C' *¦•!¦t ^ I. *rK ft nwiil YAJ^ UNIVERSITY UBRARY SUBSTANCE AN ADDRESS SSLIVERED BEFORE THE JflinnJLETO TVJY COLONIZATION SOCIETY, AT THEIR ANNUAIi MEETING, Jnly 4, 1S35. BY WTT.T.mTR VTST? n D. PRESIDENT OB THE WKStETAN UNIVERSITY. Poblished by the Society. MIDDIiETOWN : PRINTED BY G. F. OLMSTED. 1835. Middletown, July 20, 1835. Dear Sir, At the Annual Meeting of Ihe Middletown Colonization Society Aux iliary to the American Colonization Society, holden on the 4th of July inst. ths following Resolution was unanimously adopted. "¦ Rksoi.vei), That the Rev. Dr. Fisk be requested to furnish a copy of the address by him this day delivered, fur publication: and that 500 copies bo' printed at the expense of the society " Wo the undersigned, appointed by the society a committee to commnnicate the above Resolution, respectfully and earnestly beg your compliance with the Bams. With high considerations of respect, Yours, &c. S. Pyne, D. Harrison, I. Webb. Ret. W. Fies, D.D. Gentlemen, Aftreeable to the vote of the Middletown Colonization Society, and in compliance with your polite rpquest, I herewith submit to your disposal the substance of my remarks, at the Society V anniversa'-y on the 4th of July, in stant. As I had c'lmmilted to paper previous to its delivery, only a few heads of my speech, the commiltee and the auiUonce who heard it, will of course make allowances for any variations in the written horn the spoken address. They will find, howiver, the same course of argument, and the sadstence of the remarks made on that occasion, in the address as now written out for publi cation. With respect and esteem, I am, Gentlemen, Yours in sincerity, W. Fisk. Wesleyan University, July 29, 1835. Rev. S. Pt.ne, 1 Committee Dr. D. Harrison, > of the I. WsBB, Es<». ) Middletown Colonization Society. -\Y ADDRESS. Mr. President, I rise to present, for the consideration of the audience, the following resolution — Resolved, That it is the duty of all American citizens, on the ground both of patriotism and philanthropy, to aid by their countenance and tlieir money, the cause of Afri can Colonization. I consider, sir, this anniversary of our nation's birth day, an appropriate occasion for investigating this subject. Every suc cessive fourth of July ought, in my opinion, to be a type of the fourth of July, 1 776. On this point, I cannot but think, that our fellow citizens often greatly misjudge. The fourth of July 1776 ¦was not a day of military parade, of the clashing of arms, and the shout of the battle field ; but it was a day of deep thought, of close investigation, of firm intellectual discussion, and lofty moral action. If, sir, we could look into the Congressional Hall of those patriots and heroes, who signed the Declaration of Independence, we should see, on every countenance, the index of the struggle of powerful yet intelligent moral feeling, nerving itself in its sternest mood, and fixing itself in the attitude of defi ance, against injustice and oppression. We should see too, in the deliberations and decisions of that day, a judicious forecast to the future, and an intelligent examination of those principles and provisions, which were so indispensable to sustain the na tion in her assumption of freedom and independence. If such was the grand basis of the transactions of the fourth of July 1776 ; then sir, this day should be annually celebrated, not 60 much in mirth, in festivity, in bon-fires and the firing of can nons ; nor yet so much in party political harangues and celebra tions, as in the careful examination of the principles of our social compact, and of the means of our national security, improve- 4 ment, and happiness. This day should be our political sabbath, consecrated neither to Bacchus nor to Mars, but to the intellec tual services of Freedom's altar ; and hallowed by the sacred as sociations of Freedom's sanctuary. On such a day, what can be more important than to direct our attention to the colored po pulation of our country. A population bearing to us such sin gular and opposite relations of identity and diversity ; and withal constituting so considerable a proportion of the whole ; and at the same time, about the treatment of whom, there is such a di versity of sentiments among ourselves; and between whom and the white population there is frequently such great jealousies and collisions of interest-^a population, I say, of such relations to the nation, cannot fail to draw towards it, the attention and interest of every reflecting patriot and philanthropist. For on the finfil decision of the important questions mutually afiecting them and us, Tvill turn for weel or for woe, the momentous inte rests of this vast republic. If this be a subject of such magnitude, it becomes a grave question with us — What can be done ? or more properly, what can we do ? For the question is not directly, what can others do, or what ought they to do ? It is not what can our brethren in the South do, if they would ; or what might the whole nation do, if each was ready to do his duty ? But what ought we to do in this matter ? There are, sir, but two leading plans before the public, in re ference to the object proposed. One is, the " American Colo nization Society," and the other is the " American Anti-Slavery Society." There is, it is true, the " American Union, for the relief and improvement of the colored race." Whether this So ciety will embrace the objects of both the other societies or whether it virill move in an exclusive sphere of its own is not yet known. Its plans are not matured, nor are its modes of opcr ration defined. If this society, or any other society or individu al, can present a more feasible and efiicient plan of doing good to this portion of our fellow beings, than is now before the public all parties we trust, will co-operate with them. At present' however, the two Societies first mentioned, present the only combined system of operations, purporting to benefit the African 5 race. If then, we would act at all, on this subject, we must com pare the claims and bearings of these two enterprises, and de cide between them, according to the dictates of an enlightened understanding. Before we proceed, however to show the comparative merits of these two societies, it may be necessary to answer an inquiry sometimes made, why the two societies — the anti-slavery and the colonization societies, cannot act harmoniously : or at least without collision and exclusiveness ? Why may not a man be both an abolitionist and a colonizationist ? Is there any thing incompatible between the two objects ? I know of no reason, sir, why a man may not be, at the same time, an abolitionist and a colonizationist. Indeed it is a fact that the great whole of the colonizationists are abolitionists. They desire and expect the final abolition of slavery; and are impelled forward and cheered in their work, by this expectation. But, sir, we must take things as they are, and not as they might be — and the question, to be relevant to the present state of affairs, should be specifically this. Why may not a man unite in the present abolition movements of this country, and be at the same time, a colonizationist? The answer is at hand : The course taken by abolitionists, renders it utterly impossible; for a primary object with them, is to destroy the colonization enterprise. One of their first principles is that " the extinction of the American Colonization Society, is the first step towards the abolition of slavery." You are aware, sir, and probably this meeting are generally aware, that the Hon. Wm. Jay has lately written a book in opposition to the coloni zation enterprise, and in favor of the modern anti-slavery doc trine. This book seems to be a compilation of all the doctrines of modern abolitionism ; and is now generally received as the text-book of the party. On page 90, Mr. Jay says, " The friends of humanity are called to meet it (the Colonization So ciety) with unrelenting hostility ; to labor without rest and with out weariness, for its entire prostration." This is mild, compa red with some of the ravings of Mr. Garrison, the file leader of abolitionism in New England, against our Society.* * Mr. Geo. Thompson, the foreign lecturer on slavery, who is considered a champion by abolitionists, moved and supported, at a late public meeting in Boston, the following resolution. » Resolved, That the principles and measures of the American Colonization 6 It is evident therefore that between the two enterprises, now before the public, there can be no amalgamation — no peace — no truce even — no moving onward together in fact, without direct " hostility ;" for if we are to be assailed incessantly, " without rest and without weariness ;" we must stand upon our defence and meet the attack, with incessant resistance. With this view, we come before the public to compare causes with the abolition ists ; we compare principles and practices and fruits — which enterprise most favorably aflFects the interests of the man of color? The benefits bestowed by either society, may be either direct or indirect. We will examine, in the first place, the direct in fluences of the two societies. The direct and immediate bene fits conferred upon the people of color, must be either by eman cipating the enslaved, or by meliorating the condition of either the enslaved or the free. Now, sir, it ought to be particularly understood here, that the anti-slavery society, has no direct and immediate hearing, upon the interests and condition of ihe enslaved; either to secure their freedom, or to mitigate the rigors of slavery. They would not jn fact, meliorate the condition of slavery, if they could. Any one who has read their publications, cannot but perceive, that they delight in finding and representing it, the worst possible. And alas ! for human nature, this feeling of theirs has led them, jn many instances, to draw " pictures," either real or imaginary, of rare cases of enormous cruelty, and then to generalize the specific case, and apply the horrid characteristic, to the entire slave-holding South. Nay, some of their lecturers, have said publicly that one of the greatest diflSculties iu the progress of their principles, was the fact, that some of the slave owners treat ed their slaves with kindness. A meliorated condition of slave ry, would be to them one of the most undesirable events that could occur. The knotting of the lash, the tightening of the cord, the oppressiveness of the slave legislation — in short, the grinding of the body and the soul of the slave to the dust, until Society and its auxiliaries, are clearly shown to be at war with the best inter ests of Africa ; opposed to the feelings of the colored population of this coun try, a fraud upon the ignorance and an outrage upon the intelligence and hu. inanity of tho community, and demanding the strongest public reprobation." his groans shall drive the mind of the humane and sympathetic to phrenzy, and the sufferers themselves to desperation, are the principal basis on which the anti-slavery society build their hopes of success. Herein may be seen the radical diflference, between them and us. We hope by gradual amelioration, to elevate the oppressed colored man to his rightful standing in the great human brotherhood, without hazard and without civil con vulsion ; while they, on the other hand, consider such gradual alleviation of the condition of slavery, as tending directly to perpetuate the evil. They believe that immediate and uncon ditional emancipation, is the first step towards a mitigation of the evil ; and that any intermediate step of approximation or alleviation, is delusion and base hj'pocrisy. In proof of this, we need only refer to their entire course of teaching and acting on this question. Now which course will be most likely to secure the desired object, with the least sutifering and convulsion in the country, each man must judge for himself; and if he takes inta view all the diflferent bearings of the subject of slavery, in these United States, there can be but little doubt as to his final deci sion. Or if he chooses a shorter and safer way to decide the question, let him consult the New Testament, and see how far the apostle Paul differs from modern abolitionists! He was for making the yoke of slavery as light as possible ; and for mitigat-- ing, by all the power of the gospel, the rigors of this existing re lation of servitude ; but they consider this, not only a fruitlessy but a hypocritical course,and utterly subversive of the object they have in view. Modern abolitionism then has no direct influence to mitigate the rigors of slavery, it desires no such influence. But, sir, I have said that the anti-slavery society has no^ immediate and direct influence, in the work of emancipation. The members of that society are none of them slave-holders — their constitution excludes such — hence they cannot liberate slaves themselves, in a private way. Can they do it in a public way, by legislation ? It would seem not. The great theatre of this society's operations is in the non-slaveholding states. Now, sir, what have these states, in their legislative capacity, to do with the question of slavery in the slaveholding states ? Nothing. What has the national legislature to do with it ? Nothing. This 8 the abolitionists themselves acknowledge. " Congress," says Judge Jay, who is a civilian as well as an abolitionist, " has no more rightful authority to sit in judgment on southern slavery, than it has to legislate on the abolition of slavery in France."— Thus it appears, that the members of the abolition society, nei ther individually nor collectively, neither by private nor public action, can immediately and directly effect the liberation of slaves. As to purchasing the freedom of slaves, or freeing slaves by send ing them out of the states, where the laws will not allow of eman cipation, this would bean entire dereliction of abolition princi ples. The one would be an acknowledgement of legal owner ship, and the other would involve the principles oi colonization ^ either of which, according to the abolition code, would be Amo ral crime. Neither do they seem anxious to persuade this or that individual, to emancipate his slaves- — -this would be a kind of retail business, far below their plans of operation ; and a species of gradualism, utterly inconsistent with their views of emancipa tion. The proposed operation and effects of their benevolence, are entirely of a wholesale character : any thing short of an entire and an immediate renunciation and abandonment of the whole system of slavery, is a business altogether too small, for their at tention or labor. Since therefore this kind of emancipation can only be effected, by the slave owners, (unless it should be done by violence) it follows that the abolition society does nothing di rectly for the good of the slave, and their only chance for favora ble action must be indirectly, through the agency of others. On the question then of a direct favorable influence on the slaves themselves, either in their emancipation, or the melioration of their condition, colonizationists have nothing to fear in a compa rison with modern abolitionists; We acknowledge, sir, that the direct and official opera tions of our Society, do not relate to slaves as such. The exclusive business of the society, in its direct official action, is " to colonize the free people of color, with their own con sent." But, sir, the society embraces slave holders, as well as others, and many of its members have emancipated their slaves, for the express purpose of placing them under the action of this Society. Many doubtless who otherwise would not have emancipated them. We could, if it were necessary, point out the names of the benevolent colonizationists who have at different limes, emancipated hundreds of slaves. And we would point to Liberia herself, and show these emancipated slaves, in the possession, not of nominal merely, but of real free dom and independence. Colonizationists therefore, have freed slaves, and freed them also under the influence of Colonization principles, long before modern abolitionism had its being ; and they continue to do this work still, while their opposers have not, to our knowledge, liberated a single slave. I know, sir, we are sometimes tauntingly inquired of, by what rule of arithmetic we can calculate the final extinction of slave ry, by colonization, if in 19 years, the colonization plan has re moved but a small proportion of the nett increase of one year. We will solve this arithmetical question, sir, when our opponents will solve the following. If in the three or four years of mo dern abolitionism, not one slave has been emancipated by the society, or any of its members, how long will it take them in the same ratio, to emancipate all the slaves in the United States ? The truth is, sir, Colonizationists, when they cannot do all the good they would, are willing to do what they can ; and knowing, as they do, that great and permanent enterprises generally have small beginnings, and at first a slow growth, they feel encourag ed to proceed in their work, since they are doing an amount of good in the present tense, sufficient to compensate them a thousand fold for all their labor, and have good hope that they are laying the foundation of an enterprise, the benefits of which will be felt through all coming generations. The balance then thus far, is abundantly in favor of coloniza tion. And how, sir. do the two societies compare in respect to the melioration of the condition of the free people of color ? If abolitionism has done much for the benefit of the free blacks, it is more than I know. Certainly they have not excelled in this work ; much less have they been the exclusive laborers in this field. What schools have they established ? Who have they educated ? How far have they increased the intelligence or happiness of the great mass of the colored population ? I know, sir, and you know, of scores and hundreds that they have ren- 2 10 dered more nriiserable ; between whom and the white population, they have, by their publications and harangues, excited heart burnings and oppositions and mobs. Why is it that people of color are now, in so many instances, suspicious and restless and discontented, where they used to be confiding and happy? For this, sir, we hold modern abolitionism responsible ; and however much its advocates may writhe under the charge, and attempt to repel \t, facts, incontrovertible and glaring facts, fasten it upon them with the irresislible force of truth, and it cannot be shaken oflT. I criminate no man's motive in this matter ; they may ima gine that by exciting the blacks to claim privileges that commu nity are not yet prepared to award them, they shall thereby hasten the elevation of the colored race, to their proposed so cial and political equality. All this they may imagine — but it most evidently is a day-dream illusion. All analogy is against such a result, by such means — Bitterness, discord, a wider breach and a more invincible prejudice, must inevitably be the result of such a course. I express it, sir, as my sincere convic tion, that, should the abettors of Garrisonism live to the age of Methusaleh, and spend that life, in well-directed efforts to do good, they could not make amends for the increased unhappiness of which they have been the occasion, to the colored population of the free states. But, sir, what has Colonization done ? The direct and appro priate field of this society, is the elevation of the free man of co lor, to the high privileges of citizenship and independence. Of this she has her living witnesses in the happy and flourishing colonial republics, that stud the coast of Liberia. More are on the way. While I speak, the breezes of Heaven are wafting some of these nominal freemen, to the land where they can be free indeed and in truth. It has been said, I know, sir, that this is a kind of elevation that the colored man does not choose, and therefore it cannot be reckoned to him as a blessing. But, in point of fact, this is not universally true. Many of them have chosen it, and others are stretching out their hands towards the land of promise, in numbers far beyond the society's means of conveying them thi ther. And many more would be anxious to go, even from New II England, but for the malign influence of these professedly ex clusive friends of theirs, who have taken unwearied pains to prejudice their minds against the colony.* But, sir, have colo nizationists been idle, in respect to the elevation of the colored man's character here? I know they have not, in their Consti tution, an article like that in most j^nti-sla very societies, binding the members to " endeavor to improve the character and condi tion of the free people of color" — and what would it avail if they had, provided it remained a dead letter, on their records. t But, sir, have colonizationists done nothing towards the educa tion of colored persons ? Have they been active in no case, in colored free schools and sabbath schools, in erecting African churches, and in exciting the whole colored population to men tal and moral improvement? Who, at this moment, sir, is con ducting a select school for colored young men, at his own risk and expense, in the town of Peterboro' N. Y. ? Gerrit Smith, Esq. who is emphatically the colored man's friend, and a vice president of the American Colonization Society. Now although these things are not done in the o/^cm(/ operations of our society, yet they are done by colonizationists ; and they are in accord ance with the spirit of colonizationism and promotive of its grand designs. So far then as the direct and immediate influences of the two enterprises are compared, we find the abolition plan doing nothing — yes sir, absolutely and unqualifiedly nothing, in the work of emancipating the enslaved, nothing in meliorating their condition ; and very little good,but much harm,to the free : while the Colonization enterprise, without waiting for the future and for others to develop all its advantages, is elevating and cheering its beneficiaries, as it advances ; and gives practical and immediate demonstration, of the safety, efficiency and phi lanthropy of its operation!. * In proof of this, I quote the following, from Matthew Gary's Letters on Colonization p. 8. " The first emigration of colored people from the U. S. to Africa, was conducted by Paul Cuffee" — " In tho year 1815, he sailed from Bos ton, in a vessel of his own, and took with him nine families, containing thirty eight persons"—" Had he means, he might, in 1816, have taken 2000 from New England, as nearly the whole, were willing to take passage with him." t Of about $10,000 expended by the American Anti-Slavery Society the last year, not a single dollar is reported as expended to elevate the " free people of color." See a note on page 16. 12 We will now, sir, compare the two enterprises, in their indi rect influences, that is, in their influences upon our fellow citi zens, and the nation generally, to induce them to do justice to the colored race, both bond and free. This is claimed to be the appropriate work and strong hold of modern abolitionism. Here, if any where, colonizationists are to be distanced in the course of benevolence. Nay, sir, here abolitionists claim to be the men, and the only men, and with them wisdom and benevolence must perish. But sir, this is not the age, and we are not the persons, to allow of unsupported claims. " By their fruits ye shall know them — men do not gather grapes of thorns, nor figs of thistles." What is proposed to be done by this indirect ac tion upon the public mind? and how far have the measures pur sued, accomplished the object? It is proposed to remove the remaining disabilities of the enfranchised, and to emancipate the enslaved. The greatest and almost the only disabilities of the free color ed people, in this country, are resolvable into what has been called, the prejudice of color. In combating this prejudice, the first inquiry should be, is it vincible or invincible ? Does it exist in nature, or is it the eflfect merely of education and casual asso ciation? I am prepared to say, sir, that in my opinion, it is, to a certain extent, natural and invincible. But little argument is needed here. Our instincts, physical and moral, act independ ently of reasoning ; and they dictate at once, that any thing like a social or domestic equality between the two races, never can be enjoyed. This, although it was at first taught by some of the abolitionists, seems now to be given up. Judge Jay is under stood to say, p. 143, that for " white men to select black wives" is " an absurdity." If then there can be no intimate domestic union, no general and elementary bond of conjugal and parental ties, can any one suppose that there can be an equality and a homogeneous amalgamation, in the other grades of social and pohtical combination? Never, sir, nexier. The strong and in stinctive ties of sex and consanguinity, were evidently designed,. by the God of natuie, to be the elements of society. Remove these therefore, and political and social equality is visionary. Which shall be highest and which subordinate, must depend up- 13 on the comparative physical strength and intelligence of the two races; but invariably and directly, as the one rises, the other must fall. The abolitionists therefore have abandoned the only consistent ground for their object. They must set up for the conjugal union, and the domestic amalgamation of the two colors, or they must give up the inconsistent and chimerical idea of a social and political equality. But, sir, I am willing to allow, that there is a great amount of existing prejudice which is educational and casual, and therefore may, in time, and by proper treatment, be removed. The ques tion however is, which of the two societies, according to the character and bearing of their present operations, and the fruits of the past, is the most likely to remove this prejudice. I be lieve, sir, that all experience and all philosophy will bear me out in the position, that taste, whether it be inherent or casual, whe ther it be natural or associated, can never be changed, by a for cible intrusion of the undesirable object. Taste, to be corrected or formed, must be courted by palliatives, by gentle approaches, by calling the attention toother and more interesting aspects and qualities of the disagreeable object ; and above all, by tak ing the object away from its offensive associations, and elevating it above those unlovely and disgusting conditions, in which it has been wont to be contemplated. During this process, care should be taken, to say little of the unreasonableness and crimi nality of the existing prejudice — much less should the subject of this supposed prejudice, be denounced and traduced and com manded even, by all the sanctions of moral obligation, to feel and act diflferently. Such a course would be likely to increase the prejudice ; and claims upon us thus set up and pressed, would aggravate the disgust, and render the oflTensive object still more unwelcome and revolting. Every child feels the force of this principle, and all analogy sustains it. And now, sir, for the application. Who does not know that the course above objected to, has been the very one pursued by the abolitionists ? And what has been the effect ? precisely what might have been anticipated. The eflfects upon the colored popu lation have already been alluded to — They have had their expec tations raised, and have been induced to set up claims in social in- 14 tercourse, which the community were not prepared to accord to them; This has led to the most unhappy distrust and collision of feeling. Offensive claims pressed upon the public taste, have been responded to, by increased prejudice, and in some instan ces, by violent resistance. Hence the mobs of New York and elsewhere. Sir, no man, I believe, holds mobs in more utter abhorrence than myself, or dreads more their ultimate effects upon our social and civil institutions ; and hence I would the more deprecate the imprudence of good men, who have been in judiciously instrumental in exciting them. The public taste, when it is outraged, revolts against the offensive cause. Grant if you please, sir, that all this is wrong, that the prejudice itself is wrong, and ought to be corrected ; but are these the men and this the remedy, to correct the public taste, and remove the un favorable prejudice? We have heard much, sir, of the Connecticut " black-law" as it has been termed. And I frankly declare 1 do not now, I never did, approve of that law. But, sir, in what did that law have its origin? It was in this same system of forcing public taste — The obstinacy with which an offensive community was urged upon people who desired it not, has led to an increase of preju dice and opposition to the colored people, in the State of Con necticut, far beyond all former precedent.* The more the dis ease is attempted to be cured, in this way, the worse it will grow. And hence the more important is it, that the practitioners in such palpable and ill-omened empiricism, should be discounte nanced. Such, sir, is the abolition process, and such the results of that process, for removing the disabilities of the people of color. On the other hand, what has colonization done, and what is it doing to remove those disabilities ? It has been objected to our So ciety, that it had its origin in prejudice, and that it strengthens and fosters that prejudice. African Colonization is predicated on the principle, that there is an utter aversion in the public mind, to an amalgamation and equalization of the two races : and « * The same result is seen in an act of a late State Convention inN. Carolina, by which it is proposed to make it unconstitutional, for men of color to enjoy the right of suffrage. 15 that any attempt to press such an equalization is not only fruit less, but injurious. It is predicated also upon the further prin ciple, that so far as existing prejudice is vincible, it is so only, as has been already stated, by slow degrees, and by elevating the victims of prejudice, from their degrading associations and con ditions. Hence this society lifts up the man of color, at once, from his connections and disabilities ; and places him beyond the influence of the shackles of prejudice, and teaches him to act and feel as a man. She teaches him self-government, she bids him rear cities, and build ships, and spread abroad his commerce, and lay deep and extended, the foundations of his social and po litical institutions, and thus give practical demonstration, to his oppressors and despisers, that he is " a man and a brother." Is this fostering prejudice ? 1 know not, sir, which astonishes me most, the charge that the Colonization Society is the organ and support of a wicked prejudice, or the claim, that the anti-slave ry society is successfully employed in breaking down that preju dice. Before I can believe either the one or the other, I must learn to invert principles and facts, and call contradictions, con sistent truths. Finally, sir, let us proceed for a few moments to compare the influence of the two societies upon the public mind, in mitiga ting the condition of the slave, and in setting him free. It has al ready been shown, that the anti-slavery society has no influence in mitigating the rigors of slavery, it desires no such influence; But such an influence the Colonization Society has. By its of ficial operations, and by its official agents this influence is indi rectly exerted. Every instance of the elevation of the man of color, has a tendency to loosen the cords of the slave. Every plea for injured Africa, and every rational sympathy excited for her exiled sons, among slave-owners, has the same tendency. And how many pleas have thus been made, and how many sym pathies have been excited by the Society's Advocates ! and that too, .not where sympathy would be comparatively unavailing, but in the very heart of slavery. The voice of a Bascom, and a Finley, and a Breckenridge and others, have been heard through the entire South, pleading for the elevation of these victims of prejudice and oppression. Nor were they heard in vain : a 16 general interest was beginning to be felt, and the work of alle viation was gradually advancing, until an ill-timed, precipitate benevolence began to urge forward its high pressure system of agitation and excitement. This has increased the severity of slave legislation; it has silenced the voice of discussion in the slave states, and has checked and retarded, perhaps for years, the progress and final consummation of slave amelioration and emancipation. Never did men take a more inapposite course to accomplish their object, and never did the results of a plan prove more un- propitious to the planners. Whose co-operation have they conciliated ? Not the coloni zationists certainly, for they cast us off, at the very onset — they have prosecuted against us, " without rest and without weari ness," a war of " unrelenting hostility," Is not this a most im politic step, and well calculated to bring the managers of this society into suspicion of incompetency to manage such an en terprise ? They have thus arrayed aga'nst themselves eight tenths of the intelligence and influence of the entire north, and they find themselves under the necessity of exhausting all their resources in maintaining an unequal contest which they have gratuitously drawn upon themselves. They now are called up on, as they think, to spend tens of thousands of dollars* annually, to support lecturers, domestic and imported, and to circulate periodicals and books, for the purpose of producing a healthy ?The abolitionists boast that between 20 and 30 thousand dollars have been re ceived the present season for their object. This is doubtless to be expended as the $9831.29 were expended last year, viz. Salaries for agents and others, .... 3,683 64 For tho Emancipator (an anti-slavery paper), i . , 2,614.75 Printing, Engraving, Books &c, .... 2,45il.25 Office expenses, ...... 587 34 9,339.98 The balance was expended in " public meetings" and " sundries" exeeptinof $109,67 in "slave suits." Most of this was expended to oppose the Colonization plan, by papers and lectures. And as the " extinction" of our Society, '-is the iirst step towards iheabdliiion ofslavery," it seems they have not yet advanced one step, in their work. And since the Colonization enterprize has blazed with brighter luster the past year, than in any p-eceding year, how much time and money must they expend, in the same ratio, before ihey take the " first step," in the abolition ofslavery > Which is best, gradual emancipation already com menced and advancing, or immediate abolition, the first step of which, is likely never to be taken ? 17 tone of public feeling in the North. And a healthy tone of pub lic feeling is to feel as they do. And to bring us into this healthy tone of feeling, they have declared war upon us, and denounced us as " apologists for slavery," and partakers with man-stealers and robbers. It is thus this society has commenced its career of benevolence ; and it is thus they prosecute the work of conci liating public opinion and co-operation in the North. And do they use a kindlier language and pursue more conci liatory measures in reference to the South ? Not at all. To wards all the slaveholders, and the slaveholding states, they are ringing all the changes of denunciation, and all the forms of ana thematizing, without mitigation, qualification, or exception. — They assume that independent of all circumstances, every slave owner is guilty of kidnapping, robbery and theft : and each of the slaves ought to be immediately set free.* And how has this course succeeded with the South ? It has raised against them the indignation and most inveterate opposition not only of those who advocate slavery from principle, but of those also who were looking, praying and laboring for the redemption of the enslaved. The christian and the infidel, the slaveholder and those who have none, the rich and the poor, are all driven, as by a common impulse, into one consolidated array of opposition against these doctrines and their advocates. Had I time and were it necessa ry I could bring up numerous and overwhelming testimonies in proof of what I assert. These, sir, are the results of abolition ism in the South. It is thus that public opinion is acted upon to eflfect indirectly the abolition of slavery. Better sir, to say it ef fects emancipation inversely. Every stroke thus aimed at slave ry, only rivets the fetters of the slave, and drives the iron deeper into his soul. But it is said the result will ultimately be favorable, and there fore they are encouraged to persevere. But on what principles do they calculate upon these favorable results ? Certainly not from what they see — certainly not from any known laws of the human mind. The truth is, there are certain principfes and * And yet Judge Jay tells us, that "many may eouscientiously, doubt wheth er immediate emancipation is safe or wise." What!' and still morally obligated to emancipate immediately ' what a moral code is this f 3 18 practices connected with this abolition enterprise, that must al ways render it unproductive of good, but abundantly fruitful in mischief. Let us notice more particularly a few of these. In the first place, the anti-slavery movements tend directly to political action and political partisanship. This has been avow ed by the leaders in this enterprise ; and it has already begun to be acted upon, in the elections. Why, sir, to go no further, we have had in our own county, a political anti-slavery meeting, called to proscribe, at the polls, a gentleman, now present, who is probably as much opposed to slavery as themselves, because he thought it not prudent at the last session of congress to vote on a question connected with slavery exactly in accordance with their views. A political anti-slavery party will doubtless soon be organized, and when once this is made a question at the polls, its moral bearings will be lost sight of. If such a politcal party should succeed, nothing short of a dissolution of the union will follow. Let no man flatter himself, that the South would not be inclined to revolt from the union, or would not dare to do it. The South, sir, dare do any thing, she is inclined to do ; and there is nothing, she would be more inclined to do, than to separate herself from the northern states, whenever they assume apoliti cal attitude in opposition to her social and political rights — rights that were guarantied to her, by the solemnities of constitutional provisions, and publicly plighted faith. Any political interfer ence of ours in that matter would to all intents and purposes, on this question, be a foreign interference, and therefore would be improper and injurious. This last remark, sir, may remind us probably of another fea ture, in the indirect operations of the anti-slavery society, and a feature too, which has rendered their operations extremely sus picious. They have asked ajid obtainedforeign aid to assist them in their process of agitation and excitement, on the question of South ern slavery. This is truly very indirect action. British lecturers act on the north to induce the north to act on the south, to influ ence the south to liberate their slaves. Perhaps, sir, it is supposed, that by the increase of the machinery, they will gain a proportion-^ ate increase of power. But there is sometimes as much lost in friction as is gained in power. This is most evidently a case of that 19 kind. A foreign interference, on this question will grate very harshly on American feeling. The reminiscences of this anniver sary teach us, that, however much we love and honor England in her place, we should be extrcmt'ly jealous ofany interference from that quarter, in matters afiecting our constitution and laws. — Nor do 1 believe that a high minded Englishman of intelligence and moral principle, having an honorable standing and an hon orable calling in his own county, would volunteer to come to America on such an errand. ^Vhat then are we to think, if such a foreign agent should not only come but should also prosecute his mission, in the most oflTensive manner, arraigning our institutions, denouncing our greatest and best men as conniving at "fraud" and '¦ outrage," supporting and urging forward mea sures, calculated to divide our churches, produce insubordina tion in our theological and literary institutions, and prostrate our political union ? Why, sir, we must suspect the soundness either of his head or his heart. And what if such a foreign agent should either procure or suflTer himself to be announced, as a Reverend Clergyman ; and under such a character, should accept of invi tations to officiate in the sacred desk as a minister of the gospel, although he neither had had the hand of Bishop or Presbyter on his head, nor held a ministerial license in his hand ? In such a case, sir, we must lose all confidence in his sense of propriety and integrity. And if to this were added communications from his own country, and 1 speak not unadvisedly, that such an agent was a bankrupt in purse and in character at home, this would be only confirmatory of suspicions naturally excited by his conduct here. Desperate fortunes and reputations require desperate means to repair them. Ifi were a foreigner and had no hon orable calling, or safe public standing at home, and wished to go abroad, under a competent salary, to get a morsel of bread, and gain a transient reputation, especially if I had some power at de clamation, to attract the attention and excite the wonder of the multitude, I know of no place more tempting than this country, aud no theme more promising for this purpose, than that of slavery. But, sir, not only does the course pursued by the abolitionists, tend to alienate the diflferent parts of our political union from 20 each other, and break up our national compact ; it also has a most direct and pernicious bearing upon the peace and integrity of our churches. Their course is prescriptive, exclusive and de nunciatory. At a late jDro