the inhabitants of Manchester —
who called it by pubhc advertisement A requisition had been
sent to the boroughreeve, signed by from seven to 1700 house
holders of Manchester, each name having the trade and address
of the party annexed to it desiring that a meeting of Manches
ter and the vicinity should be convened — for what ? " to adopt
the most legal and most effectual means to procure a reform
in the Commons House of Parliament. This requisition was
pubhshed in the papers, with the names of the inhabitants
subscribed to it. The boroughreeve would not call the
meeting, and they then called it themselves. This was on the
7th of August, two days before I at all arrived in the neighbour
hood, and yet this was the meeting said to have been called by a
man who had neither residence, property, or connexions in
Manchester — a man who was in fact out of the town for two
days after. I was invited to preside at that meeting, because

SPEECH OF MR. HUNT. 367
I imagine they knew I had presided at others where peace
and order prevailed. There, was not one public meeting I
ever attended in the course of my life that was not so conduct
ed. I tell you frankly and freely, that I was never invited by
my countrymen to take part in any pubhc meeting at which I
did not attend. This may be attributed to my vanity and am
bition. What vanity ? What ambition ? Was it the ambition
to do evil ? — No ; it was the ambition to do that good, which I
thought it in my power to accomplish. When did I show a dis
position to do evil ? The meetings are described as composed of
cordons and martial array, and all prepared to fight against any
one, and for me ; and where did I misdirect their power ? —
I keep no notes of my speeches — I trust to the feelings and dic
tates of my heart, which are foreign to violence ; and I speak
what I feel. I ask, then, on what meeting in the whole course
of my life did I, by even any single casual expression dropped
in the heat of the moment, use one single word that had a ten
dency to excite the people against their constitution, and the
authorities of the state ? If 1 had attempted so bad a
course, I do not believe the people would, in any instance
have followed my example. I never entertained such senti
ments. It has ev.r been my desire to induce the people to up
hold the honest, noble, dignified, free bom character of Eng
lishmen; to make them lovers of their free constitution, its
authorities, and its laws ; and perhaps in only two or three
individual instances have I ever seen a single being who was de
sirous of doing unlawful acts. I never wished to remedy any
imaginary or real evil by any other than legitimate means — '• the
most legal and most effectual means," as are specified in this
requisition, always constituted the doctrines I sought. You
have heard of burning mills. What mills did I ever point out
for conflagration ? What farms did I point out for partition ?
What butcher's or baker's shops did I ever designate for plun
der ? None. If I ever had so misconducted myself, do you
think, gentlemen of the jury, you would not have heard
of it during this trial ? Do you not think that the prose-
35. vol. ir, 3 b

368 SPEECH OF MR. HUNT.
cutors, with the whole treasury of England at their back,
would have found it out and made me answerable for it this
day ? I never in the whole course of my life used a single ex
pression that had a tendency to induce the humbler walks of
life, or the lower orders as they are denominated, to obtain a
single farthing, except from the fruits of their own honest in
dustry. The reporters, who have been examined, all prove
that I never used a single phrase but what was an exhortation
for peace and order. Roger Entwistle alone says, I pointed to
the soldiers and said, " there are your enemies, get them down
and when you have them down, keep them down." Mr. Hor.
ton says, this was not addressed to the soldiers, aud I will prove
to you, that 1 could not from my position, have seen the
soldiers at the time. So much for Roger Entwistle's fact. Next
came the charge of martial array and wooden muskets — the
symptoms of violence and disorder — not a single bludgeon
is produced — not a single individual in that immense crowd
offers an insult to any one. Mr. Green, Mr. Phillips
and Mr. Hardman come here and declare their dread of
the meeting without hearing a single expression used to jus
tify their alarm. In this immense population, consisting of 60
or 70,000 people, you have only spoken of in evidence four or
five verbal insults, and the principal of these too used before
the people entered Manchester. One man said, "Manchester
would be made that night a second Moscow ;" and yet see the
impression this awful denunciation made on the witness who
heard it a man who had at the time his wife and children in the
very town that was so soon to be in a state of conflagration, and
yet what effect did it produce upon him ? Why he remained
pursuing his ordinary occupation in the factory, where he was at
work : he felt that it was an idle and a ridiculous phrase, and bein°-
under no alarm for his family, he never cared abou'. returning
to Manchester until his regular hour at night. Do you think, if
the man thought the observation any thing but a vain boast he
could not, unless he were a monster, have refrained from flying

SPEECH OF JIB HUNT. 369
before that populace, and rescuing his wife and children from
the impending danger. Then comes Mr. Francis Phillips. He
it seems, rode out to Stockport and eyeing a man very close, got
a stake or a club in return, and therefore denounced the meeting
as illegal. This was the author of the celebrated pamphlet a
man who has done more to circulate the grossest misrepresen
tations respecting the Manchester business than any other
man in the country.
Mr. Justice Bayley.— Take care, and do not go out of the
way to cast aspersions.
Mr. Hunt. — Then Mr. Phillips tells you he returned, and
made certain depositions before the magistrates. But yet,
from what had fallen from the other witnesses, it would appear
that so far from the danger arising on the morning of Mon
day, in the eyes of the magistrates, they had actually met on
the Sunday, to try and frame depositions upon the subject ;
but not being able to agree upon the point had deferred the
matter until the following day. And yet they tell you, they
never felt alarm until the morning of Monday ; so that their
alarm appeared in the result to be not sudden and imminent,
but the counsel of two days. The great discussion — the great
arrangement was how to break up the meeting without read
ing the Riot Act — the famous Riot Act. The counsel for the
prosecution did not bring a single witness to prove that it had
been read — they knew very well that if they attempted to do
so, the evidence of the individual would have been kicked out
of court. They knew it was never read. I did not put the
question to Hulton, because I knew his answer would have
been " Yes, bang."
[Mr. Justice Bayley — " You cannot know what his answer
would be, Mr. Hunt."]
But though I did not put the question, I got full enough
from him in the cross-examination, that no such thing had been
done. I made him to all intents and purposes swear that no
Riot Act was read. I asked him, " Did either you or any of
your brother magistrates go forth and caution the people that
their meeting was illegal ? Did you give them any notice before

370 SPEECH OF MR. HUNT.
you dispersed them ? Did you try to persuade them to desert
from what you thought was their object, or make them in any
way believe that you intended to drive them away by force ?
" No," said Mr. Hulton. I, continued Mr. Hunt knew that
the Riot Act was a notice — that it was a proclamation to the
people. I put my question, therefore, so as to get the answer
without hinting to the witness the fact I wanted to extract from
him. I knew that no Riot Act had been from first to last
read. Mr. Scarlett knew that and he did not venture to ask
the question. He knew the impression produced in the House
of Commons by that circumstance, and how it reverberated
throughout the country. Why not call the Rev. Mr. Ethel-
stone ? Did not the learned gentleman know that Mr. Ethel-
stone sent a message to the Oldham Inquest, that he could
prove he had read the Riot Act ? He sent in the message, but
he did not dare go before a jury and swear to the fact. Where
were Mr. Trafford, Mr. Tattan, Mr. Hay, Mr. Norris, Colo
nel Fletcher, Colonel L'Estrange, and all the other gentlemen
who were present, to prove the reading of any Riot Act ?
They knew what Mr. Hulton had sworn, why not then have
come forward either to corroborate his testimony, or supply his
deficiencies ? Mr. Hay, indeed, did not wait ; he put himself
into a coach, and drove off from York instantly ; we were, 1
suppose, expected to follow him with a subpoena. I am too
old a soldier to be caught by such a manoeuvre. Nature has
given me common understanding, and I have seen a great deal
too much of the consequences of bringing a hostile witness into
the box for an examination in chief. But if they had put him
up at the other side, as they must have at first intended by
bringing him here, then, indeed, I should have given a Jew's
eye for his cross-examination. This was the Mr. Hay, who
got a living of £2,500 a year for his conduct in this business.
If Mr. Hulton get his reward for his share in the service, there
is no gift the crown can bestow too great for his deserts. Mr.
Hulton is truly, Gentlemen, the boldest man I ever saw. I
know and feel that when a man of rank and character speaks
before a jury of gentlemen to facts, his evidence is necessarily

SPEECH OF MR. HUNT. 371
calculated to make a stronger impression on their minds than
when the same information is derived from persons of meaner
consideration. — True, the rich and the poor man are equal in
the eye of the law. But still I can see the different impres
sion which will be made by the same circumstances reaching
your ears through a different channel. It is, perhaps, natural
and proper that more weight should, in such a case, attach to
what falls from a man of rank and property. The common
feelings of our nature, in a certain station in society, induce us
to give a preponderating weight to the testimony of our equals,
in preference to others, and makes us reflect that a person so
placed has a great stake in maintaining his integrity, and that
if he forgets what he owes to his own conscience and his God,
he must expect as the consequence, to forfeit the rank and con
sideration he holds in society, and that when such a man, be
his rank what it may, becomes perjured, he falls to the earth.
I shall bring the most unequivocal testimony before you that
Mr.  is a  man. That he has told you that as a
truth, which has not the least shadow of probability. I know
you will not take this from my mouth. I am aware you will
require the strongest evidence to convince you that a man of,
his station could be guilty of that which I charge him with.
But if I do not prove what I now say, let me be the villain
that I am not and he the innocent man. To prove what I say
I shall put in the box, not men of humble station, but men in
the higher ranks of life — men totally unconnected with the
Manchester meeting — men of equal rank, and character and
education with himself, and of ten times his property — men
who cannot in any manner be pointed out as partizans of the
people, assembled on the 16th of August. They will prove
that they had every means and opportunity of watching that
meeting, and that they saw no brandishing of cudgels, no fling
ing of brickbats, no facing about upon the military, no cutting
off the yeomanry. Not one of these acts did they see — not
one of them, if they had been committed, could have escaped
their attention. Not one finger did they see raised against the
yeomanry when they advanced to arrest the persons on the

372 SPEECH OF MR. HUNT.
hustings. When I prove all this, and not until then, but then
I shall call upon you to dismiss from your mind the whole of
Mr. Hulton's evidence upon this point. I repeat that if the
case merely concerned myself individually, I should have this
evidence rest upon its own improbability. I'd let it stand as it
does, totally uncorroborated by the whole weight of a treasury
prosecution ; but the question involves more than my indivi
dual fate ; it comprehends more than a verdict of guilty or not
guilty upon the defendants now on trial : it will decide no less
a question than this — whether, hereafter, there shall be a par
ticle of rational liberty left in the country ? You will decide
whether the meetings of the people, or of gentlemen hke your
selves, shall in future meet under any other better security, that
you shall not be cut down by sabres, at the discretion of any
hot-headed young magistrate ? You will have to say whether
in future it shall be lawful for any such person to send among
a mixed meeting of men, women, and children, a set of drunken
infuriated yeomanry, to inflict upon them, while peaceably as
sembled, military execution ? I am charged with being guilty
of the grossest misrepresentations upon this subject. You
have now to ascertain at which side the grossest misrepresen
tations have been given.
I shall now call your attention to the main points urged by
the witnesses for the prosecution. Lomas, the Cheshire yeo
man, who was actively engaged riding between Stockport and
Manchester, from seven o'olock on the morning of the 16th of
August until two o'clock, had not had his attention, he says,
drawn to any particular act throughout the whole of that time.
He appears to have been merely called to show that the Che.
shire yeomanry, though they bore off the spoils from the field.
had taken no part in the honour of the battle. The people
were fled when he entered St. Peter's area ; and yet, according
to Mr. Hulton, the people were on the spot at the time, and
encircling the yeomanry cavalry, when the 15th hussars and
the Cheshire were, according to Mr. Hulton, sent to their res
cue. Next came the evidence of the Mushroom Serjeant, who
heard Mr. Bamford address the Middleton division of the peo-

SPEECH OF MR. HUNT. 373
pie, and tell them that he expected no disturbance, at least
until their return. Now it will be proved that no such words
were ever uttered by Bamford ; that he never said " the day is
our own ;" and that the explanation he gave of the banners
was the real fact namely, to prevent the people from strag
gling about among other divisions, and straying behind in pub
lic houses, or idling, instead of coming home. Then came the
midnight drilling, yet except in the case of the police runners
account this was done not at midnight but in broad day. It
was said , " why call in the adjoining people to a Manchester
meeting ?" To this he would ask, why had the boroughreeves
and magistrates, in 1812, just in the same manner convened
the twenty-four townships and people of the neighbouring
counties, to congratulate his Royal Highness the Prince Re
gent on the prosperous and happy state of the country, at a
time when they knew the labouring classes in that very dis
trict were suffering, from the pressure of the times, the great
est distress ? That advertised meeting in 1812 did not take
place, because the boroughreeve heard that some independent
man meant to oppose the thing and the authors of such a
delusion upon the pubhc. If to convoke such a meeting was
not a conspiracy in the boroughreeve, how could it be in
the people last year ? I am sure, Gentlemen, it could
not have escaped your observation, that the principal part of
the case on the side of the prosecution has been to connect
the persons who met at Manchester, with the atrocities, the
dreadful atrocities committed at White Moss. I know, if it
could be proved that such a connexion existed, we would be
legally and rightly responsible for the conduct pursued there.
For this purpose, Chadwick, the witness of all work, is brought
before you ; and he swears he never knew the solicitors
for the prosecution until about ten days ago, until within tec
days of this trial; but what does he prove affecting us? Why,
because the Learned Counsel in his opening, said something
had been done at the dead hour of night, something must be
done ; and so he sets off by night from Manchester, and arrived
by day-light at White Moss. Well, he travelled at all events

374 SPEECH OF MR. HUNT.
at the dead of night. He swears that what occured there
could be seen by all who passed, and that there were from two
to three hundred spectators present. Then a second witness— is
he there at the dead of night ? no ; but he sets off from Man
chester about twelve o'clock at night, and arrives at White
Moss between two and three o'clock in the morning; but he ar
rives on the other side of the Moss, and not at that side where
the drilling was going forward. Shawcross, another witness,
starts off about the same time ; but it comes out, in his cross-
examination, that he did not arrive at the place of drilling, until
four o'clock in the morning. They all travelled in the dead
hour of the night, and staid there till about seven o'clock.
Next comes Hayward, who arrives between six and seven
o'clock ; but neither of them saw what Chadwick saw ; they
heard no firing whatsoever ; they only saw marching and train
ing, &c. Well, how is all this to connect us, who are the de
fendants, with the drilling at White Moss? — Oh, says the
Learned Counsel, I'll inform Mr. Hunt, and I shall tell him
how grossly and criminally I can connect him with it. How
is it done, however? Why the only possible proof given of
any persons being at the Manchester Meeting, who were
seen at White-moss on that morning was, as to the man who
headed the Middleton division, and when I asked him who
that man was, he could tell me, Bamford ; but when Bamford
was sitting in this Court — oh, then, he knew nothing at all
of him. Why, the truth is, the fellow knew very well no such
thing happened ; and no such thing did happen. — But if there
ex 3ts the shadow of a doubt on this subject either in the
mi id of your Lordship or of the Jury, we will prove to you that
Bi nford was at home and in his bed until nearly ten o'clock
that morning (I believe it was on Sunday morning), which
perhaps made him lie there so long. Bamford, I admit led
up the Middleton division, but did that connect him wit 1 the
atrocities at White Moss ? certainly not. We have here a wit
ness by accident, a cousin of Bamford' s, a girl 15 years old, who
lives with his family and who was one of those that went with
Bamford's wife and others to Manchester arm in arm, on the

SPEECH OF MR. HUNT. 375
day of the meeting — who saw Bamford pull off his shoes, and
throw them under the table, and then go to bed. She went to
bed at 1 1 o'clock, got up the next morning at six, and his shoes
and the clothes he had taken off were then in the same situation
in which she had seen them the night before. The transactions
at White Moss flew hke wild-fire through the country, and well
they might; and they produced all that disgust and horror
which every honest man should feel on such an occasion. At
six o'clock in the morning, she saw Bamford with his wife in
bed, and told him of the occurrences that had taken place ; we
have found out that witness of all work, Chadwick, we have
discovered who and what he is — we know he is a character not
to be believed upon his oath, and we have evidenee to prove
that in the presence of his fellow-shopman, he declared he
would swear for any man who would pay him We know him
to be a manufactured witness, and have sent for people to
prove him unworthy of credit. The next thing is Hayward,
who said he saw the Middleton division go towards Smedley
Cottage, and why ? because he was told I was there. So that,
Gentlemen, you see, if the dove-tail did not fit one place of
the machinery, it would surely fit in another. But in his
examination it turned out that the cottage where I was, was
a mile out of the road to town, and so much for that connex
ion. But somebody who was at White Moss was going to
Manchester, I do not doubt it; perhaps his own companion,
perhaps the very persons who attended before the Grand Jury
at Lancaster, when the Bills were found against us. Another
attempt to connect the fink, and what is it ? Why, that the
multitude at Withy Grove stopped my carriage, and that I
commanded the people to hiss at the house of Murray. Where
is the proof of this ? What does Murray say ? — that the car
riage halted ; that I looked out of it, while the hissing proceed
ed ; and if I did, what was more natural ? — what more natural
than to stop and ask why the people hissed? Then I also bade
them cheer ; and what was that for ? Was it to please my
vanity? — No. But seeing the people so disposed, it was to
35. vol. n. 3 c

376 ot^EECH OF MR. HUNT.
divert their attention, and to prevent the continuance of that
line of conduct they were pursuing. No witness confirms that
most important of all important facts, that Hunt stopped his
carriage, looked out of the window, took the command of the
people, and desired them to hiss. Murray says, when they
hissed, no carriage was there; and of course I could not have
taken the command.
¦ Mr. Justice Bayley — You are wrong Mr. Hunt, as to the
evidence of Murray.
Mr. Hunt — I suppose Murray to have said a carriage was
there. I shall prove to you his memory to be incorrect ; I
shall prove to you that on Sunday, the 15th, in which he al
leges a Magistrate to have taken his deposition, no such de
position was sworn to, but sworn to several days afterwards,
namely, on the 21st he did not swear positively that the per
son in the carriage pointed up at his house; but suppose he did,
if I saw a disposition of the sort manifested, it was but natural
that I should look up and see what attracted so much of the
hostility of the people. Suppose it true, was that halting —
was that taking any command — was that desiring the people to
ill-use Murray? I hope, Gentlemen, in what I shall still have
to urge to your consideration, that I will not make the shght
est misrepresentation, either to save myself, or the defendants
who are now joined with me. When Murray was asked, if he
said, " he'd be better pleased to go home in a boat rowed in
the blood of the Reformers, than to walk home on the pave
ment," he feared to say so. When also asked, if he ever
said, " Were he a General on the 16th of August, he'd des
troy all the b  y Reformers;" he recollected Chapman's
going to Liverpool, when he found the many persons who
were here that knew him, he answered, " No." First he
swore that he was quite sober ; and then as such expressions
might not suit with a sober man, he was tipsy ; he was a
drunken fellow, he was any thing that could seem to palliate
the oath he had taken. If however, the point to be made by
Murray's evidence is good for any thing, I am sure the nature

SPEECH OF MR. HUNT. 377
of his testimony will destroy it in the minds of any twelve
honest men. We cannot put a man into that box to prove his
expressions ; I know it would not be legal, and is not therefore
competent to us to do so. But this man, Gentlemen, is one
of the partizans of those, who said he would not believe the
Reformers on their oaths. This is the amiable, the enlighten
ed language of those, who are sent as evidence against us.
Well, on goes Mr. Hunt he comes to the Exchange, and
then is taken up to the Star, whose name I no more know to
be the Star, than I know the different stars of the firmament.
The people hissed at the house of a respectable man; 'but
there was no Hunt's halting and taking the command and
urging the people to continue such a conduct. Is there any
proof I did any of those things? No; but there is proof of the
reverse. A respectable Clergyman swears that the Magis
trates were not then there ; Hulton says they were not there ,
so that falls to the ground. Gentlemen, I would here entreat
you to divest yourselves of those false impressions which have
been falsely instilled into you ; you have seen, and you must
see not only that an attempt has been made to destroy me,
but to impose on you, and to get by these false representations,
twelve as honest and as honourable men as ever trod the earth,
to violate their oaths.
Mr. Justice Bayley — That is very wrong, Mr. Hunt.
Mr. Hunt — I challenge Mr. Scarlett to show his brief.
Mr. Justice Bayley — That cannot be done.
Mr. Hunt — I hope your Lordship will excuse me, but a man
having as much at stake as I have, and placed in my present
situation, cannot always measure my language, or methodise
my thoughts. But Gentlemen, you shall see, and so shall his
Lordship see by my conduct on this day's trial, if I be that vio
lent demagogue, that cruel, deceiving man I have been repre
sented to be. Yes, Gentlemen, you shall judge if aught that
occurs this day can justify this calumny. I feel myself inca
pable of doing any thing contrary to the feelings of a man, au
Englishman, and a gentleman ; and if I do, let the whole
weight of such a conduct come against mo. It' I go out of the

378 SPEECH OF MR. HUNT.
course and give any resistance to authority when fairly admin
istered, you will let it go against me. Here he referred to
the speech of Mr. Scarlett as reported in one of the London
Morning papers in which he was charged with stopping at
Murray's, and the Star Inn, and as abetting the hooting at
the house where the Magistrates were assembled, and con
tinued. Look at the respectable Clergyman who stood in that
box, and I'm sure you'll recollect I treated him with that be
coming respect due to his situation, but what did he say ? did
he say that the people in the coach hissed ? — certainly not.
Mr. Justice Bayley — He said the coach stopped and the
people hissed.
Mr. Hunt — But not, my Lord, that those in the coach also
hissed; he saw no military car — that has now become a
barouch, but that respectable gentleman, if I had got up
and halted and pointed to the house, and hissed, would cer
tainly have seen me, and on that, he says not a word in con
tradiction. Then, Gentlemen, again I entreat you not to
trust to those misrepresentations of my conduct, which have
been so profusely laid before you. Then came Barlow, who
proved, that when passing Deansgate there was a shouting,
by the people — a shouting, which is also made an offence;
but where is the proof that those in the carriage joined the
the shout? Why are charges like this to be accumulated?
What can be their object, if not to misrepresent me and
the other defendants? Edward Simpson, who being near
that place, did not hear any noise at a quarter before ten
o'clock ; but it is scarcely necessary to go much into his
testimony; it amounts to little any way. Then as to Mat
thew Cowper and those who follow him. You have heard
of a poor fellow who was a lunatic, confined in a lunatic
asylum, of the mushroom serjeant who acted in such a man
ner that his oath is not to be beheved, and who told the
fine story of his having gone to Ireland, when, in point of
fact he said so merely to disguise his being a deserter ; and
next of Cowper, who admitted his being turned off from his
employment about fourteen years ago, for the robbery of his

SPEECH OF MR. HUNT. 379
master, but who within the last few months since this pro
secution commenced, was employed by a Committee of those
who gave their evidence against us, and since then and not
till then, was able to repay what he had stolen. You have
heard of these men, Gentlemen of the Jury ; yes, they are
the three men, who have been brought up in one lot for the
purpose of supporting this prosecution. A lunatic I say not
so to disparage him ; it is much to be bju-.jnted, it is a great
misfortune to him, but such is the man called upon to prove
some expressions of Dr. Healy. If the proofs that those
expressions were used, was deemed a matter of any conse
quence, why was not his wife, who was always sane, who
knew so many of these transactions, why was not she cal
led toprove them ? They were not used, or if so, they were
of no consequence. Thus, Gentlemen, to prop up the cause,
you have a lunatic, and a deserter, and a confessed thief. The
Learned Counsel may say, what wonderful discoveries we
have made ; he may affect astonishment at our finding out
what we have done. I can tell him we have no public purse
at our back, enabling us to discover them, but that they were
recognised by persons, who knew the characters, and they sent
me in the account on a slip of paper, of which I have not fail
ed to make some use. Cowper will not dare contradict
the fact of his having robbed his master for we have a fellow
servant of his to prove it. Then he comes as reporter to the
hustings, and tells you first, that he was there of his own ac
cord ; but that was a sort of under play, and it then comes out
he went there for The Courier. He and his friend Roger
Entwistle are at variance, and they again differ materially from
another of their amiable and proper associates. All who re
ported on that occasion differed, except in one point — that I
said to the people " Put them down, and when you have them
down, keep them so." What said Roger Entwistle? That
I said, as the Yeomanry were advancing, " There are your
enemies, if they attempt to molest you, put them down, and
when down keep them so." Then others did not go so far ;
no, they would not swear so well. Next comes Mr. Piatt, the

380 SPEECH OF MR. HUNT.
gentleman so intimately acquainted with the flimsies. All he
has proved has been contradicted over and over again, but
whether it has or not, we shall be able to disprove it. He
swears at one time he saw Saxton on the hustings for half an
hour, and at another time for an hour and a half. Then as to
Bamford's being on the hustings after my arrival we shall
prove it to be false, and that he was standing in the midst of
the crowd during the time I was there. It was necessary,
however, to connect him with the proceedings, and of course
he wished to have him on the hustings. He also swears he
saw Moorhouse on the hustings, a man who never was there,
who never intended to be there ; (not that I admit for a sin
gle moment there was either disgrace or crime in being there),
and who, I beheve, did not even think of attending at the
meeting. Here there is one circumstance which I must beg
leave to recal co the attention of your Lordship, and of you,
Gentlemen of the Jury, as to the testimony we extracted about
the flimsies. I allude to an occurrence that took place in this
Court — an occurrence that never should be tolerated in a
Court of Justice, upon a question which I asked Mr. Hulton.
A general sensation pervaded the Court, and one man, who
clapped his hands, and made some other improper demonstra
tions, was taken, but not hurried to prison, as I have seen
men treated on other occasions, very often, indeed, but upon
oath taken as to the fact. Well ; but it is not a little remark
able on this occasion to see who appeared to state the facts.
Now who comes forward — Why, Mr. Piatt He hears, it said
the man had clapped his hands, and he instantly comes for
ward to swear it These are the sort of men we see, who
come forward against us ; but this is not enough ; another
affidavit might be necessary to the fact and he looks up to the
gallery, and there he finds another of his brother witnesses,
for whom he vouches, that he can also swear it. Worthy wit
nesses indeed ! Why, Gentlemen, when such persons are
employed in any prosecution, can you rely upon the motives
that have produced or given your belief to the instruments
engaged to sustain it? Piatt, you see, was not tired of swear-

SPEECH OF MR. HUNT. 381
ing, and I don't know if he'll be as successful here as in his
prosecution of the flimsy business, for in that he never failed of
nailing those against whom he had appeared. Ellis and
Cowper and another reporter, differed in their accounts of
what occurred, and for one, certainly, if his levity did not induce
him to send forth all that was said about the cavalry, would not
fail to do so from his malignancy. Then Ellis swears to what Mr
Greene and Mr. Hardman tell him they saw, yet he was on the
ground, but his testimony amounts to nothing. I am placed
gentlemen, in the very unpleasant and unfortunate situation
of being obliged to answer and explain as to Moorhouse, what a
learned counsel took a very considerable time to mystify. The
learned gentleman usually mistook, or he did perhaps what
was worse, but quite usual with counsel to do, endeavour to
make the jury mistake. He appeared as if he had in his hand
an issue.
Mr. Justice Bayley— This comment is unfair; it is not al
lowable, it is uncalled for.
Mr. Hunt — My Lord, if the mode of defence adopted by
the counsel for Mr. Moorhouse, tends to commit me, I con
sider myself entitled to comment upon that procedure. I felt a
thorough conviction in my own mind that the proposed meeting
of the 9th was not illegal. I felt assured, because I knew my
own disposition, that if I presided, nothing illegal should take
place. Presiding as chairman, I should not have allowed it —
What could be the object of endeavouring to connect the meet
ing of the 9th with that of the 16th ? the former was given up.
The thing was quite at an end. How, then, could it be repre
sented by the learned counsel, as a question of law between
me and the magistrates of Manchester, as a subject to be dis
cussed on the 16th, which Mr. Moorhouse was desirous of hear
ing ? It seemed as if such observations were calculated to convey
to the jury the same sort of impression sought to be produced
from another quart i;r. I am accused of staying a whole week
in the neighbourhood of Manchester after the 9th. This is evi
dently intended to show, by implication, that I was concerned
with the other parties in a conspiracy, that I was connected

382 SPEECH OF MR. HUNT.
with all those plans, all those secret meetings and drillings,
all those horrors which are represented as certain to arise
from the meeting of the 16th, had not that meeting been
dispersed. With respect to the placard issued by the magis
trates, for preventing the meeting of the 9 th, no person who
saw it, and had the slightest acquaintance with grammar, could
deny that it was foolishly worded, that it was perfectly ridicu
lous. It was to this circumstance I alluded, when I spoke of the
nine tailors. I can prove that two days before the 9th, the
meeting was called by 700 of the inhabitants of Manchester,
Under such circumstances, I no doubt expressed regret that it
was put off; but so far from intending to be present at that
appointed for the 16th ; so far from remaining, as was repre
sented, about the country for the purpose of presiding at it ; I
can bring witnesses, who will leave no doubt on your minds,
gentlemen of the jury, that I was determined not to remain ;
that I stated distinctly it would not be in my power to remain.
I went to Smedley Cottage, and my servant will prove to you
that when I came to Bullock Smithey, it was my intention
to return, and proceed homewards. The manner in which
I was induced to stay, shall appear in evidence; the soli
citations that were used, the persons who used them, and
the motives that prevailed on me to comply; I feel pride
in this heart, I am delighted at the thought of having re
mained, I should to the close of my life feel compunction, I
should ever accuse myself, had I not performed that duty to the
public, to my Manchester friends, and to that great body of
people who assembled on that occasion, I should for ever
blame myself, had I not stayed to exercise all the influence I
possessed for preventing those dreadful consequences that fol
lowed, and the still more dreadful consequences that might have
followed. I suffered in my own person ; I suffered most seri
ously ; that I do not regard. I was placed in solitary confine
ment ; I was assailed, even while in custody, with the most vio
lent blows ; and being immured for eleven days, while endea
vours were making to trump up a charge of high treason, I de
manded that the warrant under which I was detained might be

SPEECH OF MR HUNT. 883
shewn me ; it was refused ; I frequently asked for it, but it was
not produced. At length it turned out that the charge against me
amounted only to a misdemeanour ; a bailable offence, gentlemen
of the jury. I offered bail ; two most respectable men, a Mr.
Grundy and a Mr. Chapman, the former an independent man
a person of the highest respectability ; it was refused ; I was
hurried down to Lancaster, and confined unnecessarily for 24
hours. Whatever were my sufferings, had they been much
greater, had I undergone the worst that malice and persecution
. could inflict, it shall never deprive me of the satisfaction I feel
at having done my duty, at not having acted in such a way as
must have placed the people of Manchester in such a situation,
that they could not now have me making their defence as I do.
I can bring forward witnesses who shall prove to you, that dur
ing the week I remained at Johnson's, I never went two miles
beyond the house, though I had many invitations from various
gentlemen of respectability in the neighbourhood. If I went
neither to Middleton, to Rochdale, to Bury, nor any other part
of the neighbourhood of Manchester from which the vari
ous divisions were said to have marched on the 16th, how can it
be said, how is it possible for any twelve men to say that I was
during all that time, arranging the ramifications of this great
conspiracy ? Another circumstance that proves most clearly the
innocence of my intention is this : — On the Saturday previous to
the meeting, I got intelligence that a warrant was issued for
my apprehension ; I went to the magistrates of Manchester ; I
informed them that it came to my knowledge that a warrant had
been granted for some offence, or supposed offence, the over
turning, as I heard, of a woman with a basket of eggs by some
persons. I was told that there was no warrant against me ;
Mr. Nadin was called ; the question was put to him ; he said
there was no warrant against me, no intention of issuing it. I
mentioned that the information was brought to me by one of
the pohce, and the answer was, who is it? Tell us his name
that he may be punished. Upon hearing that there was an in
tention of apprehending me, a friend of mine, a man of opu-
35 vol. ii. 3 d

384 SPEECH OF MR. HUNT.
lence and respectability, went to the office, and avowed his
readiness to give bail. He was informed that there was no such
thing, no such intention, nor any ground for it. Did I not, by
acting in this manner, treat the magistrates with respect ? Did
this show any disposition to insubordination, any wish to disturb
the public peace ? Did I not, on the contrary, by thus acting,
give proof of the manner in which I was disposed to
treat the authorities ? I have been for many years an exten
sive farmer, occupying 5000 acres of land, engaged in a va
riety of business, in the course of which, whenever the oc
casion arose, a magistrate had nothing more to do than send
me a note, and I always attended. Was this to treat the au
thorities with disrepect ? I could not show them greater re
spect than by going immediately, when I heard there was any
charge against me, inquiring what the nature of it was, and
professing my readiness either to give bail, or to act in any way
most conclusive to the ends of peace and justice. Is such con
duct a proof how I would treat the authorities ? Yes, it is a
strong proof in my favour. What have I done after the meeting
appointed for the 9th was prevented ? I confess, that circum
stance occasioned great agitation ; it produced a strong impres
sion in Manchester and the neighbourhood, but did I leave the
neighbourhood upon this occasion ? Did I fly to avoid any in
convenience that might arise ? No, I remained ; and mark
gentlemen of the jury, this was imputed to me as a crime. I
remained, and for what purpose ? I shall prove it by undeniable
evidence, that I stopped to do every thing in my power, to exert
all the influence I possessed; for quieting the minds who were
irritated, on finding that the meeting of the 9th was prevented.
This I shall show, as well from the advice I directed by letter to
the people, as from oral testimony.
[Here Mr. Hunt read from some newspaper ^an address to
the people of Manchester, exhorting them to peace and order,
and calhng on the magistrates to disabuse them if they were
in error.
This is the way that I treated the authorities. I invited

SPEECH OF MR. HUNT. 383
them, I begged of them to come among the people when they
assembled, to watch their proceedings, to see whether any thing
improper was said or done, to instruct them if they were wrong.
I can now, after all that has occured, lay my hand to my heart
and say, with pride and pleasure, that there is nothing connected
with the meeting of the 16th for which I feel a moment's regret
or remorse, except that which ensued from the violence with
which it was dispersed. You, gentlemen of the jury, have
heard the evidence of many persons, some of them, no doubt,
honourable men, stating that they felt alarm. One of them, a
clergyman, Dr. Smith, did, however, under the influence of
such a feeling, one of the most extraordinary things that could
be easily conceived ; a thing which, I imagine, must prove to
the mind of any unprejudiced persons, that his alarm could not
have been very great. After Mr. Phillips and others had given
in their depositions as to the fears they felt for the public peace,
Dr. Smith sends home to their friends, through the streets of Man
chester, the children under his care. Had he felt any apprehen
sion of serious danger ; if there was any likelihood of hostile in
vasion, any fear that they must encounter, on their way home,
such difficulties as might have rendered it, I will not say peri
lous, but even greatly inconvenient was it natural to supppose
that he would allow them to go into the streets, to encounter the
hazards of a mob, or to mingle with the atrocities they might
commit ? Some of the witnesses were intelligent and respect
able. It will be my business to produce witnesses equally re
spectable, equally intelligent, and perhaps equally nervous, who
shall prove to you, that upon this occasion, they felt no alarm
at all. I now come to Jonathan Andrews, with his large sticks
mounted on the shoulder, like muskets. He and Mr. Hulton
were the only persons who deposed to this circumstance of the
sticks. Andrews spoke particularly of the Lees division, con
sisting, he said, of 2000, most of whom had sticks four feet and
a half long, which they bore upon their shoulders. Next came
Joseph Travers, who was, it would appear, appointed to count
this division. He said that he felt no alarm, and he did not speak

386 SPEECH OF MR. HUNT.
a single word about the sticks being shouldered. As to Jonathan
Andrews, he is an opulent man, in a respectable situation; no
person could suspect him of misrepresentation ; what he said
however, with regard to the sticks, the black flag, and the party
that bore it, was contradicted by every other witness. I shall
therefore say no more about him. As to the last gentleman,
connected with The New Times, who gave evidence upon the
present occasion, it is not necessary to say much about him-
He was called only for the purpose of proving a fact ; but gen
tleman, you will please to observe, that he proved his having
attended many meetings at which I either presided or was pre
sent ; that he never heard me urge to violence or breach of the
peace ; that nothing of the kind ever occured upon any of
these occasions. You saw the manner in which the other gen
tlemen connected with that paper gave his testimony, and I
beg of you to attend to the way in which the account of this
transaction came before the public. It was first sent home by
the reporter, and then manufactured or doctored just as the edi
tor pleased. I hope this sort of testimony will have but httle
effect upon your minds. I shall prove to you by another re
porter, who was present merely by accident, to whom I was ut
terly unknown, whom I never saw before that day, that the re
presentations made by the other reporters are in many particu
lars totally false. I shall show you, by testimony of which you
can entertain no reasonable doubt that the motive assigned for
locking arms and removing the hustings are completely unfound
ed. You will see that Jones was employed to erect with the
assistance of two carts, the best and most convenient hustings
he could. I will distinctly show, that at a former meeting, in
consequence of the pressure round the hustings, they were
broken down, that much mischief ensued in consequence, and
that the only object they had in locking arms was to preclude
the recurrence of similar accidents, not, as was stated to pre
vent cavalry or corruption from coming in ; for me, I declare
I never saw or suspected any thing of the constables. I had
no idea that they meant to arrest any person present not the
shghtest suspicion that there would be the least tumult or dis-

SPEECH OF MR. HUNT. 387
order of any kind. I can prove that neither at the time I ar
rived on the field, nor before it did I entertain any suspicion
that the military would act. It never entered my head, I can
prove. I can prove that all those who surounded the hustings
were locked together, except at that part where an approach
was opened for the constables. There was at the back a body
of constables, from the public house, called the Windmill, up to
the hustings. They kept a free passage, and there also it can
be proved that there was no locking of arms in such a way as
could interrupt them in their approach. They passed easily up
and down ; I can prove, that any number of constables, however
small, one, two, or three might come up, and arrest whom
they pleased without the smallest difficulty. They could come
at farthest, within fifteen yards of the hustings, and any inti
mation of their intention communicated to me would prevent
further trouble. Had I known that there was a warrant in ex
istence, I should, without the least hesitation, have acted in such
a manner as to prevent the dreadful consequences that followed,
Mr. Hulton deposed, that he saw the first of the military who
advanced, assailed with stones and brick-bats ; that he observed
sticks waved in the air to resist the approach of those fifty drunk
en soldiers, who were sent forward for no other purpose than to
provoke the multitude to trample women and children under
foot. It can be proved they were seen, with their eyes closed,
cutting at all those around them. If I can bring forward men
of the highest respectability, totally differing in politics, men
who were as near the hustings as I am to you, gentlemen, who
saw every thing that occurred, my word is not worth a farthing
unless they prove that not one brick-bat, not one stone was
thrown; unless they prove, as I stated, that the mihtary cut to
right and left without any such provocation. They were even
observed urging on their horses to jump over the heaps of unfor
tunate beings that were lying before them, and to force a way
through a solid mass of poor wretches that were desirous to
escape, but had it not in their power.
Mr. Scarlett submitted that the conduct of the cavalry formed
no part of the case.

388 SPEECH OF MR. HUNT.
Mr. Hunt thought he had a right to allow the meeting was
peaceable until the cavalry began to act, and that they were
the aggressors.
Mr. Justice Bayley — I cannot allow you to call evidence as to
the conduct of the cavalry, as it forms no part of the case at
present. You may bring evidence to prove the quiet disposi
tion of the people.
Mr. Hunt — After the observation which has fallen from the
learned judge, I shall not endeavour to proceed with the detail
of those horrible proceedings. I shall confine myself as much
as possible to the direct case before you ; and although I am free
to admit that I will at all times most willingly listen to any ad
monition from the court yet that I will as boldly assert any
thing that is likely to strengthen my case. I ought to apologize
to you, gentlemen, and his Lordship, for the indulgence you
have shown me in the course of this day, and the attention which
you have exhibited to the evidence produced before you. I hope
you will not think that I am trespassing upon you with any light
or trivial circumstances, or that I have introduced any irrele
vant matter. I will, however, trouble you with a few other
observations. The learned counsel, in his opening speech, in
describing the transactions at Middleton, stated that Bamford
was seen at the head of 1000 men, who bore all the appearance
of a military body; but where is the proof of this assertion?
Had they any pick-axes, battle-axes or fire-arms ? Had they
any dark lanterns, or combustible matter ? A few sticks, I un
derstand, have been brought to York from Manchester, that
were said to be taken from the field. But why are they not
produced ? If they had done so, there might have been some pre
texts for the learned counsel's asserting it ; it would have pro
duced a conviction on the minds of the jury, that such had
been brought and used ; not one of the flags with their seditious
and inflammatory inscriptions; not one of the revolutionary
emblems, as they are called by the reporter of The New Times,
have been produced, and yet they are in the possession of the
prosecutors. Where is the black flag, that emblem on which

SPEECH OF MR. HUNT. 389
so much stress has been laid ? They have been all taken from
us, and we were most anxious that the latter should be pro
duced. I shall lay before you, gentlemen, a model of the flag,
I will produce to you the person who bought the calico ; I will
produce to you the person who painted it, and he shall state
to you that he painted the inscription on it while white, but
finding that the letters showed through, and disfigured the
the others, the mottoes being written on both sides the flag,
he found the only alternative was by painting the flag one co
lour, and the letters another, and such was the reason why
this flag was painted black ; but I conceive the colour is of
little or no importance. A black flag, I believe, is the co
lour of a pilot's flag, as a warning to all the world, and could
any harm be construed from that ? The motto, I allow, may be
tortured into any thing, but I will tell you gentlemen, that
" Equal Representation or Death," as used in this instance
did not mean that they would have it, or death, but it meant
that unless they had equal representation, starvation already
on their heels, death must ensue. How did it happen that,
in the statement of these mottoes, the learned counsel had
not the candour to tell them that one of the banners represented
justice, holding in one hand her scales and the other empty ? —
If Justice had been represented in her proper form, with scales
in one hand and the sword in the other, that would immediately
have been seized hold of, and pamted to the jury as a crime of
a black and heinous nature. As to the caps of liberty, look, I
say, Gentlemen, at the emblem on your own Hall : there is re
presented the cap of liberty and the Roman fasces. Are these
emblems of revolution? If I understand the meaning of a
cap of hberty, it is an emblem of a most sacred nature. In
Rome when a slave had performed any great act for the benefit
of his country, he was usually rewarded with a cap, to signify
his freedom, which was the gift for such act and he wore his cap
among the freemen, as an emblem of his emancipation. The re
wards given by our Saxon forefathers were of a different nature,
they were rewarded with a sword and spear. How then could

390 SPEECH OF MR. HUNT.
the representing of these emblems be considered of a revolu
tionary nature ? Ancient custom has handed them down to us,
as a sacred trust. The people of Yorkshire had thought so, by
placing them on the front of their hall ; and surely what was
considered a pride in Yorkshire, could not be esteemed a crime
in Lancashire ; if so, where were the boasted rights of English
men ? I only contend for those fair rights and liberties, which
are the birth-rights of Britons ; I agree with the poet, who says—
" He who contends for freedom
Can ne'er be deemed his sovereign's foe."
In asserting that right of freedom, I have done nothing that in
dicated any desire to destroy the constitution or the executive
authorities ; I have used my humble endeavours in the sacred
cause of my country's welfare, and will still continue to exert
them to the utmost of my ability. As to the subject of reform
when we had agitated that question, we were told that it was
Confusion and disorder that we were seeking ; the doctrines of
Annual Parliaments and Universal Suffrage were ridiculed as
wild and visionary; but I assert that every Englishman has a
right to demand what we ask ; we don't want equal representa
tion of property, but an equal representation of right; what we
demand is, that we may not be taxed beyond a fair proportion
to the produce of our labour, and that in the imposing such taxes
we may have a voice by our own representatives in the legisla
ture, chosen from the free voice of the people, and who will at
tend to the fair rights of the people. I have for the last ten
years been a public advocate for these principles, during which
time I have been most scandalously vilified and calumniated ;
I have been stigmatized as an itinerant orator, and by none
more so than the employer of one of the witnesses produced
against me — I mean Dr. Stoddart.
Mr. Justice Bayley here said — Mr. Hunt Dr. Stoddart is
not in the cause.
Mr. Hunt continued— You must all recollect gentlemen of
the jury, those worthy men who spent an age in going about
endeavouring effectually to abolish that horrible system, the

SPEECH OF MR. HUNT. 391
Black Slave Trade. I meant their once worthy representa
tive Mr. Wilberforce, and many others. I have never heard
it attributed to them that they were guilty of crime, and why
should it be imputed to me ? If I am wrong, show me how I
am so, and endeavour to set me right but don't construe my
error into crime. I am pursuing those principles, which will
not suffer a man to be dragged from his bed, wife, or home, and
sent to fight for his country, without his having some voice in
that legislature which enacts the laws by which he is thus
dragged from his domestic felicity and retirement. I advocate
those principles which were so strenuously pursued by those
patriotic statesmen the Duke of Richmond, Lord Raymond,
Sir William Jones, and several others. The Duke of Rich
mond's exertions were crowned by the highly-merited reward of
his country, he was in consequence created master of the ord
nance. Here the learned judge again reminded Mr. Hunt that he
was travelling from the question, and that this could not be re
ceived in evidence. Mr. Hunt bowed and thus continued —
In 1817 I was called upon by some very respectable individu
als to attend a public meeting at Spa-fields. I knew nothing of
the persons so requesting me, but I felt myself bound to attend
their calk At this meeting resolutions were adopted, and peti
tions agreed to, one to the Prince Regent and the other to the
Common's House of Parliament. It fell to my lot to have the
honour of presenting the one to his Royal Highness the Prince
Regent through the medium of the Secretary of State, and the
other to the House of Commons. The venal and corrupt press
in its invectives has branded us with vulgarity, and accused us
of being illiterate. The progress of these petitions falsified those
most false assertions; they were received by the House of
Commons, read and ordered to be laid on the table. From
that time, the seed of corruption had shot forth, and flourished
with additional strength. The Habeas Corpus Act was sus
pended in order to prevent the people from meeting ; when that
was renewed, a bill was brought in to prevent their meeting but
36. VOL. it. 3 E

J92 SP'iECH OF MR. HUNT.
on certain conditions, namely, that no meeting should be held
within one mile of Palace yard during the session of Parha
ment, or while the courts of law were sitting. Meetings, how
ever, were still held at distant parts, without any objection being
made to them, and without declaring their illegality, until the
late bills passing, which entirely put an end to all pubhc meet
ings. Mr. Hunt here read extracts from Lord Sidmouth's speech
on the Seditious Meetings' Bill, which he styled as no mean au
thority, although his Lordship was not a lawyer. Among other
things, he called upon the House to adopt some measures for the
suppression of multitudinous meetings ; that it was impossible
to secure the constitution from inroads without entirely putting
them down, and further stated, that under the law as it now
stood, there was no provision against meetings convened under
the most alarming symptoms, bearing banners and flags, and
accompanied by bands of music, &c. There said Mr. Hunt I
agree with his Lordship, I join issue with him, and wish to
impress on your minds, gentlemen, the nature of the observa
tion ; it affords you a criterion by which to direct your verdict —
it decidedly shows that the meeting was legal, and that at the
time it took place there was no law which made it otherwise.
You have not to give a verdict which shall have the effect of
putting down meetings of this sort that is already done. It
might certainly be an inducement in the minds of many honest
men, to give a verdict which should act as an example in future
but here none was wanted, the possibility of. meeting under
such circumstance was entirely taken away, and you have only
to try a great question, whether or not the Jaws of the country
have been offended. Mr. Hulton told you, in his evidence
that he thought it proper in this case, to make an example
of the ringleaders ; the people were deluded by them, and
it was owing to their vile machinations alone that thev were in
duced to attend these meetings. Now, gentlemen, I shall
have the gratification of placing some of these deluded men
before you in the witness box, and I think you will find they
are not quite so illiterate as the Hogarth's eleven days' men

SPEECH OF MR. HUNT. 393
mentioned by Mr. Scarlett. Mr. Hunt again read extracts
from Lord Harrowby's speech on the subject of the Seditious
Meetings Bill, in which he declared the right of persons to.
meet and discuss grievances was admitted, and that there
was no statute against it. Indeed, said Mr. Hunt his ma
jesty's ministers were of opinion that the law was not sufficient,
and had in consequence enacted fresh ones. I will just refer
you to some observations of one of the law officers of the
Crown, I mean Mr. Warren, the chief Justice of Chester.
— In describing the Manchester meeting, he says, that among
the banners, one bore a figure representing a woman bearing
a bloody dagger, This had been echoed also in the opening
speech of Mr. Scarlett; I have made all the inquiries human
head can divine, I have sent to the person painting, carrying,
and making the banners for the 16th of August I have applied
to every one I know was there, and cannot obtain the least
information of it ; but hearing Mr. Scarlett mention it I
thought we should certainly be provided with some proof; and
what must the jury think in the absence of such proof? It was
a circumstance which is calculated to prejudice my case most
seriously with you, and is contained in the most eloquent part of
the counsel's speech ; what I again say, can you think, gen
tlemen, of such conduct? It could be only done, and Mr.
Scarlett knows it was done for no other motive, than to connect
me with blasphemy and assassination, and with that detestable
plot lately discovered in London, when the counsel well
knows, that I was singled out as one of their victims. I
firmly believed that this dagger never existed but in the tor
tured and fevered brains of Mr. Scarlett and Mr. Warren. Mr.
Hunt was here proceeding to read a paper, which he said had
been circulated in the town, not sold, but given away, contain
ing the substance of Mr. Scarlett's speech on the subject of this
dagger, but the learned judge again interrupted him, and
said, that if the papers had been improperly circulated, the per
sons doing it would be subject to future punishment ; he could
not suffer it to be -produced, indeed the jury by their oaths, were
bound not to hear it. Mr. Hunt, after stat'ng to the jury

394 SPEECH OF MR. HUNT.
that they were circulated with the most malicious motives,
and with a view to prejudice him in the minds of the jury,
concluded to the following effect. — Having said thus much,
I think I should not discharge my duty to you, gentlemefc
of the jury, and his lordship, did I not return you my sincere
thanks for the attention yon have shown me; and I hope, if
through the immense mass of evidence produced, I have omit
ted any important observations, that they will not be lost on
you. Indeed, I cannot contemplate that twelve men of your
stamp and condition even could, if selected as the organs of cor
ruption, entertain this question and make up your minds to
return a verdict of guilty. I take to myself the whole merit of
bringing the case before you; I sought you with confidence,
and now leave my case with you with equal confidence ; even
if I could obtain a fair jury in Lancashire, I feel such
conscientious satisfaction in my course, that I would willingly
have left it to them, but when it was probable that Mr. Hul
ton himself, or some of the yeomanry, without affording me
a fair pretext to challenge them, might be called on the jury —
it would have been indeed, sacrificing my own interest in sub
mitting to it — A trial in Lancashire under such circumstances
was synonymous with a verdict of guilty.— He was about to
pass some personal observations on Mr. Hulton, when the
learned judge again stopped him, by observing, " that Mr. Hul-
ton's was a situation of a very distressing and serious" nature."
— Mr. Hunt continued — as Mr. Hulton's evidence is totally
unconfirmed by any witness, even a police officer, and with all
its contradictions, formed a material part of the case, I shall
be able fully, by unquestionable evidence, to disprove every
word he has said, I hope, to your entire satisfaction. As
respecting the banners and training, I have already told you the
nature of the evidence I intend to produce; with respect to the
music, it shall appear to you, that the greater part of the per
sons employed, have been in the habit of playing in churches,
and that the tunes they played were of the most loyal character.
I know the learned counsel has the opportunity of reply ; I
won't give him more credit than his ta%ts deserve ! I know

EVIDENCE FOR THE DEFENDANTS. 385
he possesses great influence here ; but I conjure you not to be
led away by his eloquence, and before you pay any attention to
his observations, let him produce testimony to corroborate what
Mr. Hulton has advanced, and let him explain what he meant
by the dagger.
Mr. Hunt said, that Wild, who had not yet made his de
fence, was very ill, and that he dechned addressing the court.
The defendant here concluded his speech, which lasted from
eleven o'clock in the morning till a quarter before three , in
the afternoon. He appeared to be quite exhausted in body,
but at the same time, as collected in his mind, as at the com
mencement. As he sat down there were great applauses
among the audience, which in decency, the judge repressed in
a dignified manner. It immediately ceased.
The jury retired for a little time, at the suggestion of Mr.
Justice Bayley. On their return, and that of his Lordship,
the evidence for the defence commenced.
The following witnesses were then called : —
Edmund Grundy examined by Mr. Hunt. — I am not in
any business. I five at Billsworth, near Bury in Lancashire.
I was a calico printer, but have retired from business. I have
not made any depositions. On Tuesday, the 10th of August,
I was at Smedley Cottage. I saw you there. I recollect a
conversation relative to the then approaching meeting. You
said you were returning home immediately. I endeavoured
to prevail upon you to remain till the meeting of the 16th took
place. You said you would consider of it. I think I left you
then. Nothing positive was decided on at the time. I left a
printed letter for you on the next day (Wednesday). I next
saw you on Saturday, the 14th of August-at Smedley Cot
tage. I recollect communicating to you that there was a re
port of a warrant being out against you, and you said it was so.
In the course of that day I waited upon Mr. Norris, the Ma
gistrate, in company with Johnson, the defendant. Mr.
Norris is, I understand, the Chief Acting Magistrate. I told
him if there was any charge against Mr. Hunt I would put in
bail for any time which he chose to appoint. Mr. Norris said

396 EVIDENCE OF JAMES DYSON.
there was no information or warrant against you, nor any in
tention of issuing one. I reside about seven miles and a half
from Manchester : I was not in Manchester on the 16th of
August ; I saw some persons going there, but not so many as
is represented to have gone. I saw no persons armed. I
have property in the neighbourhood, but nothing which occur
red that day inspired me with any fears for its safety. I have
several relatives and friends residing in Manchester. I saw
nothing on that day, which gave me any apprehensions for
their safety.
Cross-examined by Mr. Scarlett. — I was not in Court to
day before. I knew Mr. Hunt about twelve months' since.
1 dined at the Spread Eagle in his company. I saw no one
with Mr. Hunt at Smedley Cottage on the 10th, but Mr.
Howard, who went with me. I went to pay him a visit, but
did not remain long. I only knew from general report that he
was there. I saw a letter posted up in the town. I was sub
sequently his bail.
James Dyson, examined by Mr, Bamford — I am a weaver,
and reside at Middleton. I was on the Barrowfield on the
16th August last between nine and ten o'clock in the morn
ing. There were 600 or 700 people, both men, women, and
children ; I saw you there : you were walking about when I
first saw you. I did not hear you say any thing until you got
upon a chair and addressed the people ; you said, " Friends
and neighbours — those of you who wish to join in the proces
sion will endeavour to conduct yourselves orderly and peace
ably, so that you may go as comfortable as possible. If anj
persons insult you or give you offence, take no notice of them.
I make no doubt but there will be persons who will mak^ it
their business to go about in order to disturb the peace of the
meeting. If you should meet with any such, tndeavour to
keep them as quiet as possible ; if they strike you, don't strike
them again, for it would serve as a pretext for dispersing the
meeting. If the peace officers come to arrest me, or any other
person, offer them no resistance, but suffer them to take us

EVIDENCE OF JAMES DYSON. 397
quietly. And when you get there, endeavour to keep your
selves as select as possible, with your banners in your centre
so that if any of you should straggle or get away, you will
know where to find each other by seeing your banners, and when
the meeting is dissolved, keep close to your banners, and leave
the town as soon as possible. For if you should stay drinking
or loitering in the streets, your enemies might take advantage
of it ; and if they could raise a disturbance, you would be ta
ken to the New Bailey." That is as much as I recollect ; it
is, to the best of my knowledge, the substance of what you
said. I think I recollect something of your saying, " I believe
there will be no disturbance." I neither expected or believed
from the tenor of your address, that any disturbance would
ensue on the return of the party. I saw some few with sticks,
but none with those who were not in the habit of using them,
1 thought to take a stick myself, having experienced the fatigue
before, but I was prevented. I took one to Barrowfields, and
there I lent it to a man named John Barlow, who was also
going to Manchester. The procession had not gone more than
a quarter of a mile before he returned it to me again ; and this
being observed, several cried out " No sticks shall go with us.''
They said it had been agreed that no sticks should go. I said
one stick could not make much difference; and they said I was
as well able to go as they were, and I must leave it behind
and so I sent it home with my father-in-law. I went to Man
chester with the procession. I saw nothing on the way but
peace and good order. We walked four abreast. There was no
disagreement on the way. Saw no insult offered to any one ;
there were some jeering words used, but nothing worth notice;
they were used to the by-standers who were looking on. We
went in this order to Petersfield. You led the party up, and
got upon the hustings yourself. This was before Mr. Hunt's
arrival ; I saw him arrive. You were then standing near me,
about forty yards from the hustings. You did not go upon the
hustings afterwards to my knowledge. When Mr. Hunt ar
rived I removed about fifteen yards from the hustings, and I

398 CROSS-EXAMINATION OF DYSON.
saw you no more that day. I did not see you upon the hust
ings after that period.
Cross-examined by Serjeant Hullock. — I can't tell where
Bamford went after I left him. We were not joined by any
party before we left the ground. The Rochdale people passed
us, but we met and joined with them in the town. About half
the meeting were men. I cannot exactly say how many per
sons joined in the procession — perhaps 1,000. Some persons
had laurel. I had none, I know not whether those who wore
laurel were officers ; those who were in front wore it. There
was no one in particular to give the word of command. — I
don't know that Bamford was Commander-in-Chief on that
day. I was not a Serjeant. There were men by the side to
keep order, and when the step was lost it was recovered again
by their calhng out "Left — Right." When we met the Roch
dale party, they fell in behind us. I do not know how many
persons were in the Rochdale procession. Perhaps there was
not much difference between their numbers and ours. It was
said to be agreed upon that no sticks should go. We had two
banners that day, one of which was left on St. Peter's-field. —
Upon a green flag we had the words " Parliaments Annual" —
"Suffrage Universal." Upon a blue one we had — "Liberty
and Fraternity" — " Unity and Strength." We never had been
mustered before to my knowledge. On a Sunday morning, a
few weeks before, a party of Middleton people marched down
through the town, and I went by the side of them. — After
going through the town they dispersed. It was said they had
assembled on the Tandel Hill. It was after six o'clock when
I met them. They were not all Middleton people. I might
have remained near an hour on the hill, looking at what was ^
going forward. There were several men drilling, as it is cal
led. I never was drilled 'in my life. I marched to Manchester
as others did. Bamford was not present on that day. There
were 2000 or 3000 persons assembled. I think this was on the
Sunday week before the meeting of the 16th ; but I will not
swear it There were women and children present The wo-

EXAMINATION OF DYSON. 399
men were not drilling. I never saw a drilling party before.- —
The Rochdale party had banners, but I do not recollect the in
scriptions upon them. We did not go from Middleton to St.
Peter's Field by the nearest road. I do not know the reason
why we went round. We had music on that day ; we had a
drum ; they do not use it in church music unless at oratorios.
We have sacred music sometimes in church, at Middleton ; we
also have bassoons and clarionets, &c. occasionally on Sundays.
The bassoon in our party, belonged to the man who played it ;
the drum belonged to a man who keeps a farm. We left
Middleton about 10 o'clock. On arriving at St. Peter's-field,
I saw many flags and banners on the hustings; ours were taken
to the hustings, but Mr. Bamford ordered them back again ;
we joined the other parties on the ground; our line was broken
and every man went where he liked. I never heard Mr. Hunt
speak before that day. I was not at the meeting in January.
I did not write down Mr. Bamford's speech ; I took it from
memory ; I suppose it has been in my head ever since I made
a deposition to Mr. Pearson, and I then saw it.
Mr. Serjeant Hullock — How long is it since you saw your
deposition. Witness — How long ? Why you seem to want to know the
time particularly. I saw it about the middle of the week be
fore last, at Samuel Bamford's house. After the words, " If
they strike you, don't strike again," were the words, " for it
would serve for a pretext for dispersing the meeting."
Mr. Serjeant Hullock — Go on.
Witness — Must I go on. ?
Mr. Serjeant Hullock. — Yes ; you seem to have forgotten
it. You had better begin again.
Witness — No, no ; but you seem to hurry one on like.
Witness went on to repeat the speech, nearly in the same
words as before; but not precisely in the same order as before.]
— I cannot exactly recollect the words Bamford put to me.
Re-examined by Mr. Bamford.— I know Thomas Ogden, a
musician; he did play in church, but I don't know whether
36. Sf

400 EVIDENCE OF JOHN BARLOW.
he does so at present. I know Thomas Fitton ; he and Ogden
played with our party.
To questions by the Judge. — My wife did not go with me on
that day, but the wives of several of the party accompanied
their husbands. There were several hundreds of women with
our party and the Rochdale party. I saw many of them in
Manchester ; several boys also accompanied us, I saw several
on the ground that I knew; I saw no Middleton women on St.
Peter's-Field that I recollect ; it appeared that the women did
not wish to press so far into the crowd as I did ; the women
who accompanied us were relations of the men who marched in
the procession. It is customary at our wakes and rush-carts in
Lancashire to have banners and music ; the rush-carts are held
of a Saturday, and on the following Monday, the men walk in
procession, but they do not keep the step.
Mr. Justice Bayley asked an explanation of the term rush-
carts. Mr. Bamford said, that it is an annual custom to have a cart
on which rushes are neatly placed ; this cart is drawn by young
men decorated with ribbons, and preceded by young women,
music, &c.
John Barlow, examined by Mr. Bamford. — 1 am a weaver
residing at Middleton ; I am a married man ; I recollect the
people assembling in the Barrowfields on the 16th of August;
you addressed them. You commenced by calling them "friends
and neighbours." — [The only difference between this witness
and last, respecting Bamford's speech, was, that the latter heard
him (Bamford) exhort the people to proceed to Manchester as
in the performance of a solemn duty.] — I went to the meeting
with you. I saw no one insulted by the way, nor on St. Peter's
field. I saw you on the ground ; when we got in the field you
went upon the hustings, remained there about five minutes
and then came down again and stood not far from me, opening
an avenue between the people. I saw Mr. Hunt arrive ; at
that time you were not upon the hustings ; you stood near me ;
you were not upon the hustings while Mr. Hunt remained. I

CROSS-EXAMINATION OF BARLOW 401
stood at about fifty yards from the hustings. The Middleton
party had two banners.
Cross-examined by Mr. Serjeant Cross. — I have no know
ledge of any Committee. We did not meet the day before the
meeting of the 16th. I had no connection with any meeting. I
had nothing to do with the Oldham party before that day. I
was once on the Tandel Hill — it was on the Sunday but one
before the meeting. I went there between six and seven in the
morning. There might be 600 or 800 persons present, or per
haps more. They were what I call being in companies when I
saw them, possibly about thirty in each company. I do not
know how many companies there were. I do not think there
were 100 companies, perhaps there might have been eighty.
Those who passed me had companies. I heard the words
" march" and " halt." I waited until they were dismissed, which
was about eight o'clock, before that they were all in one fine,
and stood two deep. I do not know who gave the command
when they formed in line. I did not know any of the leaders.
I do not know whether the man who gave the command was
in our party to Manchester on the 16th. I heard of drilling
and I went to Tandel Hill out of curiosity. I rather doubted
that there was any drilling before I saw it. They had no
sticks. I have been in the local militia, and have seen soldiers
drilled. The drilling there was the same, as far as marching
and halting. I did not see much counter-marching. I fell into
the ranks at Middleton. I cannot say who the man was that
formed the hollow square. I have never seen him since. When
the word of command was given, I had no occasion to move. I
heard from rumour that there was to be a muster on the Bar-
rowfields on the 16th. I live there. I saw Bamford before. I
saw him mount the chair; and tell us how to conduct ourselves.
I do not know that he assumed the command ; those who were
not commanders got laurel, as well as those who were. I got
none. Those who went to the chair got some. We got no
instructions from any one but .Bamford. The man by whom
the square was formed, did not mount the chair. I took no

402 EXAMINATION OF KENDALL.
notice of him. I do not know who formed us into line again.
I understood that we were to meet several other divisions at
Manchester. — I not do recollect Bamford's saying, that if there
was to be any thing to do, it would be after we got back. He
cautioned us against going into pubhc houses. I did not take
my wife with me. I must have gone to Manchester on an er
rand, even had there been no procession on that day. We
halted at Harbour Hay, and after that, we did not halt till we
got upon the ground We joined those whom we found there,
and remained stationary.
Re-examined by Mr. Bamford. — Barrowfield is a public
place. There were 200 or 300 women and children standing
by as spectators on the morning of the 16th. There were many
spectators on Tandel Hill. The training was quite public.
There appeared to be no secrecy. As we came back from it,
we came by the high road. The people who were on the hill
marched through Middleton. We proceeded a mile and a half
at least on the pubhc highway. It was between eight and nine
in the morning. There were many women and children at
tending the party to Manchester on the 16th. I knew some of
them to be related to persons in the procession ; it seemed to
be a pleasure to them. I never before appeared in a court of
justice to give evidence.
To questions by the Judge. — I did not see any of the women
in Manchester, but I saw them near the town. I had no
thoughts about taking my wife there ; she had something to do
at home. She did not express a wish to go.
W. Kendall examined. — Before I quitted my house I left
my wife and child there with my son at home. I saw nothing
particular in the movements of the people, except their passing
to and fro. I saw no bludgeons among them, but a few old
persons walking with common walking sticks. I saw them
from an eminence, from which I could watch them. They went
on with a deal of women and children, and seemed very joyful.
I saw no symptoms of alarm on the road. I am no reformer.
I don't profess to be one of any political knowledge, though I
am a member of the Loyal Orange.

EXAMINATION OF FRANKLAND &C 403
Cross-examined by Mr. Littledale.— I knew a good many of
them ; they were doing no harm at Middleton, and marched off
regular. Some women, by the side of them, and others after
them, joined in the procession.
James Frankland examined by Bamford. — I reside at Mid
dleton, and am a dogger and leather-cutter, and farm a little
by keeping a few cows. I have eight children and a wife. I
remember the people assembhng in Middleton on the 16th of
August, and afterwards going on. I looked after them. They
were on the way to Manchester. I heard the substance of what
you said, which was, that they would be conducted to Man
chester in a body as they were, and when they got to the place
where the meeting was to be held, they would remain in a com
pany by themselves, and not intermix with others, and return
in a body also, when this meeting was over, without straggling
in the multitude. You also recommended them not to mind
any insult nor to be induced to resent it, if offered. The people
were all quite peaceable. I do not belong to any body of Re
formers, nor did I go to Manchester with the procession, though
I had a son nearly eighteen years of age who went. I knew
of his going, and gave no orders to prevent him. I believe he
marched in the procession, and did not apprehend any danger
or riot or I should not have allowed him to go.
Cross-examined by Mr. Scarlett. — I have known Mr. Bamford
for a great many years, but I did not know who was to take
the command of the party. My son did not tell me he was to
go. I saw him in the procession, and it was mentioned in the
family he meant to go. There have been several public meet
ings of the reformers in our neighbourhood, but my son is not
one of them. I know nothing of private meetings. I don't
know whether my son took either refreshment or money in his
pockets for the march to Manchester.
John Turner, a tailor and draper at Middeton, examined by
Bamford.— Recollected the procession there on the morning of
the 16th August, and its music and banners. He saw a num
ber of women and children among them. I saw no large
sticks, but a few old men carried their common walking sticks.

404 EVIDENCE OF MR. TYAS.
I was no ways alarmed while they passed, as I had no occasion
to be alarmed. I saw none drunk or riotous. I am not a re-
reformer. I gave never a penny to the concern, nor ever did I
see Mr. Hunt in my life, unless I see him in this court, and
yet I don't know him. I felt no alarm for Manchester by any
means. Mr. Serjeant Hullock. — Well, then you have had the plea
sure of seeing Mr. Hunt by coming to York.
Mary Lees said, she resided at Middleton, and had five chil
dren. Her husband was a plumber and glazier Recollected
the procession passing her house on the 16th of August. She
was then standing with her children at the door and was after
wards assisting the mistress of the public-house opposite in fill
ing hquor for a great many who called as they passed. They
all seemed quiet and cheerful, They paid for what they got.
These people came from Rochdale, with a great number of wo
men, both young and old. I heard them drink several toasts,
and among the rest " God save the King," which, though not
a common toast is made use of by the country people. I saw
many of the people return in the evening, while I was again
called upon to assist at the public-house. Then many of them
burst into tears, and others remained silent.
Cross-examined. — " God save the King" was not a common
toast. " Hunt for ever !" was often heard ; but she did not
know whether this was good or bad.
In answer to questions from the Court, she said she saw
Middleton women go with the procession, and return back
again in the evening. She did not know whether they were
relatives of the men who went, but they (the women) were per
sons of good character.
Two other witnesses were examined.
On the following day, being the sixth of the trial, the wit
nesses merely corroborated the statements of the former wit
nesses; Mr. Tyas, the reporter of the Times newspaper was
examined, who gave the following evidence.
" I attended at Manchester in August last in consequence
of a public meeting that was to be held there. I recollect

EVIDENCE OF MR. TYAS. 405
sending an article relative to something, that occurred at the
police office previously to the 16th. It was intituled, 'Another
Bounce of the Orators.' 1 had heard much conversation
about the meeting of the 16th. I went to the ground about
eight o'closk. I was on the alert, the paper to which I be
longed always giving the most voluminous account of things
of this kind. There were very few people on the ground when
I arrived. I saw the people marching in St. Peter's-field. About
half-past eleven, the first body of reformers arrived on the
ground. I recollect the black flag coming into the field. It
belonged to the Mosley and Saddleworth Union. I remember
when the parties approached the hustings, ' God save the
King,' and ' Rule Britannia' were played. I did not observe
any persons marching up in mihtary array, as it was called,
shouldering staves four feet and a half [long, and as thick as a
man's wrist. I was induced to remark that circumstance par
ticularly, because I saw it stated in the Courier, prior to the
9th of August that the people who escorted Mr. Hunt into
Manchester, were armed with stakes, that might be converted
into pike handles. I saw not an act committed by any of the par
ties, which excited the slightest apprehension on my mind, for
the safety of the town. There were a great number of women
and children present. I did not see Mr. Hunt when the car
riage arrived opposite the Star Inn, standing up in it, and
order the people to hiss and shout. The carriage did not stop
there, but I think that was occasioned by the people not get-
on before. There was, however, hissing and hooting at the
Star Inn, and afterwards opposite to the police office. I saw
several banners in the middle of the crowd, and many women
amongst the multitude. The crowd was more dense and jam
med together than any I ever observed, before or since. The
first circumstance that took place after Mr. Hunt arrived,
was the election of a chairman, and Mr. Johnson proposed
that gentleman. (Mr. Tyas here read his notes of the pro
ceedings which he took after he arrived on the hustings com
mencing with the election of Mr. Hunt as chairman, and ter
minating with his capture, which have already been detailed

406 ^EXAMINATION OF HENRY ANDREWS.
in the evidence of the other witnesses.) The cavalry advanced
as far as I could judge, at a quick trot, and formed near Mr.
Buxton's house, where the magistrates were. Mr. Hunt as I
recollect from my notes, ordered the people to give three
cheers, which they did, for the purpose, as it seemed to me,
of showing the military, that they were not daunted by their
unwelcome presence. The cavalry advanced, and Mr. Hunt
told the people it was a mere trick to disturb them, but he
trusted, they would all stand firm. He scarcely had said these
words, when the Manchester yeomanry rode into the mob,
who opened for them in the most peaceable manner. The
cavalry directed their course to the hustings, and when they
arrived there, took a number of individuals into custody. I
recollect an officer went up to Mr. Hunt, with his sword
in his hand, and desired him to surrender. He said he would
not surrender to a military officer, but if any peace officer
came up, he would surrender. Nadin then came, as it ap
peared to me, from under the wagon. Mr. Hunt immedi
ately surrendered, after first desiring the people to be quiet.
If there had been groaning, hissing, and hooting at the ex
tremity of the crowd, the cheering of those round the hustings
would have prevented me from healing it. I saw no sticks
flourished by the people as the cavalry approached. Had they
been flourished, I must have seen it, I saw the special consta
bles using their staves. They beat the people with them, and
of course raised them in the air.
On the seventh day Henry Andrews was examined by Mr.
Hunt — I have been your servant seven years, I have been at
many meetings. I accompanied you to the three meetings at
Spa Fields, London ; to the pubhc meetings at Bristol, Bath,
the county meetings in Wells, Wiltshire, and Salisbury, and
the public meetings at Westminster. I have heard that you
are a freeman of Bristol. I know that you Tiave property in
Bath, you have houses, a large yard, and out premises there.
You are lord of the manor of Glastonbury, in Somersetshire,
and have a farm there. I perambulated the bounds there for
you. You also have farms in Wiltshire and Hampshire. I

EXAMINATION OF MR. BAINES 407
I know you are a liveryman of London, When you attended the
Westminster meeting, you resided there. I accompanied you to
the Manchester meeting, as well as to all the others, which you
have attended. I never saw any riot or breach of the peace
committed by any of the persons composing those meetings.
You were always called the poor man's friend. I never heard
you urge any meeting to acts of violence. You were called the
poor man's friend, as you said, that if a poor man worked
hard all the week, he ought to have enough to support a fa
mily. You were generally visited by Squire Wigmore and
Mr. Hutchins, the clergyman of the parish. I never saw you
or any of your company intoxicated in my life.
• Cross-examined — I never saw Thistlewood or Dr. Watson
in company with Mr. Hunt. I saw Mr. Hunt and Mr. John
son go in a carriage to the meeting on the 16th of August. I
beheve Knight also was in the carriage. There was a fourth
person, but I do not know who he was.
Edward Baines was then examined by Mr. Hunt — I am
connected with the Leeds Mercury. This witness repeated
in substance the account of the meeting given by the other
witnesses for the defence, particularly the 15th and 18th, de
nying with the same certainty and distinctness the presence of
any person armed with bludgeons, the violence imputed to
the populace, and the irritating language ascribed to Mr. Hunt.
The following is his sketch of that gentleman's speech : —
" Friends and fellow countrymen ; I must beg your indul
gence for a short time, and beg that you will keep silence. I
hope you will exercise the all-powerful right of the people in
an orderly manner. (Here the witness said that the words
" orderly manner" were not in his notes.) I wrote it a few hours
after from memory that was usual with reporters ; he proceeded
t0 read  And any man that wants to breed a disturbance, let
him be instantly put down. For the honour you have done
me by inviting me to preside at your meeting, I return you
my thanks, and all I have to beg of you is, that you will in
dulge me with your patient attention. It is imposssible that
36 — vol. h. 3 G

408 EXAMINATION OF MR. BAINES.
with the most patient attention we shall be able to make our
selves heard by the whole of this immense assembly. It is
useless for me to attempt to relate to you the proceedings of
the last week or ten days in this town and neighbourhood,
you well know them and the cause of the meeting appointed
for last Monday being prevented; it is therefore useless for me
to say one word on that subject only to observe that those who
put us down and prevented us from meeting on Monday last by
their malignant exertions, have produced a two fold number to
day. It will be perceived that in calling this new meeting, our
enemies, who flattered themselves they had gained a victory,
have sustained a greater defeat. There have been two or three
placards posted up last week, with the names of one or two
insignificant individuals attached to them, one Tom Long or
Jack Short a printer." — At that moment I observed the ca
valry come on the ground at a rapid pace, from the direction
of St. Peter's church. As the cavalry approached Mr. Bux
ton's house, Mr. Hunt said, " You see they are in disorder ;
this is a trick, be firm." — The cavalry after halting about three
minutes, brandished their swords and advanced. I saw no
attempt made to resist them, nor did I hear any encourage
ment to do so. My eyes were directed towards the cavalry,
till they began to advance to the hustings, when they had
got about ten yards into the crowd, I turned away; I saw
no stone or brick-bat thrown, nor any sticks lifted up against
them. I had heard nothing from Mr. Hunt after the words " be
firm" but the words were reported as were the words " be firm"
Mr. Hunt — Did you not see something done by the cavalry
which, according to your impression, was calculated to cause
resistance on the part of the people ?
Mr. Justice Bayley — I cannot allow the witness to answer
that question, and for this reason, because the jury would be
trying the question from prejudice, and not from the evidence
I have thought much upon it, and I am of opinion that the ques
tion ought not to be asked, I have taken a note of your obser
vation, and you shall have all the benefit arising from it

EXAMINATION OF HARROP. 409
When I got off the hustings I met with no impediment but
from the density of the crowd. I did not hear Mr. Hunt say
when the eavalry arrived, " They are only a few soldiers, very
few, and we are a host against them."
By Mr. Barrow — I did not see Jones on the hustings.
By Dr. Healy— I saw you on the hustings, you desired the
people to be quiet
Robert Harrop was examined by Mr. Hunt — I five at Lees
and manage a spinning concern for my father. I recollect
directions having been given to buy linen to make a flag. Some
white bleached cambric was bought I was to make a flag to
go to the Manchester meeting. Directions^were given to have
inscriptions and devices put upon it, and they were put on
accordingly, but it would not answer, because when the printer
began to letter it in black, the lettering was seen through, and
it prevented the reading. We determined to have it of some
other colour, and the printer having no paint but the black
with which he was painting the letters, we agreed that the
flag should be painted black and that the inscriptions and de
vices should be painted white. This was the sole cause of the
white flag being made a black one. It was never pointed out
to us, nor had we any idea that a black flag was more offen
sive than a white one. I saw the cavalry go to the hustings.
By the Judge — I did not see the people do any thing to re
sist the cavalry.
Cross-examined — I did not put on the flag the words, " No
Boroughmongering," " Unite and be free," Saddleworth, Lees,
and Mosely Union, on the one side, and on the other, "Tax
ation without Representation is unjust and tyrannical,"
" Equal Representation or Death." There was a hand hold
ing the scales of justice, and the word justice under it. On the
other there were two hands clasped, and the word " Love," un
der them. (Here the flag was produced ; it was about six feet
long by three or four broad) — That is the flag ; the women, I
think, put the white fringe upon it I selected some of the
mottoes. Mr. Hunt-^I perceive there is a piece cut out of the flag ;

410 EXAMINATION OF ROBERT GRUNDY.
I hope it will not be said the bloody dagger was upon that
piece. Witness. — -No. There was not a bloody dagger on the
.flag. Dr. Healey— 1 was afraid you would not produce the flag,
Mr. Scarlett, and so I have brought a model of it. — (Here the
Doctor produced a small model of the flag, with the inscrip
tions, &c. It was fastened to a stick, suspended from a hole,
as hanging signs are over shop doors or windows.)
Mr. Scarlett observed that the word " Death" was in small
letters on the model, but on the flag itself the letters were
large. Mr. Hunt — Are you quite sure that there was no bloody
dagger on the flag as described ?
Witness — I am sure there was not.
Mr. Scarlett — I shall explain that by-and-by.
On the eight day Robert Grundy was the next witness ex
amined — I am a woollen manufacturer. I reside in Salford I
attended the meeting of the 16th of August. I saw some of the
processions going to the meeting. I went to the field at half-
past eleven. I was a special constable on that occasion.
I saw no insult or violence offered to any person whatever. I
was surrounded by a thick multitude. The persons round me
were aware that we were special constables ; some of the
constables showing their staves. I perceived no insult offered
to them.
Examined by the Court — No opposition was made to the
cavalry on their advance. They were neither hooted at, hissed
at, nor groaned at.
By Mr. Hunt — From what I saw of the meeting, I was
not at all apprehensive for the safety of the town, or of my own
person. Mr. Hunt asked, if the witness was alarmed at the military.
The witness was not allowed to answer the question, as the
conduct of the meeting alone was under inquiry.
Mr. Scarlett — Supposing that at that meeting, speeches had
been delivered of an inflammatory nature by various speakers,

EXAMINATION OF ROBERT GRUNDY. 411
and in the ridicule and contempt of the local magistrates,
would you have considered the town safe with such a meeting ?
Witness — I should conceive that speeches of that kind would
have at all times a bad effect certainly ; but I never heard any
in my life, and therefore cannot be a judge.
Mr. Scarlett then read an extract from the Manchester Ob
server. It went on thus : — " The farce of petitioning is over ; a
milhon and a half have petitioned for reform. The greater part
of these were rejected, and none have been attended to ; and
should the people ever again stoop to any thing in the shape of
petition, they well deserve what they now suffer, for their das
tardly conduct, but we are confident the spirit of the country
will never again condescend to pray to those, whom the people
themselves ought to delegate. The most determined men in
the country are in the ranks of the reformers. The clans of
corruption, where can they find such writers ? —
Mr. Scarlett had read thus far, when Mr. Hunt objected to
this extract.
The Judge said, that the prosecutors had a right to suppose
that any speech, however bad, was delivered at the meeting, for
the purpose of asking whether, on the opinion of the witness,
such a speech at such a meeting would have produced danger
to the town.
His Lordship having taken the whole of the extract into his
notes. It was read to the witness. It went on to ask where
could the clans of corruption find such writers as Cobbett and
Wooler, and such determined men as Wolesley and others ? It
then alluded to what it described as the state of the country
burdened with taxes, with crowds of black cattle, the bishops,
and a pampered soldiery ready to give a bullet when the
people ask for bread.
" Now," continued Mr. Scarlett " suppose such a speech,
as .this had been delivered at the meeting, would you consider
the town safe ?
Witness — I should consider the speech as very improper,
but I cannot say positively that I am competent to answer
the question ; I am no politician.

412 EXAMINATION OF ROBERT GRUNDY.
Mr. Scarlett— Suppose such a resolution as this had been
proposed.— (Here the learned gentleman read one of the re
solutions which were proposed and carried at the Smithfield
meeting, where Mr. Hunt presided. Its substance was that
after the first of January 1820, the people should not conceive
themselves bound in justice or "equity to obey any act of that
body calling itself the House of Commons, except it proceeded
from a full and fair representation of the people.) — Suppose —
continued Mr. Scarlett, — such a resolution as this had been
passed would you have considered it dangerous ?
Witness — I think it would be hkely to produce irritation.
Re-examined by Mr. Hunt — Suppose that a pubhc man
of great talents and high legal knowledge, had made such a
speech as this.- (Mr. Hunt had in his hand a volume of Par
liamentary debates, and was proceeding to read an extract
from a speech of Mr. Scarlett on the question of the Man
chester affair, when he was interrupted by
Mr. Serjeant Cross, who objected to the extract being read,
or to any question on it being put to the witness.
Mr. Hunt — It is not one of your own speeches Mr. Cross.
I dare say I shall never have to seleet from any of your
speeches in Parliament
Mr. Justice Bayley — I must have no observations of this
sort. Mr. Hunt — My Lord, I am here supposing a case of a
speech dehvered somewhere, in which advice is given to the
whole nation to demand an inquiry into the proceedings at
Manchester, and I wish to ask the witness, whether if such a
speech were delivered at the meeting, would he consider it
dangerous ?
Mr. Justice Bayley — -I think you have a right so to do.
Mr. Scarlett observed, that Mr. Hunt was here putting a
report of a speech in Parhament as evidence, which ought not
to be received.
Mr. Hunt denied that he offered this as a speech dehvered
in Parliament as evidence, and observed, that what Mr.
Scarlett had said was a falsehood.

EVIDENCE OF THE REV. MR. HINDMARSH. 413
Mr. Justice Bayley — Mr. Hunt, I must tell you, that if you
you do not conduct your case with decency, I must act with
the firmness, that belongs to my situation here.
Mr. Hunt— -I hope your Lordship will not think that I offer
this as a speech in Parliament.
Mr. Justice Bayley — If Mr. Hunt had put this extract as a
ipeech delivered in Parhament, and asked an opinion of the witness
on it, that certainly could not be allowed. But here the case is
different The question is whether such and such speeches, if
addressed to the meeting on the 16 th would have produced dan
ger to the town of Manchester ? It is in that sense alone that
I could allow the question to be put, and it was on the ground
that the language of the former extract was from Mr. Scar
lett's own imagination, that I allowed it to be read. It is a
matter of deficacy, and I myself would rather the question
were not put ; but still I think the defendant has a right to
put it
Mr. Hunt — Your Lordship has now allowed me to put the
question, but I should not be doing justice to my own feelings,
if I were to put it after what has just fallen from your Lord
ship. I shall therefore, my Lord, wave it
On the ninth day, a few unimportant witnesses were ex
amined ; the Rev. Mr. Hindmarsh being examined, gave the
following evidence. I am a dissenting minister, and reside at
Salford. I was in Manchester on the 16th of August last I saw
several parties pass on to the meeting on that day. They ap
peared to me to be perfectly peaceable and quiet. I was upon
St Peters field nearly an hour and a half; I made it a point to
observe what was the character and complexion of the meeting
and therefore I traversed every paft of it. I went there merely
as a spectator. I every where heard congratulations on the
peaceable complexion and character of the meeting, and every
one hoped it would terminate quietly. In the course of my
perambulation, I went near the house in which the magistrates
were. I saw a double fine of constables leading to the hust
ings. The crowd were close to the constables. I saw no dis
position in the people to insult them. The fine of constables

414 CLOSE OF THE DEFENCE.
reached a considerable way into the crowd. I remained upon
the field until the cavalry arrived. I saw nothing before their
arrival which exeited any fears for the safety of person or pro
perty, or the safety of the town ; I had not the least idea of
any such thing, I saw nothing which in my judgment, could
excite the fears of any rational, temperate, sober-minded man.
I am not a radical reformer. I should not from what I saw
expect the crowd to follow bad advice. I think they were not
disposed to acts of violence. From the first to the last I saw
nothing done either to intimidate, or insult, or oppose the mi
htary. If any hissing, hooting, groaning, or brandishing of
cudgels took place on their arrival, I think 1 must have seen
it ; but there was no such thing within my hearing and sight.
I kept my eyes on the cavalry until I found it necessary to pro
vide for my own safety. I saw no stones brickbats, or sticks
hurled in the air, or at the cavalry.
Mr. Hunt My Lord, this closes our case.
Mr. Scarlett then rose to reply. Mr. Hunt had chosen to
say, that, after the close of the evidence for the prosecution,
and the hearing of counsel for the other defendants, when he
Mr. Hunt asked that the court might meet an hour later on the
following day, to allow him to prepare himself for addressing
the jury, labouring as he did under infirmity of body and an
xiety of mind, the request was unfeelingly opposed by " that
man" (pointing to me, said the learned counsel:) nothing could
be more untrue than the insinuation here made. The jury
would recollect that when the defendant applied to the court
to meet an hour later on the Tuesday, he (Mr. Hunt) did it
upon the ground, not that he was indisposed, but that he might
have a little more time for going through the great mass of
evidence which had been taken in the case : he (Mr. Scarlett)
opposed the request, because he did not think it necessary for
the defendant's preparations. The next personal remark to
which he would allude, was, that which had been made by the
defendant at the expression of satisfaction which he (the learn
ed counsel) had uttered in his opening speech that the cause
was to be tried by a Yorkshire jury. He accused him (Mr-

REPLY OF MR. SCARLETT. 415
Scarlett) of expressing that satisfaction while he knew that he
had a retainer to oppose a change in the place of trial from
Lancaster to York. The defendant knew that this was not
true at the time he uttered it, but he thought that the state
ment would prejudice him (Mr. Scarlett) in the opinion of the
jury and therefore he resolved to make it. He would now tell
them the truth, and briefly explain to them the real state of the
facts. The defendant had applied on the last day of term, to
have the venue altered from Lancaster to York. He (Mr. Scarlett)
heard his honourable friends, the attorney and solicitor general,
say, that the object of the defendants was only delay, that they
could never be brought to agree on coming to York, and that
the trial would be postponed, but he (Mr. Scarlett) did not
speak a word or utter a syllable upon the subject. His (Mr-
Scarlett's) private friends well knew his sentiments, and were
well aware that he was pleased with the change of place for
the trial, and that what the defendant said was totally untrue.
And he must do his learned friends the attorney and solicitor
general the justice to mention to the jury, what in his candour
and gratitude the defendant had concealed — that so far were
they from any desire of taking an undue advantage of him, af
ter the court had decided upon the change, that they had ac
tually lengthened his recognizances, the recognizances of the
defendants having been forfeited.
Mr. Hunt here interrupted the learned counsel, and denied
that the recognizances had been forfeited, cr that he bad re
ceived any favour from the law officers of the crown.
Mr. Justice Bayley said, that they had been forfeited, that
the record was sent down too late.
Mr. Scarlett continued. — he mentioned these things not to
defend himself — for he required no defence from such a charge,
— coming from such a quarter, and that in a place where he
was known, but to show the temper with which the defendant
conducted himself. He had gone on to say that he (Mr. Scar
lett) wished a brief in the cause against the magistrates, but
that he (Mr. Scarlett) could not get any counsel to bring for-
37 vol. n. 3 h

416 REPLY OF MR. SCARLETT.
ward their conduct properly in the Court of King's bench.
Now, in answer, he would say, that if Mr. Hunt had wished to
bring the cause before the Court of King's bench, there was
not a counsel who would have objected to undertake it, or
wrould not have lent him all the assistance in their power. But
instead of applying to any gentleman of the bar, who according
to the rules of court and the regular administration of justice
must conduct such proceedings, he thought of making the ap
plication himself, though he was aware, he could not be heard.
Mr. Hunt again interrupted the learned counsel, declaring
that he could not allow such mis-statements to pass uncontra
dicted. He had applied without success to the attorney gene
ral. Mr. Scarlett said, that if such an application was made, it
was a mere application of impertinence. The defendant well
knew that the attorney general never came into the Court of
King's bench, unless called there to perform an official duty.
In proceeding with his personal attacks, he (Mr. Hunt) stated
that he (Mr. Scarlett) had invented part of the charges against
him, and that the bloody dagger of which he (Mr. Scarlett)
had spoken, only existed in his distorted imagination. To
show that the bloody dagger was not the creation of his fancy
he would read the part of the brief from which he obtained the
statement regarding it. [The learned counsel then read a
sentence to the effect stated.] The statement was not indeed
supported by the witnesses, as no dagger was painted on the
banner, but the mistake admitted of easy explanation. The
standard alluded to, had not indeed a dagger painted upon it,
but the top of the staff was painted like a dagger as had been
stated by one of the witnesses, and painted red. And then the
gentleman, who, among his oratorical figures, had tears at
command on the mention of this charge, shed a tear of sorrow
and mortification, declaring, that he, on the contrary, so far from
being connected with Carlile, held his principles in detestation, ,
that he disliked them so much, that if Carlile was not suffering
already the infliction of the laws, he would have expressed what

REPLS OF MR. SCARLETT. 417
he felt at his temerity in attacking the sacrel doctrines of re
ligion. What had been proved in the case ? Mr. Hunt had
put into the box a witness (this most respetable witness,) of the
name of Tyas, who said that Carlile and the defendant were in
the carriage and proceeded to the hustings together. The de
fendant had asked, why the magistrates were not called and he
was entitled to take the benefit of the absence of their testi
mony, until the reason of it was explained. He ( Mr. Scarlett)
would now state the reason which would give the jury a clue
to the whole case. Whether the magistrates on that day acted
discreetly or indiscreetly, in exercising their authority to disperse
the meeting ; whether the constables told them what was true
or false, or behaved with moderation or violence ; whether the
yeomanry did right or wrong in approaching the hustings, or
in their conduct afterwards, had nothing more to do with the
cause, than whether Mr .Hunt is lord of the manor of Glaston
bury, or is visited at Middleton-cottage by squire Wigmore
and the clergyman of the parish. On the first day, the solicitor
for the crown not being aware of the cause of the examination,
or how the learned judge would direct the proceedings, had
summoned the magistrates as witnesses, and had them in at
tendance. But the inquiry into the conduct of the magistrates
had no more to do with the inquiry now pending in the con
duct of the meeting, than any other two events whatever. If
the jury were trying the magistrates, they would be trying a
more important cause than the present, and which being con
nected with a deeper interest, would, if brought into view on
the present trial, only tend to prejudice the public mind. This
was his justification for calhng the magistrates. His lordship
concurred in his opinion, and the jury would observe that the
examination was always broken off or interrupted, when it
came to involve them. The charge on the record was to be
tried in the same manner as if no magistrates, no constables,
no yeoman had appeared on the field during the day. If the
meeting was in its original formation and concoction an illegal
meeting, it was immaterial to this issue, whether it went through
all its proceedings, and dispersed of its own accord without any

418 REPLY OF MR. SCARLETT.
acts of violence, or was dispersed by the military, or on its
dispe-sion, committed acts of violence. Though the motives
of the law in declaring meetings illegal, were grounded on the
apprehended result of violence and riot it was not necessary
that result should be consummated, to constitute its illegality.
Was it safe, was it rsasonable, that one man should be allowed to
assume the power of commanding 80,000 or 100,000 people ?
His lordship had tried several riots.
Mr. Justice Bayley — No, I have not Mr. Scarlett.
Mr. Scarlett had thought so from the long experience of
the learned judge ; but he (Mr. Scarlett) had witnessed many
such trials, and he had never seen a large body of the rioters
themselves called to prove that there was no riot. But if,
instead of forty witnesses, the defendant had called 4,000, what
would their evidence amount to ? They might have said
that they bad gone to the meeting, some with their wives and
some with their daughters ; but he would show by-and-by that
this was no ground of defence, and he would also show the
whole of the defence was one of craft. It had been stated to
the jury that the meeting of the 16tb had been called by se
veral hundred resident householders of Manchester. Was that
proved ? Did any of the friends of the Doctor (Healy) give any
proof of this ? Why nQt call some of those householders ? Did
Mr. Hunt think that the jury were to be caught by such chaff
as this ? Why not call them ? Did the jury think that this
would not have been done by Mr. Hunt, or his legal adviser
would not have called some of those people, if it was thought
they could stand the fire of cross-examination ? But no, there
was not one single tittle of proof that the meeting had been so
called. If any man preached at a public meeting the doctrine
that Annual Parliaments and Universal Suffrage ought to be
the law of the country, he might as well say that there should
be no representations at all, but that very measure which was
to operate as a law, should be put separately to parishes and let
them decide ; and had any a right to say, that the doctrine
of Universal Suffrage should prevail, that every man should
give his opinion upon every law, or that death should bo the

REPLY OF MR. SCARLETT. 419
alternative, if such doctrine were not allowed. Suppose that
Mr. Hunt could prevail upon Bamford or any other of the
defendants that the opinions of the "immortal Paine" were
correct, he might with the same justice say, no king or death,
or no republic or death. He might, it is true, hold his opi
nions of those different modes of government but he had no
right to say at a pubhc meeting, that we should have such go
vernment or none at all. As well might Carlile say that
reason should be the law, and that we should have no religion.
If such was his opinion, he might say that human beings
perished hke the beasts of the field, that man ceased to exist
at all when he ceased to exist in this world, that the universe
had no soul ; that the heavenly bodies had no arrangement,
that salvation was a, fable, and the Bible a fabrication, invented
by the rich to keep down the poor, and that therefore it should
no longer be believed. Such might be his (Carlile's) opinions,
but had he a right to preach those opinions at a public meet
ing? Having mentioned the name of Carlile, he would ask
who was it that had invited him to this meeting — this man
who had been notorious as the salesman of the Deist and the
Republican ? Was it his fame and the knowledge of his prin
ciples, which procured him a seat in the coach with the lord of
the manor of Glastonbury, and the cultivator of 5,000 acres ?
Had Mr. Hunt told them what brought him thither? Let
them now look at the proofs which have been offered, and
would any one say, that they had not been sufficient to sup
port that indictment ? At a meeting, which was held in Smith-
field before the close of Parliament, the last summer — a meet
ing at which Mr. Hunt presided — certain resolutions were
agreed to. Those resolutions were handed to Mr. Fitzpatrick,
the last witness, whom he had called. He (Mr. Scarlett) had
not read those resolutions before, because he did not know
whether they could be proved — he had only to allude to the
substance of them. Ihe jury had heard Mr. Hunt say, that
if no heads were broken, no houses demolished at any of these
meetings, therefore they were lawful. This he denied — that
circumstance could not constitute legality, and he would show

420 REPLY OF MR. SCARLETT.
that, whether their result were peaceable or otherwise, th;
object was a delusion of the people — not a reform in Parlia
ment, but a destruction of the government of the country. He
would read some of these resolutions to the jury. The first
was a declaration that every man born in the British domi
nions was a freeman. The next resolution declares that it was
expedient that a code of laws should be provided. But why
provide a code of laws — had we not a code of laws already ?
— a code of laws which we were bound to obey, and which
could not be altered in the body except by violence. But it
seemed a provisional administration was to be appointed. Why
a provisional administration ? He supposed until Mr. Hunt
should frame this code of laws. The next resolution was,
that every man in the kingdom had a right to a voice in the
making of those laws, of course that a lunatic had a right.
The next was, that in order to raise a fund for supporting
such a system of government, every man should pay his pro
portion of taxes. He did not know whether this resolution
met with the applause that Mr. Fitzpatrick stated had been
given to others, at least it was not so marked. He ( Mr. Scar
lett) however, denied that the consent of every man was ne
cessary for the imposition of a tax. The next resolution stated
that the House of Commons was not formed as it ought to be
that might not be true, its construction might be the best but
their own government had within itself the means of removing
those grievances which might arise, and no person should pre
sume to inculcate on the minds of the people their removal by
force. To the next resolutions, he begged to call the particulai
attention of the jury; they were, in substance, that after the first
of January, 1820, no man was bound in equity to obey any act
of that body calling itself the House of Commons, unless it was
chosen by a large proportion of the people ; that books should
be opened in every parish for the purpose of enrolling the
names of all those men, who were of sound mind and proper
age, and who should have a voice in choosing representativ s.
This was soon known at Manchester, and it was also known
that at Birmingham the people had proceeded to elect a legis-

REPLY OF MR. SCARLETT. 421
latorial attorney. Accordingly it was found that the people
of Manchester were to be induced to follow the example, and
for that purpose a notice of meeting was publicly announced
at, which the unrepresented inhabitants were also to choose
a representative of their own, and to adopt Major Cart-
wright's plan of reform. Henry Hunt was announced
as the chairman. The boroughreeve or constables were not
mentioned; they would not do, but Mr. Hunt was to preside
Sir Charles Wolesley, Pearson the lawyer, Godfred Higgins,
Esq., Wooler, and others, were to be present And here
again he should observe, that not one of those whose names
were said to be affixed to this notice, had been called to prove,
that they had signed it, and thus began the head of this
charge against Mr, Hunt. What did he dare to do ? The
boroughreeve and constables were advised to attend. To pre
side ? No ; to attend and listen to what was brought forward.
They, as became them, advised the people to abstain at their peril
from such a meeting. The legality of the meeting at common
law, was to be decided by the circumstances connected with
it. Mr. Hunt had defended it as a meeting no less legal
than an assembly of citizens in Palace-yard. But who could
ever contend that all the people of England might meet there ?
The meetings in Palace-yard were of a description that was
well known to the constitution. The meeting at Manchester
on the other, was convened by some secret committee assisted
by Mr. Hunt. It was not a county meeting, nor a town meet
ing but a meeting of every person, who might be pleased to
attend. It was, in fact, calling on all those, who had any
grievances real or imaginary, to come forward, while Mr. Hunt
preached his political doctrines to them. The hard question
for the jury to decide, Was whether this was, or was not a lawful
assembly? He contended then — and he called on the
jury to come to the same conclusion — that the intention of
Mr. Hunt was either to call on the people to meet for the
election of a member to serve in Parliament, as had been done
at Birmingham, and of which purpose notice had been given
on the 9th of August, or else to pass such resolutions as wev?

422 THE JUDGE'S ADuRESS TO THE JURY.
agreed to at Smithfield in the month of July. If they were of
opinion that the parties had either object in view, then
the meeting was clearly illegal. But even independent of
that, if the mode of assembling, if the vastness of the numbers
of the S3'stem of organization which appeared, if their circum
stances taken together, conspired to impress terror on the minds
of peaceable men, it was an unlawful meeting.
The learned counsel then went through the evidence ap
plying such parts respectively as seemed to affect the different
defendants. Mr. Justice Bayley then, after a short pause, proceeded to
address the jury. — The great point for consideration was the
conduct of the crowd on this occasion, and as the acts of the
magistrates, of the military, and of the constables might create
a prejudice in their minds, he had cautiously abstained from
suffering them to be investigated or entertained in the course
of the trial. The propriety of the conduct of the individuals to
whom he alluded, could not then be discussed, and the jury must
not suffer their minds in any respect to be influenced by the con
sideration how far their verdict would operate either in favour
of or in prejudice to the magistrates, constables, or military
employed on the occasion in question. He should now proceed
to point out to the jury the nature of the present indictment.
It contained a charge of conspiracy ; it contained a charge of
unlawful assembly ; it contained a charge of riot But on the
subject of the charge of riot, he would not propound to them
any observations, because he conceived that the consideration
of the other charges alone remained for them. The circum
stances of the conspiracy, as they were stated in the indictment
were these : — The indictment set forth, " That the defendants
conspired to meet, and to cause, and procure other persons
to meet, for the purpose of disturbing the public peace, and
the common tranquillity of the king and realm." This was
one count, and it would be for the jury to say whether any
conspiracy was made out, so as to authorize them to find a
verdict of guilty. The count further charged, " that the de
fendants met together for the purpose of raising and exciting

CHARGE OF MR. JUSTICE BAYLEY. 423
discontent and disaffection in the minds of the subjects of our lord
the king, and also to incite them to contempt and hatred of the
government and constitution as by law estabhshed. Therefore
there were here three heads of charge — first, that a seditious
meeting to disturb the public peace ; a second purpose was to
raise and excite discontent and disaffection in the minds of the
subjects of the king ; and the third purpose was to incite the
subjects of the king to contempt and hatred of the government
and constitution of the realm as by law established. The un
lawful assembhng was stated to be with two different views,
and if the existence of either one or the other of those views
were made out in evidence, it would be sufficient to warrant a
conviction. The learned judge went very fully into the law of conspi
racies and illegal assemblies — adverting particularly to the
opinion of Serjeant Hawkins, that a public meeting may be
lawful, with respect to some of the persons constituting it, and
unlawful with respect to others.
The learned judge then proceeded to recapitulate the volu
minous evidence, briefly commenting on it, as he went on. He
observed that a meeting of 60,000 persons, if they all came to a
certain point with a common knowledge of what was to be done,
might create terror. With respect to the banners, he again
observed that those who only showed that they were favour
able to any motto inscribed on them, by carrying, or immedi
ately marching under them, could be considered as liable to
any penalty which the illegal nature of any of the inscriptions
might warrant. With respect to the inscription, " Equal re
presentation or Death," if it meant that those who adhered to
such a standard would lose their lives, unless they procured
what they deemed " Equal representation," it amounted to se-
ditition, but if the inscription merely meant that if they could
not procure equal representation, they would be starved to
death it would not come within the character of sedition.
Again, the inscription of " No Corn Laws,'" left the jury to
consider, whether the meaning of it was, that the corn laws
37. vol. n. 3 *

424 CHARGE OF MR. JUSTICE BAYLEY.
were so oppressive, that every means legal or illegal, were to
be taken in order to get rid of them, or whether it was a mere
expression of disapprobation. In the former case it would
certainly be sedition, in the latter it would not He said the
phrase sworn to by one of the witnesses, as having been used
by a person going to the meeting, namely, that they would
" make a Moscow of Manchester," seemed to be inconsistent
with the general intention expressed by the reformers on that
day. There was every reason to believe that Mr. Entwistle
was mistaken in the expression of Mr. Hunt about their ene
mies as applied to the soldiers. With regard to the shout set
up when the military appeared, it might be the shout of con
sciousness of innocence, and determination to remain on that
consciousness, or might be the shout of intimidation. Its na
ture was to be determined by the circumstances in which it
was uttered. There was no other witness that spoke to threat
ening expressions but Mr. Francis Phillips.
The learned judge having proceeded through the evidence
given on the first three days, and the hour having arrived at
which the court usually adjourned, said to the jury, that he
would desist and adjourn the court, if he fatigued them. No
answer being returned, he continued for another hour, when
an intimation was given, that as the business could not ter
minate to-day, it might be convenient to adjourn now (at half-
past seven.) This was assented to by the learned judge.
On the following day, being the tenth, Mr. Justice Bayley
proceeded to deliver his charge to the jury, commencing with
retailing the evidence, with respect to the part taken by Mr.
Hunt at the Smithfield meeting, the resolutions of which on
the 21st of July, his Lordship read seriatim, the jury were
from a consideration of tho tone and temper of those resolutions
to form a judgement of the disposition of the individuals who
recommended chem. He commented with severity upon that
one which pointed out, that the people were absolved from
any obedience to the laws, except on such conditions as was
therein expressed, from and after the first of January 1820.

CHARGE OF MR. JUSTICE BAYLEY. 425
How far such resolutions were consistent with the due subordi
nation of the laws, he left it to the jury to consider, as well as
how far they were or were not calculated to bring his majesty's
government into hatred and contempt.
The learned judge then resumed his charge, and said that with
respect to Bamford, all that had been proved in his speech was a
recommendation to peace and order. So far in favour of Bam
ford. AVith respect to Saxton, the crown had abandoned the case.
In behalf of Mr. Hunt, three different propositions were esta
blished in his favour, by the witnesses produced in his defence.
First, that the procession moved to the field in the utmost
order — that all the exhortations to the people were in the
spirit of peace. There was no insult, no offence given ex
cept some few loose expressions only implicating the indivi
duals using them, and not fairly attributal to the bulk of the
people. There were none who saw sticks thrown, nor blud
geons, nor brick-bats, no panic in Manchester, all was tran
quil and free from apprehension up to the moment the mili
tary arrived on the ground, It was admitted that the people
shouted when the cavalry came, some said this was in defiance,
but for the defendants a different construction was put upon
the act and that it merely signified their confidence in being
legally assembled, and their determination to remain in the
discharge of what they considered a justifiable duty, without fear
of interruption. If the object were legal, then the people had
undoubtedly a right to remain while so conducting themselves,
and there was no proper reason why they should be disturbed.
Under such circumstances the people had a right to stand
firm. It was also deposed that besides the promiscuous group
of women and children who came in Manchester, there were
many others, to all appearance respectable females, who walked
to and fro among the multitude without seeming to apprehend
any danger from their situation. There was also in evidence,
that marks of respect were paid to loyal tunes, that not the
slightest indication of disturbance took place, and that no
.stones, brick-bats, or sticks were flung up in the air during
the day, nor hooting, nor hissing at the cavalry. The learned

426 CHARGE OF MR. JUSTICE BAYLEY.
judge then enumerated the witnesses who spoke to the peace
able character of the meeting. As to the drillings, if it were
only intended to promote regularity and convenience at the
meeting, then it was illegal. He thought they might put out
of their consideration the words "These are our enemies,"
were addressed by Mr. Hunt to the soldiers in Dickinson-
street, for that must have been a mistake, such an expression
could not have occurred according to the witnesses for the
defence, or they must have heard it. This was the summary
of the evidence for Mr. Hunt — (Mr. Hunt suggested that
when he saw the black flag, he expressed his opinion to those
around him that it was very foohsh. The learned judge as
sented that it was in evidence, Mr. Hunt made that remark) —
The learned judge then proceeded to notice the cross exami
nation of the witnesses for the defence. The learned judge
said he would next call the attention of the jury to the in
scriptions upon the flags, and again reminded them that such
as were illegal could only effect those who carried or who fol
low them, assenting to their meaning and character ; to such
only could the flags apply. They would see, from a perusal
of the inscriptions, whether any or which of them have any si
militude to the resolutions of the Smithfield meeting already
adverted to. One of them (the Stockport) bore the inscrip
tions, "Annual Parliaments — Universal Suffrage — Vote by
Ballot." If these inscriptions were merely to express an opi
nion in favour of such doctrines, and merely an opinion with
out meaning to act upon it illegally, then they were not guilty
of a criminal intention. The same observation applied to the
inscription of "No Corn Laws," many opinions prevailed re
specting these laws, and there was no illegality in expressing
them, provided the intention was not to intimidate or overawe
the legislature. ' ' No Boroughmongers," the phrase had cer
tainly a reference to one of the Smithfield resolutions. " Unite
and be free." It that merely recommended harmony as essen
tial to the enjoyment of freedom, it was harmless, if it meant
to insinuate a unity of efforts to promote an object inconsistent
with the spirit of laiv, then it is criminial. " Equal Rcprc-

CHARGE OF MR. JUSTICE BAYLEY. 427
sentation or Death." The same observation there again applied.
It might be harmless with the meaning attached to it by one of
the defendants ; but it held out the 'alternative of risking life
for the attainment of a particular object, then it was for them
to say whether it was not a criminal allusion. " Taxation with
out Representation is unjust" If by that hV is meant to
inculcate the opinion that it is criminal and unjust to levy
taxes upon that man who, has not a direct share by a
vote in returning a representative to Parliament, then it was
for the jury to say whether such an insinuation had not a
tendency to excite in the minds of the king's subjects a hatred
and contempt of the constituted authorities of the realm. The
learned judge recapitulated many of the leading points of his
charge, with respect to Mr. Hunt they had evidence of his
being at Smedley Cottage, on the eve of the intended meeting
at Manchester on the 9th of August that he had on that day
expressed himself in terms not very respectful of the local
magistracy ; that with reference to Johnson it appeared he had
gone from Bullock Smithy to Manchester, with Mr. Hunt ;
he had appeared with him on the hustings whether according
to a previous concert and for an illegal object, the jury, ac
cording to their construction of the evidence, must decide.
As to the case of Moorhouse there was evidence of less par
ticipation. Swift was on the hustings, but there was proof
of his not being criminally engaged there, or for an illegal pur
pose, if his witnesses' statement were correct. Against Healy
there was the black flag, if they inferred any criminality from
that emblem. The inscription it bore was as follows : — " No
Boroughmongers ; Unite and be free ; Equal Representation or
Death; Saddleworth, Lees, and Mosley Union; No Corn
Laws; Taxation without Representation is Unjust and Tyran
nical." Another party was led up by Wylde, but. what their
banners were did not appear in evidence. Jones merely put
up the hustings. The learned judge was then once more
about to revert to the Smithfield resolutions, when
Mr. Hunt begged leave, with great deference, to submit to
his lordship, whether a chairman who merely received such re-

428 VERDICT OF THE JURY.
solutions at the moment of the meeting and possibly without
his concurrence in their formation ; ought to be held so strictly
responsible for their contents.
Mr. Justice Bayley. — The law imposes upon a man so acting
the responsibility to which I allude. I have in my charge,
Mr. Hunt done fairly by you, in putting to the jury those cir
cumstances which may bear on your favour, as well as those
which may have a contrary operation. I have done so, I hope
impartially, I know conscientiously : and I solemnly declare,
that if this were to be the last moment of my life, I should
charge as I have now charged. The learned judge then pro
ceeded to refer to the evidence, and to enforce upon the minds
of the jury, that the main question they had to try was whether
the meeting was or wras not according to its manner, calculated
to produce terror, either in the manner in which it was formed,
or in the circumstances that ensued before its [dispersion.
" Find no defendant guilty, gentlemen," said bis lordship in
conclusion, " whose guilt is not in your minds clearly estab
lished by the evidence — find no defendant innocent if you
think the evidence establishes his guilt whatever doubt
arises, the defendant ought to have the benefit of it.
At a quarter past twelve o'clock the learned judge closed
his charge, and the jury retired.
Shortly before five o'clock the jury returned into the box-
The foreman held a paper in his hand, and said the jury had
agreed upon their verdict which he read as follows : —
" Moorhouse, Jones, Wylde, Swift, Saxton — Not Guilty.
Henry Hunt, Joseph Johnson, John Knight Joseph Heal}',
and Samuel Bamford, Guilty of assembling with unlawful ban
ners, an unlawful assembly for the purpose of moving and in
citing the liege subjects of our sovereign lord the King, to con
tempt and hatred of the government and constitution of the
realm, as by law established and attending at the same.
Mr. Justice Bayley. — Do you mean that they themselves in
tended to incite ?
The Foreman. — Yes.

MOTION FOR A NEW TRIAL. 429
Mr. Littledale. — This verdict must be taken on the fourth
count. The jury withdrew for a few minutes and returned with a
verdict of Guilty generally on the fourth count, and Not Guilty
upon the remaining counts.
Mr. Justice Bayley. — Let the defendants now additi®nally,
in court enter into their own recognizance to keep the peace
and good behaviour for six months, Mr. Hunt in the sum of
£2,000, Mr. Johnson of £1,000, Bamford and Healy £500
each. On the 27th of April, Mr. Hunt and the other defendants
impeached this verdict in the Court of King's Bench on the
following grounds.
The Lord Chief Justice addressing himself to Mr. Hunt.
who still acted as his own counsel, you can now inform us of
the nature of the apphcation you propose making to the court.
Mr. Hunt — I move, my lord, for a rule to show cause why
the verdict obtained against me and the other defendants at
the last assizes at York should not be set aside, and a verdict
of Not Guilty entered on the record, or why a new trial should
not be had.
The Lord Chief Justice. — For yourself and all the other de
fendants. Mr. Hunt. — Yes, my lord.
The Lord Chief Justice. — Now state upon what ground it
is that you make this motion.
Mr. Hunt. — The first ground my lord, is a misapprehension
of the learned judge, in rejecting evidence which ought to have
been received. It was evidence as to the acts of aggression of
cutting, maiming, and kilhng, committed by the yeomanry ca
valry and other military, upon the person of those who attended
the meeting at Manchester. The next point is, the learned
judge's admitting evidence of certain resolutions of a meeting
held in Smithfield and the admission of evidence of certain
trainings and drilling at a place called White Moss. The third
point is a misdirection of the judge which arose in consequence

430 MOTION FOR A NEW TRIAL.
of these points. The fourth ground is that the jury gave a
verdict contrary to evidence.
The Lord Chief Justice. — Have you any other ground.
Mr. Hunt. — Yes, my lord ; I have a fifth and last ground.
It is that the jury gave a verdict contrary to the direction of
the learned judge.
On the 8th of May, the Court proceeded to give its decision
on the above application, when the judges delivered their opi
nion seriatim, unanimously refusing the rule to shew cause
apphed for by the defendants, in which the Attorney General
proposed that judgement should be immediately pronounced.
Mr. H unt however requested that the defendants might have
time to prepare, and the request being considered reasonable
by the Lord Chief Justice, the defendants were ordered to be
brought up on the 15th of May for judgement.
On that day at an early hour the court was crowded to ex
cess in expectation of hearing judgement pronounced upon
Mr. Hunt, and the other defendants convicted at the last as
sizes at York. At half past eleven o'clock, all the judges having
taken their seat on the bench the Attorney General prayed the
judgement of the court upon the defendants, who were not
then in court. They were sent for, and soon after appeared
in court.
Mr. Hunt addressed their lordships, and said that he and
the other defendants had a number of affidavits to put in.
[They were accordingly tendered by desire of the court, though
it was the wish of Mr. Hunt to withhold some some of them,
until he heard whether the Attorney General meant to offer
any affidavit in aggravation. The latter dechned stating what
affidavits he would produce, until those for the defendants were
read.] After some important interlocutory matter, the clerk pro
ceeded to read the affidavits of the defendants. — The first was
from Henry Hunt Esq. and it stated in considerable length the
whole meeting at Manchester on the 9th of August the cir-
oumstances of the assembhng at that of the 16th of August,

STATEMENT OF MR. HUNT. 431
and the calamitous events that attended its violent dispersion
by the yeomanry whereby a number of men women and chil
dren were killed and wounded. It went then to a description
of the personal injuries he had sustained. His first connexion
with the meeting, was by invitation, to consider the best legal
and constitutional means of obtaining Parliamentary Reform.
He also described his having in consequence of a rumour that
a warrant had been issued against him, called on the Manches
ter magistrates, on the Saturday before the meeting, and re
ceived answer that no such warrant was in contemplation.
He further said that if any constable had appeared with a war
rant at the meeting, he should have instantly surrendered or
that if any magistrates came to read the riot act (which he did
not beheve was ever read on the 16th) he, would have tried
to have obtained for him a hearing, and immediately afterwards
dissolved the meeting. Mr. Hunt also urged the great ex-
pence, this prosecution had entailed upon him. — The state
ments in Mr. Hunt's affidavit were fortified by affidavits of
the other defendants, who also declared the object of the meet
ing to have been a legal and constitutional reform of the House
of Commons, and alluded in very strong terms, of the military
and police at Manchester, and complaining of the heavy ex
pense imposed upon them by what they considered an unmer
ited prosecution. An affidavit was then put in from the ten
gentlemen who first signed the requisition for the meeting at
Manchester, setting forth their having called on the borough
reeve to convene the meeting, his refusal after consideration, to
do so, but his refraining from attaching any illegality to the
object, which was then said a legal and peaceable one, and that
they had invited Mr. Hunt to take the chair. The next was
from Nicholas Whitworth, corn dealer, who stated that from mo
tives of humanity, he had inquired into the circumstances attend
ant upon the meeting, and that the result of his inquiries gave
every reason to beheve that great outrages had on that day
been committed on the people.
The Attorney General submitted that this affidavit was in-
37— vol. n 3 k

432 PRESENTATION OF AFFIDAVITS.
admissible, as it did not speak to the actual knowledge of the
deponent himself.
Mr. Hunt contended that it did.
On reference, however, to the affidavits the only part which
was deemed admissible was, where the deponent stated that he
had seen nearly 400 persons who had been wounded by the mili
tary on that day. An affidavit was next put in from W. Cordingly,
and I. Lees, of Oldham, who accompanied the defendant Healy to
the meeting, and contradicted the evidence given on the trial
by a witness named Standrick, who said Healy drunk gin at a
public house on the road, and used certain violent expressions
They denied this altogether, and charged another of the wit
nesses with instigating the crowd to hoot and hiss on the way
to the meeting, and tried to inflame them by violent ex
pressions. The Attorney General said that such an affidavit as this was
inadmissible. Evidence to contradict the credibihtyof a witness
ought to have been produced on the trial.
Mr. Justice Best — Certainly ; and that too, where the witness
is actually charged with instigating persons to commit acts of
high treason.
Mr. Hunt — Aye, my Lord, the affadavit goes on to state
that the fellow was the hero of his own story, which he wanted
to apply to others.
The court said they were willing to allow the fullest latitude,
which reason and justice could admit to the reception of affi
davits, but they could not allow, that to be introduced now,
which ought to have been matter of evidence on the trial.
Mr. Hunt said, that this witness' evidence was much relied
upon at the time of the trial.
The court, however, overruled the admissibility of this
affidavit. The several other affidavits of the different defendants were
put in and read ; and Healy, Johnson, and Bamford severally
addressed the court, and urged all those reasons and points
which their principal had before done in moving for a new trial,
and other terms addressed to the court.

SENTENCE ON MR. HUNT. 433
The Attorney General then replied upon the whole case,
and at six o'clock Mr. Justice Bayley proceeded to pronounce
the judgment of the court on the several defendants. After
commenting on the nature of the offence of which they had
been convicted, the learned judge said the judgment he was
instructed to pronounce upon the several defendants, was as
follows : — The defendant H. Hunt was sentenced to be im
prisoned two years and a half in his majesty's gaol at Ilchester
in the county of Somerset and at the expiration of that term,
to find security for his good behaviour for five years, himself
in £1000 and two sureties in £500 each. The other defend
ants, J. Johnson, J. Healy, and J. Bamford, were severally
sentenced to be imprisoned one year in Lincoln Castle, and at
the expiration of that time to find security for their good be
haviour for five years, themselves in £200, and two sureties
in £100 each, and to be further imprisoned till such security
should be entered into.
Notwithstanding Mr. Hunt and his associates had been con
victed after a most impartial investigation, presided over by a
judge, even in their own opinion, most impartial, and deterr
mined by a jury of their own choice, and in a county of their
own selection, yet the result was by no means satisfactory to
their feelings. Mr. Hunt therefore, determined to apply to
the court for a new trial, and the arguments were accordingly
heard before the whole bench of judges. On Mr. Hunt being
asked by the lord chief justice, the grounds on which he moved
for a new trial. Mr. Hunt replied, first, the learned judge
refused to receive evidence of the acts of aggression, cutting
and maiming, and kilhng, committed by the Manchester yeo
manry, and other military, upon the persons of those who at
tended the meeting. The second was, the learned judge re
ceiving evidence, which ought to have been rejected. The third
was, that the learned judge admitted evidence of certain
drillings and trainings, at a place called White Moss. The
fourth was, a misdirection of the judge, which arose in con
sequence of those points. The fifth was, that the jury gave

434 TREATMENT IN ILCHESTER JAIL.
a verdict contrary to evidence. The sixth was, that the jury
gave a verdict contrary to the direction of the noble judge.
The judges not having before them all the notes of the trial
the consideration of the points urged by Hunt was postponed
until the following Monday, the 1st of May, and Mr. Hunt
retired from the court with all the other defendants.
On Mr. Hunt leaving the court on his way home, he wa3 ser
ved with an execution for £426, at the suit of the high-bailiff of
Westminster, for his share of the expenses of the hustings, &c
as a candidate at the late election for that city ; Mr. Morris
having obtained a judgment against Mr. Hunt for that sum.
A friend of the latter waited upon Mr. Francis Smedley of
Ely Place, the deputy bailiff and attorney of Mr. Morris, aud
proposed to pay £200 down, provided he would give Mr.
Hunt six months time to pay the remainder. Mr. Smedley
professed a great desire to oblige Mr. Hunt, as the high ba-
liff, he said, bore no hostility towards him ; but after some con
sideration, Mr. Smedley said, that unless his full demand was
complied with within one hour, the execution would be placed
in the hands of the sheriff's officer. This threat Mr. Smedley
strictly performed, not forgetting to send Mr. Hunt's bail no
tice, that he should also proceed against them at the same
time. Upon the officer executing the warrant the whole sum
of £426 was instantly paid down by Mr. Hunt
At the appointed time, Mr. Hunt and the other defendants
appeared on the floor of the Court of King's Bench to hear
the opinion of the judges on the motion made by the former
for a new trial, when Lord Chief Justice Abbott first stated
bis sentiments on the subject pronouncing against the de
fendants in every point which had been urged. The other
judges concurring in that opinion, the rule was refused, and
the sentence was accordingly put in force.
The condition of Mr. Hunt in Ilchester goal was any thing but
pleasant, and so far from being treated with any of that lenity or
indulgence which ought to have been shown towards an individual
imprisoned for an act, which the greater part of the country

PROCEEDINGS IN ILCHESTER JAIL. 435
considered both legal and as constitutional, he was treated with
a severity that was at once a disgrace to the nation and to
the magistrates who had the controul over the prison and its
inhuman jailer. In regard to the latter, Mr. Hunt had not
been long an inmate of the prison, when such acts were com
mitted by Bridle the jailer, that Mr. Hunt made a formal
complaint to the magistrates, who seemed most unwilling to
grant any redress, or to check the jailer in the perpetration of
his tyrannical acts. It would appear, however, from Mr. Hunt's
own statement that Mr. Bridle had selected him as a victim
on whom he could practice with impunity all the severity of his
office, at the same time, we can not exactly give our assent to
the extraordinary statement sent forth by him, that it was at
the particular request of Bridle, that Ilchester was chosen the
place of his imprisonment. The following, however, we give
in Mr. Hunt's own words
" When the boroughmongers sent me to be incarcerated
in this bastile for two years and six months, I believe that
they thought they were sending me amongst my enemies, far
away from all my friends. I have good reason to think that
the amiable jailer Bridle petitioned through an understrapper
at the Secretary of State's office, to have me committed to his
care. When the news arrived at Ilchester, that I was com
mitted to the New Bailey at Manchester, Bridle was sitting in
the bar of the inn in Taunton reading a newspaper, and he ex
claimed with an oath, ' I wish they would send him to my jail
by G — d, I would take care of the fellow, I should like to have
the care of him, I would bring the fellow to his senses, and
teach him what it was to be in a prison.' As soon as the ver
dict of the York jury was known at Ilchester, Bridle and his wife
allotted a particular room and bed in his house for my occupation,
and they used to call it pubhcly Hunt's room, and Hunt's bed,
and the servants were sent to fetch things out of Hunt's room,
or bring such a thing from Hunt's bed. Bridle was returning
from Salisbury on his way from Portsmouth, upon the sub
scription coach, when the guard informed him of my sentence
of two years and a half in Ilchester gaol. ' Aye, aye,' said he

436 PROCEEDINGS IN ILCHESTER JAIL.
* I expected I should have the fellow, I will teach him man
ners, I'll warrant you.' He appeared to be quite aware that I
was coming here, and enjoyed the idea of having me in his
clutches most amazingly. This amiable gentleman, this most
worthy agent of the system, httle dreamt that I was destined to
detect and expose all his goings-on ; that himself, the surgeon,
and two of his turnkeys would be discharged, that a commi-
sion sent down by the government would report him guilty of
all kinds of atrocities, that he would be tried and convicted of
committing torture upon one of his prisoners by a Somerset
shire special jury. The government little thought the vile
and horrible system of torture practised in the jails, would be
so completely exposed. The worthy parson and squire magis
trates httle dreamt, when they chuckled at my being sent here
that they would get their conduct exposed in the House of Com
mons, and that all their plans, &c. for persecuting me, would
be turned to their own disgrace ; they little dreamt that they
would be compelled to pass sentence and discharge their own
jailer and associate Bridle ; they never dreamt that they would
be compelled, against their will, to denounce their own crack
jail of Ilchester, and that the grand jury of the county, of
which they, themselves, formed the materials, would be com
pelled to present their own dear jail, at the assizes, as totally
unfit and unworthy to remain any longer as the county jaiL
they little thought they would be compelled to come to a
unanimous vote at the quarter sessions, that their dear jail
should be removed and razed to the ground; they little thought
that the county rates, which they had the disposal of, should
be reduced from twenty-eight thousand a year, to eight thou
sand a year, thus reducing the expenditure of the county
money more than two-thirds, and at the same time reducing
their patronage two-thirds; they httle thought that the ex
penses of this precious establishment of a jail would be re
duced from six thousand a year to two thousand a year. The
pious and humane parson-justices little thought that all the
implements of torture would be abolished in this gaol, and
that I should be the means, and have the pleasure of witness-

ACTS OF MR. HUNT IN ILCHESTER JAIL. 437
ing, while I yet remained here, all the heavy chains, bars, and
bolts with which the prisoners used to be chained and fastened
down to the iron bedsteads, should be knocked off and totally
abolished ; they had no idea that fetters and irons would be
removed from all the prisoners, and that not one prisoner
would have irons on, they never thought that all the prisoners
would be allowed to receive and send their letters without
having them opened and overhauled by the jailer, the turnkeys
and their families ; they never dreamt that the walls which
surrounded my dungeon, would be lowered from twenty feet,
to seven feet they, good souls, never thought that all my
friends would be allowed to visit me at all hours in the day
time without the shghtest interruption, in spite of their posi
tive printed rules and regulations to the contrary sanctioned
by a full bench of magistrates, in quarter sessions, and signed
by Judge Best; they never thought it possible that I should
be the means of liberating poor old Charles Hill, who had
been incarcerated here for sixteen years. Yet all these things
have taken place, and I have received the thanks of all the
prisoners, not only in this jail, but in all the jails of the county,
and from upwards of twenty county jails, acknowledging that
the beneficial influence of my exertions here, had reached
even to them. If the government and the magistrates had
been told that I should have had the kind attention and sym
pathy of all classes of the inhabitants of the county, except
themselves, and that on the day of my liberation, I should be
hailed as the deliverer of this country from oppression and
bondage, and that the freeholders and yeomanry would give me
a public dinner and presented a handsome piece of plate to me,
of the value of one hundred sovereigns, as a tribute of their
approbation, respect and esteem ; I think, if they could have
believed this possible, they would like Castlereagh, have be
come their own executioner, and have cut the carotid arteries
of their own throats, to save themselves from the disgrace that
was in store for them. If the ministers had thought that the
table of the House of Commons would have been covered with
petitions from all parts of the kingdom praying for my liber-

438 EFFECTS OF MR. HUNTS INCARCERATION.
ation ; if they could have anticipated Sir Francis Burdett'8
motion, and that eighty four members of Parliament should
have voted for my liberation, and if they had anticipated all
that I have accomplished since I have been here, and that
such honours would be conferred upon me, even then, I think
their folly and malice would have induced them to have done
as they have, there is always a falsity in the proceedings of
wicked men, which providence ultimately turns to their own
destruction." From the foregoing extract a correct estimate may be
formed of the several circumstances which occupied Mr. Hunt
during his incarceration in Ilchester jail, and it must be gener
ally allowed that the cause which he professed to maintain,
and for which he was then suffering a protracted imprison
ment gained by that very act a considerable accession of
strength, and there were many, who at that time were waver
ing in their principles as to the necessity of a Parliamentary
Reform, who now became staunch and uncompromising re
formers, seeing the injustice which had been committed to
wards Mr. Hunt, and which perhaps would not have been
done, had the Parliament been chosen by the voice of the
people, rather than by the will of the boroughmongers. As
one source of amusement to him in his solitary confinement,
Mr. Hunt then determined to follow the example of a far
greater man than himself, but who was also a prisoner at the
time, though not exactly in a jail, and that example was to
write his own life, which he actually accomplished. Of this
work, little more can be said, than that in many parts of his
private life, Mr. Hunt lets us only have a faint glimpse of
many of the most remarkable incidents of his life, and over
others he throws such a bright but deceptive view, that
a false impression is excited, but such impression is gener
ally in favour of the individual himself. It is also to be re
gretted that a spirit, of egotism pervades the whole work, which
is incompatible with the interests of truth, and which after
wards, exposed the autobiographer to some very severe re
flections from his enemies.

mh. hunt's RADICAL MUSEUM. 439
Another source of amusement in which Mr. Hunt indulged,
was the formation of, what he styles, a radical museum ; the
first article in it consisted of the model of a loom in full
work, with an elegant specimen of a shuttle, accompanied with
an ode, written by a weaver, wherein its wonderful powers are
melodiously described, of which melody the following may serve
as an example : —
In hostile rage, when line does charge the line,
And broken columns baffle martial skill,
Each national, adopted garb of thine,
Instructs the hireling warrior whom to kill
When flags, with muvd'rous pomp the fields array,
The boasting banners, works of thine display.
To every clime that intercourse refines,
Thy works of use and ornament extend,
And from the pole and equinoctial lines'
Intensity, the human race defend.
Whom in return, thy scanty drivers give
The toil begotten privilege to kill.
- The loom and shuttle," says Mr. Hunt " which shall be
placed in a conspicuous part of my intended museum, and
which will confer equal honour upon the institution, or upon
those, who have so handsomely presented it to me, is greatly
enhanced in its value, in my estimation in consequence of its
having been made by my much esteemed friend, Mr. John Irvin,
the independent elector of Preston. In the same box, which
brought me the loom and shuttle, was packed a neat pair of
slippers, as a present from my brave friend Mr. James Huff
man, the sturdy, unbending radical shoemaker. Although
they fit as neatly as any pair of shoes that I was even mea
sured for, yet they shall be carefully preserved in my mu
seum for the inspection of the curious, but if I live till the
next Preston guild, I shall be nearly seventy years of age, and
if we can preserve the slippers, and am able, I will wear them
at the masquerade then, and there to be given."
38 — vol. n. 3 l

440 MR. HUNT S RADICAL COFFEE.
We have reason to believe, that the two above mentioned
articles, with a bag of his own roasted corn, formed the whole,
of the radical museum; it is, however, at the same time curi
ous to observe, how the human mind, in a state of abstraction
from the customary affairs of life tends to and clings to objects
which at any other time would appear as undeserving of
notice. A short time previously to the incarceration of Mr. Hunt
he had commenced a manufactory of roasted corn, that was to
supersede the necessity of coffee, and which being an excise-
able article, was not palatable to the taste of the radicals.
During his imprisonment the manufactory was carried on by
one of his sons in Broadwall, in the parish of Christ Church,
Surrey, and for some time, the radical coffee, as it was called,
created some sensation amongst the lower orders ; unfortunately,
however, for Mr. Hunt, the excise stepped in to interfere
with this speculation, an action was brought against Mr. Hunt
for defrauding the revenue, and a verdict was obtained against
him of a fine of £200 to the king. In vain Mr. Hunt endea
voured to prove that corn merely because it was roasted, could
not be called coffee, the excise answered him by telling him
that barley was not an exciseable article, but that as soon as
it was made into malt, it became subject to the powers of
the excise. Mr. Hunt eventually paid the fine, and the radi
cal coffee establishment was broken up.
At the dissolution of Parliament, in 1820, Mr. Hunt of
fered himself as a candidate for the representation of Preston,
opposing Horrocks, Hornby, and Williams, the two former be
ing in the conservative interest. After a struggle, maintained
with a considerable degree of acrimony on all sides, at the
final close of the poll the numbers were, Horrocks 1527,
Hornby 1338, Williams, 1330. Hunt 1043.
The 30th of October 1S22, was the day of Mr. Hunt's li
beration from the Ilchester bastile, and' on the preceding day
Sir Charles Wolesley, and Mr. Northmore arrived at Ilchester
having voluntarily offered themselves as bail, for Mr. Hunt

CIRCUMSTANCES ATTENDING MR HUNT'S LIBERATION. 441
having previously entered into their own recognizances in
£500 each, and himself in £1000 as a security for his (good
behaviour for five years. The following is Mr. Hunt's own
account which took place on the occasion of his liberation.
By the middle of the day my friends, Cousens of Heytes
bury, Mr. Oliver Hayward, Mr. Perrott, and others, arrived
together with two gentlemen from the Times and Morning
Herald London newspapers, who came down to Ilchester, a
distance of 127 miles, in order to report the proceedings. In
the evening, friends arrived from Rochdale in Lancashire, from
Bath, Frome, Devizes, and other places at a distance, so that
the little town of Ilchester was so crowded, that a bed could
not be obtained at any of the inns. The dirty Justices and
petty-fogging attorneys, their diabolical and time-serving agents,
foiled in their manifold attempts to destroy me while I was
within their power, and, writhing with agony at the thoughts
of my release, had devil-like, been setting their heads to
gether, in order, if possible, to damp the general joy that per
vaded every honest and humane breast, in anticipation of the
day of my- hberation. These attempts had been communicated
to me^ and although they excited the fears of my family, and
gave pain to my friends, yet they elicited no other feelings in
my breast than those of pity for their weakness, and the 'most
sovereign contempt for their impotent malice. However, as
they could effect nothing real that would serve their purpose,
they resorted to the most cowardly, wanton, and diabolical
falsehoods, which they fabricated and propagated with the most
industrious perseverance, by all manner of reports, calculated
to annoy my friends, and to deter the people from coming to
Ilchester, to testify their abhorrence of that system which had
consigned me to a dungeon, for such a lengthened period; and
their execration of those dirty minions of power, who had in
flicted every species of torture and privations upon me, during
that time, in order to heighten the punishment which the mi
nisters of the crown had intended to inflict upon me.
The first thing communicated to me was, that the brother
of the amiable and venerable Judge Best had asserted at Yeovil

442 INIMICAL REPORTS.
market, that he had it from the highest authority that the go
vernment had issued a Secretary of State's warrant to have me
apprehended the moment I left the gaol, and that the worthy
Somersetshire yeomanry were to be ready upon the spot to cut
me and the people to pieces, if there was any show of resist
ance, or any of the slightest disapprobation evinced. The next
report was, that the Secretary of State had given orders that I
was to be turned out of the goal at twelve o'clock at night, the
hour at which my imprisonment expired ; these and many
other reports were industriously circulated, in order to deter
the people of the neighbouring villages and towns from coming
into Ilchester to welcome me on the morning of my liberation ;
but as these appeared likely to fail of their intended effect, a
last expiring effort was made by some of the blackest tools of
the blackest agents of the system, some worthy gentlemen of
the law. It was communicated in a very confidential way to
some of my friends, that a detainer was to be lodged against me
in the gaol for some pretended debt that I owed to somebody,
and that this would be done late at night on the 29th, so that
it would be necessary to send to Wells to the under sheriff, in
the morning, a distance of eighteen miles, before I could pro
cure my liberation, even by payment of the said debt. This
was said to be done avowedly to dela> the period of my libera
tion several hours after the time fixed upon. It was expected
that this would create a sensation amongst the assembled mul
titude, which some government or magisterial emissaries were
to heighten into violence, upon which the body-guard of the
boroughmongers, the yeomanry cavalry, w-ere to have a treat
a la Manchester, and cut the people to pieces. All this was to
be communicated to me in confidence, and the surgeon of the
town was fixed upon as the dupe to convey it privately to me
as if coming as a hint from a friend. These little dirty acts
as a matter of course, annoyed my friends, and precautions
were taken to meet and overcome the difficulties in case any
such should occur. In the mean time, Mr. Hardy the keeper,
conducted himself, as he had always done, with the strictest
propriety. He came 'down to my room in the evening, and

LIBERATION OF MR HUNT. 443
addressed me in the presence of Sir Charles Wolseley, Mr.
Northmore, and other friends, as follows : —
" Sir, when the prison clock strikes twelve you are no longer
my prisoner, and if you wish it the doors of the prison shall
be thrown open to you, but if you wish to remain till the
morning, you are at perfect liberty to do so, although after
twelve o'clock you will no longer consider yourself my prisoner.
I have heard of the foolish and malignant reports about de
tainers, arrests, &c. of the truth of which I do not believe one
word. If any such should be lodged against you before the
doors of the prison are closed for the night, you shall have the
earhest intimation ; but at twelve o'clock you are perfectly free
from my controul, and after that hour I shall receive no de
tainer against you ; at any rate, I shall not act upon any such
so as to detain you one moment." Nothing could be more fair
and honourable than this, and it was perfectly consistent with
Mr. Hardy's conduct during the whole time that I was under
his care. 1 thanked him for his civility, and told him that I
did not fear any detainer or any creditor that I was unable to
discharge his demand, and that I would sleep in my dungeon
bed once more, and leave the goal in the morning. At twelve
o'clock I retired to rest for the 898th night in Ilchester Bas-
tile. The moment the clock began to strike, I heard the can
non roaring from my friend Oliver Hayward's battery, at Mud-
ford; this was a signal for the bonfires to be lighted upon the
surrounding heights, and the rockets ascended from Ilchester.
In the midst of these rejoicings and flattering testimonies of
respect, I dropped into as sound and as sweet a sleep as ever
was enjoyed by the most happy and contended being upon the
face of the earth, and without the slightest interruption I slept
till the clock struck seven, and I heard for the last time the
door of my dungeon unlocked. The morn was lowering, but it
soon began to clear up, and before I was dressed, my worthy
friends, Wolseley and Northmore, with my son, were admitted
to congratulate me on the arrival of the long-expected hour,
which, by the bye, no man in England anticipated with more
calmness and patience than did the captive himself. A little

444 SPEECH OF MR HUNT.
before nine we took leave of Mr. Hardy and his amiable fa
mily, and, accompanied by these excellent friends, I stepped
from the threshold of the Bastile into a barouche, that was
standing at the door to receive me, emidst the spontaneous
cheers and blessings of thousands of my fellow-countrymen and
women. The horses had been removed arid the carriage was
drawn to the inn by those who had suffered persecution within
the walls of the Bastile, headed by the venerable Charles Hill,
the original captive who had been persecuted there for sixteen
years. The shouts of the people made the old rotten walls of
the Bastile shake again.
Mr. Hunt wore over his ordinary dress an elegant Argyle tartan
cloak, presented to him by the reformers of Greenock ; he was
also decorated with the gold chain and medal, presented by the
female reformers of Leeds. By the time the procession reached
the Inn, a large body of farmers, and well-dressed people, had
arrived at Ilchester, and gave that dull town an unusual bustle.
At the door, Mr. Hunt stood up in his barouche, and addressed
the people present, thanking them for the warm greeting they
had given him, on his escape from his dungeon, and assuring
them he was the same man as before his incarceration, no way
daunted by his sufferings, but prepared to endure all the sa
crifices to which his unabated efforts in his country's cause
might subject him. Alluding to the agricultural distress, he
said, — The object of the present government is to set the la
bourer against the farmer ; their object is to get the- landlord
to screw the last shilling in the shape of rent to make the
farmer turn against the labourer, and for each class to press
the other to the ground. I would caution both the labourer
and the farmer against the consequence of such mutual discord
— it is both of your interests to resist this snare, and you can
effectually do so by taking one course, and only one ; which is
to join the manufacturing interests in seeking a reform in the
representation of all Englishmen. (Cheers.) So long as you
will play into the hands of the present government and permit
them to divide you and set one class against another, just so
long will you continue a ruinous career, and enable the govern--

PUBLIC BREAKFAST GIVEN TO MR. HUNT. 445
ment to plunder you of sixty millions of taxes, while yoii
yourselves can hardly get four shillings a bushel for your wheat.
(Hear.") The pubhc breakfast then took place, to which seventy-nine
persons sat down. When the cloth was removed, some ladies
entered the room, and Mr. Hunt called out to have way made
for them, and he shook hands, with the visiters^ observing,
" You are come to see the lion, who is just out of his cage,
and just as ready however to devour- his enemies." He then said
that he had no master of the ceremonies, and any gentleman
who wished to be introduced to him, must come up like an
Englishman, and let him take him by the hand. Mr. Hunt
then walked round the tables, and was saluted by all present.
He then reverted to his old plan of adding to the cordiality of
the meeting by proposing three cheers, which were heartily
given in the room, and reiterated from without.
" Nothing could be more grateful to my feelings," says Mr.
Hunt " than this testimony of respect shown to me by such a
respectable body of my countrymen, and nothing could testify
the feelings of the- people of Somerset in a more decisive man
ner. The beautiful silver flagon and salver value one hundred
and ten pounds, purchased by the people of Somerset to be
presented to me, was then introduced and exhibited to the
company. I should be doing an injustice to the people of
Somerset if I did not here insert the following inscriptions,
elegantly engraven on these handsome and massy pieces of
plate, Upon the Flagon, headed with my Crest :
A TALBOT.
To the Patriot,
HENRY HUNT, ESQUIRE
The Inflexible, the Persevering, the Undaunted Champion
Of the RIGHTS AND LIBERTIES of his FELLOW-MEN,
This Flagon is presented
BY THE PEOPLE OF SOMERSET, ON THE
Thirtieth of October, 1822,

446 INSCRIPTIONS ON THE FLAGON AND SALVER.
The joyful Day of his Liberation from a Cruel and Unjust In*
carceration of
TWO YEARS AND SIX MONTHS
In the County Gaol at Ilchester, since appropialely named
ILCHESTER BASTILE.
AS A GRATEFUL MEMORIAL
Of the just sense they entertain of his unparalleled
and successful Exertions
In the cause of Humanity and Freedom :
Exertions which brought to light the most fiend-like
Practices,
And the most diabolical acts of Persecution and Torture,
Together with the most Wanton and Wasteful Expenditure of the
COUNTY MONEY,
Long sanctioned by the gross negligence of those whose duty it
was to have protected the Prisoners from
CRUELTY AND OPPRESSION,
And the Rate-payers of the County from
PLUNDER.

}

Oliver Hayward, Mudford,
Henry Creswell, Creech St. Michael, J- Committee.
Thomas Perrott, Middlezoy
Inscription on the Salver :
A TALBOT.

TO THE
Patriotic Friend of the people,
HENRY HUNT, ESQUIRE,
This Salver belonging to and accompanying the Flagon,
Is presented by the undersigned Committee, on behalf of the
PEOPLE OF THE COUNTY OF SOMERSET,
On the Thirtieth Day of October, 1822, the Day of his Liberation from
ILCHESTER BASTILE.
On it tbey proudly record their just abhorrence of the
CRUEL, VINDICTIVE, AND OPPRESSIVE SENTENCE,
Which consigned him to a Dungeon for
TWO YEARS AND SIX MONTHS:

MR. HUNTS ARRIVAL AT GLASTONBURY. 447
To which unjust Incarceration was superadded,
By the Local Authorities,
RESTRICTIONS,
At which Humanity shuddered; the sympathies of the people
were aroused;
At the shout of their indignant voice,
The inmost door of the Dungeon flew open,
Injustice and oppression fell baffled to the Earth
THE GAOLER
Was dismissed, disgraced and brought to justice !
His Abbettors and Supporters
Hid their Heads abashed and confounded ! !
THE GAOL
Was ordered to be raised to the ground ! ! !
AND SOMERSET
Redeemed her Character ! ! ! !
Oliver hayward, Mudford. ^
Henry Cress well, Creech St. Michael, L Committee
Thomas perrott, Middlezoy, J
This piece of plate weighs about one hundred and fifty
ounces, and for its size, is equal in beauty and workmanship
to any thing of the sort ever seen."
On the suggestion of Mr. Hunt a requisition was signed
on the spot for a county meeting in Somerset to petition for
reform and redress of grievances. Mr. Northmore then de
livered a speech abounding in humour and ability ; and after
another address from Mr. Hunt, the procession moved for
ward from Ilchester, with banners and music, preceded by a
large cavalcade of yeomanry and farmers, and cheered enthusi
astically by the increasing multitude. A number of well-
dressed females occupied stations on the road, to view the
ceremony. After being drawn through Somerton'by the peo
ple, Mr. Hunt reached Glastonbury about four o'clock in the
afternoon, at which time, the elevated positions were crowded
with seven or eight thousand spectators, notwithstanding the
occasional showers. As the procession entered, the people
38. vol. n. 3 m

448 MR. hunt's address to the constables.
again drawing the barouche, — the bells rang a merry peal.
The Mayor had been swearing in special constables, thus afford
ing a chance, where, as every body felt, none otherwise existed
of disturbance ; but the amiable design wras abortive. Mr.
Hunt, in returning thanks, said he was now going to swear
in his constables, and would keep the peace, whether the
Mayor did or no.
At five o' clock, Mr. Hunt held his Court Leet, in one of
the rooms of the George Inn, as Lord of the hundred of Glas-
ton and Lordship of Glastonbury : when two high-constables
for Glastonbury, and thirteen tithing men, were sworn in.
In his charge to the constables, Mr. Hunt said, he felt it his
duty, acting in the name and on the behalf of the king, to ad
dress them on the subject of their offices. As it was the
king's duty to protect the people, a duty which his majesty
had sworn faithfully to perform at the coronation, so it was
theirs to use the most humane and considerate care in exe
cuting warrants. He, who had so fresh a knowledge of what
imprisonment was, must naturally have a considerate feeling
for a prisoner. All that a constable had to do, was to take care
of a prisoner's safe custody, and to detain him to abide the
due course of law. " I charge you also," continued the Lord
of the Manor, "when you recollect the extensive nature of
the ploughed hides of this manor, and the number of juries
you will have to empanel under the precept of the sheriff, that
you are the persons, who are to select the jurors; the sheriff
has nothing to do with the selection. I charge you to make
it with entire impartiality, and select for the trial of others,
those fair and honourable characters by whom you would
yourself wish to abide in an hour of trial. (Loud applause,
and cries of ' huzza HunL'j Your Lord," said Mr. Hunt in
conclusion, " is this day at liberty, and if on such an occa
sion you are disposed to rejoice, be merry and wise, recol
lect that you are this day the legal keepers of the peace, and
if there be any irregularity, high or low, which you should be
bound to notice, treat not the party like a brute or slave, and

ENTRANCE OF MR. HUNT INTO LOND ON. 449
use any person in custody, should such unfortunately be, with
consideration and humanity." (Loud applause.)
After the business of the court, Mr. Hunt then proceeded,
with some formalities, to put Mr. Northmore in possession of
a small tract of ground near the abbey, by which he acquired
a freehold of the county, and became competent to be a can
didate (as was intended) to represent the county. The com
pany at six o'clock sat down to a good dinner, Mr. Northmore
in the chair ; after which patriotic toasts were drank, and some
good speeches delivered, till eleven o'clock, when the principal
persons retired amid great applause.
I had been invited to a public dinner," says Mr. Hunt " to be
given upon my hberation at the London Tavern, on the 11th of
November ; I had also been solicted to'enter the metropolis pub-
fickly both these invitations I had accepted : however, it was ul
timately decided to give up the dinner at the London Tavern,
and to have it at the Eagle Tavern, in the City Road, for two
reasons ; first, because that the London was considered too
expensive for the mechanics to dine at ; and next, because in
going to the Eagle Tavern, the procession would paas quite
through the metropolis, from one end to the other. This ar
rangement was perfectly satisfactory to me ; and on Sunday,
the 10th of November, I slept at Hounslow, on my way to
Knightsbridge, where I had promised to meet the people on
the Monday morning at ten o'clock. About that time I ar
rived there in a post-chaise, accompanied by my son, where I
was received by the people of the metropohs in a manner
which was most flattering and grateful to my feehngs. The
committee of the useful classes had prepared a barouche drawn
by six horses, into which they conducted me and my son ; and
after having received an address of congratulation and welcome
from Mr. Gast, who was deputed by the committee to deliver
it to me, and I had shortly replied, the procession moved for
ward, and I once more publicly entered the metropohs of Eng-
-and, after an a b sence of two years and a half, amidst the deaf
ening cheers of the people. When we left Hounslow, the fog
was so dense that we could scarcely see across the road ; bu

450 EGOTISM OF MR. HUNT.
before we reached Kensington, the day was as clear and as mild
as any day in May. Heaven and all nature appeared to wel
come me with smiles and cheers: never did mortal man re
ceive more spontaneous and unbought homage than Henry
Hunt received from his fellow-men on the 11th of November,
1822. The whole active part of the population of the metro
polis appeared to have turned out to greet me on that day.
The multitude consisted of one solid mass from Knightsbridge
to the City-road; and in passing that distance, I may fairly
calculate that half a millon of my fellow-countrymen and fel
low-countrywomen welcomed me into the metropolis. In
Finsbury-square, where the greatest multitude were assembled,
I can honestly say that they did not amount in that one place
to less than one hundred thousand persons, Such an honour
was never paid to any other individual in England. There
never lived an emperor, a king, a prince, a conqueror, a hero,
a patriot or a man, in any age or country, that would not have
felt himself highly honoured and gratified by such a reception,
and by such marks of respect from his fellow-creatures as was
given to and conferred upon Henry Hunt on that day. What
were the feelings of Henry Hunt on the occasion, may be much
easier conceived by others than it is possible for him to de
scribe. The observations and falsehoods of some of the dirty
editors of some few of the London newspapers, excited by the
envy, the hatred, and the malice of the base and unprincipled
men who for hire fill that situation, are far too contemptible
for me to notice. I have heard, for I never see the paper, that
one unprincipled and abandoned villain, who writes for hire in
an evening paper, which professes to support hberal principles
and almost exclusive patriotism, had the unblushing folly to
expose his raging envy and malice, by saying, that " they un
derstood Mr. Hunt was so dissatisfied with his reception in
London, that he intended to go into the country on purpose to
make another entry,"&c. When a person gives way to envy,
malice, and lying, how weak and contemptible even a sensible
man becomes. When we arrived at the Eagle Tavern, the
crowd was so great that it was nearly a quarter of an hour be-

DINNER AT THE EAGLE TAVERN. 451
fore tie carriage could be drawn up to the door. The great
room, in which a dinner had been ordered for about 280 per
sons, the full number it was supposed to be capable of con
taining, was crammed, it was said, by nearly 400; and after
every room in the house was filled, even to cramming, many
hundreds retired disappointed for want of room. If the largest
room in London had been engaged, or in fact one that would
have held 1,000 people to dine, it would have been overfilled :
and yet some were fools enough to discover their own chagrin
and mortification by saying1, that Mr. Hunt was dissatisfied
with his reception. Mr. Parkins, the late sheriff, was called
to the chair, and he was supported by Mr. Wooler, Mr. Gale
Jones, Mr. Birt Mr. Galloway, Mr. Fulham, Mr. Goodman,
of Warwick, and gentlemen from all parts of the country.
My worthy friend Sir Charles Wolesley, had engaged to be
present and had in fact promised to meet me at Kensington
to have accompanied me through the city, but he was unfor-
tunatelv detained in the country by an accident that befel
Laay Wolesley on the Thursday previous, which unavoidably
detained him at home.
After we had retired from the dining table, Mr. Wooler,
myself, and a few friends took some tea in a private room ;
amongst the number was Mr. Harmer. Soon after we were
saated he was called out of the room, and when he returned,
he informed me that a Mr. Becket, a magistrate, was waiting
in the house, and wished to know whether I slept there ; and
if not where I slept as he had orders to communicate to the
Secretary of State what hour I left and where I intended to
sleep that night. Of course I did not condescend to gratify
either the worthy magistrate or the worthy Secretary of Sate,
although 1 have thought since whether Ihe venerable and up
right judges of the Court of King's Bench might not, upon ap
plication, rule that I had forfeited my recognizance, by de
ciding that this was not good behaviour. What fools these
fellows are. I had forgotten to mention that the efforts of all
the factions in London were united to prevent my public entry
into London ; and when they found they could not prevent it,

452 MB. HUNT'S NOMINATION FOR PRESTON.
they exerted every nerve to prevent the people from coming
out to meet me ; but all would not do.
•' I slept at my lodging over Blackfriars Bridge, near my
'Roasted Grain Manufactory,' where I fonnd that my
attendance had become absolutely necessary to prevent the
utter ruin of the httle remaining property that I possess."
As it might naturally be supposed, Mr. Hunt appeared for
a time to be sickened with polities, his incarceration for two
years and a half, and the heavy recognizances with which he
and his friends were bound, hud taught him the salutary lesson
that self-preservation is the first duty of man, and he therefore
for a time retired from the political world, to the surprise of-
many, and the gratification of still more, who saw in his
attempts at reform, nothing less than the subversion of the
constitution of the country.
To the inquiries of the reformers respecting his conduct.
Mr. Hunt thus replies: —
" It has] 1 understand, been asked, " Wliat is Mr. Hunt
about f He begs deliberately to make this answer to the in
quisitive, whether friend or foe — He is assiduously and perse-
veringly attending to his own private concerns, from which he
has been forcibly abstracted for the last two years and a half,
for having advocated the public rights and liberties of the peo
ple ; but at the same time he begs it to be understood, that
although he is, he hopes, most justifiably attending to his own
private affairs, yet he is as resolutely as ever determined in
no instance to abandon his pubhc duty. Should the people of
England, Scotland, or Ireland think that Henry Hunt is ca
pable of serving them, and they will give him a fair opportu
nity to make the attempt, their call shall not be made in vain.
In August 1830, Mr. Hunt again stood for the representation
of the town of Preston, and the candidates were of the three po
litical denominations ; Mr. Wood being in the Tory interest,
Mr. Stanley in the Whig, and Mr. Hunt in the radical. The
aspect in regard to the Whig interest was so unfavourable*
that a very general and confident opinion prevailed, that in the
event of Mr. Hunt making his appearance, Mr. Stanley would

MR. HUNT ELECTED FOR PRESTON. 453
be thrown out. To confirm this impression Mr. Hunt did
arrive, amidst the shouts and acclamations of five thousand
voters, and great was the consternation which the event oc
casioned. Mr. Stanley's friends were much alarmed at the
probable consequence, and it was not until the most anxious
appeals were made to the Tories, that the tide of Mr. Hunf s
success was stopped, At the close of the poll the numbers
were for Mr. Stanley 2996. Mr. Wood 2389. and Mr. Hunt
1308. In December of the same year, Mr. Stanley was appointed
to the office of chief secretary for Ireland, which obliged him
to vacate his seat for Preston, and a new writ was accordingly
moved. The nomination took place on the 14th, when Mr.
Shawe proposed Mr. Stanley as a suitable person to represent
the town of Preston in Parliament, and Mr. John Irvine pro
posed Mr. Hunt. A letter was sent to the latter announcing
the intention of the electors to put him in nomination, to
which he replied, that he had no hope of being returned, but
promised that if the electors of Preston should place him at
the head of the poll on the first day, he would come down to
them as quickly as horses could carry him. At the commence
ment of the Preston election, Mr. Hunt was in Somersetshire,
and he did not arrive in Preston until 3500 of the electors had
voted for him, and his election actually secured. After a hard
contest Mr. Stanley resigned, leaving Mr. Hunt in a ma
jority of between 3 and 400.
Mr. Hunt did not remain long in Preston after the election
but set off for London, it being determined that his entry into
the city should be public.
The place appointed for the gathering was Islington-green,
in front of the house bearing the cognizance of the Painted
Lion; and here there assembled about four thousand people;
—the majority certainly not representing either the property
or the intellect of the metropolis ; but as it were, a small mo
dicum of its unemployed physical force. Among them were
the Society of Sawyers, with their banners ; and there were also
about a dozen other persons bearing tenners supplied by the

454 MR. hunt's SPEECH.
processional committee, or rather small flags of white linen or
calico, on which were painted, in black letters, these mottoes
following : — " Hunt, the man of the people ;" " Hunt and Re
form;" "Imitate' the 3,730 electors of Preston;" and "Thus
shall it be done unto the man whom the people delight to
honour." The placard-assembled crowd waited very 'patiently from 1 1
o'clock in the forenoon until nearly one in the afternoon, at
which time there arose a loud cry of " Hunt ! Hunt !" and the
honorable member immediately came forward from the room
where he was resting, and standing on a chair in the balcony,
thus addressed them : —
" Good men are scarce, they say, and good members of par
liament are scarcer — (cheers and laughter) ; therefore, my
worthy friends, I shall take care of myself for your sakes. I
have had a pretty tough job just now in the north, and I shall
have a much tougher job at Westminster. (Cheers and laugh
ter.) I am flattered and gratified to see the large proportion
of the inhabitants of this metropolis who are here assembled to
do justice this day fo the brave men of Preston. (Cheers.)
Your attendance here to-day I estimate highly, because it con
vinces me that you are ready to act in unison with the brave
men of Preston who have had courage and honesty to elect a
man as their representative who they think will undertake
something for the good of the people. If I have the support
of the whole people of England, as 1 have had that of the. peo
ple of Preston — although I know what an Herculean task I am
about to undertake — still 1 will try what one man can do in
that house. I have more than a hundred times publicly said
" Send me to the House of Commons, and you shall see what
I will try to do there." And do you think I shall take a differ
ent course from that, now I am placed in a situation to go
there? (Cries of No, and cheers.) No, although I anticipate
the labor of a dray-horse, still I feel now as I did before I was
elected ; and I tell you honestly and fairly that I have never
uttered a syllable out of that house that I shall not repeat
within it." (Cheers.) The hon. member then went on to assure

SPEECH OF MR. HUNT. 455
them he would " move at once for a repeal of the accursed
Corn Laws?" that he knew the set he was going to meet; and
what he had to expect when he got among them, but he did
not tremble at the prospect. He knew how to look honest
men in the face, and he knew how to look thieves in the face.
(Loud and continued cheers.) If he were supported by the
whole people of England, he had honesty and zeal, and in
creased resolution to endeavour to serve them effectually; and
all he asked was, that Heaven would grant him health and
strength to carry his resolution into effect. The hon. member
then admonished them to take care of their pockets, as there
were rascally pickpockets among them, some of whom had
been exercising their dexterity upon the pocket of his friend,
Mr. Mitchel ; and, his admonition ended, he proposed " three
cheers for the men of Preston." The three cheers were given
heartily, the hon. member himself keeping time; and Mr.
Mitchel having returned thanks on behalf of the Preston men,
the procession set forward in the following order : —
The Society of Sawyers.
Mr. Hunt, and his friend Mr. Mitchel, in an open
barouche and four.
The Preston white flags.
Two other open barouches, with the Processional
Committee.
Four horsemen, two and two.
Two persons in a gig.
Mr. Hunt's van, packed full of standing people, with crim
son cockades in their hats;— the said van being inscribed, in
large letters," Hunt's matchless blacking."
Three or four bands of music interspersed, and the whole
led by a pair of bugles on horseback; and « Thus was it done
unto the man whom the people delight to honor."
The direct way to Mr. Hunt's house, in Stamford-street,
would have been down St John-street, across Smithfield, and
over Blackfriars-bridge; but instead of taking the direct road,
he went round by Finsbury, through the City, along the Strand
38— vol. n. 3 N

45<J iPIECH OF MR. HUNT.
and by Whitehall over Westminster-bridge — for the purpose*
as he said, of making his bow to the outside of the House
of Commons en passant.
Shortly after his arrival at home he appeared at the window,
and proceeded to address the people. He thanked them most
kindly for the manner in which they had thus accompanied him
through the cities of London and Westminster. One thing
had this day been proved, which ought to go out to the world
— namely, that the Duke of Wellington, the bravest of the
brave, had been afraid to go through the City, but he (Mr.
Hunt) was not. (Laughter and cheers.) There was this dif
ference, however, between his visit and the intended visit of
the King and the Duke of Wellington, that in the latter case
the corporation of London had agreed to spend £10,000 of the
poor citizens' money, to give these great people a guttle and a
guzzle. (Laughter.) He dared to say that the "parapher
nalia" of that feast would not cost less. (Here there was a
cry of " police.") What is the matter ? asked Mr. Hunt
(Some of the crowd called out that a thief was taken.) A
thief (continued he); now that you have got hold of one who is
imitating government, take care of him. (Laughter.) Do you
take care of the little pickpockets, and I'll look after the great
ones. (Laughter.) He went on to observe, that the Duke of
Wellington refrained from going into the City for fear of some
disturbance. Now they had that day proceeded through the
whole City without the assistance of the military, or the police,
and yet not a single accident had occurred. If, however, the
duke had attempted to go through there would perhaps have
been a disturbance. It was ten to one but that some lives would
have been lost Three different times had he been publickly
conducted through the metropolis. (Cheers.) And why was
this ? Because he stood alone ; because he ,acted on his own
honest views, and would not be guided by any other man.
(Cheers.) On what occasions was this honour conferred on
him ? The first was, when he came from Manchester, after
the bloody murders of St. Peter's-field (cheers,) because he

IPEECH OF MR. HUNT. 457
had escaped from the blood-thirsty. (Cheers.) For the part
he took there he was sentenced to two years and a half impri
sonment in Ilchester goal. (Shame, shame.) When his impri
sonment had expired, the brave sawyers and the people of the
metropolis came out to meet him, because they felt that he
was a persecuted man on account of his anxious desire to for
ward their interests. (Cheers.) And the people now again,
conducted him into town, because, since he had been elected
a member of parliament he had looked into himself, and
found that he was just the same unflinching, uncompromising
man as he had showed himself to be, during a twenty-five
years' struggle in the cause of the people. (Cheers.) He had
made no one promise before he came into parliament, that he
would not seduously endeavour to redeem. (Cheers.) Mr. Hunt
then went over precisely the same line of observations which
he had made at Islington, as to the necessity, in order that he
might be really useful in the House of Commons, of his being
strongly supported by the people of England He would
maintain, that for the last fifteen or sixteen years, the laws
made by that bouse were intended to take from the pockets of
the industrious poor, in order to swell the hoards of the unpro
ductive rich. He again adverted to the corn laws, which he de
scribed as reducing millions to poverty, and declared his firm
intention of calling for a repeal of those infamous laws. (Cheers.)
If his motion were seconded, the people would then see who
was for, and against them. (Cheers.) He did not know any
Englishman who would second that proposition — but he be
lieved he could find an Irishman who would do so. (Cheers.)
He should be glad to know what the newspaper press of the
metropolis was about when this great struggle was going on
at Preston ? It was perfectly silent on the subject. There
were two papers printed at Preston, which even sent forth
second and third editions relative to the election, — but these
were not quoted in London, — Mr. Alexander Baring, the
stock jobber, hid gratuitously advertised his blacking in the
House of Commons ; but if he attempted to introduce that
topic when they were face to fa e, he would make him as sick

458 MR, hunt's CHARACTER OF COBBETT.
of it as ever a dog was of eating scalding broth. (Laughter.)
The editor of * * * * was mortified at the idea of Hunt's black
guards parading the city. But he was sure there were greater
blackguards employed by him than any in the present meeting.
That individual advised shopkeepers and others to keep their
children and servants at home ; and then, observed he, Hunt
will be followed only by a few blackguards, who will be placed
in their proper situation — the kennel. He, ( Mr. Hunt) hoped,
that if any of t hem met that person, they would give him a
taste of the kennel. (We'll kennel him.) He declared it to
be his intention to bring under the notice of parliament the
recent proceedings under the special commission in Hampshire
and Wiltshire, where the peasantry had been driven to outrage
and were then visited with the severest penalty of the law.
Mr. Hunt again thanked the assembly for the manner in which
they had treated him and having proposed a vote of thanks to
the electors of Preston, and nine cheers to the same body, both
of which were carried, he retired.
Mr. Hunt was now in Parliament, and the first attack he
had to sustain, was from Cobbett, who could not endure the
idea of Mr. Hunt being returned for the very place which but
a short time before had been so blind to their own interests,
as Mr. Cobbett expresses himself, as to reject him as their
member. In every Register which appeared, Cobbett took
an opportunity of defaming the character of Mr. Hunt, when
the latter in his third address to the radical reformers of Eng
land &c, retorts upon Mr. Cobbett in the following virulent
strain. I have known this cowardly being since the year 1802, the
period when he had just fled to America, to escape being 
I knew him when he was prosecuted for a libel by the govern
ment relating to flogging the local militia men in the Isle of
Ely, when to save his carcase from improvement, he made the
abject submission to those in power, off'ering the government
never to write another fine against them, and to give up the
publishing of the Register, if they would not bring him up for
„udgment When he was sentenced to two years imprisonment

MR. HUNT'S CHARACTER OF COBBETT. 459
in Newgate. I devoted full one year of that time in visiting
him and performing all sorts of kind and friendly acts towards
him, for which as the letter now in my possession will shew,
he professed to be at the time very grateful. But when
I was sentenced to pass two years and two months in Il
chester Bastile, how did he repay my kindness ? why so far
from ever visiting me, he coward-like took, every opportunity of
abusing and vilifying me in his lying Register. I knew him in
1816 when the reform delegates were in London, at a meeting
of those delegates he opposed universal Suffrage, and the Bal
lot although he had written a Register the week before in its
favour : I knew him in 1817, when like-a dastardly coward he
fled to America from his creditors, pretending that it was the
six acts bill which drove him out of the country ; I knew him on
his return from America to England, when he was arrested at
the Crown and Anchor the first day he appeared in public,
Mr. Dolby and myself became his bail, and the way in which he
rewarded the kindness was tp endeavour to bilk his bail and
leave Mr. Dolby to pay the amount. I knew all about his af
fair with the late John Reeves* I knew all about the bill
transaction with Mr. Clement his publisher, when he went to
America and I know how in his own peculiar way he paid
those bills, I know that Mr. Hinxman sent him out a great
quantity of seeds to America, and I know they were never paid
for. I know in what situation he left all the little shopkeep
ers and tradesmen at Botley when he fled to America, and 1
know how he paid them all off by an act of bankruptcy ; when
the creature lived in Hampshire, he wished to assist me at
county meetings in Wiltshire, but he had no property in that
county, I made him a present of a freehold, a carpenters shop
and plot of ground, which let at three pounds ten shillings a
year, When he became a bankrupt and never (that I could
learn of) paid any dividend, he, I am told, never put the free
hold in his schedule, therefore the tenant still holds the freehold
* Mr Reeve of the Alien Office w<is the individual -tho managed the negoti
ation with Government; on the part of Cobbett, for the suppression of his Re-
gister. (See Cobbe'ts Life by the Author of this Work. Published by John
Saunders, 25 Newgate Street.)

460 MR. HUNT'S FIRST APPEARANCE IN PARLIAMENT.
and pays no one, it is not his, he never conveyed it to his cre
ditors, and therefore it is not theirs, and there stands the free
hold, a jeer and a bye-word for every one that possess it ; ask
the tenant whose property it is, and he replies, it is that old
rascal Cobbetfs ; I could write a volume of the fellow's infa
mies, read his Register if it amuse you, but put no trust in him
he never wrote a line about himself and his family that was
not false, at the same time that in his register he expressed his
delight at my return for Preston, I received a letter by the
same post not to believe a word of what he had written in that
Register, for it was all hypocritical falsehood, adding that
master (meaning the old ruffian) was raving about the room,
tearing his hair and vowing vengeance against me, and d  g
and blasting all the men and women of Preston as a set of un
grateful rogues and w  s, his envy, hatred and malice, were
worked up to the highest pitch of frenzy imaginable, I was e- ¦
lectedfor a place, that bad rejected him, that would have no
thing to do with such a speculating bone grubber who offered
for sale, Paine's hair in rings, when he knew that he had
scarcely a sufficiency of that commodity in his possession to fill
a single ring.
We will not follow the tirade of abuse and vilification any
further, which was carried on by both parties to an extent at
once disgraceful, to themselves, and injurious to the cause
which they meant to serve.
Mr. Hunt took bis seat in the House of Commons on Thurs
day the third of Februar)^ and the same day he presented two
petitions, one from Thorme Falcon in Somersetshire, for a
commutation of tithes, the diminution of taxation, particularly
the duty on malt, the reduction of sinecures, and the total
abolition of all places and pensions where no work is done?
and lastly, that the whole of the people may be fairly repre
sented in the House of Commons, and that in order to secure
that object the votes be taken by ballot.
Having read the prayer of his petition, Mr. Hunt expressed
himself as follows, and from which a correct estimate may be
formed of the line of conduct which he intended to pursue as

HIS FIRST SPEECH In PARLIAMENT. 461
a member of Parliament on the great question of reform, which
was then about to be brought forward.
" I know," said Mr. Hunt "who have expressed themselves
hostile to any extension of election which may effect the landed
interest, but; I, for one, am of opinion, that any measure for
reform in Parliament, having for its object the protection of
the landed interest which is so well protected already, will
not be satisfactory to the country My sentiments are pretty
well known to the country, and therefore I have no hesitation
in avowing myself a radical reformer. I have been a radical
reformer ever since 1815, the period of the passing of the
Corn Bill, since which period, I have constantly advocated the
principle that every man has a right to vote for the election of
representatives of the people. I have likewise been in favour
of the ballot which has now become so fashionable, and I
know that there are many places in the North, that will pray
not to have the curse of election at all, if they be not per
mitted to enjoy the protection of the ballot."
A short debate ensued on the presentation of this petition,
in the course of which, Mr. Cutlar Ferguson alluded to the
system of election adopted at Preston, which he openly avowed
was not one that he expected, as bordering on universal suff
rage. On Mr. Hunt, however, bringing up another petition
from a district in Manchester praying for universal suffrage
and vote by ballot, he entered into a justification of the mode
of election adopted at Preston, and of his conduct during that
election, which through a venal press, had been much misrepre
sented, and at the conclusion, he said, " that on the part of his
constituents he disclaimed any hostility towards the ministry,
and if they propose vote by ballot and an extensive suffrage,
they shall have my support, but if they do not include those
two objects in their measure of reform, they may as well aban
don it altogether, tor it will give no satisfaction to the country."
Mr. Hunt then gave notice of his intention to move for leave
to bring in a bill for a total repeal of the Corn Laws, and to
establish the importation and exportation of corn free of any
duty or restraint.

462 MR. hunt's motion.
On the question of the general fast on which an argument
ensued on the presentation of a petition from the members of
the Fitzroy Episcopal Chapel, in London Street Fitzroy
Square, Mr. Hunt observed, " there is a notice on the paper
by one honourable member for a general fast, and the honour
able member, who presented the petition seems inclined to
support that proposition. I would ask those honourable
members, whether or not they are aware that one third of
the population of this kingdom fasts almost every day in the
year." Mr. Perceval said, " I will answer that question by asking
another, whether the honourable member is aware who is the
giver of all blessings and the dispenser of all mercies ?" Mr.
Hunt replied, "I am perfectly aware of the object of the ho
nourable member in putting such a question to me. I am
aware who is the giver of all goodness, but I am also aware
that the honourable member and other members of this
House, who take from the poor, deprive them of the benefit,
which the Almighty intended for them."
On the 8th of February, Mr. Hunt brought forward his im
portant motion. " That a humble address be presented to his
majesty, praying that he will be graciously pleased to grant a
general pardon and amnesty to those unfortunate agricultural
and other laboureis who had been tried and convicted at the
late special commissions."
To show, however, the sense which the House entertained
of this motion, it must be stated, that, with the exception of
Mr. Hume, who seconded it not another member could be
found to support it, and when Mr. Hume rose for the pur
pose of inducing Mr. Hunt to withdraw his motion, rather
than be left in a most miserable minority, he would not allow
of the motion being withdrawn, but that it should be pressed to
division ; the latter after a very protracted debate was adopted,
when the numbers were — -for the motion 2, against it 269 ! I
Mr. Hunt and Mr. Hume, the mover and seconder, formed the
minority.* Mr. Hunt was equally unsuccessful in his motion
* Mr. Hunt and Mr. Hume for some time afterwards enjoyed in the House
of Commons the soubriquet of No. 2.

PETITIONS PRESENTED BY MR. HUNT. 463
for a copy of the regulations in the ' goal at Fisherton, and
whether the written defence of Lush did or did not come into
the hands of the gaoler. Mr. Hunt on this occasion with
drew his motion, considering that he had in some measure
gained his point by drawing the attention of his majesty's go
vernment to the state of the county gaols.
On the 11th of February, Mr. Hunt presented three peti
tions two, of which did not contribute by any means to elevate
his character in the opinion of the House of Commons, nor
with the pubhc at large. The first petition was from the
inhabitants and working classes of Coleford in the forest of
Dean, against the practice of paying labourer's wages by
goods. The second petition was from an assembly of persons
held at the celebrated or rather notorious Rotunda in Black-
friars Road, praying the House to address the king for a ge
neral pardon and amnesty to those convicted under the spe
cial commissions. Mr. Hunt adverting to his former motion
on that subject, only moved that the petition do lie on the
table, but he afterwards stated that he disavowed any connec
tion with the petitioners, namely, Mr. Cobbett, Mr. Carlile,
Mr. Jones or Mr. Taylor, or any other of the persons, who
lecture for money at the Rotunda, and further, he threw him
self upon the protection of the House, in consequence of some
threats of violence, which had been made by one of the parties
assembhng there, closing his remarks with stating that if
the House would not protect him, he knew how to protect
himselfi The third petition was from Southampton, the sentiments
of which Mr. Hunt considered as well worthy the attention of
the house. The petitioners in the first place disowned any
connexion with a petition presented from Southampton, pray
ing for a general fast for they alleged that they had had quite
fasting enough. The petitioners prays that the House will,
instead of addressing the crown for a day of general fasting,
after having effected a large .reduction of the taxes which op
press the people, and after having passed an efficient bill of re-
39. vol. H. 3 o

4G4 ANNOYANCE GIVEN TO MR. HUNT.
form, address his majesty for a general feast and jubilee to be
proclaimed throughout the kingdom.
The presentation of this petition occasioned a general laugh
in the House, Mr. Hunt alone preserving a grave and solemn
countenance. It was a subject, he said, not to be laughed at
and he was certain there was not a member in the House, who
would laugh, if he had a good appetite and nothing to eat
On the same day, Mr. Hunt dehvered his sentiments on va
rious subjects, the House being in a committee of supply ; but
a strong conviction must by this time have been impressed on
his mind, that the House Was by no means in a disposition to
pay any attention to his speeches, or to consider them of any
importance in the way of imparting information, or throwing
any new or peculiar light upon the subjects under discussion.
He frequently was interrupted by the coughing of the members
and the cries of question, question, and the former having been
earned to what, Mr. Hunt considered an unjustifiable extent
he said, "If honourable members hope to cough me down,
they are mistaken, I will wait. If gentlemen persist in inter
rupting me, I will move the adjournment of the House imme
diately, and Mr. Speaker, I do now move, as the House will
not hear me, that this House do now adjourn. Mr. Warbur-
ton seconded the motion. In deference, however, to the feel
ing of the House, Mr. Hunt withdrew his motion, and although
he was invited by the Chancellor of the Exchequer to resume
his speech, he declined again to address the House.
When Mr. Perceval brought forward the question of an
address to his majesty, praying to appoint a general fast Mr.
Hunt rose and moved an adjournment of the House. Not a
single member, however, would second his motion, and Mr.
Hunt resumed his seat, saying " I have kept my word, and I
have done."
On the 21st when the House was m a committee of supply,
Mr. Hunt again received the most un courteous behaviour from
the members, who continually annoyed him during his speech
by the cries of question, question, on which Mr. Hunt said,

MR. HUNT'S SPEECH ON THE REFORM BILL. 4tj£>
if gentlemen are anxious to go home, they are at full liberty
to do so, as soon as the clock strikes twelve, I shall move
the adjournment ; I am reminded that the clock in this House
does not strike, never mind, as soon it moves to twelve, I shall
move the adjournment but I have a great deal more to say yet."
This announcement was received with reiterated cries of ques
tion, question, but Mr. Hunt was not be to put down, and con
cluded by moving an amendment that the army instead of being
increased from 81,000 to 88,000 be reduced to 71,000. On this
amendment Mr. Hunt divided the House, when there appeared,
for it 6, against it 250.
On the first of March, Lord John Russell brought in his
bill for the reform in Parliament, and as the whole of the pro
ceedings on that most important measure are before the public5
we shall content ourselves with giving Mr. Hunt's speech on
that occasion, especially as some parts of it exposed him to the
animadversions of his constituents, on the ground, that he should
have given his unqualified support to the ministers, and not have
coupled with it the subjects of universal suffrage and ballot as
it was better to take the boon that was offered with its de-
ficienc.es, rather than lose it altogether by a division on a subject
which might be left open to future discussion.
sm, — I rose several times last night in the hope of catching the
Speaker's eye, but I was not lucky enough to suceeed. I have two
reasons for wishing to obtrude myself thus early on the attention of
the House ; — first, because I have been for the last ten days labour
ing under indisposition, and I am afraid I shall not be able to deli
ver my sentiments late in the debate, and secondly, because I do
not anticipate that I shall learn any thing new from the eloquent
speeches of Honourable Members on either side of the House, about
this great question cf Reform, to the consideration of which I have
devoted a great portion of my life. I have hitherto listened to what
has fallen from Honourable Members, attentively and acutely — aye
most acutely — and particularly to the statement of the Noble Lord
opposite, the Paymaster of the Forces; and I have no hesitation in
saying that the measure brought forward by the Noble Lord has gone
far beyond what I anticipated. I have been alluded to personally

466 MR. HUNT'S SPEECH ON THE HEFORM BILL.
several times during the present debate; and having taken so promi.
nent a part out of doors with respect to the question of Reform, I am
sure that I shall not be considered presumptuous, if I now sincerely
and honestly declare my sentiments in this House. I shall do so the
more unequivocally, because I am convinced that the observations I
am about to make will express the voice of millions. (Hear, hear)
I acknowledge that the measure of Government now proposed by
the Noble Lord, goes beyond my expectations. And I confess that I
did not think that Ministers would have been able to have gone so
far as they have done, I am sorry, however, that he has not men
tioned one topic in the course of his speech, namely, the period for
the duration of Parliaments. I also regret that the Noble Lord, in
explaining the measure to the House, has so unequivocally expressed
his opinion against the ballot and universal suffrage. The Noble
Lord wishes, it seems, to steer a middle course between the two con
tending parties — that which desires no reform, and that which is
anxious for a more extensive, and, what the Noble Lord has chosen
to designate, a visionary reform. I sincerely hope that the Noble
Lord will not verify the old adage, that between two stools a man
is likely to come to the ground. The Honourable and Learned
Member for Newport has declared himself against any reform what
ever, and has called upon the House to adopt his views. The Ho
nourable and Learned Member, in the first place, accuses the Noble
Lord opposite of going too far, and says that he is opposed to all re
form. And then in the latter part of his speech, as if for the pur
pose of currying favour with such reformers as I am, declares that
the Noble Lord has not gone far enough to satisfy the wishes of the
people. I shall not take the trouble to refute the Honourable and
Learned Gentleman's arguments, because the latter part of the Ho
nourable and Learned Gentleman's speech completely answers the
former part. I have listened to the speech of the Honourable Mem
ber for Gatton, who has boldly expressed himself opposed to re
form; and having heard the Honourable Member cheered by his
side of the House, I shall assume that the sentiments of the Honour
able Member are the same, as are entertained by his side of the
House ; and as the Honourable and Learned Member for Calne has
been cheered by the other side, I assume for the sake of argument,
that that Honourable and Learned Gentleman represents the feel-
in as of his side of the House.

MR. HUNT'S SPEECH ON THE REFORM BILL. 467
" The Honourable and Learned Gentleman unequivocally declared
himself against universal suffrage; and his reason for supporting the
measttre of the Noble Lord opposite was, that it admitted the middle
classes, who would join the higher orders to exclude the lower classes
from the elective franchise. I am sorry that such an opinion should
have been expressed, if this measure is intended for the purpose of
conciliation. If the Honourable and Learned Gentleman had any
real and honest intention to conciliate the people, would he have
spoken of them in the manner he has done ? I would have asked
the Honourable ancLLearned Member, had he not left the House,
whether, when he called the people a rabble, and unfit to be trusted
with the elective franchise, he was willing to exempt that rabble from
paying taxes and serving in the militia ? because if he did, then, and
then only, would there be any sense in his observations. My opi
nions are well known to the country. I have fearlessly and manfully
advocated the rights of the people ; and I should be unworthy a seat
in this House, if, on an occasion like the present, I did not advocate
the same sentiments here, that I have always done out of the House ;
/ have always contended for the right of every one to have a share
in the elective franchise, because, I have been taught to believe that
the constitution of England admits of this principle — that represen
tation and taxation go band m hand, and that no man ought to be
called upon to pay taxes, unless he has a share in the representation.
Am I to be told, that the people, who have fought the battles of the
country — the lower orders, whom I call the useful classes of society —
are to be called upon to pay taxes on every article of human subsist
ence, and to be afterwards denied the right of choosing their repre
sentatives ] lam told that the House should agree to give the elect
ive franchise to the middling classes, with a view to keep down, and
of preventing the lower classes attaining it. I plainly tell the House
— and 7" speak the voice of millions, — that such exclusive doctrine
will give no satisfaction out of doors. I am delighted that the rotten
boroughs are all to be sacrificed. Some Honourable Members have
called the measure proposed by the Noble Lord, not reform, but a
revolution, and an alteration of the constitution. Now I will admit
that statement to be correct the moment it is proved that rotten bo
roughs are part of the constitution. When the Honourable and
Learned Member for Calne talked of the rabble he looked very hard
at me. (A laugh from several Honourable Members)

468 MR- hunt's speech on the reform bill.
Mr. Hunt. — " I understand the meaning of that laugh, and I am
only sorry that the Honourable and Learned Member for Calne did
not remain in his place, that I might have looked at him, while I
used the language I am about to utter. I would tell him, when he
proposes to exclude the working classes from the enjoyment of the
right of voting for representatives to this House, that if you deprive
them of this privilege, you ought to exempt them from the payment
of taxes, and from serving in ihe army and navy, and fighting
the battles of the country. I say, in reason and justice, you ought
to do so ; and I ask the Honourable Member whether he is prepared
to do this, and at the same time I ask him, if he knows what
class of men it is, that return many of the Members of this House ?
How is this House constituted? How are many Members of it
elected? Look to the borough of Ilchester, and the borough of
Ludgershall, and those of Cornwall, and see what classes of men re
turn Members to this House. I will tell the House of a fact, which
has come to my knowledge, and which bears on this particular point.
In the borough of Ilchester, where I was sent to gaol for two years
and six months, for advocating the cause of reform. (A laugh
from several Honourable Members)
Mr. Hunt — " I understand the meaning of that laugh again ; —
but I repeat that in Ilchester many of the electors are of the most
degraded and the lowest class, who can neither read nor write, and
who always take good care to contract debts to the amount of .£35
previous to an election, because they know that those debts will be
liquidated for them by the candidate. Is this then, the class of men
whom the House is to be told represents the property of the country ?
I am one who think that this House ought to be what it professes to
be — the Commons House of Parliament, representing the feeling
and interest of all the common people in England. I do not stand
up to approve of the disfranchisement of any persons, because I have
always contended for the right of the whole people of England to
have a share in the representation. That the people of England
are perfectly competent to choose proper representatives, I am fully
convinced. I have been in the habit, for many years past, of at
tending large public meetings, composed of persons, whom the Ho
nourable and Learned Member for Calne has chosen to call rabble,
but I will undertake to say that they are a much more intelligent
rabble than the electors of Calne, who elect the Honourable Mcmhcr,

MR. HUNT'S SPEECH ON THE REFORM BILL. 469
Calne is one of the most degraded of rotten boroughs ; and I wonder
by what chance the ministers have overlooked that most rotten and
stinking hole of corruption in their sweeping measure of reform.
We have been told by the Honourable and Learned Member for
Calne, that if the present measure is not conceded to the middle
classes, we shall have revolution and massacre. What sort of massacre
is it that the Honourable and Learned Member has alluded to ? I re
member that the people of Manchester assembled together in 1819, as
legally and as peaceably as the Honourable Members are now assem
bled, in this House. The people were assembled for the purpose of pe
titioning for a reform in Parliament and a repeal of the Corn Laws ;
and their petition was couched in much more respectful and moderate
language than many petitions which have recently been presented
to this House. Then indeed there was a massacre.
Several Honourable Members. — No ! no ! no !
Mr. Hunt. — " I say yes, yes, yes, the meeting was legally and
peaceably assembled and what was the result ? Why a drunken and
infuriated yeomanry — (order, order, question, question) — with newly.
sharpened sabres— (question, question) — rushed among the peopie
and chopped them to pieces. — (no, no, order) — They slaughtered to
death fourteen, — (no, no) — cut and badly wounded six hundred and
eighteen. — (Here the cries of dissent and question became so loud
and frequent as to interrupt the Honourable Member for some time.
At length, exerting all the strength of his powerful voice, he exclaimed
in a tone which was heard above all the noise which prevailed in the
House.) — Where is the man who says no % I repeat that this infuriated
yeomanry murdered fourteen— (mo, no, order, question) — wounded
and slaughtered six hundred and eighteen — (question, question,
order)— of as peaceable and as well disposed subjects of his ma
jesty, and as legally assembled as any I see around me at this present
moment. At that meeting, I was advocating the cause of reform and
I am astonished to hear the Noble Lord— the paymaster of the forces,
say, in bringing forward the present measure, that the government
had not taken up the question before, because the people of England
had not called upon them in a manner to justify the interference of
government. The people of England have for many years past,
been anxious for reform, and in the years 1816, 1817, 1818, and
1819, loudly expressed their wishes for some measure to amend the
state of the representation ; and how were their complaints attended

470 MR. HUNT'S SPEECH ON THE REFORM BILL.
to, how were their prayers answered ? — By dungeon bills, and
suspensions of the Habeas Corpus Act. I do not believe that minis
ters, in bringing forward the present measure, have yielded to any
thing like intimidation, or are frightened by the violent language of
the petitions which have been presented to the House ; yet those who
have watched the signs of the times must know, that until some
measure of reform is granted, there will be danger. I do not condemn
the ministers for not going the full length of my views upon the sub
ject ; on the contrary, I will give the measure they have introduced
the support of my humble powers, both indoors and out of doors,
If, indeed, they had only gone the length of disfranchising one rotten
borough, they will have my support upon principle. I am sorry for
the intemperate language which the Honourable and Learned Mem
ber for Calne has been betrayed into, as it has a tendency to create a
great division out of doors, and make the people believe that it is a
question of the middle against the lower classes. The tendency of
such arguments is, that because the working classes are poor, and
because they are suffering, they are to be deprived of their rights ;
and I fear that when they hear the nature of the measure proposed
and the arguments by which some persons support it, they will not
view it with much gratification. I do not wish the rabble, as the
Honourable and Learned Member for Calne designated them, to
have votes, but I contend that the labouring mechanic, who pays
from three to ten pounds a year in rent, and who earns his fifteen to
thirty shillings per week, will give as independent and honest a vote
as any person ; and .1 give notice, that if the labouring classes are
excluded from the representation, I shall move that they be exempted
from serving in the militia, navy or army, and from paying taxes.
When we depart from principle we always get into difficulties. And
I appeal to the lawyers, whether the principle of the constitution is
not, that all men are entitled to a share in the representation ? When
any man is indicted in a court of justice, and pleads in mitigation,
that he is ignorant of having committed any offence against the
laws, he is told, that he ought to know what the laws are, because
he is a party to the making those laws by himself, or by his repre
sentative. I certainly think that the scene which was exhibited in
this House yesterday, when the Noble Lord brought forward the re
form measure, has never been equalled since the time of the Revo-

MR. HUNT'S SPEECH ON THE REFORM BILL. 471
lution, when Cromwell marched his troops into the House, turned
the members out and ordered the bauble of a mace to be removed.
When 1 Was tried, condemned, and sentenced to suffer two years
and six months imprisonment in a loathsome dungeon. — ¦
Several Honourable Members. — Question, question.
Mr. Hunt. — " I think it very extraordinary that while some mem
bers in arguing this question of reform, have gone back to the time
of Edward III, I am not allowed to refer to transactions which have
taken place within the last twenty years.
Several Honourable Members. — Question, question.
Well, then, I tell the people of England that the man they sent
to this House to advocate their rights, is not allowed to be heard.
, Seveial Honourable Membeis. — No ! no !
Mr. Hunt. — But I say yes 1 yes ! once more. Then I repeat, I
was condemned to suffer two years and six months imprisonment in
a solitary dungeon, for advocating this question, which is now advo
cated by so many Honourable Members of this House. I little expected
to be present when such a measure of reform would be proposed by
government ; though I knew that Lord Chatham had said, " that if
reform did not come from within, it would come from without with a
vengeance." The Honourable and Learned Member foi Calne, said
that none but a few crazy radicals in the streets, would ever dream of
invading the rights of the throne. I ask the Honourable and Learned
Member, where any of these crazy radicals are to be met with ? I am
as thorough going a radical as ever paced the Strai.d, but I defy the
Honourable and Learned Gentleman to prove that I have ever pro
posed to attack the privileges of the crown, though I have often enough
protested against the profligate extravagance of the family on the
throne. It is the profligacy of the two last reigns, the extravagance
of the family on the throne, and the misconduct of this House in
pandering to that profligacy, which have brought the institutions of
the country into disrepute. I would not object to the passing of a civil
list, but I do object to the profligacy of that family which has brought
the institutions of the country into disrepute, and which has encoura
ged the demoralizationof this House, to the situation to which this
House and the country have been brought, the royal family, I contend,
have mainly contributed. (While Mr. Hunt was stating this, he
looked the Duke of Cumberland, who was sitting under the gallery,
39.— vol. h. 3 p

472 MR. HUNT'S SPEECH ON THE REFORM BILL.
fall in the face.) I hope that the measure before the House will be
carried, if only because it gives the country an increase of 500,000
electors ; although I could tell the Honourable and Learned Member
for Calne, that ten times the number of good and honest voters will
still be excluded. I trust that when the Honourable Member has
occasion to speak on the subject again, he will remember this, and
deliver himself with a different temper and tone when he has occasion
to mention the state of the people. It has been said that ten pounds
is the proper qualification, but I think the best vote is that, which
comes from the industrious artificer or manufacturer, who earns from
fifteen shillings to three pounds a week, and I am determined in the
course of these discussions, to take an opportunity of submitting a
proposition on that subject, to the consideration of the House. I
repeat that all who pay taxes should have a vote, and I know the
feeling to be strong in the metropolis, that in the city of London a
number of persons who had no vote, returned that circumstance as a
ground of exemption in their militia paper?.
An Honourable Member. — Oh ! Oh !
Mr. Hunt.— I repeat, they consider themselves exempt, and de
mand an exemption, because they have no share in the choice of re
presentatives. In the North, I can tell the House, that many of the
young men have declared that they are determined to rot in gaol
rather than serve in the militia, unless they obtain a voice in the
choosing of members of Parliament.
A n Honourable Member — No ! no !
Mr. Hunt— I say yes, and I will go further. I will tell Honour
able Members, that if I were in their situation, I would do the same.
If I am deprived of my right of speaking in this House, I shall na
turally take another course. The law says, that if a man drawn to
serve in the militia, refuses to do so, he is to be committed to prison •¦
and I for one, think that I should be right, under such circumstances
to take the consequence of a refusal. I know what it is to be in goal
I was confined two years and a half, and I know that persecution
never makes converts or alters opinions. Although I look with re
spect on the Right Honourable Baronet near me, and respect his
high talents, I remember the time when I was in his custody. But
now, independent of his high talents and his large fortune, I am on
an equal footing with respect to him— for, standing in this House as

MR. HUNT'S SPEECH ON THE REFORM BI£L. 473
the representative of the people of Preston, I consider myself quite
as high in the scale of society as the Right Honourable Baronet who
represents the borough of Tamworth. (Hear, hear) I do so, be
cause I am a representative of the people, and my constituents are
as respectable as his. I know no way in which my constituents are
affected by this measure ; but if they are, and a great constitutional
object is about to be achieved, I shall be willing to make a sacrifice.
I beg it, however, to be remembered, that I consider the borough
of Preston as good as any in the kingdom. Is it because they pos
sess universal suffrage, that it can be said they have chosen impro
per men to represent them ? certainly not. They have chosen
for their representatives at different periods, members from some of
the highest families in the kingdom, and for two sessions they have
returned the Secretaiy for Ireland; and the exeicise of their privilege
has never been found fault with, until now. I, it is true, do not pos
sess large property. The late government took care that I should
not become rich ; for it placed me in gaol : but did I seek the suff
rages of the people of Preston 1 After the massacre of Manchester, I
was invited to stand for that borough, then under the influence of
the great manufacturers, and although the good will of the electors
was as great as it has been since, I was defeated, and 400 families
were afterwards, in the year 1820, expelled from their houses and
homes, in consequence of voting for me. The people of Preston then
had been twenty years endeavouring to free themselves from the
tyranny of their masters. I did not fail to prophesy most of the con
sequences, telling thcni the case was hopeless I feared, because I was
resolved never to spend a shilling in securing my return, never ex.
pecting to be their representative, until there was a reform in Par.
liament and vote by ballot. (A laugh from some Honourable
Members.) Mr. Hunt — There is no need of that expression of surprise. Has
not the Noble Lord, the member for Devonshire, told as plainly as
I have done, how elections are secured ? But to return to Preston
and *ny last election — is it not clear that the people have emancipated
themselves, when, in the short space of three days, whilst I was
distant 250 miles, not less than 3008 persons voted for the
man of their own choice ? And why did they not vote for the Right
Honourable Member for Windsor ? Not because they had any hosti
lity to him — for they respected both him and his family, and they

474 MR. HUNTS SPEECH ON THE REFORM BILL.
knew him to be a man of ability — but because they nad read in the act
of settlement that no placeman or pensioner should have a seat in the
House of Commons, and the electors of Preston did not chuse to be
made a party to the fraud of electing a placeman to sit in that House.
It was on this account that they did not re-elect the Right Honour
able Member for Windsor on his accepting a place. I hope the
Honourable Member for Calne will not let it go forth to the country
that he desires the present measure to succeed, with a view to pre
vent the lowei classes having any share in the choice of the Members
of this House. I trust he will take an opportunity of explaining
himself on this point. I hope that this measure will be carried, and
that there will be no re-action, although I may ask, how can the
great mass of the people be called on to come forward and ask this
House to support a reform, from the benefits of which they are to
be excluded, and which is mtende'l foi those above them ? I myself
cannot see the good sense of the restriction in the Noble Lord's
bill— namely, that a man who rents a house at £9. per annum shall
not have a vote, whilst he at £10 has. Surely any one who says that
property should be represented (I have never maintained that it
should not) will hardly contend that a voter at £9. rental is not fit to
be considered as a good voter, and as pure, as one at £10. I under
stand in every session of Parliament we are accustomed to hear a
declaration read from this table that it is a high crime and misde
meanour for a member of the peerage to interfere in the election of
members to the House of Commons, Yet what is the use of this
declaration practically ? How is it evaded ? There are some who
object that this is so sweeping a measure of reform that they must
of course, go further, and sweep out the House of Lords. If there is
any thing dirty there, in God's name let it be swept ; but I think
tbey themselves are the persons entitled to attempt it. I will pre
dict one thing, that if the voters are protected by the ballot, this
measure will be productive of a substantial reform, and prove satis
factory. Without that it will be neither ; and it will only, in my
mind, aggravate the evil, and make the representation more corrupt
than it is at this hour. In truth and in fact, the voters will under the
reformed system, require the protection of the ballot to enable them
to act more freely than before. As to the alarm felt at the probable
increase of agitation abroad, I do not share in that fear : I have re
collected agitation in my time, and although the Noble Lord thinks

MR. HUNT'S SPEECH ON THE REFORM BILL. 475
that there will be no agitation, and assures the House that there will
be none; yet I know from good authority, that there will be such
agitation in this country as has never been seen before; I ex
pect there will be meetings all over England. The Noble Lord
says, that there are now no persons going about the country agitating
this question, and that the itinerant orators are not heard of now.
It is not necessary that the people should be excited to. call for re
form, for they now demand it from one end of the country to the
other. There are to be meetings of the Common Hall, and the
Common Council, and there will be meetings held throughout the
kingdom, on the subject of reform. While I have the power to address
myself to this House, and am listened to with attention, I will do very
little out of doors. Here I have the privilege of speaking that which
I conceive is likely to benefit the cause I espouse ; and I therefore
leave to others the task of doing the work elsewhere. I have done
that long enough, let others work in that way. I assure the House
that no new light has broken in upon me with reference to this
matter, for I have always held the same opinions. At purity of
election dinners, and elsewhere, — where a little knot of political
members condescend once a year to meet 'their constituents, and
where I have heard them utter language they would not have dared
to make use of in this House, — I have always recommended that
such persons should be sent to say those things in the place, where
the whole world would hear them, and benefit from them ; and that by
rendering duty to their constituents, those constituents might also
be left to play their own part when the occasion required it. I may
occasionally have been led to use expressions respecting this House
which are thought disrespectful : but I confess I have in some mea
sure been misled by others, and that with the exception_of some in«
terruptions, of which I can scarcely complain more than others, and at
which, therefore, I am not angry, I am bound to say, that I have
been mistaken with respect to the character of its members, and
that it does not deserve all the censure 1 have sometimes cast on it.
I have little more to say ; for I have already trespassed too long on
the attention of the House ; but I must add, that those who say the
ballot will make men greater hypocrites, seem to know little of hu
man nature or of society. They do not seem to recollect, that, at
the clubs of the higher class in England, the ballot is constantly re
sorted to as a means of evading the odium of a vote; but if any man

476 OPINIONS ON THE SPEECH.
were to say, that in these clubs the ballot made its members hy
pocrites, he would have his heart made a very cullender with bullets
The principal of the measure in question is founded on property, and
intended for its protection; but I am prepared to contend, that
without the ballot, the principle would be wholly defeated in its
operation. I must apologize for having trespassed on the House so
long. I do not often do so, but the importance of the occasion must
be my apology ; I know the anxiety with which the House wishes to
hear the Right Honourable Baronet and the Learned Member for
Boroughbridge ; and I confess I share in that anxiety, for I have not
yet heard a single argument or observation on the subject of reform
with which I have not been familiar for the last twenty years. I am
sure that they will not make use of my arguments to serve their pur
poses. I say that you must have a great and efficient reform if you
would prevent a revolution. The Honourable Member for New
port said that the lower classes are in favour of a revolution, but I
can tell that Honourable Gentleman that he will not find one indus
trious man among them in favour of a revolution — they alf say,
' Let us have a thorough reform, to avoid the necessity of a revolu
tion." I hope that, if opposition is (o be offered to this meaure of
reform, there may be some reason found in those who offer it.
In regard to this speech, various opinions were hazarded
upon it but the real truth was, ttiat it pleased neither party,
and thus from the beginning almost of his Parhamentary ca
reer, Mr. Hunt may be said to have almost stood alone in the
House. He was not with the Tories, nor was he with the
Whigs, but he stood there "alone in his glory" as the champion
of universal" soffrage and the ballot to neither of which was
either of the great political parties inclined.
It was not, however, to be expected that Mr. Hunt superior
as he was in many respects to Mr. Cobbett, could escape a se
vere castigation from the pen of that individual, in whose
breast still rankled a deal of malicious animosity towards Mr.
Hunt, on account of his having been returned for a place, by
the electors of which, he had been rejected. Mr. Hunt had
also given an additional offence to Mr. Cobbett in coupling

COBBETT's OPINION OF THE SPEECH. 477
his name with those of Carlisle, Taylor, and Jones, in the pe
tition which he presented from a meeting at the Rotunda,
against the prosecution instituted against Mr. O'Connell, and
in which Mr. Hunt disclaimed all connection with those in
dividuals or with Mr. Cobbett. In the Register of the 12th
of February, Cobbett thus lays his heavy bludgeon on the
member for Preston,
" The hackerings, the stammerings, the boggleings, the
blunderings, and the cowerings down of the Preston Cock, I
should not have noticed, though they have given a spring to
the shoulders, and a lifting of the hands and the eyes of all
those, who expected any thing from him, and is this, the use
to which he means to turn the power which the people of
Preston have put into his hands ? Was it for this that the good,
and sincere, and generous people of Preston sent him to the
Parliament House ? It was not however, only in the Register
of the 12th of February but in many subsequent ones, that
Mr. Hunt was exposed to as galling a fire from the battery of
the Register, as ever was directed towards an individual.
Every little incident, every little disparaging circumstance was
carefully and malevolently raked up, by which the character
of Mr. Hunt could be assailed and injured, and it must be
added, that a strict adherence to truth was never a decided
feature in the character of Mr. Cobbett, many exaggerations
and misstatements defiled the pages of the Register, some of
which, however, were so glaring, as to carry with them their
own refutation. A war of scurrility and abuse then com
menced between the two radical leaders, with not the slightest
benefit to themselves, but a direct injury to the cause which
they had espoused, and in the prosecution of which, they were
looked up to as the chief supporters.
In regard, however, to the disclaimer of Mr. Hunt of his hold
ing any connection with the political characters, who at that time
formed the junta, who sent forth their inflammatory speeches
from the Rotunda in the Blackfriars Road, it must have been
a wonderful act of forgetfulness in him, not to designate it by
a harsher term, for we find him at the very time that he made

478 MR. HUNT'S INFLUENCE IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Eis avowal in the House of Commons, of holding no connection
with the Rotunda politicans actually presiding at a meeting irf
that place, at which, some violent resolutions were passed rela
tive to the rights of the people to universal suffrage and the
ballot. It is these glaring mis-statements, which threw such a
deep shade over the character both of Hunt and Cobbett and
placed in the hands of their enemies a weapon, which they knew
well how to employ to the injury of the offending individuals.
On directing our attention to the first Parliamentary cam
paign of Mr. Hunt, we there find, that powerful and influen
tial as he might exhibit himself, when addressing a multitude
from the top of a table or from one of his blacking vans, his
influence in the House of Commons was at the lowest posible
ebb. He was a member sui generis for none of the great leading
parties could claim him as belonging to them. He vented
his abuse indiscriminately on Whig and Tory. The leaders
of the former party, were bullies, profligate, thick-headed,
truculent traitors to the cause of reform, whilst the latter were
copiously bespattered with the foulest vilification, which could
flow from the mouth of an uneducated man. In his pubhshed
addresses to the radical reformers of England, Scotland, and Ire
land, he represents himself in the House of Commons as car
rying every thing before him — as having an influence and a
standing in the House superior to that of any other person,
and this vaunted superiority was made to consist in him sup
posing himself to be the representative of the millions, whilst
all the other members around him were nothing more than
the tools and instruments of the boroughmongers and the aris
tocrats. There were, however, some votes which Mr. Hunt
gave that conferred upon him great credit, although it may li
terally be said that he almost stood alone. His opposition to
the grant of money to the queen and the Princess Victoria
was founded on a proper regard to the interests of the people
but a single voice could not prevent the representatives of the
people from voting away their money to satisfy the rapacious
maw of the royal cormorants.
The motion which Mr. Hunt made for the repeal of the

DEFEAT OF MR. HUNt's MOTIONS. 479
corn laws, in which he displayed considerable knowledge of
the subject particularly in its practical details, was met with
that decided opposition, not only from the ministers, but from
the great land owners, who had seats in the House, that it
may be designated one of the most decided failures, which the
session of 1831 exhibited. In the generality of his motions
he was left in a pitiful minority, sometimes not more than two
or three voting for him, it appearing to be the determination
of the House to crush him, and to show him that the House
of Commons was not the sphere in which he was calculated to
shine, or in fact that he had any business there at all. On
his motion for an address to his majesty, for an act of grace
for the misguided men, who had been convicted of breaking
thrashing machines and committing other outrages, destruc
tive of the internal tranquillity of the country, he was sup
ported by only three members, Mr. Hume, Mr. O 'Gorman
Mahon, and the late Mr. Dawson, being one from each
country, one Englishman, one Scotchman, and one Irishman.
On the question of the increase of the army to 10,000, Mr.
Hunt moved that it be reduced 10,000, but here again
he was supported by only two members. When the civil list
came under consideration, it appeared to Mr. Hunt, that King
William the Fourth professing himself to be a Whig king,
should not get as much from the people as George the Fourth
who was a Tory king, but in despite of this sensible opinion,
the Whigs carried it, and further, when Mr. Hunt and Mr.
Hume moved for a committee to inquire who were not entitled
to have their pensions continued, the Chancellor of the Exche
quer with the whole House opposed the granting of a com
mittee, and Mr. Hunt and Mr. Hume stood alone in the
minority. It was well known to the ministers, and indeed to the country
at large, that there was a clique surrounding his majesty, at
the head of which, appeared the ci-devant pauper Princess of
Saxe Meiningen, supported by that rare and unique specimen
of the centaur, commonly known by the style and title of the
39. — vol. n. 3 Q

480 PROFUSE GRANT TO THE QUEEN.
Duke of Cumberland, the aim and extent of which clique, were
to use every means, however foul they might be, of preventing
those measures of reform taking place for which the people
were so clamorous, and which the ministers under the fear
and certainty of losing their places, were about to bring for
ward in Parliament. The same ministers held their places by
a pledge given to the people that the utmost economy should
be used in the expenditure of the public money, but they found
themselves here upon the horns of a dilemma. The king was
considerably advanced in years, and as he had chosen to
marry a young wife, it was most probable that the people of
this country would be blessed with the knowledge of her ex
istence long after his majesty had been consigned to the tomb
of all the Guelphs.
This circumstance was greedily seized upon by the econo
mical Whig ministers, to show to her majesty, that although
they were fully aware of all her intrigues and machinations to
arrest the progress of reform, yet that they were imbued with
such a sense of regard for her disconsolate situation, supposing
her to appear in the character of a widow, and actuated by a
noble spirit of forgetfulness of all the hatred which she bore
for them, and which she did not hesitate to show on every oc
casion which came within her power, they proposed to the faith
ful Commons, that they should grant to her majesty the sum of
£100,000 a year in the case of the death of the old patriot
Whig king, with two palaces, in addition to one in London
and the other at Bushey, at which the king, her husband, had
lived with Mrs. Jordan, by whom, us the English people know
and feel to their cost, the said king, when Duke of Clarence,
had a numerous and expensive family, saddled upon the back
of John Bull for their support, and to whom, had the Whig
poor law then been in force, the said bastards could only have
looked for support the father by the said law being exempt
from the maintenance of his illegitimate blood. If any thing
thought the truckling ministers could win the favour of the
inimical queen, and bring her over to their side, it was the

EXPENSK 01? xniS EDUCATION OF THE PRINCESS VICTORIA. 481
extraordinary attention which they showed to render every
consolation and comfort in her hapless state of widowhood,
and therefore in what manner could that desirable end be
brought about more effectually than by obtaining for her an
income of £100,000 a year, which is about ten times more
than the income of the entire principality, in which so many
princely and royal paupers have been born, and in which
(thanks be to an all bountiful Providence) the present Queen
of England first condescended to enjoy the light of Heaven,
The measure was brought forward by ministers, and passed
with a knot of their most servile supporters around them, at
between two and three o'clock in the morning, when the ma
jority of the members had left the house, supposing that no
business of any importance would at so late an hour have been
brought forward.
The pliant and accommodating temper of the House of Com
mons having manifested itself in this instance, the ministers
were emboldened to bring forward a grant of £10,000 a year
for the education of the Princess Victoria. Mr. Hunt oppo
sed this grant and moved that it should be reduced to £5000,
which he considered was quite enough for a child, having
£6000 a year already. So well disposed, however was the
House of Commons to expend the people's money in the edu
cation of the presumptive heiress to the crown, that Mr. Hunt
was the only member who could be found to oppose it, and
Sir Francis Burdett declared that he believed there was no
man in England, however poor, who would object to the grant,
but the member for Preston. This, however, shows Sir
Francis Burdett's ignorance of the opinion of the people of
this country, for we will venture to say, that 19 out of 20 of
the reflecting part of the community would express their
decided opposition to the grant of £16,000 a year merely for
the education of one individual, in whatever rank of life that
individual might stand. If her royal highness had a dozen
preceptors and preceptresses, and each had £500 a year for
their labour, the whole amount would be only £6000 and that
is a pretty decent sum for a people to pay to have a princess

482 GRANT FOR THE EDUCATION OF THE PRINCESS VICTORIA.
taught how to move her feet in a quadrille, how to stretch her
fingers upon a piano, how to draw o's and pothooks between
two parallel lines, or to draw a tree, or a house upon a bit of
paper, which perhaps no one would know it was a tree or a
house until the preceptor had touched up the rude production
so as to make it in any degree resembling the object which it
was meant to represent. It must, however, be taken into con
sideration, that princesses not being very common in England,
however abundant they may be in the principalities of Saxe
Meiningen, Saxe Coburg, Saxe Leiningen, or all the other
Saxes, which occupy about one degree of latitude and one of
longitude on the map of Germany ; the mode of education
adopted with them is also not of the common sort. Thus, we
find individuals appointed as the preceptresses, who are as
well calculated to instil any useful branch of knowledge into
the mind of their pupil, as one of the Chicksaw Squaws would
be to teach the etiquette of a ball room. Thus, for instance,
we find the Duchess of Northumberland, the head preceptress
of the Princess Victoria ; now we are utterly at a loss to con
sider what particular subject of education it fell to the lot of
her grace to impart to her royal highness, and further, we
are at a loss to know what subject her grace could teach, un
less it were to engraft a quantity of the Percy pride upon the
already superabundant stock of the Guelphs ; nor can we be
lieve that her grace undertook the task for the mere honour
of it there must have been an emolument attached to it and
here we have an instance of the wife of one of the richest
noblemen degrading herself by the acceptance of a douceur for
the execution of an office to which she was neither qualified
by station nor talent. It would be absurd to say, that £16,000
a year could be expended actually upon the education of any
individual, and therefore Mr. Hunt although he stood alone,
was right in his opposition to the grant. Would our limits
allow us, we could enter into a full and rather curious state
ment of the manner in which this £16,000, is drawn from the
pockets of the people, and spent upon what is called education;
whereas in reality, education in its true and legitimate sense

MR. HUNTS AMENDMENTS. 483
has as little to do with it as darkness with the sun or heat with
ice. The grant the scandalous, the infamous grant which Mr.
Hunt most vigorously, but of course unsuccessfully opposed,
was the additional grant of £160.000 and £10.000 more to
famish ttoo new rooms in Windsor Castle, £270.000 having
been already paid for furnishing the said Castle, and these
enormous grants were proposed by ministers professing the
principles of economy. The Austrian godsend, gave the extra
vagant and debauched George the Fourth £250.000 for there-
pairs and finishing of Windsor Castle, telling the public at the
same time, that the cormorant appetite of the castle, which no
thing seemed to satisfy, would certainly be satisfied, if half the
Austrian godsend were granted for the purpose. The money was
granted, upon the common principle " of lightly come, lightly
go," and a very short time elapsed before the Whig ministry
proposed a grant of a further sum of £170.000' for the mere
furniture of two rooms. In the House of Commons, only thir
teen members could be found to oppose this scandalous grant
which went to the support and encouragement of the extrava
gances of one of the most profligate princes that ever sat upon
the English throne, and when we look at some of our Henry's
and our Charles's, it is no trifling accusation.
We have already given Mr. Hunt's speech on the reform
bill, and his whole conduct throughout the progress until the
termination' of that important measure, was, it must be allowed
one of consistency and a firm support of the people's rights
When the clauses were separately considered, Mr. Hunt moved
several amendments, particularly to that clause, which enjoins
the payment of all assessed and parochial taxes to entitle a
person to vote. His amendment to that clause was, " that all
persons, householders, paying rates and taxes, should have a
vote by this bill." One member only voted for this amend
ment, and that was Alderman Wood. He then moved an
amendment That all persons excluded from voting by this
bill should be exempted from the payment of all rates and taxes
and should be exempted from serving in the militia or by im-

484 THE BOROUGHMONGERS.
pressment in the navy. This motion was carried in the nega
tive, not an individual voting for it. The motion however?
which Mr. Hunt subsequently made, put the sincerity of the
Whigs to the test and in no more appropriate words can it be
related than in Mr. Hunt's own." The Whig measure of re
form professed to put an end to nomination boroughs. Lord
John Russell, Lord Althofp, Lord Milton, Macaulay, the
member for Lord Lansdownes' rotten borough of Calne, and
all the Whig Lord Johns, Lord Bobbies, and Jemmies, and all
their Whig nominees, in nameless and countless numbers, ex
claimed in loud and glowing terms of indignation against peersi
boroughmongering peers, sending their nominees into the House
of Commons ; that House which ought to be the people's House
of Commons. Night after night, I have listened with astonish
ment and delight to hear the Whigs denounce borough nominees
and boroughmongers, sent by the duke of Newcastle, Lord
Lonsdale &c, and then the Tories have retorted back again,
denouncing the denouncers on the other side, with being the
nominees of the Duke of Devonshire, of Lord Lansdowne, of
Lord Fitzwilliam, of the Duke of Norfolk and of Lord Groves-
nor &c. &c. &c. ; such personalities, such scolding, such un
measured terms of reproach and retaliation. The borough-
mongers of both sides were denounced as having robbed and
plundered the people by means of their nominees in the House
of Commons ; the Whig Lordships and nominees being much
more coarse and unmeasured in their language than that of
the Tories, the Whigs accusing the Tories of having plundered
the people by this means for so many years. The Tories
accusing the Whigs of wishing by this bill to have the power,
the preponderating power of doing this in future themselves.
In fact the time was spent, night after night with one fac
tion accusing the other with having divided all the good things
amongst them for such a number of years. The other faction
accusing their opponents of being as bad as themselves, and
they only brought forward this Reform, which they called revo
lutionary, merely to keep the power of plundering the people
in their own hands, and that it was only meant to take the

MR. HUNT S DESCRIPTION OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 485
power out of the hands of the Tories to secure it to the Whigs.
Sometimes it was most amusing, at other times the most dis
gusting, even so, that I have often compared their squabbles
to the pot and kettle, calling each other black names, " Tanta
rarara." The abuse of the boroughmongers surpassed every
night during the debate, any ever written or spokeii by Major
Cartwright ; it surpassed and exceeded in vituperation all that
ever occured at any and at all the great radical meetings I ever
attended. I never heard anything equal to it at any of the great
out door meetings at Spa-fields, at Smithfield, at Manchester,
at Bath, at Bristol, in fact it more resembled the squabhng of
the fish women at Billingsgate ; it always ended in nearly an
equality of abuse, and to the conviction of every impartial per
son, who listened to them, that there was nearly an equality of
Whig and Tory nominees in the House of Commons, only that
the preponderance was rather in favour of the Tories as to
numbers, which had enabled them to keep a power and place
so long, to the discomfiture and to the mortal hatred and envy
of the Whigs, the hungry, gasping, gaping, and place hunting
Whigs. However it did not require much penetration to dis
cover that by this Whig reform bill, the Whigs meant very na
turally to take care of themselves. The keen eye'd penetration
of Messrs. Peel, Wetherell, and Croker, soon discovered the
workings of the scheme, and night after night they exposed
and laid bare to naked view all the artful and cunning plans of
the hungry and grasping Whigs ; night after night they de
tected and exposed the crafty sophistry of my Lord John and
his hopeful associates.* It was evident to all who did not close
their ears and their eyes, that the plan of my little Lord John
was not to do away with nomination boroughs. That it was
by no means his intention to lessen the influence of the peers
in returning members to the House of Commons, although
* It was this general and indiscriminate abuse which Mr. Hunt lavished upon
the Whigs, and his accompanying euloginm of the Tories, that gave the first
wound to the confidence which his constituents had reposed in him. It was
clear to many, and suspected by still more, that Mr. Hunt was fighting the
b.-iHle* of the Tories under radical colour?.

486 DISAPPROBATION OF MR. HUNT'S CONSTITUENTS.
cunning little Isaac took away 120 nominations from the peers
with one hand, Schedule A, yet he restored 200 nominations
to the peers with the other hand in an indirect manner the
only difference was this, that the cunning little Whig took care
in the restoration, to appropriate a much larger share of these
nominations to the Whigs than the Tories, that they may by
such means retain the power, which they have now got in their
hands, and which they have so many years been looking for in
vain. " The fate of the following clause which I moved in the
committee, at the end of the reform bill, will show the sin
cerity of Whigs as well as Tories, as to their wishing to pre
vent peers from sending their nominees into the House of
Commons. ' And be it enacted, that from and after the first
day of January 1832, if any peer of Parliament or any prelates
shall interfere in the election of any member to serve in the
Commons House of Parliament, such peer shall on conviction,
pay to the state the sum of £10,000, and be imprisoned in the
Tower for one year. And if any peer shall be convicted of
such interference a second time, he shall, on conviction, pay
to the state the sum of £20,000, and be imprisoned in his
majesty's jail of Newgate for the space of two years, and if any
peer shall be convicted of this a third time, the culprit shall
be deprived of his title, and be transported beyond the seas
for his natural life.' This motion was negatived without a di
vision, not a single member being found to support me."
Whatever may have been Mr. Hunt's own opinion of his
conduct in Parliament it is certain that he did not please
some of his constituents, particularly by some who had been
instrumental in procuring his election. We have by us the co
pies of several of Mr. Hunt's letters to Mr. John lrvin of
Preston, in which, he expresses his concern as to the disap
probation which had been manifested by Mr. Mitchell, Mr.
Johnston, and some other of his constituents. The secret
indeed, began gradually to transpire, that Mr. Hunt was any
thing but an efficient member in the House. Not one of his
motions succeeded, but on the contrary, he could scarcely find

MR. HUNTS POLITICAL CONDUCT. 487
one member in the House to support him— his own colleague
gave his support to the ministers, upon the principle that as
• the reformers could not get all they wanted, it was better to
take what they could get than to revert to the old system,
and throw the government of . the country into the hands of
the Tories. In so far, therefore, Mr. Hunt was a dangerous
member in the House, and under the show of fighting the
cause of the people, he was in reality fighting the battle of
the Tories, for the ministers scarcely brought forward any mo
tion, to which Mr. Hunt did not move an amendment, which
sometimes was so extravagant and inconsistent that it was re
jected by every member present. Mr. Hunt ought to have
seen with a single glance, that the great bodies of the reform
ers were not disposed at this period to agitate the question of
annual Parliaments, universal suffrage, and the ballot, and
therefore, had he used sound discretion, he would have fallen
into the ranks of the reformers, glad to obtain the boon which
had been wrung by the voice of the people from the haughty
aristocracy, and have left the other questions to be gained by
a future contest. Mr. Hunt however, wished to jump at once
into possession of all the advantages which his ultra-radicalism
suggested, and because he could not gain his point, he be
came the opponent of the very ministers, whom he was sent to
support and 'the systematic opposition to whom, ultimately
lost him his seat for Preston. There was, however, one clause
in the reform bill, to which the opposition of Mr. Hunt was
both politic and wise, and that was the qualification by which
an individual before his vote could be received, was obligated
to pay up all arrears of taxes, assessed and parochial, thereby
rendering the reform bill the active instrument of enforcing
the payment of the extravagant taxation of the country, before
a person could be put in possession of those rights, to which
he was entitled as an Englishman, and which ought not to have
been made dependent upon the performance of the very act
which it was the grand aim of the reformers to abolish al
together. Still, however, by a reference to the Parliamentary
40. — vol. n. 3 R

488 LETTER FROM Am. uunr.
history of the session of 1831, an accurate estimate can oe
formed of the services rendered by Mr. Hunt to the reform
interest which he himself conceived were great but which
were in an inverse ratio to what many of his constituents ex
pected from him. Mr. Hunt, however, as will be seen by the
following letter, addressed to Mr. Gilbert Martin of Black-
burne,* complains most bitterly of the manner in which he
was mis-represented by the press, and the consequent unfa
vourable impression which was made upon the minds of his
constituents. London, October 26th, 1831.
My dear Sir,
" I was from home yesterday, when your favour arrived.
I am much obliged to you for the enclosed letter to the work
ing classes of Blackburn, and the very complete answer by a
Huntite. This is the way to meet " the bill" men. Never
was such trash at any former period attempted to be imposed
upon the people. What motive could possibly induce me to
stand up against all the hired press of England, but that of
principle, that of consistency. How much easier would it
have been for me to have swam down the tide of popularity,
to have plunged into the ministerial stream, and to have ob
tained any thing that selfishness could have suggested, if I
would but have followed the example of Hume and O'Connell,
and have deserted the radicals in the hour of need and of
danger also. It has been a dreadful task, I assure you, to have
been so mis-represented, to have had speeches actually made
and published as mine, which I never uttered, and breathing
such dark sentiments as I never entertained, to bear all this
and to rely solely upon the good sense, and upon the con
fidence of the brave men of the North, in which alone I
* "We readily take this opportunity of expressing our thanks to Mr. Martin
for the voluminous mass of papers and documents which he forwarded to us,
relative to the political relations of Mr. Hunt with the town of Preston. Our
limits were far too confined to admit of their insertion, but at some future time
they may perhaps be published as a separate work.

MR. MITCHELL. 489
have to rely, and not having been able to appear in. my proper
character in any portion of the press, but in the midst of all
this, to have been compelled under such circumstances, to
have depended wholly upon my own sense of integrity, whilst
I had no means of defending myself, was a situation the most
distressing. Whenever I complained in the House of mis
representation and explained, not one word of it appeared in
any of the papers the next morning. An infamous falsehood
was propagated, and then every venal tool of the Whigs, al
though they knew it was a lie, yet they arguedj as if it were
truth. However, a self-approving conscience enabled me to
bear up against such mighty odds. I only wonder that I have
been able to survive it."
The remainder of the letter touches merely upon Mr. Hunt's
intended visit to the North, but enough may be gleaned from
it, to show that Mr. Hunt was not at that time, reposing on a
bed of roses ; the great cause of his uneasiness, however, arose
from the conduct of a Mr. Mitchell, who, for some reasons not
explained, became the bitter foe of Mr. Hunt, and who, if the
following statement be true, as copied from one of Mr. Hunt's
letters, proved himself to be a most unprincipled fellow. There
is little doubt that this Mitchell was a spy of government
and a co-adjutor of the celebrated Oliver. When he began to
display his villainy in Preston, Mr. Hunt waited upon Sir
John Byng, then commander of the Northern districts, to see
if Sir John would own to a knowledge of Mitchell. Amongst
the rest Byng made use of this remarkable expression. " You
know, Mr. Hunt, it won't do to tell tales out of school." Sir
John treated Mr. Hunt very courteously, although it must be
owned, that Mr. Hunt's errand was a very strange one. Mr.
Hunt left Sir John Byng strongly impressed and quite satisfied
that Mitchell was really not only the companion, but the
guilty companion of Oliver, and as a paid spy of Sidmouth,
he had frequent communication with Sir John Byng. The
following, however, gives a further description of bis cha
racter, and as the act which he committed exposed Mr.

490 DISHONESTY OF MR. MITCHELL.
Hunt to some very unpleasant circumstances, we will here re
late it- It appears that Mrs. Vince had lost £65 out of a bag,
which money was supposed to have been extracted by Mitchell
of which transaction, Mr. Hunt gives the following description.
" He (Mitchell) is calculated to deceive and betray the very
devil, we have not the slightest doubt of his dishonesty, and
there is no ground of suspicion can be cast upon any one but
him for the loss of the £65. I wrote for him and Mrs. Vince
to meet me at Barnet on the Sunday, as I wished to know how
I was to enter London. Mitchell pretended to be ill, and
wished to stay at home to nurse. Mrs. Vince took one ser
vant with her, and left a man and a maid at home. While she
was gone for the day, he sent the man on a message of two
hours, and then sent the maid-servant with a letter to a house
at Walworth, which took her an hour and a half, so he was
locked in my house by himself nearly two hours. When
the maid got to Walworth, there was no such person as he
directed his letter for, and she brought it back to him again.
We never heard a word of this person afterwards. The day
before he had seen Mrs. Vince take nearly twenty sovereigns
out of a bag, which she lent him, that contained about 260, and
he saw her put it back again into her wardrobe, the lock of
which, we find can be easily picked with a common picker to
a knife. The money was not counted till three or four days
afterwards, and when we discovered the loss, we told him of
it and he laid it upon the servant, and said it was better to
put up with the loss, and not make a piece of work about it
as we should never recover it without we detected the maid
with a lot of money. We are now convinced that neither of
the servants ever had £5 at any time since, in fact nothing
but their wages ; but we think it very fortunate he did not
take the whole.
The sequel of this story has been furnished us by Mr. Mar
tin. When Mitchell advised Mr. Hunt to keep the business, se
cret as he suspected the servant maid to be the thief; Mr. Hunt
and Mrs. Vince thought it best to part with her at once, than
run any further risk of mischief; they accordingly paid her her

INNOCENCE OF MR. HUNT'S SERVANT. 491
wages, and discharged her instantly on the spur of the moment ,
gave her no character, but did not accuse her of any thing as
they of course could not prove it against her. This female
had been with Mr. Hunt a considerable time, and we believe
was with him at the time of his death. The poor girl being
now placeless, homeless, characterless, and spiritless sought a
temporary asylum with the woman who used to serve them
with milk. The milk woman communicated the circumstance
the day after to Mrs. Vince, who used to enquire every morning
of the milk woman about the girl. The girl having very little
money, it soon went ; by degrees her clothes were conveyed
piece-meal to the pawnbrokers to gain her sustenance, she
having no claim upon the generosity of the milk woman. The
milk woman communicated every circumstance to Mrs. Vince,
but at length began also to complain rather loud on the poor girl's
behalf, for said the milk woman, her money is all gone, nearly
all her clothes are pawned, you turned her away without giving
a reason, she is without a character ; 9he cannot obtain a Dkce
she does nothing but lament and weep from morning to night,
and if you do not take her back, she will surely soon die bro
ken hearted. Thus all hopes of hearing of a display of a large
sum of money on the part of the girl was at an end. Mr.
Hunt sent for her, enquiied how she had spent her time, and
her money since she left him ; asked her if she recollected Mrs.
Vince going to Barnet to meet him, told her of the sixty-five
sovereigns being gone from the escrutoire, and endeavoured to
prevail upon her to confess it, under the promise that nothing
more should be said about it and she should have her place
again. She solemnly protested her innocence of it exclaim
ing it must have been that gentleman from Preston. Mr.
Hunt's reply was, that was impossible, as he had never had the
range of the house ; she then told the affair of herself, and the
man being sent on some errand by Mitchell. After this, the
man was called into the room and questioned, the girl being
ordered to be silent ; the man confirmed the girl's account of
the two wild goose errands. Mr. Hunt hesitated not to take

192 MR. HUNT'S NORTHERN TOUR.
the girl back into his service, being quite convinced that Mit
chell was the robber.
We have in the foregoing transaction given the clue to all
the persecution, the annoyance and machinations which Mr.
Hunt endured from a particular party at Preston, and which
at one time were carried to such an extent, as to induce him
to threaten to resign his seat. That Mitchell was the instiga
tor of all these proceedings cannot be doubted, and it speaks
not a little for the courage and resolution of Mr. Hunt, that he
was able to bear up against such an accumulation of oppres
sive wrongs and in one of his letters he thus speaks feelingly
of himself." If you knew or could guess what I have gone through and
what I have endured for principle and consistency sake, you
would indeed have compassion for me. The fact is this, I am
abandoned, hated, and feared, by every pretender to patriotism,
who has not the courage or the honesty to follow my example
and set both factions at defiance, by exposing cant and fraud,
and attempting upon all occasions to do justice to the people,
the plundered, the oppressed people. I really begin to doubt
my physical power to sustain it much longer, I grow old, I
want rest and peace and quietness, for I have no one to call
my political friend, no one to whom I can hope for help in the
hour of need, because I have exposed and denounced both par
ties and both factions, and have at all times stood by the rights
of the working classes. Do not think me desponding. I am
prepared to die in the cause of truth, justice, and humanity if
it be necessary, and I shall die with the satisfaction of know
ing that under all circumstances, through good and through
evil report, I have never deserted or abandoned the cause ol
the suffering millions."
At the close of October 1831, Mr. Hunt left London for his
northern tour, having received the most pressing invitations
from the radicals of the manufacturing districts to pay them a
visit. The first place he visited was Macclesfield, at which
place he arrived by appointment, on Monday the 1st. of No-

PROGRESS TOWARDS MANCHESTER. 493
vember. He was met at Congleton by the committee of the
radical union with an open carriage,' and about two nu'les from
the town by many thousand persons, with flags and banners
and an excellent band of music. As he approached, the num
bers increased to such an extent as completely to fill the large
square in the market place, so much so, that it required con
siderable time before the horses could get through the dense
mass to draw up on one side of the square. There were at
least twelve thousand people, and every house and window round
the place was thronged with well dressed persons. Mr. Hunt
addressed the populace for above an hour, and then retired to
dine with the working classes, on good English beef, pudding,
and home brew'd ale.
From Macclesfield, Mr. Hunt proceeded to Bullock Smithey,
when he intended to have passed a quiet night as it was a
pleasant retired village, about three miles from Stockport On
his arrival there, however, he found instead of that retire
ment and solitude which he was seeking, several thousand per
sons from Stockport accompanied with a coach and four, a
band of music, and innummerable flags and banners, the com
mittee of the Stockport union with Mr. Harrison at their head
entreated Mr. Hunt to proceed to Stockport, where a public
supper to welcome him was provided, and where the Manches
ter union were to receive him in the morning and conduct him
to Manchester. Mr. Hunt accepted the invitation, and pro
ceeded with them, the band playing the whole of the way,
being accomodated on the yroof of the coach ; many many of
the houses illuminated in honor of radical reform. On the
following morning the committee of the union of the working
classes arrived from Manchester in a barouche and four to
take me to that town, where I was received with the usual
kind and flattering testimonies of respect and affection by that
excellent people.
It would be but a repetition of the same inflated description
of the enthusiastic manner in which Mr. Hunt represents him
self to have been received by the radical reformers on this
political tour, were we to transcribe the account as he gives it

494 ENTRY INTO PRESTON.
of his progress bom Manchester to Bolton, Blackburn, and
thence to Preston. His account of his reception in that town
is however too pompous and grand to be wholly omitted. A
large concourse says Mr.Hunt met me by appointment on'
the hill about half a mile from the town. It was excessively
dark, but on a signal being given, upwards of two hundred
flambeaux, and this by tar barrels fixed on platforms carried by
four men each, presented an instantaneous blaze; and the
whole atmosphere was illuminated as if by magic. A full
band of music, forty flags and banners, with appropriate
motoes, waving in the air. Thus we entered Preston accom
panied by an immense multitude, cheering as we went along,
every face at every window appeared to be illuminated with the
extraordinary brilliancy of the scene. There were many new
flags, on one was painted an Englishman in chains and fetters,
with a padlock on his lips. I am represented walking up to
him with a key in one hand to unlock the. padlock, to re
lease him from his fetters and his chains. On another was
painted the Queen with £100,000 inscribed over her; again
the Princess Victoria with £16,000 a year inscribed over her.
On the flag was painted a poor woman in rags with £10 a
year inscribed over her and by her side a httle girl with £5 a
year inscribed over her. Motto. We have both the same Maker,
and we are both the same flesh and blood. It was conducted
through the principal streets of the town to the house of
my friend, Mr. John Taylor, where I alighted. In the front
of the house, there might have been from eight to ten thousand
persons. When I addressed them, there was the most pro
found and breathless silence observed, and although it was
a fine evening, I felt it difficult to make myself heard by the
immense crowd, and for the first time in Preston, I learnt that
many on the outside of the meeting could not hear all I said.
However, I put a few questions to them. I called upon all
those to hold up their hands, who thought the Bill, Lord
John's Bill, was either calculated or intended to benefit the
working classes? Not a hand ! On the contrary — unanimous.
The next was for those who had confidence in his majesty's

DECLINE OF MR. HUNT'S POPULARITY. 495
ministers to hold up their hands ? Not one. Not one Whig
present. Those who had no confidence in his majesty's minis
ters ? Immense show of hands ! !
In the sentiments contained in the latter passage may be
traced the dechne of Mr. Hunt's popularity with the people of
Preston. The statement as given by Mr. Hunt, highly coloured
as it is, and carrying on the face of it the most unequivocal
signs of exaggeration, fully exposed to the voters of Preston,
what kind of a member they had. Mr. Hunt certainly labours
hard to shew that every one of his constituents was satisfied
with the line of conduct which he had pursued in Parliament
whereas the direct contrary was the case. It was evident to
them, that instead of having an individual in Parliament who
was to support the ministers in their plans of reform, they had
sent one who openly declared his hostility to them and who in
the motions and amendments which he made, as far as their
influence could extend, was even more annoying and harass
ing, then any who were openly marshalled in the ranks of the
opposition. And not only did he oppose the ministers, but in
the addresses which he put forth, he vilified in the most un
measured terms, all those, who had fought in the ranks of re
form, but who unlike himself, if they could not obtain all
that they desired, declared themselves satisfied with what they
could get. Every editor of a newspaper, who advocated the
cause of reform, was sure to come in for his share of abuse
from Mr. Hunt ; Hume, O'Connell, Cobbett and all the ra
dical reformers in the House, were in the estimation of Hunt,
nothing more than a gang of political hypocrites, Mr. Hunt
himself, being the only consistent and principled member in
the House. The eyes of the people of Preston were opened
as to the actual injury which Mr. Hunt, if his power had been
equal to his inclination, would have committed in the House.
He was always either voting against Ministers, or pairing off
with some staunch Tory, thereby actually nullifying the very
aim and purpose for which his constituents had sent him to
Parhament. The good sense of the people of Preston ultimately
40._vol n. 4 s

496 COMMERCIAL PURSUITS OF MR. HUNT.
prevailed over " the idolatrous affection," as Mr. Hunt terms
it, which they entertained for their representative, and in the'
election of 1833, the Derby influence, combined with the dis
approbation of Mr. Hunt's parliamentary conduct succeeded
in unseating Mr. Hunt and restoring him to that sphere of
life from which his ambition had drawn him, but from which,
he would never have abstracted himself, had he been guided
by sound judgement or a proper estimate of his own character.
It is scarcely possible to mention two failures more decidedly
confirmed than the Parliamentary career of Hunt and Cobbett.
Accustomed as they had been to harangue a promiscuous and
motley crowd from platforms, windows, and blacking vans,
where they might rave and . bluster, and spout unintelligible
stuff without the fear of contradiction, they fancied themselves
fit persons to appear as members of the most enlightened as
sembly in the world, when they scarcely possessed a single
qualification for so high an office. Neither Hunt nor Cobbett
could divest themselves of the native coarseness of their early
hfe. Accustomed to the society of the lowest grade of politi
cians, they found themselves on the floor of the House of Com
mons evidently in a sphere, for which they were by no mean's
suited, and where they were surrounded by men, in whose so
ciety they felt themselves not at home. As a politician, Mr.
Hunt never rose above mediocrity, nor will his name descend to
posterity, as that of a great or enlightened character.
On his retirement from the political world, Mr. Hunt ap
plied himself to the prosecution of his commercial pursuits, the
principal of which, was his blacking manufactory. In the
month of February 1835, he set out upon a journey to the west
of England, where he had a considerable connection, for the sale
of his blacking and annato, or cheese colouring. On the 15th
of that month, he stopped at Alresford in Hampshire, and was
in the act of stepping from his phaeton, when he was seized
with a violent fit of paralysis, which after a short interval
proved fatal.
In regard to the private character of Mr. Hunt, we much

HIS DEATH AND GENERAL CHARACTER. 497
fear that we are there entering upon tender ground. The re
pudiation of his wife, without any ostensible ground of com
plaint against her, with no positive charge of misconduct or
any breach of matrimonial affection on her part exposed him
at the time to the severest animadversions, and it was an act,
the consequences of which followed him through life. His
mawkish sensibility for her grief on this occasion, sat with a
bad grace upon him, and his boasted liberality in settling upon
her more than she demanded, was a pitiful attempt to gloss
over the criminality of the act. In the relation of a brother,
he appeared equally unamiable and faulty, and the example of
Mr. Hunt ought to operate upon those parents, who misled by
a false confidence in the honour and integrity of the elder
branch of the family, leave the junior branches of it to his kind
and merciful protection. At the death of his father, as the
natural protector of his brothers and sisters, he was called
upon to perform those services, which should promote their
future advancement in life . This, however, he wholly neg
lected — their patrimony became wasted in the extravagant
pursuits of his early life, and they were reduced to a state lit
tle short of beggary. As a father — his offsprings are still liv
ing, and it would not become us to expose those family feuds,
which ended in the total destruction of all domestic happiness.
The relations of husband, father, and brother are three of the
most important of human life, and he who acts not up to their
principles, can never be deemed a virtuous or a moral man.
We are in possession of some curious and rather discredi
table circumstances connected with the burial of Mr. Hunt
which, for the sake of the feehngs of some of the survivors,
we shall forbear from noticing. It will be sufficient to state
that Mrs. Vince, the acknowledged mistress of Mr. Hunt was
the natural child of Lord  , her maiden name being Bishop,
It was determined by Mrs. Vince that the body of Mr. Hunt.
should be deposited in the vault belonging to her family.
This, however, was strenously opposed by them who ac
knowledged no consanguinity with Mr. Hunt, and who looked
upon his connection with Mrs. Vince as disgraceful. In con-

498 HIS BURIAL.
sequence of this refusal, the corpse of Mr. Hunt laid for a
night in Horsham Church, and the Bishops being determined
to refuse the admission of his body amongst their ancestors, it
was finally conveyed to the vault of Colonel Vince at Parhara.
Upon the outer coffin upon a silver plate were the words
HENRY HUNT, Esq.
Late M. P. for Preston,
Departed this life on the 15th day of February, 1835,
in the 62nd year of his age.
We can only add.
No further seek his merits to disclose,
Or draw his frailties from their dread abode.

r 1 N 1 s .

M. ABr.'. flllMEB, 52 BROAD-WALL, CHRIST- CHURCH, stJRHBV.

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